Ancient Egyptian and Ancient Near Eastern Palaces Volume I: Proceedings of the Conferernce of Palaces in Ancient Egypt, Held in London 12th - 14th ... Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant) 9783700179542, 3700179545

Table of contents :
Cover
Table of Contents
Preface
General
Buildings We Call Palaces
Introduction to Palaces in Egypt: What They Tell Us about the Ruler, Administration and Culture
Palaces of the Ancient Mind: The Textual Record versus Archaeological Evidence
Pre-Old Kingdom
Der Königspalast in der ägyptischen Frühzeit
The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis
Recent Investigations of Early Dynastic BuildingStructures at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto
The Old Kingdom
A Ceremonial Building of King Snofru at Dahshur
The Governor’s Palaces at Ayn Asil/Balat (Dakhla Oasis/Western Desert)
THE CENTRAL BUILDING UNIT IN THE CITY OF ELEPHANTINE
The Old Kingdom Royal Palace
The Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period
Palace Cemeteries of the Eastern Delta
Palace Administration in Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period Egypt
Tables 1‒4
The New Kingdom
A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer(Tell el-Dab‘a)
Palaces in so-called Nubian Temple Towns: a Reassessment
Recent Work at Malqata Palace
Deir el-Ballas
The Temple Palace
Abbreviations
Index

Citation preview

MANFRED BIETAK – SILVIA PRELL (EDS.) ANCIENT EGYPTIAN AND ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN PALACES VOLUME I

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ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN DENKSCHRIFTEN DER GESAMTAKADEMIE, BAND LXXXIII

Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant

CAENL Edited by Manfred Bietak and Barbara Horejs for the Institute for Oriental and European Archaeology

Volume 5

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MANFRED BIETAK – SILVIA PRELL (EDS.)

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN AND ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN PALACES Volume I

Proceedings of the Conference on Palaces in Ancient Egypt, held in London 12th –14th June 2013, organised by the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the University of Würzburg and the Egypt Exploration Society

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Accepted by the Publication Committee of the Division of Humanities and the Social Sciences of the Austrian Academy of Sciences: Michael Alram, Bert Fragner, Hermann Hunger, Sigrid Jalkotzy-Deger, Brigitte Mazohl, Franz Rainer, Oliver Jens Schmitt, Peter Wiesinger and Waldemar Zacharasiewicz

The project was funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF): P 25945

Open Access: Wo nicht anders festgehalten, ist diese Publikation lizenziert unter der Creative Commons Lizenz Namensnennung 4.0 Open access: Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Unported License. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

Coverbild: Reconstructed throne room of Palace F at Tell el-Dab‘a, illustration: Nicola Math

This publication has undergone the process of anonymous, international peer review.

The paper used for this publication was made from chlorine-free bleached cellulose and is aging-resistant and free of acidifying substances.

Some rights reserved. ISBN: 978-3-7001-7954-2 Copyright © 2018 by Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna Text editing: Ingrid Adenstedt Satz und Layout: Silvia Prell Printing: Ferdinand Berger & Söhne GmbH, A-3580 Horn https://epub.oeaw.ac.at/7954-2 https://verlag.oeaw.ac.at Printed and bound in the EU

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Table of Contents

_____________________________________________________________________________

Preface .................................................................................................................................. 7 Manfred Bietak and Silvia Prell

General Buildings We Call Palaces ................................................................................................................... 9 Alexander Tzonis Introduction to Palaces in Egypt: What They Tell Us about the Ruler, Administration and Culture ....................................................... .23 Manfred Bietak Palaces of the Ancient Mind: The Textual Record versus Archaeological Evidence ......................... .39 Eva Lange-Athinodorou

Pre-Old Kingdom Der Königspalast in der ägyptischen Frühzeit .................................................................................... .65 Günter Dreyer The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis ...................................................................................... .79 Renée Friedman and Richard Bussmann Recent Investigations of Early Dynastic Building Structures at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto ...................... 101 Ulrich Hartung

The Old Kingdom A Ceremonial Building of King Snofru at Dashur ............................................................................ 113 Felix Arnold The Governor’s Palaces at Ayn Asil/Balat (Dakhla Oasis/Western Desert) ..................................... 125 Clara Jeuthe The Central Building Unit in the City of Elephantine from 2300−2000 BC .................................... 141 Dietrich Raue The Old Kingdom Royal Palace (aH) ................................................................................................ 149 Miroslav Verner

The Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period Palace Cemeteries of the Eastern Delta ............................................................................................ 157 Eva Lange-Athinodorou Palace Administration in Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period Egypt ....................... 169 Stephen Quirke

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The New Kingdom A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a) ................................................................... 223 Manfred Bietak Palaces in so-called Nubian Temple Towns: A Reassessment .......................................................... 251 Julia Budka Recent Work at Malqata Palace ........................................................................................................ 275 Peter Lacovara Deir el-Ballas .................................................................................................................................... 283 Peter Lacovara The Temple Palace ............................................................................................................................ 293 Rainer Stadelmann Abbreviations .................................................................................................................................... 305 Index ................................................................................................................................................. 307

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Preface   This collection of studies on palaces in Ancient

Egypt is the result of a conference on Ancient Egyptian palaces organised by the Austrian Academy, the University of Würzburg and the Egypt Exploration Society from the 12th to the 14th of June 2013 in London for which the undersigned would like to thank Eva Lange-Athinodorou from the University of Würzburg and Christopher Naunton from the EES. The incentive for this meeting was to create a kick-off-conference for a project on Ancient Egyptian Palaces, granted to the undersigned by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF Grant P 25945-G21) to which I am most grateful. The meeting was an appraisal of what kind of information – archaeological and textual – we have in order to develop strategies to understand the architectural and functional variations and recognise schemes of building canons for palaces in Ancient Egypt. This platform was also used to deepen our knowledge and understanding of Ancient Egyptian architectural terminology and of palace administration. All the combined evidence shows that there was indeed a variability in function, in architecture and in the physical situation of palaces in Ancient Egypt. Besides a common space programme such as the succession of courtyard, portico, vestibule, throne room and the intimate part of the palace, one may observe a variability of the number of aisles or of columns present as well as in the thickness of walls. This fact points to hierarchical rules concerning the importance of the building. As the architecture is often preserved only in its foundations, it is important to learn what kind of walls were load-bearing, what the size of division walls is and which kind of walls once carried columns. All these first observations have to undergo an evaluation process before one can think of discovering a building canon.   The keynote lecture by Alexander Tzonis – a renowned specialist of architectural theory of the Delfts University – was designed to bring in a different voice about palatial architecture and its functions from Late Roman times until the enormous palace Louis XIV built in Versailles. It is followed by an introduction to Egyptian Palaces by the undersigned serving at the same time as a contextualising preface for the volume. It is pursued by an essay of Eva Lange-Athinodorou (University of

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Würzburg) who confronts textual information with archaeological evidence.   This general section is followed by articles of what we know about Predynastic and Early Dynastic palaces. Günter Dreyer (DAI Cairo) displays his thoughts on the royal palace at the dawn of Egyptian civilisation, Renée Friedman (BM London) and Richard Bussmann (UCL) on the Early Dynastic palace at Hierakonpolis, and Ulrich Hartung (DAI Cairo) on a labyrinth-like building of enormous extent which he and his predecessors have excavated in Buto, dating to the Early Dynastic Period.   The next section deals with Old Kingdom Palaces or buildings which may have a relationship to this category. Felix Arnold (DAI Cairo) presents remains of a recently discovered building preceding the pyramid temple of the Bent Pyramid of Snofru which may still refer to the buildings present in the Early Dynastic valley precincts. Clara Jeuthe (IFAO) shows the remains of the Late Old Kingdom governor’s palace at Balat in the Dakhla Oasis, Dietrich Raue (University of Leipzig) critically discusses a building which is seen as a kind of a governor’s residence of the Late Old Kingdom at Elephantine and Miroslav Verner (University of Prague) analyses the Old Kingdom Royal Palace as evidenced from the texts of the Abusir papyri.   The Middle Kingdom section deals with Palace cemeteries as preserved at Bubastis and Tell elDab‘a as shown by Eva Lange-Athinodorou. In a substantial contribution the administration of palaces of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period is presented by Stephen Quirke (UCL). More information on the Middle Kingdom Palace in Bubastis will follow by Manfred Bietak in a second volume dealing with palaces (in the meantime see Egyptian Archaeology 44, 2014, 4−7; MDAIK 70/71, 2016, 49−57.).   The final section discusses New Kingdom palaces. Julia Budka (University München) talks about palaces in Nubian towns, the big palace precinct at Malqata and the palaces of the 17th and early 18th Dynasties at Deir el-Ballas are presented by Peter Lacovara (The Ancient Egyptian Archaeology and Heritage Fund) and the Temple Palaces by Rainer Stadelmann (DAI Cairo).   More contributions on Egyptian palaces will follow in the second volume which will deal mainly

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8 with Ancient Near Eastern Palaces as outcome of a palace workshop at the 10th ICAANE, held in 2016 in Vienna with contributions on the campaign residences of the Middle Kingdom in Uronarti, the Hyksos Palaces in Tell el-Dab‘a, the Thutmosid palace at Tell el-Dab‘a and the El-‘Amarna palaces. This second volume will also discuss the difference and mutual influence of Oriental and Egyptian palaces. Hopefully, these two volumes will contribute to a better understanding of the architectural canon

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and diversity of palaces in Ancient Egypt and the difference in concept to Ancient Oriental palaces. We would like to thank all colleagues who partici­ pated with their expertise in producing this volume. For technical support we would like to thank Ernst Czerny, Ulrike Schuh and Mario Schwarz. Manfred Bietak

Silvia Prell

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Buildings We Call Palaces by Alexander Tzonis The palace is considered to be one of the most significant artefacts that humanity has conceived and constructed. Masses have worshipped it, warriors desired to capture it, archaeologists to discover, document, classify and decode it, and crowds of tourists craved and still crave to consume it.   Of course the palace captivates – like the other structure with which it shares preeminence, the temple – because it embodies supreme power, and power attracts as well as enslaves. Like the temple, the palace appears in our mind to be unique and distinctive. It stands out, it is a world within the world, set apart from the surrounding settlements and natural environment, a cut-out piece of land. In other words, it is, by definition, a ‘temenos’.   The palace appears exceptional because of the special quality of its site, its outstanding size, and its robust and daring structure suggesting superhuman powers. Characteristically, Pausanias, a Greek traveler and author of the 2nd century BCE, observing the massiveness of the walls of the palaces of Mycenae and Tiryns, was convinced that only ‘giants’ endowed with extraordinary brute force, and not humans, could have put them together.   Besides its size and might, even if it is small and fragile, the palace has also been recognized by its ‘purity’, that is a vigorous object devoid of pollution and anomaly in its broadest, anthropological meaning. ‘Purity’ in this sense is manifested in its design quality: its ‘perfect’ geometry, its rigorous space partitioning and the correspondence between its parts, its harmonious proportions, its strict topological order, its rare, brilliant colors, the radiant ‘luxury’ and elaborate workmanship of its objects, not to mention the rarity of its materials.   Yet these attributes cannot define the palace unequivocally. It remains an ‘ideal type’, ungraspable, instantiated in a great variety of buildings we call palaces, erected in different times through history and in different places around the world, instances that cannot be reduced to a single distinctive concrete building type, namely ‘Palace’.   Thus, although the imagined idea of the palace

has triggered the publication of many attractive, illustrated coffee-table books with titles such as ‘The Palace in History’, ‘The World of the Palace’ or ‘Great Palaces’, under more careful scrutiny the buildings one finds in these volumes do not share a significant number of common attributes. They just form a multitude of ill-defined overlapping groups, linked by a chain of ‘family resemblances’, to borrow Wittgenstein’s term, Familienähnlichkeit, that can be aesthetically rewarding and inspirational, and lead to exciting, wild analogies in the imagination, even inviting inventions, but that are not a good basis for making rational comparisons, generalisations, and interpretations that can bring about new well-grounded deductions.   Groundless interpretations, however, what Marc Bloch called ‘misinterpreted perceptions’, are not only scientifically unrewarding but can also lead to morally and politically infelicitous claims.1   Marc Bloch was not an archaeologist. He was a French historian with major contributions to the study of the Middle Ages who contributed most significantly to the development of a rigorous methodology for historians, art historians and archaeologists. In one of his texts Bloch gave as an example of ‘misinterpreted perceptions’ the case of the German soldiers during WW I who noticed the „narrow openings, closed by means of metal plates … pierced in most of the façades of houses in Belgium … used for holding the plasterers‘ or painters‘ scaffolding on the façade, peculiar to Belgium and unfamiliar in Germany…“. Not understanding the reason for them and seeking an explanation, while living at this point „among images of snipers…“, the German soldiers imagined them as „the mysterious eyes … of snipers“ slits that the Belgians have had installed … in anticipation of guerrilla and ambush war … thinking about the Belgians … not only as „homicidal“ but „premeditated assassins“. And so, Bloch concluded, a misinterpreted „innocent architectural detail“ can pass „for proof of a skillfully devised crime“. The result was that ________________ 1 

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Bloch 1921, 8.

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Fig. 1 Plan of the Villa Adriana (after Baedeker, Handbook for Travellers to Rome, 1909)

„the troops meted out swift justice to the houses and and a cornucopia of artefacts, copies or imitations those living in them“. of precedents.   Bloch’s account does not refer to palaces. But it   A central feature of the scheme was the Alexoffers a striking example that illustrates the serious andrian Serapeum-Canopus, a pool, constructed interpretation errors that can be made when moving around AD 123, probably representing a branch from one cultural framework to another. It can be of the Nile dedicated to the Greco-Egyptian god easily generalised when one moves in time and for Serapis ending in a domed structure. Named Seraany kind of building such as those we call palaces, peum, it contained objects whose design was ‘borthe buildings that concern us here and on which we rowed’ (today, some would call it ‘cannibalised’), impose attributes that are alien to them. well-known Greek statues including, Athena, Aris,   Even if the same artefact is found in two differHermes, two Amazons and two Caryatids from the ent places or in two different times, this does not Erechtheum, and a colonnade with Corinthian colimply that it has the same meaning and that it can umns that encircled the pool. be called by the same name. This has been the case   The overall scheme of the Villa was a complex from earlier times in architecture and especially in of structures assembled in what is called today a buildings called palaces, where from early times, as ‘collage’, a seemingly fragmentary anarchic layout, in the cases Manfred Bietak has shown, precedents – so adorable to contemporary crowds of visitors of spatial or shape patterns were often ‘recruited’ as and scholars – without any apparent effort to apmodels and transported through widespread ‘overply an overall coherent pattern to unify them into a seas’ networks.2 ‘composition’.3     Hadrian’s idea was not received without crit  An intriguing example of such a ‘recruitment’ icism. One of the most severe denunciations was of artefacts is the case of Emperor Hadrian‘s (AD made by the engineer Apollodorus of Damascus for 76–138) Villa Adriana in Tibur (Fig. 1), which iswhich he paid with his head.4   It is not clear, however, whether Hadrian’s planmuch later than the Mediterranean examples Bietak studied. Constructed around the second and third ning was criticised for its spatial disorder or for the decades of the 2nd century, it contained a number of indiscriminate mixing of non-authentic copies with staterooms, libraries, a theatre, thermae, residential ‘authentic originals’. The major question that refacilities for courtiers, praetorians, slaves, (which mains unanswered is: what was Hadrian’s intention could be found in most buildings called palaces) behind the gathering and placing of these artefacts? ________________

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2

3   4  

 

Cf. Bietak in this volume.

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Taliaferro Boatwright 1987. Dio Cassius lxix.4.

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Buildings We Call Palaces

What was their meaning at the time of Hadrian and how did this meaning relate to their original one when they were created?   It is impossible to claim that they were brought in as solutions to a technical problem. But then, why was a residence of a Roman Emperor, combined with an ‘administration facility’ and a kind of what we call today ‘political-cultural centre’, also a depository of world renowned originals and replicas of masterpieces? Was this collection of artefacts of distant origin a personal nostalgic memento of Hadrian’s to remind him of his extensive travels? Was its purpose to entertain his colleagues and elite administrators, reminding them of their host’s legendary trips that crisscrossed his realm, indirectly implying the vastness of the global empire they were part of? Or, given the fact that the ‘palace’ was regularly used for diplomatic banquets, was its status as a ‘treasure house of precedents’ meant to intimidate foreign dignitaries – although most of the artefacts were only imitations of the originals?   Diametrically opposed to what seems to be an eclectic irregularity of the spatial arrangement of the Villa Adriana in Tibur is the severe, ‘gridiron-like’ shape of the palace built by the Roman emperor Diocletian for his retirement in 305 in Spalato, known as Split today (Fig. 2). Many will not call the Spalato structure a ‘palace’, since it was explicitly intended to be used after Diocletian’s retirement as an emperor. Yet, the structure contained several ‘imperial’ functions, despite the abdication of Diocletian and his devotion to gardening.   In contrast to Hadrian’s inscrutable jammed multifunctional structure in Tivoli, Spalato is ‘minimalistic’. Its main ‘precedent recruitment’, its plan arrangement, was probably ‘borrowed’ from the plan of Roman military camps, giving the project the looks of a fortress rather than of an imperial retirement villa.   What was the complex for and why was this form used for its plan? From the evidence we have, it seems that the emperor, the retired soldier Diocletian, saw his role closer to a god-emperor than Hadrian did. Perhaps, (a risky speculation) because at this stage, Diocletian considered the Omnia in toto orbe Animalia of the Empire more important than its military defense and despite its configuration, he saw the structure being more a palatium sacrum than a castrum, strengthening the tendency of the times to give the empire a theocratic character.5

Fig. 2 Plan of the Palace of Diocletian (after Hébrard and Zeiller, Spalato, le Palais de Dioclétien, 1912)

  Nevertheless, as it is well known, none of these measures could detain the geopolitical military and political decomposition (mostly from within) of the Roman Empire taking place at the same time as the physical disintegration of the fortress-palacetemple of Diocletian was transformed into a ruin. Abandoned and deprived of any institutional status, the splendid fortress-palace-temple was doomed to downfall and oblivion until local squatters gave it a new life, slowly taking over its discarded carcass, reinterpreting it into a supporting skeleton for their poor shacks and primitive makeshift shelters.   The structure remained in this state until the second part of the 18th century when it once more assumed a new life, this time rediscovered as a ‘monument’, attracting the attention of architects and ‘nascent’ archaeologists and becoming popular through Robert Adam, a British architect, who surveyed the derelict palace in detail and published the drawings.6   Since then, the capability of the spatial organisation of the Diocletian Palace to allow for new functions and to be re-used as a ‘residential accommodation’ for displaced ordinary people turned the old palace into a legendary model for architects and urbanists interested in the design problem of long term sustainability of ‘flexible’ structures.   In the same way, the awe-inspiring imperial castrum of Spalato was reinterpreted by squatters _________________

5 6

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L’Orange 1971. Adam 1764.

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to serve a new need by providing collective shelter, the empire itself was redefined, devolved, and ‘re-regionalised’ by adapting to new geopolitical and social realities.   In place of the legal, economic and architectural universal Roman order, a new order of globalisation began to emerge, driven by a new institution, the church. Its new kind of universality was enhanced through the erection of organised religious-community facilities. To us, the structures may seem detached from each other in appearance, but during medieval times they were acknowledged as faithful copies of the same model, the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.   As in Hadrian’s palace, in contrast to our time, copying (imitatio) the proper model was considered aesthetically laudable (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Περὶ μιμήσεως).7 Moreover, in the Middle Ages, it was seen as an expression of goodness and piety.   The prominent medievalist Richard Krautheimer studied a very interesting case of such medieval buildings that were erected as ‘copies’, saintly faithful ‘imitations’ of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, which today, he remarked, are perceived as radically dissimilar objects. He compared four edifices whose design was claimed in their time to have a common ‘original’ model: the Anastasis Rotunda in Jerusalem. However, he commented, it is “hard for a modern beholder to see anything comparable in them”. This, he added, reveals a striking “indifference of medieval men towards precision in imitation”, an aspect so important for people of our time. As Krautheimer revealed, the medieval documents that refer to these examples give the impression that their authors could not even distinguish polygonal from circular shapes, a sense of ‘tertia comparationis’, “utterly at variance with that we are accustomed”.  The Krautheimer research was surprising. It showed the difficulties and paradoxes that emerge when one does not refer to their context and how an ‘ahistorical’ point of view can easily lead to extremely deceptive deductions, even when the answer to a question appears to be obvious.8   Contemporary de-constructivists and relativists would have concluded that Krautheimer’s study proves that there are multiple realities. A square is a square and many other things, and that there is no one ‘true’ representation of an existing structure but many, all invented, all equally valid, leading to the

conclusion that in research everything goes and that one can eliminate institutions devoted to the rational investigation of the past.  However, Krautheimer took another path at variance with such an easy but rather shallow conclusion. He searched for a ‘bridgehead’ that brought together the medieval criteria of comparability, between ‘copy and original’, similar and dissimilar, and the contemporary ones. Accordingly, he argued, cultures share the same principles to represent the form of buildings, but differ in the features they choose, the spatial conventions, for imitating a building-model. What makes a culture in a given place and time choose certain design features to imitate a prototype is not arbitrary. It depends on the overall system of beliefs and values of a society and its commitment to a certain way of life.

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  Dionysius of Halicarnassus 1985.   Krautheimer 1942.

  More forceful movements aimed at reestablishing a global universal order to succeed the almost anarchic regional decentralisation of the Roman post-empire era. The regional currency usage (if any), regional tribal law, and ways of construction, were initiated by ambitious, secular regional leaders. One of them, a ruler of the North, was Charlemagne.   On Christmas Day 800, Charlemagne, was crowned ‘Emperor of the Romans’ by Pope Leo III in Rome. Accordingly, he was elevated from the status of a physical person, who might have been dethroned or assassinated, into a mystical royal person, ‘aeterni regis’ by grace to use (Ernst Kantorowicz’s expression).   Charlemagne’s strategy was to replace a world that the French art historian Henri Focillon characterised as made out of “only formless and inept things”, buildings with ‘rude’ interiors and devoid of any regularity, with a new, global world order which was institutional, political and architectural.9 Yet, many of the regional tribes that made up the Roman Empire had welcomed the decomposition of the global ‘order’ and found no reason to collaborate in the resurrection of Rome’s universal rule, even if this meant the return of Pax Romana, the reintroduction of universal currency and law, the rediscovery of literacy, art and the rules of Vitruvian architecture.   To overcome this resistance and implement his plan Charlemagne had to persuade his subjects that his ‘renovatio’, the idea to ‘restore’ Roman order ________________   Focillion 1969.

8

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Fig. 3 Recontruction of the palais of Charlemagne in Aachen (drawing by Marie Desmares, Collège Cousteau)

under his aegis, guaranteed the genuine continuation of the positive aspects of the original Roman Empire combined with elements from the new institution of the Christian Church. For his strategy of ‘renovatio’ he saw the construction of a new physical structure as essential, a palace in ‘imitation’ of the precedent early Roman-Christian imperial structures. The idea appears to be that the analogy between buildings would suggest the analogy between Charlemagne and Constantine, the first Roman Emperor who became Christian.   The idea of building a palace came up around the 780s to early 790s, before Charlemagne became emperor. The construction started in 794 in Aachen. The architect of the palace was Odo von Metz about whom little is known (Eginhard c. 829–836).   Perhaps this explains why in his design Odo von Metz integrated the palace project within the pattern of the preexisting Roman roads of Aachen, and thus preserving their layout. Imitating the late Roman Empire, the Charlemagne palace contained what we would call today the key administrative, residential, and religious functions related to the workings of the empire (Fig. 3). The palace also accommodated the activities of a school and a court institution, where philosophical and theological discussions took place. The discussions were useful for the formation of a theoretical-ideological

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framework needed for the operations of the new government but they also added to the construction of the identity of Charlemagne as a decedent of the Roman Emperors, who enjoyed gatherings, listening to poetry as well as eating, (Charlemagne modest) hunting, and swimming, all accomodated in the palatial complex together with a menagerie hosting the elephant Abul-Abbas, a gift from the Baghdad Caliph Harûn al-Rashîd, brought to Aachen by Isaac Iudeus. In addition, the palace housed Charlemagne’s collection of relics that were found dispersed all over his empire. Collecting relics was a common practice in antiquity. Ancient Greek authors including Pausanias and Plutarch, mentioned the political significance of a city obtaining the bones of a mythological hero and reburying them with awe and veneration. The relics of Theseus kept in Athens were especially revered for their exceptional size (the locations where they were kept becoming a place of pilgrimage). However, it was not the physical characteristics of the bones that raised the adoration, latria, of the people. It was the aura of their authenticity that exercised a powerful emotional mystical attraction as opposed to owning copies of renowned artefacts, as was the case of the collections in Hadrian’s villa we discussed above.The fact that Charlemagne was a collector and ‘curator’ of genuine holy Christian remains

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Fig. 4 The Escorial (arial photo 1984)

was one more demonstration of strengthening the king’s imagined power, his appearance, as an Emperor of a new-old Christian-Roman empire. The palace was open to people of all sorts, aristocrats and soldiers, rich as well as poor, who by coming in contact with the Aachen building became part of the king’s power. As designed by Odo, the complex cannibalised Roman Byzantine architectural elements from precedent imperial structures that were skilfully embodied into the new scheme: thus, the Constantine Basilica (aula palatine) at Trier served as the model for Aachen‘s Council Hall at the north of the palace complex. Among the numerous examples of such precedents are the plan of the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, built by Justinian I in the 6th century, the Church of the Saints Sergius Bacchus, and Constantinople‘s Chrysotriklinos, the throne room in the Great Palace of Constantinople. The architectural spaces were not for display only, as documented by Eginhard in his description of the interior of the palace (Eginhard c. 829 − 836).   Charlemagne delivered speeches and received foreign embassies, circulated and acted within the palace complex, emulating through his ritualistic stances and movements the Byzantine Emperor in Constantinople (the other contester for the inheritance of the Roman Empire), as if he was the second Constantine and Aachen ‘the Second Rome’. In contrast to the accessibility and centrality of Char-

lemagne’s palace, almost in the heart of Aachen, Philip II’s palace of San Lorenzo de El Escorial at the foot of Mt. Abantos (Fig. 4), was remote and enclosed. The location was chosen to commemorate the Spanish victory of 1557 at the Battle of St Quentin in Picardy against Henry II. The cornerstone was laid on April 23, 1563 and the building was completed in 1584. The original architect, Juan Batista de Toledo, was appointed in 1559. He was succeeded by Juan de Herrera, author of Discurso Sobre la Figura Cúbica, a most important treatise on theology and the meaning of geometry.10  The Escorial architectural programme contained an unprecedented variety of functions, a monument to the Spanish victory over France, a monastery, a convent, a pantheon, a mausoleum, a basilica, a hospital, a school of theology, a library, a place for retirement, and the Sala de las Batallas, glorifying the Spanish victories. There were also facilities to support the personnel who serviced all the above. However, Philip’s palace that came to be known as ‘the eighth wonder of the world’, appears to have been conceived primarily as a spectacular stage machine for dying (an ars moriendi?) rather than a vehicle to support living functions.   The idea of building a mausoleum was conceived by Philip’s father, the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, who prudently organised his own funeral while he was still alive and not before he had in________________

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  Herrera 1559.

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structed his son to construct a last resting place for the Habsburg dynasty which Philip properly included as a centrepiece in the Escorial palace complex. Since then, during five centuries, El Escorial has been the burial site for most of the Spanish kings, Bourbons and Habsburgs, representing the ritual and power continuity within the royal family.   Philip requested from his architect Toledo that the building should be desornamentado: “simplicity in the construction, severity in the whole, nobility without arrogance, majesty without ostentation”. However, the scheme owes to him not only its overall character but also the most critical choice of the quadratic inner court pattern.11   Like palaces in the past, the fortress-camp-like squarish spatial scheme of El Escorial was probably a copy. But what was the model and why? Without doubt, the scheme resembles the Spalato palace which as we saw in turn resembles Roman camps. Specialists such as George Kubler have been sympathetic with this idea.12 However, as we have already stressed before, such the fact that resemblances exist, like one finds very often in homologies between species in biology, does not mean that they originate from a common ancestor. Thus, despite the resemblance, for the Escorial model there is little evidence thus far that at that time there was enough documentation of the Spalato plan available for architects to construct its imitation.   There have been also other suggestions for possible models of the plan of the palace, mainly large scale non-palace schemes with interior courtyards, such as the Ospedale degli Innocenti from 1419 and the Annuciata hospital founded by the Duke of Milan Francesco Sforza in 1456, designed by Filarete and built by the engineer Guinforte Solari, who was responsible for another scheme that contained a courtyard, the monastery of Certosa di Pavia. However, there is rather slim meaningful substantiation of these claims apart from spatial resemblances. On the other hand, there has been strong evidence for another model beyond spatial semblance, namely the Temple of Solomon. There are several facts in support of this idea: for one, two statues at the entrance of the basilica embodied in the palace, David and Solomon, probably suggesting an analogy between Charles V., the warrior, Philip’s father, and King David as well as between Philip II, legislator and builder of the monumental Escorial and Solomon the builder of the prodigious temple.

  The idea that the Solomonic Temple (Fig. 5) was the model for the Escorial palace is strongly supported by the fact that during the time the palace was built, a Spanish Jesuit, Juan Bautista Villalpando (1552–1608), student of the architect of the Escorial Palace, Juan Herrera, known to be an expert on the subject of the Solomon Temple, was writing a book, Ezechielem Explanationes, together with Jerónimo del Prado on the Temple. The book was published (1596−1604) with the support of Philip II and contained many figures ‘reconstructing’ Solomon’s temple in Jerusalem, according to the standards of reconstruction of late 16th century. The book also contained extensive commentary on the prophet Ezekiel. Villalpando’s reconstruction has a striking resemblance to Herrera’s scheme of Philip’s palace, more than any other proposed precedent.13   Like Herrera, Villalpando was a polymath having studied architecture, as well as architectural theory, mathematics, and philosophy. However, for the reconstruction of the temple he used limited sources. Apart from the Bible, Villalpando did not examine any Jewish sources. More specifically, he disregarded the Talmud and the writings of Josephus and Maimonides’ Mishnach Middot that contained very important detailed information about the Temple.   In addition, there are rather well documented facts concerning Philip’s death at the Escorial sup-

11

13

_________________   Eire 2002.   Kubler 1982.

Fig. 5  Plan of the Solomonic Temple (after Juan Batista Villalpando, ‘In Ezechielem explanationes’, 1604)

________________   Kubler 1982.

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porting the hypothesis that the scheme of the palace was an ‘imitation’ of the Temple in Jerusalem just as the long death of Philip was an ‘imitation’, a mystical union, with Christ.   Philip lay tortured in bed, dying for 53 days, surrounded by priests and assistants who carried out symbolic acts according to what Kantorowicz called ‘political theology’ following a scenario confirming Philip II’s theological-political identity. Philip II was not on public display, but the act of dying was a public, almost ceremonious event, a monumental ritual without precedent. Not far from where he was lying was his collection of 7000 relics which, like Charlemagne, Philip had assembled from all over Spain and Europe, the largest collection of the world at that time.14   Going through the enormous documentation that survived about Philip II’s last days in El Escorial, it becomes clear that the predominant idea of the design was to declare that he, the person that was undergoing a long torturous death and not the monarch who remained eternal in his palace in the monarchy’s mausoleum, lived on.15   The slow death in El Escorial of Philip II was recorded by Cervera de la Torre in a book with the title A True and Authentic Testimony. De la Torre was officially asked to carry out the documentation. He interviewed twelve people who witnessed the scene. Anyone who refused to co-operate giving testimony was threatened with excommunication.16   Given the continuing importance of Solomon’s Temple as a model for the design of palaces (and other important artefacts), the debate about its ‘true’ form persisted, not only in Philip’s Spain. In England, as late as the 18th century, even Isaac Newton became interested in it (in part intrigued by Villalpando‘s publication).   Interestingly, in his book Villalpando went one step beyond the production of an architectural reconstruction. He tried to create a theory reconciling Vitruvius writings with the Bible, attributing the origins of the types of classical architecture and their rules to G’d (in fact this is what intrigued Newton).   A similar debate about the Temple also flourished in France, but the conclusions were different. In 1678, about a century after El Escorial was completed, Charles Perrault, who like Newton was a scientist and a medical doctor, published his findings about the design of the Temple contradicting

Villalpando’s claims. In contrast to Villalpando, Perrault, as a doctor, made every effort to recruit grounded evidence for the reconstruction and thus turned to Jewish sources which he obtained from the publication of 1678 by the apostate Jew Ludovicus de Compiegne de Veil, De Cultu Divino ex Mosis Majemonidae.17   Perrault was part of a tight circle of advisors to Louis XIV that had been assembled by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, a young shrewd bureaucrat whose ancestors were merchants in Rheims with very few ties to the aristocracy. Perrault’s brother Charles, a poet, was also part of this circle. Colbert’s choice, one of the first appointments by Louis XIV, resulted from Louis’ aversion towards the nobility who, during the revolt of the Fronde, when Louis was a young man, obliged him to abandon Paris to save his life. In October 1652 he re-entered Paris victoriously, but as he wrote in his autobiography, ever since the traumatic, chaotic events left their mark on him and affected his political views and his policies, making the control of the mistrustful rebellious aristocrats one of his top priorities.   Louis XIV entrusted Colbert with a double post: that of Intendant of Finance, a position directly linked with providing economic power for the king and Superintendent of Buildings, i.e., responsible for the Royal buildings and for the royal construction programme, a post also linked with the economic operations of Louis XIV.   The appointment of Colbert was part of Louis XIV’s effort to find allies against his nobility, who were his competitors and enemies. For support, he turned to the class of the ‘vile’ bourgeois of humble birth to forge the alliance and strengthen his position. The high nobility were excluded from this group.   To support the king, Colbert used his dual capacity to promote the idea of building the king’s palace in Paris (or rather reconstructing and extending the existing structure of the Louvre), expecting Louis to become a true resident of Paris and forging an alliance between him and the energetic, wealthy Parisian bourgeoisie, made up of financiers, technicians, and merchants. In addition he saw the project of the Louvre as an opportunity to demonstrate the capacity of France to produce high quality artefacts. The initial choice as an architect for this project was Gianlorenzo Bernini, an Italian, who was serving the pope at that time, considered the top patron of

________________

________________

14

16

15

17

  Eire 2002.   Kantorowicz 1957.

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  Eire 2002; Cervera de la Torre 1599.   Wischnitzer 1974; Herrmann 1967; Fine 2011.

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the arts. Bernini was alleged to be the best architect and artist of his time, his designs believed to be divinely inspired, infallible and beyond criticism, an impression Bernini made every effort to cultivate by employing his charismatic personality, working in public several times, performing more like a theatrical actor rather than a studious artist.18  However, Colbert was not impressed by these qualifications. There were two reasons for that. In part, Colbert thought about the palace as a bourgeois about his shop. He demanded evidence-based efficiency. For example, he complained to Bernini that his entrance to the Louvre was too narrow for the carriages that passed every day and asked him to go to the gate early in the morning to check the traffic, a surprising if not humiliating thing to ask a demi-god-artist to do. Never before, efficiency, productivity, and market-related criteria appeared so clearly in the discussions about the architecture of palaces. Clearly, Louis Dumont’s idea that Homo Hierarchicus, who governed the institution of royalty, was driven by principles of purity and closed group solidarity, as opposed to efficiency, and market criteria did not play an important role anymore.19   Most importantly, Colbert looked into the political significance of Bernini’s appointment and the question of the invitation of a non-French architect. He saw in this invitation the endorsement of the old idea that France dependend on Rome as a cultural centre, being the keeper of the universal rules of art and architecture. As a result, France could not claim that it was the global physical and spiritual leader of the world with many negative political and also economic consequences, being obliged to import rather than export design products and works of art. Colbert wanted to find out what the rational reasons were that prohibited France to become the custodian and arbitrator of those rules. Colbert believed that these issues pertained not only to architecture, but to all fields of knowledge and especially those related to design and production, the palace being perhaps the most evident.   To this end, he persuaded the king to establish a number of royal academies: the Academy of Sciences (1666), a small group of scholars who first met on the 22nd of December 1666 in the king‘s library, and thereafter held twice-weekly working meetings there. The functions of the academies were relatively informal, with no statutes having

been laid down for the institution. The Academy of Sciences was expected to remain apolitical, and to avoid discussion on religious and social issues. On the 20th of January 1699, Louis XIV gave the company its first rules. The Academy received the name of Royal Academy of Sciences and was installed in the Louvre, validating Colbert’s plan for the Louvre, who saw it as a creative workshop rather than a symbolic place for administration. Colbert also created the Académie de Musique (1672) and the Académie française (1672). Colbert himself founded the Académie d’Architecture in 1671, consisting of ten members to be meeting in the palace.   Through these academies, Colbert wanted to break the intellectual dependence of France on Rome as well as the dependence of French thinking on received ‘ancient’ dogmas and canons, such as those of Vitruvius. Thus, having set up the Royal Academy of Architecture, he instructed its members to investigate if there were rules in architecture and if they existed, to what degree they were universal, and all that on the basis of modern science, i.e. empirical evidence.   Allied with him in this project was Charles Perrault, who, as we mentioned, tried to reconstruct Solomon’s Temple based as much as possible on evidence rather than on myth and dogma. Officially, Perrault was a member of the Academy of Sciences, but he had an excellent knowledge of construction and he was an expert on Vitruvius, whose book he had translated from Latin.20   Based on evidence, Perrault had just developed a new theory, disproving the old doctrines about the existence of universal norms in architecture, as for example exposed by Villalpando. He argued that architectural rules were not invariant, like the sacred dogmas or the ‘positive’ laws of nature. They were like the rules that governed the manners in the court: ‘arbitrary’ conventions instituted by the centre of power, the royal authority. The implication of this modern theory was that the French did not have to be dependent on Rome or to Vitruvius anymore. They were free to invent and employ their own new norms of design as they have been inventing and employing the manners of the court. In this way, Perrault equated the manners of the court with the rules applied in the arts, and he invited the king to make his own norms and to develop his ‘arbitrary’ ways as long as they did not conflict with the ‘positive’ rules of nature. In fact Louis XIV was already

18

20

________________

  Fréart de Cantelou 2001.   Dumont 1966.

________________   Perrault 1673.

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Fig. 6 Lifting of the Louvre pediment stones 1674 (LeClerc and Berger 1993, fig. 86)

obsessively busy with this idea, controlling and reinventing his social and cultural environment without recourse to any higher authority.   Perrault failed to convince the members of the Academy of Architecture to adopt these ideas, even if the academicians never developed strong reasons to defend their position. But Perrault was not left isolated thanks to the support and machinations of Colbert and his allies, who succeeded in humiliating Bernini, convincing him to quit his Louvre commission and dispatching him back to Rome. Consequently, Perrault was hired as the architect of the extension of the Louvre. No wonder, as it is well known that his design for the façade of the palace was very original and not an imitation of any precedent palace (Fig. 6).   On another level, Colbert also failed to persuade Louis XIV to make the Louvre his permanent base and home. Louis had another plan, which gradually became his major preoccupation: to build his own garden-château, the most perfect in the world, about 17 kilometres outside Paris at Versailles, where Louis’ father had kept a hunting lodge. It was clear that by abandoning the Louvre Louis XIV saw the world through a different framework than that of Colbert, a framework within which the bourgeoisie did not play such an important role. He staretd developing a personal method to control his adversary nobility. It is said that Louis was still traumatised by

the ‘chaos’ and danger of the old Fronde and he was afraid of a new one. As a result, he wanted to stay away from Paris for his protection. Louis was quite knowledgeable about military matters. He believed that in the event of a major insurrection, the Louvre could not provide serious security and it appears he was correct. However, there was another reason. He wanted to construct a super-garden-château to co-opt, control, and coerce the centrifugal forces of the nobility by containing them psychologically by turning his super-chateau into a kind of a super-prison for them. From Colbert’s point of view, the move to the isolating ‘suburbs’, away from the teeming centre of economic power, was a mistake. It was clear that the king was not only abandoning the Louvre and the idea of a new kind of building that combined many of the functions and meanings of the old palace with new, ‘modern’ ones, but also disposing of Paris as his base. In doing so, he was taking a political path altogether at variance with what appeared to be his and Colbert’s initial idea of forming an alliance with the Parisians and the middle classes. Within the new political economic framework, the bourgeoisie did not play such an important role. Louis XIV resided at the Louvre until his departure for Versailles. By 1678 Colbert’s experiment was over. The construction site of the Louvre was closed down. The court moved to Versailles in May 1682. ________________ 21

  Tiberghien 2000.   Maral 2013.

22

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Fig. 7 View of the Versailles Palace from the Garden (engraving Nicolas (?) Perelle, 1680)

  Versailles was not the pioneering modern workshop production of goods and services as Colbert envisioned a palace of a new era to be. Yet, it was an unprecedented kind of building redefining the old palace.21 It was a capital, a cultural centre, but especially a gigantic theatre that included not only the building proper but also the magnificent gardens of Le Notre – a complex of performance stages rather than ‘gardens’ (Fig. 7) – and the unique hall of mirrors, in fact the whole Versailles was a hall of mirrors where, like his courtiers, Louis XIV was both audience and actor.22   In his poem Le Siècle de Louis le Grand from 1687, Charles Perrault characterised the palace of Versailles: Ce n’est, pas un palais, c’est une ville entière, Superbe en sa grandeur, superbe en sa matière; Non, c’est plutôt un monde, où du grand univers Se trouvent rassemblés les miracles divers.

intent to cure them, while, as the ritual was taking place, it was uttered Le Roy te touche et Dieu te guerit. “Three thousand sick, … marshalled for his arrival in the ground floor galleries or loggias of the two great wings” of the palace, “the anointed monarch” – who had been assuming on and off mythological entertaining roles in theatrical performances or posed semi-nude as Apollon among other roles – acted as a sort of conductor for “God’s purifying healing power” to cure people who suffered mostly from scrofula.23   Clearly, Louis XIV believed in the power of his palace as theatre and as a make-believe machine to legitimise his power. But did he additionally believe that it was also a true healing magic machine? But what about Hadrian, Diocletian, Charlemagne or Philip? Were these built structures, that we call palaces today, illusion and persuasion instruments or did this use emerge at a later time?

­  Interestingly, among these diverse ‘miracles’, next to the very real construction and landscape feats as well as the illusory but still very real theatrical feasts, charismatic Louis continued in set times the archaic thaumaturgic practice of an even greater phantasy: ‘touching’ his diseased subjects with the

  The question therefore is, to paraphrase Paul Veyen:24 did the kings and their architects believe in what they said? Doesn’t this interpretation process lead to an endless regression?   These questions make the problem of researching buildings of the past and in particular the buildings we call palaces, even more difficult.

23

24

________________

  Spawforth 2008.

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________________   Veyen 1983.

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  A friend asked, after discussing this text, ‘and what is the use of this chain of historical recollections besides making us more afraid to call a palace a palace without an exhaustive detective ‘utopian’ inquiry into the total records of the past? Can something ‘positive’ come about, even if not founded positively? Perhaps, he added, he ‘would like to try and create an association between Ancient Egypt and the very last case of palaces discussed here: is it possible that the idea of Louis XIV to house the nobility within his ‘house’ to control them, was already conceived in the Old Kingdom? Isn’t, then, the case of Versailles the key to interpret why the major royal palace of the Old Kingdom was situated near the pyramid of the king during his lifetime, as Rainer Stadelmann observed,25 and why the necropolis of the princes and the noble elite were clustered around the pyramid, especially in the time of Khufu (c. 2593−2570 BCE after K.A. Kitchen 2000) in Giza (Fig. 8), perpetuating in eternity their dependence on the royal palace?’ And my friend concluded, couldn’t the same interpretation be applied one day, when the site is sufficiently explored, to the enormous royal palace precinct of Amenhotep III (c. 1386−1348 BCE26) at Malqata?   Analogy is the mother of explanation and discovery, I said, but it is only a beginning. It is plausible that the palace of Versailles was the paradigm of the royal building complex of the Old Kingdom. Yet, it remains only plausible unless followed by mistrust and doubt that will spark rigorous investigations, even if these investigations show in the end that the building complex of the Old Kingdom was conceived according to principles that resembled those of Versailles superficially, principles that are very hard to describe using contemporary categories.

Analogical thinking left unchecked can make everything appear to be linked with everything else and claim to explain everything – which means to explain nothing.

Fig. 8 P  yramid complex of Khufu at Giza, with clusters of private tombs (after Junker, Giza XII, 1955)

_________________ 25

  Stadelmann 1981, 77; Stadelmann 1983.  After Schneider 2010, 402.

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Bibliography Adam, R. 1764  Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalatro in Dalmatia, drawings by Charless-Louis Clérisseau, London. Anderson, G.A. 2011  The Inauguration of the Tabernacle Service at Sinai, in: S. Fine (ed.), The Temple of Jerusalem: From Moses to the Messiah. In Honor of Professor Louis H. Feldman, The Brill Reference Library of Judaism 29, The Hague. Bloch, M. 1921 ‘Réflexions d’un historien sur les fausses nouvelles de la guerre’, Revue de synthèse historique 33, 13– 35. Cervera de la Torre 1599  Testimonio autentico y verdadero de las cosas notables que passaron en la la dichosa muerte del Rey nuestro señor Don Phelipe Segundo, Valencia. Dionysius of Halicarnassus 1985  Critical Essays, Volume II. On Literary Composition. Dinarchus. Letters to Ammaeus and Pompeius, translated by St. Usher, Loeb Classical Library 466, Cambridge. Dumont, L. 1966 Homo Hierarchicus, Paris. Eginhard 1985  Vita Karoli Magni. The Life of Charlemagne. The Latin Text with a New English Translation, Introduction and Notes by Evelyn Scherabon Firchow and Edwin H. Zeydel, E.S. Firchow and E.H. Zeydel (eds.), Bibliotheca Germanica 3, Dudweiler. Eire, C.M.N. 2002  From Madrid to Purgatory: The Art and Craft of Dying in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Cambridge. Fine, S.E. (ed.) 2011 The Temple of Jerusalem: From Moses to the Messiah. In Honor of Professor Louis H. Feldman, The Brill Reference Library of Judaism 29, The Hague. Focillon, H. 1969 The Year One Thousand, New York. Fréart de Cantelou 2001  Stanic, M., Journal de voyage du cavalier Bernin en France, Paris. Herrera, J. de 1559  Discurso Sobre la Figura Cúbica, J. Ray Pastor (ed.), Madrid 1935. Herrmann, W. 1967  Unknown Designs for the Temple of Solomon by Claude Perrault, in: D. Fraser (ed.) Essays in the History of Architecture presented to Rudolf Wittkower, London. 143–158.

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Kantorowicz, E. 1957  The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medival Political Theology, Princeton. Kitchen, K.A. 2000  The Historical Chronology of Ancient Egypt, A Current Assessment, 39–52, in M. Bietak (ed.), The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millenium B.C. Vol. I, CChEM 1, Vienna. Krautheimer, R. 1942  Introduction to an Iconography of Medieval Architecture, Journal of the Courtald and Warburg Institutes 5, London. Kubler, G. 1982 Building the Escorial, Princeton. L‘Orange, H.P. 1971  Art Forms and Civic Life in the Late Roman Empire, Princeton. Mâle, É. 1927 Le clef des allégories peintes et sculptées de Versailles, Revue de l’Histoire de Versailles 1927, 73– 82. Maral, A. 2013 Le roi, la cour et Versailles, Paris. Pausanias 1918  Description of Greece, (2.16.5 and 2.25.8), The Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge. Perrault, C. 1673  Vitruvius, De Architectura (French translation), Paris. Schneider, Th. 2010 Contributions to the Chronology of the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period, Ä&L XX, 373–403. Spawforth, T. 2008 Versailles: A Biography of a Palace, New York. Stadelmann, R. 1981 La ville de pyramide à l’Ancien Empire, RdÉ 33, 67–77. 1983 s.v. Pyramidenstädte, LÄ V, Wiesbaden, col. 9–14. Taliaferro Boatwright, M. 1987 Hadrian and the City of Rome, Princeton. Tiberghien, F. 2000 Versailles, le Chantier de Louis XIV, Paris. Veyen, P. 1983  Les Grecs ont-ils cru á leurs mythes?, Paris. Wischnitzer, R. 1974 Maimonidesy’ Drawings of the Temple, Journal of Jewish Art 1, 16–27.

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Introduction to Palaces in Egypt: What They Tell Us about the Ruler, Administration and Culture by Manfred Bietak I. Introduction to and vision for a palace project Within this introduction, the concept of “palace” is used broadly for the abode or residence of the king, because in Ancient Egypt with its strict hierarchy only the house of the ruler merits the expression “palace”. This can be concluded especially from Tell el-‘Amarna, where very spacious houses, even of a vizier, follow the plans of domestic architecture and are pre-eminently different from the royal palaces.   In the appraisal of Egyptian kingship palace architecture has only rarely been considered in its multifunctional aspects;1 instead, the focus of research has lain on the interpretation of the palatial architecture as a symbol of the divinity of the king and on its parallels to temples.2 This makes for a substantial gap in research, for the palace was not just the house of the king, but combined several important functions, all integral to the effective government and administration of the country as well as to the consistent embodiment of royal ideology.   To start with traditional approaches, the Egyptian palace has to be considered in its ritual function. The king served as the supreme intermediary between heaven and earth.3 He laid the claim to being the descendent of god. His dais and throne parallel the Holy of the Holies in temples with the shrine and cult statues of gods. The public appearance of the king was staged like an epiphany.4 As a result, pharaoh (pr-‘3) is identified with the palace itself. The size of a palace, sequence of courts, throne room, wall pictures in paintings or inlaid tile art and statuary of stone or faience, all of these had the psychological function of inspiring fear, awe and subservience. The palace was an instrument for displaying the power and grandeur of a ruler who was set up within the realms of a divinity.

1

  Quirke 2009.  Gundlach and Taylor 2009; Konrad 2009. 3  Uphill 1972, 721 f. 4   Ibidem. 2

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Thus far, wall and floor art have been considered only for individual palaces or individual pieces of décor.5 We envisage a more comprehensive approach which has not been taken so far. During the 18th Dynasty, foreign influence can be found in the embellishment of throne rooms and the approaches leading up to them – which could be considered evidence of an exchange of art programmes between the courts in the eastern Mediterranean.6 Besides wall art, foreign influence in parts of the palace architecture must also be looked for.   Secondly, palaces were built not only for public display and the housing of the king and accommodation of his entourage, most probably also including offices, especially of the chief administrators of the state and the palace itself. In this way, the palace formed the core of the administration of the country, representing the starting- and contact-point of all state affairs.7 Palaces also included barracks and arsenals for troops and had to provide considerable storage areas for collecting and distributing commodities. The different functional parts can in theory be housed within one large building or distributed within a spacious compound in different buildings of varying sizes.   Third, we also have to consider that in residences such as El-‘Amarna there is not only one palace but also others which seem to follow different functions: besides the residential palace, there are ritual palaces which did not serve as living quarters. This calls for a refined classification and definition of palaces as far as is possible based on the archaeological and textual sources available. Such a classification is even more necessary because we have evidence that palaces did not exist only in residence cities. We know from archaeological autopsy8 and 5

 Frankfort 1929; Hayes 1937; von Bissing 1941; Müller 1961; Nishimoto 1992; Weatherhead 2007. 6   Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007. 7  Spence 2007; see also Gundlach and Klug 2006. 8  E.g. the MK palace of Bubastis, the palaces of the 17th Dynasty at Ballas/Naqada, the Thutmosid palace at ‘Ezbet Helmy (Peru-nefer), the campaign residencies of the 12th Dynasty at Kor and Uronarti in Nubia. For Ballas and ‘Ezbet Helmy compare contributions of Lacovara and Bietak in this volume.

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Fig. 1  The North Riverside Palace at Tell el-‘Amarna (courtesy of EES)

from texts9 that several palaces were situated in traditional centres of the country which may have served the king as palatinates when he had to perform administrative or ritual duties. This practice probably could be considered a continuation of the activity of early kings of Egypt who passed through the country with their royal retinue to collect taxes, to perform their judicial functions and to officiate over regional cults and their festivities.10 Taking all such considerations together, it would be important to search for rules of palace architecture which might have something to do with their different 9

  E.g. the Wilbour Papyrus, a substantial document on land-rents, mentioning a group of “mooring places of the Pharaoh” in Middle Egypt. This label was used for royal palaces other than the actual residence and used by the king as overnight lodges or temporary quarters, when travelling through the country. 10   See also Quirke 2009, 114.

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functions, such as seats of government, residences, military headquarters, harems, ritual palaces or a combination of all. Moreover, the diachronic investigation of the actual layout of palaces according to the historical situation will help to reconstruct the ancient Egyptian angle in terms of their classification of geographical units or cities.   The Egyptian system of rule is different from the Levantine feudal system which developed mainly from city-states. In political enlargement processes, the system of rule was implemented on the basis of vassalhood, not of an itinerant kingship. A vassal was still a prince or a king. His palace remained a palace with all its requirements, and often was considerable in size. In Mesopotamia we find, however, big states, comparable to Egypt, with several royal

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Introduction to Palaces in Egypt

cities each with its own palaces.11 Within this investigation we intend to accomplish a comparative study of the architecture, the expanse, the structure and composition of the precinct, the spatial organization, and the storage capacities of the available palaces in order to assess the system of culture and its political administration.   The complex nature of the project calls for the digesting of all available information which consists not only of archaeological data but also textual sources. It is on this aspect that we plan to collate the archaeological records with the texts on palaces in order to find answers to a multitude of research questions. For example, whether aspects of the recorded architecture could be found in texts helping to explain the meaning of the relevant passages and whether a better understanding of the function and meaning of several architectural features are obtainable from textual passages. It may also be possible that, to date, incomprehensible textual sources (terms for parts of palatial buildings, architectural items and the like) could be given an explanation in the archaeological record. Textual sources on palaces are scarce and scattered, but the merits of such an attempt should not be underestimated.12   Textual sources have to be considered in an appraisal of palaces in Egypt.13 Such an investigation should consider all kinds of relevant material and should be methodically conducted in relation to the different categories of texts they represent: different designations of palaces in the Old Kingdom show that different types and functions of palaces may have to be considered.14 Frequently appearing titles of officials, seals and labels of goods mentioning the palace offer a different level of information than rare indicators of architectural features and decoration.15 The latter appear mostly in biographies of officials, building inscriptions and literary texts. This is where, to avoid wrong conclusions, a critical approach to those sources is necessary because they are sometimes apt to represent literary topoi rather than actual reality and can be corrupted by the need to reflect royal ideology. 11

 See e.g. Assyria with palaces in Assur, Nimrud, Niniveh and Khorsabad. 12   A first step: Konrad 2009. 13   S. contribution of Lange-Athinodorou in this volume. 14  Goelet 1982. 15  E.g. the story of Sinuhe: Papyrus Berlin 3022 and fragments Papyrus Amherst m-q (B), 248–252. The teaching of King Amenemhat: Papyrus Sallier II (Papyrus BM EA 10182, §(H13a)-§ (H13c).

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Fig. 2 

The “Northern Harim” at Tell el-‘Amarna (courtesy of EES)

Fig. 3 R  econstruction of the walls and floors of the north part of the ‘Harem Quarter’; blue zones show areas of figural floor painting (courtesy of B. Kemp)

II. The state of research Few palaces have been excavated in Egypt and only a few have been rated to modern standards of archaeology; most of them date to the New Kingdom, representing a huge gap in the source material. The most important sites in this context were investigated in the late 19th/early 20th century such as Gurob by Petrie,16 recently the subject of a geomagnetic survey of the Egypt Exploration Society and, right now, of excavations under Ian Shaw.17 This palace is mentioned in texts and is considered to be a temporary seat of the king and mainly a major residence of the growing number of wives in Ramesside times, not all of whom could accompany the king on his tours across the country or on foreign campaigns.   Malqata is hitherto the biggest palace precinct and belongs to Amenhotep III. It was first investigated in 1888 by Georges Daressy and afterwards mainly 16

 Petrie 1890, 1891; Kemp 1978; Thomas 1981; Lacovara 1997. 17  Serpico 2008; Shaw 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010. In the meantime, excavations have started at that site in 2012.

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excavated by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the early 20th century.18 Its published plans are still inadequate for modern architectural investigation. Later on, parts of its surrounding compounds and the harbour were explored by an expedition of the Pennsylvania University Museum under David O’Connor and Barry J. Kemp (1971−77),19 and afterwards, since 1985, by the Waseda University.20 At the present time, a full topographic survey of the overall complex and an architectural investigation of the northern village and other domestic quarters have been conducted since 2008 by a joint expedition of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the M.C. Carlos Museum of the Emory University in Atlanta under the direction of Peter Lacovara.21 The precinct is part of an enormous sacred architectural scheme, which includes several palaces ascribed to the king, the queen and, if correct, to Princess Sitamun. However, the vizier’s own office was likely to be located within this compound. The palatial precinct of Amenhotep III also contains a temple of Amun and administrative quarters, besides living quarters of senior officials. The district also includes installations for the king’s Heb-sed (Jubilee) festivals; remains of wall and floor paintings have been retrieved.   Out of the palaces of Tell el-‘Amarna, only the largely destroyed Northern Riverside Palace (Fig. 1) could in all likelihood be considered a residential palace.22 The so-called “Northern Harim”, part of the big state palace (Figs. 2 and 3),23 has aspects that would be expected of a palace, such as a big courtyard, porch, vestibule, throne room and an intimate columned hall, but, besides many small apartments, a private apartment fitting for a king is felt to be missing. Important are the remains of wall- and floor paintings of this palace.24 The North Palace follows the symmetrical plan of an Egyptian 18

 Tytus 1903; Daressy 1903; Winlock 1915; Smith 1998, 161–169; in the meantime the Waseda University, Tokyo, has made detailed studies on the walling system of the palaces at Malqata. 19  Kemp and O’Connor 1974, 112–125; O’Connor 1989. 20 On a bibliography on Malqata see Arnold 2003, 137 and Iida et al. 1993. 21   http://imalqata.wordpress.com; http://www.metmuseum. org/research/archaeological-fieldwork/malqata-egypt. See the contribution of Lacovara in this volume. 22  Not yet finally published, see Pendlebury 1931, 242–243; Lit: Kemp 1989, 276–279, 344, n. 25; Kemp and Garfi 1993, 110, Sheet 1. 23  This state palace is a religious precinct and not a residential palace, see Uphill 1970; Assmann 1972. 24  Weatherhead 2007.

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Palace, but lacks residential quarters.25 The palaces at Deir el-Ballas of the late 17th and early 18th Dynasties are not sufficiently excavated to allow for a reliable reconstruction;26 more recently they had been partly re-investigated with good documentation by Peter Lacovara,27 but the project has been put on hold for the time being.28 The palace of Apries at Memphis also belongs to this kind of palaces on platforms. It is, however, positioned on top of a very different platform construction.29   The palace from the time of Amenemhat III at Bubastis excavated by Shafiq Farid, Ahmed El-Sawi and Mohamed I. Bakr is incomplete and only rudimentarily published.30 It very much deserves a re-investigation with a modern documentation and soundings to find reference material for this building, especially as it is one of the biggest and earliest palaces in existence in Egypt. It covers an area of least 14.000–17.000 s.qm. In the meantime, new excavations under Manfred Bietak show that remains of an older palace of the Middle and another one of the Old Kingdom may be situated beneath this site.31 Given the fact that we have virtually very little knowledge about royal palaces of the Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom, a new investigation on this would surely add substantial knowledge going beyond the present state of the art.32   B.J. Kemp identified palatial buildings at Uronarti and Kor by their size and precise alignment to the absolute north as temporary residences of the king during field campaigns in Nubia.33 The plans of both complexes originate from old excavations and are incomplete, especially the plan of the palace at Kor. The latter precinct also seems to comprise several palaces.   We must not forget in our survey the temple palaces which were not residential buildings but are mostly considered to have been funerary/ritual in their status as residences for kings in their “Houses of Millions of Years” commonly labelled “mortu-

25

 Recently: Spence 1999.   Smith 1998, 159–160, figs. 275–277. 27  Lacovara 1990, 2–5, figs. 1.1–1.6, fig. 1.14, pls. II–V, VII, plan 4; Lacovara 1997, 7–14, figs. 1–4, fig. 19. 28  See Lacovara in this volume. 29   Petrie 1909; Kemp 1977; Trindade Lopes 2012. 30  Farid 1964; El Sawi 1977; 1979a, 155–159; 1979b, esp. 76–79, figs. 173–175; Bakr 1979; 1992, esp. 20; more recent: Van Siclen 1991; 1996. 31   Bietak and Lange 2014; Bietak 2015. 32   A detailed preliminary report is in preparation. 33  Kemp 1989, 178–179, fig. 64 (with literature). 26

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27

Fig. 4 Palace F/II in Tell el-Dab‘a (after Bietak, Math and Müller 2012–13, 20, fig. 3)

Fig. 5 Palace Q at Ebla (after Matthiae 2010, 443, fig. 239)

ary temples”.34 The palace of Merenptah at Memphis may also belong in this category.35 Recently an Egyptian fortified town, identifiable as Pnubs, was uncovered south of Kerma at Dukki-Gel. It dates to the early Thutmosid Period. Besides temples, it also contains remains of palatial buildings which were, however, according to the excavators, not of administrative or residential but of purely ritual function.36   There are also well-excavated residences of governors of palatial character from the time of the Old Kingdom in Elephantine37 and at ‘Ayn ‘Asil38 in the Dakhla oasis. They are, however, no royal seats but may have been distant, small-scale copies and with reduced spacing patterns of the residences of the kings. That is why they should be looked at

in an architectural synthesis. At Buto, the German Archaeological Institute has to a large extent excavated a probable palatial precinct of more than 3000 s.qm from the time of the middle of the 1st to the middle of the 2nd Dynasty.39 It has a labyrinth-like plan and seems to have a central reception room. One quarter of the space was used for magazines.   What is missing in most of the old excavations are not only accurate plans and the architectural assessment to identify unusual features or architectural influences and trends. Also sorely missing is an archaeological record of the rooms and enclosed finds such as pottery, non-ceramic objects and seal imprints to possibly identify the room function and find vestiges of administration. It would be also useful to know what kinds of objects were stored and what kind of seal imprints could be found, besides studying the building history of palaces with their spacing patterns and room functions varying over time.

34

 Stadelmann 1973; 1996; Jaritz 1996; 1998; Ullmann 2002; Endruweit 2006; Schröder 2010. See Stadelmann in this volume. 35  Fisher 1917; Fisher 1921; O’Connor 1995. 36  Bonnet 2005; 2011; Bonnet and Valbelle 2006; 2010. 37  Pilgrim 1999, 88–89; Raue 2002, 162–174. See Raue in this volume. 38  Soukiassian 1991; Soukiassian et al. 2002. See Jeuthe in this volume.

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 Recently: Hartung et al. 2009. See Hartung in this volume.

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Between 2006 and 2009 and during 2011, including interruptions, the Austrian Archaeological Institute Cairo in co-operation with the University of Vienna and the Austrian Academy of Sciences under the direction of Manfred Bietak has excavated two thirds of a palace of the Hyksos Period belonging probably for some time, according to seal impressions, to the very important Hyksos Khayan (Fig. 4).40 Interestingly, the pattern of this palace discovered at Tell el-Dab‘a does not follow the plan of Egyptian palaces but seems to display – with its add-on construction and specific features – Near Eastern architecture known particularly from Syria. The entrance to the precinct with two doorways enclosing a plaza could be deemed a good parallel to the entrance of the palace of Mari;41 its southern spacious courtyard, enclosed by double walls and fitted with a tower jutting out from the façade, parallels the southern courtyard of the Palace Q of Ebla, datable to the same period (Fig. 5). From a cultural point of view this is remarkable.42 The size of this palace of a foreign ruler residing in Egypt is comparable to the larger palaces in Syria.  The enclosure wall and some peripheral buildings of another palace of the late Hyksos Period have been traced by excavations and geophysical survey at ‘Ezbet Helmy.43 At the same site, a largescale palatial precinct excavated in 1991−2007 has an area of 13 acres (5.5 ha) and – like the district of Malqata – consists of several palaces with baths, private apartments and a spacious public building with a dais.44 Several large multifunctional workshops were enclosed within this precinct. Magazines with seal impressions and quantities of pottery are also found in the south. According to the ceramic evaluation and scarab seals, the period when it was used is the age of Thutmose III up to the reign of Amenhotep II.45 This compound is most likely identifiable with the royal residence at Peru-nefer,

40

 Bietak 2007, 2010b, 2010c, 2011a, b, 2012; Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2006, 2009; Bietak, Math and Müller 2012–13. 41  Parrot 1958, 209, 214, 539; Margueron 1993, 209–380, figs. 146–196; 2004, 459–473. 42   Bietak, Math and Müller 2012–13, 21. 43  Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001, 48–59. 44  Ibidem, 74–119; Bietak 2005; Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 13–43; Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2007. See Bietak in this volume. 45  Aston 2001; Fuscaldo 2001, 2010; Hein more recent: 2001a, 2001b.

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the major navalbase of these two pharaohs.46 This becomes even more apparent with the discovery, at the same site, of a huge harbour basin of 450 x 400 m which had been in use from the Middle Kingdom onwards47 but was reduced in size by silting up already during the Hyksos Period and the Ramesside Period.48 It nevertheless enabled the mooring of numerous ships as the Kamose Stela informs us from the time of the late Hyksos Period. In addition to the biggest of three palaces, a building with an assembly hall and a direct door to the private apartment of the big palace was found. This could mirror the situation at the residence where, according to the text of “The Duties of the Vizier”, the vizier’s office was within the palatial compound of the ruler. In this case it was certainly not the office of the vizier, but it could have been the house and office of the superintendent of this harbour stronghold.   Two of the palaces had been embellished by Minoan wall paintings in a very original style. This activity at the site coincides with a peak in contacts between Egypt and the Minoan Thalassocracy, as reflected in the representations of Keftiu delegations shown in Theban noble tombs from the Period of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II.49 At the same time a Brit. Mus. Papyrus (BM 10056) tells us that Keftiu ships used to be docked and repaired at Peru-nefer.50 This papyrus, thus far incompletely published, was re-assessed by Roman Gundacker who, by examining the original, was able to date the papyrus to the 52nd year of Thutmose III. Large amounts of the pottery have already been analysed by David Aston et al.,51 Perla Fuscaldo52 and Irmgard Hein53 and may soon be published together with an architectural assessment.

46

 Habachi 2001, 9, 106–107, 121; Bietak 2009, 2010a, 2010d, 167. This is hardly contested anymore. Those who still consider Memphis as the site of this naval port have to consider the fact that the Nile regime would during the period of draught (March – middle of July) disconnect Memphis largely from the Mediterranean. The 13 acre palatial compound of the Thutmosid Period at ‘Ezbet Helmy near Tell el-Dab‘a suggests royal presence at this site. 47  Tronchère et al. 2008; Tronchère 2010. 48  Forstner-Müller 2014; Forstner-Müller et al. 2015. 49   Wachsmann 1987; Duhoux 2003. 50  Glanville 1931, 120, pl. 7*. 51  Aston 2001, 2007, 2011, 2012, forthcoming; Aston, Bader and Kunst 2009; Aston and Bietak 2017; Bader, Kunst and Thanheiser 2008; Bietak and Bader 2015. 52  Fuscaldo 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2007, 2008, 2010. 53  Hein 1994, 1998, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c, 2004, 2007, 2009; Bietak and Hein 2001.

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III. The scientific aims of the project III.1 General research 1. Taking all the available evidence together, it would be highly desirable to conduct for the very first time an analytical study and classification of all known palaces of Egypt and compare them closely with palaces so far uncovered in the northern Levant.54 A first impression seems to be that influences went both ways and that the impact of the Hyksos rule in Egypt also influenced the palatial architecture of the New Kingdom. The palaces of the Hyksos Period belonged to a foreign dynasty. It should be investigated how far they were still using architectural concepts from their area of origin and how far is it possible to extrapolate, from the type of palace, conclusions about its area of origin in this dynasty.   The incorporation of temples in the palace precinct of Amenhotep III at Malqata, for example, is a feature known primarily from the Ancient Near East where the king used to live side-by-side with his favourite god. This feature seems to show up for the first time at the palace of Thutmose III at ‘Ezbet Helmy,55 can be found in the temple of Amun in Malqata and finally in the big mansions of Amarna with their annexed chapels.56   It is the aim of such a joint study to establish – as far as our state of art goes – an architectural grammar of Egyptian palaces as opposed to Near Eastern palaces, especially those from Syria. The consecutive and often axial room programme of Egyptian palaces and the add-on construction of palaces in Syria are deserving of close comparative scrutiny, especially when such buildings deviate from the rule.   The alignment, sequence of courtyard, portico, columned vestibule, the throneroom and the following private quarter seem to be a rule in Egypt. A Comparison with the architecture of private houses and mansions has been done but should be continued in an in-depth study. Architectural grammar studies would include sizes, ratios of length to breadth of the palace overall and of its characteristic parts, especially storage capacities. Hierarchy in the number of columns and in the thickness of walls57 needs to be assessed as well. Also reasons should be explored as to why, in some cases, throne rooms are square and have four columns or, in some

29

specific cases, four rows of columns, or are rectangular and have two rows with three or more columns each. Why do entrances in some cases follow a straight axis and in others a bent axis? To answer those questions, precise plans, showing the bricks, the joints and the bonds of walls if possible, are necessary. 2. Important to the assessment of a palace is the functional analysis of its room programme. Palatial remains are usually preserved only in foundations or lower parts of walls, stripped of their former wall décor and their stone elements, such as door frames, column bases and sometimes columns and pillars, bath installations etc. The functional space analysis therefore depends on tiny remains of wall plaster in situ or flaked off onto the ground, fragments of faience tiles, the discovery of empty foundations of door structures, foundation pits of columns, water supply and drainage systems, fragments of stone basins, burnt bricks of what were wet units, remains of floors and, last but not least, on small finds within the rooms. Domestic quarters, such as kitchens, breweries and bakeries would be identifiable by ovens, vats and bread moulds. Workshops may come to be discovered by remains of kilns, tools such as pot bellows, wind pipes, glass, abrasive material such as pumice and other diagnostic finds. 3. Equally important for the assessment of a palace is the analysis of its decorative scheme, complementing the study of the room programme. Scanty remains of figural paintings in Egyptian style on walls of palaces have been found in the southern palace of Deir el-Ballas from the time of the late 17th and early 18th Dynasty.58 Minoan artists were employed in two palaces at ‘Ezbet Helmy most probably from the time of Thutmose III and this Aegean influence is still traceable in the remains of the wall paintings at Malqata. Vice versa, during the Middle Bronze Age, the Egyptian influence on architecture and wall decoration of palatial buildings in Syria and Lebanon is very obvious at Tell Sakka59 and Tell Bourak.60 It would be important to try to reconstruct the decorative and pictorial programme of palaces and compare the themes and styles employed with other palatial precincts in the Levant and to some extent with the Aegean. There is a chance to recover the scheme of the distribution of scenes of Minoan

54

 Margueron 1987; Matthiae 2002. For comparison with Mesopotamia see Margueron 1993; Heinrich 1984. 55  Bietak 2005, 149–151, 165–168. 56   Bietak 2005, 166, figs. 22–23. 57   For house architecture assessed by Tietze 1985, 1986.

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58

  Smith 1958, 158f., fig. 53.  Taraqji 1999, fig. 7. 60  Recently: Sader 2009; Kamlah and Sader 2010; Sader and Kamlah 2010. 59

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Fig. 6 Courtyard of the tomb of Monthemhet (TT 34) (after Eigner 1984, pl. 16A)

paintings at ‘Ezbet Helmy and to see if it follows the scheme of Minoan palaces, especially Knossos. Such a study should also include faience tiles such as found at Egyptian palaces at Qantir and Tell elYahudiya.61 Such decorative tiles also appear in the Aegean at the time of the late 18th Dynasty. 4. As decorative architectural parts of palaces are only badly if at all preserved at palatial sites for reconstructions it is intended to use 1:1 models of porticoes, vestibules, columned halls with pairs of columns or pillars; this includes the architectural décor, the columns, monumental stairs, ponds which can be found in some tombs of nobles and other palatial elements present in tombs of the New Kingdom and Late Period in the Memphitic and Theban areas (Fig. 6).62 5. Another line of research, the potential of which has not yet been fully explored, is the close comparison between the architectural record and hints about architecture, layout, size and location of Egyptian palaces and residences contained in written sources. By conducting a survey of relevant texts (terminology of palaces63 or texts of administrative nature such as pBoulaq 1864 for the late Middle Kingdom or the palatial records

of Sety I for the New Kingdom65) and analysing them in terms of genre, the architectural vocabulary employed and highlighted parameters of palatial buildings (e.g. size, splendour, decoration, axiality, room configuration, facilities and provisioning etc.), it will be possible to gain an insight into ancient Egyptian concepts of what made for an “ideal palace”. Analyses will also factor in the role which such palaces as are referred to in the texts had to fulfil in connection with royal display, staging of ritual events, and housing of administrative offices (as expressed e.g. in “the Duties of the Vizier”66). By combining data from textual sources with the archaeological record, it may be possible to identify ideal types of palaces as well as site- and periodspecific adaptations or deviations. Further questions to be addressed relate to the number and location of royal residences throughout the country and the existence of an itinerant court system in historical times.67 6. Palaces were also represented in wall paintings and reliefs, especially in ‘Amarna and Thebes.68 Such pictures give us information about the architectural traits considered basic and essential by the Egyptians for a palace (cf. the following paragraph). 7. A neglected field of study, often overlooked by early and even more recent excavators, are the gardens connected to palaces.69 Such relics can be revealed only by good excavation technique. Representations in Theban- and Amarna tombs show that houses and palaces were connected to gardens. Remains of flowerbeds and tree-pits have been uncovered at palaces at Tell el-Dab‘a, ‘Ezbet Helmy and Tell el-‘Amarna. The question arises of whether such gardens were similar to those of temples,70 often neglected in early excavations but clearly visible in front of the temples of Nebhepetre‘ Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut in Deir el-Bahari. 8. A comparative study of palace architecture invites to classify the buildings involved and to try to identify them according to their function. Such studies make it also imperative to quantify the areas of palatial precincts, of the palaces proper and their parts. Sizes of specific rooms such as the 65

  Spiegelberg 1896.  See van den Boorn 1988; Lorton 1991; Tallet 2005. 67   See e.g. Gundlach and Taylor 2009. 68  Ricke 1932; Badawy 1948, 1968, 26–35; Vomberg 2004, 56–157. 69  Eigner 1996; Gros de Beler and Marmiroli 2008. Cf. also Arnold in this volume. 70   Beaux 1990; Dorman and Brian 2007. 66

61

 Hayes 1937; Müller 1961; Müller 1981.  E.g. Eigner 1984, 124–127, esp. fig. 100. 63  Goelet 1982. See Lange-Athinodorou in this volume. 64   Quirke 1990, esp. 39–41. 62

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throne rooms have to be assessed and compared. Even the size of bedrooms can be useful for such evaluations.71 Especially the capacity of the storage magazines within palace precincts and its comparison from palace-to-palace is an important tool in assessing the economic power and individual importance of such a household. With careful excavating it is possible to identify what kind of commodities was stored. Find spots of bullae with seal impressions are most important and can form the basis of conclusions about certain aspects of palace administration. 9. The position of the palaces also deserves closer attention. Is it situated at a capital, in a provincial centre, is it connected to harbours, traffic routes or is it in a remote area? It may be difficult to answer the question of how many palaces could be linked to a specific pharaoh, but the topic has to be addressed. The regal-size palace of the Middle Kingdom at Bubastis seems to suggest that residences had to be provisioned at most centres across Egypt and that the king probably arrived seasonally to engage in his administrative and ritual duties. Finds in specific rooms of the building may help identify the function of parts of palaces. 10. Some more specific research topics are: • Which features are identifiable as cultic areas in palaces? After comparing the splitting-up of Thutmosid Palace G at ‘Ezbet Helmy into two entities in its representative tract, with the throne room on the left side and a possible temple on its right, other known palaces should be closely scrutinised for architectural features which might be explicable as cultic. Offering pits found in the palace attributed to Khayan at Avaris could be linked to funerary cults. We would also go looking for tombs within such a precinct like in the northern Levant (Ugarit, Ebla, Qatna, Hazor). • What does the typical bath in a palace look like, where is it positioned and what is the typical inventory? Not only limestone bathtubs with drain spouts funnelling into a lower basin, but also jugs of luxury Cypriot pottery, big water vats and cleaning materials, such as pumice and large shells, most probably used as strigils to scrape off perspiration, were found in the bathrooms of the Thutmosid palaces.

•

•

•

•

31

What can we say about the water management of a palace,72 starting from the discovery of wells up to the water supply and the drainage systems? What are typical house inventories of the palaces? How different are they from the inventory of a normal household? We mean not only the quality of the pottery and luxury goods, but also ordinary household ware. We would also like to compare the percentage of foreign ceramic imports to ceramic products of Egyptian wares. With which regions did the palace households trade, according to imports collected during the excavation? What is the difference between the trade and foreign links of different palace households? This question concerns not only the Levant, Cyprus and the Aegean, but also commodities from Nubia and Upper Egypt. Do we have archaeological evidence of the presence of foreigners at the courts? This question is difficult to answer. Pictures at El‘Amarna show not only foreign delegations and foreign mercenaries, but also musicians of Near Eastern origin. The ‘Amarna letters give us clear evidence of foreign spouses of the king with their entourages. We should also point to the archaeological evidence of the presence of Nubian pottery in the palaces of the Hyksos and in particular Kerma pottery during the Thutmosid period at ‘Ezbet Helmy.73 This pottery represents open forms only, so are unsuitable for exporting commodities. As a result, this ware might be considered proof of the presence of Nubians in the palatial quarters in the Delta.

  There are many more intriguing questions which will arise as and when this project progresses and which will be valuable in increasing the number of historical sources of obscure periods in Egypt. III. 2 Field research The present research phase deals mainly with garnering an accurate archaeological documentation of palaces. At the same time, marshalling all available evidence in a comparative study will help to establish the grammar of Egyptian palace architecture and its classification and will enable us to com72

 Driaux 2010.  Hein 2001b; more recent Fuscaldo 2008 with further literature. More recently without my authorisation the material was appropriated by Forstner-Müller and Rose 2012, which is very unusual in the Egyptological community. Aston 2012; Aston and Bietak 2017.

73

71

 Eigner 1986; 1996, 79, fig. 3.

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pare those buildings with palaces in the Near East, especially in Syria. Specific features, such as throne rooms with four or two rows of columns, are most likely to have a specific meaning which has escaped our attention. The sizes, storage capacities, the extent of ceremonial space and size of the apartments and their domestic quarters will offer us comparators which reflect the extent and power of kingdoms in Egypt and the Levant. At the same time, the influence of Near Eastern architecture on Egypt and Egyptian architecture of Near Eastern palaces shows where and when such exchanges of ideas and know-how occurred. It seems particularly interesting in this context that Egyptian measures of length

were used in the construction of the platform at the Temple of Ishtar at Ebla during the Middle Bronze Age – a transposition which may have been conveyed by migrant builders during the Hyksos Period.74 At the same time, the plan of the “Khayan Palace” at Avaris may be the key to settle the question from where came the architectural tradition of the Hyksos and possibly from where came this dynasty.   It is also intended – at specific spots where such investigations could yield important results obtainable by core drilling, sampling, survey and interpretation of satellite and aerial photography – to obtain information about the historical setting of sites in relation to the Nile branches and environment.75

74

  Bietak 1998, 175.  Tronchère 2010; Tronchère et al. 2008 for the site of Avaris.

75

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Bibliography Arnold, D. 2003  The Encyclopaedia of Ancient Egyptian Architecture, London. Assmann, J. 1972 Palast oder Tempel? Überlegungen zur Architektur und Topographie von Amarna, JNES 31, 143–155. Aston, D. 2001 Pottery from H/VI Süd, Strata a and b: A Preliminary Report, Ä&L 11, 167–196. 2007  Kom Rabia, Ezbet Helmi and Saqqara NK3507. A Study in Cross-Dating, 207–248, in: M. Bietak and E. Czerny (eds.), The Synchronisation of Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millenium B.C. (vol. III), Proceedings of the SCIEM 2000-Euro Conference, Vienna, 2nd of May– 7th of May 2003, CChEM 9, Vienna. 2012  From the Deep South to the Far North: Nubian Sherds from Khatan‘a and ‘Ezbet Helmi (Tell elDab‘a), 159–79, in: I. Forstner-Müller and P. Rose (eds.), Nubian Pottery from Egyptian Cultural Contexts of the Middle Kingdom and Early New Kingdom. Proceedings of a Workshop held at the Austrian Archaeological Institute at Cairo, 1–12 December 2010, Ergänzungs​hefte zu den Jahresheften des ÖAI, Vienna. Aston, D.A., Bader, B. with a contribution by G.K. Kunst 2009 Fishes, Ringstands, Nudes and Hippos – A Preliminary Report on the Hyksos Palace Pit Complex L81, Ä&L 19, 19–89. Aston, D.A. and Bietak, M. 2017  Nubians in the Nile Delta: à propos Avaris and Peru-Nefer, 489–522, in: N. Spencer and A. Stevens (eds.), The New Kingdom in Nubia: Lived Experience, Pharaonic Control and indigenous Traditions, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan no. 3, Leuven. Badawy, A. Le dessin architectural chez les anciens Egyptiens, 1948  Cairo. 1968 A History of Egyptian Architecture, vol. 3, The Empire (The New Kingdom), Berkeley and LA. Bader, B., Kunst, G.K. and Thanheiser, U. 2008 Knochen, Körner und Keramik – Interdisziplinäre Auswertung einer Opfergrube aus Ezbet Helmi, Ä&L 18, 15–48. Bakr, M.I. 1979  New Excavations of Zagazig University, 153–160, in: L’Égyptologie en 1979: Axes prioritaires de recherches, vol. I. Colloques internationaux du C.N.R.S. 595, Paris. 1992 Tell Basta I. Tombs and Burial Customs at Bubastis. The Area of the so-called Western Cemetery, Cairo.

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Beaux, N. 1990  Le Cabinet de Curiosités de Thoutmosis III. Plantes et animaux du “Jardin botanique” de Karnak, OLA 36, Leuven. Bietak, M. 1996 Zum Raumprogramm ägyptischer Wohnhäuser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiches, 23–43, in: M. Bietak (ed.) Haus und Palast im Alten Ägypten. Internationales Symposium 8. bis 11. April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna. Gedanken zur Ursache der ägyptisierenden Einflüs1998  se in Nordsyrien in der frühen Zweiten Zwischenzeit, 165–176, in: H. Guksch and D. Poltz (eds.), Stationen, Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Ägyptens. Festschrift für Rainer Stadelmann, Mainz. Neue Paläste aus der 18. Dynastie, 131–168, in: P. 2005  Jánosi (ed.), Structure and Significance. Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Festschrift for Dieter Arnold), UZK 25, Vienna. 2007 Où est le palais des Hyksôs? À propos les fouilles a Tell el-Dab‘a et ‘Ezbet Helmi, CRAIBL 2007, 749– 780. 2009 Peru-nefer; the Principal New Kingdom Naval Base, EA 34, 15–17. 2010a Minoan Presence in the Pharaonic Naval Base of Peru-nefer, 11–24, in: O. Krzyszkowska (ed.), Cretan Offerings: Studies in Honour of Peter Warren, BSA Studies 18, London. 2010b  A Palace of the Hyksos Khayan at Avaris, 99–109, in: P. Matthiae et al. (eds.), Proc. of the 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East (2–11 May 2008 in Rome, Wiesbaden. Houses, Palaces and Development of Social Structu2010c  re in Avaris, 11–68, in: M. Bietak et al. (eds.), Cities and Urbanism, Papers from a Workshop in November 2006 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, UZK 35, Vienna. 2010d  From where came the Hyksos and where did they go, 139–181, in: M. Marée (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth – Seventeenth Dynasties): Current Research, Future Prospects, OLA 192, Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA. 2011a A Hyksos Palace at Avaris, EA 38, 38–41. 2011b Hyksos Khayan, son palais et une lettre en cuneiforme, CRAIBL 2011, 973–990. 2015 Funktionsbestimmung des Raumprogramms des  Palastes des Mittleren Reiches von Bubastis im Nildelta, 39–52, in: G. Buchinger and F. Hueber (eds.), Bauforschung und Denkmalpflege: Festschrift für Mario Schwarz, Vienna. Bietak, M., Dorner, J. and Jánosi, P. 2001 Ausgrabungen in dem Palastbezirk von Avaris. Vorbericht Tell el-Dab‘a/‘Ezbet Helmi 1993–2000, with a contribution by A. von den Driesch and J. Peters, Ä&L 11, 27–129.

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Bietak, M. and Forstner-Müller, I. 2006 Eine palatiale Anlage der frühen Hyksoszeit (Areal F/II): vorläufige Ergebnisse der Grabungskampagne 2006 in Tell el-Dab‘a, Ä&L 16, 63–78. Ausgrabung eines Palastbezirkes der Tuthmosiden2007  zeit bei ‘Ezbet Helmi/Tell el-Dab‘a, Vorbericht für das Frühjahr 2007, Ä&L 17, 33–58. 2009 Der Hyksospalast bei Tell el-Dab‘a. Zweite und dritte Grabungskampagne (Frühling 2008 und Frühling 2009), with a contribution by F. van Koppen and K. Radner, Ä&L 19, 91–119. Bietak, M. and Hein, I. 2001  The Context of White Slip Wares in the Stratigraphy of Tell el-Dab‘a and Some Conclusions on Aegean Chronology, 171–194, in: V. Karageorghis (ed.), The White Slip Ware of Late Bronze Age Cyprus, Proceedings of an International Conference organized by the A.L. Leventis Foundation, Nicosia, in Honour of Malcolm Wiener, Nicosia 29th-30th October 1998, CChEM II, Vienna 2002. Bietak, M., Marinatos, N. and Palyvou, C. 2007  Taureador Scenes in Tell el-Dab‘a (Avaris) and Knossos, with a contribution of Ann Brysbaert, UZK 25, Vienna. Bietak, M., Math, N. and Müller, V. 2012/13 Report on the excavations of a Hyksos palace at Tell el-Dab’a/Avaris (23rd August–15th November 2011), Ä&L 22–23, 17–53. Bietak, M. and Lange, E. 2014 Tell Basta: the Palace of the Middle Kingdom, EA 44, 4–7. Bietak, M. and Bader, B. 2015  The Freedom of Fringe Art: À propos the Fish Bowls in the Second Intermediate Period, 157–178, in: O. Goelet and A. Oppenheim (eds.), The Art and Culture of Ancient Egypt: Studies in Honor of Dorothea Arnold, Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 19. Bissing, F. W. von 1941  Der Fussboden aus dem Palaste des Königs Amenophis IV. zu El Hawata im Museum zu Kairo, Munich. Bonnet, C. 2005  Le site de Doukki Gel, l’enceinte de la ville égyptienne et les travaux de restauration, 223–270, in: C. Bonnet, M. Honegger et al., Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan), Genava 53. 2011  Report of the 2010–2011 Field Season at Dukki Gel, 25–32, in: Kerma 2010–2011, Université de Neuchâtel, Documents de la mission archéologique suisse au Soudan 3. Bonnet, C. and Valbelle, D. 2006  Les annexes des temples, 103–108, in: E. Czerny et al. (eds.), Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, vol. III, OLA 149, Leuven.

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Habachi, L. 2001 Tell el-Dab‘a 1: Tell el-Dab‛a and Qantir: The Site and its Connection with Avaris and Piramesse, ed. by E.-M. Engel, P. Jánosi and C. Mlinar, UZK 2, Vienna. Hartung, U. et al. 2009 Tell el-Fara‘in – Buto 10. Vorbericht, MDAIK 65, 83–190. Hayes, W.C. 1937  Glazed Tiles from a Palace of Ramesses II at Kantir, New York. Hein, I. 1994  V. Erste Beobachtungen zur Keramik aus ‘Ezbet Helmi, Ä&L 4, 39–43. 1998  ‘Ezbet Helmi – Tell el-Dab‘a: Chronological Aspects of Pottery, 547–554, in: C. Eyre (ed.), Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3–9 September 1995, OLA 82, Leuven. 2001a  Untersuchungen und vorläufige Bilanz für Keramik aus ‘Ezbet Helmi, speziell Areal H/V, Ä&L 11, 121– 148. 2001b Kerma in Auaris, 199–212, in: C.-B. Arnst, I. Hafemann and A. Lohwasser (ed.), Begegnungen – Antike Kulturen im Niltal. Festgabe für Endesfelder, Priese, Reineke und Wenig, Leipzig. 2001c On Bichrome and Base Ring Ware from Several Excavation Areas at ‘Ezbet Helmi, 231–247, in: P. Aström (ed.), Proceedings of the Conference on the Chronology of the Bichrome Wheelmade Ware and Base-Ring Ware, KVHAA Konferenser 54, Stockholm 2001. 2007  The Significance of the Lustrous Ware Finds from ‘ Ezbet Helmi/Tell el-Dab‘a (Egypt), 79–106, in: I. Hein (ed.), The Lustrous Wares of Late Bronze Age Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean, CChEM XIII, Vienna. 2009  A Contribution from Tell el-Dab‘a/‘Ezbet Helmi to the Cyprus Connection at the Turn of Middle Bronze Age to Late Bronze Age, 29–39, in: D. Michaelidis, V. Kassianidou and R.S. Merrillees (eds.), Egypt and Cyprus in Antiquity, Nicosia, 3-6 April 2003, Oxford. Heinrich, E. 1984  Die Paläste im alten Mesopotamien, Denkmäler antiker Architektur 15, Berlin.

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Palaces of the Ancient Mind: The Textual Record versus Archaeological Evidence by Eva Lange-Athinodorou As the discipline of Egyptology is provided with an exceptional abundance of archaeological and written sources, it seems to be especially enabled to reconstruct many aspects of the passed reality of Ancient Egypt.1 Comparative studies of both categories of evidence, as promising as they seem, are still rare, however. The reason is not so much the specialisms of scholars but rather the methodological problems when trying to implement a comparison of the results of textual investigation with archaeological remains and vice versa.   The following paper is an attempt to combine written sources and archaeological evidence about palaces in Ancient Egypt, by applying special architectural terms to certain parts of ground plans, thereby outlining the difficulties but also the benefits of such a synthesis. Within the scope of this paper, palaces are understood as residences of the king, defined by a distinctive grand-scaled architecture and a complex layout, fulfilling representative and administrative functions as well as serving as the actual abode of the ruler.2 1. Textual references When dealing with textual references of palaces we are already confronted with a number of difficulties, which need more thorough and intensive investigation than the small number of published studies provide. The main questions we have to deal with are: 1. What kind of texts are we applying to the archaeological record and how does the genre of the respective texts affect their information content? 2. What periods of time are covered by the texts and by the available archaeological remains and what do any changes on either side mean? An investigation of the available textual sources reveals that there is no such thing as a basic technical description of any given palace, perhaps because 1

 For the correction of my English and many helpful comments I owe Penelope Wilson a great debt of gratitude. 2   For a definition of palace see LÄ IV, 644.

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there was no need for it. Almost all references to palace architecture bear the character of more or less detailed allusions and in many cases those references consist of a single word, as for example in titles. This creates a number of problems on the practical side, yet on the other hand it provides a very interesting chance to understand what constitutes a palace in the Ancient Egyptian mind.   Up to now, research about textual references concerning royal palaces and palace architecture is limited.3 Moreover, most scholars, when referring to texts, deal more or less exclusively with very general questions, for example, what term designated the actual abode of the king, mostly trying to discuss problems of state administration, hierarchy and the responsibilities of palace officials at the same time. In such cases, the palace is treated as an institution rather than a physical entity.   The way in which the textual information could be used more effectively, is to discuss textual references to palaces in relation to archaeological evidence, and to try to assign textual evidence on any existing palace ground plan. The correlation or lack of it between ‘written’ palaces and ‘actual’ palaces might then reveal Egyptian attitudes to the ideal and the practical palace.   Equally necessary would be a definiton of the genre and temporal contextualisation of the texts, for both have a potent influence on the information they might bear. For example, we have to be aware of the filtering process of certain genres or types of texts.4 As this fact is so far communis opinio in Egyptology and has been intensively discussed in scholarly literature, the tangible question how certain types of texts transform, or create the content we deal with, has never been studied specifically for 3

 A recent dissertation on the subject, Pagliari 2012, came, alas, too late to my attention to be taken into account in this paper, but as far as I can see, the thesis mainly deals with the general designation of the palace while the scope of my paper has a different focus. 4  Especially literary texts. For a discussion of the reliability of texts from different genres see below.

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the topic of palaces. This paper does of course not claim or even aspire to fill that gap, but this problem should be kept in mind and we will come back to it.5 The following (incomplete) overview of texts mentioning palaces or palace architecture will illustrate the problems raised above (cf. Tab. 1).   The list does not represent a full lexicographical study, but even on the basis of this rather limited overview, several patterns can be observed.   For example, the question of dating: the absolute dating of literary texts is extremely difficult, even when they employ historical settings.6 Here, the phenomenon of tradition and textual hierarchy complicates matters even more, for texts were copied for a long period of time, using archaic phrases which may not have been in use anymore. For example, the birth and succession legend of Hatshepsut is in fact a copy of an earlier version from the time of Senwosret III.7 The same has been suggested for the so called ‘Duties of the Vizier’.8 Furthermore, the corpus of the so-called Königsnovelle, even when consisting of a variety of texts,9 contains highly stylised phrases, and the later versions of the New Kingdom are very probably revised copies of earlier texts.   Biographies on the other hand, although related to the genre Königsnovelle and evidently possessing a literary character, can be considered to be more authentic in comparison, for the Ancient Egyptian Biography contains all of the basic structural characteristics of the genre, including the claim of authenticity and the potential for verification by the reader.10   Even titles are affected by ideology or archaism. Generally, over the course of time, titles which 5

 Essential about classifying different types of texts and the underlying issues: Jansen-Winkeln 1994, 28–35. For an overview about the extensive discussion of genres of Ancient Egyptian Literature cf. Loprieno 1996. 6  For the history of research and the validity of methods see recently Quack 2013. 7  Which may follow even earlier versions: Oppenheim 2011, 171–188. For an older dating (4th Dynasty) cf. Brunner 1964, 194–199. That the need for an ideological validation of the reign of Hatshepsut led to an anticipation of many role models of the Middle Kingdom has been argued by Eyre 1996, 417. 8  van den Boorn 1988, 334, however argues for an early 18th dynasty date: 344–352. Still, and against van den Boorn, the use of the word Xnw and specific titles led Quirke to a dating in the late Middle Kingdom again: Quirke 2009, 114. Based on the investigation of the use of the toponym tp rsj, Pardey 2003, prefers a dating into the 12th Dynasty as well. 9  Loprieno 1996, 281; Hofmann 2004. 10  Gnirs 1996, 192, 195; Kloth 2002, 251–253.

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primarily described a function in reality tend to become purely ideal, designating the rank of its owner and not a real duty.11   The most reliable sources are accounts, that is, lists of income revenues and expenses, etc. Their main purpose is the comprehensible recording of certain facts and issues. For our purposes, the impact of ideology, propaganda and decorum on these sources is, compared to the other genres and types of texts, negligible. 2. Archaeological evidence Another striking issue appears by comparing the list of textual evidences with an overview of palaces attested by archaeological remains12 (cf. Tab. 2).   Several discrepancies are immediately obvious: Firstly, the remains hardly allow a diachronic analysis, for the bulk of evidence derives from the New Kingdom, while royal palaces of the Old Kingdom are not represented in the record,13 yet, on the side of the textual evidence, Old Kingdom sources are attested.   Secondly, the very few attested palaces of the Middle Kingdom confront us with the problem that none of them can be designated as a residential14 palace; in fact they are representatives of a 11

 LÄ VI, 596–602 (s.v. Titel und Titulaturen). An attempt to date literary texts of the Middle Kingdom according to the use of titles of officials appearing there has been made by Grajetzki 2005, who also points to the possibility of the wilful adaption of titles according to the historical period in which the story is set, e.g. the use of Old Kingdom titles in a text of the Middle Kingdom and so on, although inconsistencies of such attempts would often reveal the later date of the composition (see esp. 37, 63). Still, the problem is more complex, as there is also the possibility of a later edition of an earlier text, which would include the changing of titles in order to give the whole text a more contemporary appearance; for detailed discussions of the issue see Moers, Widmaier, Gwiekemeyer, Lümers and Ernst (eds.) 2013. 12  Temple palaces as merely ceremonial or model palaces, connected to mortuary temples of the later New Kingdom are not included in this list. See Stadelmann 1973, 221–242; Stadelmann 1996, 225–230; Lacovara 2009, 98–100. Note also, that the Palace at Ain Asil/Dakhla (cf. Jeuthe in this volume) from the end of the Old Kingdom is not included in this record due to its more exceptional status as it seems to have been used by governors exclusively. 13  Indications on the possible layout of the hypostyle hall of an Old Kingdom royal palace may be found in the pyramid complexes of the 5th Dynasty: Verner 2006, 151–152; Krejci 2010, 19. For a possible palace or palatial building of the Old Kingdom at Tell Basta / Bubastis see Bietak and Lange 2014. Still, here, further clarification on the basis of future archaeological work is necessary. 14  The problem of the residence in textual evidence: Quirke 2009, 111–115.

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Tab. 1 Overview of textual sources containing terms of palace architecture

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Tab. 2 Overview of excavated palaces

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different functional kind of palace, the so-called campaign palace, constructed for the housing of the king during campaigns of war,15 that is royal “rest houses” providing the travelling king with temporary accommodation,16 which, at the same time, might have served as permanent residences of officials of the town.17 Yet, the residential and not the campaign palace is the main type that all of the available textual evidence of the New Kingdom attests. Therefore, investigations about palatial architecture at the interface of archaeological and textual records are dependent upon the period of the New Kingdom, obviously limiting our results from the beginning.18   However flimsy the evidence for the evolution of the royal palace, the general characteristics of an Egyptian royal palace of the New Kingdom can be identified and have been described by Peter Lacovara as the following: • Enclosure wall • Off-axis entrance • Vestibule / vestibules, anterooms, forecourts • Central hall / court • Throne room • Private rooms (bedchamber, bathroom, etc.)19   This information is derived from the archaeological ground plans of buildings and provides the real architectural constituents of a palace. The textual record, on the other hand, enables us to understand what were the essential determinants of a royal palace in the Ancient Egyptian mind.   Before discussing the detailed arrangements of the palace in texts, some short remarks about the designations for the royal palace in general will be given. 3. pr-nswt, pr-aA, stp-sA, aH In scholarly literature, the choice of terms usually translated with “(royal) palace” has been discussed quite intensively. Some scholars, such as Wolfgang

43

Helck20, Oleg Berlev21 and Ogden Goelet22 have noted, that pr-nswt is from the time of the Old Kingdom a more general term, encompassing a multitude of administrative and economic institutions belonging to the palace as the centre of the state. The frequently used translation “palace” is not, in every case, suitable and a translation such as “royal administration”, or “royal economy” would oftentimes be more reasonable.23   The actual palace of the king, that is his place of residence, is designated by the term pr-aA.24 For example, in the biography of Shepsesptah (5th Dynasty): Sd=f mm msw nswt m pr-aA n nswt m-Xnw-a 25 m jp.t nswt He was raised among the royal children in the palace of the king in the inner (quarters) and the royal apartments.26 The text confirms that pr-aA was the actual building, where the quarters of the king and the royal family were situated.   “The Duties of the Vizier”27 is best known from the biography of Rekhmire, a vizier who served under Thutmose III, and is another fundamental source concerning terms of palatial architecture. Most important in our case is the description of the daily routine of the vizier, where the communication with the king is especially emphasised: this personal communication (nD-xr.t nb a.w.s.) took place in the pr-aA: ao=f grt r nD-xr.t nb a.w.s. jw smj(w) n=f xr.t tA.wy m pr=f raw nb ao=f r pr-aA xft jmj-rA xtm aHa=f r sn.t mHt.t He shall enter to greet the Lord, L.H.P., after the matters of the Two Lands have been reported to him in his (i.e. the viziers) residence each day.

20

 Helck 1975a, 93–96; Helck 1975b, 95–96, 173–175.   Berlev 1962, 143–144. 22  Ogden 1989–1990, 89. 23  However, Helck mentions that a partial shift of the meaning of pr-nswt took place in the 18th Dynasty, when the term is sometimes used to describe an actual palace: Helck 1975a, 95–96. See also van den Boorn 1988, 49 about the use of pr-nswt in the “Duties” in a literal way (“King’s house”) as well as a term for an institution: ibidem, 311. 24   For the Old Kingdom: Ogden 1989–1990, 88–89. 25  For a treatment of Xnw-a see chapter 4.3. 26   Urk. I, 51.13–15; Ogden 1989–1990, 78. 27  Quirke 2009, 111; van den Boorn 1988. 21

15

 For Uronarti and Kor see Kemp 1986, 134–136. The palace of Uronarti: Dunham 1967, 22–31. 16  Kemp 2006, 281–284. 17  So the royal „rest house“, or so-called governors’ palace at Tell Basta. New excavations, which will hopefully reveal the nature of the building, are underway: Bietak and Lange 2014. 18  For the Harim Palace and the Temple Palace see Lacovara 1997, 36–38; Lacovara 2009, 104–107; O’Connor 1995, 180–181; Shaw 2008; Shaw 2011; Shaw 2012. 19  Lacovara 1997, 35.

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He shall enter the palace in front of the overseer of the treasury. He shall position himself at the northern flagstaff.28   Other indications that the pr-aA was the place where the king lived his daily life are the titles of officials, who were entrusted with the personal service of the king. Thus, activities such as hairdressing, the preparation of food, dressing, ornamentation and also singing for the king are connected with the pr-aA.29   The sources for the term stp-sA are manifold and seem to refer not just to the palace building, although the translation ”palace” is generally used and accepted. Goelet in his treatment of the usage of the term stp-sA in the Old Kingdom showed that it originally referred to a kind of escort and protection service for the king.30 Later on, its meaning shifted to the designation of a protective building where also council meetings took place.   Apart from the many examples given by Goelet31, the double aspect of stp-sA as of a council and protective abode continued into later periods as is shown in the Tale of Sinuhe, when the nobles of the stp-sA bring word about the assassination of the king to his successor. Here, it is clear, that those officials included the most trusted and privy officials of the court and state: smr.w n(j.)w stp-sA hAb=sn [r gs] jmn.tj r rd.t rx sA nswt sSm.w xpr m a-Xn.wtj The nobles of the royal council sent [to] the western [border] to let the prince know about the situation that occurred in the audience hall. (pBerlin 10499 (verso), line 17–19)32   Another example in the Berlin Leather roll contains the manuscript version of a building inscription of Senwosret I (see below chapter 4.4), 28

  Davies 1943, pl. XXVI, line 5. Cf. van den Boorn 1988, 59, who assumes a temporal concomitance: “He shall enter the Great House when the overseer of the treasury has drawn up his position at the northern flagstaff”. However, van den Boorn’s translation is somehow awkward: he constructs a clause after the preposition xft, where jmj-rA xtm functions as subject for a following sDm=f. For this, he would have to accept a quite odd-looking word order. Here, the beginning of a new sentence after jmj-rA xtm seems much more plausible and in accordance with the structure of the preceding sDm=f sentences. 29  Ogden 1989–1990, 77–90. 30  Ogden 1986, 85–98. 31   Ibidem. 32  Koch 1990, R 17–19.

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where the ”friends of the stp-sA” form the royal council.   On the other hand, Oleg Berlev made the intriguing suggestion that stp-sA as well as aH referred to the actual abode of the king, within the pr-aA.33 The biography of the vizier User (TT 131) of the time of Thutmose III, however, mentions the bestowal of the king’s order in an official investiture which took place in the aH.34 At first sight it would seem somehow inappropriate for us to imagine an official ceremony of the state taking place in the private quarters of the king; but the limits of our imagination may be too confined by applying modern expectations of an official act to the historic reality of Ancient Egypt,35 therefore that remains an open question.   That the aH-part of the palace also contained the quarters of the royal family (at least in earlier times) is attested in the decree of Senwosret I to Sinuhe: pt=k tn nt(j).t m aH(=j) mn=s rwd=s m-mjn This your heaven (the queen), who is (still) in (my) palace, she endures and flourishes today (...). (pBerlin 3022, line 185)36   The preceding short survey of some of the most significant sources underlines the different categories of meaning implicit within the terms pr-nswt, pr-aA, stp-sA, and aH. Still, in many cases, translations of those terms tend to use “palace”, without differentiation. This would tend to gloss over terms which describe a certain historical reality, which is admittedly very difficult for us to grasp but is essential for an understanding of the nuances of meaning inherent in concrete institutions or places.

33

  Berlev 1962, 146.   Urk. IV, 1382. 13. In the same source, the king is talking about the good reputation of the vizier which “is enduring in the a-Xnw” (Urk. IV, 1382, 19), while there “has never been an allegation against you reaching the aH-palace”(Urk. IV, 1383, 3). A thorough investigation of biographies about the use (and change) of terms for the architecture identified with the sphere of the king and his court in terms of interacting with each other and the outside world would be very promising. 35   For example, an investiture in the private quarters of the king could have been seen as a special privilege for the newly appointed vizier. 36   Koch 1990, B 185. 34

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  Following this general survey, there are four architectural terms which seem to be the most crucial to palace architecture in the Ancient Egyptian mind if we consider absolute designations: 4. rw.tj wr.tj, wAxy, a-Xn.wtj, and DAdw 4.1 rw.tj wr.tj The rw.tj (oftentimes qualified as wr.tj), the great double gateway of the palace, marks the line between the potential dangerous outside and the protected inside world, as well as the transition to a distinctive sphere. This sphere was something very different from the modest living houses and the everyday life experience of the Ancient Egyptians, in its exceptionality only comparable with temple buildings.37 Together with the enclosure wall, the double gateway was the first, and for many the only perceptible part of the royal living sphere, for the majority of people would never have had the chance to visit the royal palace. Here, the possible etymological connection between rwj (to go away, to turn away) and rw.tj as “the place from where one turns away” is most interesting.38   Again, in the Tale of Sinuhe, after the death of Amenemhet I, the great double gateway of the palace is closed: rw.tj wr.tj xtmw. (pBerlin 10499 (verso), line 9).39 In the same source: the decree of the king to Sinuhe invites him to come back to Egypt, already mentioning the protocol to follow when approaching the palace: jr.n=k jw.t r km.t mAA=k Xnw xpr.n=k jm=f sn=k tA r rw.tj wr.tj Xnm=k m smr.w Return to Egypt! You will see the residence where you grew up. You will kiss the earth at the great double gateway, you will join the “friends” (…). (pBerlin 3022, line 188−189)40 Similarly, the Vizier enters the (pr-aA)-palace every morning through the palace portals: [x]r mnmn TA.tj m wbn m pA sbA n(j) rw.tj wr.tj Then the vizier shall move while appearing in the doorway of the great double gateway.41 37

 For a general comparison of the use of terms in palace and temple architecture see: Konrad 2009. For the wider topic of palaces and the temple as images of the cosmos: O’Connor 1993; O’Connor 1995. 38  Konrad 2009, 169; Konrad 2006, 227–229. 39  Koch 1990, R 9. 40  Koch 1990, B 188–189. 41  Davies 1943, pl. XXVI, line 5.

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As the understanding and translation of rw.tj does not provide us with any difficulties, its general location in the existing remains of royal palaces would seem to be relatively easy:   In the palace at Tell Basta, the dual portal would have been situated at the southeast and possibly the north of the enclosure, while in the palace at Malqata at the northeast and in the North Riverside Palace at Amarna at the east, illustrating that the position of the entrance was dependent upon local geographic conditions (see below). Concerning the position of the entrance to the palace, a very interesting aspect arises from the “Duties of the Vizier”: aHa=f r sn.t mHt.t [x]r mnmn TA.tj m wbn m pA sbA n(y) rw.tj wr.tj He (i. e. the vizier) positions himself at the northern flagstaff. Then the vizier moves (on) while appearing in the doorway of the great double gateway.   While the mentioning of the northern flagstaff and the doorway of the great double gateway is of general interest for the reconstruction of the entrance of the royal palace, this passage is also interesting as it uses the verb wbn42, which indicates “(place of) the sunrise” and “east”. Van den Boorn assumes, therefore, that the entrance of the palace was situated in the east: [x]r mnmn TA.tj m wbn m pA sbA n(y) rw.tj wr.tj Then the vizier shall move (in) from the east in the doorway of the great double-gate.43   While this translation presents no grammatical problems, the determinative44 clearly points to the meaning of “moving” and not “sun rising” or the like. Admittedly, also the construction mnmn m wbn seems quite unique and is a rare expression for the movement of a person.45   Now, if we accept the translation of m wbn as “from the east”, several interesting questions come to mind:   Firstly, the entrance of what (pr-aA-type of) palace was situated “in the east”? Did the creator of the text had any real palace in mind or would the description more or less refer to an ideal palace? If, 42

 For citations and references see: TLA, Lemma-Nummer 45170 (February 2014). 43  Van den Boorn 1988, 55, 64–65. A similar translation can be found by Quirke 2009, 115–116. 44   Gard. Sign List D 54. 45   Wb I, 295.4; van den Boorn 1988, 55, 64–65.

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Fig. 1 Possible location of rw.tj wr.tj at the palace of Tell Basta (a), the palace of Malqata (b) and the North Riverside Palace at Amarna (c) (after Bietak 2014-15, 50; Lacovara 1997, 165, fig. 72 and 120, fig. 27)

hypothetically, we would assume that a real palace provides the model for the text, we have to take the problem of the dating of the textual source into consideration. As mentioned above, the dating of the “Duties of the Vizier” is an object of discussion as there are indications for its dating in the early 18th Dynasty, as well as for the late Middle Kingdom.46   So, depending on the dating of the text, we would have to imagine the real palace model as either a palace of the time of Ahmose or Amenhotep I (at Thebes?) or a palace of the Late Middle Kingdom (at Lisht? or at Thebes?). There would be even

the possibility that the model was the royal palace of Thutmose III (at Thebes again or possibly at Memphis as the centre of administration), in the time as Rekhmire exercised his office.   Interestingly, when comparing the orientation of the entrance to “the palace” in the text to archaeologically attested ground plans, the following pattern appears47 (cf. Tab. 3).   In most of the cases (11 out of 16) the entrance to the palace is situated at the northern or northeastern (one time northwestern) part of the building, a reasonable choice, as north is preferred in order

46

47

  See remark 25.

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  For references see Tab. 2 (above).

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tjt).48 Unfortunately, there is no definite answer to the questions raised here on the basis of the available sources.   Another interesting question is whether the great dual portal in the texts always refers to the entrance to the palace building itself or sometimes the doorway of the enclosure wall of the palace, which would have been equally protected as can be seen at the North Riverside Palace at Amarna (see Fig. 1).49 4.2 wAxy In general, wAxy is translated as “columned yard”, “pillared hall” or simply “hall”,50 but needs a more detailed investigation. The famous story of King Khufu and his magician reads: wDA pw jr.n Hm=f r wAxy n pr-aA a.w.s His majesty then proceeded to the wAxy of the palace, L.H.P. (pWestcar, 8.9−8.10)51 Here he meets the magician Djedi, who was brought to entertain the bored king. As Djedi starts to perform his magic, the narration goes on: aHa.n rd(w) pA smn r gbA jmn.tj n(j) wAxy DADA=f r gbA jAb.tj n(j) wAxy Then the goose was placed at the west side of the wAxy, its head at the east side of the wAxy. (pWestcar, 8.18−8.20)

Tab. 3 Orientation of palace entrances

to avoid the sometimes unpleasant odours of the city. We have to keep in mind, though, that also local topographical features, as the course of the Nile, played an important role when choosing the axis of the palace and the direction of its entrance. In general, almost each palace site shows a great amount of individuality in the overall design of the palace building due to such local circumstances. So there may be no absolute general pattern or requirement for palace ground plans.  But even considering those facts, the archaeological evidence does not support the interpretation of Van den Boorn that the ideal palace entrance was generally located in the east, although one could argue that a local northeast of a real existing palace would be described as “east” in this text. Nonetheless, this seems quite far-fetched, especially as the mentioning of east in the text itself would be rather paraphrased (wbn instead of jAb.

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More detailed information comes from pBoulaq 18, a list of daily accounts of the income and expenditure at the palace in Thebes in the 13th Dynasty, over a time period of 12 days. One entry gives as a headline: foA.w m wAxy n(j) pr-aA a.w. s. Rewards in the wAxy of the palace, L.H.P. (XXVI.1−6)52 This is then followed by an account of officials and provisions, indicating a kind of a banquet, which was held for up to sixty persons, as is shown in another entry: jmj-rn=f sr.w stj (.w) r wnm m wAxy m hrw pn List of names of Nobles, who had been ushered to dine in the wAxy on this day. (XXXVII.1)53 48

 For a similar negative conclusion, based on other arguments, cf. O’Connor 1995, 273–274. 49  See also Kemp 2013, 52, fig. 4.29. 50  For citations and references see: TLA, Lemma-Nummer 43270 (February 2014). 51  Blackman 1988. 52   Scharff 1922, pl. 10** (36); Quirke 1990, 40. 53   Scharff 1922, pl. 18** (36); Quirke 1990, 40.

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Even offerings stipulated for deities, as for the statues of Montu of Medamud and Horus-avengerof-his-father, which were brought from their temples to the palace, were presented in the wAxyhall first: rx.t Htp-nTr aH.wtj mAa m wAxy [n] Hr- nDty-Hr-jt=f mnTw m mAdw xft wDA=f [r pr aA anx (w)DA snb] List of offerings of the tenants, presented in the wAxy for Horus-avenger-of-his-father and Montu of Medamud at the time of his proceeding [to the palace, L.H.P.] (XVIII.3)54   Intriguingly, beside some meals (?),55 incense and bread, the offerings presented in the wAxy consist of four (pieces of ?) jwA-cattle. It is likely that not living animals but parts of them were brought to the wAxy from the abattoirs of the palace. It would be unwise, however, to base the conclusion on our conception of what would be the ‘proper’ use of a columned hall of the royal palace, considering that the slaughtering may have been an important part of the ritual to be carried out in front of the statues of the gods to be honoured, no matter if there was some inconvenience accompanying the process of butchering.56   Either way, the wAxy must have been a spacious hall. It obviously offered enough space for a crowd of people who had to be placed there for a ceremonial feast, as is attested by the above mentioned line in the pBoulaq 18. Here, the character of the wAxy-hall seems to be entirely prestigious, a place, where the king would meet guests, officials and the like for formal ceremonies. This impression is supported by the evidence in pWestcar, where the king Khufu meets the magician Djedi in the wAxy to be entertained by his performances.57   In the tale of Sinuhe, the wAxy seems to be situated in front of the a-Xn.wtj: “The “Friends” who usher to the wAxy were showing me the way to the a-Xn.wtj.” (cf. below). Based on this text, the most popular translation of wAxy is “entrance hall”, while on the other hand the translation “audience hall” seems to fit the situation described in pBoulaq and pWestcar much better.

The wAxy, which is not attested before the Middle Kingdom, has also been thought to have a connection with the inundation of the Nile: Based on an observation of columns of the temple of Amenhotep III at Luxor, where the bases are decorated with blue lines, indicating water, Borchardt argued that the columns in this hall present papyrus plants, emerging either from the water or surrounding ponds. Therefore, he assumed that the term wAxy derived from the verb wAxy, “to be inundated”, which led him and others to the theory that the wAxy-hall in palaces represents the marshes of the Delta and in general Lower Egypt58 and should be translated as “inundation hall”.59 Yet, as there is no clear sign of the existence of an Upper Egyptian hall as counterpart, this suggestion seems rather doubtful.   To sum up, the textual evidence leaves us with the interpretation of wAxy as a columned entrance or audience hall, but maybe with an emphasis on the first. In general, it might be a solution to think of the wAxy-hall as a kind of outer, official audience hall,60 which is to be differentiated from an inner, more intimate audience hall, the a-Xn.wtj (see below).   Although columned halls in existing ground plans of palaces are very easy to detect, the precise location of the wAxy is difficult as there is no direct evidence linking a certain hall on any excavated palace with the designation wAxy. Therefore, we have to operate on more general assumptions. Spacious columned halls in the vicinity of the more private quarters of the palace can be located at Tell Basta, Deir el-Ballas, Tell el-Dab‘a, Malqata and Amarna (kings house) as well as at Memphis. It becomes obvious, however, that the wAxy-function can be assigned to more than one hall, creating the possibility that we are dealing less with certain single halls and more with wAxy-areas of the palace (see also below), if wAxy is not just a designation of any room with columns. 4.3 a-Xn.wtj As mentioned above, the architecture of the wAxy is connected to the a-Xn.wtj, for in the Tale of Sinuhe we read:

54

  Scharff 1922, pl. 6** (16); Quirke 1990, 40.  SAbw, cf. Scharff 1922, pl. 6** (16); Spalinger 1986, 40–45. 56  For a general discussion about the location of abattoirs see Eggebrecht 1973, 124–137. 57  A similar feature – a columned reception hall – appears also in houses of the elite at Kahun and Amarna: cf. Bietak 1996 b), 32–43; Arnold 1989, 76–77, 82–83. 55

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 Konrad 2009, 163.  Borchard 1902, 36–49. 60  See also Quirke 1990, 40, who regards the wAxy of the Late Middle Kingdom palace of the accounts of the pBoulaq as an “audience chamber, at the point where the outer and inner sectors of the main palace building meet”. 59

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smr.w sTA.w r wAxy Hr rd.t=j Hr wA.t aXn.wtj gm.n=j Hm=f Hr s.t wr.t m wmt n Dam The “Friends” who usher to the wAxy were showing me the way to the a-Xn.wtj. I found his majesty on the great throne in the recess of electrum. (pBerlin 10499, line 250-251)61 Also, in the letter to Sinuhe, the king said about the queen: msw=s m a-Xn.wtj (…) and her (the queens) children are (already) in the a-Xn.wtj. (pBerlin 10499, line 186-187)62 a-Xn.wtj is, as Gardiner states,63 probably a compound of a (“part”) and Xn.wtj (“inner”) as adjective, connected with Xnw “interior” and its many aspects, especially with the residential aspect of the word.   In the letter of the king to Sinuhe, the mentioning of the a-Xn.wtj is a statement about the status of the royal children. During the time of Sinuhe’s absence they have been appointed to offices which made them members of the king’s council, taking part in intimate audiences,64 underlining the role of the a-Xn.wtj as a special audience room with even more restricted access than the wAxy (see above). The earlier graffito of the official Sobekemhat at Hatnub stresses the same point, as he talks about his carrier under the nomarch of the 15th Nome of Upper Egypt, Neheri: jr m wn=j m Xrd wn=j m smr m sj n(y) a-Xn.wtj As I was a child, I was (already) a “Friend”, a member (lit.: man) of the a-Xn.wtj.65   Special officials of the a-Xn.wtj were the jmj-rA a-Xn.wtj, the “chamberlains” (lit.: Overseer of the aXn.wtj), an office which seems to have been created in the Middle Kingdom, when the title becomes very frequent.66 The royal chamberlain Senwosret / Ketet states that he himself was “rewarded in the aXn.wtj” (foA.kwj m a-Xn.wtj) after fulfilling missions for the king.67 61

    63   64   65  

Koch 1990, B 250–251. Koch 1990, B 187 Gardiner, 1947, I, *44, 123; Wb I, 226.1: “Kabinett”. See also Parkinson 1997, 43, 47. Anthes 1964, Gr. 22.2–3 (pl. 22), p. 48. Late FIP, but see also Schenkel 1962, 84–95 who argues for a dating in the time after the assassination of Amenemhet I. 66  Gardiner, 1947, I, *44, 123; Gauthier 1918; see also Landgráfová 2011. 67   First half of the 12th Dynasty: Stela Louvre C 174: Simpson 1974, Pl. 17, ANOC 8.1. 62

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  Not only royal palaces, but also residences of nomarchs and local rulers contained an a-Xn.wtj. The same is true for houses of high officials of the state government (vizier etc.).68 As the ambitions and obligations of such powerful members of the elite require special rooms for meetings, this is hardly surprising. Biographies of chamberlains of high officials define the duties of the jmj-rA a-Xn. wtj, among other things, quite clearly as those of a keeper of protocol, revealing that the a-xn.wtj was the inner part of the office-room(s) (xA) where the visitors faced the lord of the estate, an arrangement which may well mirror the situation of the a-Xn.wtj in the palace.   For example, on the stela of Antef, regnal year 39 of Senwosret I (Abydos, now London, BM 572):69 (3) jmj-rA aXn.wtj jnj-jtj=f sTA(w) wr.w Sma rd(w) m-bAH Hr(w.w)-X.t=sn m xA n(j) jry-pa.t TAtj The chamberlain Intef, who ushered the great Ones of Upper Egypt, who presents the Ones on their bellies in the hall of the Iry-Pat and Vizir (…). Also on the Stela of Remeny-ankh, late 12th Dynasty (Abydos, now Cairo, CG 20571):70 (3) dd(w) tp-rd n smr.w m jr.t aHaw (4) Hms.t sDm sDm.t wa.t jmj-rA aXn.wtj n(j) xA (5) n(j) jmj-rA xtm rmny-anx (...) The one who gives instructions to the friends regarding to standing and (4) sitting, the one who hears, what is (meant to be) heard alone (i. e. secret matters), the chamberlain of the hall (5) of the sealbearer, Remeny-ankh (…).   That the a-Xn.wtj was a part of the palace with restricted access, where the regular (?) meetings between the king and his most important officials of the state took place is also made clear by another line in Sinuhe, already quoted above in the discussion of the nature of the stp-sA: smr.w n(j)w stp-sA hAb=sn [r gs] jmn.ty r rd.t rx sA nswt sSm.w xpr m a-Xn.wtj The friends of the royal council sent [to] the western [border] to let the prince know about the situation that occurred in the audience hall (pBerlin 10499, line 17−22).

68

  For references see Gauthier 1922, 192–195.  Gardiner, 1947, I, *44, 123; Simpson 1974, Pl. 12, ANOC 5.1.; Landgráfová 2011, 117. 70  Gardiner, 1947, I, *44; Gauthier 1922, 169; Landgráfová 2011, 236. 69

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Fig. 2 T  he possible location of the wAxy-hall at the palace of Tell Basta (a), the North Palace of Deir el-Ballas (b), the Thutmosid Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a (c), the palace at Malqata (d), the King’s house at Amarna (e) and the palace at Memphis (f) (after Bietak 2014−15, 50; Lacovara 1997, 97, fig. 4; Bietak 2010 b, 58, fig. 29; Lacovara 1997, 114, fig. 21, 118, fig. 25 and 116, fig. 23)

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  As nothing less than the possible assassination,71 in any way the death of the king was the issue, the nobles of the royal council would have talked to Senwosret about such a critical matter in terms of state and politics (paraphrased in the source in the typical euphemistic way as “situation”). It was a severe crisis whose grave consequences and management have surely been discussed before by the high officials. Interestingly, the term a-Xn.wtj can be understood in a double sense: the “situation” that may have evolved in the a-Xn.wtj, the intimate part of the reception and council halls, may refer to the (violent?) death of the king or to the following emergency councils held by the officials, or both. As we are dealing with a well-composed text of Egyptian literature, we should assume that the double meaning is intended.   The connection of the “nobles of the stp-sA” (stp-sA designating a collegium of council as well as a part of the inner palace, see above) with the a-Xn.wtj is also significant and adds to the sense of entwined and complex happenings in the intimate part of the palace. The place of the discussion was at the interface between private drama and state affairs, which are mirrored in ambiguous use of the term a-Xn.wtj in the tale of Sinuhe. The passage in the “Instructions of Amenemhet” which reports on the violent attack on the king should be considered here: the king describes the attack happening at nightfall, as he was sleeping, which would most probably happen in his bedroom in the palace, i.e. in the most private part of the palace. In the tale of Sinuhe this narration seems to be continued with the mentioning of the “situation” in the a-Xn.wtj, following either the murder or the natural (later) death of Amenemhet. If the attempted murder was indeed successful, it corroborates the impression that a-Xn.wtj is close to the private rooms of the king.72 As has been argued above for wAhy, our understanding of palace architecture may be enhanced when we assume that a-Xn.wtj possessed a wider meaning, designating not only a single room but encompassing a part of the palace with the private rooms of the king as well as attached intimate halls for confidential council.

71

 For a comprehensive discussion of the question of historical reality of the assassination see Jansen-Winkeln 1991. Sceptical, however: Burkhard 1999, 159–161 Cf. also Parkinson 1997, 207, n. 12. 72  I am thankful to Martin Stadler for pointing out that interpretation to me (for the text see Adrom 2006, esp. 35–47 (§6a-§7f).

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  It is likely that Old Kingdom palaces would have possessed such elements, yet, the simple transfer of the meaning of the word a-Xn.wtj to the Xnw-a of Old Kingdom texts seems doubtful as the more general translation “residence / palace” or “interior” seems to fit better for the references quoted by Gardiner.73 Even more significant in this matter is the lack of evidence of a title jmj-rA a-Xn.wtj, which occurred not before the Middle Kingdom. Of course, this says nothing about the existence of architecture with a similar function to the a-Xn.wtj in the Old Kingdom, but we have to consider that another term may have been applied to it.   When trying to transfer the results of those considerations to the existing archaeological ground plans, the area of the a-Xn.wtj, as it is characterised in the textual references, is easily locatable in the most inner part of the palace, where it is especially shielded and protected from the outside world and at the longest possible distance from the gateway (i.e. the main entrance, see Fig. 1). Here, the evolution of the palace from elite house architecture (as attested for example at Kahun) is most obvious.74 Overall, the closeness of the a-Xn.wtj – area to the wAxy-hall(s) and the interplay of both architectural units as visible on the ground plans and at the same time at the level of the imagination, as reflected by the texts, is very illustrative. 4.4 DAd.w The DAd.w is above all known as the traditional starting point of events related in the so-called Königsnovelle (cf. chapter 1). It usually provides the setting for a council, formal or informal, presided over by the king, who informs the nobles and officials about his plans for future, generally large-scale, activities. The following references show that the designation DAd.w has been used in this way over a very long period of time:

 Gardiner, 1947, I, *44, 123; Urk. I, 42.15; 43.18; 51.13; 51.16; 83.14; 86.6. Admittedly in 83.14 (biography of Sabu Ibebi) and 86.6 (biography of an official of the time of Teti) the more specific understanding of Xnw-a as inner audience hall would also deliver a very reasonable statement: both biographies give (…) rd Hm=f ao(=j) r Xnw-a (...) “and his majesty had me enter the inner audience hall”, paraphrasing the appointment to an official of the royal council. For the biography of Shepsesptah again (Urk. I, 51.13–15, see chapter 3), m-Xnw-a points to interior quarters rather than “residence” or “inner audience hall” or the like. 74  Bietak 1996b, 40–43 (with an emphasis on temple palaces of the New Kingdom); Bietak 2010b, fig. 20b. 73

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• Building inscription of Senwosret I of a temple of Harakhte at Heliopolis (Berlin Leather roll = pBerlin 3029):75

• Inscription of Hatshepsut, regnal year 9, at her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri about the expedition to Punt:79

(2) xa.t nswt m sxm.tj xpr Hms.t m DAd.w nD-rA.w jmj.w xt.w=f smr.w n(j).w (3) stp-sA a. (w). s. sr.w r s.t waa.w (2) Appearance of the king with the double crown. Occurring of a seating in the DAd.w. Taking council with his followers, the friends of the (3) stp-sA, L. (H.)P., the noblemen at the place of privacy.

xpr Hms.t m DAd.w xa.t nswt m Atf Hr s.t n(j).t Dam m Xnw Dsr.w n(j).w aH=f sTA sr.w smr.w n(j).w stp-sA r sDm sSm n wD.t Occurring of a sitting of the king in the DAd.w. Appearing of the king with the Atef-crown on the throne of electrum in the splendidness of his palace. Ushering of the noblemen and the friends of the stpsA to hear the instruction of the order.

• Stela of an unknown official, reign of Amenemhet II (Debod, now Berlin 1203):76 (2) wD Hm=f n sr [...] (3) m DAdw […] (2) His majesty ordered the official […] (3) in the DAdw […] • Stela of Ahmose regarding the erection of funerary monuments for his grandmother Tetisheri (Abydos, now Cairo, CG 34002, JE 3635):77 (1) xpr swt snDm Hm=f m DAd.w nswt-bj.tj (nb pH.tj raw)| sA raw (jaH-ms)|dj anx (2) jrj.t pa.t wr.t Hsw.t wr.t jmA.t sA.t nswt sn.t nswt Hm.t nTr Hm.t nswt wr.t (jaH ms nfr.t jrj)| anx.tj xft Hm=f wa Dd=f (3) xft sn.nw=f Hr HHj Ax.t n ntj.w jm (…) (1) Now it came to pass that his majesty rested in the DAd.w, the dual king, (Neb-pehti-Re)|, the son of Re (Ahmose), given life. (2) The hereditary princess, great of praise, great of charme, the king’s daughter, the king’s sister, the god’s wife, the great wife of the king (Ahmes-Nefertari)|, who may live, was before his majesty. One talked (3) to the other while searching for usefulness for those who are there (i.e. the deceased) (…). • Inscription of Hatshepsut at her mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahri claiming her legitimate succession:78 xpr Hms.t nswt Ds=f m DAd.w n jmj wr.t jw rmT.w jpn Hr X.wt=sn m stp-sA Occurring of a sitting of the king, himself, in the DAd.w on the west side, while these people were on their bellies in the stp-sA.

• Inscription of Thutmosis III, regnal year 23, in his festival hall in Karnak about the renovation of the temple of Amun:80 (1) xpr Hms.t nswt m DAd[.w][jmj wr.t] [...] (1) Occurring of a sitting of the king in the DAd[.w] [ on the west side] […] • Biography of User: investiture as a vizier, TT 131, reign of Thutmose III:81 xpr swt Hms.t nswt m [DAd.w n(j)] jmj wr.t nswt bj.tj (mn-xpr-raw)| dj anx sTA sr.w [smr.w Sps.ww nswt] saH.w s.t waa.w jmj.w xn.t wr.w n(j).w stp-sA Snw.t Hr m aH=f r nD xr.t nswt [a.w.s.] Occurring of a sitting of the king in the [DAd.w] on the west side, the dual king, (Men-cheper-Re)|, given life. Ushering of the noblemen, [the friends and the noblemen of the king], the dignitaries (at) the place of privacy, the jmj.w-xn.t, the great ones of the stp-sA, the entourage of Horus in his palace, to take council (about) the affairs of the king, [L. H. P.]   In scholarly literature, translations for DAd.w are manifold: “audience hall”,82 “summer palace”83 or “throne hall”.84 Indeed, the textual evidence of the Middle and New Kingdom demonstrates that the DAd.w was a vital part of the palace, used as a kind of audience hall or throne hall. A debate arose about the specification jmj wr.t “west side”, as it seems to indicate a location of the Theban residential palace on the west bank of the Nile.85 As the only excavated 79

  Urk. IV, 349.10–14.  Gardiner 1952, 6ff., pl. II. 81   Urk. IV, 1380.12–15. 82   Wb V, 572.11–15. 83  Hannig 1995, 1493. 84   LÄ VI, 467. 85  LÄ VI, 467 with further references; Stadelmann 1996, 226, 229. 80

75

 De Buck 1938. For further references see Piccato 1997, 137. 76  ÄIB I, 256, TLA, Document DZA 31.550.270 (September 2014); Hirsch 2009, 77. 77   Urk. IV, 26–29; Klug 2002, 15–21. 78   Urk. IV, 256.17–257.2.

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Fig. 3 T  he possible location of the aXn.wtj-area at the palace of Tell Basta (a), the North Palace of Deir el-Ballas (b), the Thutmosid Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a (c), the palace at Malqata (d), the King’s house at Amarna (e) and the palace at Memphis (f) (after Bietak 2014−15, 50; Lacovara 1997, 97, fig. 4; Bietak 2010b, 58, fig. 29; Bietak 1997, 114, fig. 21 and 118, fig. 25; Lacovara 1997, 116, fig. 23)

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royal palace at Thebes is the palace of Amenhotep III at Malqata at the south of Kom el-Hettan, the mortuary temple of this king on the west bank,86 the phrase may refer to this situation. The examples, however, allow other interpretations: DAd.w n(j) jmj wr.t could be understood as “the DAd.w at the west side (of the palace)”, leaving the actual geographical position of the palace open for further speculation. An aH-palace close to Karnak is mentioned in the inscriptions on the Red Chapel of Hatshepsut, leading several scholars to suggest a location of an 18th Dynasty residential (governmental) Palace to the northwest of the sacred district of Amun, on the east bank of the Nile.87   The function of the DAd.w as a place of the royal council bears close parallels to the function of the a-Xn.wtj. Based on the textual sources, a clear distinction of their function is not obvious to us, except for the intermixture of private sphere and secret council, which is characteristic for the sphere of the a-Xn.wtj (see above), while the DAd.w appears in the above mentioned sources only as the location of meetings of officials on a larger scale, when a great number of officials gathered to hear official decisions and proclamations of their king.88 The large-scale meetings, on the other hand, remind us again of the use of the wAxy-hall.   As the term DAd.w was unchanged over the millennia, the character of the architecture did not necessarily have to stay the same. In fact, older textual references allude to a somehow different character of this architecture in the Old Kingdom: • False door of Ny-ankh-Sekhmet (reign of Sahure): the king grants a false door for his tomb (Saqqara, now Cairo, CG 1482):89 rdj jn Hm=f jn=tw n=f rw.tj sn.tj m rA-Aw m jn(r) wd=tw sn m Xnw DAd.w n(j)w xa wrr.t (saHw raw)| 86

 Lacovara 1997, 25–28; Lacovara 2008, 62–73.  Otto 1952, 25–26; O’Connor 1995, 271–276, with further arguments. 88  An exception being the description of the informal or private meeting of Ahmose and Ahmes-nefertari in the DAd.w on the Stela of Tetisheri (CG 34002 = JE 36335). At a second glance, this seemingly peculiar contrast between the highly official character of the place of the meeting and its relaxed and informal, almost intimate character reflects masterfully the mixture of the familiar relation between the king and his grandmother (intimate / private level), who is the beneficiary of the decided royal building activities and the resulting official decree (official / public level). 89   Urk. I, 38.11–39.3. 87

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wd=tw wr.wj xrp Hmw.t Hmw.wt wab.t Hr=sn jr=tw kA.t jm=sn r-gs nswt Ds=f xpr S raw-nb mA=tw jr.t jm=sn m stp-sA Xr(.t)-hrw dj jn Hm=f (w)d.t Xr.w-a jm=sn sS=tw sn m xsbD His majesty had two false doors brought for him from Tura, (made) of stone. They were laid down in the DAd.w of the (palace) “Sahure appears with the Great-one”. The two greatest of the directors of craftsmen and a workforce of craftsmen of the wab.t (-workshop) were set (to work) on them. The work on them had been carried out in the presence of the king himself. The stonemasonry (?)90 happened every day. The work on them had been inspected in the stp-sA (and its) daily requirements.91 Then his majesty ordered to apply pigment on them (and) they were coloured in blue. • Inscription on the sarcophagus of Weta, (5th / 6th Dynasty): performing of handcraft in the DAd.w (Giza, now Cairo: CG 1787):92 jmj-rA ar.tjw jr.t mDA.t n(j).t ar.t n(j).t Xrj-Hb r s.t-jb n(j).t nb=f mj r wD.t jr.t (j)x.t r s.t n(j) nswt xpr.t Hms.t m DAd.w wtA Overseer of the manufacturers of leather rolls, who made the rolls of leather of the lector priest according to the desire and the order of his lord and who made the things for the seat of the king, whenever the sitting in the DAd.w occurred, Weta. • False door of Khufu-ankh (5th /6th Dynasty): the king grants a false door for the tomb of Khufu-ankh (Giza G 4520, now BMFA 30.2180):93 jr.n n=f Hm=f nw r jmAxw=f xr Hm=f sk sw anx Hr rd.wj=f(j) xnt(j)-S pr-aA Hs xwfw-anx jr(w) r-gs nswt Ds=f Hr pgA n(j) DAd.w sk Hm=f mAA=f Xr(.t)-hrw jm raw-nb His majesty had this (false door) made for him, according to his (status of) veneration with his majesty as he was living on his both legs. The land tenant of the palace and the singer Khufu-ankh; (the false door) has been made in the presence of the king, himself, at the opening / open court (?)94 of the DAd.w as his majesty inspected its daily requirements there every day. 90

 See Kloth 2002, 213.918.   See the parallel on the false door of Khufu-ankh (below). 92   Urk. I, 22.5–14; Junker 1957. 93  Kloth 2002, 27.56. 94  For a discussion of pgA see Junker 1957, 30; Kloth 2002, 213.915. 91

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  Clearly, in the texts of the Old Kingdom, the DAd.w appears as a place where the king is frequently present, as the biographies of the officials claim to have either performed handcrafts or have received the result of such craftsmanship at the DAd.w under the kings “daily” watch. Texts of the Middle and New Kingdom point to a function of the DAd.w as audience hall, therefore the imagination of the conducting of stonemasonry and other craftsmanship accompanied by unavoidable inconveniences such as dust, noise and chattering sits awkwardly with the picture of audience hall, where the king held his meetings with high officials.95   The three texts from the Old Kingdom dealing with the DAd.w come from the genre of biographies, a category of texts that, according to their potential for verification, should be granted some credibility when it comes to the description of such special and detailed activities of daily life (see above). The point would deserve a larger treatment than it is possible within the scope of this paper. However one aspect should be addressed here: the fact that biographies are biased by the needs of self-representation is selfevident. Still, on the other hand, such texts were written for other members of the elite who may have visited the tombs and could appreciate not only the social rank but also the learnt status of the deceased. The mentioning of specific terms of the royal palace also serves the need of the tomb owners to prove their social affiliation to the elite, who shared and admired this type of “insider” information, which may not have been easily accessible but part of a restricted knowledge.   However “strange” this earlier use of the word and the corresponding architecture of the DAd.w appears to us, those references cannot be neglected. An option for a better understanding of the DAd.w might therefore be the consideration that the DAd.w might have been subject to a transformation, in the way that the term shifted in the course of time from the general designation of an open columned court and its close precincts, where a multitude of activities attached to a palace building took place96 to the designation of an audience hall, as the focus

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of activities there narrowed down to the needs of royal ceremony and presentation. The mentioning of a mr.t in the DAd.w of the palace of Pepi II adds some substance to the picture of the DAd.w as a kind of a collective name for columned halls of different functions in distinct buildings: • Lintel of Perti (6th Dynasty, Saqqara, pyramid complex of queen Iput):97 (Hm.t nTr) Hw.t-Hr [m] mr.t n(j.t) DAd.w (ppjj)| (Priestess) of Hathor at the mr.t (-sanctuary) of the DAd.w of Pepi.   The interpretation of the nature of mr.t-buildings, which appear only sparsely in the textual record of the Old Kingdom, has proved rather difficult. While until now, any archaeological evidence for mr.tbuildings is missing, the available textual evidence points to a kind of chapel, closely connected to the cult of Hathor.98 The above quoted reference suggests the existence of a mr.t-chapel in the DAd.w-hall of the palace of Pepi and has always been understood in that way. Yet, as the palace is not actually mentioned in the short inscription, an interpretation of the DAD.w as being a part of the architectural ensemble of the pyramid complex of Pepi II (possibly a columned hall at the funerary temple) would also be possible.99   A granite portal of the Middle Kingdom found at Tell el-Dab‘a in 1883 added to the confusion of the nature of the DAd.w. It was excavated at Ezbet Helmi, reused in a building of the late Hyksos Period and is now thought to come originally from Rushdi el-Sagira.100   The inscription on the outer face of the portal gives the titles of Senwosret III and continues: jr.n=f m mnw=f saHa sbA n DADAw(j) (jmn-m-HA.t)| m smA.w jr.t n jt=f nswt-bj.tj (sHtp-jb-raw)| (...) He made as his monument the erection of the DADAw(j) of the palace of Amenemhet as a renewal of what his father, the dual king Sehetepibre, did. (…)

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 This discrepancy has been discussed in literature before: Junker 1957, 29; Hirsch 2009, 78. 96  See also Drenkhahn 1976, 152. An interesting question would be, if the columned vestibule of private houses of the elite, where handcrafts and the like were carried out, was called DAd.w as well. Since textual evidence for the use of the term DAd.w for private houses is missing, a possibility is that – apart from the simple coincidence of preservation – another word may have been in use for private contexts.

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  Jéquier 1933, 58, fig. 36.   Brovarski 2001, 92–93.d with further references. 99  See also the epithet of a goddess (Hathor?) as “mistress of the DAd.w” on a stela of Dstj from Saqqara (OK): Hirsch 2009, 77. 36 which points in the same direction. 100  Habachi 2001, 158–163, pls. 8–9; Szafranski 1998, 101– 106. 98

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  The term DADA.wj is followed by the sign of the aH-palace (Gard. O 11), which serves as a determinative although a reading DADAw(j) (nj) aH (nj) (jmn-m-HA.t)| – “DADA.wj (of) the palace (of) Amenemhet” cannot be excluded. There seem to be no clear parallels of this use of the term DADA.wj in the known textual record apart from the title jrj-a.t n(j.t) DADA.wj of officials of the Middle Kingdom.101 Zbigniew Szafranski treats the term as a simple synonym for DAd.w and translates it as “audience hall of the palace of Amenemhet”,102 on the basis of some of the texts quoted above (Urk. I, 3; pBerlin 3029), uncritically following Labib Habachis earlier suggestion.103 The connection of the term DADA.w(j) on the portal of Amenemhet / Senwosret III from Ezbet Helmi with a certain part of palace architecture is undeniable, the more so as this portal could have been a part of a royal resthouse (mooring place)104 of Amenemhet I, attached to the settlement of the early 12th Dynasty at area F/I.105 Still, the simple equation DAd.w = DADA.w(j) lacks any certain etymological and phonetical basis.106 Until the appearance of further evidence, the “DADA.w(j) of Amenemhet” should therefore not be interpreted as archaeological proof for the DAd.w-hall of the palace that appears in the texts quoted above.   When we try to apply the results of the textual sources mentioning the DAd.w-hall to the available ground plans of palaces, we find ourselves confronted with similar issues as discussed for the wAxy-hall and, to a lesser degree, for the a-Xn.wtj-area. The apparent character of DAd.w(-hall) as a collective name and the mostly partially preserved ground plans of palaces hamper firm designations of specific architectural units. However, the palaces at Malqata, 101

 Szafranski 1998, 102–103; WB V, 532.6: “building in front of a temple” (from Dyn. 19). 102  Szafranski 1998, 104–105. 103  Habachi 1954, 456. 104  Temporary palaces for the king on the move, the so called “mooring places” (mnjw), a kind of royal rest houses, used to provide the king and his officials with temporary accommodation, are known to us by the accounts of the Wilbour Papyrus: Gardiner 1948, 18; Kemp 2006, 281– 282. “Mooring palaces” are attested at Mi-wr (Medinet Gurob), pA sgA n(j) anyn and Hr-dj (Cynopolis), (§34, 85, 84). Kemp suggests, that those royal rest houses may have had the same layout as the small palaces, attached to the mortuary temples at the west bank of Thebes, but adding in magazines, kitchens and small houses for the servants, which are missing at the temple palaces because they served as a mere token for a palace. 105   M. Bietak, personal communication. 106   Critical is also Spencer 1984, 130–131.

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and Tell Dab‘a, the King’s house at Amarna and the palace of Merenptah at Memphis may allow a very hypothetical reconstruction, as suggested in Fig. 4. Summary The results of the comparison of information from textual sources with the archaeological record reveals certain interesting insights, which may enhance further investigation of the topic of palace architecture.   Firstly, it appears that the function of the wAxy, a-Xn.wtj and DAd.w sometimes overlapped, suggesting that there may have not been very sharp distinctions of rooms and their functions as we would expect, but a more flexible use of palace architecture and terms. Naturally, the a-Xn.wtj above all, as the innermost quarter of the palace, where the private rooms of the king and his intimate audience hall(s) were situated bears the easiest understandable function and location on the ground plan. The wAxy and the DAd.w, on the other hand, both columned spacious halls or perhaps even (in the case of DAd.w) open courts, generally seem to resemble each other closely in their architectural form. There are indications, however, of a slightly different use of the wAxy-hall and the DAd.w-hall in the texts. The wAxy-hall is mentioned as the architectural frame for receptions and entertainment for banquets, while the DAd.w-hall in the Middle and New Kingdom is the place of gatherings of officials to participate in proclamations made by the king, or in meeting him for the planning of future royal deeds, such as wars or building activities. In the Old Kingdom, however, the DAd.w is mentioned in a quite different role: as the place of specialist handicrafts, conducted by experts. That does not mean, however, that the use of the DAd.w as place of council in the Old Kingdom should be excluded as we possess only a minimum of the written record of this period. The more so, as the narrations of the Königsnovelle, where the seating of the king and his officials in the DAd.w occur as a firm topic, may go back to much older Vorlagen.   But as the DAd.w may well have possessed this multitude of functions in the Old Kingdom, it is conspicuous, that the DAd.w never appears as a place of specialist handicrafts in the texts of the Middle and especially the New Kingdom, where the corpus of preserved texts is much larger. In terms of the function for councils, the a-Xn.wtj seems to be interchangeable with the DAd.w (cf. Fig. 5).   Another issue that should be addressed here is that in several cases it does not seem practical

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Fig. 4 T  he possible location of a DAD.w-halls at the palace at Malqata (a), at the Thutmosid Palace G at Tell el-Dab‘a (b), the King’s house at Amarna (c) and the palace at Memphis (d) (after Lacovara 1997, 114, fig. 21; Bietak 2010b, 58, fig. 29; Lacovara 1997, 118, fig. 25, 116, fig. 23)

to try to apply the terms from the texts to single halls or rooms at a specific excavated palace. The fluidity of use of terms points to the existence of areas more than single rooms. In my opinion, the a-Xn.wtj is not a certain number of rooms with absolutely fixed functions but the sphere of the innermost palace, the “a-Xn.wtj-area”. In the same way, any columned hall at the entrance of the palace could be addressed and used as a wAxyhall, in this way defining the character of this part

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of the royal building as a wAxy(-area) and so on. At last we should be aware, that there is obviously no specific description of a specific palace which can be located in time and space. As has been argued above, the mentioning of palaces, the quotes of architectural terms, the short references treating localities within the palace are just by-products of narrations, biographies and other genres of texts, whose main focus was upon other aspects. Yet, dealing with those textual sources provides us with

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Fig. 5 Palace areas and functions (after Lacovara 1997, 114, fig. 21, 116, fig. 23)

a unique insight into the Ancient Egyptian mind: for example in literary texts, when the need arose to create a setting within a royal palace, the author would name exactly those elements of architecture which were felt to be typical and distinguished the palace, that it could stand as pars pro toto for the

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whole building, creating the image of “the” ideal royal palace in the imagination of his audience / readers. In that case, it is pertinent to ask what constituted an Egyptian palace and whether that concept remained the same throughout Egyptian history.

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5. What makes an Egyptian Palace? While there are no two excavated palaces that resemble each other completely, with each building showing different and individual solutions to the topographical circumstances of the site (see chapter 2), the known palaces do share some distinct features, such as: • • • • • • •

Enclosure wall Off-axis entrance Forecourt and halls Central hall Throne room Private rooms Magazines, storages, offices

It is now interesting to parallel those real architectural features with the typical characteristics of the palaces of the Ancient Egyptian mind. Palaces were – according to the textual references – defined by the existence of: • • • •

Protected monumental gateway (rw.tj wr.tjarea) Columned entrance halls (wAxy-area) Side (?) halls and columned courts (DAd.w-area) Intimate council halls, throneroom and private quarters (a-Xn.wtj-area)

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This leads to the following picture (archaeological evidence vs. correspondence in the textual record): • • • • • • •

Enclosure wall with monumental gateway = rw.tj wr.tj-area Off-axis entrance (no correspondence) Forecourts and halls = wAxy-area / DAd.w-area Central hall = wAxy-area Throne room = a-Xn.wtj-area Private rooms = a-Xn.wtj-area Magazines, storages, offices (no correspondence)

It is quite intriguing that the key elements of the palace on the sites are actually well mirrored in the palace of the ancient mind. The splendid grandeur of the large columned halls and the secret luxury of the innermost quarters were obviously the most impressive parts of a palace, and, at the same time, those elements which were most obviously different to the average modest house buildings of the majority of the people. It is these areas of palaces that are mentioned over and over again in the texts. The mentioning of those distinctive features evoked a vivid enough picture of the remote world of royal life so that no further explanation was needed, and that may be a reason for the perceptible haziness of the use of terms for palace architecture in Egyptian texts.

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Bibliography Adrom, F. 2006  Die Lehre des Amenemhet, Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca 19, Bruxelles: association égyptologique reine Élisabeth. Anthes, R. 1964  Die Felsinschriften von Hatnub, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Ägyptens 9, Hildesheim. Arnold, F. 1989  A Study of Egyptian Domestic Buildings, Varia Aegyptiaca 5 (2), 75–93. Berlev, O. 1962  The King’s House in the Middle Kingdom, 143– 148, in: Trudi XXV mezhdunarodnogo kongressa vostokovedov, Moscow. Bietak, M. 1996a Avaris, Capital of the Hyksos – Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab’a, London. Zum Raumprogramm ägyptischer Wohnhäuser des 1996b  Mittleren und des Neuen Reiches, 23–43, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna. 2010a  A Palace of the Hyksos Khayan at Avaris, 99–109, in: P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock, L. Nigro and N. Marchetti (eds.), Proceedings of the 6th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East (2-11 May 2008 in Rome), Wiesbaden. 2010b  Houses, Palaces and Development of Social Structures at Avaris, 11–68, in: M. Bietak, E. Czerny and I. Forstner-Müller (eds.), Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt: Papers from a Workshop in November 2006 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, UZK 60, Vienna. 2010c Le Hyksos Khayan, son palais, et une lettre en cunéiforme, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres 154 (2), 973–990. 2011 A Hyksos Palace at Avaris, EA 38, 38–41. 2014–15 Nord und Süd – Königlich und Profan. Neues zum Palast des Mittleren Reiches von Bubastis, in: D. Polz and S. J. Seidlmayer (eds.), Gedenkschrift für Werner Kaiser, MDAIK 70/71, 49–57. Bietak, M. and Forstner-Müller, I. 2011  Topography of New Kingdom Avaris and PerRamesses, 23–50, in: M. Collier and S. Snape (eds.), Ramesside Studies in Honour of K.A. Kitchen, Bolton.

Blackman, A.M. 1988 The Story of King Kheops and the Magicians. Transcribed from Papyrus Westcar (Berlin Papyrus 3033), W.V. Davies (ed.), Whitstable. Borchard, L. 1902 Die Cyperussäule, ZÄS 40, 36–49. Brovarski, E. 2001  The Senedjemib Complex, Part I, Giza Mastabas, Volume 7, Boston. Brunner, H. 1964  Die Geburt des Gottkönigs, ÄA, Wiesbaden. Burkard, G. 1999 ‘Als Gott erschienen spricht er’ Die Lehre des Amenemhet als postumes Vermächtnis, in: J. Assmann and E. Blumenthal (eds.), Literatur und Politik im pharaonischen und ptolemäischen Ägypten: Vorträge der Tagung zum Gedenken an Georges Posener 5.–10. September 1996 in Leipzig, BiÉtud 127, 153–173. Davies, N. de G. 1943  The Tomb of Rekh-Mi-Re at Thebes, 2 vols. Publication of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition 11, New York. de Buck, A. 1938 The Building inscription of the Berlin Leather Roll, Studia aegyptiaca I, Analecta Orientalia 17, 48–57.

Drenkhahn, R. 1976  Die Handwerker und ihre Tätigkeiten im Alten Ägypten, ÄA 31, Wiesbaden. Dunham, D. 1967 Uronarti, Shalfak, Mirgissa. Excavated by George Andrew Reisner and Noel F. Wheeler, Second Cataract Forts, Volume 2, Boston. Eggebrecht, A. 1973  Schlachtungsbräuche im Alten Ägypten und ihre Wiedergabe im Flachbild bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches, Munich. Eyre, C. J. 1996 Is historical literature “political” or “literary”?, 415–433, in: A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, PdÄ 10, Leiden, New York, Köln. Gardiner, A. H. 1947 Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 3 vols, Oxford.

Bietak, M., Math, N. and Müller, V. 2012 Report on the Excavation of a Hyksos Palace at Tell el-Dab’a/Avaris, Ä&L 22–23, 17–53.

Gardiner, A. H. (ed.) 1948  The Wilbour Papyrus II, Oxford.

Bietak, M. and Lange, E. 2014 Tell Basta: The palace of the Middle Kingdom, EA 44, 4–7.

Gardiner, A. H. 1952 Thutmosis III returns thanks to Amun, JEA 38, 6–23.

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Palaces of the Ancient Mind Gauthier, H. 1918  Le Titre IMI-RA ÂKHNOUTI et ses acceptions diverses, BIFAO 15, 169–206. Gnirs, A. 1996 Die ägyptische Autobiographie, 191–241, in: A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature. History and Forms, PdÄ 10, Leiden, New York, Köln. Grajetzki, W. 2005  Zu einigen Titeln in literarischen Werken des Mittleren Reiches, CdÉ 80, 36–65. Habachi, L. 1954 Khata’na-Qantir: Importance, ASAE 52, 443–562. 2001 Tell el-Dab‘a I: Tell el-Dab‘a and Qantir. The Site and its Connection with Avaris and Piramesse. Edited by Eva-Maria Engel, Peter Jánosi, and Christa Mlinar. UZK 2, Vienna. Hannig, R. 1995  Grosses Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch – Deutsch. Die Sprache der Pharaonen (2800-950 v. Chr.), Mainz. Helck, W. 1975a  Die große Stele des Vizekönigs St3w aus Wadi esSabua, SAK 3, 85–112. 1975b  Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Alten Ägypten im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Handbuch der Orientalistik, erste Abteilung: Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten 1 (5), Leiden and Köln. Hirsch, E. 2009  Residences in the Texts of Senwosret I, 69–82, in: R. Gundlach and J.H. Taylor (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences. 4th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, London, June, 1st-5th, 2002, Wiesbaden. Hofmann, B. 2004  Die Königsnovelle, Ägypten und Altes Testament 62, Wiesbaden. Jansen-Winkeln, K. 1991  Das Attentat auf Amenemhet I. und die erste ägyptische Koregentschaft, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 18, 241–264. 1994  Text und Sprache in der 3. Zwischenzeit, Ägypten und Altes Testament 26, Wiesbaden. Jéquier, G. 1933  Les pyramides des reines Neit et Apouit, Cairo. Junker, H. 1957  Weta und das Lederkunsthandwerk im Alten Reich, Oesterr. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. – hist. Kl. Sitzungsberichte, 231. Band, 1. Abhandlung, Wien. Kemp, B. 1986 Large Middle Kingdom Granary Buildings, ZÄS 113, 120–136. 1977 The Palace of Apries at Memphis, MDAIK 33, 101– 108.

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Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, 2nd 2006  revised ed., London. 2013  The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Amarna and its People, London. Kloth, N. 2002  Die (auto)biographischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches: Untersuchung zur Phraseologie und Entwicklung, SAK Beihefte 8, Hamburg. Klug, A. 2002  Königliche Stelen in der Zeit von Ahmose bis Amenophis III, Monumenta Aegyptiaca 8, Brussels. Koch, R. 1990  Die Erzählung des Sinuhe, Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca XVII, Brussels. Konrad, K. 2006  Architektur und Theologie: pharaonische Tempelterminologie unter Berücksichtigung königsideologischer Aspekte, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 5, Wiesbaden. Palast und Tempel: Zur Terminologie altägyptischer 2009  Palast- und Tempelarchitektur, 163–171, in: R. Preys (ed.), 7. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung: Structuring Religion; Leuven, 28. September - 1. Oktober 2005, Akten der ägyptologischen Tempeltagungen 2, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 3, Wiesbaden. Krejci, J. 2010  The Royal Necropolis in Abusir, Abusir XVIII, Excavations of the Czech Institute of Egyptology, Prague. Lacovara, P. 2008  Un Palais royal au temps d’Amenhotep III et de Tiy: Malgatta, 62–73, in: C. Ziegler (ed.), Reines d’Égypte: d’Hétephérès à Cléopâtre, Monaco, Paris. 1997  The New Kingdom Royal City, Studies in Egyptology, London and New York. 2009  The Development of the New Kingdom Royal Palace, 83–110, in: R. Gundlach and J.H. Taylor (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences. 4th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, London, June, 1st-5th, Wiesbaden. Landgráfová, R. 2011  It is my Good Name that You should Remember. Egyptian Biographical Texts on Middle Kingdom Stelae, Prague. Loprieno, A. (ed.) 1996  Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, PdÄ 10, Leiden, New York, Köln. Loprieno, A. 1996  The „King’s novel“, 277–295, in: A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature. History and Forms, PdÄ 10, Leiden, New York, Köln.

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Moers G., Widmaier, K., Gwiekemeyer, A., Lümers, A. and Ernst, R. (eds.) 2013 Dating Egyptian Literary Texts, Lingua Aegyptia – Studia monographica 11, Hamburg. O’Connor, D. 1993  Mirror of the Cosmos: The Palace of Merenptah, 167–198, in: E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eds.), Fragments of a Shattered Visage. The Proceedings of the International Symposium on Ramesses the Great, Monographs of the Institute of Egyptian Art and Archaeology 1, Memphis, 1995 Beloved of Maat, the Horizon of Re: The Royal Palace in New Kingdom Egypt, 263–300, in: D. O’Connor and D.P. Silverman (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, Leiden. Ogden, G. 1986 The term stp-sA in the Old Kingdom and its later development, JARCE 23, 85–98. 1989–90 The Nature of the Term pr-aA during the Old Kingdom, Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 10, 77–90. Oppenheim, A. 2011  The Early Life of Pharaoh: Divine Birth and Adolescence Scenes in the Causeway of Senwosret III at Dahshur, 171–188, in: M. Barta and J. Krejčí (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2010 / 2011, Prague. Otto, E. 1952 Die Topographie des Thebanischen Gaues, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Altertumskunde Aegyptens 16, Berlin. Pagliari, G. 2012  Function and Significance of Ancient Egyptian Royal Palaces, online source: http://etheses.bham. ac.uk/3657/ Pardey, E. 2003  Die Datierung der Dienstanweisung für den Wesir und die Problematik von Tp rsj im Neuen Reich, 323– 334, in: N. Kloth, K. Martin and E. Pardey (eds.), Es werde niedergelegt als Schriftstück. Festschrift für Hartwig Altenmüller zum 65. Geburtstag, SAK, Beihefte 9, Hamburg. Parkinson, R. 1997  The Tale of Sinuhe and other Ancient Egyptian Poems, 1940–1640 BC, Oxford. Petrie, W. M. F. 1909  The Palace of Apries at Memphis, BSAE 17, London. Piccato, A. 1997 The Berlin Leather Roll and the Egyptian sense of history, Lingua Aegyptia 5, 137–159.

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Posener-Kriéger, P., Verner, M. and Vymazalová, H. 2006  The Pyramid Complex of Raneferef. The Papyrus Archive, Abusir X, Prague. Pusch, E. 1993 “Pi-Ramesse-geliebt-von-Amun, Hauptquartier Deiner Streitwagentruppen”: Ägypter und Hethiter in der Delta-Residenz der Ramessiden, 126–144, in: A. Eggebrecht (ed.), Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim: die Ägyptische Sammlung, Mainz. Quack, J. F. 2013 Irrungen, Wirrungen? Forscherische Ansätze zur Datierung der älteren ägyptischen Literatur, 405– 469, in: G. Moers, K. Widmaier, A. Gwiekemeyer, A. Lümers and R. Ernst (eds.), Dating Egyptian Literary Texts, Lingua Aegyptia 11, Hamburg. Quirke, S. 1990 The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom: the Hieratic Documents, New Malden. 2009  The Residence in Relations between Places of Knowledge, Production and Power: Middle Kingdom Evidence, 111–130, in: R. Gundlach and J.H. Taylor (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences. 4th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, London, June, 1st-5th, 2002, Wiesbaden. Scharff, A. 1922 Ein Rechnungsbuch des königlichen Hofes aus der 13. Dynastie, ZÄS 57, 51–68. Schenkel, W. 1962 Frühmittelägyptische Studien, Bonner listische Studien, Neue Serie 13, Bonn.

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Schiestl, R. 2009 Tell el-Dab‘a XVIII: die Palastnekropole von Tell el-Dab‘a. Die Gräber des Areals F/I der Straten d/2 und d/1, UZK 47, Vienna. Shaw, I. 2008  Royal Harem Town of the New Kingdom: New A Fieldwork at Medinet el-Gurob, 104–115, in: C. Ziegler (ed.), Reines d’Égypte: d’Hétephérès à Cléopâtre, Monaco/Paris. 2011 Seeking the Ramesside Royal Harem: New Fieldwork at Medinet el-Gurob, 453–463, in: M. Collier and S. Snape (eds.), Ramesside Studies in Honour of K.A. Kitchen, Bolton. 2012 The Gurob Harem Palace Report Spring 2012, JEA 98, 43–54. Simpson, W. K. 1974  The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13, Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 5, New Haven, Philadelphia. Spalinger, A. 1986 Foods in P. Bulaq 18, SAK 13, 207–247.

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Stadelmann, R. 1973  Tempelpalast und Erscheinungsfenster in den Thebanischen Totentempeln, MDAIK 29, 221–242. 1996 Temple Palace and Residential Palace, 225–230, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna.

Van Siclen, C. 1996 Remarks on the Middle Kingdom Palace at Tell Basta, 239–246, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna.

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Der Königspalast in der ägyptischen Frühzeit von Günter Dreyer Abgesehen von einem monumentalen Eingang zu einem Palast bzw. Palastbezirk der 1. Dynastie in Hierakonpolis1 sind bisher keine archäologischen Baureste einer Königsresidenz bekannt. Eine Reihe von Anhaltspunkten für das Aussehen der frühen Paläste ist jedoch aus Darstellungen, Inschriften und der königlichen Grabarchitektur zu gewinnen. 1. Darstellungen Das früheste Beispiel findet sich auf dem fragmentarischen Messergriff MMA 22.641, der in Naqada IId zu datieren ist.2 Dort schreitet eine Reihe von Würdenträgern auf ein etwa quadratisches Gebäude zu, hinter dem eine Person kniet (Abb. 1).

Es handelt sich wahrscheinlich um einen Holzmattenbau mit fransenartiger Oberkante, dessen Wandung durch Kreuzschraffur als Flechtwerk gekennzeichnet ist. Darunter steht der König, der einen fallenden Feind am Schopf fasst, hinter ihm hocken zwei Reihen von Gefolgsleuten. Im Vergleich mit späteren Darstellungen ist dieses Gebäude anhand der charakteristischen Fransen als aH-Palast zu identifizieren (s.u.). Ab Naqada IIIa treten in Tintenaufschriften und Ritzmarken Schreibungen des Serech (sog. Palastfassade) und des Horusnamens auf, die allerdings recht unterschiedlich ausgeführt sind. Die ersten Belege in Tintenaufschriften aus Gräbern des

Abb. 1 Messergriff MMA 22.641.1 (Zeichnung U. Effland 2003)

Abb. 2a‒b Tintenaufschriften aus Abydos a) Grab U-s/3 b) U-t O/1 (nach Dreyer 1998b, fig. 59d, h)

  Weeks 1971–72, 29ff.   Hayes 1953, 28, Abb. 21; Neuveröffentlichung von G.

1

Abb. 3 Hausmodell aus el-Amrah (British Museum EA 35505)

2

Dreyer and U. Effland in Vorbereitung.

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Abb. 4a‒g Ritzmarken und Gefäßaufschriften des ‚KA/¤xn‘: a) Petrie 1902, pl. III.38 b) Petrie 1902, pl. III.37 c‒d) Petrie 1901, pl. XIII e) Ritzmarke aus Helwan (Brink und Köhler 2002, fig. 2) f) Steuervermerke (Petrie 1902, pl. I.1‒3) g) Ritzmarke aus Abydos (DAIK) h) Ritzmarke aus Helwan (Brink und Köhler 2002, fig. 2)

Friedhofs U in Abydos zeigen ein hochstehendes Rechteck mit horizontaler oder leicht konkaver Oberkante und vertikaler Unterteilung des unteren Abschnitts (Abb. 2a, b). Sie dürften als Darstellung eines Gebäudes innerhalb einer genischten Umfassungsmauer zu verstehen sein. Die leicht konkave Oberkante entspricht der eines Hauses mit etwas hochgezogenen Ecken wie bei dem Hausmodell aus el-Amrah (Abb. 3).3 Unter dem Serech stehen in den Gefäßinschriften noch zwei horizontale Striche, die als t3.wj gelesen werden können. In der Zeit vor der Reichseinigung sind damit aber wohl noch nicht

Unter- und Oberägypten gemeint, sondern die beiden Landeshälften Oberägyptens östlich und westlich des Nils, die auch auf Anhängetäfelchen unterschieden werden.4 Dieser ‚Palast der beiden Länder’ ist sicherlich nicht nur der Sitz der zentralen Verwaltung, dort dürfte sich auch die Residenz des Königs befunden haben. Seit ‚KA/¤xn‘,5 dem Vorgänger des Narmer, wird dementsprechend der Eigenname des Königs mit einer Darstellung des aHPalastes oder dem Serech verbunden, die schließlich zur kanonischen Form des Horusnamens führt. Dabei lassen sich folgende Varianten unterscheiden:   Dreyer 1986, 89.   Die Lesung der Namenhieroglyphe ist unsicher.

4

  Randall-MacIver and Mace 1902, pl. X.1–2.

3

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5

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Der Königspalast in der ägyptischen Frühzeit

a) Name in aH-Palast bzw. aH-Palast mit Umfassung; Rechteck mit fransenartig ausgeführtem Oberrand bzw. Rechteck mit Abgrenzung eines schmalen oberen Abschnitts, der mehrfach vertikal unterteilt ist; Ritzmarken aus Abydos (Abb. 4a‒d) b) Horusfalke auf aH-Palast in Umfassung, Name im unteren Abschnitt; Ritzmarke aus Helwan (Abb. 4e),Tintenaufschriften aus Abydos (Abb. 4f) Dass hier der aH-Palast gemeint ist, geht eindeutig aus der Ausführung des oberen Abschnitts der Tintenaufschriften hervor, in dem die vertikalen Striche nicht bis zur Oberkante reichen sondern als Fransen zu der Trennlinie, d.h. der Oberkante des aH-Palastes gehören. c) Name im oberen Abschnitt des Serech; Ritzmarke aus Abydos (Abb. 4g) d)  Horusfalke auf Serech mit leicht konkaver Oberkante, Name im oberen Abschnitt; Ritzmarke aus Helwan (Abb. 4h) Ab Narmer wird der Königsname (mit oder ohne Falke) stets mit dem Serech geschrieben, der die Stellung des Königs als Oberherr des Landes und der Zentralgewalt betont. Bei offiziellen Anlässen erscheint der König aber wie schon auf dem Messergriff vor seiner eigentlichen Residenz, dem aH-Palast. Eine recht detaillierte Darstellung findet sich auf dem bekannten Jahrestäfelchen des Aha aus Naqada (Abb. 5). Dort ist die Oberkante des Gebäudes als Cheker-Fries gestaltet und im oberen Drittel eine horizontale Reihe von fünf kleinen Kreisen eingezeichnet. Vermutlich sollen damit die herausstehenden Enden von Deckenbalken angezeigt werden. Vor dem Gebäude steht eine Person mit langem Stab/Szepter, bei der es sich wahrscheinlich um den König handelt.6 Mit einem Gefolge von drei Personen wohnt er einer Opferhandlung der Zeremonie ‚Vereinigung von Ober- und Unter-Ägypten’ bei. Über dem König steht noch eine weitere dem Palast zugewandte Person, die der knienden auf dem Messergriff entsprechen dürfte. In vereinfachter Form ist dieses Gebäude noch auf einem weiteren Jahrestäfelchen des Aha dargestellt.7 Es erscheint dort als schmales hohes Rechteck mit drei Zinnen (Fransen) am Oberrand

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Abb. 5 Jahrestäfelchen des Aha aus Naqada (Kairo CG 14142)

Abb. 6 Jahrestäfelchen des Aha aus Abydos (Zeichnung I. Plumed nach Petrie 1901, pl. III.04, 06)

Abb. 7 Jahrestäfelchen des Narmer aus Abydos (DAIK)

  Vgl. das Festtäfelchen des Den, Petrie 1900, pl. 10.14,

6

14.9I (=OIM E6146), auf dem der König (mit nms-Kopftuch) ebenfalls einen langen Stab hält. 7   Petrie 1901, pl. III.04,06.

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und zwei kleinen Kreisen/Ovalen in etwa halber Höhe. Wie aus einem Täfelchenfragment mit dem gleichen Jahresnamen zu ersehen ist, tritt auch hier der König (Person mit langem Stab) heraus, um an der Zeremonie eines Menschenopfers teilzunehmen, die als Erreichen (Ssp) von Oberund Unter-Ägypten bezeichnet wird (Abb. 6). Im Vergleich läßt sich auch auf einem Jahrestäfelchen des Narmer das hohe, schmale Gebäude, von dem nur noch das obere Ende erhalten ist, als aH-Palast identifizieren (Abb. 7). Wie auf einer der Ritzmarken des ‚KA/¤xn‘ ist oben durch eine horizontale Linie ein kleiner Abschnitt vom unteren Teil abgegrenzt. Vor dem Gebäude steht eine Standarte mit Falken wohl stellvertretend für den Aufzug des Königs und seines Gefolges, der auf der Narmerpalette bei der Besichtigung der Reihen von erschlagenen Feinden dargestellt ist.8 Als hohes, schmales Gebäude mit Zinnen wird der aH-Palast auch in Schreibungen des Titels xrp aH auf verschiedenen Privatstelen der 1. Dyn. abgebildet (Abb. 8a-c).9 Bei zwei Exemplaren sind in halber Höhe wiederum 2‒3 kleine Kreise eingezeichnet. Der aH-Palast findet sich außerdem auf zwei fragmentarischen Festtäfelchen des Den als sehr schmales, hohes Gebäude in der linken Ecke eines großen Bezirks, der von einer Umfassungsmauer mit Bastionen bzw. Nischen begrenzt wird.10 Auf einem Täfelchen weist er zwei Zinnen auf, in halber Höhe sind dort auch noch zwei kleine Ovale erhalten (Abb. 9a). Auf dem anderen Exemplar wird er von einem Cheker-Fries bekrönt, unter dem noch ein kleiner Abschnitt abgeteilt ist (Abb. 9b). Die überproportionale Höhe ist in beiden Fällen wohl mit Bezug auf die Größe des vor dem Palast mit einem Lasso beim ‚Fangen des Wildstiers’ dargestellten Königs zu erklären. Dieses Ritual fand üblicherweise in Buto statt,11 eine Ortsangabe ist aber nur auf dem zweiten Täfelchen mit dem Widderheiligtum (Herakleopolis, s. Palermostein Vs. III.9) erhalten. Auf jeden Fall ist daraus zu ersehen, dass es aH-Paläste nicht nur in der in Memphis anzunehmenden Hauptresidenz gab, sondern auch andernorts.

 

8

Dreyer 1998a, 138f., Taf. 5c. Martin 2011, Nr. 8, 18, 23, 29. 10  Petrie 1901, pl. VII.08–09. Von beiden Täfelchen wurden während der Nachuntersuchungen des DAI weitere Fragmente gefunden. 11   Fangen / Erlegen des Wildstiers auf Jahrestäfelchen, s. Petrie 1901, pl. IIIA.5; Dreyer 1998a, Taf. 12e und Dreyer 2000, Taf. 10h.

 

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Dafür spricht auch die Inschrift eines großen Granitkonus, der bei der kleinen Stufenpyramide auf Elephantine gefunden wurde. Dort ist ein aHPalast mit der Bezeichnung sSd (Stirn-)binde des Huni genannt.12 Das aH-Zeichen weist lediglich drei Zinnen aber keine Innenzeichnung auf (Abb. 10). Der Granitkonus kann wegen seiner Größe nur in der Pyramide selbst angebracht gewesen sein, ob sich die Inschrift allein auf die Pyramide oder auch den nahe gelegenen und sicher zur Pyramide gehörigen Baukomplex bezieht, der nur in Resten erhalten ist,13 bleibt allerdings unsicher. Im Alten Reich zeigen detailliert ausgeführte Hieroglyphen in Schreibungen von Titeln den aH-Palast in der Ecke oder mittig innerhalb einer genischten Umfassungsmauer mit der Beischrift wsxt ‚Breite Halle/Hof’, die/der offenbar Bestandteil des Palastes ist.14 Der Palast weist einen ChekerFries auf, hat in halber Höhe die kleinen Ovale oder die Inschrift HDt15 ‚Weiße’ (Abb. 11). Aus einigen Täfelchen des Semerchet16 und einem Relief des Djoser in den sog. blauen Kammern des Nordgrabes der Stufenpyramide17 geht hervor, dass auch der tote König als HD-wr / HD-wrw ‚der Große Weiße’ / ‚der Weiße der Großen’18 in einem aH-Palast verortet ist (Abb. 12). Zusammenfassend ist festzustellen, dass es offenbar an verschiedenen Orten aH-Paläste gab. Ursprünglich einfache Holz-Mattenbauten dürften sie seit Narmer als höhere, schlanke Bauten in Ziegeln errichtet worden sein. Charakteristisch ist die Bekrönung des oberen Abschnitts mit Zinnenbzw. Cheker-Fries. Die in der Darstellung auf dem Aha-Täfelchen eingezeichneten Kreise, die bei den Hieroglyphen auf 2‒3 kleine Ovale reduziert werden, bzw. die verschiedentlich eingezeichnete Abgrenzung des obersten Abschnitts, lassen auf eine Holzbalkendecke schließen,19 über der sich noch eine Balustrade mit Zinnen befand. Wie besonders anschaulich auf den Täfelchen des Den dargestellt, stand der Palast innerhalb einer großen Umfassung mit Nischen / Bastionen, wo Ritualhandlungen vollzogen wurden. 12

Dreyer und Kaiser 1980, 57f., Taf. 71.   Seidlmayer 1996, 195ff. 14   Z. B. N. de Garis Davis, Ptahotep I, 1901, Pl. XII, XVIII. 15   HD - Keule zwischen zwei t-Zeichen, die vielleicht auf die sonst üblichen kleinen Kreise / Ovale zurückgehen. 16   Petrie 1900, pl. XVII.26; Müller 1964, Nr. A 79. 17   Friedman 1995, fig. 2a. 18   Dreyer 1986, 69. 19   Vgl. jemenitische Häuser in der Altstadt von Sana’a, wo die Enden von Deckenbalken häufig in der Fassade sichtbar sind.  

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Abb. 8a‒c Privatstelen aus Abydos (nach Martin 2011, Stele 8 ‒ Neuzeichnung I. Plumed, Stele 23, Stele 29)

Abb. 9a‒b Festtäfelchen des Den aus Abydos (nach Petrie 1901, Pl. VII.08‒9 + Anschlußstücke aus der Grabung des DAIK, Zeichnung I. Plumed)

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Abb. 10 Granitkonus des Huni aus Elephantine, Kairo JE 41566 (DAIK)

Peribsen gibt es nur eine Unterteilung in drei Räume, während der Bau des Chasechemui bei einer Größe von ca. 15 m × 15 m in 10 + x Räume unterteilt ist (Abb. 13). Da der NW-Abschnitt stärker gestört ist, kann eine Raumzuweisung für einen Wohnpalast insgesamt nur hypothetisch sein. A könnte einen Hof darstellen, zu dem ein kleiner Wächterraum B gehörte. Über den Vorraum C erreichte man den Bereich D, der sicherlich noch weiter unterteilt war. Dort ist ein größerer Zentralraum (Empfangshalle) zu vermuten. E‒F waren vielleicht Diensträume, H‒J dürften das Privatquartier repräsentieren. Die beträchtliche Größe der Bezirke (Peribsen ca. 85 m × 50 m, Chasechemui ca. 122 m × 55 m) könnten durchaus diesseitigen Vorbildern entsprechen.21 Die Darstellungen und die Talbezirke sind aber zweifellos nur als vereinfachte, schematisch ‚hieroglyphische’ Beschreibungen bzw. als repräsentative Abbilder zu verstehen, die nur die Grundelemente Palast + Umfassung einer Königsresidenz wiedergeben. Insofern können sie kein vollständiges Bild des Palastes als Einrichtung der Zentralgewalt, als temporärer Residenz oder als Hauptwohnsitz des Königs vermitteln, wo es in jedem Falle noch zahlreiche andere Bauten als Bestandteile des Königshaushaltes und der Verwaltung wie Unterkünfte, Wirtschaftsanlagen und Magazine gegeben haben muß.22 Einige Anhaltspunkte dafür sind aus der Architektur der Königsgräber zu gewinnen. 2. Grabarchitektur Von herausragender Bedeutung ist das 1988 entdeckte prädynastische Königsgrab U-j in Abydos, das etwa 150 Jahre vor Beginn der 1.

Abb. 11 Hieroglyphen aus dem Grab des Ptahotep (nach Davies 1901–1902, pl. XVIII.408, pl. XII.223‒224)

Als Abbilder solcher Anlagen für das Fortleben im Jenseits und den Kult sind sehr wahrscheinlich die sogenanten Talbezirke in Abydos errichtet worden. Innerhalb einer Umfassungsmauer mit Nischenfassade sind dort bei mehreren die Grundmauern eines kleinen rechteckigen oder quadratischen Gebäudes festgestellt worden. In den erst kürzlich entdeckten kleinen Bezirken der frühen 1. Dynastie nimmt es fast die gesamte Fläche des umfassten Areals ein,20 in den großen Bezirken des Peribsen und des Chasechemui steht es in der Nähe des Hauptzugangs in der SO-Ecke, ganz so wie es die Jahrestäfelchen des Den darstellen. Bis   Bestock 2009, figs. 22–23.

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  N  och ungeklärt ist die Funktion des sog. ‚fort’ des Chase-

21

chemui in Hierakonpolis. In dem ca. 67 m × 57 m großen Bezirk mit genischter Umfassungsmauer von etwa 5 m Stärke und 9 m Höhe gab es offenbar kein Gebäude in der SW-Ecke, es wurden aber Baureste im Mittelbereich festgestellt. Da es auch keine Anhaltspunkte für ein Königsgrab gibt, zu dem das ‚fort’ als Talbezirk gehört haben könnte, scheint es durchaus denkbar, dass es sich dabei um eine Königsresidenz handelt, zumal die Umfassungsmauer zwei Bauphasen aufweist; s. www.hierakonpolis-online. org/index.php/explore-the-fort. 22   Emery 1954, 171, pl. 57‒66 hat in Saqqara nördlich der großen Nischenmastaba S 3357, die er für das Grab des Aha hielt, Abschnitte eines Bezirkes mit Kornspeichern und Scheinbauten (?) freigelegt, den er als ‚model estate’ interpretierte. Da es sich nicht um ein Königsgrab, sondern das eines hohen Beamten handelt, ist eine Deutung als Teil einer Königsresidenz auf jeden Fall auszuschließen. Stadelmann 1997, 27ff., hält den Bezirk für eine Totenkultanlage.

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Dynastie um 3200‒3150 v. Chr. anzusetzen ist.23 Es ist etwa 10 m × 8 m groß, 1,50 m tief und in 12 Kammern unterteilt (Abb. 14a), von denen die beiden südlichen aber erst in einer 2. Bauphase angebaut worden sind. Die erste Bauphase bestand aus einer großen Grabkammer im NW, an die im O eine Gruppe von neun kleinen Kammern in drei Streifen angeschlossen ist. Die Kammern weisen zwar unterschiedliche Längen auf, scheinen aber doch so eingeteilt worden zu sein, dass um eine besonders große Kammer im Zentrum jeweils kleine Kammern an den Seiten und mittelgroße Kammern an den Ecken angeordnet sind. Alle Kammern des Grabes sind durch kleine Schlitze mit einer oder mehreren Nachbarkammern verbunden. In einigen dieser Schlitze waren unterhalb des oberen Abschlusses noch Reste von kleinen runden Querhölzern vorhanden. Im Vergleich mit den Scheintüren, wie sie in vielen Gräbern und Tempeln vorkommen, ist klar, dass diese Schlitze als Modelltüren anzusehen sind, die mit an den Querhölzern befestigten Matten verschlossen werden konnten. Dementsprechend lassen sich die an die Grabkammer in der ersten Baustufe anschließenden neun Kammern als Modellhaus erklären, das der Tote im Jenseits bewohnen sollte. Es ist anzunehmen, dass es nach dem Vorbild eines repräsentativen Gebäudes oder kleinen Palastes

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Abb. 12 Relief des Djoser (nach Friedman 1995, fig. 2a)

Abb. 13 Talbezirk des Chasechemui (nach Petrie 1904, pl. 6)

  Dreyer 1998b, 4ff.

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Abb. 14a‒c a) Grab U-j von S (DAIK); b) Grab U-j Plan (nach Dreyer 1998b, Abb. 2); c) Rekonstruktion eines Palastes nach den Proportionen der Kammern U-j 2-10 (nach Dreyer 1998b, Abb. 5)

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DQJHOHJWZRUGHQLVW5HNRQVWUXNWLRQ$EEE௅F  Die Anordnung der Räume und Durchgänge zeigt eine funktionsgerechte Strukturierung, in der sich bereits das Grundschema des ‚Dreistreifenhauses’ mit hintereinander liegenden Nutzungsbereichen erkennen lässt: 1. Der Vorraum 5 bietet Zugang zu Raum 2 und 3, die beide keine Verbindung zum Zentralraum 6 haben, was auf eine Nutzung als Magazine schließen lässt. Der Eckraum 8 hat als einziger einen separaten Zugang und ist damit von allen DQGHUHQXQWHUVFKLHGHQGRUWN|QQWHVLFKGLH.FKH / Unterkunft von Hauspersonal befunden haben. 2. Der Zentralraum 6 hat als einziger drei Zugänge und dürfte vornehmlich repräsentativen Zwecken gedient haben. Dazu gehörte wohl der seitlich daran anschließende Raum 9 für Würdenträger oder Diener. 3. Die hinten gelegenen Räume 4, 7 und 10 bilden den privaten Wohnbereich. In den nachfolgenden Gräbern der Dynastie 0 gibt es ein solches an die Grabkammer angefügtes Modellhaus nicht mehr. Vermutlich ist es als eigenständiges Element abgetrennt und an den Rand des Fruchtlandes verlegt worden, woraus sich später die sogenannten Talbezirke entwickelten.24 In den Königsgräbern der 1. Dynastie könnten aber die großen Holzschreine in der Königskammer, die EHLHLQHU*UXQGÀlFKHYRQELV]XP2 vermutlich in mehrere Räume unterteilt waren, ein Wohnhaus repräsentiert haben.25 8QWHU GHP (LQÀXVV GHU (QWZLFNOXQJ GHU Königsgräber der frühen 2. Dynastie in Saqqara (s.u.) wird die Idee, das Königsgrab selbst als Wohnung für das Jenseits zu gestalten in Abydos in der späten 2. Dynastie wieder aufgenommen. Das Grab des Peribsen (Abb. 15), das, wie schon AMÉLINEAU erkannte,26 sicherlich ein Wohngebäude innerhalb einer Umfassung darstellt, ist dabei in seiner Unterteilung der Gruppe der neun Kammern des mehr als 400 Jahre früheren Grabes U-j erstaunlich ähnlich. Wiederum gibt es einen (breiten) Vorraum (12) und eine zentrale Halle (Grabkammer KK), an deren Seiten kleinere Räume angeordnet sind, die als Magazine und Diensträume gedient haben dürften, während die GDKLQWHU OLHJHQGHQ .DPPHUQ ௅  PLW HLQHP separaten Zu-/Ausgang (5) die Privatgemächer UHSUlVHQWLHUHQ 'HU JOHLFKH *UXQGULVV ¿QGHW VLFK 24 25 26

IbidIYJOGD]XDXFKREHQ6HLWH in diesem Beitrag. Vgl. KAISER 1982, 247ff. AMÉLINEAU 1904, 245f.

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dann noch einmal in der ersten Baustufe des Grabes des Chasechemui, das in späteren Bauphasen allerdings stark verändert und durch zahlreiche Magazinkammern mehrfach erweitert wurde.27 Ebenso wie im Grab U-j geben diese Modellbauten aber wohl nur ein vereinfachtes Schema der für eine königliche Wohnung erforderlichen Raumgruppen wieder: Empfangsraum, zentrale Halle, Magazine, Wirtschaftsräume und privates Quartier.

4

13

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KK

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-1,00

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10,00 m

N

Abb. 15 Grab des Peribsen (Zeichnung I. Plumed)

Im Vergleich mit den abydenischen Gräbern weisen die bislang bekannten Königsgräber der frühen 2. Dynastie in Saqqara wesentlich aufwendigere und kompliziertere unterirdische Kammersysteme auf, was vermutlich damit zu erklären ist, dass sie aus dem Fels gehauen wurden und dabei mehr Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten gegeben waren als bei Ziegelausmauerungen einer Grube im lockeren Wüstenboden. Auch hier sind offenbar Elemente diesseitiger Bauten für eine jenseitige Nutzung abgebildet. Besonders aufschlussreich ist der südöstliche Bereich der geradezu labyrinthartig wirkenden Grabanlage des Ninetjer (Abb. 16). Der östlich der Königskammer gelegene Raumkomplex um den Korridor H/I ist nur über die Galerie F 200 erreichbar und bildet offenbar eine besondere Einheit. An den ca. 23 m langen Korridor sind auf der Westseite sechs größere Kammern (H 100, 300, 500, 700 und I 100, 300) unmittelbar angeschlossen. Am Südende liegen drei kleinere Räume, auf der Ostseite zweigt noch ein weiterer Gang ab, zu 27

DREYER 2000, 122f. mit Abb. 26a.

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Abb. 16 Grab des Ninetjer, Plan (C. Lacher, DAIK)

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Abb. 17a‒b Grab des Ninetjer: a) Mastaba in Kammer I 100 (DAIK); b) Sitzbänke in Kammer H 204 (DAIK)

dessen beiden Seiten kammartig jeweils sechs schmale Kammern angeordnet sind. Mit Ausnahme der ersten Kammer (H 100) befinden sich in den westlichen Kammern jeweils große, aus dem Fels gehauene Bänke (Mastabas) von etwa 1,50 m Breite und 50‒65 cm Höhe (Abb. 17a). Ursprünglich hatte jede dieser Kammern einen eigenen Zugang. In einer zweiten Bauphase sind jedoch H 500 und 700 sowie I 100 und 300 durch schmale Passagen miteinander zu Doppelkammern verbunden worden. In H 700 und I 300 wurden dafür die Mastabas durch Zuschütten des Ganges auf der Südseite und Aushauen eines neuen Ganges auf der Nordseite von einer auf die andere Seite verlegt und die Eingänge zugesetzt. Diese recht aufwendige Maßnahme ist kaum aus lagertechnischen Gründen erfolgt, sondern lässt darauf schließen, dass Raumanordnung und Ausgestaltung eine besondere Bedeutung hatten. Dafür spricht auch die völlig andere Ausführung der Räume östlich des Korridors. Dort sind in den sehr viel schmaleren Kammern auf beiden Seiten Absätze von ca. 20 cm Tiefe und 30‒40 cm Höhe wie Sitzbänke aus dem Fels gehauen, die für die Aufstellung von Grabausstattung völlig ungeeignet erscheinen. In zwei Kammern sind auf diesen Bänken zudem etwas höhere Sitze ausgearbeitet (Abb. 17b).

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Offensichtlich sind die Kammern als Modellarchitektur gestaltet, wobei die großen westlichen Kammern mit den breiten Mastabas Wohn- bzw. Schlafräume, die östlichen dagegen Essräume darstellen. In einem solchen Wohnquartier dürften die drei kleinen Räume im Süden Bädern oder Toiletten entsprechen, wie es sie in ähnlicher Lage auch in großen Privatgräbern der 2. Dynastie in Sakkara-Nord gibt.28 Die Räume im Westen sind zudem hierarchisch strukturiert. Bei der ersten, schmaleren Kammer ohne Mastaba handelt es sich vermutlich um einen Raum für Personal oder Wächter und die Einzelkammer mit Mastaba dürfte höherrangigen Personen zuzuweisen sein als die Doppelkammern. Geht man von der Anzahl der Essräume aus, die jeweils mindestens zehn Personen Platz boten, ist anzunehmen, dass dieses Wohnquartier für eine größere Personengruppe bestimmt war. Die abgeschlossene Lage des Raumkomplexes in der Nähe der Königskammer und der kontrollierte Zugang ließen sich am besten damit erklären, dass er einen Teil des Königspalastes, vielleicht den Harim repräsentiert. In gleicher Weise ist nach C. Lacher das labyrinthartige Gang- und Raumsystem hinter  Gräber S 2302, 2307, 2337, s. Quibell 1923, pl. I‒II, XXX.

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Abb. 18 Djoser-Bezirk (nach Stadelmann 1997, Abb. 12)

den Fallsteinen um den Hauptkorridor (C/D) des Grabes zu interpretieren, das nicht für die Lagerung von Beigaben entworfen worden sein kann, da dort die Korridore und Gänge erheblich mehr Platz einnehmen als die Kammern. Insbesondere die sehr kleinen, nischenartigen Räume sind zur Aufbewahrung von Beigaben höchst ungeeignet. Der Grundplan ergibt jedoch Sinn, wenn man ihn als Abbild einer Siedlung auffasst, deren typische Elemente wie offene Plätze, gewundene Straßen und Häuserfronten mit (Schein-) Eingängen dargestellt werden.29 Der Höhepunkt der Idee, den König mit einer Residenz für das Jenseits zu versehen, wird schließlich im Djoser-Bezirk erreicht (Abb. 18), der in seiner Grundform auf den abydenischen Talbezirk zurückgeht, nun aber mit dem vorher getrennt angelegten Königsgrab verbunden wird. In der ersten Baustufe befand sich auch dort in der SOEcke ein kleiner Scheinpalast mit Nischenfassade, der jedoch später durch die Eingangshalle verdeckt wurde.30 Es ist aber kaum denkbar, dass man ganz darauf verzichtet hat. Aufgrund der Lage ist anzunehmen, dass er durch das große etwa quadratische Scheingebäude unmittelbar nördlich

  Lacher 2008, 439 sieht zudem in dem unmittelbar nord-

29

östlich der Königskammer befindlichen Steinmassiv, das von den Korridoren G 200, 202 und G 400 gebildet wird, ebenso wie in einer ähnlichen Konfiguration im Grab des Hetepsechemui einen Modellkultplatz (Scheinhaus / Palast mit Korridor für den Kultlauf des Sedfestes) als Vorläufer der blauen Kammern des Djoser. 30   Kaiser 1969, 1‒21, Abb. 4.

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der Eingangshalle ersetzt worden ist.31 Dieser Bau, dessen Fassade leider gestört ist, war im NW begehbar. Das komplizierte Gangsystem ist bisher zwar nicht zu deuten, passt aber auf jeden Fall eher zu einer Königsresidenz, d.h. dem aHPalast, als einem Heiligtum. Von dort gibt es ‒ wie schon in der 1. Baustufe ‒ einen Zugang zum großen Hebsed-Festhof mit den Schein-Kapellen und der Basis für einen Krönungspavillon. Damit ist die gleiche Konfiguration gegeben wie auf den Täfelchen dargestellt, wo Rituale vor dem aH-Palast stattfinden, und gerade für die Krönung des Königs ist wohl kaum ein anderer Ort geeigneter. Ein enger Zusammenhang von Palast und Ritualhandlungen des Königs ist auch in den unterirdischen Kammern des Nord- und Südgrabes erkennbar. Dort sind die Felswände als Innenräume bzw. Fassade eines Palastes gestaltet, der sogar Türen und Fenster aufweist. Reliefs in den Türnischen stellen den König beim Hebsed-Lauf und anderen rituellen Handlungen vor dem Palast dar. Allerdings dürften die blauen Kammern nicht das tatsächliche Aussehen einer Königsresidenz der 3. Dynastie wiedergeben. Die mit Fayencekacheln belegten Wände ahmen Schilfmatten nach und repräsentieren ebenso wie die oberirdischen Scheingebäude längst mythisch gewordene HolzMattenbauten der vordynastischen Zeit wie den auf dem Naqada IId-Messergriff dargestellten (Abb. 1). 31 

 nsonsten käme dafür allenfalls der sog. Tempel T in FraA ge, dessen Raumeinteilung im Vergleich mit den Grundrissen der Gräber von Peribsen und Chasechemui sowie dem Gebäude in der SO-Ecke des Talbezirkes des Chasechemui in Abydos allerdings stark reduziert erscheint.

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Bibliographie Amélineau, E. 1904 Les Nouvelles Fouilles d’Abydos III: compte rendu in extenso des fouilles, description des monuments et objets découverts, Paris. Bestock, L. 2009 The Development of Royal Funerary Cult at Abydos: Two Funerary Enclosures from the Reign of Aha, Menes 6, Wiesbaden. Brink, E. van den und Köhler, Ch. 2002  Four jars with incised serekh-signs from Helwan recently retrieved from the Cairo Museum, Göttinger Miszellen 187, 59–81. Dreyer, G. 1986 Elephantine VII., Der Tempel der Satet. Die Funde der Frühzeit und des Alten Reiches, AV 39, Mainz. 1998a Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof, 9./10. Vorbericht, MDAIK 54, 77–167. 1998b  Umm el-Qaab: Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine frühen Schriftzeugnisse, AV 86, Mainz. 2000 Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof, 11./12. Vorbericht, MDAIK 56, 43–129. Dreyer, G. und Kaiser, W. 1980  Zu den kleinen Stufenpyramiden Ober- und Mittelägyptens, MDAIK 36, 43–59. Emery, W.B. 1954 Great Tombs of the First Dynasty II, EEF 46, London. Friedman, F.D. 1995 The Underground Panels of King Djoser at the Step Pyramid Complex, JARCE 32, 1–42. Garis Davis, N. de 1901  The Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh, 2 vols. Archaeological survey of Egypt 8–9, London. Hayes, W.C. 1953  The Scepter of Egypt Part I: From the Earliest Times to the End of the Middle Kingdom, New York. Kaiser, W. 1969 Zu den königlichen Talbezirken der 1. und 2. Dynastie in Abydos und zur Baugeschichte des Djoser-Grabmals, MDAIK 25 (Gs. Hanns Stock), 1‒21.

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Kaiser, W. 1982  Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof: 2. Vorbericht, MDAIK 38, 1982, 211–269. Lacher, C. 2008  Das Grab des Hetepsechemui/Raneb in Saqqara. Ideen zur baugeschichtlichen Entwicklung, 425–451, in: E.-M. Engel, V. Müller and U. Hartung (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand: Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer, Menes 5, Wiesbaden. Martin, G.T. 2011  Umm el-Qaab VII: Private Stelae of the Early Dynastic Period from the Royal Cemetery at Abydos, AV 123, Wiesbaden. Müller, H.W. 1964 Ägyptische Kunstwerke, Kleinfunde und Glas in der Sammlung E. und M. Kofler-Truniger, MÄS 5, Berlin. Petrie, W.M.F. 1900  Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty I, EEF 18, London. 1901  Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty II, EEF 21, London. 1902 Abydos I, EEF 22, London. Abydos III, EEF 25, London. 1904 Quibell, J.E. Excavations at Saqqara (1912–1914): Archaic 1923  Mastabas, Cairo. Randall-MacIver, D. and Mace, A.C. 1902 El Amrah and Abydos, EEF 23, London. Seidlmayer, S. 1996  Die staatliche Anlage der 3. Dynastie in der Nordweststadt von Elephantine, 195–214, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im Alten Ägypten, Internationales Symposium 8. bis 11. April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna. Stadelmann, R. 1997 Die ägyptischen Pyramiden: vom Ziegelbau zum Weltwunder, updated and expanded ed. Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 30, Mainz. Weeks, K.R. 1971–72 Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis: Part II. The Early Dynastic Palace, JARCE 9, 29–33.

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The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis by Renée Friedman and Richard Bussmann Hierakonpolis is one of the central places of Egyptian state formation and plays a key role for investigating the emergence of Pharaonic kingship. The site was occupied during the 4th and 3rd millennia BC, when the idea of kingship formed in Upper Egypt, and later flourished as a regional centre and twin city of Elkab. The Narmer palette, found in a deposit of votive objects in the Early Dynastic temple area of Hierakonpolis, depicts a king for the first time in a monumental fashion similar to representations current for the next three millennia. The investigation of palatial structures at Hierakonpolis

presented below provides an archaeological view on the presence of kingship at the site, often overshadowed by the iconicity of the Narmer palette.   Archaeological evidence of Dynastic kings and their Predynastic forerunners is abundant at Hierakonpolis.1 It includes (see Fig. 1): The Predynastic ceremonial plaza at HK29A in the low desert and the contemporaneous elite cemetery HK6 up in the Wadi Abu el-Suffian; the Early Dynastic palace and royal votive objects deposited in the temple area, located in the modern cultivation; the mudbrick enclosure (a.k.a. the

Fig. 1  Map of Hierakonpolis with insets of locations implying the presence of central authority. (compiled by R. Friedman) 1

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 A still useful overview of the evidence is offered by Adams 1995.

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Fort) of king Khaskhemwy, used perhaps for the celebration of the royal sed-festival; and from the temple area, there are royal statues and stelae of the 3rd millennium, and blocks inscribed with royal names dating from the Middle Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period. The Early Dynastic palace which will be the focus of this paper dates to a period when Hierakonpolis was of primary concern for emerging kings.   The wealth of available material from the alluvial town mound (Kom el-Gemuwia) stands in contrast to the poor quality of the information on its contexts and the overall nature and relationship of the individual archaeological features. The original excavators (Quibell, Green and Fairservis) report a series of large structures and relevant finds, but their interpretations are difficult to advance without fresh data from the field. The discussion below is mainly based on the published reports with a few comments added from re-documentation of excavated objects and access to some unpublished sources. Conclusions on the dating, use and precise function of the palace must remain tentative for the time being, but clarification of some details may help with situating the fragmented record into a more meaningful picture. Antecedents of authority If by ‘palace’ we mean an establishment implying the presence of some central authority either in its architecture or by evidence of centralised manufacture, such establishments have antecedents in the Predynastic occupation in the desert at Hierakonpolis (see Fig. 1).   In the midst of the densest cluster of Naqada II settlement debris on the low desert, excavations have revealed a large compound possibly covering over one hectare which remained in use into at least Naqada IIIA, with later visitations. This was bounded on at least one side by a huge palisade wall of wood uncovered for over 50 m of its length (HK29B),2 which clearly extended further in both directions, potentially creating a compound that included the oval ceremonial centre of HK29A and its associated areas for the manufacture of stone vessels, beads and fine lithics.3 In addition, this compound may well have incorporated the so-called stone mound (HK34B), which was suggested to be the remains of cobble stone foundations for an administrative building.4 Although an informative

Fig. 2 View of the niched-brick gateway of the palace on the Kom el Gemuwia in 1969 (photo courtesy of the Hierakonpolis Expedition archives)

plan cannot be distinguished from its much disturbed remains, associated areas containing specific types of pottery in vaguely defined room outlines suggest large storage areas and stand out from the mixed debris in the Predynastic town.5   Some idea of what an early Naqada II ‘royal’ residence might have looked like might been gleaned from the elite cemetery at HK6, in the wooden architecture of the mortuary complex encompassing the large and rich Tomb 16 with its surrounding burials of the human and animal associates.6 This suggests a rather unstructured arrangement surrounding a central court, which is perhaps not surprising. Augmenting these architectural traces, installations for the production of beer (HK11C Operations A and B, HK24AB) and the processing of meat (HK11C Square C3‒4) on an industrial scale can be associated with both the elite cemetery and the ceremonial / administrative compound in the Predynastic town. The productive scale of these installations implies the centralised command of substantial economic resources from early Naqada II times onward.7   How these earlier manifestations of authority were translated when the population moved out of the desert and nucleated in the floodplain town in the Naqada III period at the beginning of the state formation process remains to be explored. At present, aside from a temple whose nature and function remains a matter of debate,8 our evidence is limited to the mudbrick structure with the niched gate 5

 Harlan 1985, 78‒85.  Friedman et al. 2011. 7  Takamiya 2008; Baba and Friedman 2016; Baba, van Neer and de Cupere 2017. 8   McNamara 2008. 6

2

 Hikade 2011.  Friedman 2009; Holmes 1992. 4  Hoffman 1982, 130‒131; Adams 1995, 36, fig. 9. 3

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Fig. 3 Detailed plan of the niched-brick ‘palace’ with wall phases indicated and probable location of Town houses 211 added (compiled from Fairservis 1986, figs. 7‒27; Quibell and Green 1902, pl. 68)

located on the residual mound in the midst of the modern village, just to the north of the temple site. The palace-facade structure The palace-façade or niched gate structure and the area to the west of it were first uncovered in 1969.9 Owing to the political situation in Egypt and other interests of the excavators, the structural remains to the east of the gate could not be investigated until 1981 when they were the focus of a lengthy campaign revealing several phases of use and construction.10 Selected areas in the eastern part of the excavated area were briefly reinvestigated in 1988 in an attempt to resolve some outstanding issues, but the subsequent illness and premature deaths of both Michael Hoffman and Walter Fairservis meant that this work has remained unpublished and that detailed reports on the palace in general and the finds from within it were never prepared.11   When discovered, the elaborated niched gate stood in places to a height of 14 courses and retained a coating of white gypsum plaster in and out 9

  Weeks 1971‒72.  Fairservis 1986. 11  Subsequent excavations near the structure have been undertaken by E.J. Walters. 10

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(Fig. 2). The projecting gate apparently stands at the northeast corner of a façade at least 40 m across, which was also provided with pilasters or buttresses, and probably continues further to the south (Fig. 3); the possibility that the façade continues to the north of the gate remains unexplored. It is the only known niched façade in a non-mortuary context and until recently was the only extensive architectural ensemble of Early Dynastic date that could be considered a ‘palace’. Despite its importance, the summary nature of its publication meant that little more could be said about it, other than to acknowledge its existence.12   The extensive recent excavations in the ‘labyrinth building’ at Buto13 now provide a plausible parallel against which the structural remains at Hierakon­ polis may be contrasted and compared. In this contribution, the limited published evidence about the Hierakonpolis structure is briefly reviewed and 12

 E.g. Kemp 2006. An exception to this is O’Connor 1992, who in an influential paper proposed to view the palace structure as a temple based on the purported existence of a central sandy mound. This view can no longer be maintained. 13  Hartung in this volume; Hartung et al. 2012; Hartmann 2016.

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supplemented by the partial field notes of the 1988 season14 along with a new study of the mud sealings recovered during the 1969, 1981 and 1988 seasons, which are amongst the limited number of objects that were retained from the excavations.  At Buto, as discussed in the following paper, exemplary excavations have revealed three major construction phases along with various subphases. The first main phase, datable to Naqada IIIC1 (beginning of the First Dynasty), shows a rather organic arrangement of rooms into units; the second, dated to Naqada IIIC2 (early First Dynasty) has rooms arranged around a central courtyard; and the final construction phase in Naqada IIID (end of First Dynasty), when the area was completely rebuilt and a new, more formal structure was erected, is comprised of three distinct sections for which plausible functions have been proposed. It is with this last phase that the structural remains at Hierakonpolis seem to bear the closest resemblance.   By contrast, the summary discussion and idealised stratigraphy of the Hierakonpolis ʻpalaceʼ (Fig. 4)15 suggest that after an initial phase of construction, which included the niched gate with façade and walls marked only Y on Fairservis’ 1986 plans (see Fig. 3), there were three to four subsequent modifications of greater or lesser extent. Walls designated as Y1, Y2 and Y3 were attributed to building phases within the use-life of the ‘palace’ proper, while X walls were attributed to later reuse and rebuilding. According to the excavator, the walls marked only Y retained (more or less) their original form and were used throughout the formal history of the structure.16 It is unclear on what basis a Y (with or without additional number) attribution was given to certain walls,17 since the levels reached during the 1981 campaign in the various excavation squares are nowhere provided, but were clearly not uniform. Unfortunately, taking these phase attributions at face value and using the Y walls (Fig. 3 in dark grey) to give an indication of the initial plan is not particularly illuminating.18 All one can assume is a structure with a façade at least 40m 14

 Diary and recording forms of M.A. Hoffman and J.O. Mills; ceramic records of B. Adams; report of M. Hayes; 1988 report to the EAO, all unpublished and on file with the Hierakonpolis Expedition. 15  Fairservis 1986, 14‒15, fig. 28. 16  Fairservis 1986, 14‒16. 17  Various building techniques and brick sizes were noted but it is unclear how these relate to the wall phases, see Fairservis 1986, 5‒9, fig. 6. 18  There are no Y1 walls marked on any of the plans in Fairservis 1986.

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Fig. 4  Idealised stratigraphy of the palace and provisional dates for the phases (after Fairservis 1986, fig. 28)

long, with a somewhat asymmetrical projecting niched gateway, through which an opening led into a small court. A boundary wall along the north can be proposed, running from the north edge of the gate eastward for an unknown distance, but this wall seems to be of no greater thickness than many other internal walls. The southern boundary wall was not located and may have been destroyed by later levelling. Interior walls are poorly represented, but their alignment with the gate indicates a certain amount of planning from the outset, rather than organic structural development.   The dating of this initial phase was always left vague and mainly circumstantial. Based on the complexity of the gate’s niched brickwork, an early First Dynasty date was suggested, citing parallels with the Neithhotep mastaba at Naqada and others in the reign of Aha.19 From the published evidence, it appears that the underlying stratum on which the gate was built (Level 7 on Fig. 4)20 should date to Naqada IIIA‒B, based mainly on the presence of net-painted cylindrical jars.21 The strata to the west of the façade were described as made of fine clay above which various layers were added to support a paving of field stones. Artefacts found in the layers above this stone paving in 1969 were attributed to the Second to Third Dynasty, in line with the 19

  Weeks 1971‒72.  Phase 4 of Fairservis 1971‒72, fig. 19 is apparently equivalent to wall phase Z, stratum 7a on Fig. 4 here. 21  See also Fairservis 1971‒72, fig. 17; for dating see Hendrickx 2006. 20

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pottery and other objects from the thick overlying stratum (stratum 3 of the 1971‒72 report), providing a terminus ante quem for the gate’s construction.22 The sealings apparently found directly upon the stone paving by the gate are re-examined below. Their date is difficult to narrow down to a specific period within the Early Dynastic period, and they provide little help for dating the building.   It is not clear whether or not the basal layers adjacent to the east face of the niched façade were reached during the 1981 campaign, thus there is no further direct confirmation for its dating. Nevertheless this early date can be indirectly supported by finds made in 1988 by the niched platform (Square 15N2W) at the eastern end of the excavated area, if this feature is considered part of the overall complex.   Seemingly separated by a large plaza from the main complex of walls associated with the niched gate, at the eastern end of the excavated area there were further rooms fronted by an L-shaped platform of yellow compacted clay, which was apparently also niched (Figs. 3, 5). Fairservis reconstructed it as a loading dock for the magazines and administrative area to the east.23 Although there is no evidence for its function during the earliest phases, it is tempting to compare its location within the complex to the administrative area identified at Buto, where sealings from the Naqada IIIC1 phase were found.24  Fairservis attributed all or part of the platform(s) to his Y2‒3 stage, although the foundations extended down to just above the water table of 1981, already suggesting this was a very ancient part of the palace complex. This was confirmed by excavations at the northeast corner of the platform (N‒N1) in 1988, which revealed a deposit of pottery (Feature 61) abutting the platform’s edge, near its base (Figs. 5‒7). This collection of pottery, which involved several whole or reconstructible vessels, can be dated to Naqada IIIB‒IIIC1, equivalent to the early part of the First Dynasty.25 A selection of the pottery types in this deposit is illustrated in Fig. 6.26 It included many straw tempered bowls with flaring rims (Fig. 6e), often found stacked into one another, 22

  Weeks 1971‒72.  Fairservis 1986, 8, figs. 7c, 22‒23. 24  See Hartung in this volume. 25   The assemblage was attributed to Narmer-Djer by B. Adams in her 1988 summary of the ceramics. 26  Drawings of the pottery that was retained from these excavations were made by D. Raue in 1999. Frequency data are taken from B. Adams’ ceramic inventory forms on file with the Hierakonpolis Expedition. 23

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and a large quantity of low walled oval platters (not drawn). Straw tempered pottery predominated, but one-third of the total assemblage was composed of marl wares, mainly jars, streak burnished bowls and just a few cylinders with decoration below the rim (Fig. 6a‒c). This was followed in frequency (5% of the total assemblage) by shale tempered restricted bowls, many with prefiring potmarks on the exterior upper body (Fig. 6d). This fabric and shape has parallels at several sites dating to Naqada IIIA‒ C1.27 Untempered Nile silt was rare, and involved mainly streak burnished bowl fragments.   The consistency of the assemblage suggests that the sealing (sealing 465 discussed below) attributed to this find unit is intrusive. It was discovered in the sherd yard amongst pottery collected when the unit was cleaned prior to stratigraphic drawing. It could easily have fallen in from above, especially as sealing 464 and other uninscribed fragments were recovered nearby in a large circular feature cut into the north end of platform N1 (Feature 62) and sealed beneath a fallen wall (see Fig. 5).28   Immediately below this pottery collection, walls of an earlier phase were observed, which appeared to have been intentionally shaved down and filled in to provide a base possibly for the construction of the first Y walls. Exposure was insufficient to determine the trajectory of these walls. Above the pottery cluster, a layer of dark brown midden, a maximum of 20 cm thick, contained pottery dated by Adams to mid to late First Dynasty, presumably equivalent to Fairservis’ stratum 5 and wall phase Y2. Built upon this stratum was the wall flanking the east side of platform N1, which Fairservis apparently attributed to his Y3 phase. However, it is not clear how this wall relates to those encasing the east side of platform N, which appears to be later. As will be discussed further below, the phasing of the walls in this area is extremely problematic, and it should be noted that during the 1988 excavations it was observed that the Y2 wall north of the N1 platform was actually built on top of it (the platform continued below the wall fall) and thus may postdate the formal use of the structure.   The evidence for the Y2 walls must therefore be treated with care. However, the minimal depth of the deposit presumably associated with them, at least near the platform, might suggest a certain 27

  See for example, Kopp 2006, pl. 7.284.  The information about the 1988 excavations beside the platform has been gleaned from the dairies of M.A. Hoffman and J.O Mills along with the unit/level forms on file with the Hierakonplis Expedition.

28

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Fig. 5 Detail of Square 15N2W and surroundings showing the location of the 1988 excavation features and results

Fig. 6 Pottery from Square 15N2W, Feature 61 (drawings by D. Raue)

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amount of levelling of structural features in preparation for the Y3 construction in what appears to have been a major phase of re-construction.   It is in the Y3 phase that the Hierakonpolis structure bears the most resemblance to Buto, but exposure is still insufficient and obscured by later constructions (Fig 3, walls shaded with light grey). Nevertheless, one can potentially recognize the three component parts as revealed in the Buto complex (see Fig. 3): 1) There are the so-called reception area and service rooms forming a block immediately to the east of the niched gate.29 2) A magazine or production area appended to the north of this. 3) To the east was an administrative area including the niched platform, though how it functioned at this time remains to be seen.   This administrative sector was separated from the reception block by an open, later sand filled area, but appears to have included a stone-lined passage to a plaza. In 1988, a small gate, reportedly niched, was revealed, which apparently opened onto this open space between these two components,30 but unfortunately no plan showing its exact location or configuration is currently available. As excavations were apparently undertaken by Fairservis in the southern halves of squares 16N2W and 16N3W, presumably the gate should be located in this vicinity.31  More detailed comparisons become more speculative. The Buto structure was entered through a nondescript opening in its west wall, taking the visitor along an indirect route to the main audience

29

 Whether manufacturing can be said to have taken place in the north side of this block, paralleling Buto, is unclear. Manufacturing activities are attested by numerous tools for stone vessel making, spindle whorls for textiles and various flint tools, but these are reported in no particular concentrations and do not appear to be clustered in any particular phase. The rooms were reported as generally clean, although it is hard to believe the history of this structure was less complex than that at Buto, with rooms changing usage over time, see Hartung et al 2012, Hartmann 2016. 30   1988 Report to EAO. 31  Excavations in 16N2W produced the feet of a faience figurine, probably a standing boy, according to the registration book. Further information about it is unavailable. Such figurines are notably absent from the palace proper. A concentration of them was found in 15N8W Room J2, outside and to the west of the southern end of the niched façade (Fairservis 1986, fig. 18), but their relationship to the palace is unclear.

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hall near the centre of the reception block.32 At Hierakonpolis, access via the niched gate to what can be argued to be the equivalent hall (Fig. 3: Room A2, Room A7?, though almost entirely unexcavated), seems more direct. An opening in the southeast corner of the court just behind the gate seems to have provided bent access, but at no great distance; however, the original configuration of the walls is far from clear. Alternative access through the long passage or court parallel to the southern façade can also be envisioned, potentially more in line with the layout seen in the token palaces of the funerary monuments at Abydos, especially that of Khasekhemwy.33   If we disregard the differences in the entrance ways and accept an audience hall in a central location (i.e. room A2) for the Hierakonpolis palace, there is a striking similarity with Buto in the overall layout of the room and surrounding features. This includes the broad courts/passages behind the respective west (HK) and north (Buto) façade walls, the complex of rooms to the left of the audience hall, and particularly the sunken features in both structures. At Buto, this subterranean feature is located near the entrance,34 while at Hierakonpolis, it is just to the left of the audience area. Here (Fig. 3: Room A5), Fairservis discovered a subterranean chamber, 1.95 m long and 0.63 m deep. In it was a stepped and sloping deposit of clay on which were placed more than 20 straw tempered platters, some containing animal bones including a bovid skull, a large vat, a stone vessel, copper objects and other items.35 At some point in its history, it apparently fell out of use and was covered over with a beaten clay floor.36 The function and purpose of these features at both Buto and Hierakonpolis remain a question. The sandstone and sand on the floor of Room A5 might suggest it was originally meant to hold water for bathing or purification. Alternatively, it may have had a cultic function, as originally suggested by Fairservis; however, it contained none of the special pottery, such as jar stands, observed in conjunction with the subterranean feature at Buto.37 32

 Hartung in this volume.  Cf. Bestock 2008, fig. 4. 34  See Hartung in this volume. 35 Fairservis 1986, 12, fig. 20b‒c, reproduced in Moeller 2016, figs. 4.28‒29. 36  Adams states the platters found in Feature 61 were similar to those found in the subterranean chamber, but as no detailed drawings of these platters are available, it is hard to determine whether this has any chronological significance. 37  See Hartmann 2016, fig. 5. 33

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Fig. 7 V  iew of pottery deposit in 15N2W, Feature 61, during excavation in 1988 (photo by J.O. Mills, courtesy of the Hierakonpolis Expedition archive)

  The dating of the Y3 construction phase at Hierakonpolis has been highly influenced by the sealing of Qa’a (sealing 309 discussed below). This was found in the north side of the complex in Room D in 17N4W (see Fig. 3) reportedly in situ in an ashy deposit with other sealings of similar or later date on a floor of phase 4 (i.e., the floor on which the Y3 walls were built and subsequent levels).38 Initially, the main Y3 phase of the palace was considered to date to the Second Dynasty based on the pottery and sealings found in 1969 and 1978.39 However, with the discovery of this sealing, its date was revised backwards, so that it was later suggested that the palace fell out of formal use at the end of the First Dynasty when the Qa‘a seal was deposited. After that, the structure was abandoned to so-called squatter habitation. Of course, the opening of a seal does not necessary correspond to the time of sealing itself. Although the type of pottery found in direct association with the sealings remains unknown, the idealised stratigraphy for this phase includes Meydum bowls, which, while present from the reign of Qa’a in an early form, do not become common until the late Second Dynasty.40 Further investigation in 1988 of Room D, where the seals were found, revealed several subphases of floors, platforms and silos, so the phase attribution of this influential sealing should be treated with caution.   A more detailed stratigraphic record is only available from the eastern part of the complex in the so-called administrative area. In 1988, excavations in square 15N1W in and around the circular silos in Room R9-R10 were continued down from the 38

  Brookner 1986.  Fairservis 1983. 40  For pottery dating see Hendrickx et al. 2002; Raue 1999, 180‒183. 39

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level reached in 1981. Although exposure was limited, the records show that room walls (attributed to Y2‒3) had been built on 15‒20 cm of soil containing Meydum bowls (although there are no detailed drawings of the types), and interior lip bowls,41 which mark the late Second Dynasty at many sites, the geographically closest being Elephantine.42 Thus, the walls and silos in this particular room at least were potentially built in the late Second Dynasty, and preserve evidence of Third Dynasty activity as confirmed by the sealing (number 459) found within the silo in Room R10.43 Earlier walls and a hearth were found below the silos, but exposure was insufficient to determine the date. The walls of the rooms were later modified (a low passage was cut between Rooms R9 and R10), but the initial construction does not appear ad hoc. While these chambers might be later additions to the complex and this limited stratigraphic window might not be applicable to other areas, it does suggest that at least some of the walls attributed to the Y3 phase were built in the late Second Dynasty. Considering Khasekhem / Khasekhemwy’s interest in the site of Hierakonpolis, it is perhaps not surprising that building works here were carried out during his reign. The unique configuration of his ceremonial enclosure (the Fort) at Hierakonpolis, with its projecting gateway and nearly square dimensions (see Fig. 1),44 may well have been influenced by or be a reflection of this – by then rather ancient – palace structure.   For how much longer the palace remained in formal use, and how one can determine this, are unresolved questions. The depression immediately to the east of the R series of rooms in 14N1W, called Room S, is probably the result of the sondage made by Green in 1899 within one of the rooms of the town houses labelled 211.45 Whether the 211 structures are later constructions over this part of the palace or represent use or reuse of the structure cannot be determined,46 but from the dimensions it is quite possible that the west walls of the larger room are 41

 Hays report 1988 on file with the Hierakonpolis Expedition. 42  Raue 1999, 181, fig. 37.2‒6. 43   T  his seal was mistakenly read as the name of Semerkhet by the excavators, leading them to attribute the rooms to the late First Dynasty. 44  Friedman 2007. 45  Quibell and Green 1902, 18, pl. lxviii; Adams 1974, 76‒77. 46  Pottery illustrated in Quibell and Green 1902, pl. lxix.20‒ 23, from the ‘Town’ appear to come from in and partly below a room in House 211. Among them is an early form of Meydum bowl that could date to the late Second Dynasty.

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in fact the same as the east walls of the R series of rooms. If this is the case, it gives further indications of the layout of this eastern sector. Unfortunately, the seals associated with the building are too fragmented to allow a more definite dating other than within the Early Dynastic period.47   Further evidence of late Second to early Third Dynasty activity was found in the adjacent square 15N2W on top of platform N1, which seems to have lost its original function at this time and was more or less at floor level. Walls were built on top of it and a circular pit (Feature 62) carefully cut into it was found to contain sealing 464, other uninscribed fragments and bread pots. The collapse of the wall built over the platform sealed this pit along with four successive living floors containing grinders and bread pots that were attributed to the squatter habitation. Whether this is actually the case, or whether this debris reflects only a functional change of rooms as noted at various times at Buto remains to be seen. However, it would seem that at some point in the Third Dynasty, the palace was allowed to deteriorate. Exactly when the palace ceased to function as originally planned and was left to more organic reuse, as the many X phase cooking installations throughout and around it suggest, cannot be determined from the available records.   While the nature of the evidence means we can only speculate, certain similarities between the Naqada IIID palace structures at Hierakonpolis and Buto suggest a vision of how a palace / administrative structure should be configured and what features it should contain.48 The presence of the niched façade and respect for the probable antiquity of it and selected other features may have meant the builders of the Y3 phase walls had to modify this ideal. Only further excavations can tell whether this formalised plan represents an outgrowth of the earlier arrangement already present at Hierakonpolis or is a new reflection of the organization of power 47

  The best preserved example is CG14673 showing the signs j (M17), s (S29), S (N37), an inverted mA (U1), and n (N35). Three additional sealings associated with house 211 were transferred from the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Cambridge, to the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge, and registered there under the numbers 2005.507 (former LE 156), 2005.513 (former LE 157) and 2005.514 (former LE 158). 48  Although Moeller 2016, 96‒102, sees residential, official and cultic activities present in the early palace, much like that known in later governors‘ residences, she states there is no hierarchy among the rooms and that the interior of the palace was as unstructured as the settlement surrounding it. The present study suggests that at least for the Y3 phase, this is not the case.

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and authority. While this review has presented more questions than it answers, the quality of some of the archival material available for this paper suggest that future analysis of the full record by those in possession of it should be able to address some of the outstanding issues surrounding this important structure. Administrative practice The American team led by W. Fairservis and, later, M. Hoffman discovered fourteen clay sealings in the palace area: four in 1969, seven in 1981, and three in 1988. The objects were registered with the antiquities magazine at Elkab. Two of the 1969 and one of the 1981 sealings were later transferred to the Museum of Civilization in Cairo. Weeks and Brookner published ten of the fourteen sealings in a preliminary fashion.49 Some of the sealings discovered by J. Quibell and F. Green50 might relate to the palace but are excluded from the discussion below because their exact find location is to date not yet fully established (but see above for house 211). The number of sealings is surprisingly low when administration is assumed to be the main purpose of the building. Perhaps the relevant administrative parts of the palace are located outside the excavated area or are enclosed in the unexcavated layers below water table. Five of the published items are definitely peg sealings, one is a jar sealing, the rest could be either peg, jar, or fabric sealings.51 The corpus has not received much attention so far. It is worthy of being re-published in detail as evidence, however faint, of the administrative practices performed in the building and, more generally, outside the cemeteries of Abydos and Saqqara, from where the majority of known sealings derive. The 1969 group Sealings no. 15, 19 and 38 were found “lying within the gateway, above the stone floor, in addition to several fragments of stone bowls, flint knives, and an uninscribed slate palette”.52 They were registered on 8, 10, and 15 February 1969 as having been found in quadrants 17N6W and 17N7W. A fourth item, no. 39, was registered on 16 February but is neither mentioned nor published in the preliminary report. The register book does not offer information on the find context and the association of 49

  Weeks 1971‒1972; Brookner 1986.   Quibell 1900; Quibell and Green 1902. 51  For typology and larger recently published sealing corpora, see von Pilgrim 1996, 234‒273; Engel and Müller 2000; Gratien 2001; Pätznick 2005; Wegner 2007, 299–361. 52   Weeks 1971‒1972, 31. 50

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no. 39 with the rest of the group is not self-evident. Quadrants 17N6W and 17N7W embrace the entire niched gateway and parts of the adjacent wall running southeast. Week’s description suggests that the sealings were found on the original floor rather than in one of the later layers associated with the secondary walls in the area. He classifies numbers 15 and 19 as “jar seals” and number 38 as a “document seal”. However, 38 is definitely a peg sealing used for sealing a door or basket. The drawing of 15, which was transferred to Cairo, shows a spout-like feature characteristic of peg sealings. The sealing type of 19, also sent to Cairo, is obscure on the drawing, while 39 is definitely a peg sealing again. Although the evidence is not entirely conclusive, the sealings might have originally been attached to the door that locked the niched gateway. Sealing 15, transferred to Cairo (Fig. 8): Find number 69-77, entry in register book on 8 February 1969, found in quadrant 17N6W according to register book or quadrant 17N7W according to the excavator, published by Weeks 1971‒72, 31, fig. 38d (not 39d).

Fig. 8 Sealing 15 (after Weeks 1971‒72, fig. 38d)

  From the published drawing, the sealing is 3.8 cm high and 5.0 cm broad. Weeks does not suggest a translation of the inscription. The three signs in the middle might be mA (Gardiner sign U1), DA (U29) and the human eye (D4). Pätznick reads the group wDA-mA as part of a name or title Hrj wDA.t mA.t “overseer of the magazine”.53 The translation suggests a rather clear cut administrative task, but it is neither evident what the individual words mean nor what the material correlate of an wDA.t-“magazine” would have meant in archaeological terms. Alternatively, the sign in the middle is a debased version of Hr (D2) and the group is to be read HrjwDA “controller”.54 53

  Pätznick 2005, cat. nos. 12, 20, 119, 156, 264.   Pätznick 2005, 102‒104.

54

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Sealing 19, transferred to Cairo (Fig. 9): Find number 69-103, entry in register book on 10 February 1969, found in quadrant 17N7W according to register book or in quadrant 17N6W according to the excavator, published by Weeks 1971‒72, 31, fig. 38 a (not 39a).

Fig. 9 Sealing 19 (after Weeks 1971‒72, fig. 38a)

 The sealing is depicted as being 6.2 cm high and 12.0 cm long. Both inscriptions derive from the same part of the cylinder seal. The sealing pattern is unusual in the corpus from Hierakonpolis as the inscriptions do not refer to names or titles, but apparently to offerings alternating with representations of the standing king.55 The inscription on the left might read sT(.t) “beer (jar)” followed by the determinative of a beer jar and an ideogram stroke, unless this latter group represents a measurement ds 1 “one jar”. Alternatively, one could consider a reading sTj “smell, perfume”, or stj “to libate” as a description of an activity. The bowl represented above the group could function as the determinative of a preceding word or be another measurement.56 The signs behind the king could be Ss “robe, linen” or “alabaster”, or belong to an altogether different word ending in zS. The group on the right hand side is unclear. The signs to the very left might be part of a larger representation of the king seated on a throne.57 Overall, the pattern belongs with the group of the rather few, and probably prestigious, Festsiegel showing the king in some ritual activity. It is remarkable to find an example outside the royal cemeteries. Perhaps the seal was used during a 55

 Weeks 1971‒72, 31, ann. 9, says that Kaplony doubted that the drawing was correct. 56 Kahl 1994, 794‒795 with a range of possible readings of the sign W10. Most of them refer to substances or offerings. 57  For recently excavated examples of the First Dynasty, see Engel in: Dreyer et al. 2011, 62‒72 and 76‒77, figs. 20 and 21 for a representation of the king seated on a throne. For previously known examples of Festsiegel, see Kaplony 1963, nos. 211, 237 (king on throne), 364, 365.

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royal ritual performed in the palace, but there is no evidence to back up this hypothesis. Sealing 38 (Fig. 10): Find number 69-168, entry in register book on 15 February 1969, found in quadrant 17N6W, published by Weeks 1971‒72, 31, fig. 38c.

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Third Dynasty, while the internal patterning of Aa1 may point to the later Second Dynasty as a date for the manufacture of the seal.61 Sealing 39 (Fig. 11): Find number 69-169, entry in register book on 16 February 1969, find location within Hierakonpolis not known, unpublished. H: 4.9 cm, B: 6.2 cm, D: 2.4 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. The lower side is broken off. The central area of the reverse side is eroded. The preserved part is porous and not level. Perhaps it was pressed onto a mudbrick. At the bottom, a peg was impressed with a diameter of 2.0 cm.

Fig. 10 Sealing 38 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

H: 2.3 cm, B: 3.4 cm, D: 1.3 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. The upper, lower and left sides are completely preserved, the right side is broken off. A well rounded peg, circa 1.8 cm broad, and a cord wound around it are impressed on the reverse side.   The two sealings on the front run parallel to the impression of the peg. From left to right, the top impression shows a circular sign with internal patterning, perhaps x (Aa1). The following signs might belong to a group Htp (R4), t (X1) and p (Q3). The remaining signs can be identified as Hr (D2),58 s (S29), and t (X1). The signs might belong to one of the common names with the element Htp popular in Early Dynastic inscriptions, including those of Elkab.59 The inscription is preserved to a maximum height of 0.9 cm and a maximum length of 2.1 cm. The bottom sequence shows again Hr followed by s, nfr (F35) and x. The maximum preserved height is 1.0 cm. The maximum preserved length is 1.9 cm. As the signs Hr and s in both sequences overlap, they may represent the same sequence of the inscription. However, the surrounding signs differ and the impression does not stem from the same part of the cylinder. The group nfr and x features also on an impression from Elephantine. Pätznick suggests a reading nfr-x.t-zA and believes that it is an epithet of local officials.60 Palaeographically, the sign D2 seems to belong into the later First to early

Fig. 11 Sealing 39 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

The inscription on the front runs in a perpendicular direction to the impression of the peg. Due to the curved orientation of the surface, the signs in the middle part are not preserved and the surface has been rubbed off. In the broken-off area, several eroded impressions of a cord are preserved. The signs j (M17) and s (S29) are visible to the left of the eroded area. To the right, an individual is depicted seated on a stool and stretching his or her arm out to where originally an offering table must have stood. Recently excavated seals and seal impressions decorated with the offering table scene are dated to the first part of the First and the late

58

 The shape of the sign resembles outline b as defined by Regulski 2010, 245. She argues that it is typical of the First Dynasty. 59  Regulski 2009. 60   Pätznick 2005, cat. no. 7.

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61

 Regulski 2010, 244, 271.

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Second Dynasty.62 The remaining signs are unclear. A thin line runs above and below the inscription indicating an original height of 2.3 cm. The maximum preserved length of the inscription is 5.0 cm, suggesting a diameter of the original cylinder of at least 1.6 cm.

again at a later date. It is probably safest not to push the date of the layer back into the mid-First Dynasty and, from current evidence, rather to assume an occupation of this part of the palace during the Early Dynastic Period to early Old Kingdom, and perhaps late Second Dynasty as suggested above.

The 1981 group The seven sealings, 306‒311 and 337, were found in room D within the palace (see Fig. 3); sealing 306 “on a habitation floor of the uppermost of the three Archaic levels in 16N-4W”, the others in “a single area of charred earth of the main habitation layer of Room D level (4) of the Archaic period in 17N-4W, approximately 5 meters north of the first sealing find”.63 Whatever the nature of the different levels defined by Fairservis really was, it seems that 306 belongs to a later layer, layer 3 in Fairservis’ terminology, than the rest of the group. Sealing 306 has been transferred to Cairo. Information on this object can be obtained from Brookner’s publication only.   Brookner classifies the sealings as jar sealings and concludes that the “number of jar sealings in this small charred earth layer is the result of a simultaneous opening of jars, and casting into a refuse pit of their lids”. However, sealings 308, 311, 337 and possibly 310 are peg rather than jar sealings. The big sealing 309 might have been attached to a jar or to a sack or to a peg, and only 307 was squeezed into the mouth of a vessel. The sealings are coloured dark brown to grey with only a few reddish areas. They do not seem to have been exposed to great heat and were therefore mixed with the charred earth only after the latter had been burnt. The entire group may have been discarded simultaneously, for example during the clearing of an adjacent room, but the individual sealings could well have been broken at different times.   For dating purposes, the name of king Qa’a on sealing 309 provides, at first sight, a definite date for layer 4. However, while the original cylinder was probably carved in the reign of Qa’a, it might have been used later, the sealing broken only after years of storage and the broken sealing discarded

Sealing 306, transferred to Cairo (Fig. 12): Find number 81-17, entry in register book on 9 February 1981, found in quadrant 16N4W, room D, published by Brookner 1986, 24, fig. 17, field registry page 6.

62

 For Tell el-Iswid, see Regulski 2014, 236, fig. 6. In Elephantine, a limestone cylinder seal with the offering table scene carved into it was found in the “Oststadt”, see Pätznick 2005, cat. no. 391. Some of the seal impressions may also be part of the offering table scene, for example Pätznick 2005, cat. nos. 425, 451, 497. The scene features also on other seal impressions from Hierakonpolis, see below sealing 311 and Bussmann 2011. 63   Brookner 1986, 24.

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Fig. 12 Sealing 306 (after Brookner 1986, fig. 17)

  Brookner suggests reading the words and phrases of the inscription as jmj-rA xtm.w “overseer of the sealers”, snTr “incense” and Hm “priest”. The group Hm might be part of a name rather than of a title.64 Sealing 307 (Fig. 13): Find number 81-126, entry in register book on 7 March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, room D, published by Brookner 1986, 24‒25, fig. 13, field registry page 4. H: 5.8 cm, B: 2.7 cm, D: 2.8 cm. Munsell 2.5YR 3/1. The left and bottom sides are broken off. The reverse side has a coarse surface texture. The projecting bulb in the centre probably derives from squeezing the clay directly into the mouth of a vessel, without using a piece of linen or leather between the jar and the sealing.   The upper inscription shows what probably is the lower part of the Neith standard (however, traces of the cross are not preserved), a ram (Brookner identified it as an antelope) and a rectangular sign, perhaps S (N37). A thin line runs above and below the inscription. The surface behind the S-sign is squeezed and the two parallel curved signs and the sign with three triangles do not connect immediately to the proceeding ones. It is, in fact, not entirely clear whether these two signs are hieroglyphs or simply pieces of squeezed mud. A possible parallel is a seal from the enclosure of Khasekhemwy at Abydos whose inscription, according to Petrie and Kaplony, reads Hm-Nt-$nmw “servant of Neith 64

 Kaplony 1963, 568, s.v. @m.

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and Khnum” followed by a seated individual before an offering table.65 The maximum preserved height of the inscription of 2.0 cm roughly represents the original height of the cylinder used. The maximum preserved length of the inscription is 1.6 cm.

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height is 1.5 cm, the maximum preserved length 1.8 cm. The bottom inscription cuts into it. The signs are bordered by a thin line running above them. The maximum preserved height is 0.9 cm, the maximum preserved length 1.2 cm. The top inscription shows a crescent (perhaps the horn of a ram?) and a circular sign with crossed internal pattern (x or njwt (O49)). The inscription cuts into the inscription in the middle. It is preserved to a maximum height of 0.9 cm, and a maximum length of 1.6 cm.

Fig. 14 Sealing 308 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

Fig. 13 Sealing 307 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

  The bottom inscription shows the upper part of a H (V28), a D (I10), and a bird sign, perhaps the chicken quail (G34) or the vulture (G1). A thin line runs above the group. The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 1.4 cm, the maximum preserved length is 2.6 cm. It cannot be established whether both inscriptions derive from one and the same cylinder seal. Sealing 308 (Fig. 14): Find number 81-127, entry in register book on 7 March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, room D, published by Brookner 1986, 25, fig. 13, field registry page 4. H: 3.5 cm, B: 6.0 cm, D: 1.4 cm. Munsell 2.5YR 3/2. All sides are broken off. The reverse side shows a slightly curved, eroded surface, perhaps the impression of a peg.   The inscription in the middle runs parallel to the peg. It includes the Neith standard, x and Hr. The palaeography of the sign Hr (D2) seems to be typical of the First Dynasty.66 Its maximum preserved 65

 Petrie 1903, 9, 29, pl. 12, no. 275, found in “house rubbish” (= Kaplony 1963, 1159, fig. 509). 66   Regulski 2010, 245, outline b.

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Sealing 309 (Fig. 15): Find number 81-128, entry in register book on 7 March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, published by Brookner 1986, 25, fig. 13, field registry page 4. H: 4.5 cm, B: 4.5 cm, D: 3.8 cm. Munsell 2.5YR 3/2. All sides are broken off. The reverse side shows the impressions of four rows of strings. The whole piece is rather heavy and could have been attached to a jar, a sack, or a peg.   The first and third columns of the inscription show a serekh with the name OA-a, particularly well preserved in the third column where the falcon on the serekh is, however, eroded. The signs in the middle column might be m (G17) and xnt (W17) suggesting a reading as jmj-xnt “chamberlain”, a title possibly referring to somebody responsible for clothing and dressing the king.67 Klaesens suggests the reading zA-wr “great phyle” for a similar string of signs on a sealing from tomb 3505 at Saqqara.68 Perhaps both impressions derive from one and the same seal, but the measurements of the Saqqara 67

 Jones 2000, 281‒282; for Second or Third Dynasty evidence, see the three ink inscriptions from the Step Pyramid published by Lacau and Lauer 1965, 17, no. 23, fig. 26, pl. 13 (= Kahl 1994, cat. no. 2305 and 2306). 68   In Emery 1958, 33, pl. 37.3 (= Kaplony 1963, 1125, Abb. 244).

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sealing are not provided. A third option is to understand the signs as @rw +r (M37) “Horus Djer”, in which case the names and titles of kings Qa’a and Djer would alternate on the seal.69 However, one would expect that both names were written either with or without serekh, and the names of the two kings do not feature together in other inscriptions. The reading as jmj-xnt is perhaps the most plausible.

the peg impression. The signs are only fragmentarily preserved. The maximum length of the inscription is 1.4 cm, the maximum preserved height 0.9 cm.

Fig. 16 Sealing 310 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

Sealing 311 (Fig. 17): Find number 81-221, entry in register book in March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, published by Brookner 1986, 25, fig. 13, field registry page 4.

Fig. 15 Sealing 309 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

  A broad bar runs above the group demarcating the upper end of the inscription. The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 3.7 cm, the maximum preserved length is 4.6 cm. The original cylinder was probably about 5.0 cm high and thus larger than the other seals discussed here perhaps because it belonged to a royal rather than a local official. The inscription is cut by another impression at the bottom which is hardly preserved. Sealing 310 (Fig. 16): Find number 81-129, entry in register book on 7 March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, published by Brookner 1986, 25, fig. 13, field registry page 4. H: 2.0 cm, B: 2.5 cm, D: 1.1 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. All sides are broken off. The reverse side bears the impression of a wooden peg of considerable diameter. The inscription on the front runs parallel to 69

 Compare, for example, the list of royal names of the First Dynasty on a sealing from the tomb of Qa’a at Abydos: Dreyer in: Dreyer et al. 1996, 72, fig. 26, pl. 14b‒c.

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Fig. 17 Sealing 311 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

H: 6.0 cm, B: 5.7 cm, D: 2.4 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. The bottom and right sides are broken off. On the reverse side, the upper part and the lower left hand side corner are broken off. The surface bears impressions of a string wound around a peg and from there falling down and of the wall which held the peg.   Two inscriptions run almost parallel to one another and parallel also to the peg on the front side.

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The upper inscription shows an individual seated on a stool and stretching an arm towards a table with offerings.70 The stroke behind the wig might be a filling element or belong to the wig. The surface to the right of the seated individual turns at an angle. Although there are no signs of an interruption, the seal might have briefly lost contact with the clay and parts of the inscription are lacking. The following group is composed of s, H, st (Q1) or rwd (O40), and the crossed sticks of the Neith standard. The group of staircase plus standard (of Neith?) occurs on a sealing from Abydos but the reading of it is uncertain.71 The remaining signs could be filling elements. The inscription is framed by thin lines running above and below the inscription indicating the original height of the inscription as 2.4 cm. The maximum preserved length of the inscription is 5.0 cm. The original cylinder, therefore, had a minimum diameter of 1.6 cm.   The signs of the lower inscription are unclear. The group in the middle might belong to zS (Y3). A thin line runs above the inscription. The maximum preserved length of the inscription is 3.7 cm, the maximum preserved height 1.2 cm. There is no clear indication of whether the inscriptions derive from one or two different seals. Sealing 337 (Fig. 18): Find number 337, entry in register book on 7 March 1981, found in quadrant 17N4W, published by Brookner 1986, 24, fig. 13, field registry page 4.

Fig. 18 Sealing 337 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

H: 3.6 cm, B: 4.4 cm, D: 2.3 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. Only the lower left part is originally preserved.

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The reverse side bears the impression of a wooden peg of 5.0 cm in diameter and of a string wound around it. The inscription runs parallel to the peg impression on the front side.   The signs mw (N35A) and H are clear but not sufficiently specific a sequence for translation. The remaining signs are unclear. A thin line runs along the bottom of the inscription. The maximum preserved length of the inscription is 2.5 cm, the maximum preserved height 1.4 cm. The 1988 group The three sealings of this group are unpublished. Their archaeological context is discussed above. Sealing 459 shows the impression of a string and a piece of linen and was attached either to the neck of a vessel sealed with a piece of linen or to a linen bundle or sack. The reverse side of sealing 464 bears impressions of fine strings, perhaps leaves of a plant or leather strips. The surface of the concave area is even and not impressed by linen. Perhaps the sealing sat on top of a piece of leather covering a small container. The surface of sealing 465 is partially eroded but the shape of the sealing suggests that it was attached on a peg.   Of all seal inscriptions presented here only 459 and 465 show definite use of a vertical separator. This feature was probably inspired by sealing patterns with a royal serekh which led to a vertical organisation of the inscription. The use of vertical separators seems to appear somewhere near the end of the Early Dynastic period and beginning of the Old Kingdom.72 Sealing 459 (Fig. 19): Find number AZ: R-10, entry in register book on 7 March 1988, found in quadrant 15N1W, within the silo in Room 10, unpublished. H: 1.7 cm, B: 2.2 cm, D: 1.4 cm. Munsell 2.5Y 2.5/1. The left and bottom sides are broken off. The reverse side shows impressions of three lines of strings and faint impressions of a folded piece of linen in the upper part.   The inscriptions run perpendicular to the impressions of the strings. Several fingerprints disturb the inscriptions. The inscription on the left shows the sign for s and a vertical separator. The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 1.9 cm, the maximum preserved length 1.4 cm. The lower sign of the inscription on the right could be Sms (T18) “the follower”, a title well attested at Elephantine and dated by Kaplony and Pätznick not earlier than

70

  See comment on sealing 39 above.  Kaplony 1964, 23‒24, pl. 67, no. 2 at the bottom.

71

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72

 Kaplony 1963, 46.

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to the Third Dynasty.73 In the next inscribed field, separated by a vertical stroke, there are a rectangular sign and s, possibly again part of the title Sms. The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 1.9 cm, the maximum preserved length 1.4 cm. The preserved inscriptions stem from different parts of the cylinder.

Fig. 19 Sealing 459 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

Sealing 464 (Fig. 20): Find number 14-1, entry in register book on 23 February 1988, found in quadrant 15N2W, in pit Feature 62, unpublished. H: 2.1 cm, B: 2.6 cm, D: 1.2 cm. Munsell 7.5YR 3/1. The upper and lower sides are broken off. The left part of the reverse side is slightly sloped and smooth. Three thin strings, probably of leather or simple twisted grass, are impressed next to it. The right side is level but not smooth. The sealing is drawn here perpendicular to how it was originally used. It might have been placed over a piece of leather arranged over the mouth of a jar and held together with thin leather strips.

The adjacent sign might represent the kA-arms (D28) followed by t and, below, the head of a bird.74 The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 1.0 cm, the maximum preserved length 2.4 cm. Of the upper inscription, only part of an s-sign is preserved. Sealing 465 (Fig. 21): Find number 8-42, entry in register book on 20 February 1988, found in quadrant 15N2W, purportedly from the base of Feature 61, unpublished. H: 2.2 cm, B: 2.5 cm, D: 0.7 cm. Munsell 5YR 4/2. The lower and right sides are broken off. The reverse side shows a slightly curved, smooth upper part, probably the impression of a peg, and the impression of a string at the bottom. The uneven and eroded part in the middle probably derives from the clay being squeezed into the vacuum between peg and string.

Fig. 21 Sealing 465 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

  Two inscriptions run from right to left, perpendicular to the impressions on the reverse side. The s-sign of the lower inscription runs slightly into the upper inscription.

  If the inscription on the front is interpreted as representing two impressions, they would both derive from the same part of the cylinder seal. The upper inscription is bordered by two ragged lines. It shows a vertical separator and two arms in both squares bordering the separator. At the bottom is another simple line, probably part of the lower bordering line. The maximum preserved height of the inscription is 2.0 cm, the maximum preserved length 2.0 cm.   The lower inscription overlaps slightly with the upper inscription. It shows the vertical separator and one pair of arms in each of the squares on both sides of the separator. The maximum preserved length is 0.7 cm, the maximum preserved length 0.7 cm.

73

74

Fig. 20 Sealing 464 (photo: R. Bussmann, drawing: R. Bussmann and C. von Elm)

  Pätznick 2005, 107‒111.

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 Perhaps the name %kA, Kaplony 1963, 640, fig. 881.

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The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis

Discussion Despite its small size, the sample of clay sealings from the palace of Hierakonpolis raises a few interesting questions.75 Palaeographically, the 1969 and 1981 groups have good parallels in comparable material of the First Dynasty, while the 1988 group seems to be later, perhaps Third Dynasty. Their later date ties in with the observations on finds and architecture in this area, which seem to post-date the structures near the palace gateway. However, more sealings from the site would be needed to determine how long seals were used, when sealings were discarded and redeposited, and whether the sealings follow a distinctive chronological and spatial distribution pattern across the palace area. A similarly small number of clay sealings was found in the late Predynastic and Early Dynastic layers of Tell el-Iswid, while Buto yielded a slightly more substantial series of impressions.76 The restricted evidence of early administration outside the royal and elite burials at Abydos and Saqqara77 suggests that the scope of administration and the role of palaces for maintaining administrative networks was limited in the Early Dynastic Period. The following discussion presents some thoughts of how one might approach this question.   A first aspect relates to the importance of writing for running a larger polity. The distribution of archives, including lists, tables, decrees and accounts, within and outside the political centre of the Old Kingdom78 could indicate that the use of documents was more wide-spread than the poor record of preserved papyri in the Early Dynastic Period reflects.79 Tomb scenes showing how written documents are presented to the tomb owner add to the evidence on an iconographic basis. However, there is little hope to discover larger archives within early palaces when the latter are located in the flood plain or, as at Hierakonpolis, at or below groundwater table.80 75 

The more substantial assemblages of Elephantine (Pätznick 2005), Balat, Elkab (Regulski 2009), and the Middle Kingdom forts and settlements (von Pilgrim 1996; Wegner 2007) suggest that the corpus of Hierakonplis originally was larger, see Quibell and Green 1902 and Bussmann 2011 for more sealings from Hierakonpolis. Gratien 2001 offers a good overview of discussions of relevant sites. 76  Regulski 2014; Kaplony, 1992; Engel in: Hartung et al. 2012. 77  Regulski 2010, 73‒85. 78  Posener-Kriéger 1975; 1976; 1986; 1994; 2004; PosenerKriéger et al. 2006; Tallet 2014. 79  Eyre 2013. 80  Quirke 1996 laments the restricted evidence of palace archives from Pharaonic Egypt more generally.

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  A few clay sealings from Elephantine and at least one of the Third Dynasty from the temple area of Hierakonpolis were impressed on a papyrus roll.81 Although they represent a minority among the clay sealings overall, they are indirect evidence of papyrus being involved in administration from an early time onwards. In later corpora, the number of document sealings is similarly low,82 but written documents, like the Semna dispatches, clearly demonstrate that papyrus documents were exchanged between the periphery and the centre, at least from time to time, and not necessarily in the form of sealed documents. It would therefore be misleading to base too strong an argument about the use of papyrus in Early Dynastic administration on the sealing corpus alone. However, document sealings do bear on the question and have not been fully considered in this context. Whether or not the palace fulfilled its original function in the Third Dynasty is currently difficult to say.   Not all administrative practices require writing. Counting, storing, organising and negotiating hierarchies can be achieved efficiently by oral agreement and physical enactment. The management of people and goods in prehistory, including in long-distance trade, relied on visual and face-toface communication and is relevant up to the present day. The miniscule corpus of clay sealings from Hierakonplis and the lack of excavated documents should not be understood as proof of absence of administration on a larger scale.   Only one impression of the corpus from the palace of Hierakonpolis includes a royal serekh. Among the sealings from the Early Dynastic eastern town at Elephantine, interpreted as the governor’s residence, and from the palace of the local governors at Ayn Asil, the number of sealings with royal names is also low.83 It is probably realistic to assume a similar proportion for the palace of Hierakonpolis. The few sealings with royal names found by Quibell and Green at Hierakonpolis are in line with this assumption.   In stark contrast, all sealings discovered at the workmen settlement in Giza bear a serekh.84 The difference to Hierakonpolis may be a question of chronology in the sense that seals without royal names fell out of fashion towards the beginning of

81

  Pätznick 2005, 61‒62; Bussmann 2011.  Von Pilgrim 1996, 238; Wegner 2007, 300‒304. 83   Pätznick 2005, 63‒87, tab. 34; Pantalacci 2001. 84  Nolan 2010. 82

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the Fourth Dynasty.85 In addition, the settlement at Giza was also occupied only for a short period of time, perhaps a generation or so, whereas the other sealing corpora accumulated over a century or more possibly witnessing changes in the administrative function of the sites at which they were found.   An alternative explanation is to understand the differences sociologically as reflecting different administrative networks. The Giza settlement, serving the organisation of the royal funerary cult, was embedded in a network of officials directly related to the crown. Elephantine and Ayn Asil are served and administered by a more varied community whose members are a few royal and a broad spectrum of local officials. The palace of Hierakonpolis may have belonged to the latter type, although this conclusion must remain hypothetical at this point. Conclusion Hierakonpolis offers an opportunity to explore how a royal palace was built into and transformed an existing community. The palace is located at “new Hierakonpolis”, the island in the cultivation possibly created by material washed down from the Wadi Abu Suffian. Perhaps it was designed together with the ceremonial area, usually interpreted as the temple of Horus, to form a new ritual landscape focusing on kingship. Unfortunately, the deficient excavation reports prevent an understanding of the stratigraphic relationship of the various buildings and their components. The temple apparently had its heyday in the late Predynastic and beginning of the Early Dynastic Period with an interlude under Khasekhem in the Second Dynasty.86 The palace might have followed a similar trajectory, built initially as an impressive royal foundation, used as such for a short period of time along with the temple and finally merging with local life once kings had

disappeared from the site. The precise dating of this transition is difficult to establish, perhaps at some point between the Naqada III Period / early First Dynasty and the Second Dynasty or a bit later.   With due caution, the palace may be reconstructed with a size of 80 × 80 m if the niched gateway was located in the centre of the front wall. In the late Naqada III Period, the palace of Hierakonpolis shows the strongest similarities to the palace of Buto. It is proposed here that it was divided into a reception area located behind the niched gateway, a residential area and an administrative area to the east. Material from the eastern part indicates a slightly later date (Third Dynasty) than the finds from other areas (First and Second Dynasties). One reason for this may relate to the topography of the site. There is a general rise of floor level and strata from the gateway eastward, possibly following a natural slope upward. However, at the eastern end of the excavated area, and just behind the niched platform, the slope abruptly falls off. The R series of rooms in this area are at a lowered level, and thus younger material still remained here, while later levelling, probably in the New Kingdom,87 removed these layers in the area of the niched gate.   The uncertainties of interpretation should not overshadow the importance of the palace. Prior to the discovery of the niched gateway and the area behind it, Early Dynastic Hierakonpolis was known primarily for its temple, with a few houses scattered across the area delineated by the town enclosure wall. Interpretation of kingship at Hierakonpolis was largely restricted to its sacred aspect. The architecture and sealing corpus of the palace demon-strate that the site was designed on a much grander scale. Kingship was locally embedded in an apparatus of representation and power beyond the sphere of the gods.

85

 Kaplony 1977; 1981 reviewed the clay sealing of the Old Kingdom, the vast majority of which bear a serekh and were found in royal contexts. Outside the centre, the evidence is more diverse, see Willems et al. 2009, 313‒315. 86  Bussmann 2010, 496‒498. The royal objects of the 6th Dynasty reflect a different historical pattern of increased royal building activity throughout the country.

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87

 See Bunbury and Graham 2008.

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The Early Dynastic Palace at Hierakonpolis

Bibliography Adams, B. 1974 Ancient Hierakonpolis Supplement, Warminster. 1995  Ancient Nekhen. Garstang in the City of Hierakonpolis, Egyptian Studies Association 3, New Malden. Baba, M. and Friedman, R.F. 2016 Recent Excavations at HK11C, Hierakonpolis, in: M.D Adams, M. Midant-Reynes, Y. Tristant and E. Ryan (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 4. Proceedings of the International Conference ‘Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’, New York, 26‒30 July, 2011, OLA 252, Leuven. Baba, M., Van Neer, W. and De Cupere, B. 2017  Industrial Food Production Activities during the Naqada II period at HK11C, Hierakonpolis, 3‒34, in: B. Midant-Reynes and Y. Tristant (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference ‘Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’, Cairo, 13‒18 April 2014, Leuven. Bestock, L. 2008 The Early Dynastic Funerary Enclosures at Abydos, Archeo-Nil 18, 42‒59. Brookner, J. 1986  The Archaic Period Sealings, 24‒26, in: W. Fairservis, Excavations of the Archaic Remains East of the Niched Gateway. Season of 1981. With a Contribution by Jonathan Brookner, The Hierakonpolis Project III, Poughkeepsie, NY. Bunbury, J.M. and Graham, A. 2008 There is Nothing Boring about a Borehole, Nekhen News 20, 22‒23. Bussmann, R. 2010  Die Provinztempel Ägyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie. Archäologie und Geschichte einer gesellschaftlichen Institution zwischen Residenz und Provinz, PdÄ 30, Boston, Cologne. 2011 The Seals and Seal Impressions from Hierakonpolis, EA 38, 17‒19. Dreyer, G., Engel, E.-M., Hartung, U., Hikade, T., Köhler, E. C. and Pumpenmeier, F. 1996 Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof. 7./8. Vorbericht, MDAIK 52, 11‒81. Dreyer, G., Blöbaum, A. I., Engel, E.-M., Köpp, H. and Müller, V. 2011 Umm el-Qaab. Nachuntersuchungen im frühzeitlichen Königsfriedhof 19./20./21. Vorbericht, MDAIK 67, 53‒92. Emery, W. B 1958  Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III. London. Engel, E.M. and Müller, V. 2000 Verschlüsse der Frühzeit: Erstellung einer Typologie, GM 178, 31–44.

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Eyre, C. 2013  The Use of Documents in Pharaonic Egypt, Oxford. Fairservis, W.A. 1971-72 Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis, JARCE 9, 7‒27. 1983 The Hierakonpolis Project. Season January to March 1978. Excavation of the Temple Area on the Kom el Gemuwia, Hierakonpolis Occasional Papers in Anthropology 1, Poughkeepsie, N.Y. 1986  Excavation of the Archaic Remains East of the Niched Gate. Season of 1981. With a Contribution by Jonathan Brookner, The Hierakonpolis Project III, Poughkeepsie, NY. Friedman, R.F. 2007 New Observations on the Fort at Hierakonpolis, 309‒336, in: Z.H. Hawass and J. Richards (eds.), The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt. Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor, Supplément aux Annales du Service des Antiquites de l’Égypte Cahier 36, Cairo. Hierakonpolis Locality HK29A: The Predynastic  2009 Ceremonial Center Revisited, JARCE 45, 79‒103. Friedman, R.F., Van Neer, W. and Linseele, V. 2011  The Elite Predynastic Cemetery at Hierakonpolis: 2009‒2010 Update, 157‒191, in: R. Friedman and P.N. Fiske (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3. Proceedings of the Third International Conference ‘Origins of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’. London, 27th July‒1st August 2008, OLA 205, Leuven. Gratien, B. (ed.) 2001  Le sceau et l’administration dans la Vallée du Nil: Villeneuve d’Ascq, 7‒8 juillet 2000, CRIPEL 22, Villeneuve-d‘Ascq. Harlan, J.F. 1985 Predynastic Settlement Patterns: A View from Hierakonpolis, Ph.D dissertation, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri. Hartmann, R. 2016  Pottery from the Recent Excavations in the Early Dynastic Settlement at Tell el-Fara’in/Buto, in: B. Midant-Reynes and Y. Tristant (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 5. Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference ‘Origins of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’, Cairo, 13‒18 April 2014, Leuven. Hartung, U., Ballet, P., Béguin, F., Bourriau, J., Dixneuf, D., von den Driesch, A., French, P., Hartmann, R., Herbich, T., Kitagawa, C., Kopp, P., Lecuyot, G., Nenna, M.-D., Schmitt, A., Senol, G. and Senol, A. 2007 Tell el-Fara’in – Buto. 9. Vorbericht, MDAIK 63, 69‒166. Hartung, U., Engel, E.-M. and Hartmann, R. 2012 Tell el-Fara’in – Buto. 11. Vorbericht, MDAIK 68, 83–114.

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Hendrickx, S. 2006  Predynastic-Early Dynastic Chronology, 55‒93, in: E. Hornung, R. Krauss and D.A. Warburton (eds.), Handbook of Egyptian Chronology, HdO 83, Leiden. Hendrickx, S., Faltings, D., Op de Beeck, L., Raue, D. and Michiels, C. 2002 Milk, Beer and Bread Technology during the Early Dynastic Period, MDAIK 58, 277‒304. Hikade, T. 2011  Origins of Monumental Architecture: Recent Excavations at Hierakonpolis HK29B and HK25, 81‒108, in: R. Friedman and P.N. Fiske (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 3. Proceedings of the Third International Conference ‘Origins of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’. London, 27th July‒1st August 2008, OLA 205, Leuven. Hoffman, M.A. 1982  The Predynastic of Hierakonpolis. An Interim Report, Egyptian Studies Association 1, Giza/Macomb. Holmes, D.L. 1992  Chipped Stone-working Craftsmen, Hierakonpolis and the Rise of Civilization in Egypt, 37‒44, in: R. Friedman and B. Adams (eds.), The Followers of Horus. Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman 1944–1990, Oxford. Jones, D. 2000  An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom, BAR International Series 866, Oxford. Kahl, J. 1994  Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0.‒3. Dynastie, GOF IV.29, Wiesbaden. Kaplony, P. 1963  Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit, ÄA 8, Wiesbaden. 1964  Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit. Supplement, ÄA 9, Wiesbaden. 1977  Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs 1. Allgemeiner Teil mit Studien zum Königtum des Alten Reiches, Brussels. 1981  Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reichs 2. Katalog der Rollsiegel, Brussels. 1992  Archaische Siegel und Siegelabrollungen aus dem Delta. Die Arbeit an den Siegeln von Buto, 23‒30, in: E. van den Brink (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition. 4th‒3rd Millennium B.C. Proceedings of the Seminar held in Cairo, 21.‒24. October 1990, at the Netherlands Institute of Archaeology and Arabic Studies, Tel Aviv. Kemp, B.J. 2006  Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization, London. Kopp, P. 2006 Elephantine XXXII. Die Siedlung der Naqadazeit, AV 118, Mainz.

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Lacau, P. and Lauer, J.-P. 1965  La pyramide à degrés V. Inscriptions à l’encre sur les vases, Cairo. McNamara, L. 2008 The Revetted Mound at Hierakonpolis and Early Kingship: A Re-interpretation, 901‒936, in: B. Midant-Reynes and Y. Tristant (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2. Proceedings of the International Conference ‘Origin of the state, Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’, Toulouse (France), 5th‒8th September 2005, OLA 172, Leuven. Moeller, N. 2016  The Archaeology of Urbanism in Ancient Egypt. From the Predynastic Period to the End of the Middle Kingdom, New York. Nolan, J. 2010  Mud Sealings and Fourth Dynasty Administration at Giza, PhD Thesis, Chicago. O’Connor, D. 1992  The Status of Early Egyptian Temples: an Alternative Theory, 83‒98, in: R. Friedman and B. Adams (eds.), The Followers of Horus. Studies dedicated to Michael Allen Hoffman 1944–1990, Oxford. Pätznick, J.-P. 2005  Die Siegelabrollungen und Rollsiegel der Stadt Elephantine im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr.: Spurensicherung eines archäologischen Artefaktes, BAR International Series 1339, Oxford. Pantalacci, L. 2001 L’administration royale et l’administration locale au gouvernorat de Balat d‘après les empreinte de sceaux, 153‒160, in: B. Gratien (ed.) Le sceau et l’administration dans la Vallée du Nil: Villeneuve d’Ascq, 7‒8 juillet 2000, CRIPEL 22, Villeneuved‘Ascq. Petrie, W.M.F. 1903 Abydos II (1903), EEF 24, London. Pilgrim, C. Von 1996 Elephantine XVIII: Untersuchungen in der Stadt des Mittleren Reiches und der Zweiten Zwischenzeit, AV 91, Mainz. Posener-Kriéger, P. 1975 Les papyrus de Gébelein. Remarques préliminaires, RdÉ 27, 211‒221. 1976  Les archives du temple funéraire de NéferirkarêKakaï (Les papyrus d’Abousir), BdÉ 65, Cairo. 1986  Old Kingdom Papyri: External Features, 25‒41, in: M.L. Bierbrier (ed.), Papyrus: Structure and Usage, BMOP 60, London. 1994  Le coffret de Gebelein, 315-326, in: C. Berger, G. Clerc and N. Grimal (eds.), Hommages à Jean Leclant 1, BdÉ 106(1), Cairo. 2004  I papyri di Gebelein: Scavi G. Farina 1935, Studi del Museo Egizio di Torino Gebelein I, Turin.

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Takamiya, I.H. 2008  Firing Installations and Specialization: A View from Recent Excavations at Hierakonpolis Locality 11C, 187‒202, in: B. Midant-Reynes and Y. Tristant (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2. Proceedings of the International Conference ‘Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’ Toulouse (France), 5th‒8th September 2005, OLA 172, Leuven.

Quirke, S. 1996  Archive, 379‒402, in: A. Loprieno (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, PdÄ 10, Leiden.

Tallet, P. 2014 Des papyrus du temps de Chéops au ouadi el-Jarf (golfe du Suez), BSFE 188, 25‒49.

Raue, D. 1999 Ägyptische und nubische Keramik der 1.‒4. Dynastie, 173‒189, in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 55.

Weeks, K.R. 1971‒72 Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis II: The Early Dynastic Palace, JARCE 9, 29‒33.

Regulski, I. 2009 Early Dynastic Seal Impressions from the Settlement Site at Elkab, 31‒48, in: W. Claes, H. de Meulenaere and S. Hendrickx (eds.), Elkab and Beyond. Studies in Honour of Luc Limme, OLA 191, Leuven. 2010 A Palaeographic Study of Early Writing in Egypt, OLA 195, Leuven. 2014  Seal Impressions from Tell el-Iswid, 230‒242, in: B. Midant-Reynes and N. Buchez, Tell el-Iswid 2006‒2009, FIFAO 73, Cairo.

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Wegner, J. 2007  The Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at Abydos, New Haven. Willems, H., Vereecken, S., Kuijper, L., Vanthuyne, B., Marinova, E., Linseele, V., Verstraeten, G., Hendrickx, S., Eyckerman, M., van den Broek, A., Van Neer, W., Bourriau, J., French, P., Peeters, C., de Laet, V., Mortier, S. and de Kooning, Y. 2009 An Industrial Site at Al-Shaykh Sa’īd/Wādī Zabayda, Ä&L 19, 293‒331.

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Recent Investigations of Early Dynastic Building Structures at Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto by Ulrich Hartung

Introduction The settlement of Buto (modern Tell el-Fara‘in) is situated in the flood plain of the northwestern Nile Delta, in the governorate of Kafr el-Sheikh, c. 40 km south of the modern shore line of the Mediterranean. The site covers an area of approximately 1 sq.km. It is topographically divided into a northern and a southern settlement mound with mudbrick ruins rising 15 m above the cultivation, and a temple area surrounded by a huge enclosure wall (Fig. 1).   In ancient times, Buto belonged to the 6th Lower Egyptian nome. Since the late New Kingdom, it was known under the name of pr-WADt, i.e. “House of the (Goddess) WAdt” (Uto), from which the Greek name Buto derives. Buto is also identified with the twin cities of Pe (P) and Dep (Dp), attested since the Early Dynastic on seal impressions. Buto is assumed to have been the archaic capital of Lower Egypt, which played an important role throughout the Pharaonic period, as a counterpart to Hierakonpolis (Nekhen) in Upper Egypt, both in religious belief and in cultic life.1 Another name connected with Buto is ©bawt, mainly known from Old Kingdom sources. The earliest evidence for this name, written with a heron on the roof of a building, occurs on small bone labels from the late Predynastic (Naqada IIIA1) tomb U-j at Abydos.2   According to depictions on Early Dynastic labels and seal impressions several events and ceremonies are thought by scholars to have taken place in archaic Buto. Also supposedly located in Buto are a group of small buildings in the shape of the socalled Lower Egyptian sanctuary pr-nw, arranged side by side in a grove of palm-trees,3 and an estate and probable temporal residence named “Palace of the Harpooning Horus” (Hw.t pi-Hr.w-msn.w).4

However, although Buto seems to be quite well attested in written sources and depictions of late Predynastic and Early Dynastic date only little has been known of the archaeology of the site. The impressive mounds of ruins which affect the appearance of Buto today are mostly of Ptolemaic / Roman, and some perhaps of Saite date. Remains of occupation before the Late Dynastic Period are deeply buried below later cultural deposits. Archaeological research at Buto Archaeological research started in 1886 when W.M.F. Petrie made a short visit to Buto. The topographic appearance of the site, with its mounds in the north and the south, led him, as the first scholar, to assume that this place could have been the old twin cities of Pe and Dep.5 The first excavations were carried out in 1904 by C.T. Currelly6 and again 50 years later in the 1960s by V. Seton-Williams and D. Charlesworth on behalf of the EES.7 During this work mostly Ptolemaic and Roman remains were exposed in the temple area and in the north-western part of the site. However, some sporadic finds of Early Dynastic date, and especially a cylinder seal belonging to an official of Dep8 pointed to the existence of a much older occupation of the site.   Therefore, during the early 1980s, W. Kaiser initiated investigations at Buto with the aim to clarify the early history of the site. After an archaeological and geological survey of the settlement mound and its surroundings by drillings,9 excavations conducted by Th. von der Way started in 1985.10 Although work could only be carried out in limited squares, this was the first time that not only the 5

1

 Cf. i.a. Sethe 1930, 137‒158; Wilson 1955, 232; Habachi 1963, 42; Kaiser 1964, 123; Redford 1983, 67–75. 2  Dreyer 1998, 130, fig. 80, nos. 127–129. 3  E.g. Ricke 1944, 36–37; 1950, 19–22; Müller 1985, 8–10; Arnold 1992, 15; cf. also Junker 1940; Wallert 1962, 114–128; Settgast 1963, 65–73; Helck 1987, 41, 89; von der Way 1993, 125–129; Bietak 1994, 1–7. 4

  E.g. Helck 1987, 180, 212–213, 228; Kaplony 1992, 23– 24; von der Way 1993, 128; 1997, 173.

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 Petrie 1886, 93; 1905, 36: cf. Edgar 1911, 87–90; Wilson 1955, 232–233. 6  Curelly in: Petrie 1905, 38. 7  Seton-Williams 1965; 1966; 1967; Charlesworth 1969; 1970. 8   Seton-Williams 1967, 149 and pl. XXVIII, 2. 9  von der Way 1984; von der Way and Schmidt 1985; Wunderlich 1989. 10  E.g. von der Way and Schmidt 1986; von der Way 1996; 1997; Köhler 1998.

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Northern settlement mound Temple area

Southern settlement mound

Sekhmawy

Mohamed el-Baz

Modern cemetery

Topographical plan by M.A. Flechtner and A. Knuth 1996

Approximate outline of the sand dune underlying Buto

Area of Early Dynastic (and Old Kingdom) occupation

Main area of DAI excavations

Fig. 1 Topographical map of Buto with the area of Early Dynastic occupation

Recent Investigations of Early Dynastic Building Structures in Tell el-Fara‘in/Buto

Chalcolithic Lower Egyptian Maadi Culture of the 4th millennium was identified in the Nile Delta proper but also that Early Dynastic settlement remains were uncovered in Buto. The latter seemed to belong to a large administrative building complex whose walls continued beyond the limits of the excavation, inhibiting a more complete understanding. Owing to the complicated layout of the walls the excavated structure was labelled “labyrinth-building” by Th. von der Way. From 1993‒1998 field work was continued by D. Faltings,11 and from 1999 until today by the author.12 Recent investigations Beside a systematic survey combining auger drillings and geophysical measurements, which was started in 1999 to answer questions about the development of the settlement throughout its long history and its topographical setting in respect to the surrounding landscape,13 excavations were continued to the north of the village of Sekhmawy, immediately adjoining the trenches previously excavated by Th. von der Way. The area is situated rather in the centre of Buto’s Early Dynastic occupation (Fig. 1). During the last decade the investigated area was considerably enlarged and as a result it is now possible to draw a more complete plan of the socalled “labyrinth-building” and also understand this complex as the climax of the architectural development of the preceding building structures.14 From the very beginning of the 1st until the late 2nd Dynasty three major phases of construction can be distinguished, each with a special architectural layout. However, work is still in progress and therefore only preliminary results can be given. Also still preliminary is the dating of the structures, which is exclusively based on the pottery evidence.15 The given time-spans are an approximation, as – of course – there is no exact concordance between the architectural development and that of pottery types.   The oldest construction phase exposed so far in larger scale16 dates to Naqada IIIC1, i.e. the beginning of the 1st Dynasty (Fig. 2). The buildings 11

 E.g. Faltings and Köhler 1996; Faltings et al. 2000; Ziermann 2002. 12  E.g. Hartung 2008; Hartung et al. 2003; 2006; 2009; 2012; 2016. 13  Hartung et al. 2009, 170–188. 14  Hartung et al. 2012. 15  Hartmann 2007; 2012; 2016. 16   Cf. Hartung et al. 2012, 84–88; Meanwhile, the excavated area has been enlarged, cf. Hartung et al. 2016, 83‒85, and also Predynastic settlement remains were exposed.

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of this phase consist of simple rectangular rooms, often arranged side by side and apparently forming several units. Apart from some fireplaces, the absence of installations or other evidence for the activities of the inhabitants is noticeable, especially when compared with the subsequent construction phase. In the south, a larger building partly excavated by D. Faltings in squares U I, III and IV17 might have had administrative functions. Several round granaries indicate a related storage area and finds of seal impressions point to the administrative registry and control of the commodities. In a neighbouring square (T IX), a room excavated by Th. von der Way, was interpreted as a kind of a bull sanctuary due to a large vat with incised bull depictions below the rim, which was found dug into the ground in the middle of the adjoining courtyard.18   All in all, with its densely connected arrangement of the rooms and a larger building with probable administrative function, the excavated structures of this phase seem to belong more likely to an associated building complex than to a loosely settled village. On the other hand, so far nothing is known about the appearance of “normal” villages in Early Dynastic Egypt.   During the early 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIC2), the layout of the building structures was transformed.19 In front of a newly built (but only poorly preserved) larger building in the south a courtyard was established surrounded by rooms or houses of varying size (Fig. 3). Although during the course of the first half of the 1st Dynasty the plan of individual houses and their arrangement was slightly modified several times, the general plan of the whole construction was not basically changed. Beside the new architectural arrangement, this phase is characterised by various installations illustrating the agricultural and domestic activities of the inhabitants. Fireplaces, ovens for heating the bread moulds before the baking process, large vats and other storage vessels dug into the ground, round granaries, postholes for wooden roof constructions and other installations are not only found in the central courtyard but also in smaller places between the houses. The courtyard may have served as a space for communal work, but storage facilities and installations for the preparation of food were obviously also connected to individual houses. Whilst some rather small rooms were probably used 17

 Faltings and Köhler 1996, 89–94.  Von der Way 1997, 128–130. 19   Cf. Hartung et al. 2012, 88–92. 18

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Fig. 2 Building structures from the beginning of the 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIC1)

as private living rooms, some of the larger rooms may have housed workshops. Around the middle of the 1st Dynasty or shortly afterwards, the central courtyard seems to have become an exclusive storage area. Several rows of round granaries can be reconstructed pointing to the considerable extent of the regional agricultural production. Even though the housing is less densely arranged than before,

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there is not much doubt that the construction of this phase also forms an associated complex, which includes a larger official building, a public courtyard, workshops and private dwellings.   During the second half of the 1st Dynasty (corresponding to Naqada IIIC3/IIID), the entire area was completely demolished, levelled and overbuilt by a huge, well-planned building

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complex to which the previously excavated part labelled “labyrinth-building” belongs.20 Although considerably disturbed by later pits, and in its northern part completely destroyed by the foundations of a huge Saite building, during the last years the plan of a north-south orientated building complex (Fig. 4), at least c. 50 m wide, could be traced.21 Its total length cannot yet be determined as the complex continues southwards beyond the limits of the excavation and below the modern village of Sekhmawy. Surrounded by a wall, 3‒4 bricks wide, with an entrance near to its northwestern corner, the complex encloses several compounds, each with a complicated and partly maze-like arrangement of a large number of small rooms connected by long and narrow corridors. Although individual parts of the complex were reconstructed during the time of its existence, the general plan of the building seems to have been established from the beginning and was later not basically changed. In general, the rooms in the excavated part of the complex are arranged around a large room situated in its centre, presumably a kind of reception hall, accessible from the entrance of the complex by a long and angled corridor from the north. The room is divided by two large opposing pilasters into a smaller southern and a larger northern part. Another prestigious room with evidence for door jambs made of limestone blocks or wooden beams adjoins the reception hall to the south and provides access to other parts of the building complex. Both rooms and the entrance corridor are carefully plastered and painted white. Here and there traces of a black or dark grey socket are preserved, c. 40 cm high. A similar wall decoration, complemented by stripes of red and yellow ochre painting in the upper part have been observed in the rooms excavated by Th. von der Way, which may constitute a private part of the complex.22   Initially, the eastern part of the complex seems to have been occupied by an interlaced ensemble of tiny and rather carelessly built rooms. Scattered cooking pots and beer jars, but also drill heads for the stone vessel production and other finds indicate a living and workshop quarter. Subsequently, these rooms were overbuilt by a huge magazine 20

 Von der Way 1997, 137‒159; for some associated walls subsequently excavated see also Faltings et al. 2000, 154, and Ziermann 2002, 472–487. 21  Hartung et al. 2003, 205‒208; 2007, 72‒81; 2012, 92‒97; 2016, 85‒88. 22  E.g. von der Way 1997, 169‒173.

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consisting of four long rooms with partition walls as wide as the outer wall of the compound. Whereas most parts of the complex probably had a roof constructed of wooden beams, the thicker magazine walls may have supported mudbrick barrel vaults.23 In connection with the construction of the magazine the workshops seem to have been newly arranged in a strip of small rooms along a north-south running corridor immediately to the west of the magazine. In one of the southernmost of these rooms evidence for stone vessel production came to light.24 Unfortunately, the connection between this part of the building and the rooms in its centre is widely disturbed by later pits of large size. ­  Some of the rooms in the complex may have served for cultic purposes, e.g., as small shrines or sanctuaries. For example, in two rooms limestone slabs were found on the floor which might have been bases for statues. Another strange feature was discovered most recently near the entrance, namely a mudbrick chamber with a carefully made mud floor, measuring c. 2.0 × 3.0 m and dug approximately 1.20 m deep into the ground.25 A second smaller chamber was found to be built in it, also with a mud floor, c. 10 cm above the floor of the larger chamber. A ramp made of Nile clay, less than 50 cm wide, led down to this construction from the surrounding floor level. The structure resembles a model of a tomb with a sloping passage, however, although undisturbed, it yielded no finds apart from a single complete pot on the upper floor. Thin layers of fine sand point to water running down into the chamber, but it cannot be ascertained whether this happened accidentally or in the course of a special employment of the ramp. Subsequently, the chamber was refilled and covered by the floor of the room situated immediately above it. The purpose of this construction is not yet clear, but its special relevance – even when refilled – is indicated by a deposit of particular pottery on the floor covering the chamber.   Although most of the rooms were found completely empty and the purpose of each single one cannot be determined, there can be no doubt that each part of the complex had a specific function. With a reception area, magazines, workshops and rooms of presumably cultic and private use the recent excavations seem to have revealed an 23

 See Hartung et al. 2007, 76–79, Abb. 2, 3 and 86–89.  Von der Way 1997, 147. 25  Cf. Hartung et al. 2016, 88 and Abb. 23‒26. 24

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Fig. 3 Building structures from the early 1st until the second half of the 1st Dynasty (Naqada IIIC2)

essential part of a building complex comprising many of the functional aspects which are typical for later palaces and residencies of kings and officials in Pharaonic times. In the area of the presumable extension of the building complex to the south further workshops, magazines, living quarters and installations for the production of food (bread and beer) might have been located, and perhaps

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also additional cultic constructions. In particular, the typical round granaries for the storage of agricultural products are missing so far.   It cannot be excluded that the whole complex was originally surrounded by a second enclosure wall (with a larger gate) situated beyond the limits of the excavation. The excavated entrance near the northwestern corner of the complex appears rather

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Fig. 4 Building complex of the late 1st until the middle of 2nd Dynasty (Naqada IIIC3/IIID)

simple and small for such a large complex. It is only c. 1.10 m wide and without any sophisticated masonry forming niches or panels as it is known from Hierakonpolis. However, the outer wall is strengthened by a mantle, one brick wide, on both sides of the door which might have belonged to a kind of decorative construction. As only the lower courses of bricks are preserved no further

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assessment can be made. The entrance door itself seems to have had a frame of limestone blocks or wood. An individual limestone block was found still in position on the inner side of the door and may have served as support for such a construction.   All in all, there is no doubt that the building complex at Buto represents an estate with economic, administrative and cultic functions.

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It can be labelled as an Early Dynastic palace. The architectural arrangement of the entrance and reception area, namely the long meandering corridor (Fig. 5) which gave access from the outer gate to the centre of the complex illustrates a clear prestigious and political pretension. Such a long and winding route was not constructed accidentally but – in addition to its protective function – in order to emphasise the social distance between the landlord and his visitors.26 For the same purpose, the floor of the reception hall slopes slightly upwards from north to south, so that, when a visitor had passed through the corridor and could finally enter the reception room in the north, he had to look upwards to the landlord, who was presumably waiting on a raised pedestal in front of the southern wall.   So far there has been no direct evidence as to who might have been the owner of the complex, whether the governor of the region, or the king himself. The king may have used the building together with his followers as a temporary residence when the court came to Buto during the king’s journeys across the country.27 During his absence the main task of the complex might have been the organization of the agricultural production of the region, the storage and distribution of the commodities, and the manufacturing of different luxury items such as stone vessels.   Towards the middle of the 2nd Dynasty, large parts of the complex were destroyed by a severe fire. The magazines in the eastern part of the complex must have been especially affected and remained in a demolished state. Some other rooms were cleaned and partly repaired and still used secondarily for a while. For instance, a kiln was built into the western wall of the reception hall, obviously in connection with the brewing of beer. A large amount of broken beer jars was deposited in a pit nearby, dug into the floor of the reception hall.28 A little later, many of the remaining walls were destroyed by huge pits filled with late 2nd/3rd Dynasty material indicating the final abandonment – at least of this part of the complex – and the continuing use of the ruins as a source for stones and mudbrick material, and as a dump.

Conclusions Despite many still open questions, the results of the recent archaeological investigations improve our understanding of Buto’s Early Dynastic occupation considerably and complement the so far rather sparse information on secular architecture in Early Dynastic Egypt in general. The new results provide not only evidence for a palace complex, hitherto known only from Hierakonpolis, but allow us also to trace the development of a presumable royal estate from the beginning of the 1st Dynasty until its modification into a palace-like structure in the late 1st Dynasty and its destruction and abandonment towards the middle and late 2nd Dynasty. The architectural features of the three subsequent construction phases clearly reveal an increasing level of organization and a strengthening of the representation of power, mirroring socio-economic and administrative changes connected to the consolidation of political structures in the course of the 1st Dynasty. Additionally, the elaborate lay-out of the palace complex in the latest construction phase may have had a special significance against the background of the political landscape in the western Nile Delta.   Further information is provided by traceable changes in the material culture of each of the phases. Especially the pottery assemblages29 constitute not only the chronological basis but illustrate functional and technological differences and provide insights into the organisation of the local production of bread and beer but also into the interregional contacts of Buto. The same is true for the flint industry30 and several classes of small finds,31 whilst seal impressions shed light on Buto’s connections to the Early Dynastic administrative network and on officials involved in registry and control.32 However, further studies are needed before more comprehensive assessments can be given.   Within the Early Dynastic topography of Buto, the building complex is located rather in the centre of the occupation which covers a strip of almost 1 km length but a width of only c. 200‒300 m (see Fig. 1). The area is situated along the bank of a watercourse on the western edge of a Holocene dune. Since the first Predynastic settlement in the first half of the 4th millennium, the occupied area 29

26

  Cf. e.g. recently Arnold 2014, 353–354. 27   von der Way 1996, 252; 1997, 173. 28  See Hartung et al. 2007, pl. 11b and c.

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 Hartmann 2007; 2012; 2016, 104–106.  Kindermann and Riemer 2016. 31   Stähle 2016. 32  Engel 2012. 30

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Fig. 5 Access from the entrance of the building complex to the reception room in its centre

consisted of two separate parts, one in the north and one in the south, divided by a water channel at least during the period of inundation. It has been assumed33 that the northern part where the excavations are situated might have been Pe, and the southern part Dep, but the recent work has not yet yielded any direct proof. However, on a rather large number of seal impressions from the building complex Dep is mentioned, indicating that the building complex proper is not located in Dep but received deliveries from there. Likewise, there is not yet evidence that the revealed structures might have been the “Palace of the Harpooning Horus”, mentioned above. On the other hand, according to the pottery, the dating of the palace-like complex strikingly corresponds to the occurrence of this name on labels, seal impressions and stone vessels. The main bulk of evidence comes from the late 1st

until the middle of the 2nd Dynasty,34 i.e. exactly the time-span that the palace was in use.   Examples of secular 1st Dynasty architecture excavated on a larger scale are hitherto known elsewhere in Egypt from Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt and from Tell el-Farkha in the eastern Nile Delta.35 At both sites, many details of architectural features and installations, as well as the evidence for the storage of agricultural products, for stone vessel and flint tool production and its administrative control mirror the situation at Buto and point to a similar basic function of these structures. However, the so far published plans of the huge complex at Hierakonpolis with its impressive niched gate36 and those of the sequence of Late Predynastic and Early

34

  Cf. Engel 2008, 119‒123.   Cf. also Moeller 2016, e.g. 70‒81 and 92‒109. 36  Fairservis 1971–72, 14‒21; Weeks 1971–72; Fairservis 1986. 35

33

 Von der Way 1997, 58, n. 158.

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Dynastic structures exposed on the eastern,37 the central38 and on the western Kom of Tell el-Farkha39 do not allow substantial comparisons with the architectural development traceable at Buto. The building complexes at all three sites were certainly

part of the economic and administrative networks of Early Dynastic Egypt but the evaluation of their similarities and differences must await the comprehensive analysis of the archaeological material in the future.

Acknowledgement I thank Renée Friedman for improving the English and many useful comments.

37

 E.g. Chłodnicki 2012, 21‒34.  E.g. Chłodnicki 2012a, 108‒113. 39  E.g. Ciałowicz 2012, 171‒180. 38

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Bibliography Arnold, D. 1992 Die Ägyptischen Tempel, Zürich. Arnold, F. 2014 Der Palast als Labyrinth. Peru und Ägypten im Vergleich, 348–359, in: D. Kurpkat and U. Wulf-Rheidt (eds.), Die Architektur des Weges. Gestaltete Bewegung im Raum, Diskussionen zur Archäologischen Bauforschung 11, Regensburg. Bietak, M. 1994 Zu den heiligen Bezirken mit Palmen in Buto und Sais – ein archäologischer Befund aus dem Mittleren Reich, 1‒18, in: M. Bietak, J. Holaubek, H. Mukarovsky and H. Satzinger (eds.), Zwischen den beiden Ewigkeiten, Festschrift Gertrud Thausing, Vienna. Charlesworth, D. 1969 Tell el-Farâʿîn: The Industrial Site, 1968, JEA 55, 23–30. 1970 The Tell el-Farâʿîn Excavation, 1969, JEA 56, 19– 28. Chłodnicki, M. 2012 Lower Egyptian, Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlements on the Northern Part of the Eastern Kom, 19–34, in: M. Chłodnicki, K.M. Ciałowicz and A. Mączyńska (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I, Excavations 1998–2011, Poznan/Krakow 2012. 2012a Protodynastic, Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Settlement on the Central Kom, 105–113, in: M. Chłodnicki, K.M. Ciałowicz and A. Mączyńska (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I, Excavations 1998-2011, Poznan/Krakow 2012. Ciałowicz, K.M. 2012 Protodynastic and Early Dynastic Settlement on the Western Kom, 163‒180, in: M. Chłodnicki, K.M. Ciałowicz and A. Mączyńska (eds.), Tell el-Farkha I, Excavations 1998‒2011, Poznan/Krakow 2012. Dreyer, G. 1998  Das prädynastische Königsgrab U-j und seine Schriftzeugnisse, AV 86, Mainz. Edgar, C.C. 1911 Notes from the Delta, ASAE 11, 87–96. Engel, E.-M. 2008 Das ḥw.t pỉ-ḥr.w-msn.w in der ägyptischen Frühzeit, 107–126, in: E.-M. Engel, V. Müller and U. Hartung (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand, Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer, Menes 5, Wiesbaden. 2012 Siegelabrollungen, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell elFaraʿin – Buto, 11. Vorbericht, MDAIK 68, 109‒113. Fairservis, W.A. 1971–72  Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis, Part I, JARCE 9, 7–27.

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1986

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The Hierakonpolis Project, Excavations of the Archaic Remains East of the Niched Gate, Season of 1981, Occasional Papers in Anthropology III, Poughkeepsie.

Faltings, D. and Köhler, E.C. 1996 Vorbericht über die Ausgrabungen des DAI in Tell el-Faraʿin/Buto 1993 bis 1995, MDAIK 52, 87–114. Faltings, D. et al. 2000 Zweiter Vorbericht über die Arbeiten in Buto von 1996–1999, MDAIK 56, 131–179. Habachi, L. 1963 Edjo, Mistress of Nebt, ZÄS 90, 41‒49. Hartmann, R. 2007 Keramik der 1.‒3. Dynastie aus den Grabungsflächen E0–E14, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 9. Vorbericht, MDAIK 63, 81–96. 2012 Keramik, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 11. Vorbericht, MDAIK 68, 98‒109. 2016 Keramik der spätprädynastischen Zeit, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 12. Vorbericht, MDAIK 72, 2016, 90–106. Hartung, U. 2008 Recent Investigations at Tell el-Faraʿin/Buto, 1195‒1219, in: B. Midant-Reynes, Y. Tristant and S. Hendrickx (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2, Proceedings of the Second International Conference “Origins of State”, Toulouse 2005, OLA 172, Leuven/Paris/ Dudley. Hartung, U. et al. 2003 Tell el Faraʿin – Buto, 8. Vorbericht, 199–267. 2007 Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 9. Vorbericht, 69‒165. 2009 Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 10. Vorbericht, 83‒190. 2012 Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 11. Vorbericht, 83‒114. 2016 Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 12. Vorbericht, 73–127.

MDAIK 59, MDAIK 63, MDAIK 65, MDAIK 68, MDAIK 72,

Helck, W. 1987  Untersuchungen zur Thinitenzeit, ÄA 45, Wiesbaden. Junker, H. 1940 Der Tanz der Mww und das butische Begräbnis im Alten Reich, MDAIK 9, 1–39. Kaiser, W. 1964 Einige Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Frühzeit, III. Die Reichseinigung, ZÄS 91, 86–125. Kaplony, P. 1992 Archaische Siegel und Siegelabrollungen aus dem Delta: Die Arbeit an den Siegeln von Buto, 23–30, in: E.C.M. van den Brink (ed.), The Nile Delta in Transition, Jerusalem.

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Kindermann, K. and Riemer, H. 2016 Early Dynastic Lithic Production Sequences from Tell el-Fara‘in/ Buto, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell elFaraʿin – Buto, 12. Vorbericht, MDAIK 72, 106–114.

Settgast, J. 1963 Untersuchungen zu Altägyptischen Bestattungsdarstellungen, ADAIK, Ägyptologische Reihe 3, Glückstadt.

Köhler, E.C. 1998 Tell el-Faraʿin-Buto III. Die Keramik von der späten Naqada-Kultur bis zum frühen Alten Reich (Schichten III bis VI), AV 94, Mainz.

Stähle, W. 2016 Kleinfunde, in: U. Hartung et al., Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 12. Vorbericht, MDAIK 72, 114–122.

Müller, H.W. 1985 Gedanken zur Entstehung, Interpretation und Rekonstruktion ältester Monumentalarchitektur, 7‒33, in: Ägypten, Dauer und Wandel, Symposium anlässlich des 75jährigen Bestehens des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo, SDAIK 18, Mainz. Moeller, N. 2016 The Archaeology of Urbanism in Ancient Egypt. From the Predynastic Period to the End of the Middle Kingdom, Cambridge. Petrie, W.M.F. 1886 Naukratis I, EEF 3, London. 1905 Ehnasya 1904, EEF 26, London. Redford, D.B. 1983 Notes on the History of Ancient Buto, BES 5, 67– 101. Ricke, H. 1944 Bemerkungen zur Ägyptischen Baukunst des Alten Reichs I, Beiträge zur Ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 4, Zürich. 1950 Bemerkungen zur Ägyptischen Baukunst des Alten Reichs II, Beiträge zur Ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 5, Kairo. Sethe, K. 1930 Urgeschichte und älteste Religion der Ägypter, Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 18, Leipzig. Seton-Williams, M.V. 1965 The Tell el-Farâʿîn Expedition, 1964‒1965, JEA 51, 9–15. 1966 The Tell el-Farâʿîn Expedition, 1966, JEA 52, 163– 171. 1967  The Tell el-Farâʿîn Expedition, 1967, JEA 53, 146– 155.

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von der

1984 1993

Way, Th. Untersuchungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo im nördlichen Delta zwischen Disûq und Tida, MDAIK 40, 297–328. Untersuchungen zur Spätvor- und Frühgeschichte Unterägyptens, SAGA 8, Heidelberg.

1996

Early Dynastic Architecture at Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto, 247‒252, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna.

1997

Tell el-Faraʿin – Buto I. Ergebnisse zum frühen Kontext, Kampagnen der Jahre 1983‒1989, AV 83, Mainz.

Way, Th. and Schmidt, K. 1986 Tell el Faraʿin – Buto, 1. Bericht, MDAIK 42, 191– 212.

von der

Wallert, I. 1962 Die Palmen im alten Ägypten, MÄS 1, Berlin. Weeks, K.R. 1971–72 Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis, Part II, The Early Dynastic Palace, JARCE 9, 29–33. Wilson, J.A. 1955 Buto and Hierakonpolis in the Geography of Egypt, JNES 14, 209–236. Wunderlich, J. 1989 Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des Westlichen Nildeltas im Holozän, Marburger Geographische Schriften 114, Marburg. Ziermann, M. 2002 Tell el-Faraʿin ‒ Buto. Bericht über die Arbeiten am Gebäudekomplex der Schicht V und die Vorarbeiten auf dem Nordhügel (site A), MDAIK 58, 461‒499.

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A Ceremonial Building of King Snofru at Dahshur by Felix Arnold Much less is known about the buildings in which the kings of Egypt resided during their lifetime than about the tombs and temples constructed for their afterlife. This is especially true for the Old Kingdom. While the pyramid complexes dedicated to the kings of the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Dynasties are among the most renown monuments of the world, almost nothing has been found so far of the palaces in which these kings lived during their lifetime. That such buildings must have existed, and that some of them must have been quite impressive structures, is shown by the copy of a royal decree preserved in the tomb of the Vizier and Overseer of all Works of the King Senedjemib Inti at Giza.1 The text mentions the lake or garden (š) of “the broad enclosure of the palace of Izezi of the jubilee-festival” measuring 1000 cubits in length and 440 cubits in width (some 525 × 231 m). Nothing of this structure has been discovered, probably because it was located in the alluvial plain and has since been destroyed by changes in the course of the river Nile.   During recent work by the German Archaeological Institute at Dahshur remains of a large building complex have been uncovered.2 The building was erected, used and demolished during the lifetime of king Snofru, to be replaced by the so called valley temple of the Bent Pyramid. Though the specific function of the building complex remains unclear, all evidence suggests that it served the king during certain rituals as a kind of ceremonial palace, as will be shown below. Because of the scarcity of such finds from the Old Kingdom, the building will be presented here, even though the building was certainly not an ordinary palace and can have functioned as a residence only in a very limited sense.

1

 Brovarski 2001, 96‒101, figs. 28‒30, textfig. 2 (inscription B/2). 2  I thank very much the directors of the project at Dahshur, Nicole Alexanian and Stefan Seidlmayer, for the opportunity to work at the valley temple of the Bent Pyramid. The ongoing work at Dahshur would not be possible without the support of the Ministry of Antiquities and its local representatives, especially the directors of Dahshur, Nasr Ramadan and Mohammed Youssef.

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Archaeological evidence During his work at the Bent Pyramid from 1951 to 1954, Ahmed Fakhry discovered the so-called “valley temple” of king Snofru, a stone building lying about 800 m northeast of the pyramid.3 Unlike valley temples of later kings, the building is not located at the edge of the alluvial plain but in the desert, about midway between pyramid and alluvial plain, some 15 m above the ancient level of the fields. The temple is connected to the pyramid by a causeway built of stone. Recent work by Nicole Alexanian and Dirk Blaschta has revealed a second causeway built of brick which leads from the temple to an extensive water basin at the level of the alluvial plain.4 Both causeways are later additions, however, the temple having been erected at first as a solitary building inside a brick enclosure wall. North of the temple, just behind its back side, Ahmed Fakhry uncovered a building constructed of mudbrick. The excavator interpreted the structure as a magazine and attributed it to the Middle Kingdom.5 During restoration work in 2005 and 2006, Rainer Stadelmann cleaned the remains of the building again and suggested an interpretation as a royal vestry (“königliche Tempelsakristei”).6   While some aspects of its ground plan do suggest a domestic function, the walls of the building are unusually thick, indicating an elevated status of its owner. Rather curious is the relationship between the brick building and the temple. According to the plans drawn by Herbert Ricke in 1953, the brick building does not conform to the orientation of the temple. Furthermore, the temple does not have a back entrance. Priests thus would have had to walk around the temple to reach the brick building, a rather unusual arrangement for a magazine or vestry. Particularly curious is the location of a door in the south wall of the brick building. The door can be reached only by means of a very narrow passage left between the building and the temple, a passage that actually becomes even narrower towards the east. 3

 Fakhry 1959; 1961a; 1961b.  Alexanian, Bebermeier and Blaschta 2012; Alexanian, Bebermeier and Blaschta, in print. 5  Fakhry 1959, 113‒114, figs. 60 and 62. 6   Stadelmann 2007, 10, fig. 10. 4

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Fig. 1 E  volution of buildings during the reign of king Snofru. 1: Brick building, possibly in the year of the 8th counting. 2: Construction of the stone temple in the year of the 15th counting. 3: Addition of causeways before the end of the reign

  When the author began an architectural reinvestigation of the temple complex in 2012, one of the questions was the relationship between the temple and the brick building. A detailed documentation of the back wall of the temple revealed that the north wall of the temple was built at a slight angle, adjusting to the orientation of the brick build-

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ing. Such an adjustment can only be explained by the brick building being older, not younger than the temple. A stratigraphical trench confirmed this conclusion. Not only is the floor level in the temple higher than in the brick building. The foundation of the temple was actually cut into a thick mud floor that originally surrounded the brick building. The southern entrance of the brick building can thus be easily explained. It was designed for a state in which the temple did not yet exist.   The building history of the complex can now be reconstructed as follows: First, a brick building was constructed about midway between the pyramid and the alluvial plain (Fig. 1.1). Second, a stone temple was added south of the brick building (Fig. 1.2).7 The orientation was changed, possibly to conform more closely to true south. Third, two causeways were built connecting the temple precinct with the pyramid on the one hand and the alluvial plain on the other (Fig. 1.3).   The brick enclosure wall of the temple seen on the plan of Herbert Ricke belongs to the second stage of development, predating the construction of the causeways (Fig. 1.2). A door in the centre of its southern side lies directly opposite the entrance of the temple and may have been conceived as the main entrance to the enclosure. Additional entrances are located in the eastern and western side of the enclosure. The wall also surrounds the area formerly occupied by the brick building in the north.   Control notes on the foundation blocks of the stone temple date its construction to the year of the 15th counting.8 At about the same time the northern “red” pyramid of Dahshur was begun and the design of the southern “bent” pyramid was changed, resulting in its characteristic shape. The brick building must therefore originate from an early phase in the design of the pyramid complex, quite possibly from the time the southern pyramid was begun in the year of the 8th counting.9 The building could thus have been used for no more than 15 years.   Given its early date and its role as a predecessor of the stone temple, the function of the brick 7

 The observation made by Rainer Stadelmann that the court of the stone temple was added later could not be verified. Stadelmann 2007, 10. 8  Stadelmann 2007, 10, fig. 8. Two additional control notes with the date of the 15th counting were found in 2012. For the chronology of the reign of king Snofru see Grundacker 2006. 9  The brick building could of course be even earlier. A stela with the name of king Qahedjet could originate from Dahshur. Ziegler 1999, 177‒178.

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Fig. 2 Remains of structures north of the valley temple (drawing F. Arnold and R. Stolle)

building becomes a particularly pressing issue. The major aim of an excavation in 2014 was therefore to investigate this earlier building in its entirety and gain as much archaeological evidence as possible on its original layout, date and function.   Already in 2013 a geomagnetic survey was conducted by Tomasz Herbich, revealing the outer limits of the features, which prove to be much more extensive than previously thought. In 2014, about half of the total surface area of this enclosure could be uncovered (Fig. 2). The building remains are preserved below a layer of windblown sand that is rarely more than 10‒15 cm deep. Of the original structures very little is preserved, sometimes only last traces of its foundations. The building was constructed directly on the natural surface of the desert, in the north on tafl, in the south on a compact layer of sand.   The brick building known from the publication of Akhmed Fakhry turns out to have been surrounded by a massive enclosure wall (Fig. 5).10 The rectangular enclosure measures about 80.5 m from north to south and 55.8 m from east to west. Of the wall itself only a 5 m wide foundation layer of compact earth remains. Only at the southwest corner some of the original brick work is still preserved. No entrance

could be detected for certain. At least two gates are likely to have existed, one near the south end of the east side and one in the centre of the south side. Much of the area encompassed by the enclosure wall was occupied by a garden. Along the west side, four rows of 26 tree pits each could be detected (Fig. 4). The pits are about 2.2‒2.4 m apart and have a diameter of 50‒100 cm. Whereever preserved, the pits are surrounded by a circular irrigation channel, enabling water to filter to the roots of the plants. In most cases, the space between the pits was covered by a thin layer of earth, allowing smaller plants to grow. Only in one segment, the earth was limited to narrow strips, possibly serving as flower pits. Additional rows of tree pits were arranged along the east side of the enclosure, though apparently more densely spaced. On the north side only two rows of plants are preserved. In one case, the roots of a palm tree are clearly visible here. Whether the entire garden was planted with palms cannot be verified since the state of conservation is in most cases insufficient.   In the centre of the enclosure an area of about 30 × 50 m was left free of plants. The ground level was not entirely horizontal. In the south the ground is more than 1 m higher than in the north (about

10

 The wall had already been noticed by Rainer Stadelman in 2006, who had, however, interpreted it as the pavement of a street. Stadelmann 2007, 10.

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Fig. 3 Brick building in the southern half of the enclosure (photo J. Pinke)

Fig. 4 Tree pits along the west side of the enclosure (photo J. Pinke)

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Fig. 5 Reconstruction of the building complex in its original state (drawing F. Arnold)

29.5 m above sea level in the south, about 28.5 m in the north). On this elevated ground a brick building was constructed, part of which is the one discovered by Akhmed Fakhry (Fig. 3, 5). The building was originally about 34 m long from north to south and 25 m wide from east to west.11 The southern part of the building was occupied by three entrance rooms (A, B and C), the northern part by a courtyard (D). The main entrance lay at the southern end of the east side and was set into the back of a recess. Behind the door the direction of the entrance was bent twice, leading through a passage (A) into a columned hall (B). Along the foot of the walls of both rooms deep pits are preserved, possibly serving as emplacements for offering vessels. West of the hall lies a third room (C), square in ground plan. A large area in the middle of this room was orig11

 The outer walls are about 205 cm (4 cubits) thick in the south and 252 cm (5 cubits) thick in the east. The walls were constructed of 28 cm long and 14 cm wide mudbricks and the walls and the floor were covered by a 1.5 cm thick marl clay plaster.

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inally sunken 20 cm below the surrounding floor level. The room may have served as a space for washing or ritual purification. At first it was not roofed. Only later the sunken area was reduced in size, two columns were added and the room was roofed over. On the floor a rectangular faience tile was found, another in the adjoining court (D). The columned hall (B) had a side entrance from the south. Opposite lay the entrance to the courtyard (D) which occupied the northern part of the building. The northern limit of the courtyard is not preserved. Its location can be inferred, however, from two rows of plants placed along the outside of the wall. Several column bases were found in this area which originally must have been arranged along the north side of the courtyard. The western half of the courtyard was occupied by a sunken area much like the one in room C. The bottom and the sides of the 5 m wide, 7 m long and 20 cm deep space were furnished with lime plaster.   During its period of use, the building was repeatedly refurbished and altered. At some point a wing

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of rooms was added to the west (Fig. 2, E), giving the building a square ground plan. The extension occupied an area formerly occupied by part of the garden, the plants now being covered by the floor of the building. In a third stage, the new wing was subdivided into at least two spaces (Fig. 2, E and F) and an entrance added at the south end of the west side. Additions were also made in the area surrounding the building. In the east an additional building was constructed, abutting to the enclosure wall and again covering some plants of the original garden. Another, smaller structure was built into the southwest corner of the enclosure. The northern half of the enclosure remained free of buildings, however. Traces indicate that the free space in the middle was supplied with a lime floor, possibly transforming the area into a kind of courtyard. While the placement of the stone temple appears to respect the location of the brick building, the earlier structures do not seem to have been used after the temple was completed. Most brick walls are covered by the building debris of the temples. The thick enclosure wall was entirely removed and replaced by a new, much thinner wall. However, the new enclosure wall encompassed most of the space formally occupied by the brick enclosure. The garden was even extended in the north, along the slope of a low hill. Two additional rows of plants were added here. In several cases the roots of bushes are preserved in this part of the garden. How much of the original garden remained in use is unclear. In some areas plants were added later, sometimes replacing earlier ones. Interpretation The building complex discovered at Dahshur has no direct parallels, neither in the architecture of the Old Kingdom nor in that of the preceding Early Dynastic Period. The interpretation of the complex – its meaning, function and use – is therefore difficult at best, the more so since no inscriptions were found and few traces of its actual use have survived. Given its potential significance for the understanding of the evolution of royal architecture at the turn of the Early Dynastic Period to the Old Kingdom, some ideas on its possible interpretation will nevertheless be presented here.   At the outset it should be stated what the complex appears not to be. The complex was apparently not a mortuary temple in the sense of the pyramid temples of the Old Kingdom and later periods. No evidence for the placement of a cult image of the king was found, nor for any other cult installation such as a false door, a stela or an obelisk. More sig-

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nificantly, the building complex did not serve beyond the death of the king and does not give the impression of having been intended to do so. The structure was used for a limited period during the lifetime of the king. During this time, the building was refurbished several times, as is customary for buildings of domestic use. Well before the end of the reign of the king, the building was demolished in order to erect a structure suitable for use beyond the death of the king – the stone temple.   The complex was also not a pleasure garden to be used by the king on a temporary basis for rest and recreation. To fulfill such a function not only the minimum requirement of a master bedroom is missing, but the enclosure wall is much too thick to serve only as a garden wall. Curious for such a function would also be the location of the building. A garden built for pleasure would more likely have been erected on fertile land, not in the middle of the desert, while a rest house built to supervise the construction of the Bent Pyramid would sensibly not have comprised a garden.   Most definitely the complex was not a royal palace in the sense of being a permanent residence of the king and his court. The building complex does not comprise spaces suited for regular habitation, such as sleeping quarters or storage rooms. The complex also lacks any of the subsidiary structures needed to serve as a centre of state administration and economy, though these might still be discovered in its vicinity.12 The residences discovered at Buto13 and Ayn Asil14 give an impression of how extensive and architecturally differentiated such centres needed to be.   It is considerably more difficult to define what the building was than what it was not. Before offering ideas on the meaning and function of the building complex as a whole, three of its main features will be considered in more detail: the enclosure wall, the garden and the brick building in its centre. With a length of 80.5 m, a width of 55.8 m and a thickness of 5 m, the enclosure wall of the building complex is a structure of monumental size, well beyond the necessities of ordinary domestic architecture. The significance of its great thickness becomes even more apparent when it is compared to that of the enclosure walls of the neighbouring 12

 The geomagnetic survey conducted in 2013 and 2014 by Tomasz Herbich has revealed extensive building remains to the north. 13  Hartung et al. 2007. See Hartung in this volume. 14  Soukiassian, Wuttmann and Pantalacci 2002; Jeuthe 2012. See Jeuthe in this volume.

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A Ceremonial Building of King Snofru at Dahshur

Fig. 6a Funerary enclosure of King Khasekhemwy at Abydos (after Ayerton, Curelly and Weigall 1904, pl. 5). 6b Temple precinct of Pepi I at Bubastis (after Tietze 2008, pl. 48)

Site

Date

Purpose

Thickness M

Length N-S M

Width E-W m

Abydos

Pepi II

Temple enclosure

6.0

>70

>60

Abydos

Khasekhemwy

Funerary enclosure

5.3

137

77

Hierakonpolis

Early Old Kingdom?

Temple enclosure

5.2

145

90

Dahshur

Snofru

Ritual building

5.0

80.5

55.8

Hierakonpolis

Khasekhemwy

Funerary enclosure

4.9

74.7

65.4

Bubastis

Pepi I

Temple enclosure

4.8

88.3

ca. 64

Tab. 1 List of monumental enclosure walls of the Early Dynastic Period and the Old Kingdom

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Fig. 7 Foundation of a ceremonial building and garden. Tomb of Rekhmire (de Garis Davies 1943, pl. 90)

pyramids. The enclosure walls of the Bent Pyramid and the Red Pyramid were only 2.1 m thick each.15   Walls of greater thickness served, however, as enclosures of temple precincts. From the Old Kingdom examples have been found at Hierakonpolis, Abydos and Bubastis (Fig. 6b and Tab. 1).16 Walls of similar thickness are also known from the so-called funerary enclosures of the Early Dynastic Period, such as the enclosures of King Khasekhemwy at Abydos and Hierkonpolis (Fig. 6a and Tab. 1).17 The complex at Dahshur also shares other significant features with all these examples. They are all rectangular in shape. With their longer sides they face the Nile valley, located to the east. The enclosures are thus oriented more or less northsouth. A main entrance usually lies at the southern end of the eastern side, a feature shared also by the enclosure of King Djoser at Saqqara and indeed by most mastaba tombs of the Old Kingdom.   These greater or lesser similarities with the funerary enclosures of the Early Dynastic Period on the one hand and temple precincts on the other hand do not necessarily mean that the complex found at Dahshur is to be identified with either one of these building types. In early Egyptian architecture, like in archaic architecture of many other cultures, monumental enclosures had a specific meaning. An aspect of their purpose could be military fortification – towers are a common feature – but their significance transcends this purpose. The walls define a space 15

 Fakhry 1959, 39, fig. 59; Stadelmann 1983, 226, fig. 1.  Quibell and Green 1902, pl. 72; Petrie 1903, 13, pl. 53; Ziermann 2002, fig. 7; Tietze 2008, 168‒169. 17  Ayrton, Currelly and Weigall 1904, 1‒5, pls. 5‒6; Quibell and Green 1902, 19‒20, pl. 74. The meaning of these enclosures has been subject to some debate. D. Arnold 1997, 32–45, with further bibliography. More recently see Bestock 2009, 57‒61. 16

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separate and distinct from ordinary space, often a space of sacred nature and ritual function. The walls limit visibility of and access to certain activities and thereby enhance the significance and potency of these activities. Furthermore, the walls have an effect on the surrounding landscape, giving the activities taking place in the interior a visible outer face. The same is true for the enclosure found at Dahshur, quite independent of its potential use as a funerary enclosure or a temple precinct. The wall at Dahshur defined a certain space, in this case undoubtedly a space of the king. The activities carried out inside that space were not of a domestic, everyday nature, but of ritual character, to which the wall added significance and power.   The most unusual feature of the building complex at Dahshur is the garden that was planted on the inside. Neither the funerary enclosures at Abydos nor the known temple enclosures of the Old Kingdom encompassed such a garden.18 The only garden of the Old Kingdom known so far is located at the foot of the Red Pyramid at Dahshur.19 It remains entirely unclear whether similar gardens once existed in the neighbourhood of other pyramids. The already mentioned garden or lake (š) “of the broad enclosure (ḥwt-wsḫt) of the palace (aḥ) of Izezi of the jubilee-festival” 20 is more likely to have been located near the royal residence, not at the mortuary complex.   The newly discovered garden can hardly have served a purely agricultural function. The location deep inside the desert made its maintenance difficult. Water for irrigation had to be brought by donkey, and the productivity was certainly low. The purpose of the garden thus must have been symbolic in nature. Given the function of the enclosure as a space for enacting rituals, the vegetation would have served to establish a specific setting for these rituals, a setting suggestive of the fertility of nature. Significantly, the garden does not fill the entire space within the enclosure wall. The plants are arranged along the inside of the wall, thus establishing an organic backdrop for anything taking 18

 Trees have been found inside later temple precincts, such as the temple of Amenemhat II at Hermopolis. Steckeweh 1937, 12‒17, fig. 1. 3, plans 1‒2. 19  Stadelmann et al. 1993, 261, fig. 1a‒b.; Haase 2011, 187‒182, figs. 239‒240. 20  The word š can be translated both as “lake” or as “garden”. Brovarski 2001, 97‒98; Martinssen and von Falck 2011, 158 n. 2. To what element of a pyramid complex the term r’-š referred to remains unclear. Goedicke 1967, 69‒72; Stadelmann 1981.

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place within the enclosure. The plants specially seem to surround the building erected in the centre of the enclosure, thus placing the building in a fertile setting. This arrangement becomes even more significant by the location of the building complex in the middle of the desert. The enclosure wall thus separates a space of fertility and growth from an infertile, barren surrounding. The same could be said of the palm grove at the Red Pyramid and, at a later time, the trees surrounding the pyramid of Senwosret II at Lahun,21 in this case a reference to the plants sprouting from the tomb of Osiris. It may not be farfetched to assume that the rituals enacted in this setting had a rejuvenating purpose, either for the king or for nature or both. Ceremonial gardens are indeed mentioned in connection with various rituals of rejuvenating nature. Among the reliefs on the pillars of the valley temple at Dahshur, which otherwise depict scenes from the jubileefestival, is also the representation of a visit to such a garden by King Snofru.22 The garden mentioned in the tomb of Senedjemib Inti must have had a direct connection to the jubilee-festival, since it is described as being located in the “broad enclosure (?) of the palace of Izezi of the jubilee-festival”.23 Ceremonial gardens also formed an integral part of the so-called funerary ceremonies depicted in tombs of the Middle and New Kingdom.24 These rituals, generally assumed to be of pre-Old Kingdom-date, included both the planting of a garden in the so-called sacred complex and the offering of food in them, the aim being the inception of growth (Figs. 7‒8).   The interpretation of the complex at Dahshur hinges on the meaning and function of the brick building erected within the enclosure and its garden. Solitary buildings are found standing within both the funerary enclosures at Abydos and the mentioned temple precincts. In the case of the funerary enclosures, these buildings can be identified as small residential buildings, comprising entrance rooms, reception areas and side chambers

21

 Petrie, Brunton and Murray 1923, 11, pl. 8; Haase 2011, 181‒182, fig. 229. A garden was also located in front of the temple of Mentuhotep II. Haase 2011, 188‒191, figs. 188‒247. 22  Fakhry 1961a, 80‒85, figs. 63‒67. Cf. Haase 2011, 180, fig. 227. 23  Brovarski 2001, 96‒101, figs. 28‒30. The representation in Kaiser 1971, pl. 4 suggests that a garden was planted at the outset of the festival. 24   Settgast 1963, 48‒74.

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Fig. 8 Rites in a ceremonial garden with ponds. Painting in the tomb of Rekhmire (de Garis Davies 1943, pl. 79)

(Fig. 6a).25 Their ground plan conforms to building types common in ordinary domestic architecture.26 Ritual palaces (called aH) are repeatedly mentioned in depictions of the jubilee-festival.27 In the course of this festival, such buildings served not only as rest houses for the king but also as the setting for purification and dressing rituals and thus as places of ritual transformation.28 The ceremony of the lion bed, apparently a ritual of rebirth, may also have taken place in such a building.29   In the temple precinct at Bubastis, a different kind of building was erected inside the enclosure 25

 Elaborate examples have been found in the enclosures of Peribsen and Khasekhemwy. Ayrton, Currelly and Weigall 1904. Simpler versions were found in at least two of the enclosures of Hor Aha. Bestock 2009, 66‒73, figs. 20‒27. 26  For examples of this house type see F. Arnold 1998; Ziermann 1999, 71‒81; Hartung et al. 2007, 69–165; Lehner 2011, 35‒52, 135‒145. “Copies” of such houses have been found next to three Early Dynastic mastabas at Saqqara. Quibell 1923, 38, pl. 2; Emery 1958, 5‒36, pl. 2 and 24‒27; Emery 1970, 10, pl. 19. Cf. also the so-called temple T of Djoser. Lauer 1936, 68‒70, pl. 55; Ricke 1944, 89‒96, fig. 25‒29, pl. 3. A close relative of this type of space is the “Mittelsaalhaus” of the Near East. Miglus 1999, 217‒218. 27  Kaiser 1971, pl. 5. 28   Cf. F. Arnold 2014, 289‒300. 29  Kaiser 1971, pl. 4.

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wall (Fig. 6b).30 Unlike in the funerary enclosures, where the ritual palace is regularly found in the southeastern corner of the enclosure, the building stands in the northern half of the enclosed space. Inside it comprises a pillared court and a row of chapels for statues. The building thus served to house cult images, much like the stone temple at Dahshur. On the door lintel the building is identified as a royal ḥwt-k3, a building in which statues of the king were housed. A similar building has also been found in the precinct at Hierakonpolis.31   The brick building at Dahshur appears to be neither a rest house like those at Abydos nor a ḥwt-k3. Instead of rooms for habitation or for guarding statutes, the structure seems to comprise only reception areas, among them a columned hall and a courtyard furnished with a portico. Given its layout, with few possibilities for the king to retire, the building can only have served the king for a temporary stay, particularly for the performance of certain rituals. At Dahshur these rituals must have been enacted during the lifetime of the king. The repeated refurbishment of the building furthermore suggests that the building was used several times, not only on a single occasion. The rituals thus appear to have been connected neither with the jubilee-festival – presumably celebrated only once in the 30th regnal year (the year of the 16th counting?) – nor the burial of the king, but at regular, so far unknown intervals, between the year of the 8th counting (the move to Dahshur) and the year of the 15th counting (the construction of the stone temple).

What kind of rituals might have been enacted in the building complex may be seen by a comparison with certain ceremonial buildings found in Mesopotamia. In Babylon, the king left his ordinary residence each year to spend one night in a reed hut in the wilderness, before celebrating the New Year on the next day.32 The king, stripped of his regalia, entered the hut in the evening from its western side. He spent the night in a so-called prison (bīt ṣibitti), praying to the gods. In the morning he left the prison on its eastern side and entered a hut (šutukku) where he was reinvested and placed on a throne, to return to the city before midday. The aim of the ritual was to reaffirm the legitimacy of the king. In Assur the king also left the city during the New Year’s celebration, in this case, however, to reside in a monumental festival palace (bīt akīti) that was surrounded by a garden.33   In a similar way, the building at Dahshur may be interpreted as a ceremonial building which the king used on special occasions on which he had to leave his ordinary residence, possibly in the course of rejuvenating rituals. Though so far unique in its specific design, the building thus would stand within a long tradition of ritual palaces, reaching from those in the funeral enclosures at Abydos to the buildings found to the south of the forecourt of many mortuary temples of the New Kingdom and the palace of Amenhotep III at Malqata.34 The closest parallel to the newly discovered complex at Dahshur may be the Maru-Aten at Amarna, which combined aspects of a temple, a garden and a palace.35

  Haller and Andrae 1955, 74‒80, pls. 13‒15. For the as-

33­

sociated rituals see van Driel 1969; Maul 2000.

  Stadelmann 1996. A possible link between the examples

34­

30

 Tietze 2008, 172‒176. 31   Quibell and Green 1902, pl. 72. 32  Ambos 2012. A similar ritual is still performed today in Japan. As part of the enthronement ceremony, the emperor spends one night in a hut, culminating in an act of communion with the sun-goddess Amaterasu-ōmikami. I owe this reference to Yoshifumi Yosuoka.

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of the Old and New Kingdom could be the so-called “south building” of king Amenemhat III at Dahshur. D. Arnold 1980, 15‒16, fig. 1. Cf. also a curious building southeast of the pyramid temple of Senwosret I at Lisht. D. Arnold 2008, 60‒61, pls. 109. 111‒112. 35   Gessler-Löhr 1983, 207‒218; Martinssen-von Falck 2011, 167‒171, figs. 212‒217; Kemp 2012, 119, fig. 2.16, pls. 12‒16, 37.

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Bibliography Alexanian, N., Bebermeier, W. and Blaschta, D. In print The Discovery of the Lower Causeway of the Bent Pyramid and the Reconstruction of the Ancient Landscape at Dahshur (Egypt), BdÉ. Alexanian, N., Bebermeier, W. and Blaschta, D. 2012 Untersuchungen am unteren Aufweg der Knickpyramide in Dahschur, MDAIK 68, 1‒30 . Ambos, C. 2012  Rituelle Wege an babylonischen Königssitzen, 139‒147, in: F. Arnold, A. Busch, R. Haensch and U. Wulf-Rheidt (eds.), Orte der Herrschaft, Charakteristika von antiken Machtzentren, Menschen – Kulturen – Traditionen 3, Rahden. Arnold, D. 1980  Dahschur, Dritter Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 36, 15‒21. 1997  Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, 31‒85, in: B.E. Shafer (ed.), Temples of Ancient Egypt, Ithaca. Middle Kingdom Tomb Architecture at Lisht, PM2008  MAEE 28, New York. Arnold, F. 1998 Die Priesterhäuser der Chentkaues in Giza. Staatlicher Wohnungsbau als Interpretation von Wohnvorstellungen, MDAIK 54, 1‒18. 2014  Der Palast als Labyrinth. Peru und Ägypten im Vergleich, 289‒300, in: D. Kurapkat, P. I. Schneider and U. Wulf-Rheidt (eds.), Die Architektur des Weges. Gestaltete Bewegung im gebauten Raum, DiskAB 13, Regensburg. Ayrton, E.R., Currelly, C.T. and Weigall, A.E.P. 1904 Abydos III, Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund 25, London. Bestock, L. 2009  The Development of Royal Funerary Cult at Abydos. Two Funerary Enclosures from the Reign of Aha, Menes 6, Wiesbaden. Brovarski, E. 2001  The Senedjemib Complex I. The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378), Boston. Driel, G. van 1969 The Cult of Aššur, Assen. Emery, W.B. 1958  Great Tombs of the First Dynasty III, London. 1970  Preliminary Report on the Excavations at North Saqqâra, 1968‒9, JEA 56, 5‒11. Fakhry, A. 1959  The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur I. The Bent Pyramid, Cairo. 1961a  The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur II. The Valley Temple I. The Temple Reliefs, Cairo.

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1961b  The Monuments of Sneferu at Dahshur II. The Valley Temple II. The Finds, Cairo. Garis Davies, N. 1943  The Tomb of Rekh-mi-Rēʿ at Thebes II, PMMAEE 9, New York. de

Gessler-Löhr, B. 1983  Die heiligen Seen ägyptischer Tempel. Ein Beitrag zur Deutung sakraler Baukunst im alten Ägypten, HÄB 21, Hildesheim. Goedicke, H. 1967  Königliche Dokumente aus dem Alten Reich, ÄA 14, Wiesbaden. Gundacker, R. 2006  Untersuchungen zur Chronologie der Herrschaft Snofrus, Beiträge zur Ägyptologie 22, Vienna. Haase, M. 2011  Tempel und Gärten, 176‒201, in: Ch. Tietze (ed.), Ägyptische Gärten, Weimar. Haller, A. and Andrae, W. 1955  Die Heiligtümer des Gottes Assur und der SinŠamaš-Tempel in Assur, WVDOG 67, Berlin. Hartung, U. et al. 2007 Tell el-Faracin – Buto. 9. Vorbericht, MDAIK 63, 69–165. Jeuthe, C. 2012 Balat X. Ein Werkstattkomplex im Palast der 1. Zwischenzeit in Ayn Asil, FIFAO 71, Cairo. Kaiser, W. 1971  Die kleine Hebseddarstellung im Sonnenheiligtum des Niuserre, 87–105, in: G. Haeny (ed.), Aufsätze zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke, Beiträge zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 12, Wiesbaden. Kemp, B.J. 2012  The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Amarna and its People, London. Lauer, J.Ph. 1936  La Pyramide à Degrés. L’Architecture, Cairo. Lehner, M. (ed.) Giza Plateau Mapping Project Season 2009. Preli2011 minary Report, Giza Occasional Papers 5, Boston. Martinssen-von Falck, S. 2011  Palastgärten, 156‒175, in: Ch. Tietze (ed.), Ägyptische Gärten, Weimar. Maul, S.M. 2000  Die Frühjahrsfeierlichkeiten in Aššur, 389‒420, in: W.G. Lambert, A.R. George and I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake.

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Miglus, P.A. 1999  Städtische Wohnarchitektur in Babylonien und Assyrien, Baghdader Forschungen 22, Mainz. Petrie, W.M.F. 1903 Abydos II, Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Society 24, London. Petrie, W.M.F., Brunton, G. and Murray, M.A. 1923 Illahun II, BSAE 33, London. Quibell, J.E. 1923 Archaic Mastabas, Cairo. Quibell, J.E. and Green, F.W. 1902 Hierakonpolis II, Egyptian Research Account Memoires 5, London. Ricke, H. 1944  Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Baukunst des Alten Reiches I, Beiträge zur ägyptischen Bauforschung und Altertumskunde 4, Zurich. Settgast, J. 1963  Untersuchungen zu altägyptischen Bestattungsdarstellungen, ADAIK 3, Glückstadt. Soukiassian, G., Wuttmann, M. and Pantalacci, L. 2002 Balat VI. Le palais des gouverneurs de l’époque de Pépi II. Les sanctuaires de ka et leurs dépendances, FIFAO 46, Cairo. Stadelmann, R. 1981 Die ḫntjw-š, der Königsbezirk š n pr-a3 und die Namen der Grabanlagen der Frühzeit, Supplément au BIFAO 81, 153‒164. 1983 Die Pyramiden des Snofru in Dahschur. Zweiter Bericht über die Ausgrabungen an der nördlichen Steinpyramide, MDAIK 39, 225‒241.

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1996  Temple Palace and Residential Palace, 225‒230, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, International Symposion in Cairo, April 8‒11, 1992, UZK 14, Vienna. 2007 Neue Forschungen an der Knickpyramide. Die Kampagnen des DAI Kairo in den Jahren 2005 und 2006, Sokar 14, 8‒11. Stadelmann, R. et al. 1993 Pyramiden und Nekrople des Snofru in Dahschur. Dritter Vorbericht über die Grabungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts in Dahschur, MDAIK 49, 259‒294. Steckeweh, H. 1937 Bericht über die Ausgrabungen der deutschen Hermupolis-Expedition. Die Ausgrabungen, MDAIK 7, 10‒27. Tietze, C. 2008 Die Architektur der Ka-Anlage Pepis I. in Tell Basta, ZÄS 135, 165‒179. Ziegler, Ch. 1999  Stela of King Qahedjet, 177‒178, in: Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids, Catalogue of an Exhibition held at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, September 16, 1999 – January 9, 2000, New York. Ziermann, M. 1999 in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 55, 71‒81. 2002 Abydos. Bauanalytische Anmerkungen zum Grabungsbefund im Bezirk des Satettempels, 18‒45, in: Bericht über die 41. Tagung für Ausgrabungswissenschaft und Bauforschung, Karlsruhe.

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The Governor’s Palaces at Ayn Asil/Balat (Dakhla Oasis/Western Desert) by Clara Jeuthe Introduction (Fig. 1) The area of Balat is situated at the eastern edge of the Dakhla Oasis, approximately 250‒280 km from the Nile Valley (Balat – Dara area). It contains several sites, which have been investigated from 1978 onwards by the Institut français d’archéologie orientale (IFAO). The most prominent features dating to the Pharaonic period include the necropolis (Qilac el-Dabba) and the occupation area (Ayn Asil). The latter site has two main enclosures, occupied from approximately the late Old Kingdom to the early Middle Kingdom (approx. 2350–2000 BC). The two enclosures are now recognised as forming a provincial palace. Full publication of the recent excavations is currently underway,1 but the initial results will be presented here, focussing on the residential area of the late 6th Dynasty, and giving an introduction into the main characteristics of the later phases.2   Looking at the building history at Ayn Asil in its entirety, one of its main characteristics is immediately obvious: the extremely fast and intensive development of the various precincts and occupation activities during the 6th Dynasty, while only a few additions are known so far that date from the late reign of Pepi II into the early Middle Kingdom. The oldest known occupation is the northern enclosure, also sometimes referred to as the “fortress”, dating back to the early 6th Dynasty (Fig.1). A smaller precinct was set against it to the northwest, but all other extensions are found to the south. Here, directly south of the gate, a shallowly preserved complex was added with its own precinct wall (1st southern extension), and shortly afterwards was extended with another precinct wall (2nd southern extension).

  During the reign of Pepi II the second large feature, the southern enclosure, was built against the earlier structures. The last known extension was set against the southern enclosure to the west. This was built during the late Old Kingdom, and its precise function is currently unknown. After a gap during which no buildings are known to have existed, although there were a pond and various channels, the area was resettled in the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. A few ceramics dating to the New Kingdom have been found on the surface but no associated structures are preserved; further remains of this date are known from the northern enclosure.3 The northern enclosure: the first palace at Ayn Asil? From the initial research by L. Giddy and from later investigations mainly carried out by D. Schaad, the northern enclosure, which is approximately 171 m N/S in size, may date back to the early 6th Dynasty. After reinforcement during the middle of the 6th Dynasty, the enclosure wall was almost 4 m wide and four towers were added, facing to the south (Fig.1). However, as impressive as the fortified architecture appeared, it only lasted a short while. Not only the southern extensions, but also settlement structures to the west were built against the precinct and its towers shortly after their construction. But because of the accumulation of sand to the north, it was only possible to extend further on the south side as described above. Thus it was more important to extend the occupation area rather than maintain the fortified appearance of the enclosure. Its final date of use is difficult to establish due to the poor preservation of the youngest layers, but may fall into the First Intermediate Period.4

1

 For the palace of the late 6th Dynasty: Soukiassian in preparation; for the northern enclosure: Schaad in preparation. As this article is based in large parts on the results of their work, I owe them both special thanks, and also to L. Pantalacci who is in charge of the study of the epigraphic material and to V. Le Provost for the ceramics. 2  Cf. the recent publication of the initial results including further bibliographical references important for the First Intermediate Period and the early Middle Kingdom at Ayn Asil: Jeuthe et al. 2014.

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3

 Soukiassian et al. 2002, 9‒13; cf. Soukiassian et al. 1990; Marchand and Soukiassian 2010; Marchand and Tallet 1999; Osing et al. 1982, 33f., 36f. 4  Schaad in preparation, cf. also Soukiassian et al. 1990, 350‒52, 355‒358 and Smith and Giddy 1985 as introduction to the work relevant to the northern enclosure. Note, however, that according to current studies these initial reports are not valid anymore for all points, in particular for the dates.

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Fig. 1 Enclosures and precincts at Ayn Asil (after Laisney 2010, figs. 13, 16)

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Hence, the northern and southern enclosures were in use contemporaneously for an indeterminate span of time. It seems that the southern enclosure was not planned as a replacement for the northern enclosure but as an enlargement of it. Still, its construction may have influenced and changed the general function of the northern enclosure.   Up to the present, the general development of the northern enclosure and its extensions are the best understood areas, but less is known of its inner structures and possible main functions. However, certain indications suggest that the northern enclosure – or at least part of it – served as a palace. In its early use, at least four governors are known to have been contemporaneous with the northern enclosure and to predate the construction of the southern one.5 From this it appears only logical that their residence was inside the northern enclosure, as no other building of a similar date is known. Further evidence for this is found on a lintel inscribed with the full title of the governor of the oasis, dating presumably to the reign of Pepi I. Its size and style clearly echo other lintels known only from the Hwt-Ka chapels at Ayn Asil. A few relatively small limestone column bases, found in a disturbed area with fragments of two statues, are paralleled only in the column bases in the same chapels.6 Finally, the Hwt-Ka chapel no. 4 is built into the second southern extension and may predate the construction of the southern enclosure.7 The southern enclosure: the governor’s palace (Figs. 2‒8) The southern enclosure of Ayn Asil, known as the „governor’s palace“, is largely excavated. It is mainly founded on virgin soil, and is trapezoidal in shape, being 216‒242 m N/S × 100 m E/W at its maximum extension. The southern enclosure was well protected against the accumulation of sand by the earlier structures. Its development falls into three main architectural phases. The oldest dates from the reign of Pepy II to the end of the Old Kingdom in the late 6th Dynasty/early 8th Dynasty, and is connected with at least three governors. Phase II belongs mainly to the First Intermediate Period, and the following Phase III is slightly shorter, starting in the 11th Dynasty and running into the beginning of the 12th Dynasty.8 5

    7   8   6

Personal communication: G. Soukiassian; Y. Gourdon. Soukiassian 2013, 65f. Soukiassian et al. 2002, 85‒88. Jeuthe et al. 2014, 203.

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Phase I: the residence of the late Old Kingdom (Figs. 2‒6) From its beginning, the palace had a strict arrangement of functional areas: in its northern half were the residential complex, which included storage facilities, and the Hwt-Ka area, and in the southern part were mainly magazines and preparation areas (Fig. 2). Two precinct walls, an inner and an outer, with a gate in the northwest and probably a second one in the south are part of the original plan. The space between the walls was soon occupied by the Hwt-Ka chapels nos. 1‒3 and their supply complex. A long street, running north to south, is attested at least in the final stage of Phase I.9 The different areas inside the inner precinct, as well as the individual groups of rooms, are connected by a complex system of corridors and courtyards, in most cases avoiding direct access. A large courtyard in the central area served as the main connection between the northern and southern parts. A later pond cutting into this area may hint at a similar water access point at an earlier time here.   The palace underwent various modifications and rearrangements during Phase I, but these were mainly restricted to particular groups of rooms. As a result, some areas were adjusted several times while others hardly changed, except for a few minor alterations. However, the best documented stage (and therefore the one presented here) is that at the end of Phase I, as only limited information exists for the earlier ones. Because it is heavily affected by fire, the last stage offers both a large number of objects found in situ and also well preserved architectural details, such as the impressions of the wooden doors and beams on the floors. Fire damage was seen in various areas in the palace, and the pattern of burning suggests that it was not accidental, as an accidental fire would have spread with the wind. Instead, the evidence of destruction is found mainly in the important rooms and doorways. Other areas do not show any traces of destruction, but would have shown them if the fire had spread naturally.   Entering the palace complex by the northwestern gate, the route passes the Hwt-Ka chapels nos. 1‒3 and their supply annex, leading to the long northsouth street and from there to the residential area inside the inner precinct (Fig. 3). The residential area is divided into two major zones, designated the eastern and the western apartment, and covers in its final stage an area of 2500 sq.m.10 The eastern 9

 Cf. Soukiassian et al. 2002, 37‒198.   Soukiassian in preparation; cf. Jeuthe et al. 2014, 204; cf. Soukiassian 1997.

10

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Fig. 2 The governor’s palace at the end of the Old Kingdom (with reconstructions)

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Fig. 3 Key plan of the residence at the end of the Old Kingdom (with reconstructions)

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apartment, the more ancient and larger of the two, has an area of 1260 sq.m. and two further entrances, one from outside the inner precinct to the northeast and another from the main courtyard to the south. The gate at the northeast led to the pillared hall E1, which may have served as the main entrance hall and also as the direct access route to the western apartment (Fig. 4). Various fragments of lists composed largely of names demonstrate its role in the administrative system. Hall E1 also led to room E3 and from there to the central room group E4‒7. Room E3, which contained a hearth and traces of wooden doors, is the only attested connection between the two routes leading to the central room group. Apart from the just-mentioned route via hall E1, room E3 led southwards via E8‒16 to the main courtyard. Room E12, also with a hearth and the remains of wooden doors, may have had a similar function to room E3, i.e. controlling access. Moreover only E12 gave access via the massive staircase in E14 to possible further rooms above. The complex system of strictly divided routes, including various corridors, transit rooms and halls accompanied by small storage areas, highlights the importance of control of access to and thus the intimate character of the central group E4‒7. Finally, an adjunct complex with two entrances is located in the eastern periphery of the apartment. However, its poor state of preservation does not permit easy interpretation. The most likely reconstruction hints at storage facilities, and also to preparation and organisation of goods especially in its southern rooms. However, from its position the complex is undoubtedly related to the eastern apartment, especially as direct access to it is given by hall E1.   The central rooms form an individual unit with two rectangular rooms of slightly different dimensions (E5, E7), each one with a recess. The larger room (E5) was accompanied by a small chamber (E6). Both rectangular rooms are connected by a small courtyard in between (E4) and through this they are only accessible via room E3. Rooms E5 and E7 are similar, with a hearth placed in the centre of the room, as is frequently seen in the “living rooms” in Ayn Asil. More specifically, in both rooms four carefully shaped rectangular stone bases form a rectangle of 5 × 3 m / 3.9 × 2.9 m. This construction is strongly reminiscent of the base of a canopy, as seen in the tomb decoration of the later governor Betju (Fig. 5).11 In that scene, the canopy

covers the seat of the governor, and this is also a likely reconstruction for the residence. However, the fact that two rooms show the same feature denies the existence of one permanent “throne room”.   Moreover, seal impressions prove that room E5 was frequently sealed, i.e. shut and reopened. E7 may have been open but as no traces of fire damage are visible here, it seems not to have been in use at the end of Phase I. By contrast, E5 was destroyed on a large scale. The whole ensemble points to a complex reality with a formal, albeit not necessarily permanent arrangement, and perhaps not to a single function for the individual rooms. A parallel may be seen in “Building C” at Ayn al-Gazareen, dating roughly to the 6th Dynasty. Building C consists of two similar interlocking rooms, each leading into a rectangular chamber in the central part. In the centre of both of the L-shaped rooms was a pit filled with ashes. Apart from some fragments of fine bowls on the floor, the building was kept clean of settlement debris. An impression from a button seal showing a royal bee, originally placed on the door bolt, also highlights the importance of the building.12 The architecture, though strictly formal, differs from that at Ayn Asil and as yet a final interpretation is not possible. However, the example indicates that formal architecture cannot be related to a specific individual purpose but merely allows a general interpretation as “official”. Furthermore, both the arrangements in Ayn Asil and in Ayn al-Gazareen raise the possibility of only occasional use, hinting at a system far too complex to be understood from our archaeological data.   The western apartment, covering an area of 880 sq.m., resembles the eastern apartment in its main features, the central rooms W8‒15, the access control room W7 and the pillared hall W5, but differs markedly in the details of its arrangement (Fig. 6). Three entrances are known. To the northwest the corridors W2/3 allowed entry from the street outside the inner precinct and therefore to the Hwt-Ka area and the northwestern entrance of the palace complex. To the northeast, corridor W1 opened into E2 and hence to the eastern apartment. Finally, corridor W16/17 connected the western apartment with the main courtyard and also again with the eastern apartment. However, the access to the central room group W8‒15 was still controlled, but in a less complex arrangement than seen in the eastern apartment.

11

12

 The tomb has not been published yet but cf. Vallogia 2004, 166f., fig. 194; Aufrère 2000, 41‒44.

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 Mills and Kaper 2003, 127‒129, fig.1; cf. Mills 2001, 18f.; Mills 2007, 3‒7.

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Fig. 4 The eastern apartment in its burnt state, with burnt areas on the floor in grey

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Fig. 5 Tomb of Betju, western wall (© IFAO)

  In the central room group, there is only a single rectangular room (W14) with a hearth and four stone bases for a canopy of approx. 5 × 2.7 m, and it is accessible from the at least partly covered courtyard W8. Situated to its south is an arrangement of small rooms (W9‒13) which does not resemble any structure in the eastern apartment. The central room W9 is in on the same axis as the entrances of W5 and W8 and therefore is the clear focus of the architectural arrangement, and particularly to the recess at the end of the room, which is separated off by a wooden partition panel but is still accessible by a step. Shallow holes in the floor point to the position of small vessels. However, its purpose remains unknown as no specific objects were found inside or close by it. There is better evidence for the function of the neighbouring rooms. W10/11 seem to be connected with the storage of precious goods, which can be deduced from the remains of a sealed crate placed inside, and also from the written evidence found just outside it. W12/13, however, provides the only entrance to the adjoining large magazine area south of the central rooms. While this room group was only poorly preserved, traces of destruction by fire are well attested in W8‒11 and W14.  The courtyard W5, which had colonnades around its sides, appears to have had an administrative purpose, to judge from the written evidence found here. This in particular dealt with the supply of provisions to different groups of persons, including both workmen and high officials. Furthermore, W5 was the only entrance to the northern complex which contained two small apartments, together covering

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an area of 334 sq.m. Both seem to have had a domestic purpose, and the only attested kitchen and bakery in the residential part is located in this complex (N6, N7).   In summary, both apartments resemble each other in their main arrangements, but differ markedly in details. It has to be noted that the eastern apartment was constructed at the beginning of Phase I and did not undergo any changes in its architecture until its destruction by fire, whereas the western apartment was built only at the final stage, although it seems to have replaced a similar earlier structure. The magazine adjoining to the western apartment is also a renewal of an earlier storage area, in this case even with double vaulted magazines. Therefore, the tradition of two apartments might be rather ancient: the eastern apartment with its complex arrangement including the possible storage facilities on its periphery on the one side and on the other side the western apartment with the strong focus on storage and the administration of the distribution of goods and provisions. Both parts, however, have to be understood as a single complex. It needs to be stressed, though, that, as tempting as it would be to identify the western apartment as, for example, “the” administrative centre or the eastern one as “the” representative area, the reality is far more complex. The insight provided by the architectural evidence on its own may well be misleading. In the case of the central rooms, the canopy may be misunderstood as indicative of the main room of a governor; however, the existence of three such rooms complicates the picture, in particular when taking the differences in arrangement and frequency of use into consideration. Even with our limited knowledge of the organisation, processes and daily work routine inside a palace, areas designated for just one specific purpose can be discounted. Although the distribution of objects, and in particular the written evidence, often indicates a main activity for specific rooms, it does not describe an exclusive purpose but rather names a few of them. As yet, no specific type of administrative evidence has been found restricted to a specific area, rather such evidence has appeared in other areas in comparably low quantity.13 Despite the good conditions of preservation with most of 13

 The study of the epigraphic record has not been finished yet. See for example Pantalacci 2008, 144‒146 with evidence for the organisation of goods. See further Pantalacci 2001 for the initial results of the distribution of seal impressions and, as a general introduction into her work relevant to the material found in the palace, Pantalacci in: Soukiassian et al. 2002, 331‒445 and Pantalacci 2010.

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Fig. 6 The western apartment in its last state, with burnt areas on the floor in grey

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the objects in situ, the possibilities for a functional analysis of the residence are restricted. Hence, the residence has to be designated as a general complex for a range of activities including different forms of administration, control and distribution of goods and persons, representation as well as domestic use.   As mentioned above, little is known about the earlier states of Phase I, and the knowledge we have is mostly restricted to the development of the HwtKa area, including the later addition of the chapel of Medu-Nefer behind the residential zone, which replaces an older structure.14 The same limited base of knowledge holds true for the southern part of the palace complex, although later channels allow a deeper insight in certain locations. Thus it is known that two separated areas existed from the beginning of Phase I in the southern half of the palace, both accessible by the southern gate and from the north by the main courtyard (cf. Fig. 2).   The southeastern part was enclosed with its own precinct wall. Inside, two rows of units, each consisting of four or six rooms, are situated alongside of a long courtyard (approx. 57 m N/S × 7.7 m E/W). However, as Phase I is only partly excavated, the interpretation of the southeastern enclosure must remain tentative. While the architectural arrangement may be reminiscent in some ways of organised domestic quarters, e.g. barracks, no additional proof is provided by neither the features nor the objects. In fact, the rooms are remarkably empty with only a few indications of short-term storage and/or activity zones. Moreover, the accumulation of floors and cultural layers is, at approx. 0.1 m in thickness, relatively slight, and some rooms have never been occupied at all. Despite its formal arrangement the original purpose of the southeastern enclosure appears not to have led to intensive use. However, the south-eastern enclosure was also affected by fire at the end of Phase I. The gates and entry areas were demolished, but the main area inside showed hardly any traces of damage.15   Due to the well preserved later structures, even less is known of the southwestern part in Phase I. The impression provided by the architectural arrangement as visible over a wide area on the surface indicates a system of larger building units. They seem to be organised in specific groups, forming self-contained units that are connected by a complex system of corridors and courtyards. As yet

only a few areas that date to late Phase I have been excavated, including a vaulted magazine area in the central part and a courtyard at the western edge, most likely connected with the further magazines.16 Fire damage was well attested in the magazine complex, while the courtyard was mainly affected by the destruction of the surrounding buildings. In contrast to the southeastern enclosure, a major modification took place in late Phase I, including the construction of a massive staircase. This may indicate an adjustment for the access system made necessary by a possible partial renewal of structures in the surroundings. In addition, the accumulation of layers is a minimum of 0.2 m thick. Taking the archaeological record and the visible arrangement into consideration, the southwestern part may have served mainly as a long-term storage area, and included spaces for its administration and possible preparation activities. Phase II: storage and work during the First Intermediate Period (Fig. 7)   Despite the large-scale fire damage, occupation continued without any notable gap. Organised rebuilding on a wide scale started immediately, though in some areas it occurred slightly later, in early Phase II. The only exception is the former residential part, which was abandoned, and no similar structure exists elsewhere within the excavated area. However, that Ayn Asil was still the seat of the governors is proven without doubt by the tomb of Betju, dated to the late First Intermediate Period, in which he uses the full title of the oasis governors.17 Further evidence for the southern enclosure still forming part of the palace is found in the newly built Hwt-Ka chapels situated just north of the southeastern enclosure, in which one chapel was again dedicated to Medu-Nefer (Fig. 7).18 In fact, a shallow but ongoing cult can be noted for the first chapel of Medu-Nefer as well as for chapel No. 2, but not a rebuilding.19 Altogether, the evidence confirms that the fire had no deep impact on the society living at Ayn Asil, and a major change inside the ruling elite is not visible from the archaeological data.   However, important changes took place in the arrangement of the palace. The strict boundary provided by the precinct walls, previously embracing the 16

 Cf. Jeuthe et al. 2014, 206; Jeuthe 2012, 65‒68.  Personal communication G. Soukiassian. Cf. Valloggia 2004, 166f. 18   Soukiassian 2013, 5‒24. 19   Soukiassian et al. 2002, 43, 60. 17

14

 Cf. Soukiassian et al. 2002, 22‒32, 38‒40, 57‒60, 101‒118, 126‒128, 137‒144, 150‒165, 177‒184. 15  Cf. Jeuthe et al. 2014, 205f.

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Fig. 7 The southern part of the palace during Phase II (with reconstructions)

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different elements of Phase I, was loosened. The inner precinct wall was partly overbuilt or integrated into new structures from early in Phase II. Even the outer precinct wall was cut and overbuilt in some parts by the end of Phase II. As far as yet known, the area between both precincts, including the former supply area of the Hwt-Ka chapels, was completely dismantled, flattened and overbuilt. Several buildings, mainly of a domestic character and therefore designated as “maisons”, were arranged along a north-south street up to 4 m wide. This street still formed a boundary between the domestic buildings on its western side and the inner part of the palace complex to the east.20   The southeastern enclosure also underwent major changes, although less in its architectural arrangement than in its use. Although the destruction at the end of Phase I was only located in its entrance areas, all the inner structures were flattened and replaced in almost the same arrangement with only a few minor changes, using the walls of Phase I as their foundations. In marked contrast to Phase I, after a reasonably shallow accumulation at its beginning, Phase II appears to be very rich in its development with up to 1.4 m of accumulated deposits in some places. It included several modifications and minor changes but no major difference in architecture until its abandonment. However, the individual room units are neither comparable with pure storage areas nor with habitation but include elements of both. For example, the southeastern rooms form a unit which includes short-term storage facilities, a bakery, an area for food preperation and a multifunctional work zone, but it also has at least one room of a domestic character. All functional features appear in different numbers all over the southeastern enclosure, but at least the rooms at the very northern end appear to have a stronger domestic component. The possible functional change might be a result of or at least was affected by the newly built Hwt-Ka chapels just to the north, although supply for other institutions and/or groups of persons is within the range of possibilities.21   In the southwest, the rebuilding started early in Phase II, and often still respected the massive walls that enclosed the building units during Phase I. However, the new construction with its small rooms changed the nature of the southwest area as for example by the creation of an intensively used  Jeuthe et al. 2014, 207; cf. for Maison 1‒6: Soukiassian et al. 2002, 17, 97‒175, 199‒280; Maison 7‒9: Soukiassian and Le Provost in preparation. 21   Jeuthe et al. 2014, 206f.

and highly organised workshop for silex tools and copper items.22 Other areas were also associated with supply and preparation, such as bakeries of various sizes. However, partial domestic use cannot be excluded in some cases, although the buildings differ from the maisons 1‒9, built in the western area between the precinct walls.23   Taking all the evidence into consideration, a decline cannot be realistically suggested for Phase II. Instead, it appears to be rich and solid in its intensive development, remaining at a highly organised standard. The reason for the eventual abandonment of its structures is an open question, to which none of the excavated areas provides any clue. Moreover, in the current state of research it also has to remain undecided whether all buildings of Phase II were abandoned at the same moment or whether this happened over time. Howsoever, despite the missing residential area, the palace complex is best characterised as having organised activity and supply zones inside the inner precinct and the domestic buildings outside it. Supply and in particular short-term storage played a major role, but large magazines for long-term storage as known in Phase I are missing. Hence, the last point would raise the question as to whether they were (re)built at an unknown location, or whether the general system of storage and distribution changed, making use of more but smaller facilities close to the associated supply points. Phase III: organized supply for the palace of the early Middle Kingdom? (Fig. 8) As for the last phase, only little evidence suggests that Ayn Asil was still part of a palace. Most parts of the southern enclosure were abandoned. New constructions took only place in the southwest, covering an area of at least 100 m N/S × 45 m E/W, and there was no noticeable hiatus following Phase II (Fig. 8). The new arrangements neither resemble the previous structures nor respect them but follow a new overall plan. Both former precinct walls lost their primary function, though in part they were integrated into the new buildings. Phase III also ended with destruction by fire, but in this case it appears accidental. After this, some areas saw a shallow resettlement, but the final state of Phase III is mostly well preserved. As far as known this does not differ notably from the original construction, as only minor modifications and local renewals are found.24

20

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22

  Jeuthe 2012.   Jeuthe et al. 2014, 207. 24   Jeuthe et al. 2014, 207ff. 23

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Fig. 8 The southwestern part of the palace during Phase III (dark grey) including previous walls still in use in light grey (with reconstructions)

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Up to 2013, four self-contained building units, each called “bâtiment”, have been excavated, and at least one more similar unit is visible on the modern surface. One of them, bâtiment 3, shows no traces of use and is understood to be part of the construction according to the general plan.25 At first glance, the other buildings differ in size and arrangement of rooms, but in fact they share the main elements. Bâtiment 4 Nord displays them well.26 It has the central storage room 4 which was also used as silo. Filled from the south, a low opening at its northern end allowed the withdrawal of grain from room 2. Room 2 and the adjoining room 3 also served for storage as is demonstrated by several small vessels, and for food preparation as indicated by the ground stone implements. In addition, a scarab and in particular the large number of seal impressions, grouped around a large vessel, show administrative processes taking place. Room 1, a small courtyard containing several fireplaces and a dense accumulation of ash, was almost completely empty of finds (including ceramics) but may have served as a kitchen area. The southern rooms 5‒8 are less specific in purpose. Although the arrangement of the individual rooms differs, the combination of a silo and long rooms used for transit, further storage and food preparation is well attested in bâtiment 1. These elements appear even repeatedly in bâtiment 2. Without doubt, the buildings form self-contained units for the strictly organized supply of specific groups of persons, and hence belong into an institutional framework so that the identification of the complex as a governor’s palace remains likely. However, only a few governors dating to the Middle Kingdom are known from rock inscriptions in the oasis region.27 None of their tombs is yet known, although burials dating to the Middle Kingdom are attested at different sites in the oasis region, including Balat.28 However, a re-used stela possibly dating to the earlier Middle Kingdom was recently discovered at Mut in the central oasis. It refers to a high-ranked official, possibly a governor, and a temple apparently located in Mut. This may indicate the shift of local power from Balat to Mut during the (earlier?) Middle Kingdom.29 Its precise 25

  Jeuthe 2012, 105‒107.  The southern part of bâtiment 4 was only excavated in 2014. 27   Baud† et al. 1999. 28  Personal communication V. Le Provost; cf. Aufrère and Ballet 1990, 25‒28; Arnold in: Osing et al. 1982, 54f.; Hope and Kaper 2010, 231. 29  Hope and Kaper 2010, 225‒227, 232f. 26

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Tab. 1 E  lements of palaces in Ayn Asil and their appearance in the different phases

date and therefore its relation to our Phase III remains undecided, and allows Ayn Asil to still be the seat of the governors at this time. But even if Mut already filled that role during Phase III, the building units may still have been part of a palace, as their organisation suggests. Hence, the order and arrangement of different elements belonging to the palace would not only be loosened as seen in Phase II, but could be also located at a greater distance from each other, as a micro-region as Balat with water access and fields is unlikely to have been given up. Conclusions Ayn Asil impressively demonstrates the key elements of a provincial palace during the late Old Kingdom, and their continuance into the earlier Middle Kingdom. Beside the residence itself and its firm control of the goods stored inside, the cult monuments, the centralised long-term storage and supply attested in the southern half of the complex appear to have been an important aspect of local power. Its prominence is not only expressed by the formal architectural arrangement and complex arrangement of districts, in particular in Phase I, but also in their survival into the later phases (cf. Tab.1). A continuous loosening of the frame, with having the functional areas inside a common precinct, can be observed. Still during Phase II the organisation into different districts inside and domestic buildings outside is obvious. Phase III has so far only been excavated on a small scale, but the initial results already show that the new construction is based on a unified plan. The repeated occurrence of self-contained supply units is without doubt the result of central planning and administration.   The formal arrangement and the complex system of access, both understood as manifestations of power, are well expressed in the southern enclosure

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The Governor’s Palaces at Ayn Asil/Balat (Dakhla Oasis/Western Desert)

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and possibly also in the northern enclosure, because they were constructed without the need to consider previous structures. As a result, the identification of a provincial palace in Ayn Asil is far simpler than in settlements in the Nile Valley which have longer and more complex histories, such as Elephantine Island. There, elements such as organised supply areas and workshops occurred inside the walled settlement but were placed in different locations.30 That arrangement may resemble more closely a palace structure as seen at Ayn Asil during Phase II or even Phase III. Other structures, for example at Giza,31 clearly resemble Ayn Asil in their scale of organisation but cannot be identified as palaces although clearly being part of a state controlled

complex. Ayn Asil is so far a unique example of such a building, and it is difficult to find comparisons to highlight its specific features. The palace of Bubastis, despite the difference in its date, may provide the closest comparison for the main complex, but this awaits further research.32 The large houses of the Middle Kingdom, such as those at Lahun33 and Abydos34 show certain similarities with regard to the complexity of their arrangements and the appearance of different elements as are seen in the residence in Ayn Asil. It seems then that due to its location Ayn Asil may be the only example of a provincial palace of its date, and may serve as a model for our understanding of palaces, including those of later periods.

Bibliography

Laisney, D. 2010 Balat IX. Cartographie de Balat, FIFAO 61, Cairo.

Aufrère, S. and Ballet, P. 1990  La nécropole sud de Qila‘ Al-Dabba, BIFAO 90, 1‒28.

Lehner, M. 2002 The Pyramid Age Settlement, JARCE 38, 27‒74.

Baud, M.†; Colin, F. and Tallet, P. 1999 Les gouverneurs de l’oasis de Dakhla au Moyen Empire, BIFAO 99, 1‒19.

Marchand, S. and Tallet, P. 1999 Ayn Asil et l’oasis de Dakhla au Nouvel Empire, BIFAO 99, 307‒352.

Bietak, M. 1996  Zum Raumprogramm ägyptischer Wohnhäuser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiches, 23‒43, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im alten Ägypten: Internationales Symposium, 8 bis 11 April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna.

Marchand, S. and Soukiassian, G. 2010 Balat VIII. Un habitat de la XIIIe dynastie – 2e Période Intermédiaire à Ayn Asil, FIFAO 59, Cairo.

Bussmann, R. 2010  Die Provinztempel Ägyptens von der 0. bis zur 11. Dynastie: Archäologie und Geschichte einer gesellschaftlichen Institution zwischen Residenz und Provinz, PdÄ 30, Leiden/Boston. Hope, C.A. and Kaper, O. 2010  A Governor of Dakhleh Oasis in the Early Middle Kingdom, 219‒245, in: A. Woods, A. McFarlane and S. Binder (eds.), Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati, Egyptian Culture and Society Cahiers 38/1, Cairo. Jeuthe, C. 2012 Balat X. Ein Werkstattkomplex im Palast der 1. Zwischenzeit in Ayn Asil, FIFAO 71, Cairo.

Mills, A.J. 2001  II. Excavations, in: Report to the Supreme Council of Antiquities on the 2000/2001 Field Activities of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, 18f. http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/archaeology/excavations-in-dakhlehoasis-egypt/ 2002  Another Old Kingdom Site in the Dakhleh Oasis, 74‒78, in: R. Friedman (ed.), Egypt and Nubia. Gifts of the Desert, London. 2007  Ain el Gazzareen 2007 Report. 1. Report to the Supreme Council of Antiquities on the Excavation Activities in 2007 at the Old Kingdom Settlement at „Ain Gazzareen“, Dakhleh Oasis. http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/archaeology/excavations-in-dakhlehoasis-egypt/

Jeuthe, C., Le Provost, V. and Soukiassian, G. 2014 Ayn Asil, palais des gouverneurs du règne de Pépy II: état des recherches sur la partie sud, BIFAO 113, 203‒233.

Mills, A.J. and Kaper, O. 2003  Ain el-Gazzareen: Developments in the Old Kingdom Settlement, 123‒129, in: G.E. Bowen and C.A. Hope (eds.) The Oasis Papers 3. Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Dakhleh Oasis Project Monograph 14, Oxford.

30

32

 For example Von Pilgrim 2006, Seidlmayer 1996 or Ziermann 1993; cf. Bussmann 2010, esp. 451‒455. 31  Lehner 2002, 60‒63, 67.

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 Cf. Van Siclen 1996.  Cf. Bietak 1996 with further biographical references. 34   Wegner 2001. 33

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Osing, J., Moursi, M., Arnold, Do., Neugebauer, O., Parker, R.A., Pingree, D. and Nur-el-Din, M.A. 1982  Denkmäler der Oase Dachla aus dem Nachlass von Ahmed Fakhry, AV 28, Mainz. Pantalacci, L. 1998 La documentation épistolaire du palais des gouverneurs à Balat–‘Ayn Asil, BIFAO 98, 303‒315. 2001 L’administration royale et l’administration locale  au gouvernorat de Balat d’après les empreintes de sceaux, CRIPEL 22, 153‒160. Archivage et scribes dans l’oasis de Dakhla (Egypte) 2008  à la fin du IIIe millénaire, 141‒153, in: L. Pantalacci (éd.), La lettre d’archive. Communication administrative et personnelle dans l’Antiquité proche-orientale et égyptienne. Actes du colloque de l’université de Lyon 2. 9-10 juillet 2004, Topoi, supplément 9, BiGen 32, Cairo. 2010  Organisation et contrôle du travail dans la province oasite à la fin de l’Ancien Empire. Le cas des grands chantiers de construction de Balat, 139‒153, in: B. Menu (éd.), L’organisation du travail en Egypte ancienne et en Mésopotamie, Colloque AIDEA, Nice 4‒5 octobre 2004, BiEtud 151, Cairo. Pilgrim, C. von 1996  Zur Entwicklung der Verehrungsstätten des Heqaib in Elephantine, 403‒418, in: E. Czerny, I. Hein, H. Hunger, D. Melman and A. Schwab (eds.), Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak I, OLA 149, Leuven. Schaad D. in prep. Balat. Les enceintes d’Ayn Asil (VIe dynastie-1ère Période Intermédiaire), FIFAO. Seidlmayer, S.J. 1996  Die staatliche Anlage der 3. Dynastie in der Nordweststadt von Elephantine / Archäologische und historische Probleme, 195‒214, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im alten Ägypten: Internationales Symposium, 8 bis 11 April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna.

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Smith, H. and Giddy. L. 1985 Nubia and Dakhla Oasis in the Late Third Millennium B.C.: The Present Balance of Textual and Archaeological Evidence, 317‒330, in: F. Geus and F. Thill (eds.), Mélanges offerts à Jean Vercoutter, Paris. Soukiassian, G. 1997 A Governors‘ Palace at ‘Ayn Asil, Dakhla Oasis, EA 11, 1997, 15‒17. in prep. Le palais des gouverneurs de l’époque de Pépy II. La residence, FIFAO. Soukiassian, G., Wuttmann, M.† and Schaad, D. 1990 La ville d’Ayn Asil à Dakhla. État des recherches, BIFAO 90, 347‒358. Soukiassian, G., Wuttmann, M.† and Pantalacci, L. 2002 Balat VI. Le palais des gouverneurs de l‘époque de Pépy II. Les sanctuaires de ka et leurs dépendances, FIFAO 46, Cairo. Soukiassian, G. and Le Provost, V. in prep. Balat. Maisons de la 1ère Période Intermèdiaire, FIFAO. Valloggia, M. 2004 Les oasis d’Egypte dans l’Antiquité, Gollion. Van Siclen, C. 1996  Remarks on the Middle Kingdom Palace at Tell Basta, 239‒246, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im alten Ägypten: Internationales Symposium, 8 bis 11 April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna. Wegner, J. 2001 The Town of Wah-sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations, MDAIK 57, 281‒308. Ziermann, M. 1993 Elephantine XVI. Befestigungsanlagen und Stadtentwicklung in der Frühzeit und im frühen Alten Reich, AV 87, Mainz.

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THE CENTRAL BUILDING UNIT IN THE CITY OF ELEPHANTINE FROM

í%&

by Dietrich Raue Since 1969, the German Archaeological Institute Cairo has been conducting excavations on Elephantine Island in cooperation with the Swiss Institute of Architectural Research and Archaeology. The hill-site with its remains of habitations, sanctuaries and necropoleis is well known for its stratigraphical sequences starting in the 4th millennium BC and lasting until the early 2nd millennium AD. The arid climate of southern Upper Egypt and the setting on the high granite rock formations allowed for an exceptional preservation of features and objects.1 This site, opposite the modern city of Aswan, functioned throughout the most part of Egyptian history as a southern border city. Egypt’s trade with the south was commissioned by the central authorities in the north in the Memphite region. But effectively, especially in the 3rd millennium, the efforts to import gold, resins, incense and other precious commodities were administered further south. Provincial centres like Abydos and regional boundary cities like Elephantine were closely linked to this department of foreign relations. Between 2000 and 2006, excavations focussed on the urban development of the late 3rd millennium BC.2 A structure in the central part of the city, the so-called “House 2” (“H2”), was previously termed “sanctuary” / Heiligtum,3 later “palace” or “governor’s palace / Gouverneurspalast”.4 In addition to several exceptional archaeological features, a wooden panel with carved reliefs at the entrance attracted attention. The style and the remains of a FDUWRXFKH RI D NLQJ 3HSL FRQ¿UPHG LWV GDWLQJ WR Dynasty 6.5 Some seasons later, two superimposing *

1

2 3 4 5

The preliminary reports “Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine” are published in the “Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo” (MDAIK). For monographical studies, see several volumes in the series “Archäologische Veröffentlichungen des DAIK”. Further reports can be found on the corresponding project page at the website of the DAIK (www.dainst.org/elephantine). A coherent synthesis on the history of Elephantine and its major monuments was achieved by KAISERKAISER et al¿JV± RAUE±RAUE 2005a, 8–26. VON PILGRIM 1996, 39–40, 43, 48. VON PILGRIM±¿JV±JUNGE 1987, 11–12. JUNGE 1976, 101.

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depositions were found in the only completely preserved room unit of H2. Shrines and boxes, as well DVDZRRGHQVWDWXHWWHDQGDQXPEHURIVPDOO¿QGV belonged, among other purposes, to the personal cult of the expedition leaders Sabni, Mehu, Sobekhotep and Heqaib.6 But was there a governor and DUHZHMXVWL¿HGLQQDPLQJVWUXFWXUH+³SDODFH´" Beyond any doubt, governors are attested in the early Old Kingdom. As early as the reign of king Sekhemkhet in Dynasty 3, there is proof for the title of an “Overseer of Elephantine” in sealed mud bullae. The name of the city is inscribed in an oval ring with bastions.7 Several generations later, the title appears again in the monumental rock-inscription of Khufuankh and his family at the southern landing place of the island. The name of the city is enclosed by an oval ring without bastions.8 But this evidence fades during the course of the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. One can say with the same certainty that such governors did not live on the island in the 6th Dynasty, e.g. in the time of the so-called palace H2. While it is a matter of debate whether the authorities buried in the rock-cut tombs of the Qubbet el-Hawa also acted as governors of Elephantine, it can be ruled out that the urban area of Elephantine was supervised by an “overseer of Elephantine” in the late 3rd millennium BC. The inscriptional evidence of the late Old Kingdom points to the leaders of the expeditions, the “overseers of the southern lands”. All inscriptions of the later Dynasty 5 and Dynasty 6 belong to such emissaries and their subordinates.9 The regime of governing the local urban territory is not expressed in the titles. The elite of Aswan constituted, as was stated forty years ago,10 WKH RI¿FH RI IRUHLJQ DIIDLUV WKH WUDGHRI¿FHIRUWKHGHOLYHU\RIOX[XU\LWHPV7KH\ 6

7 8

9

10

DORNVON PILGRIM±VON PILGRIM 1999, 85–90. PÄTZNICK 2005, 71. SEIDLMAYER   SO 9,,D±E VHDO LPSUHVVLRQV IURP the time of Snofru similarly show no bastions anymore, ENGEL¿J An early attestation is the frieze-block of captain Niankhmin (later Dynasty 5) that was reused rather quickly in the early 6th Dynasty, SEIDLMAYER and ZIERMANN 1992, 167–173. MARTIN-PARDEY 1976, 92.

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called themselves “overseer of the foreign countries”, “god’s sealer” and “captain”. These titles reflect the full range of the nautical vocabulary that the ancient Egyptian terminology transferred from the voyages by river and by sea to the voyages to the vastness of the desert.   In addition, militia units were present in the city, pointing again to the main purpose of the city as a last support station before entering the cataract region.11 The texts from the tombs at the Qubbet el-Hawa present a plenitude of details about the duties and successes of such expedition leaders and the failures of others. But these personalities like Sabni, Mehu or Harchuef were not governors of the island or its immediate surroundings.12 None of them mention such a title on the objects that were found in H2 between 1996 and 1998, even though that could have been the context for stressing the relation to the local social milieu. Their execution of superregional border control might have equalled the rank of a governor, but the duties of the expedition leaders probably differed considerably from those of governors and administrators dealing with revenues, tax revelation, etc. in the Nile valley.   Let us return to House 2. A main argument for the designation as a palace13 has always been the wooden panel at the entrance and the most remarkable depot find from H2. A presentation of the contexts, the prosopographical data and the implications for the interpretation was provided by Andreas Dorn.14 It is therefore the aim of the present contribution to focus on the archaeological data from the area and possible indicators of functions.   A number of features are exceptional, but they are less unique than previously believed now that more of the city of Dynasty 6 has been uncovered (Fig. 1). A good example is the entrance to H2. Originally, there was a heavy sandstone threshold, followed by a granite pavement on the right side after

11

 Engel 2009, 371, fig. 6.2; Raue 2013, 154, pl. 29b–c.  The title “jmj-rA xnw” of the expedition leader Khuy appears in just one tomb at the Qubbet el-Hawa. Perhaps it points to such a direct link between local authority and central governance, Seyfried and Vieler 2008, CXXVIII, 466–467. But also in this unique case, the main obligations of Khuy seem to be restricted to the expeditions to Punt and Byblos. 13  In the earlier preliminary reports on the work in H2 and its surroundings, I also addressed the unit as a palace, see Raue 2002, 162–174; 2005a, 22. 14  Dorn 2015. 12

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entering the unit.15 It is only one of many features that can be found within other building units, which were excavated from 2000‒2006: the identical connection between threshold and granite pavement is evident, for example, in House 154 in area XXIV. This unit is located to the east of the street that runs east of the large kitchen H150.16 The use of sandstone thresholds in domestic mudbrick architecture seems to be an invention of Dynasty 6 on Elephantine Island. It does not signify the importance or prestige of a house unit but a frequently used passage into a house unit. This feature can be found in the open, connecting two areas within a street,17 as well as at the entrances of different kinds of workshops in the extramural habitation of Elephantine in front of the southwestern gate of the city.18   Another exceptional feature of H2 seemed to be the cellar in front of room B. These units appeared rather impressive when excavation was resumed in H2.19 However, they belong to a type of cellar that is common in the stratum of late Dynasty 6 in at least three other units. For example, the cellar in the area of House 150 measured a clear height of 2.40 m.20 It is, therefore, not specific to H2 to provide exceptional storage room since all units probably had such facilities.   Having studied the various large profiles along this part of the settlement of Elephantine, it became obvious that the building units used different levels at the same time. The ground floor of House 136 led to the first floor in the southern, neighbouring H2, for example. The necessity of building on terraces on the hill of Elephantine resulted in a special kind of planned settlement. Nothing could be built in this area without affecting the neighbouring areas. The approximate average size of such a rectangular delineated insula measured about 40 × 30 m.21 15

 The threshold was probably reused in the following stratum, Bauschicht XVI. The granite slabs are clearly visible in the profiles on site. 16  Context 31107B/b, see Raue and Jeuthe 2005, 29–30, fig. 4, pl. 8a; Raue 2008a, pl. 19b bottom right. 17  Von Pilgrim 2006, 405, fig. 2. 18  Raue 2005b, 32–33, pl. 10a. 19  Raue 2002, 168–169, fig. 3. 20  Raue 2008a, 77, pl. 20b. 21  Raue 2008a, 75–77, fig. 3. The size of such insulae should not be taken as marker of prestige in comparison with the contemporaneous temple (von Pilgrim 2006, 406), since it is part of the system and since all insulae probably exceeded the area of the city’s sanctuary in size. The façade wall of House 2 may have functioned as a terrace wall, which would be another reason for its exceptional width of about 1.2 m.

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The Central Building Unit in the City of (OHSKDQWLQHIURP௅%&

Besides such architectural features, there are few contexts that shed light on the function of certain units. For a general characterisation, it is also important to compare the indicators of function prior and after Dynasty 6. In chronological sequence, the following activities can be isolated: Later Dynasty 522 - A group of potter’s kilns dating to the second half of Dynasty 5 was discovered close to the town wall in area XXIV (Südoststadt).23 +LSSRSRWDPLWHHWKZHUHIRXQGRQWKHÀRRURIDQother workshop room. Fragments of worked ivory point to the production of disc-beads.24 5HPDLQVOLNHDQXQ¿QLVKHGKHDGUHVWLQGLFDWHWKH presence of a carpentry in the later Dynasty 5.25 - As in earlier phases of area XXX, tools to produce stone vessels were also found in the transition from Dynasty 5 to 6.26 - Pieces of slag point to metallurgical activities.27 Dynasty 6  %HVLGHV WKH SUHVWLJLRXV ¿QGV RI WKH GHSRWV LQ House 2 and the reused wooden panels at its entrance, fragments of carefully made wooden boxes were found in layers of the earlier Dynasty 6 in area XXIV/Südoststadt.28 - A sculptor’s workshop was probably located within or close by H2. The seated statues that were found in the depositions of room C are beyond any GRXEW XQ¿QLVKHG DQG WZR RI WKHP VKRZ UHG RXWlines, which indicate parts of the statue that had not yet been removed by the sculptor.29 - Remains of artisanal workshops, with wooden objects in different stages of production, stem from House 155 in Area XXIV. That room’s roof was supported by a column, which stood on a base made of limestone.30 A well preserved copper adze was

143

found in the room units of House 136 north of H2.31 - Haematite stones with smoothed sides are frequently found from Dynasty 6 onwards without any obvious local concentration.32 They can be identi¿HGDVWKHdjdj-mineral that is attested as a product of the cataract region from the 2nd millennium BC onwards.33 On Elephantine, this pigment may have served different purposes, e.g., in producing the red slip of contemporaneous pottery. In addition, the red coating of the wooden columns of the large NLWFKHQ+ LVHYLGHQFHRIWKHHI¿FLHQWUROHWKLV material played in wood preservation.34 - The expedition enterprises to the southern counWULHV DUH GLI¿FXOW WR SURYH ZLWK ¿QGLQJV %XW DW least one gold weight from the later Dynasty 6 was found in the building that preceded the large kitchen (H150).35 First Intermediate Period/Dynasty 11 - A workshop for the production of lithic tools was LGHQWL¿HGLQ+,WFDQEHGDWHGWRWKHHDUO\)LUVW Intermediate Period. The unusually small borers and the cores were, for example, used for carving stamp seals out of serpentinite.36 - Haematite stones with smoothed sides are omniSUHVHQW WKH\ GR QRW WXUQ XS LQ DQ\ REYLRXV ORFDO concentration throughout the centre of Elephantine.37 - The largest installation in the centre of Elephantine is kitchen H150. In the course of excavations, it became obvious that a designation as bakery alone would not be correct: cooking played an important role here as well.38 Furthermore, bread moulds were produced on the spot, and also the yellow sandy slip for the inside of the moulds was mixed on site.39 - Remains of shearing were found in the large kitchen H150.40 31

Find-no. 31106V.  )RUH[DPSOH¿QGQR'N 33 SEIDLMAYER 2013, 205–207. 34 The observation that the wood of architectural elements is far better preserved when the red pigment is still in place was made by Erico Peintner. 35 KOPP¿J 36 HIKADE¿JRAUE and JEUTHE¿J. 37 A large number was found, e.g., in the large kitchen H150 (29103A/m-7, 31101E/d-1. 31103N/b-3, 31105T/c-4 and others), as well as in the street to its east (30105C/n-2 a.o.) and further to the east in area XXIV (31101 G/d-2, 31105K/d-3 a.o.). 38 A complete cooking bowl of the earlier Dynasty 12 (pottery phase F1) was found in situ set into the layers of ashes, context 31101N/d-e. 39 RAUED±RAUE and JEUTHE 2005, 30–31. 40 Context 30105C/d. 32

22

23 24

25 26 27 28

29

30

A more representative building with at least one room with polychrome wall paintings was situated in the location of the large kitchen (H150) of the First Intermediate Period and the early Middle Kingdom, FORSTNER-MÜLLER and RAUE¿J HIKADE 2014, 78, 83. RAUEDSOEIRUDQRWKHUZRUNHGKLSSRSRWDPXV WRRWKIURPDUHD;;;VHH¿QGQR5D RAUE 2008a, 74, pl. 18a. Find-no. 31105H/b-5. Find-no. 30105M/n-1. Context 16402h. These objects will be published by Peter Kopp. VON PILGRIMSOEDORN 2015, Kat. Nr. 41–44, red outlines on 42 and 43. RAUE and JEUTHE 2005, 25, pl. 6b below-right.

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- A noticeable layer of acacia pods was found in the layer of the First Intermediate Period in cellar C-west in H2. The purpose of this accumulation is GLI¿FXOWWRGHWHUPLQH41 - Levigated clay, e.g. from jar stoppers, was collected at several localities, e.g. in the cellar under the large kitchen H150.42 Dynasty 12 $QXPEHURIXQ¿UHGEUHDGPRXOGVRI'\QDVW\ was found in the latest phase of usage of the cellars of H2.43 A common denominator seems to be artisanal activity. The vicinity of different crafts in rather small, adjacent units is reminiscent of the relief scenes in tombs of the later Old Kingdom. As of yet, a large variety of activities is attested in the centre of Elephantine. Furthermore, the layers of Dynasty 6 frequently contain, but by far not in abundance, evidence for administrative processes. Clay bullae with seal impressions bear witness to a number of seals used in the area. In contrast to the practice of the Middle Kingdom in Elephantine,44 only a few seal types appear twice or more. In addition, a number of signs that were incised in the wet clay can be observed. Loam bars of very clean, levigated loam were found in several areas of the occupation of Dynasty 6.45 The stamp seals of the later Dynasty 6 and the First Intermediate Period as well as the scarabaeoids and scarabs of Dynasty 11 and 12 show that the previously common practice to use writing / hieroglyphs on cylinder seals as an administrative tool to assume responsibility had be-

come obsolete.46 Some of them were found in H2, but they can be detected in every part of the city during the late 3rd millennium BC.47 Prosopographical evidence is limited. A seal impression from the transition of Dynasty 5 to 6 mentions females like a “priestess of Hathor”.48 Others point to the communication with distant royal institutions because they bear imprints of papyrus on their back side, like cylinder seal impressions from the time of king Djedkare.49 Several inscribed bowl fragments with lists of names were found in the layers of Dynasty 11.50 3DS\UXV¿QGVDUHUDUH-XVWVRPHWLQ\SLHFHVZHUH found in the mixed debris of cellar C in House 2.51 But it is in the neighbouring area XXIV of House 154/155 that a vessel with three letters of Dynasty 6 was found. In these texts the expedition emissary (jmj-rA aw.w) Idi is, for example, mentioned.52 Other fragments were found in the neighbouring H136.53 It has to be mentioned that there are only a few ¿QGVWKDWDWWHVWIRUWKHSUHVHQFHRI1XELDQPDWHULDO FXOWXUHLQ+7KHYHU\ORZSHUFHQWDJH RI Nubian pottery corresponds to the small portion of handmade, elaborately decorated or highly polished blacktopped vessels used in the town during Dynasty 6.54 What is more interesting is the presence of a FOHDUO\1XELDQIHPDOH¿JXULQHIURP+QRUWKRI H2, dating to the later Dynasty 6.55 But there is evidence in all decades of the late 3rd millennium BC IRURWKHUORDP¿JXULQHVZLWKRXWREYLRXVHWKQLFDVsociations. After more than 40 years of excavations in the strata of Dynasty 6, it should be mentioned that there is almost no evidence for weapons from 46

41

 &RQWH[W(E3F5D8DEVHHIRUWKHGLVFXVVLRQ RIDVLPLODU¿QGDW*HEHOHLQWKHFRPPHQWDU\RQYHJHWDEOH tanning and its date, VAN DRIEL and MURRAY 2000, 304– 305. According to André Veldmeijer and Lucy Skinner (emails from the 25th of August 2014) “acacia does contain condensed tannins (catechols), and thus could be used for vegetable tanning. However vegetable tanning has not EHHQLGHQWL¿HGLQ(J\SWEHIRUH3WROHPDLF5RPDQWLPHV thus far all leather of the 3rd and 2nd Millennium was cured with oil. Further analysis will be needed for eventually differing techniques applied by Nubian cultures of Upper Egypt but as of yet it seems unlikely, on the basis of our knowledge thus far, that these fruits were used for vegetable tanning in the Old Kingdom”. 42 RAUE 2008a, 77, pl. 20. 43  &I&HOODU&ZHVWFRQWH[W.EN1DF4D from the same group of contexts, stone vessel borers were found (29102K/f). Due to its mixed contents from Dynasty 6 and 12, it cannot be determined to which of these two periods it belongs. 44 VON PILGRIM 1996, 249–268. 45 KOPP¿J±±

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47

48 49 50 51 52

53 54

55

Internal communication and the control over responsibilities (thanks to clay sealings, for example on doors) relied on cylinder seals with hieroglyphic texts until Dynasty 4: RAUE 2005a, 20. External communication may well have continued to use cylinder seals for a few more generations before being replaced by other seal-types, see ENGEL 2009, 371–373. &RPSDUHIRUH[DPSOH¿QGVIURPWKHH[WUDPXUDOKDELWDWLon of Dynasty 6 in area XII, see KOPP¿J DQG¿J. Find-no. 29102C/b-1. ENGEL±RAUE 2007, 25 No. 14. FISCHER-ELFERT 2002, 215. Elephantine P133, Find-No. 30101C/a-5. Context 16400k. Another papyrus of a female person of high rank, containing rather private contents, was found to the west of the temple of Satet, FISCHER-ELFERT 2002, 215–216. Find-no. 31106X/c-3 (H136, room K), 32115D/p-3 (street in front of H136). See the forthcoming study by the present author: Elephantine und Nubien im 4.–2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., SDAIK 40 (in preparation). Find-no. 31108W/i-3.

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The Central Building Unit in the City of Elephantine from 2300‒2000 BC

145

Fig. 1 Elephantine in the later 6th Dynasty (plan by Pieter Collet, © German Archaeological Institute)

the city itself.56 This corresponds to the evidence, collected in different parts of the city, that the enclosure wall of Elephantine served more as a terrace wall than as a protecting facility in the later 3rd millennium.57 Another professional branch, which is missing from the preserved stratum of Dynasty 6, is a bakery / brewery-complex. 56

 Some objects were used in warfare as well as in hunting and fishing, see Kopp 2008, 211–215; fishing tools like copper hooks belong to the finds from the stratum of Dynasty 6, as an example of a wooden harpoon point, find-no. 32109H/i-6 of Dynasty 11. 57  Kopp 2011, 196–197; Ziermann 1999, 83–85.

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  The designation of H2 as a “palace” does not appear to be helpful, neither for interpreting the few surviving walls nor for establishing its function. It is probably more convenient to compare the layout of the building units with other large urban contexts of the late Old Kingdom like Ain Asyl in the oasis Dakhlah58 or possibly also Dendera.59 This does not exclude the option that House 2 was a royal or state

58

 Laisney 2010, pl. 1; Soukiassian, Wuttmann and Pantalacci 2002, 9–20. See also Jeuthe in this volume. 59   Marchand 2000, 262–265; Marchand 2004, 213, pl. 2.

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project, as previously proposed.60 But having gone over different aspects of Elephantine in the late Old Kingdom, this statement probably applies best to the layout of the entire city of Elephantine, and less to individual houses.   Facing the state of preservation of H2 and all eastern contemporaneous structures, it will always be difficult to demonstrate that House 2 could have been a palace, a regional centre with the seat of the main authority61 and territorial and fiscal control at a given time. It may be more appropriate to concentrate on facts that can be positively stated: all features of H2 and its surroundings match the city character of Dynasty 6; the finds leave no doubt about the presence of bureaucratic personnel and artisans. In addition, the finds of Levantine imports from Byblos probably point to the presence of specialists for foreign trade62 or inhabitants that could afford such luxury items like oil from the Levant. On the other hand, it has been proposed that farmers did not live in cities,63 but it should be noted that a considerable number of sickle-blades with the typical lustre of the silex blades can be found in the city of Elephantine throughout the 3rd–2nd millennium BC. This comprises about 19–21% of all of the secondary lithic production in the central part of the city of the Old Kingdom.64

Surprisingly, the number of sickle-blades in the extramural settlement of area XII is slightly lower (17%) than inside the enclosure wall.65 At least one of the main farmer tools points to such people, staying frequently and probably also living in the city of Elephantine.   Features like size, prominent entrances and signs of administration and distribution activities, observed in the scarce remains of H2 and hitherto used to argue in favour of a palace characterisation, seem to be, for the time being, regular parts of “cities” of the late 3rd millennium BC constructed in the specific Egyptian manner: large, planned compound structures with rapidly altering internal structures due to the increasing number of inhabitants,66 reached by streets laid out in an almost rectangular grid. It is this kind of city that entices its inhabitants to speak about neighbours and citizens, and about being beloved by them in their biographical texts. In such a city one can find more or less evenly distributed evidence for storage, crafts and administration, some more representative room units, a temple for the city god / goddess and, as Ain Asyl in the oasis of Dakhlah demonstrates, at certain spots of the town: sanctuaries for the cult of the local elite of Dynasty 6.

60

 Von Pilgrim 2006, 406.  It is not certain that buildings like private mansions of the elite were always located within the city walls of Elephantine, see Raue 2008b, 7. 62  Forstner-Müller and Raue 2014, 57–67. 63  Trigger 1985, 347–348. 64  Hikade 2014, 88, tab. 4.44, 95, tab. 4.52, 111–112. 61

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65

 Hikade 2014, 101, tab. 4.59.  Raue 2005a, 19–21.

66

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Bibliography Dorn, A. 2015  lephantine XXXI: Kisten und Schreine im Festzug. E Hinweise auf postume Kulte für hohe Beamte aus einem Depot von Kult- und anderen Gegenständen des ausgehenden 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr, AV 117, Wiesbaden. Engel, E.-M. 2009 Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom Seal Impressions, in: D. Raue et al., Report on the 36th Season of Excavation and Restoration on the Island of Elephantine, ASAE 83, 371–373. Fischer-Elfert, H.-W. 2002 Hieratische Schriftzeugnisse, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 28./29./30. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 58, 214–218. Forstner-Müller, I. and Raue, D. 2008 Elephantine and the Levant, 127–148, in: E.-M. Engel, V. Müller and U. Hartung (eds.), Zeichen aus dem Sand. Streiflichter aus Ägyptens Geschichte zu Ehren von Günter Dreyer, Menes 5, Wiesbaden. 2014  Contacts between Egypt and the Levant in the 3rd Millenium B.C., 57‒67, in: F. Höflmayer and R. Eichmann (eds.), Egypt and the Southern Levant in the Early Bronze Age, Orient-Archäologie 31 (Publikation des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts), Rahden/Westf. Hikade, T. The Lithic Industries on Elephantine Island during 2014  the 3rd Millennium BC. Elephantine XXXV, AV 121, Wiesbaden. Junge, F. 1976 Holzrelief der 6. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. Sechster Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 32, 98–107. 1987  Funde und Bauteile. 1.–7. Kampagne, 1969-1976, Elephantine XI, AV 49, Mainz. Kaiser, W. 1997 Elephantine – Die Antike Stadt, Offizielles Führungsheft des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abt. Kairo, Cairo. Kaiser, W. et al. 1999  Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 55, 63–236. Kopp, P. 2005 Small Finds from the Settlement of the 3rd and 2nd Millennium BC, in: D. Raue et al., Report on the 34th Season of Excavation and Restoration on the Island of Elephantine, www.dainst.de – Projekt Elephantine. 2006 Small Finds from the Settlement of the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC: Weapons, in: D. Raue et al., Report on the 35th Season of Excavation and Restoration on the Island of Elephantine, ASAE 82, 211–215.

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2008 Siegel und Siegelungspraxis des späten Alten Reiches und der 1. Zwischenzeit, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 33./34./35. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 64, 101–106. 2011  Siedlung und Stadterweiterung westlich des Satettempels, in: D. Raue, F. Arnold, P. Kopp and C. von Pilgrim, Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 36./37./38. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 67, 186–198. Laisney, D. 2010  Balat IX. Cartographie de Balat, FIFAO 61, Cairo. Marchand, S. 2000 Le survey de Dendara (1996–1997), Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne 6, 261–298. 2004 Fouilles récentes dans la zone urbaine de Dendara: la céramique de la fin de l’Ancien Empire au début de la XIIe dynastie, Cahiers de la céramique égyptienne 7, 211‒238. Martin-Pardey, E. 1976  Untersuchungen zur ägyptischen Provinzialverwaltung bis zum Ende des Alten Reiches, HÄB 1, Hildesheim. Pätznick, J.-P. 2005  Die Siegelabrollungen und Rollsiegel der Stadt Elephantine im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr., BAR International Series 1339, Oxford. Pilgrim, C. von Untersuchungen in der Stadt des Mittleren Reiches 1996  und der Zweiten Zwischenzeit, Elephantine XVIII, AV 91, Mainz. 1999 Palast und früheste Kultstätte des Heqaib im Siedlungsbereich südlich des späten Chnumtempels, in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 55, 85–90. 2006  Zur Entwicklung der Verehrungsstätten des Heqaib in Elephantine, 403–418, in: E. Czerny, I. Hein, H. Hunger, D. Melman and A. Schwab (ed.), Timelines – Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, OLA 149.1, Leuven. Raue, D. 2002 Untersuchungen im Stadtpalast des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 28./29./30. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 58, 162–174. 2005a Éléphantine: Cinq campagnes de fouilles dans la ville du 3ème millénaire avant J.-C., BSFE 163, 8‒26. 2005b  Untersuchungen im südwestlichen Vorbereich der Stadt des Alten Reiches, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 31./32. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 61, 32‒35. 2007 Elephantine. Stadt und Tempel an der Südgrenze Ägyptens, 9–26, in: U. Rummel (ed.), Begegnung mit der Vergangenheit. 100 Jahre in Ägypten, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Kairo 1907–2007, Katalog zur Sonderausstellung im Ägyptischen Museum Kairo, Cairo.

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Raue, D. 2008a Untersuchungen in der Stadt des 3. Jahrtausends, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 33./34./35. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 64, 68‒78. 2008b Who was who in Elephantine of the third millennium BC?, British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 9, 1–14. 2013  Centre and Periphery. Elephantine and its Surroundings in the Third Millennium BC, 149‒155, in: D. Raue, S.J. Seidlmayer and Ph. Speiser (eds.), The First Cataract of the Nile. One Region – Diverse Perspectives, SDAIK 36, Berlin/Boston. Raue, D. and Jeuthe, C. Untersuchungen im Stadtgebiet südlich des 2005  Chnumtempels, in: G. Dreyer et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 31./32. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 61, 18‒31. Seidlmayer, S.J. Bemerkungen zu den Felsinschriften des Alten Rei2005  ches auf Elephantine, 287–308, in: S.J. Seidlmayer (ed.), Texte und Denkmäler des Alten Reiches, Thesaurus Linguae Aegyptiae 3, Berlin. Die Felsinschrift des Vorstehers von Unterägypten, 2013  Dedusobek in Aswân, 201–209, in: H.-W. FischerElfert and R. Parkinson (eds.), Studies on the Middle Kingdom. In Memory of Detlef Franke, Philippika 41, Wiesbaden.

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Seidlmayer, S.J. and Ziermann, M. 1992 Eine Friesinschrift von einem Mastaba-Grab des Alten Reiches aus Elephantine, MDAIK 48, 161–176. Seyfried, K.-J. and Vieler, G. 2008  Elmar Edel: Die Felsgräber der Qubbet el-Hawa bei Assuan I. Abteilung Band 2: Architektur, Darstellungen, Texte, archäologischer Befund und Funde der Gräber QH 35 – QH 101, Paderborn et al. Soukiassian, G., Wuttmann, M. and Pantalacci, L. 2002  Balat VI. Le palais des gouverneurs de l’époque de Pépy II. Les sanctuaires de ka et leurs dépendances, Balat VI, FIFAO 46, Cairo. Trigger, B.G. 1985  The Evolution of Pre-industrial Cities, 343–353, in: F. Géus and F. Thill (eds.), Mélanges offerts à Jean Vercoutter, Paris. Van Driel-Murray, C. 2000  Leatherwork and Skin Products, 299–319, in: P.T. Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, Cambridge. Ziermann, M. 1999 Frühzeitliche Stadtmauer und Siedlung des späten Alten Reiches in der Südoststadt, in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine. 25./26./27. Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 55, 81–85.

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The Old Kingdom Royal Palace (aH) by Miroslav Verner* The aH ‘Palace’ is attested as early as in the Early Dynastic Period. Besides sometimes being in the titles of officials, it often occurs in connection with the deities (aH %tX, aH CSAt, aH HD Gb), sanctuaries (aH-nTr ^ma), magnates (aH wrw) and, above all, the king.1 Sometimes, the king is explicitly mentioned as ‘Horus who is in the palace’ or, as the case may be, ‘Horus who is in the god’s palace’. According to Kaplony,2 the terms aH, pr-ncwt and wcxt could in that time have been synonyms referring to the royal seat or royal court. However, Kaplony proposes slight differences in the shades of meaning regarding these terms: the wcxt, including the aH, corresponded with a palace and was a broader designation for the royal court, whereas pr-ncwt and aH merged if it was the seat (albeit only temporary) of the king.   The Old Kingdom evidence of the aH ‘Palace’ is rather ambiguous as well. Besides aH, some other terms such as pr-aA, pr-ncwt, ctp-sA and hnw are sometimes translated as a royal seat which is not correct since the meaning of these terms differs. Unfortunately, it is sometimes very difficult to distinguish the precise meaning of one term from another.3 The Palace (aH) occurs e.g. in the royal annals from the time of Snofru,4 inscriptions in the tombs of high officials, Pyramid Texts, etc. Athough no royal palace has hitherto been archaeologically identified, a common opinion prevails that *

  This study was written within the Programme for the Development of Fields of Study at Charles University, No. P 14 Archaeology of Non-European regions: Research of Ancient Egyptian Civilisation. Cultural and Political Adaptation of the North African Civilisations in Ancient History (5.000 BC – 1.000 AD). Parts of this study have already been published in Anthropologie 48/2, 2010 and in Sokar 24/1, 2012. Due to a nearly three year long delay in the edition of the paper, a major part of the text was published in Verner 2014, 108–114. 1   Kaplony 1963, Index–1201ff.; Kahl, Kloth and Zimmermann 1995, Index–244ff.; Kahl, Bretschneider and Kneissler 2002, passim. 2  Kaplony 1963, 364. 3  An erudite examination of the problem in the Old Kingdom texts we especially owe to Goelet 1982 and id. 1986, 85–98. 4  For instance, Snofru ordered in the year of the 8th cattle count „making of doors of cedar/pine wood for the royal palace“, see Strudwick 2005, 67.

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in the Old Kingdom the Palace aH was a relatively small building of a religious and ceremonial character lacking any important economic background and, anyway, it was not the main seat of the king.5 The meaning and function of the Palace (aH) in the Old Kingdom help us specify, to some degree, the titles of officials who served in it.6 In earlier times, higher positions in the Palace were occupied by princes, but since the 5th Dynasty these positions became accessible to the middle-ranking officials.7 The titles are surprisingly few and mostly of a general character, such as xrp-aH ‘director of the palace’, imy-rA aH ‘overseer of the palace’ and sS aH ‘scribe of the palace’. Probably, to these officials were subordinated other, less important but specialized employees of the Palace. The written documents also attest that the king could have had more palaces aH in different parts of the country, e.g. in the residence8 or a broader precinct of the pyramid complex,9 etc. A specially built palace, also called aH, served as a stage for the sed-festival.10   The available evidence seems to indicate that the aH was not a building of one standard plan but that different types of structures might have been called aH or, at least, determined with the sign aH. It also seems that the palace was a building constructed by means of light materials such as mudbricks, timber and reed mats. In that time, a temporary structure, such as a sed-festival palace, was almost certainly built of wooden poles, reeds and mats. For instance, in Niuserra’s sun temple in Abu Ghurab the palace aH is repeatedly represented as a tower-like building to which a court is adjacent.11 The structures, clearly made of light materials (reeds, matting, wooden poles), are topped with the Xkr-ornaments.

5

 Goelet 1982, 402; Baud 2000, 350.   Jones 2000, passim. 7   Bárta 2005, 119. 8  Tepemankh was Hm-nTr Mn-kAw-Ra (m?) aH Xnw „hem-netjer-priest of Menkaure in (?) the Residence’s Palace“, see Mariette 1882, 199. 9  Nisutnefer was imy-rA aH Wr-#a.f-Ra „overseer of the aHpalace(?) (of the pyramid town) ‘Great-is-Khafre’“, Junker 1938, 176. 10  Kees 1923, Blatt 22. 11  Kees 1923, Blatt 9. 6

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Fig. 1 Inscription with the name of Huni’s palace on the base of a cone-shaped object found in Elephantine

  There is no need to emphasise how important for our better understanding of the ancient Egyptian royal palace, its shape and meaning, archaeological evidence would be. Unfortunately, although the written evidence for royal palaces dates as early as from the First Dynasty,12 their contemporaneous archaeological evidence is very scarce to date.13 Even more regrettable is the total absence of archaeological evidence14 in regard to the Old Kingdom royal palaces,15 even though their existence is attested by contemporaneous written documents (see the text below). Despite such a disappointing legacy, some features in the contemporaneous pyramid complexes give us at least a partial idea about the architecture of the Old Kingdom royal palaces. In 12

 For instance, inscriptions on two stone vessels mention Andjib’s palace %A-HA-@r ‘Protection around Andjib’, see Kaplony 1963, 817 n. 810. 13  The remains of a niched-façade mudbrick gateway, taken to be a palace entrance, see Weeks 1971, 29–33. The structure has been reinterpreted by Adams 1995, 65. 14  For the time being, only from the Middle Kingdom onwards our knowledge of archaeological evidence of royal palaces begins to increase. 15  Concerning the suggestion to take Djoser’s pyramid complex as the king’s posthumous residence inspired by his terrestrial seat of the king, see e. g. Arnold 1982, 646.

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this respect, we can find some inspiration from our knowledge about private residences as well.16   An important Old Kingdom document referring to the royal palace is present in a cone-shaped object of red granite nearly one and half meters tall, which was found by Henri Gauthier near a small 3rd Dynasty pyramid in Elephantine in 1909 and is now deposited in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (JE 41556).17 The cone, dating from the time of the last king of the 3rd Dynasty, Huni, was published by Hans Goedicke.18 The oval base of the cone bears an inscription in sunk relief which, according to Goedicke, reads CSd-Ny-%wtH „Nisutekh’s (Huni’s) diadem“ (Fig. 1). As the determinative indicates, it was the name of a palace (rather than a fortress as some authors assume), and it was built by the king on the southern border of Egypt. However, the archaeological meaning of the cone is more important than it might seem at first sight. In the area adjacent from the north to the pyramid the remains of a building were revealed, dating from the early 3rd Dynasty. This dating is based on a sealing found in the building and bearing the Horus name of Sanakht. Besides the king’s name, the text on the sealing includes the title of an official: „the bearer of the seal of Lower Egypt with judicial authority in the King’s House“.19 Thus, the pyramid was probably part of a larger complex of the king’s domain in Elephantine which included a royal palace as well as administrative and economic facilities. It is possible that also other similar small step pyramids dating from the 3rd to the early 4th Dynasty found in different parts of Egypt (Athribis, Seila, Zawiyet el-Meiytin, Sinki, Naqada, Kula, Edfu), the meaning of which has been discussed since their discovery,20 marked the king’s domain and included the king’s palace in the respective province.   Probably, the most often cited written document pertaining to an Old Kingdom royal palace is a letter sent by King Djedkare to the Vizier Senedjemib Inti. The letter was recorded in the official’s tomb. A not quite accurate copy of the inscription by Kurt Sethe led to a misunderstanding, according to which the palace, with whose construction Senedjemib Inti was entrusted, was called ‘Djedkare’s Lotus Flower’ and its dimensions were interpreted 16

 A rare example of such an architecture represents the palace of governors of the Western Desert oases in Ain Asil in Dakhla, see e.g. Vallogia 2004, 80–86. 17  Delange 2012, 200, no. 505. 18  Goedicke 1956, 18–24. 19   Seidlmayer 1996, 121f. 20   See e.g. Bock 2006, 20–29.

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Fig. 2 Inscription from the tomb of Senedjemib Inti referring to the palace of Djedkare’s jubilee festival

to have been 1220 × 220 cubits.21 The inaccurrate data based on Sethe’s copy of the inscription were corrected by Brovarski in his recent edition of the tomb of Senedjemib Inti. Brovarski22 succeeded in reconstructing the damaged signs in the relevant part of the inscription which he then reads as: „..... My Majesty has seen this ground plan {which you sent} to be considered in the court council for the precinct of the broad court of the keep of Izezi of the jubilee festival. Moreover, {you} say to My Majesty that you have made {i}t {to} a length of 1.000 cubits and {to} [a width] of 440 cubits, in accordance with what was commanded to you in the court council. .....“   The palace, constructed on the occasion of Djedkare’s sed-festival23 must have been a large building, since it covered the area of about 525 × 231 meters (Fig. 2), nearly the same as Djoser’s pyramid 21

  For instance, Stadelmann 1981, 158.   Brovarski 2001, 97. 23   Djedkare’s festival sed is also attested, for instance, by an inscription on a little calcite vase, now in the Louvre (E 5323), bearing an incised inscription reading „First occassion of the festival sed of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Djedkare, beloved by the souls of Heliopolis, granted with life, endurance, power and pleasure for ever“, see Ziegler 1997, 464 and 470, fig. 1. 22

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complex (544 × 277 m). As a palace built to host Djedkare’s jubilee festival, the palace must have probably been a temporary construction built of light materials such as mudbrick, wood and reeds. Fragments of reliefs with the scenes of Niuserre’s sed-festival, found in the king’s sun temple in Abu Ghurab, give us a certain idea of such a building.24 We can only surmise that it was erected in the vicinity of the king’s pyramid rather than directly in the capital, possibly at the edge of the desert near the building site of Djedkare’s pyramid complex.25   Another Old Kingdom royal palace is mentioned on the false-door of the physician Niankhsakhmet,26 namely, Sahure’s palace #a-Wrrt-CAHwRa ‘Sahure’s-Wrrt(-crown)-shines’. The inscription describes how Sahure complied with Niankhsakhmet’s wish and ordered that a double false door be brought from the quarry in Tura and laid „in the audience hall of the house (called) Sahure-Shineswith-Crowns“ (as translated by J. H. Breasted).27 Obviously, ‘Sahure’s-Wrrt(-crown)-shines’ was a type of palace28 different from that in which Djedkare’s jubilee festival was celebrated. The mention of the Upper Egyptian crown Wrrt29 in the name of the palace might suggest that this building stood somewhere in Upper Egypt. However, the reference to Tura and the fact, that Niankhsakhmet was buried in Saqqara, indicate that the palace ‘Sahure’s-Crown Wrrt –Shines’ is to be found near or within the capital.   However, ‘Sahure’s-crown-shines’ was not the only Sahure’s palace. In the mid 1980s, during the excavation of Raneferef’s pyramid complex in Abusir, jar dockets were revealed with a reference to the slaughterhouses of Sahure’s palace WTcnfrw-CAHw-ra ‘Extolled-is-Sahure’s-Beauty’.30 The dockets, coming probably mostly from the time of Niuserre, are formal dispatch notes referring to the sender of meat products to the phyles of Raneferef’s mortuary temple. It is a rather surprising 24

 Kees 1923 and id. 1928.  To this heb-sed-palace may pertain a somewhat unclear reference on a fragment from the papyrus archive of Neferirkare for which Paule Posener-Kriéger had no satisfactory explanation, see Posener-Kriéger 1976, 561. 26   Sethe 1933, 38.14. 27   Breasted 1906, 109 § 239. 28  The interpretation of the building as Sahure’s mortuary temple (Roccati 1982, 97) is inaccurrate since only as early as the Middle Kindom individual components of pyramid complexes, such as the mortuary temple, got their own names. 29   Seeber 1980, 812 s.v. Kronen. 30  Verner 2006, 272–283. 25

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Fig. 3 Jar docket from Raneferef’s pyramid complex mentioning the slaughterhouse of Sahure’s palace „Extolled-isSahure’s-beauty“

information that the slaughterhouses of Sahure’s palace (Fig. 3) were one of the suppliers (another one was Neferirkare’s sun temple, as we learn from the papyri) of meat products for Raneferef’s temple personnel, particularly if we take into account the existence of a large slaughterhouse adjacent to Raneferef’s mortuary temple built originally to cover the needs of that king’s mortuary cult. However, we need to remember that this slaughterhouse of Raneferef’s pyramid complex did not function for very long. After the expansion of the early stage of Raneferef’s mortuary temple in the early reign of Niuserre, the House of the Knife was converted into a magazine. Apparently, from this time onwards, Raneferef’s mortuary cult was dependent on the supplies of meat products from Neferirkare’s sun temple and the slaughterhouses of Sahure’s palace.   The plural Hwwt-nmt indicates that the slaughterhouses of Sahure’s palace ‘Extolled-is-Sahure’s-beauty’ must have been a large and economically important institution. Originally, it was established to supply meat and meat products – and perhaps only – for Sahure’s palace and the royal court. Later, it apparently began to play an important role in the mortuary cult of the king and, in the course of time, some other royal mortuary cults of the kings buried in Abusir as well. Surprisingly, no jar dockets pertaining to this slaughterhouse were revealed during Ludwig Borchardt’s excavation of Sahure’s mortuary temple.31 Moreover, the previously mentioned slaughterhouses indirectly indicate that there might have also been some other economic facilities and administrative institutions attached to Sahure’s palace. The titles of officials operating these institutions obviously did not include the term aH which would explain the relative scarcity of the titles directly linked with the royal palace aH.32 31

  Borchardt 1910–1913.  Such as xrp aH, imy-rA aH, sS aH, Hm-nTr @r Hry-ib aH, see

32

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Fig. 4 Sahure admiring a frankincense tree from Punt in the garden of the palace „Extolled-is-Sahure’s-beauty“. Causeway of Sahure’s pyramid complex (by Tarek el-Awadi)

  The palace called ‘Extolled-is-Sahure’s-beauty’ took a somewhat more concrete shape in the late 1990s, when new blocks from the causeway of Sahure’s pyramid complex in Abusir were found. In the relief decoration on some of these blocks there is a sequence of scenes which took place precisely within this palace.33 The scenes depict the return of the Egyptian expedition from Punt, the planting of a rare frankincense tree brought from Punt in the garden of the royal palace, the king and the royal family admiring the tree (Fig. 4) and a subsequent banquet in the palace, during which distinguished officials were rewarded. The context of these scenes seems to indicate that just this palace must have been a favourite residence of Sahure’s. Judging by the ships returning from Punt, and apparently anchored not far from the palace, the latter must have been lying Jones 2000 Index, s.v. the titles listed above.  Awady 2009, 160–184.

33

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Fig. 5 Fragment from the papyrus archive of Neferirkare mentioning people responsible for bringing the offerings from the palace

Fig. 6 Fragment from the papyrus archive of Neferirkare mentioning different offerings supplied from the palace

near the capital and close to the Nile, probably at the channel linking it with the Nile, either directly or via the Lake of Abusir. Regular supplies of meat products from the slaughterhouses of this palace for the royal mortuary cults in the Abusir pyramid complexes seem to suggest that the palace also lay not far from these monuments. Theoretically, the palace might have been part of the pyramid town near the valley temple of Sahure’s pyramid complex. Or, the palace might have stood at the Lake of Abusir,34 a natural depression filled annually with the water of the Nile flood, whose remains survived until the 19th century. Be it as it may, the context of the dockets (transportation of fat and meat products) seems to indicate that the palace very probably stood in the vicinity of the Abusir pyramids.   Last but not least, the dockets found in Raneferef’s mortuary temple yielded one more surprising historical information: Sahure’s palace ‘Extolled-is-Sahure’s-beauty’ not only physically existed but also functioned as an economic and administrative institution at least until the reign of Niuserre. We can only surmise that the palace served as a local seat to Sahure’s descendants – kings buried at Abusir and members of their families. It might have lost its meaning and fallen into oblivion only after Menkauhor’s decision to abandon Abusir, the necropolis of his ancestors, and establish his pyramid complex in Saqqara.   In the Abusir Papyri, the aH comes to the foreground as a seat of the king. Though only occasionally, and in a small scale, the royal funerary cult was also supported economically by the aH ‘Palace’.

The document 5 c (Fig. 5) from Neferirkare’s archive, a roster of duties, mentions “those who will bring the divine offering from the (sun temple) Setibre, Residence and Palace (aH)“.35 In the cited text, the preposition m occurs twice in front of the Residence and the sun temple Setibre; however, in front of the Palace it is missing. The text thus seems to indicate that the Palace comprised part of the Residence. From another document, an account 34 e (Fig. 6), we learn that „from the Palace were brought the breads idA, pAD, HTA and psn and beer: 18 portions daily“.36   Two further pieces of evidence from Neferirkare’s archive are of a different kind. On the fragment 19 A4, with a text referring to the feast of Hathor, in a somewhat unclear context occurs the phrase, aH tA-nTr (?).37 With regard to the context, Posener-Kriéger38 translated the term aH tA-nTr as „Palace of the God’s Land“. The meaning of the latter, however, remains unclear (in fact, the sign following nTr reads n rather than tA). The last document from Neferirkare’s archive 88 B is a small fragment of the text citing „[Horus] and Seth in the palace of the sed-festival“ and a list of persons including one inspector of Hm-nTr-priests and eight men.39 According to Posener-Kriéger,40 the men on the list were members of the king’s mortuary temple personnel assigned to the service in the palace of the sed-festival. In her opinion, this palace might have been merely a small chapel in the king’s sun temple.

35

    37   38   39   40   36

34

 In the Ptolemaic Period documents the lake was called Si n Pr-aA ‘Pharaoh’s Lake’, see e. g. Ray 1976, 150; in the Old Kingdom, the lake might have been called S PDw, see Gaballa and Kitchen 1969, 5 n. 6.

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Posener-Kriéger and Cenival 1968, pl. V A c. Posener-Kriéger and Cenival 1968, pl. 34 A 1e. Posener-Kriéger and Cenival 1968, pl. 19 A 4. Posener-Kriéger and Cenival 1976, 101f. Posener-Kriéger and Cenival 1968, pl. 88 B. Posener-Kriéger 1976, 522.

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Finally, a question arises from the previous discussion: from which of the palaces aH was Neferirkare’s funerary cult supplied?   Did the supplies come from one of the palaces belonging to Neferirkare (so far unknown and only hypothetically presupposed) or that of another king (for instance, from one of the palaces of the currently reigning king, i.e. Djedkare from whose

time the cited papyri mostly date)? Furthermore, was the Palace cited in the Abusir Papyri the king’s main palace in the residential city or his country palace lying nearest to Neferirkare’s pyramid? From the bureaucratic point of view of the central administration of the royal cults, the king’s palace in the residence seems to be the logical source for the supplies.

Bibliography

Dreyer, G. and Kaiser, W. 1980 Zu den kleinen Stufenpyramiden Ober- und Mittelägyptens, MDAIK 36, 68–77.

Awady, T. el2010 Abusir XVI. Sahure – The Pyramid Causeway. History and Decoration Program in the Old Kingdom, Prague, Charles University. Adams, B. 1995 Ancient Nekhen. Garstang in the City of Hierakonpolis, ESA 3, New Malden. Arnold, Di. 1982 LÄ IV, col. 646, s.v. Palast. Bárta, M. 2005  Architectural Innovations in the Development of the Non-Royal Tomb During the Reign of Nyuserra, 105–130, in: P. Jánosi (ed.), Structure and Significance. Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture, UZK 25, Vienna. Baud, M. 2000  Le palais en temple. Le culte funéraire des rois d’Abousir, 347–360, in: M. Bárta and J. Krejčí (eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000, Praha. Bock, J. 2006 Die kleinen Stufenpyramiden des frühen Alten Reiches, Sokar 12, 20–29. Borchardt, L. 1907  Das Grabdenkmal des Königs Ne-user-rea, Leipzig. 1910–13 Das Grabdenkmal des Königs ŚaA-Hu-rea. I–II, Leipzig. Breasted, J.H. Ancient Records of Egypt. Historical Documents 1906  from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest. I, Chicago. Brovarski, E. 2001  The Senedjemib Complex, Part I. The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378), Giza Mastabas, Vol. 7, Boston. Delange, É. 2012  Les fouilles françaises d’Élephantine (Assouan) 1906–1911. Les archives Clermont-Ganneau et Clédat. Vol. 2 – Planches, Paris.

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Gaballa, G. and Kitchen, K.A. 1969 The Festival of Sokar, Orientalia 38/1, 1–76. Goedicke, H. 1956 The Pharaoh Ny-%wtH, ZÄS 81, 18–24. Goelet, O. 1982  Two Aspects of the Royal Palace in the Egyptian Old Kingdom. PhD Thesis, Columbia University. 1986 The Term Ctp-sA in the Old Kingdom and Its Later Development, JARCE 23, 85–98. Goyon, G. Le secret des bâtisseurs des grandes pyramides: 1977  Khéops, Paris. Jones, D. 2000  An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom. I–II. BAR International Series, No. 866, Oxford. Junker, H. 1938  Bericht über die von der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien auf gemeinsame Kosten mit Dr. Wilhelm Pelizaeus unternommenen Grabungen auf dem Friedhof des Alten Reiches bei den Pyramiden von Giza III, Wien/Leipzig. Kahl, J., Kloth, N. and Zimmermann, U. 1995  Die Inschriften der 3. Dynastie. Eine Bestandsaufnahme, ÄA 56, Wiesbaden. Kahl, J., Bretschneider, M. and Kneissler, B. 2002  Frühägyptisches Wörterbuch. Erste Lieferung A‒f, Wiesbaden. Kaplony, P. 1963 Die Inschriften der ägyptischen Frühzeit. I–III, ÄA 8, Wiesbaden. Kees, H. 1923  Die kleine Festdarstellung, in: F.W. v. Bissing, Das Re - Heiligtum des Königs Ne-woser-re (Rathures). II, Leipzig. 1928  Die große Festdarstellung, in: F.W. v. Bissing, Das Re - Heiligtum des Königs Ne-woser-re (Rathures). III, Leipzig.

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Mariette, A. 1882  Les Mastabas de l’Ancien Empire. Fragment du dernier ouvrage publié d’après le manuscript de l’auteur par G. Maspero, Paris.

Stadelmann, R. 1981 Die xntyw-S, der Königsbezirk S n pr-aA und die Namen der Grabanlagen der Frühzeit, 153–164, in: Bulletin de Centenaire (Suppl. au BIFAO 81), Cairo.

Posener-Kriéger, P. and Cenival, J.L. De 1968  Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum. Fifth Series. The Abusir Papyri, Trustees of the British Museum, London.

Strudwick, N.C. 2005 Texts from the Pyramid Age, Atlanta.

Posener-Kriéger, P. 1976  Les archives du temple funéraire de Néferirkare-Kakaï. Traduction et commentaire I– II, BdÉ 65/I–II, Le Caire. Roccati, A. 1982  La litérature historique sous l’Ancien Empire égyptien, Paris. Ray, J.D. 1976  The Archive of @or, London. Seeber, Ch. 1980 LÄ III, col. 811–816, s.v. Kronen. Seidlmayer, S.J. Town and State in the Early Old Kingdom: A View 1996  from Elephantine, 108–128, in: J. Spencer (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt, London. Sethe, K. 1933 Urkunden des Alten Reiches. I, Leipzig.

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Vallogia, M. 2004  Les oasis d’Égypte dans l’Antiquité, Bischheim. Verner, M. 1987 A Slaughterhouse from the Old Kingdom, MDAIK 42, 181–190. 2014 Sons of the Sun. Rise and Decline of the Fifth Dynasty, Prague. Verner, M. et al. 2006 Abusir IX. The Pyramid Complex of Raneferef. The Archaeology, Praha. Weeks, K.R. 1971  Preliminary Report on the First Two Seasons at Hierakonpolis. Part II. The Early Dynastic Palace, JARCE 9, 29–33. Ziegler, Ch. 1997  Sur quelques vases inscrits de l’Ancien Empire, 461– 489, in: C. Berger and B. Mathieu (eds.), Études sur l’Ancien Empire et la nécropole de Saqqâra dédiées à Jean-Philippe Lauer, Orientalia Monspeliensia 9, Montpellier.

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Palace Cemeteries of the Eastern Delta by Eva Lange-Athinodorou When investigating Ancient Egyptian palaces it becomes obvious that it is not only the architectural component we are dealing with, but the entirety of what a royal palace stood for: besides providing accommodation for the king and his close kinship, the palace embodies the centre of the state: it is the one place where the potency of its government finds its most potent essence, represented by the royal audience halls and bureaux of the most prominent officials.1   The close connection between high officials of the palace and their place of daily duty is normally a topic of texts, more precisely of the category of the self-praising biographies of officials.2 Only in two rare cases is this connection mirrored in the spatial organisation of palace surroundings and manifest in the archaeological record. The following discussion will focus on two sites in the eastern Delta where palace officials were buried in a cemetery adjacent to this very building. Although apparently quite unique and perhaps not applicable to other periods and sites, both cemeteries provide us with the interesting data presented here, which augment our understanding of the wide range of categories, functions and perceptions of palaces in Ancient Egypt. 1. The so-called governor’s cemetery at Bubastis/ Tell Basta In 1961 Shafik Farid discovered a large palace of the 12th Dynasty at Tell Basta3 with a contemporary cemetery for the governors of the city attached to its northeastern part. The cemetery, measuring 34 x 40 m, is clearly defined by a massive enclosure wall of almost 3.5 m thickness and contains several burials of these officials and probably their relatives (Fig. 1). After its excavation the cemetery was published only in a short article by Shafik Farid and much more detailed investigation of the site is necessary to advance our research. However, the study of the ground plan and the published finds already allow us to arrive at some most interesting 1

 I am very thankful to Paul Whelan for correcting my English. 2  See E. Lange-Athinadorou, in this volume. 3  At that time interpreting the building as a temple: Farid 1964, 90–95.

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conclusions.4 Firstly, the architecture of the tombs differs considerably from what is known for the tombs of nomarchs and other members of the elite from other parts of Egypt.5 In the alluvial plain of the Delta, without the rocky cliffs of the Nile Valley, the tombs of the governors at Tell Basta were built of mudbricks, the burial chamber consisting of blocks of limestone often decorated with reliefs and paintings. Unfortunately, by the time of their discovery only a few traces of the latter seem to have survived,6 depriving us of an important source of information about the buried individuals as well as their local culture.   The general layout of the cemetery of Tell Basta is dominated by a main tomb in the centre surrounded by smaller tombs of various sizes, which are arranged in a linear fashion. The obvious orderly organisation of the cemetery, which did not spread outside its enclosure wall, hints to a relatively short time of usage although a closer investigation reveals at least two periods of occupation (infra). All of the tombs were found robbed, except for some offering tables, vessels and small items of jewellery scattered amongst them. The coffins and skeletons were almost completely decayed.7   The above mentioned centre of the cemetery (tomb no. 1, cf. Figs. 2–4)8 is an ideal example of the special Delta-type tomb with a decorated burial chamber of limestone (6.0 x 4.10 m) set into a mudbrick structure and vaulted over with a roof.9 Above the tomb chamber in an upper storey was once a chapel with stelae and offering tables for the cult of the deceased.10 The tomb, like most of the burials in the cemetery, was oriented to the north where the entrance to the area was situated. Two shafts led to the burial chamber, as is known 4

 For a detailed study of the governors’ cemetery see Lange 2015. 5  Grajetzki 2003, 43–46. For other solutions at areas unfit for the construction of rock tombs in the Nile Valley cf. also Seidlmayer 1990, 399. 6  Farid 1964, 86. 7  Farid 1964, 86–90. 8  The numbering of the tombs follows Farid’s system: Farid 1964, fig. 1. 9  A reconstruction of the roofing is problematic as no record of their traces was made by Shafik Farid. 10  Van Siclen 1984, 189.

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Fig. 1 Elevation model of the governors’ cemetery east of the palace of the Middle Kingdom and adjacent cemeteries (© Tell Basta-Project)

for Old Kingdom tombs at Tell Basta and Middle Kingdom tombs at El Qatta which are of a similar construction.11   The interior arrangement of the tomb shows grooves for wooden beams for the coffin and a canopic niche at its centre. The discovery of a limestone offering table near the tomb led to the identification of its owner as the supposed mayor of the town, Ren(seneb),12 an identification which has yet to be proven.13 The central position of the tomb and its large size nevertheless points to the fact that its owner was a key member of the government of Bubastis and the nearby palace and probably the founder of the latest occupation phase of the cemetery. The neighbouring tomb no. 2, of smaller dimensions, was found lined with limestone slabs in the burial chamber as well. Today it is almost 11

  Bakr 1992; Chassinat 1906.  Van Siclen 1984, 190; Farid 1964, pl. II. 13   For a critical discussion see Lange 2015.

completely destroyed. Based on the unpublished field notes of Farid, Charles Van Siclen produced a sketch of the ground plan of the tomb with five east-west oriented beam-grooves on the floor and a canopic niche in the centre of the southern wall. On the basis of an inscribed jamb and offering table found nearby, the tomb has been assigned to a Lady Nefret.14  Only four other tombs were equipped with a limestone burial chamber: the tomb of Maheshotep (tomb no. 3), tomb no. 12 to the west of the central tomb, the tomb of Antef (no. 5) and tomb no. 7 in the southeastern corner of the cemetery.   Tomb no. 3 (c. 3.5 x 2.6 m) has a canopic niche at the centre of the south side and small niches on the northeastern and northwestern corner of the long sides and two framing the canopic niche. Also ten east-west oriented beam-grooves, five on each side, are cut into the floor. The assignement of tomb

12

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14

 Van Siclen 1984, 190. Both objects are unpublished.

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Fig. 2 Schematic drawing of the ground plan of the governors’ cemetery (after Shafik Farid (1964), drawing: E. LangeAthinadorou (not to scale), © Tell Basta-Project)

no. 3 to the mayor Maheshotep, son of Sithathor, is based on an inscription with the name and titles of the owner of the tomb.15   Adjacent to the burial of Maheshotep is tomb no. 12 (2.73 x 1.45 m) with a canopic niche in the southeastern corner and four beam-grooves. An unpublished stela found outside tomb 12 (actually in tomb no. 3) names a son of Lady Nefret, whose name is not preserved.16   As in the case of the tomb of Maheshotep, the tomb of Antef in the southeastern part (tomb no. 5; 3.35 x 1.46 m) has been identified by means of inscriptions on its walls.17 This tomb does not display the usual beam-grooves; its canopic niche is situated in the centre of the floor, paralleling the situation of the central tomb (no. 1). To the west of the tomb of Antef lays tomb no. 7 (3.50 x 1.80 m). Here again, we have a canopic niche in the centre of 15

 Van Siclen 1984, 190, 191, fig. 2. The filiation comes from other inscribed (unpublished) objects of Maheshotep. 16  Van Siclen 1984, 190, 191, fig. 2. 17  Van Siclen 1984, 190.

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the southern wall and five east-west oriented beamgrooves. Its owner remains unidentifiable.18   The other burials in the cemetery are more modest in appearance and also lack a limestone vault. Their exact number is hard to quantify due to the insufficient publication of the cemetery. Also, some of the structures described as burials may have been in fact shafts (see Fig. 2). It seems that at least in the second period of occupation the cemetery housed around 25 burials of notables. Many questions arise concerning the process and chronology of building activities here which cannot be answered without further archaeological investigation.   On the basis of unpublished field notes of Farid, Van Siclen, however, reconstructed a sequence of tomb owners, taking the architectural design (especially the situation of the canopic niche and the beam-grooves) and layout of the wealthier tombs into consideration. He states that the location of the canopic niche in the centre of the floor, as found in tomb no. 1 (his Ren(seneb)) is a characteristic 18

 Van Siclen 1984, 190, 191, fig. 2.

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Fig. 3 The main tomb of the cemetery, to northwest (© Tell Basta-Project)

feature of the earlier phase. He therefore concludes that the tomb of Antef (no. 5) is next in the chronological sequence of the cemetery. Tomb no. 12 (the unknown son of Nefret) would be the third tomb according to the location of the canopic niche in the east wall. Tombs no. 5 and 12 would thus form the earlier group of tombs.19 The later group shows a moving of the canopic niche to the centre of the southern wall and would include tomb no. 7, the tomb of Maheshotep and tomb no. 2 (Nefret?), whereas the date of the actual burial of Nefret in his sequence remains unclear (cf. Tab. 1 for the chronology of tombs in Cemetery D according to Van Siclen).20   This sequence however seems doubtful. The first and main problem is that the architectural features of the tombs, especially the relationship of the walls of adjoining tombs, are not recorded. And while the location of the canopic niche and beam-grooves in 19

 Van Siclen 1984, 190.   With a possible wider time frame for the actual burial of Nefret: Van Siclen 1984, 192.

20

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the floor are for now obviously the only substantial architectural feature at hand, their supposed change over time would need a far stronger empirical validation from a wider comparative study of provincial Middle Kingdom elite burials yet to be undertaken.   Another issue is the somewhat odd pattern of use of space in the cemetery that would occur when following Van Siclen’s suggestion (see Fig. 3): nothing is of course wrong with the location of the tomb of the supposed founder of the cemetery (tomb no. 1) in the centre, where there was enough space for the burials of relatives. However, the locations of other mayors in the southeastern corner are doubtful; for example the tomb of Antef, the supposed follower of Ren(seneb) according to Van Siclen, has insufficient room for any attendant burials. If the cemetery was still in its beginnings, then why choose a limited space squeezed in a corner far from the tomb of his forerunner-inoffice? It seems more likely that either the cemetery at that time extended further and the surrounding wall visible today belongs to a later stage in its

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1. The present state of the cemetery shows only the latest stage with the youngest tombs, while an older building phase still lies beneath those structures. 2. Another (older) cemetery of governors existed elsewhere at the site. Interestingly, directly west of the Old Kingdom cemetery A is another complex of burials with tombs made of mudbrick and burial chambers of limestone. At present, no information about this cemetery (see Fig. 1, cemetery D) is available; a Middle Kingdom date for it, however, cannot be excluded. Only future archaeological work in this area will clarify this point.

Tab. 1 Chronology of tombs in Cemetery D according to Van Siclen

development, or that Antef may not have been the immediate follower of the owner of tomb no. 1.   A better candidate is the owner of tomb 12 (the son of Nefret), the last one of the “earlier group” of Van Siclen, who is buried with more space around for attached burials. The same holds true for tomb 7, directly to the west of the tomb of Antef.   On the other hand, the youngest tomb in Van Siclen’s sequence, belonging to Maheshotep, is situated to the north of tomb 12 and close and parallel to tomb 1, as one would expect for the tomb of the immediate successor.   The analysis of the inscribed objects from the cemetery and the palace (see below)21 identified at least nine governors, which could easily add up to 11 or 12 if we are dealing for example with more than just one mayor with the name Antef. The cemetery as it appears today does not provide enough space for the burials of this many high officials, assuming that each would have required an appropriately grand tomb equipped with a limestone burial chamber, at least one entrance shaft and lesser burial vaults for family members or colleagues. Yet only six tombs were recorded with a limestone burial chamber of which one seems to have been owned by the Lady Nefret (tomb 2), reducing the number of proper tombs down to five (see Fig. 2).22 These facts hint to a different pattern of usage for the cemetery as well as to a different sequence of tomb owners. Moreover, a reorganisation of the cemetery over the course of time is very possible.   As a consequence, we have to consider two scenarios: 21

 

In detail: Lange 2015.  The partial destruction of tombs could of course have included the removal of limestone slabs from burial chambers. Even so, the available space for such burials is not sufficient. Moreover, the tombs do not show clear signs that the ripping out of limestone slabs would have caused, as an inspection at the site by the author revealed.

22

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Doubtless, the cemetery of the mayors of Bubastis reveals important information about the administration and government of the city and the southeastern Delta, a region for which we are notoriously lacking in data.   A study of all objects, especially offering tables, which bear information of the different individuals who held the office of mayor of Bubastis has been published by the author elsewhere and will not be presented in detail here.23 It resulted in a preliminary reconstruction of the genealogy or succesion line of mayors as follows:

Two other individuals, User and his son, the governor Meket, appear on an offering table where the genealogy of the mayor Khety and (probably) Antef (-Akhu) is listed. Their specific relationship in this sequence remains, however, unclear due to the lack of other sources. Two other 23

  Lange 2015.

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Fig. 4 Chronological pattern of use after Van Siclen’s suggestion: stage 1 (earlier period): orange, stage 2 (later period): green (drawing: E. Lange © Tell Basta-Project)

governors, Khakaure-Seneb and Maheshotep are known to us by their statues or remains of statues found in the palace itself. Their relationship to the family of Khety is also unknown. The offering tables, statues and other objects of the funerary cult also provide us with the titles of the above discussed individuals. They are of great interest, as they do not just add data to a prosopographical dossier, but enable us to gain insight into the government of the Eastern Delta in the Middle Kingdom (Tab. 2).   Apart from the title jrj-pa.t the officials bear only functional titles; in contrast to other periods, HAtj-a has to be interpreted here as a functional title. Long title strings are not attested, which fits well into the period of the Middle Kingdom where such abundant accumulation of titles, known for the later part of the Old Kingdom, are not usual.24 The individual who bears the highest ranking title (jrjpa.t) is Khakaure-Seneb of the time of Sesostris III. As the offering formula on his statue puts a strong emphasis on the Heliopolitan deities, it is worth considering that he actually hails from Heliopolis 24

 Grajetzki 2009, 4; Grajetzki 2000.

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and came to Bubastis at a later stage of his career.25   The title HAtj-a, traditionally closely connected to the title jrj-pa.t, stands in our cases in contrast to many other attestations and is not to be seen as a ranking title but as a functional title appearing directly in front of the personal name of the official in question. This again, is a typical feature of Middle Kingdom praxis and designates the “governor” or “mayor” of a town.26 Also the combination with the title (j)m(y)-r(A) Hm.w-nTr “overseer of the priests”, is very characteristic for this period, when provincial governors controlled not only the local administration but also the main local temple. Here, we can assume, that the governors of Bubastis were in charge of the administration and religious duty of the temple of Bastet.27   The particular responsibility of the governor for a local centre of workshops and the craftsmen, workers and products associated with it is covered by the title

25

 Lange 2015.  Grajetzki 2000, 221, 223. 27  As it is clearly attested for Khakaure-Seneb. See also Ward 1982, 35, 259; Grajetzki 2009, 110; Selve 1993, 73–81. 26

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that does not appear in combination with others, especially high ranking titles such as HAtj-a after the time of Amenemhet II.31 The appearance of Ma’atiu on offering table B 1511 in the register of the apparently older generation of governors supports this assumption.32   As a result, the chronology of the attested governors of Bubastis in the Middle Kingdom who were buried in cemetery E seems to range approximately from the time of Amenemhet II to the time of Amenemhet III or IV. The neighbouring palace corroborates this dating, as it shows an earlier (probably first half of the 12th Dynasty) and later (Amenemhet III and possibly later) phase of occupation.33

Tab. 2 The government of the Eastern Delta in the Middle Kingdom

(j)m(y)-r(A) gs-pr.28 Again, the combination of this with the office of HAtj-a is very usual for the Middle Kingdom and emphasises the high significance of the administrative and economic aspects within the field of activities of the provincial governors.29   The first excavator of the cemetery, Shafik Farid, briefly mentions seeing the title rx nsw.t – “acquaintance of the king” in the tomb of the governor Ma’atiu.30 It may be assumed (although not made clear by Farid) that as this individual also bears the title HAtj-a, he may date to an earlier stage of our relative chronology of the governors of Bubastis, because rx nsw.t is a ranking title

2. The so-called governors’ cemetery at Tell elDab’a Tell el-Dab’a in the northeastern Delta is famous as the site of the capital of the Hyksos kings. Yet, as the excavations of the Austrian Institute of Archaeology under Manfred Bietak have shown, a settlement of the Middle Kingdom with a substantial content of individuals of Syro-Palestinian origin was located here already two centuries before the beginning of the time of the Hyksos.34   Here, in area F/I, a site with several occupation layers was unearthed during the field seasons 1985– 1990. The oldest stratum (e) comprised a planned settlement of the 12th Dynasty. Later (stratum d/2), another settlement evolved, clustered around a building of the Near Eastern middle-room house type in the north of F/I. The younger stratum d/1, dating to the beginning of the 13th Dynasty, shows another development: the north of the settlement is overbuilt by a palatial mansion.35 The ground plan of this building reveals three general areas: an entrance building to the north and two main buildings to the southwest and southeast, the latter being unfinished.   The western building is equipped with a columned court, a very spacious bedroom and magazine rooms paved with baked bricks. All in all, the mansion seems to be a monumental version of the Kahun

28

 Fischer 1966, 66–67; Grajetzki 2013, 254; Grajetzki 2000, 201–202; Helck 1958, 107, 386, 509; Ward 1982, 52.411. Seemingly, in the Middle Kingdom, the title (j) m(y)-r(A) gs-pr led in many cases to the appointment to the office of a governor: Grajetzki 2000, 201, 2, no. 3. 29  The stela of an official of the Late Middle Kingdom (13th Dyn.) from Gebelein who conducted the office of an jmyrA gs-pr, underlines his responsibilities with granaries and storehouses in particular: Kubisch and Franke 2013, 152, 157. 30  Farid 1964, 86.

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31

 Grajetzki 2000, 226; Ward 1982, 104.857a.  Lange 2015. 33  Farid 1964, 92; Van Siclen 1996, 245, fig. 11. The earlier stage of the palace was revealed during the spring season 2014 as a result of a new archaeological project focusing on the palace of Bubastis. For preliminary results see Bietak and Lange, 2014, 4–7. 34   Bietak 2010. 35   Schiestl 2009, 24–26. 32

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house but displaying Near Eastern influences in its architectural layout, especially the four-column central room, as stated by the excavators.36 It has been suggested that the inhabitants of the palace were royal individuals from the ephemeral 13th Dynasty, but there exists no epigraphic evidence or other finds to support this theory.37 In recent times, Manfred Bietak, emphasising the Near Eastern elements of the palace and the existence of a Syrian middle-room house as its probable forerunner, has argued that a high official of Near Eastern origin may have had his residence here.38 Determining the period of use of this palace remains difficult, it could have been in use up to a maximum of 40–50 years.39 However, the existence of an elite cemetery connected to this palatial building favours a relatively long period of occupation (infra).   Connected to the south of the palatial building is the cemetery area, which underwent several changes reflecting the building history of the palatial area. First a garden was installed, seemingly on top of an already existing earlier group of tombs (stratum d/2 = phase H), belonging to either the settlement around the Near Eastern middle-room house or another perhaps as yet unidentified settlement. Later, the area was used again for the construction of tombs (stratum d/1), cutting into the garden and its installations. At the same time, the garden was rearranged. Large tomb buildings of the older stratum d/1 with superstructures were left undisturbed while smaller tombs were partly overbuilt by the palatial building and partly by the new garden.40   The cemetery of the younger phase d/1 shows, in contrast to the earlier cemetery of d/2, a regular layout with four more or less parallel west-east oriented rows of tombs. While only two tombs of the eastern (first) row have been excavated so far, the second row is the most significant, starting to the immediate south of the western part of the building and running south for another 85 m. It comprises ten tombs, five of which possessed tree pits. The tree pits were arranged in a very regular fashion which seems to be the result of a single building activity that took place after the construction of the tombs, pointing once more to the planned spatial  Eigner 1996, 73–80, fig. 1; Bietak 1996, 29, 30; Bietak

36

2010, 19–20. 37  Eigner 1996, 78–80; Bietak 1984; cf. also Schiestl 2009, 27 with further literature. 38   Bietak 2010, 20. 39  Cf. Schiestl 2009, 26, with further literature. 40   Schiestl 2009, 25, 29, 31.

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organisation of the whole cemetery. Parallels for the use of trees in funerary architecture can be found in the royal funerary tradition of the Middle Kingdom; also the depictions of the tombs of prehistoric rulers at Buto and Sais with trees flanking funerary chapels comes to mind.41 The third and fourth row of tombs are not as regular as row no. 2 and do not show the remains of tree pits.42   As the tombs are connected to the palatial building, a preliminary assumption would be that their location in relation to this building should reveal the evolutionary process of the cemetery. The area first occupied by tombs was the area in the north of the cemetery adjacent to the palace. From here, the cemetery would have developed further to the south. However, Robert Schiestl noticed that also other orientation points may have existed in the cemetery itself, as for example the still visible superstructures of large tombs of the earlier cemetery (d/2). Internal divisions exist in the form of walls which separate three tombs in the southern part of the cemetery.43   The tombs are mostly oriented east-northeast to west-south-west. As in Tell Basta, they were constructed of mudbricks and covered with different kinds of roofs, mostly of the vaulted type, but also flat and ridge roofs are attested here. Burial chambers of limestone on the other hand, did not exist. The superstructures with the cult installations for the deceased are lost, but in some cases the preserved foundations outline their general rectangular to almost square ground plan which in the majority of cases are situated upon the burial chamber, leaving the entrance shaft to the north free possibly in order to allow further interments to be made without damaging the superstructure.44   An uncommon feature is the existence of donkey burials in front of the entrance of 70% of the tombs. This custom is not Egyptian but of Near Eastern origin and appears in other burial places of the Middle Bronze Age Syro-Palestinian culture in Egypt as well.45   The tombs were plundered in antiquity, though the spectrum of preserved grave goods identify the tomb owners as members of a local elite with a mixed cultural background of Egyptian as well as strong 41

 Bietak 1994, 7–10; Schiestl 2009, 32–33; Bietak 2010, 20. 42   Schiestl 2009, 33. 43   Schiestl 2009, 33–34. 44  Schiestl 2009, 41–42, 59–62. For two possible reconstructions see also pl. XXXII. 45   Schiestl 2009, 180–182.

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Fig. 5 The palatial building in F/I and the adjacent cemetery (© Tell el-Dab’a-Project)

Canaanite and Levantine elements. They may have been officials of the Egyptian royal house, serving as envoys and expedition leaders in the Levant. The find of an inscribed scarab in the northern chamber of tomb F/I-m/18-no.3 of an official named (Di?-) Sobekemhat, whose titles include jmy rA xAs.wt – “Overseer of the foreign countries” and HoA n [R] Tnw – “Ruler of Retjenu”, point in that direction.46   The proximity between the palatial building and the cemetery of stratum d/1 makes an interpretation of the cemetery as the resting place of officials who once resided in the palace obvious. Detailed questions, however, still remain unanswered due to the undefined character of this building. According to Bietak, the ground plan of the western part of the building seems to be designed as accommodation for just one owner and inhabitant.47 This scenario would mean that there was a long sequence of many officials all buried in the adjacent garden-necropolis of the palace, thus maybe pushing the use of the palace much further than the estimated maximum timespan of 40–50 years.   On the other hand, it is certainly possible that more than just one official could have served there at the same time, which would explain the

number of the burials in the adjacent cemetery without expanding excessively the period of use of the palatial building. The excavated parts of the building, however, do not show the same large administrative quarter and several living units as the palace at Tell Basta. Even so, two units to the north of the courtyard could provide enough living space for approximately three more inhabitants. It is unclear anyway, if the privilege of burial in the palace necropolis was restricted to those living in the palace; it could be that the inhabitants of the cemetery were not necessarily always also inhabitants of the palace before their death; their living quarters may have been elsewhere and the palace was just their place of office. The two main rows of tombs in the cemetery could belong to the main inhabitants of the palace, while the other tombs spread more irregularly over the area are those of lower officials.   As the burial place for inhabitants and connected officials of a palatial building from the end of the 12th / beginning of the 13th Dynasty, the palatial cemetery at Tell el-Dab’a offers up to now the best structural parallel to the governors’ cemetery at Tell Basta. Differences are, however, obvious. Firstly,

46

  Bietak 1991, 67–69; Schiestl 2009, 193–195, 212–216.  Bietak 1996, 30: his interpretation of the so-called “einhüftiges Wohnhaus”.

47

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the size and architecture of the two respective palaces (palatial mansions) under scrutiny lead us to question whether they shared the same function: the palace at Tell Basta clearly represents the administrative and representational focus of the city at that time, being a very spacious building with several apartments, magazines and offices as well as large columned halls, including a throne room.48 Besides its apparent function as the residence of the local governor of Bubastis, the discovery of the decorated door lintel and jambs showing a sedfestival icon of Amenemhat indicates its function as a temporary royal residence for the king while staying in this city. The size and grandeur of the columned halls and the throne hall, as well as the existence of a single apartment close to the latter seems ideally suited for this purpose.   The connected cemetery is strictly organised, at least in its latest phase, and the offices and responsibilities of its inhabitants are clearly defined. As the governors of the city, representatives of the king and highest of the local elite, their seat of office and probably living quarters can be located in the nearby palace.   Although clearly being the seat for members of the local elite as well, the palatial building at Tell el-Dab’a is much smaller and lacks the spacious administrative quarters of the palace at Tell Basta, indicating that this was not a centre of administration for the town, while the architecture especially of the southwestern part of the mansion at Tell el-Dab’a emphasises the reception halls and luxurious private rooms, which are entirely fitting for the self-representation of a high official.49 Features which might indicate its temporary use as a residence for the king, such as a throne hall or the like, are missing.   As in Tell Basta, a cemetery lies close to the palatial building. Compared to the tightly structured cemetery at Tell Basta, the tombs are spread more loosely over the area, but an overall organisation of the cemetery is visible to the west of the southwestern mansion in the form of trees planted in neat rows in front of the tomb superstructures.   The general appearance of the tombs and their location leads to the assumption that this cemetery was in fact the resting place of the inhabitants of the palatial building. Regrettably, the exact titles and offices of the deceased cannot be determined due to the lack of epigraphic evidence. In one case, however, the scarab with the titles jmy rA xAs.wt – 48

 Van Siclen 1996; Bietak in this volume.  Bietak 1984; Wegner 1998, 24, 25–26; Schiestl 2009, 27.

49

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“Overseer of the foreign countries” and HoA n [R] Tnw – “Ruler of Retjenu” shows that here we may be dealing with elite members of a Syro-Palestinian cultural background in the service of the Egyptian king, maybe overseeing trade with the Levant and carrying out duties as an envoy to foreign countries.50 3. Further Discussion The close connection between palaces / palatial buildings and cemeteries which are not based on coincidence of occupation of a given area over a long timespan, but on a carefully designed layout of the palace area, which places the burials of the former inhabitants and officials of the palace willingly and meaningfully next to it, is up to now a singular phenomenon not otherwise documented in the archeological record.51   Investigations of cemeteries in Ancient Egypt are numerous, especially concerning the burial grounds in the Nile Valley. The majority of cemeteries there are located some distance from the settlement. Therefore, in Egyptology the separation between settlement (in the cultivated river plain) and cemetery (in the western / eastern desert) is mostly considered a ‘rule’ of Ancient Egyptian funerary customs. Only the Predynastic cultures of the Nile Delta, especially the Merimde culture, where burials seemingly placed under houses were found by Hermann Junker,52 are seen as an exception. Critical remarks have been made about this oversimplifying picture, as several examples of intramural burial places are attested elsewhere in the Nile Valley and Delta, and question the assignation of the custom of intramural cemeteries as a special Delta tradition.53 This very interesting topic, although hindered by the lack of data especially from Nile Delta sites, offers potentially significant rewards for further investigation, but is beyond the scope of this paper.   Even so, the existence of cemeteries close to or within the boundaries of a settlement and the 50

 The same title appears on a seal impression from the magazines of a Hyksos palace (ph. E/3) in area F/II, dating around 50 years later: Kopetzky and Bietak 2016. 51  For other Middle Kingdom elite cemeteries in the Delta see Lange 2015. Note also the different case at the Dakhleh Oasis, where a governors palace of the 6th Dynasty is preserved at Ain Asil, the cemetery of the governors of this palace is, however, located at Qila el-Daba, around 1.5 km km to the west. Still, Ka-chapels of several governors are annexed to the palace. For recent treatments of the topic see Soukiassian 2013. 52  Kemp 1968. 53  Kemp 1968, especially 32–33; Schiestl 2009, 30.

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establishment of a cemetery connected to a special building, like a palace, and constructed for its inhabitants display two related but specifically different phenomena. The palace cemetery should of course be treated as a special type of intramural cemetery, but its existence raises a different set of research questions.   First of all, what was the intention of such a palace cemetery? The burial of officials close to the tomb of the king they served is well attested throughout the history of Ancient Egypt, from the elite cemeteries at the pyramid complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdom to the tombs of the nobles in the vicinity of the Valley of the Kings until the end of the New Kingdom.   Those tombs belonged to the highest officials of the state. In the latter part of the Old Kingdom, however, local officials start to establish local elite cemeteries.54 The choice of a local palace or palatial building as a reference point for the cemetery of the local high officials who were not buried in the mastaba fields or rock tombs close to their king’s tomb can be seen in the tradition of that latter custom. Still, in the case of Tell Basta, the palace could have served as a substitute for the tomb of the king. An even stronger aspect could be the self-awareness of the governors of this city, who refer distinctly to the palace as the localisation of their power in office and at the same time their

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residence in life, thus singling themselves out from the inhabitants of the city and its greater hinterland. Things may be a little different for Tell el-Dab’a. As discussed above, the palatial building there might be seen more as a private luxurious villa than a centre of administration and office. Still, Tell el-Dab’a offers the only parallel to the palace cemetery at Tell Basta. At Tell el-Dab’a, the grave goods of the tomb owners and the architecture of the palatial building show a strong influence of Syro-Palestinian culture. Therefore, the question of whether the establishment of a palace cemetery at Tell el-Dab’a should be assigned to a Near Eastern tradition as well has been discussed in literature.55   At the same time we still know comparatively little about cemeteries in the Nile Delta. The construction of tombs made from mudbricks with vaulted roofs and limestone chambers is the result of the particular geological conditions of the Delta, which do not offer the possibility for the construction of rock tombs as in the Nile Valley. Therefore, this environmental circumstance already led to the evolution of a special Delta-tomb type and can be seen as specific funerary architecture of the Delta. The installation of cemeteries near palaces or mansions of local rulers may be rooted in a Delta tradition as well, which does not exclude the input of Near Eastern traditions, themselves evident especially in the Eastern Delta.

54

 Cf. Seidlmayer 1990, 400ff.; for more examples and further literature see De Meyer 2011.

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55

  Schiestl 2009, 31.

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Bibliography Bakr, M.I. Tell Basta I: Tombs and Burial Customs at Bubastis. 1992 The Area of the so-called Western Cemetery, Cairo. Bietak, M. Eine Palastanlage aus der Zeit des späten Mittleren 1984 Reiches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem östlichen Nildelta (Tell el-Dab’a 1979–1984), Anzeiger der phil.-hist. Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 121, 313–349. 1991 Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der  Zeit des späten Mittleren Reiches und andere Grabungsergebnisse aus dem östlichen Nildelta. Tell el-Dab’a 1979–1984, Ä&L 2, 47–75. Zu den Heiligen Bezirken mit Palmen in Buto 1994 und Sais: Ein archäologischer Befund aus dem Mittleren Reich, 1–18, in: M. Bietak, J. Holaubek and H. Mukarovsky (eds.), Zwischen den beiden Ewigkeiten, Festschrift Getrud Thausig, Vienna. 2010  Houses, Palaces and Development of Social Structures at Avaris, 11–68, in: M. Bietak, E. Czerny and I. Forstner-Müller (eds.), Cities and Urbanism in Ancient Egypt, Papers from a Workshop in November 2006 at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, UZK 35, Vienna. Chassinat, E.G., Gauthier, H. and Pieron, H. 1906 Fouilles de Qattah, MIFAO 14, Cairo. De Meyer, M. 2011  Two Cemeteries for one Provincial Capital? Deir el-Bersha and el-Sheikh Said in the Fifteenth Upper Egyptian Nome During the Old Kingdom, 42–49, in: N. Strudwick and H. Strudwick, Old Kingdom, New Perspectives. Egyptian Art and Archaeology 2750– 2150 BC, Oxford. Eigner, D. 1996  A Palace of the Early 13th Dynasty at Tell el-Dab’a, 73–80, in: M. Bietak, (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna. Farid, S., Preliminary Report on the Excavations of the 1964  Antiquities Department at Tell Basta (Season 1961), ASAE 58, 85–98, pl. I–XIV. Fischer, H.G. 1966 An Old Kingdom Monogram, ZÄS 93, 56–69. Grajetzki, W. Die höchsten Beamten der ägyptischen 2000  Zentralverwaltung zur Zeit des Mittleren Reiches, Berlin. Grajetzki, W. 2003  Burial Customs in Ancient Egypt, London. 2009  Court Officials of the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, London.

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Setting a State anew: The Central Administration 2013  from the End of the Old Kingdom to the End of the Middle Kingdom, 215–258, in: J.C.M. Garcia (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Administration, HdO 104, Leiden. Helck, W. 1958  Zur Verwaltung des Mittleren und Neuen Reiches, Leiden. Kemp, B.J. 1968  Merimda and the Theory of House Burials in Prehistoric Egypt, CdÉ 43, 1968, 22–33. Kopetzky, K. and Bietak M. 2016 A Seal Impression of the Green Jasper Workshop from Tell el-Dab’a, Ä&L 26, 357–375. Kubisch, S. and Franke, D. 2013  Das Stelenfragment des xtm.tj bj.tj jmj-rA gs-pr Mentuhotep (Berlin ÄS 32/66), 145–60, in: H.-W. Fischer-Elfert and R. Parkinson (eds.), Studies on the Middle Kingdom in Memory of Detlef Franke, Philippika 41, Wiesbaden. Lange, E. 2015 The so-called Governor’s Cemetery at Bubastis and Provincial Elite Tombs in the Nile Delta: State and Perspectives of Research, in: W. Grajetzki and G. Miniaci (eds.), The World of the Middle Kingdom Egypt, London. Schiestl, R. 2009 Tell el-Dab‘a XVIII: die Palastnekropole von Tell el-Dab‘a. Die Gräber des Areals F/I der Straten d/2 und d/1, UZK 30, Vienna. Seidlmayer, S. 1990 Gräberfelder aus dem Übergang vom Alten zum Mittleren Reich, SAGA 1, Heidelberg. Selve, V. 1993 Les fonctions religieuses des nomarques au Moyen Empire, CRIPEL 15, 73–81. Soukiassian, G. 2013  Balat X. Monuments funéraire du palais et de la nécropole, FIFAO 73, Cairo. Van Siclen, C. 1985  The Mayors of Basta in the Middle Kingdom, 187–194, in: S. Schoske (ed.), Akten des vierten internationalen Ägyptologen Kongresses, BSAK 4, München. 1996  Remarks on the Middle Kingdom Palace at Tell Basta, 239–246, in: M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna. Wegner, J. 1998 Excavations at the Town of Enduring-are-the-Placesof-Khakaure-Maa-Kheru-in-Abydos: A Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Season, JARCE 35, 1–44.

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and

Second

by Stephen Quirke

1. The geopolitics of the palace Palace is a slippery word in English, caught between its use for any particularly large and impressive house (definition by relative scale), and its restriction to a special environment (definition by residents/performances). The two versions may be combined, to consider palace as a building marked by (1) the presence of a single focal resident, and (2) greater power, wealth or prestige of that resident in relation to the rest of society. Palace would then be most often the imposing residence of a ruler. However, in a society of multiple strata, the same ambiguity persists within the relative status of the term “ruler”; inscriptions indicate similarly broad usage for the Egyptian word HqA, where the area ruled can range from village to larger territories.1 As Maarten Raven has observed, Egyptological use of the terms palace and Residence has tended to mirror these confusions.2 For the Old and Middle Kingdom, most available evidence is in ancient writing rather than architecture, in contrast to the number of palatial complexes preserved from the New Kingdom or Late Period. This imbalance imposes severe limits on the present paper. Nevertheless, review of the written sources for administration of outsize houses may contribute as strongly to our understanding of the ancient society, as study of their architecture and decoration. In political geography, the number, function and relative status of palaces of a ruler can chart in material form how a polity (defined as a territorial unit of rule) operated across space and social groups. For a typological classification,3 the distribution and size of palaces may demonstrate internal relations and control of resources within a network of military-political or administrative units, whether at local, regional or supra-regional levels of analysis.   In this paper, the focus is on the palace of the uppermost level of ruler in a territory: written evidence indicates special vocabulary (the restricted 1

 Moreno García 1999, 229‒232.  Raven 2009, 154‒155. 3  Cf. Vansina 1962. 2

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definition of palace) primarily for domestic buildings at that political level. Most often in the ancient Egyptian context, such a ruler would be designated nswt “king”, and at least nominally hold authority over the entire territory of Egyptian-speakers, from First Cataract to Mediterranean, sometimes with occupied neighbouring lands.4 At certain periods, more than one nswt may be attested, sometimes alongside other local rulers of equal power but without the nswt title.5 Even in periods where only one nswt is attested, rulers within that territory might often have controlled resources without any practical relation to the nswt. The possibility of authoritative rulers outside formalised structures is perhaps most evident in the Egyptological debates over the date and independence/autonomy of Ankhtyfy, governor at Mo‘alla in the late third millennium BC,6 or the role of Montemhat, governor at Thebes in the seventh century BC.7 Yet, however large the houses of such powerful men may have been, the palace terms aH, ipt, wAxy, stp-sA and kAp, discussed below, are attested only for houses of the nswt, sometimes transposed to main city temples as “palaces” of deities.8   The limited architectural evidence requires a comparative as well as a philological approach, in order to anchor interpretation in a range of better documented settings, from different periods of ancient Egyptian history, or from broader horizons in history, archaeology and anthropology. Comparative study may help in particular to foreground and dispel hidden assumptions in our own writings on the palaces of kings and others in ancient Egypt.

4

 On the more and less distinctive phrases defining nswt “king”, see Windus-Staginsky 2006 for the Old Kingdom, Blumenthal 1970 for the Middle Kingdom. 5  As on the stela of Piy, late eighth century BC, see now El Hawary 2010. 6  Vandier 1950; Campagno 2011. 7  Leclant 1961; Jansen-Winkeln 1988. 8  Konrad 2009, 166 with n. 23, citing Wb I, 214, 18, references including two late Middle Kingdom Abydos stelae: Berlin 1204 aH of Osiris, British Museum 101 aH of Wepwawet.

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2.1 Comparative evidence: anthropology and history of other African societies Egyptologists and archaeologists working in the Nile Valley have made relatively few attempts at comparison between ancient Egyptian and early modern to contemporary African societies, perhaps in reaction against the least critical diffusionists in colonial European writing.9 In this context, Yoporeka Somet has recently offered a new start, with an initial comparison of the Morho-Naba in Burkina Faso and the ruler in ancient Egyptian writings and depictions.10 For his analysis, Somet reprints a report by Dim Delobson, an historical intermediary very different to the foreign anthropologist, if no less complex; for, as Somet emphasises, Delobson is at the same time himself successor to a local ruler, and an administrator in the French colonial service.11 In identifying an author from within the circle of rule to be described, at the same time as noting how embedded that author inevitably remained in the contradictions of the period of colonial occupation, Somet opens the way to more explicit awareness of the historical complexities in use of this method. Arguably, Norbert Elias achieved much of his impact in historical studies (see section 2.3) by reliance on just such a personally inflected account, the memoires of Saint-Simon. Elias has been criticised for not incorporating an analysis of the position of Saint-Simon and its implications for assessment of his memoires,12 whereas Somet addresses squarely the ambivalent position of Delobson as a source. By foregrounding the conflict within the colonial setting of Delobson, Somet provides a model for further comparative research in which anthropologists, archaeologists and historians would need to combine their distinct disciplinary contributions. For the ancient Egyptian material, the next step in analysis may be to separate out the evidence from different periods, in order to return in more specific mode to the other African examples. This direction remains a task for future research by multiple authors.   As one extreme in the documented spectrum of possibilities, a ruler may not only have a single Residence within the territory ruled, but be confined within the Residence. In another more recent African society, the kingdom of the Mamprusi in northern Ghana, the king is reported to embody an 9

 Folorunso 2003.   Somet 2012‒2013. 11   Somet 2012‒2013, 105‒106. 12  Duindam 2003, 7‒9, especially p. 9 n.10. 10

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element named naam, and to be designated Nayiiri “king’s house”; here, royal succession involves the flow of naam from one king to next, and from king out to local rulers and back to the palace.13 For ancient Egypt, the primary evidence for such a singular Residence is the term Xnw, as that is applied to only one place at any one time.14 Inscriptional evidence indicates that, unlike the Mamprusi Nayiiri, at least some rulers travelled, notably for military campaigns; the narrative on the stela of Khusobek from Abydos relates that Senusret III accompanied the army on Asian and Nubian campaigns.15 If there was a co-regency of elder king with successor, as inferred for Twelfth Dynasty royal succession by many historians,16 then, theoretically, the senior coregent might have lived permanently in one place, as in the case of the Mamprusi ruler. On one reading, this arrangement could be supported by one line from the tale of Sanehat, a literary composition known from Middle Kingdom copies: “He is the suppressor of the hill-lands, when his father was in his palace”.17  Permanent residence of ruler within one structure may require institutional counterpoints to ensure the cohesion of the territory ruled. In the ethnographic account of the Mamprusi, the ruler in/ as King’s House is described as forming the hub of seventy secondary points of rule, where royal appointees reside; the appointees are designated King’s Children, whether they are related or not.18 In addition to central ruler and local office-holders, a vital third element is the corps of messengers.19 In the ancient Egyptian context, the royal progress would offer the dynamic element for a polity with single fixed centre; the progress is expressed from the third millennium BC as “Following of Horus”.20 Among writings from the period covered here, the few explicit references to the movement of the king outside a palace may be expressed in ritual terms, as a visit to deities in temples.21 The focus on cult may eclipse other activities or motives of a journey, 13

 Drucker-Brown 2005, cf. in Egypt, pr nswt as the collective of officials and as the diffused body of the king, Berlev 1994, 91‒94; Spalinger 2013a, 394‒5 with n. 4. 14   Quirke 2009b. 15   Peet 1914, 4‒5, pl. 1‒2, lines 1‒2 and 15‒16. 16   Jansen-Winkeln 1997. 17   Sanehat, B51, cf. Simpson 1956. 18  Drucker-Brown 2005, 171. 19  Drucker-Brown 2005, 178. 20  Kaiser 1959; Kaiser 1960. 21   Quirke 1999.

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which might be expected from broader historical comparisons.22 Similarly, the role of messengers of the king is well documented from ancient Egyptian written sources, though “messenger of the king” is not as prominent a term as in later, New Kingdom inscriptions.23 2.2 Comparative evidence: diachronic historical geography One dominant Egyptological assumption, particularly concerning the role of Thebes in the Eleventh and Eighteenth Dynasties, seems to be that there was always a single royal domicile, the Residence, Egyptian Xnw, functioning as a “capital”, perhaps implicitly with a substantial adjacent settlement. Such thinking may come to the surface particularly in the more constrained narrative of general histories.24 Against this, the attestations for the term Xnw do not indicate that every king or even every period had a “(single) Residence”.25 The absence of a single Residence in the late Eleventh Dynasty seems implicit in an inscription of the treasurer Henenu, where a previous age of monumentmaking is evoked by the phrase “the kings of the Xnw”.26 The term rk Xnw “period of the Residence” in the Teaching for Merykara demonstrates not only awareness of periods without a Xnw, but also a sense of importance in distinction between periods with and without Xnw.27 Where Residence is attested, written sources do not comment on urban scale or concentration of different productive, executive, or cult functions, making it difficult to equate the term with the “capital city” of modern nation states. Certainly, in demography and function, some cities may have enjoyed the same metropolitan status, which Cairo has had since its foundation in AD 969,28 but no special term expresses this urban phenomenon. In naming practice, some ancient cities appear as model in names for other cities. However, the occurrences relate to the cult of the creator-god, rather than to executive rule: on the model of Iunu/ Heliopolis, the city Thebes may be called iwnw Sma “Iunu of Upper Egypt”,29 but its main name remains 22

 Cf. Winterling 1988 for documented ancient Roman “journeys of emperors”. 23  Valloggia 1976. 24  E.g. Hornung 1999, 49 “Verlegung der Residenz”, cf. Callender 2000, 158. 25   Quirke 2009b, 111‒115. 26  Hammamat 114, line 15, see Lichtheim 1988, 53 with 54 n. 22. 27   Quack 1992, 60‒61, 187, line 102. 28   As argued for Memphis in Jeffreys 2012, 222. 29  Raue 1999, 8, 11–12.

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wAst. Here, a particular concept of archetypal city is active, in the etymological sense of metropolis as “mother city”,30 rather than a megalopolis “outsize city”; even this category of cult archtype is not lexicalised. In sum, the concept of capital city seems not to fit ancient Egyptian conceptions as expressed in words, and the presence or absence of Xnw “(single) Residence” must be assessed for each period.   During the half-millennium 2050‒1550 BC, the number of attested polities on the Nile alluvium from First Cataract to Mediterranean shore varied as follows: (1) to 2025 BC (First Intermediate Period): two (or more?) polities, “Theban” and “Heracleopolitan”,31 neither known to have single fixed domicile of ruler. (2) 2025‒1975 BC (first part of early Middle Kingdom = Eleventh Dynasty after re-unification, and early years Amenemhat I32): one polity, “Theban”, not known to have single fixed domicile of ruler. (3) 1975‒1875 BC (second part of early Middle Kingdom = early and mid-Twelfth Dynasty): one polity, from about 1950 BC with single fixed Residence at Itjtawy-Amenemhat (henceforth Itjtawy33). (4) 1875‒1700 BC (late Middle Kingdom = late Twelfth and early Thirteenth Dynasties): one polity with single fixed Residence at Itjtawy;34 possible increasing proportion of time spent by court at Upper Egyptian centres Abydos and Thebes; possible separate status of Avaris already after 1750 BC. (5) 1700‒1550 BC (Second Intermediate Period = late Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties): two (or more?) polities, “Theban” and “Hyksos”,35 possibly functioning in practice more as city-states than as regional kingdoms; after 1575 BC, one (secondary?) Theban kingship centre at Deir el-Ballas, near Dendera, as strategic base during period of warfare against Hyksos perhaps also after 1550 BC.36   The shifts between these periods indicate continual change in a dynamic pattern of relations between major demographic centres between and within re30

 Franke 2002.   Schenkel 1965. 32  See Arnold 1991. 33   Simpson 1963. 34   Beckerath 1964; Ryholt 1997. 35   Beckerath 1964; Ryholt 1997. 36  Lacovara 1990. 31

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gions. The intra-regional shifts may have followed a medium- to long-term pattern, as documented by Jean-Claude Garçin for part of Upper Egypt in the medieval period.37 In political history of the period under study, the three most visible focal areas are in (a) the southern (Theban) and northern (Abydene) ends of the Qena bend of the river, (b) the Memphite region extending to the Fayoum entrance, and (c) the territory eastwards of, and focussed on, Avaris as Pelusiac Nile-branch sea-port. At some periods, two further areas are prominent in cultural production, but at a level not explicitly expressed in political history: (d) parts of Middle Egypt, with major rock-cut chapels of regional governors at Qau/ Asyut/Meir on the southern reaches, and Bersha/ Beni Hasan farther north; and (e) the core Delta, where, in this period architectural and written evidence (including theophorous personal names) is strongest from Khem/Letopolis, Hutherib/Athribis, Iunu/Heliopolis, and Bast/Bubastis. Each region and its centres may concentrate in each period a level of power expressed in the architectural and institutional form “palace”; alternatively, all may be subsumed under a single polity, single ruler and, sometimes, single centre (“Residence”).   In the relational model of the “Southern Question” in Marxist historiography, adjacent regions are mutually defined by their different ecologies, implying patterns of internal stratification, and by the consequent links between social groups across regional borders.38 In the original Italian model proposed by Antonio Gramsci, internally adjacent regions have different socio-economic structures, on an industrial economic base in region A, agricultural base in region B; inter-regionally, in that example, specific relations across the border involve the industrial oligarchy of region A in a pact with land-owning oligarchy of region B, to ensure a flow of migrant labour from region B as a means of subduing industrial labour costs and rights in region A, in return for administrative and cultural privileges for the region B ruling class. In the resulting overall web of relations, region A dominates region B. Although the model derives from modern European history, its ecological framework can be useful for assessing historical patterns in other geographical concentrations of power. From the connections between social groups (e.g. classes) within and between regions, any increase or decrease in power at each regional centre would change the relations 37

 Garçin 1976.  Gran 2004.

38

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in all others in the same network. The principle of kaleidoscopic change may be seen in Egyptian history, where, after 1700 BC, Itjtawy and the Memphite region fall out of the visible horizon of political history; at this point, Abydos may decline with Itjawy/Memphis, while Thebes remains unchanged in terms of regional administrative reach, but is now embellished by the presence of any remaining features of the Itjtawy kingship. The shared decline of Memphis and Abydos seems tangible in the newly discovered tomb of a king Senebkay at Abydos, on starkly reduced scale in comparison with the early Thirteenth Dynasty;39 Senebkay might be either an Abydene ruler separate from Thebes, or one of the last Itjtawy rulers with contracting resource base (on the hypothesis of a local Abydene dynasty and polity40). The number, scale and administrative reach of palaces of rulers within each region might be expected to reflect such changes over time as expressively as their burial places. 2.3 Comparative historical sociology: court studies in and beyond Europe In contrast to the relative lack of engagement with Africanist anthropology or African-centred Kemet studies, Egyptology has benefited from the application of models and theories in European historical research, notably by Christine Raedler on the Ramesside court.41 As well as providing close contextual readings for a comprehensive corpus of attestations, she delivers the clearest assessment of the most appropriate methods for study on each of four objects of analysis: sources, dossiers on each official, groups, and “court society”.42 Assessing “structure of the court society” of Ramesses II,43 she builds on a distinction by Thomas Schweizer between analyses of structures, where he looks to social network theory, and analyses of processes, for which he selects discourse analysis.44 Raedler invokes for her analyses a Weberian “ideal type” of a princely court, as outlined by Aloys Winterling on the basis of the “court society” studies spearheaded by Norbert Elias.45 Winterling offers the following “checklist to determine the individuality of concrete historical courts”46: 39

  Wegner 2014.  Franke 1988, 259; Ryholt 1997, 163‒164. 41  Raedler 2004, 2006, 2009; cf. Spalinger 2013b. 42  Raedler 2009, 133. 43  Raedler 2006. 44   Schweizer 1996. 45   Winterling 1997. 46   Winterling 1997, 25. 40

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1. the way a court is constituted by variable presence of different groups of individuals 2. communicative structures at court, noting the issues of favour and opportunism 3. role of a court in decision-taking, and for the display of power 4. patterns/social sources for recruiting those closest to the ruler 5. profile of different political institutions at court, in relation to social organisations outside 6. role of a court as theatres for display of ranks. In similar vein, Raedler adopts five dimensions as priorities for research: spatial (location of residence), temporal (group in presence of ruler), social (entourage), communicative (behaviour in presence of ruler), and political.47   Starting from seventeenth-eighteenth century European history, Jeroen Duindam also sought greater precision in order to secure “court” as a category useful for historical analysis. Warning that “it makes no sense to use ‘court’ as a bland equivalent for group dynamics around leaders”,48 he identified three essential defining elements of European “court society” in that period: 1. domestic service to a single ruler 2. pledge of loyalty to that ruler from a territory or territories 3. dynastic mentality as part of “domestic service”, whereby the “house” of the ruler includes the kin and the domestic personnel. Duindam notes further as “typical but not universal” (a) the link of the ruler family with sanctity, (b) the wide acceptance of inequality as social structuring principle, (c) prominence of other families beside that of the ruler, and on the latter ground he explicitly excludes ancient Egyptian kingship from the category of court as studied by Elias from early modern Europe: “This enumeration does not go very far as a definition, yet it already excludes many courts, such as the contemporary establishments of constitutional monarchy, or the Egyptian court, where no fully hereditary nobility developed and 47

 Raedler 2009, 133‒134.  Duindam 2003, 318.

48

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status remained linked to offices held in lifetime”.49 In comparative ancient history, Antony Spawforth reviewed the Elias studies and the critique by Duindam, and asked regional specialists whether or not they recognised an Elias-style “court society” in particular ancient contexts.50 From Eighteenth Dynasty evidence, Kate Spence concluded against Duindam that the “court” category as summarised by Spawforth could indeed be applied at least to that particularly well-documented period of ancient Egyptian history.51   The articles by Raedler and Spence demonstrate how much an Egyptological engagement with European court studies can deliver. A broad terrain for future research has been charted by Residenzforschung/Hofgesellschaft historians in volumes on gender,52 knowledge production,53 cultural transfer,54 and Luxus und Integration.55 At the same time, theoretical engagement can be strengthened by rigorous critique of some of the limits or risks within the source model, in particular its extreme Eurocentrism. Norbert Elias took behavioural and material forms at the European court as emblematic of a distinctive civilizing process, whereas anthropologists effectively demolished that “civilisation” self-image, by documenting self-restraint and self-grooming at every scale of human society.56 In 2005, an Istanbul conference confronted this problem of European bias explicitly, by broadening scope of enquiry to non-European “dynastic states and empires”, overlapping with the aims of Spawforth.57 The transfer of analytical categories from early modern Europe to other historical contexts has also been problematised by Felix Konrad, in his study of the nineteenth century Ottoman Egyptian court.58 In addition to definitions of Hof by Elias, Winterling and others,59 Konrad draws on the work by Ute Daniel60 on communicative aspects of the court; here he cites the crucial difference with later 49

 Duindam 2003, 319‒320.   Spawforth 2011. 51   Spence 2011. 52   Paravicini 2000. 53  Grebner 2002. 54  Fried and Grebner 2008. 55   Paravicini 2010. 56  Duerr 2002. 57  Artan, Duindam and Kunt 2011. 58  Konrad 2008, 28‒30. 59  Notably Asch 1993. 60  Daniel 1997. 50

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practices of power display, as expressed by Jürgen Habermas, that early modern ruler and officials “repräsentieren ihre Herrschaft, statt für das Volk, ‘vor’ dem Volk”.61 After introducing the European concepts, Konrad notes that the Arabic term balāṭ did not acquire the meaning “court” before the twentieth century introduction of mağlis albalāṭ, corresponding to Hofrat, although there are nineteenth century uses of Ottoman Turkish sarāy for the household of the ruler as well as for princely residence. While acknowledging the absence of corresponding concepts in the social language of that period, Konrad considers the categories still applicable in analysis, provided that they are recognised as “nichts als Erklärungshilfe”. This move recalls the strategy of epoché or “bracketing” in the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl, where the analyst separates out the object of analysis from the confusion of preconceptions.62 Yet, in practice, “bracketing” may be difficult to implement effectively.63 More insidiously, the technique might reinforce an academic preference for idealism, loosely understood as the tendency to privilege ideas over the material aspects of life.64   Historians of nineteenth-century Egypt regularly include Arabic and Turkish sources, and so seem less isolated within European disciplinary, linguistic and philosophical confines. By contrast, Egyptologists may find it difficult to enlist categories from court studies so neutrally as heuristic tools. In one philosophy of language, words do not reflect an external reality, but themselves frame our thinking and mould its content.65 On these terms, the heuristic tool can seem a highly ambivalent category: if the medium of communication can never be neutralised, the “bracketing” of a topic for analysis becomes a cage for the analyst. The style of communication raises similar complications. Duindam notes how the very “acuity and verve” of the writing by Elias on probably the best-known European court, Versailles, heighten the need for a critical reading; beside the problem of Eurocentrism, he stresses how Elias overstates the power of the ruler and the servility of courtiers, and underestimates the prominence of religion and the diversity of power 61

 Konrad 2008, 21‒28.  On early and late versions of “bracketing” in Husserl, see Smith 1979. 63   From a medical context, Chan, Fung and Chien 2013. 64  Eagleton 1996. 65  Cf. Ives 2004, 26‒27 against “views of language as nomenclature or as representative of things”. 62

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lines that converge on the court.66 Secularising bias and over-emphasis on kings seem familiar charges against archaeology and Egyptology respectively, and suggest that we need further self-critique to strengthen our use of comparative anthropology and history.   Such challenges do not exempt us from articulating the terms and concepts in our individual ideological positions, as Geoffrey de Ste. Croix warned; failure “to define or even to think about the basic concepts we employ simply results in our taking over without scrutiny … the prevailing ideology in which we happen to have been brought up”.67 On this basis, the theoretical discussions by Raedler and Spence rank among the most important contributions to palace studies in Egyptology. For the study of the palace in early second millennium BC Egypt, comparative European court studies are useful in pinpointing issues and phenomena for consideration, not least for further diachronic studies on differences and similarities across periods. A recurrent theme is the relation between groups according to space and time shared with a ruler, as between an inner court (those continually close to the ruler) and an outer court (those who enter the space of the ruler less often). In each historical context, this distinction may be more or less fluid; equally, the inner court may comprise different groups, from the immediate domestic staff and the secretaries of the ruler, to the highest level of decision-makers or administrators. Duindam finds in the early modern courts of Europe a tripartite pattern of (1) highest courtiers with inherited wealth (dynastic “noble” families), (2) larger number of honorary families more loosely connected to court, often holding official positions on rotating basis, and (3) numerous and diverse staff outside the circles of inherited wealth, on daily tasks.68 For each period of ancient Egyptian history, different principles of rotation and access may have operated, with changing focus on specific tasks, from advising the ruler/court, administering orders, securing income, organising projects (particularly the labour force for projects), organising provision of food, clothing and personal adornments for the ruler/court, delivering food and drink to the ruler, performing ritual, providing music, reciting. The studies by Raedler reveal the structural web of force fields as expressed in written sources for the Ramesside court. Comparison with 66

 Duindam 2011, 6‒8.   de Ste. Croix 1981, 34, cited in Grajetzki 2010, 181. 68  Duindam 2011, 15‒16. 67

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the Middle Kingdom evidence may provide sharper relief for distinctive features within each period and area. 3. Palaces of the king and of others: architectural evidence The primary evidence for material expression of rule is architectural. In terms of visible distinction, the practical impact of conceptions of kingship may be read in the extent to which the palace of the king differed, or not, from the residential buildings closest in scale, power centres of local governors. In a sense, here we would find a direct ancient commentary on the question of the divinity or humanity of the king.69 If the palace and court of the king looked like those of a regional governor, the difference between local and supra-regional rulers would seem one of scale or relative power, rather than substance or an absolute distinction between two ontologically different types of being (e.g. between divine king and human governor). Researchers might chart the diagnostic features which distinguish one set of large houses from others, in the context of each period in ancient Egyptian history. The archaeological record for the Middle Kingdom has not yet provided secure identification of any palace built for a king, and this gap in the evidence is a major obstacle to assessing any differences between the palaces of those who ruled and of the powerful who were under the rule of others. From a large residential complex at Bubastis, an imposing lintel inscribed for king Amenemhat III could indicate that this was a palace for a ruler.70 The scale of the complex also seems to set it apart from large houses of the period at Lahun, Wah-Sut and Tell el-Dab‘a, but the collective burial place for the governors of Bubastis was located within its grounds. Pending further excavation, it remains unclear whether the complex was built for the king, or whether it represents an unusually extensive version of an urban residence for the governor of a great Delta city, and perhaps extended or adapted for the king on the occasion of one or more visits of exceptional status.71  At Lahun, Wah-Sut (Abydos South), and Tell el-Dab‘a, archaeologists have uncovered palatial buildings of comparable plan,72 and identifiable as for those who were powerful but, at least nominally, under the authority of others (at Wah-Sut specifical-

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ly the HAty-a “mayor” of that town73). For Lahun, the repetition of similar plans at the same scale (40 × 60 m) within a new town implies a collective of up to ten high officials and their households conceived as of similar status.74 Though less elaborate than the Bubastis complex, these palatial houses share with it a non-axial plan, requiring multiple right-angled turns to reach a columned hall from the main entrance; Andrea Gnirs has explored in phenomenological vein the psychological impact of such approaches on anyone led to an audience.75 Another point in common may be the tripartite division, into inner (bedrooms/bathrooms), reception and foodprovisioning spaces. These shared features suggest that scale may be the major architectural difference between palaces of kings and palaces of high officials or regional governors/mayors. The separateness or uniqueness of the nswt “king” does not seem immediately expressed here. Further exploration of the complex at Bubastis should clarify this important aspect. 4.1 Written evidence for the palace of the king: lexicographical method following Berlev In the absence of other direct architectural evidence in the archaeological record for the period, the written sources offer a mediated reflection of attitudes and practices of the time. Here, the writings are reviewed for possible clues to the distinctiveness, number and form of kingship palaces in relation to other wealthy households. I rely extensively on the studies by Oleg Berlev, because he applied source-critical principles for extracting maximum information from context of each source, based on his unparalleled familiarity with all published evidence.76 His results emerge from a succession of distinct research phases: (i) identifying and reviewing all sources, (ii) identifying different types of source by content/context of different interpretative potential, (iii) separating the sources into these types, (iv) collating in analysis the information obtained from all sources in all source types. The crucial phase is the separation of source types, as the basis for contextual and comparative work; this comparative principle is well-established in philological research,77 but Berlev achieves particular effect by aiming to start from the totality of written 73

  Wegner 2004.  Doyen 2010. 75  Gnirs 2009. 76  Demonstrated especially in his monographs, Berlev 1972, 1978. 77   As in Díaz Hernández 2013. 74

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  Quack 2010 for a novel approach to this topic.  Van Siclen 1996, 36‒37, fig. 11. 71  Van Siclen 1996, 36‒37. 72   Bietak 1996. 70

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sources, by retaining this totality at the next, comparative stage of analysis, and by remaining sensitive to the different registers or inflections within any verbal expression, as seen explicitly in the first chapter title of Berlev “the subjective and the objective in images of staff in tombs, on stelae and in three-dimensional sculpture”.78 The source-critical foundation of analysis is perhaps most clearly articulated in sub-section headings for his chapter on the designation Hmt “servant woman”, where he specifies in succession the “evidence” of: “documents”, “the Senebtysy and Bebi lists”, literary manuscripts as “literary monuments” (Ptahhotep and Ipuwer), “burial-places” (inscribed rock-cut offering-chapels), “life-descriptions”, “funerary monuments”, especially offering-chapel stelae, and ending with a note on the monuments of Hmwt themselves.79   In seeking here to apply the approach of Berlev, I give first an outline of the different kinds of information which I expect each type of source to offer: (a) attestations in documentary papyri, without primary reference to a person Legal and accountancy documents may be taken to rely for effectiveness on direct correspondence between written content and contemporary administrative practice. In the analytical terms of process and structure, a feature may accordingly be most directly and securely attested as an active element in administrative nomenclature when its name occurs in a document, outside the title of a person (see next item). Therefore, documentary papyri seem less likely to include terms outside contemporary administrative practice than are literary compositions (see (e) below). On the other hand, documents may be more strongly focussed on a shorter range of time, an “administrative present” which extends into the future only as far as required for the particular context of the recorded administrative task (e.g. an expedition, a harvest, or even a single moment in a sequence of tasks, such as the field-measuring in one document from Haraga80).

belongs to a practice of identifying a person by socially or administratively recognised designation of activity, in the manner of a modern term for a social profession (baker) or a work title/Amtstitel (bakery manager). Attestations on documentary papyri provide secure evidence for the active presence of administrative or professional designation within administrative tasks. However, as outlined above, the transience or longevity of each designation must be assessed against the rest of its source corpus, and then against all other source types. Moreover, each word within a “title” requires separate assessment. Although these designations may relate directly to their contemporary worlds of practice, some titles may incorporate terms from earlier periods, because the ancient word may evoke sacred associations or convey prestige. The term hAyt is attested in documentary papyri, notably the court accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18,81 but only within the title smsw hAyt, also known from the Old Kingdom.82 As arryt is widely used for secondary reference to the palace (see section 4.2, entry 2), the antonymy hA “descend” and ar “to ascend” might have motivated use of the term hAyt; however, I cannot cite any Middle Kingdom source pairing titles with hAyt and arryt. On extant evidence, assessment might most plausibly conclude that hAyt was not used in the Middle Kingdom as name for a part of the palace. Thus, distribution of a term across different source types is essential to assessing intended scope of reference within its world of action.

(b) attestations within a title before a personal name in documentary papyri The occurrence of a word in a phrase before a personal name must be assessed in relation to context within the source, and to source type. Within the period under study, if a word or a word-group is attested without other single words before a name, it

(c) title before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions seal-amulet inscriptions/impressions; offering-chapel monuments, including rock-cut chapels; expedition inscriptions outside the Egyptian Nile Valley. Like the formal art of ancient Egypt, the hieroglyphic script may be said to aim always at the horizon of eternity,83 more emphatically than the cursive scripts of the manuscript world. The focal point for deployment of hieroglyphic script is the offering-cult to secure life for an individual into eternity; the majority of inscriptions come from places of offering, secondarily extended below ground into burial spaces. For these inscriptions, the drafting of hieroglyphs required specific skills in composition, perhaps most clearly revealed where cursive or hieratic signs take their place in some or all of an inscription, either in places without specialist composers (rock inscriptions for ex-

78

81

79

82

  Berlev 1978, 17.   Berlev 1972, 45‒65. 80   Smither 1941.

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  Quirke 2009a.   Jones 2000, 2, 902‒903, no. 3313. 83  Fischer 1986.

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pedition staff outside the core Egyptian floodplain), or on offering-place stelae or statues for those with fewer resources.84 During this period, designations of profession or administrative position accompanied the personal name to secure eternal presence for the individual, and therefore such “titles” before name offer a guide to structures of organisation.85 The hieroglyphic focus on eternity may imply that the content has longer-term significance, than can be assured from the more transient time-horizon of hieratic manuscripts. However, the eternal horizon might also foster a preference for more sacred or prestigious terms.   In the late Middle Kingdom, and to a lesser extent in the Second Intermediate Period and later, titles and names of an individual would be regularly inscribed on seal-amulets and sealings, and for these the carvers invariably chose hieroglyphs.86 This script choice locates seal-amulets in the horizon of eternity, including, but not confined to, life after death. Temples for the eternal cult of the reigning king may have begun to function as soon as the sanctuary was ready, rather than only at death and burial; this principle seems clearest in the exceptional sculpture of the Theban West Bank temple for Amenhotep III, allowing a series of architectural changes to be related to successive sed-festivals.87 Similarly, in Abydos chapels for local residents or for officials passing on missions, offerings may have begun immediately on installation. In this light, the epithets for eternal life on seal-amulets need not be read as “funerary” in the sense of excluding this life. Instead, the epithets and the very choice of hieroglyphic script stem from the forward projection as the temporal horizon of any amuletic life-health form, whether used in administrative practice or not. Seal-amulets with names constitute only a small proportion of the extant corpus from the period; the vast majority of seals and sealings bear elaborate scroll and interlace motifs,88 arguably a far more secure guard against imitation, in addition to their knotting significance.89 The sealings in particular convey moments at which a sealamulet was used in administrative practice, whether systematically or more casually, and whether in an

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organisation or a domestic unit.90 The sealings may then be considered a particular information category, also for attestations of words related to the palace. (d) attestations other than before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions: self-descriptive phrases, narrative passages in self-descriptions Some words and phrases are attested in relation to a person, but not in isolation before a personal name. These contexts for describing a person may be narrative passages,91 or sequences of nominal, adjectival, or adverbial phrases.92 In section (d) for each entry, I cite the phrases indexed by Doxey, supplemented by Janssen;93 in the absence of an index for narrative passages, I add comments on examples from Janssen and Sethe.94 Architectural and institutional terms within such narratives and phrase sequences provide further information on the active use within the Middle Kingdom. In temporal horizon, these sources share the forward projection of all hieroglyphic inscription. Their content may correspond to contemporary institutional organisation and architectural vocabulary more strongly than literary compositions on papyri. However, as with designations of profession or administrative position, the descriptive phrases may continue or revive usage of earlier periods for prestige or sacralising effect. (e) narrative literary compositions on papyri Literary compositions offer the main source for palace vocabulary in a narrative context, where a term may be placed in explicit spatial or thematic relation to other features (roles/titles of people; activities; other terms for a palace or its parts). Literary narratives are among the most evocative sources, because they answer our need for explicit articulation; at the same time, they may be the most heavily mediated in terms of reflexivity and self-reference.95 Any word in a literary composition retains a primary literary role, whereby it may have been selected for a literary effect other than direct identification of a familiar institution; for analysis, the choices of the composer(s) (“authors”) and the transmitting generations (“copyists”) may be expressed in binary terms such as assonance – dissonance, un-

84

 Cf. Darnell and Manassa 2013, 90‒92 comparing the Abydos chapel and expedition inscriptions. 85   Quirke 2004a. 86   Corpus accessible in Martin 1971. 87   Bryan 1997. 88   Ben-Tor 2007, 12, 14, 24‒25, 30‒31. 89   Wendrichs 2006.

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  For a clear example of the latter, see Wegner 2004.  Lichtheim 1988 “autobiographies”. 92  Doxey 1998 “epithets”. 93   Janssen 1946. 94   Janssen 1946; Sethe 1935. 95  Loprieno 1996. 91

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familiarity – familiarity. For each composition and context, the analyst must assess the correspondence between literary context and contemporary palace architecture or institutions. As date of composition remains intensely debated,96 the sources are to be divided into those attested on Middle Kingdom papyri, and those attested only on later papyri.   From provisional review, extant sources yield a range of terms for the palace or possible features of its internal architecture; their variable usage can be tabulated across the five source-types outlined above (Tab. 1). For category d, the table covers phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions, as indexed by Ward and Doxey;97 future research must add the narrative passages scattered over the hieroglyphic corpus, yet to be indexed as accessible. For this tabulation, to avoid assuming the ancient scope of any term, I include waaw “privacy” where it has the house-determinative, and the phrase smA Hr “unification (-throne) of Horus”, in case its meaning ever extends to a throne-chamber. For the Sna “food-production and -storage sector”, and its internal divisions,98 Berlev has documented nonroyal and temple as well as palatial contexts; closer investigation of each source would be required to propose identification within the palace of the ruler, even for the accounts of the royal court during two weeks at Thebes, Papyrus Boulaq 18. The latter also attests to a xtm “strong room” for special foods and materials supplied to the king’s wife and others; again, no institutional affiliation or location is specified in the papyrus within the organisational landscape of Theban palace, institutions and temples. Inclusion of all these terms allows the reader to check whether they occur in other types of sources. The tabulation allows an initial assessment of the range of information available for the terms as a collective, and of the likelihood that a single term corresponded to an architectural feature during the period studied here. Although the record is highly fragmentary, and although each source type offers specific information on word usage, two approaches may be most productive for the next stage in study of the architectural aspect of the palace: analysis of combinations of terms within one semantic field (here either a single source, or a single source type of maximum homogeneity in content), pursued in section 4.2; and analysis of terms which are attested across different source types, as explored in section 4.3.

4.2 Multiple terms on one source(-type) In addition to the articulation of source types, another contextualising clue to content is the occurrence of multiple terms on a single source type, or on a single example within a source type. One useful source interpretation is the distribution of examples of the more widespread titles for each. Within one source type, such as rock inscriptions, if no single source within the type corpus attests to iry-at n praA and iry-at n pr-HD together, the possibility arises that the two terms are interchangeable as alternative expressions for a single person; conversely, if a single stela gives examples of both, it becomes more likely that the two titles denote different areas of authority, to be identified through further research. Sometimes this differential approach may be applied across a whole source corpus, where the source type may derive from more centralised production with apparently unified function or intention, and where the verbal content appears most homogeneous in scope; in the period under study, the most prominent such source type is the corpus of seal-amulets and sealings with personal name and administrative title/designation of profession.99 As seal-amulets/impressions from the same period of production (late Twelfth to mid-Thirteenth Dynasty) attest to both iry-at n pr-aA and iry-at n pr-HD, the two titles seem most likely to delineate different positions.100   Narrative passages in hieratic literary compositions and hieroglyphic chapel inscriptions may combine two or more terms on one plane of communication. One example may be cited here to illustrate the potential for study of relations between terms in palace vocabulary. The inscription on a stela from an offering-chapel of HAty-a imy-r Hmw-nTr “mayor, overseer of god servants” Wepwawet‘aa includes the first-person description of his arrival at court and appointment as imy-xnt for Abydos, in the reign of Amenemhat II:101 isT wi xd.i r nD xrt r Xnw pf wr n Hm.f xtmtyw nty m pr nswt anxw nt(yw) r arryt Hr mAA stA.i r pr nswt ir.kwi m aq nn Dd.f iwA sft Hr SAb.i stA n.i warwt prr.i Hs.kwi m aH mrw m stp-sA 99

96

  Moers et al. 2013. 97   Ward 1982; Doxey 1998. 98   Indexed in Berlev 1978, 325‒327.

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  Martin 1971.   For attestations, see Berlev 1978, 241‒242. 101  Simpson 1974, pl. 30, ANOC 20.2, Munich WAF 35; Lichtheim 1988, 79 no. 32. 100

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iw nD.t(w) n.i iAwt m aH m Dd imy-r Hmw-nTr imy xnt aA m AbDw See how I sailed north for an audience to that grand Residence of His Majesty

179

tpt-r n stp-sA pronouncement of the stp-sA (Durham N1974105) imy ib m stp-sA favourite in the stp-sA

with the sealers who are in the House of the King and the officers who are at the portal

sTn.n Hr nb aH distinguished by Horus lord of the aH (statue of high steward Ptahwer, Berlin 8808106)

seeing how I was led to the House of the King,

Other inscriptions pair aH or stp-sA with pr nswt:

being made as one entering without his saying (i.e. without having to wait for word to be given),

xft Hsst m pr nswt according to the praises in the pr nswt

an ox butchered for my feasting, the legs (?) led to me (or: the departments leading/providing for me),

mrwt.f m stp-sA and the love of him in the stp-sA107

and how I emerged as one praised in the aH-Palace, one beloved in the Protection(-Palace).

rx st-rd.f m pr nswt one who knows his position in the pr nswt,

Offices were conferred on me in the aH-Palace, namely

imy ib Hr nb aH favourite of Horus lord of the aH108

Overseer of god’s servants, Great Chamberlain in Abydos.   Five designations of the palace occur in this one inscription: arryt, aH, pr nswt, Xnw, stp-sA. Pairings of terms require attention to the range of possible reasons for selecting and combining the particular terms. A functional difference of inner to outer seems to underlie the contrast between sealers in pr nswt and officers at the arryt. As officials in charge of precious commodities, notably linen and portables inside the house, the sealers are characteristic of the living quarters and perhaps the reception rooms of the palace,102 in the same way that officers are expected at the palace gate area. The pairing “praised in the aH, beloved in the stp-sA” seems instead to apply two terms for variation, whatever the nuances of both.103 The use of aH in parallel to stp-sA recurs in other passages, as on the following stelae and statue: nb sxA nfr m aH lord of good renown in the aH wr Hst m stp-sA great of praise in the stp-sA (CG 20254104) tm th tp-rd n aH one who does not deviate from instruction of the aH

102  103

Berlev 1978, 173.  Cf. Goelet 1989‒1990, 89 on pr-aA and pr nswt. 104  Lange and Schäfer 1902, 273.

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Hssw Hr Hr ib aH one continually praised by Horus amid the aH rx st-rd.f m pr nswt one who knows his position in the pr nswt109   This pattern of alternation echoes Middle Kingdom practice in deployment of the personal names for an individual.110 The rn nfr “good/younger name” would be the name given at birth, to which a rn aA “great/elder” name would be added at an unspecified later date, possibly at puberty or at conferral of a position.111 For the Middle Kingdom, Vernus has documented the different choices in deploying either or both of the two personal names, primarily (1) use of one name, (2) alternation within one context (e.g. on a single inscribed element in an offering-chapel, or across different elements within a chapel), (3) juxtaposition of both (with or without additional phrases of identification such as Ddw n.s/f “called”). On analogy with this contemporary naming practice, different words might denote a single object of reference, under different aspects or nuances (as the two names imply the aspect of age of a single person). The practice of alternating 105

 Doxey 1998, 391, 19.7.   Janssen 1946, 128, III A51. 107   Sethe 1935, 14, 12–13. 108   Sethe 1935, 22, 12–13. 109   Sethe 1935, 61, 18–19. 110  Vernus 1982, 99‒103. 111  See Berlev 2000 on nfr / aA as designations of relative age when used as antonyms. 106

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two terms thus demonstrates (a) that both refer to a single referent, (b) that the referent has two distinct aspects; contextual study of attestations for both terms can then target the plane of reference for that single referent (a concept, an institution, a building) and, from the attestations outside alternation, the precise nuance distinguishing each term from the other (and from other terms). For example, aH and stp-sA might both refer to a building/complex of restricted entry (focus: architecture); the distinction between the two might be presence/absence of secondary foci of administration and protective agency, as only aH is attested in titles (categories b‒c above, and see 4.3 below), and only stp-sA occurs after Hm n “agency of”.112 Examples of stp-sA in literary papyri are: (i) in Middle Kingdom papyri smrw nw stp-sA hAb.sn r gs-imnty The courtiers of the stp-sA sent to the Western reaches (Sanehat, R17) siA.f m Hm n stp-sA “He whose insight is the Power of the stp-sA” (Sanehat, B223) […] […] m Hm n stp-sA (?) […] as/in the Power of the stp-sA (?) […] (Pushkin 1695) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies […] nswt m awy dpt.f […] the king in the arms of his boat, stp-Sa […] stp-sA […] (King in Marshes, B col. 2 and C col. 1)

The same risk applies to the attestation of DAdw for audience-hall in the captions introducing the narrative (line 2): xat nswt m sxmty appearance of the king with the Double Crown, xpr Hmst m DAdw occurrence of a sitting in the DAdw However, the term DAdw is attested in a rock inscription or stela from Debod, securely dated by the name of king Amenemhat II in the line across the top (Berlin 1203115). The first person narrative below seems to focus on a man with the title wr mDw Sma “greatest of tens of Upper Egypt” (name not preserved), and includes the phrase wD Hm.f n sr […] m DAdw [..] mn […] “decree of his Power to [this?] official in the DAdw of [..] .. […]”. The first line of the inscription also contains the word stp-sA with house-determinative; the proximity of stp-sA and DAdw here may support an early Twelfth Dynasty date for the composition on Berlin 3029.116 Other Middle Kingdom sources attest to a similar word, perhaps a variant, DADAw, sometimes in the dual form appropriate to institutions covering both halves of Egypt: Attestations other than title before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions sbA n DADAw imn-m-HAt restoration inscription of Senusret III, granite gateway block found in 1883, on estate of Ibrahim Helmi at Tell Qirqafa, Tell elDab‘a area, no adjacent associated structures, hypothetically associated with Ezbet Rushi Middle Kingdom brick structures.117

The term also appears in hieratic on a mid-Eighteenth Dynasty leather roll, in a composition presented directly as if a copy of an inscription of Senusret I, concerning temple building at Iunu (Berlin 3029113):

Titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions

smrw nw stp-sA srw r st waat companions of the stp-sA, officials at the place of privacy

Summary for DADA(wy) Berlev identified the core title iry at as connected with the Sna “food-production sector”, and one doorway inscription. In the title iry at n DADAwy n aH, the ending “of the aH” may qualify either iry at or DADAwy; in the latter case, the DADAwy is located

Goedicke found no parallels for the phrase st waat before the Eighteenth Dynasty, indicating possible changes to the wording of a Middle Kingdom original inscription, or a later date of composition.114

iry at n DADAwy “chamber keeper of the DADAwy”118 iry at n DADAwy n aH “chamber keeper of the DADAwy of the aH”119

115

  Museen Berlin 1913; Hirsch 2006, 77, no. 2.  As Hirsch 2006. 117   Janosí 1994; Szafrański 1998; Grallert 2001, 553‒554. 118   Berlev 1978, 245; Ward 1982, no. 497. 119  Berlev 1978, 245; Ward 1982, no. 498; only seal-amulet Martin 1971, no. 1663. 116

112

  Berlev 1972, 33‒41; Shaw 2013.  Goedicke 1974, pl. 8, lines 2‒3. 114  Goedicke 1974, 90. 113

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within the aH. The relation of both terms to stp-sA then remains to be clarified.   These examples are intended to demonstrate the potential for binary analyses. A full corpus of attestations would establish where terms are paired with just one other term, indicating a stronger analogy with personal naming practice, and so supporting the inference that both terms have a single referent in a narrower sense. 4.3 Individual terms in their contexts From his analysis of written sources, above all Papyrus Boulaq 18, the Theban palace accounts for the visit of an early Thirteenth Dynasty king, Berlev had deduced a broadly tripartite structure in organisation of the palace as an architectural space120: kAp = inner area reserved for women and children of king, and their staff xnt = less restricted outer part of palace, equivalent to reception space in other large houses Sna = zone for food storage and production Spaces for movement between these areas, or between the xnt and the outside world, might be marked as special liminal zones of activity: wAxy = columned hall for audience before the king, presumably between kAp and xnt arryt = ascent (ar “to ascend”) from outside world to xnt For the Sna, a series of separate at “chamber” divisions are attested for different types of content, principally bread, beer, fruits, meat, milk and fat,121 with a “linen chamber” ambiguously placed between this processing sector and the living rooms sector. One of the most important findings in the Berlev monograph is the separation of two widespread titles which have not otherwise been recognised as belonging to a particular sector: iry at “chamber keeper” as officials connected with the Sna, and Hry pr as “house staff” within the living quarters of a large house or palace. From this interpretation, a title such as iry at n wrSw “chamber keeper of the day-staff” would denote the official responsible primarily for ensuring supply of food due to those staff, rather than, for example, for their equipment. In this paper, I follow the Berlev inter-

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pretation, and review the range of terms in Tab. 1 against his tripartite house model.   A tabulation of terms against source types can be explored in a variety of ways, or expanded to include additional source types or terms. For example, a source type could be analysed through its sub-divisons, as in the analysis of distribution of terms in type (c) between seal-amulets, chapel inscriptions, and expedition rock inscriptions. Another approach would be to compare two types which are more closely related in function or phrasing, as between (b) and (c) titles before names, or between (a) and (b) terms and titles in hieratic documents, or between (d) and (e) terms outside titles in hieroglyphic inscriptions, which may share a greater degree of self-reflexivity and concern for stylistic features (parallelism, alternation). Here I take a different approach, with a focus on the comparison of terms in different contexts, interpreting the most distinct points in the spectrum as source types a, c and e. Accordingly, I select these palace terms from Table 1: abcde pr aA abce pr HD, xnt acde pr nswt abc kAp ace wAxy, Xnw (?), Sna bce arryt, aXnwty cde aH, pr anx ce ipt nswt, rwryt Terms not further pursued are those attested in source types considered more similar (bc hAyt; cd is(t), wsxt; de waaw(t), rwty (wrty), sH, stp sA) and those attested in only one source type as defined above (iwnn, wxrt, pr bity, pr mnat, pr dwAt, Hwtnbw, xtm, smA Hr, kAr, DADAw). The entire approach would evidently require revision with any additional source types, for example from comprehensive index of kingship inscriptions and first-person narratives. Nevertheless, the existing corpora of sources provide a substantial basis for this provisional exploration. As in section 4.2, the intention here is to explore the potential for applying different analytical approaches to a future, fuller corpus of attestations. Following the source-critical methodology applied by Oleg Berlev,122 each term entry follows the format:

120

  Berlev 1962a, b.   Berlev 1978, 325‒327; Franke 1983.

121

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122

  Berlev 1972, 1978.

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(b) title before name in documentary contexts

King in Marshes137 Merykara138 Neferkara and Sasenet139 Neferty140 Praise of King141 Tale at the Palace142

(c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions

1. ip(A) (t) nswt

(d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions, with comments on mainly first-person narrative “selfdescriptions”124

(c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions

1. term (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b)

123

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies

imy-r ipt nswt “overseer of the ipt nswt”;143 one holder of the title is main beneficiary of a rock-cut tomb-chapel at Deir Bersha;144 the qualifications mAa and iT-tAwy-sHtp-ib-ra are attested as well as the core title in the chapel inscriptions for Ihy, Saqqara early Twelfth Dynasty.145

Sources for (a)‒(b) editions of documentary papyri cited:

iry at n ipt nswt “chamber keeper of the ipt nswt”146

Papyrus Boulaq 18125 Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446126 Papyrus Lahun UCL127 Papyrus Reisner I‒IV128

idnw n imy-r ip nswt “deputy of the overseer of the ip nswt”147

Sources for (e) editions of literary manuscripts cited:

Xrd n kAp n ipt nswt “child of the kAp of the ipt nswt”149

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri

sS ip(t) nswt “accountant of the ip(t) nswt”150

(e) narrative literary compositions

Khuninpu129 Pushkin 1695130 Sanehat131 (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies Duau Khety132 Ipuwer133 Kaires134 Kemyt135 Khufu136 123

 Doxey 1998; Janssen 1946.   Sethe 1935; Janssen 1946; Lichtheim 1988. 125   Scharff 1922. 126  Hayes 1955. 127  Collier and Quirke 2002 letters, 2006 accounts. 128   Simpson 1986 index. 129   Parkinson 1991. 130   Posener 1969. 131  Koch 1990. 132  Helck 1970b. 133  Enmarch 2005. 134   Posener 1976; for the title, see Verhoeven 2009. 135   Posener 1938. 136   Blackman 1988. 124

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Hry-pr n ipt nswt “house staff of the ipt nswt”148

TAw ipt nswt “equipment-official of the ipt nswt”151 (d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions Hry sStA n ipt nswt “master of secrets of the ipt nswt”152

137

 Caminos 1956.   Quack 1992. 139   Posener 1957. 140  Helck 1970a. 141   Parkinson 1999. 142   Parkinson 1999. 143  Ward 1982, no. 36, including with prefix-title xtmty bity Martin 1971, no. 18; Quirke 2004a, 26‒27. 144  Griffith and Newberry 1895, no.10, pl. 21. 145   Ward 1982, nos. 37‒38; Grajetzki 2000, 191. 146   Berlev 1978, 237; Ward 1982, no. 454. 147   Ward 1982, no. 574; Fischer 1985. 148   Ward 1982, Addenda no. 978a. 149   Ward 1982, no. 1230. 150   Ward 1982, no. 1349; Fischer 1985, no. 1348a. 151   Ward 1982, no. 1569. 152  Doxey 1998, 346, 11.12. 138

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(e) narrative literary compositions

2. arryt

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri

(a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b)

ink Smsw Sms nb.f I am a Follower who follows his lord, bAk n ipt nswt a servant of the ipt nswt irt pat wrt Hswt of the noblewoman, abounding in favour, Hmt nswt snwsrt m Xnm-swt King’s Wife of Senusret in Khenemsut sAt nswt imn-m-HAt m qA-nfrw King’s Daughter of Amenemhat in Qaneferu, nfrw nbt imAx Neferu, lady of reverence (Sanehat B2, 2‒5) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies ipt nswt r Dr.s Xr drt.s the entire ipt nswt of the king under her hand (Tale at the Palace) Summary for ip(A)(t) nswt No documentary attestations. No reference to material/people going to or from the ip(A)(t) nswt as destination or source. Titles indicate that this is an active term of reference, with manager and secretariat (imy-r, idnw, sS, TAw), and staff of living-quarters (Hry pr) and provisioning sector (iry at). One title Xrd n kAp n ipt nswt implies an extension or subdivision of Xrd n kAp (see entry 14); either the kAp is a subsection of the ipt nswt, or the Xrd n kAp is based in the ipt nswt. As Fischer noted, the extended version seems to counter the interpretation by Lorton as a “countinghouse of the king”.153 The only phrase indexed for the entity is Hry sStA n ipt nswt: other possible palace terms introduced by Hry sStA are pr anx and pr nswt (see entries 7‒8); kingship ritual centres pr wr, mabAyt, pr dwAt; and the place of production and consecration of images Hwt-nbw.154 The Tale of Sanehat links the entity directly to the king’s wife. 153

 Fischer 1985, no. 1348a.  Doxey 1998, 346‒347, 11.12, also with terms for temple Hwt-nTr, rw-prw.

154

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imw nw arryt nt pr aA “boats of the arryt of the pr aA” (Papyrus Reisner II, G3) (b) titles with attestations including before name in documentary contexts irw (? or sAw) arryt “keeper (? or guard) of the arryt (source of bAkw “dues” of an untitled man, in grain account within letter to the imy-r aXnwty “overseer of the aXnwty” over labour, transport and quarrying, Lahun letter UC32201) wHmw n arryt “reporter of the arryt”155 Smsw arryt “follower (guard?) of the arryt”156 (c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions imy-r aHaw n arryt “overseer of boats of the arryt”157 imy-r w n arryt “district overseer of the arryt”158 xtmw n Sms n arryt “sealer of the following of the arryt”159 sS arryt “writer of the arryt”160 (e) narrative literary compositions (i) on Middle Kingdom papyri qAqAw.f n arryt his arryt barge (Khuninpu, B1, 67: his = the high steward) 155

 Ward 1982, no. 744, sources including a Lahun works accounts papyrus, UC32175, 3; add Lahun letter (?) fragment with single widely-spaced column of address by a sAb sHD sSw “dignitary, inspector of accountants” to a wHmw n arryt, UC32114C. 156  Berlev 1978, 211‒212; Ward 1982, no. 1520, including Papyrus Boulaq 18, where men with this title are listed for the feasts in sections 60 and 74. 157   Ward 1982, no. 67; Quirke 2004a, 33. 158  Ward 1982, no. 97 citing Abydos stela Cairo CG 20229; Quirke 2004a, 108‒109 as security / military official. 159  Berlev 1978, 178‒179 citing two rock inscriptions from expeditions, one in Sinai, one in Wadi Hammamat; Ward 1982, no. 97. 160  Ward 1982, no. 1366 citing three early Middle Kingdom rock inscriptions, Hatnub nos. 15, 21, 25, apparently within service / court of regional governor at Khemenu / Ashmunein.

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r pgA n arryt at the porch of the arryt (Khuninpu, B1, 216-217) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies spr.f r aryt He reaches the arryt, tA qnbt ir n.f rmT and that council is the one allotting him people (Duau Khety, section 30c) See above, 4.2, for inscription on arrival of Wepwawet‘aa at palace, with officers at the arryt. Summary for arryt Documentary attestations link the arryt to military, river transport and labour, confirmed by other titles in hieroglyphic inscriptions. Two literary compositions attest to arryt as a physical location: (i) standing at its pgA (root meaning “embrace”), (ii) reaching the arryt and receiving labour/staff.161 Absent from sequences of descriptive phrases, the arryt is attested in stela of Wepwawet‘aa as the location of anxw “officers” watching the arrival of the mayor at the palace. For temple approach areas, Konrad contrasts the two terms arrwt “das, was sich (apotropäisch gegen Feinde) aufbäumt”, and rwjt “die Stätte, (von der) aus man sich (fort-)bewegt”;162 such a directional concept of space may underlie the use of arryt in the context of the palace, perhaps in some relation to rwryt (entry 10). 3. aH (c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions iry at n aH “keeper of a chamber of the aH”163

Hry-pr n aH “house staff of the aH”165 xrp aH “director of/for the aH”166 The title xrp aH is attested as dedicator or primary beneficiary (“owner” in Egyptological parlance) on relatively minor monuments (statuette UC14696, stela CG 20191 for sanxw-ptH dedicated by Hry-pr.f aki-snb167). On one Twelfth Dynasty stela, the beneficiary Ameny(-seneb) Kemes bears this title in the main offering formula, and two higher titles in more crudely carved lines of inscription in front of the figure, idnw n imy-r xtmt “deputy treasurer” and bity imy-r pr wr “king’s , high steward”.168 From the different qualities of cutting and locations of titles, the stela might be interpreted as evidence for promotion of an official from xrp aH, first to deputy treasurer (also attested on one or more Sinai missions), and finally to high steward at the court of the king. The apparently middle-ranking status of xrp aH contrasts markedly with the use of xrp wsxt as title of a high official (see section 4.4). See 5.3 for a possible use among the descriptive phrases or Beititel of another high steward, Nesmont.169 (d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions references to king as the one who is in/Horus lord of the aH170 imy-ib Hr nb aH favourite of Horus lord of the aH171 wa Hr xw n imy aH sole one without exception for the one who is in the aH172 Hssw Hr nb aH ever praised by Horus lord of the aH173 Htp ib Hr nb aH contentment of Horus lord of the aH174

iHms n aH “sedentary staff of the aH”164 165

161

 Berlev 1978, 35‒48 on rmT “people” as technical term for workforce, perhaps specifically for project expeditions; for this passage of Duau Khety, see Berlev 1972, 244‒245. 162  Konrad 2006, 244. 163  Berlev 1978, 240; Ward 1982, no. 459; Quirke 2004a, 46, cf. at before name in palace context in Papyrus Boulaq 18. 164  Berlev 1978, 315‒317 as staff of food-sector Sna in contrast to aHa(yt) “standing” staff of living-quarters Berlev 1978, 134; Ward 1982, no. 569.

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 Berlev 1978, 133; Ward 1982, Add. no. 980a; Quirke 2004a, 46‒47. 166  Berlev interprets, Ward 1982, no. 1140; Quirke 2004a, 45‒46. 167   See comment by Berlev 1978, 147. 168  Stela Cairo CG20435, Simpson 1974, pl.4; Grajetzki 2000, 88. 169  Grajetzki 2000, 86. 170  Cf. Hirsch 2006, 81‒82. 171  Doxey 1998, 264, 2.10. 172  Doxey 1998, 283, 4.4. 173  Doxey 1998, 353, 11.13. 174  Doxey 1998, 353, 11.16.

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xw n imy-aH protégé (?) of the one who is in the aH175

HAp t Hr sSm aH discrete (?) on business of the aH186

sbAty Hr nb aH one taught by Horus lord of the aH,

xpr m aH raised in the palace187

Sdty Hr nb tAwy raised by Horus lord of the two lands176

siTn n.f n wrw aH to whom great ones of the aH are bowed188

sAA iwt.f m DbAw whose arrival is awaited in the adorning ceremony,

sar mAat r aH who raises what is right to the aH189

m sxat Hr nb aH in causing to appear Horus lord of the aH177

smr m aH companion in the aH190

smAy Hr nb aH associate of Horus lord of the aH178

gm mdt m aH who finds the (right) words in the aH191

sxpr.n Hr nb aH raised by Horus lord of the aH179

tpyw Snwt tkn m aH who precedes the entourage approaching the aH192

other references to the palace

tm th tp-rd n aH who does not deviate from the instruction of the aH,

aq r Xnw aH wrw m-xt who enters inside the aH, the great ones following180 mrwt(.i) m Xt nt smrw the love (of me) is in the body of the companions, wrw aH xaw im the great ones of the aH, and of the one appearing there181

tpt-r n stp-sA the pronouncement of the stp-sA193 Tnn srw n aH distinguished one of the officials of the aH194 Ddw n.f iiw m pr nswt to whom is said Welcome in the House of the King

mnx m st aH effective in position of the aH182

in smrw imyw aH by the companions who are in the aH195

wab aA m Hwt-nbw great pure one in the Hwt-nbw

On attestations of aH paired with stp-sA, see section 4.2.

mDH gnwtyw m aH crafter of sculptors in the aH183

The term aH appears in the following three first-person narrative inscriptions in offering-chapels: stela of the Theban treasurer Tjetji before re-unification, early to mid-Eleventh Dynasty, reference to favour from the king in aH.f n waaw “his aH of privacy”.196 Stela of treasurer Iykhernefret, reign of Senusret III, address by king:197

nb sxA nfr m aH lord of good renown in the aH184 rx sSm n aH who knows the business of the aH185 175

 Doxey 1998, 353, 12.2.   Stela Leiden V, 7, Janssen 1946, 99, Dr15. 177  Doxey 1998, 363, 14.4. 178  Doxey 1998, 371, 14.34. 179  Doxey 1998, 377, 14.59. 180  Stela Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek A689, Janssen 1946, 52, O13. 181   Doxey 1998, 310, 7.13. 182  Doxey 1998, 303, 7.12. 183  Rock inscription of overseer of sealers Meru, Shatt elRigal: Petrie 1887, pl. 15, no. 473 = Ward 1982, nos. 651+818. 184   CG 20254: Lange and Schäfer 1902, 273. 185  Doxey 1998, 335, 9.5. 176

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 Doxey 1998, 304, 7.12.  Doxey 1998, 354, 12.6. 188  Doxey 1998, 365, 14.12. 189  Doxey 1998, 366, 14.16. 190  Doxey 1998, 373, 14.41. 191  Doxey 1998, 389, 18.1. 192  Doxey 1998, 391, 19.6. 193  Doxey 1998, 391, 19.7. 194  Doxey 1998, 393, 20.3. 195  Doxey 1998, 398, 22.7. 196   British Museum 614, line 5, Lichtheim 1988, 47. 197   Berlin 1204, lines 7‒8, Lichtheim 1988, 98. 187

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iw xpr.n.k is m sDty Hm.i Indeed you grew up as a foster-child of my Power,

s mD m iwt s mD m Smt Ten men coming, ten men going

sbAty wa n aH.i sole pupil of my aH

Hr sTA.i r aH to lead me to the aH,

main narrative in rock-cut offering-chapel of Khnumhotep (II), at Beni Hasan:198 iab.n(.i) qnbt nt aH  (I) joined the council of the aH The annals inscription of Amenemhat II found at Mit Rahina (Memphis) refers to one aH by location and founder:199 Htp nswt m aH n tA S rsy Resting of the king in the aH of the Southern Lake Land n nswt bity xpr-kA-ra of the dual king Kheperkara

dhn.n.i tA imywt Sspw I touched the ground between the dawn rays msw nswt aHa m wmtw as the king’s children stood on the walls Hr irt xsfw.i at the conduct of my approach (Sanehat, B248‒256: wAx, aXnwty follow) iw inn n.i SAbw m aH Foods were regularly delivered to me from the aH (Sanehat, B300)

Captives from a conquered Asiatic city are then distributed n msw nswt n Spsw nswt n HAt aH “to the king’s children, to the king’s nobles, to the foremost men of the aH.200

(ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies

(e) narrative literary compositions

m aH tA S in the aH of the Land of the Lake (King in Marshes, B col.2 and C col. 1)

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri nHmn sA.f aq r aH Why, his son is entering the aH (Sanehat, B45) ntf dAir xAswt He is the suppressor of the hillands iw it.f m Xnw aH.f when his father was in his aH (Sanehat, B51)

[...] .. n aH dns[...] […] … of the aH, heavy […] (Tale at the Palace)

n Xnn.n tp-rd n aH the regulations of the aH are not disrupted (Praise of King, 2, 5) apr n.k bAw m “may a barge be equipped for you with

nfr pr.i wsx st.i My estate is fine, my place broad,

nfrt nbt nt Xnw ah.k every young girl who is within your aH” (Khufu, 5, 2‒3)

sxAwy.i m aH my renown is in the aH (Sanehat, B156)

wDA pw ir.n Hm.f r aH.f His Power proceeded to his aH (Khufu, 9, 18)

nD xrt Hnwt tA ntt m aH.f Greeting the mistress of the land who is in his aH (Sanehat, B173)

ist Hm.f anx wDA snb Indeed His Power life! prosperity! health!,

msw nswt nty m aH.f the king’s children who were in his aH (Sanehat, B177) pt.k tn ntt m aH This your heaven who is in the aH (Sanehat, B178) bAk aH sA-nhAt servant of the aH Sanehat (Sanehat, B204) 198

  Sethe 1935, 30, 8.  Altenmüller and Moussa 1991, line 23. 200  Altenmüller and Moussa 1991, line 26.

m aH.f anx wDA snb is in his aH life! prosperity! health! (Kaires, section 5) In the inscription of Senusret I at the temple to Mont, Tod, the narration begins with an audience m aH.f n anx wDA snb “in his aH of life, prosperity, health”.201 Similarly, on the great Abydos stela of king Khasekhemra Neferhotep I, the opening date and titular of the king is followed by the captionlike introduction: xat Hm.f Hr st Hr m aH wTs nfrw

199

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201

  Barbotin and Clère 1991, 8, col. 1.

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“appearance of his Power on the throne of Horus in the aH Raiser of perfection”. Summary for aH No documentary attestations. The four attested titles seem all of relatively moderate status, none of them secretarial: staff of livingquarters (Hry pr), provisioning sector (iry at, iHms), and the xrp “director”, for whom no ranking titles or more costly monuments are known, and so perhaps a position for “directing” the start of provision of food and drink at table, rather than any higher organising or ritual position. In sequences of phrases, aH is the regular location for the king (xaw im “the one who appears there”), especially as Horus (H rimy/nb aH), and at least sometimes for his wrw “great ones”, smrw “companions”, srw “officials”, and qnbt “council”. Officials can “approach” and “enter” the aH. The aH is a place of xpr “growing up” and sbA “teaching”, tp-rd “instruction” for a Punt expedition, sSm “business”, and accordingly of gm mdt “finding the (right) word” and reputation (sxA nfr); once, it is specified as the destination in raising the righteous. In a rock inscription of the treasurer Meru, “crafter of sculptors in the aH” connects the term with the production of figures and/or inscriptions, as the commissioning authority, or perhaps as the place of training and/or operational base for sculptors and/ or their organiser. In the Neferhotep I inscription, the aH is distinguished as if from others by the special name wTs nfrw, and the aH in the Amenemhat II inscription is explicitly located in Fayoum and attributed to Senusret I; implicitly there could be (and at that time presumably was) more than one aH at one time. One literary composition confirms a Twelfth Dynasty aH in Fayoum. Other literary compositions confirm the evidence in (c) for food production in the aH (as source of SAbw), and in (d) that the king may be located here (for the elder co-regent, perhaps permanently, see section 2.1), along with his wife and children, and that the word aH can denote the destination of a journey.

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  In sum, although the term is absent from administrative practice other than in its use within titles, in more literary contexts it can denote a building where the king resides, and where the court may visit. 4. aXnwty (b) titles with attestations including before name in documentary contexts imy-r aXnwty “overseer of the aXnwty”202 imy-r aXnwty “overseer of the aXnwty” (Lahun papyri, letters: sender of letter concerning quarrying, UC32201; recipient of letter concerning transport and fish deliveries, UC32205) imy-r aXnwty n kAp “overseer of the aXnwty, of the kAp” (Papyrus Boulaq 18) (c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions The only Amtstitel/“regular title” with aXnwty is the position of “overseer”, imy-r aXnwty. Gauthier assembled the range of qualifications to this core title, following a pattern characteristic of late Middle Kingdom sources:203 (i) focus on quarrying expeditions outside Nile Valley, or directing works in Nile Valley + imy-r tA-mHw “overseer of Lower Egypt” (predominantly in Sinai inscriptions) + xrp skw “director of troops” + xrp kAt “director of works” (ii) bureau of treasurer, and palace departments for more precious materials + (wr) n (xA n) imy-r xtmt “(great) … of (the bureau of) the treasurer” + n at Hnkt “of the chamber of cloth (?)” (iii) bureau of the vizier + n (xA n) TAty “of (the bureau of) the vizier” cf. early Middle Kingdom phrase + pr mAat “of the house of Right” (only stela Louvre C166) (iv) funding sector of palace (three wart of Papyrus Boulaq 18) + n wart tp rs “of the sector of the Head of the South” 202

  Papyrus Reisner I‒IV, see Simpson 1965, 40‒41.  Gauthier 1918; Ward 1982, nos. 72‒93.

203

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+ (wr) n pr HD “(great) … of the pr HD” (predominantly in Sinai inscriptions, cf. (i) above) + n xA n dd rmT “of the bureau of provision of people”

There, they are said to be given “in the wAxy” to the recipients,210 and, in another entry, to be “of the xnt”.211 (e) narrative literary compositions

(v) of part of the palace

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri

+ n kAp “of the kAp” (see entry no. 15 below)

msw.s m aXnwty Her children are in the aXnwty (Sanehat, B178)

(vi) uncertain + n Dd bAw (d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions Tn.i r st(.i) I am distinguished at (my) place, Hst.i mn.t(i) m aXnwty my favour is firm in the aXnwty204 The term aXnwty also occurs less certainly in relation to the palace, in an inscription of Djehutynakht, governor of Khemenu/Ashmunein in the Eleventh or early Twelfth Dynasty: rS (?) wabw m mA.f m xnt nt aXnwty “the pure-staff rejoice (?) at seeing him in the outer part of the inner area”.205 The combination of xnt and aXnwty anticipates use of both terms in the early Thirteenth Dynasty palace accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, but the focus of the Hatnub inscription is service in the temple of Thoth, main deity of Khemenu. The combination may demonstrate how temple and palace were similarly structured,206 or perhaps indicates one sector as the source of terms for the other.207 In a short narrative passage on the stela of the imy-r aXnwty Senusret208 the aXnwty is the place of receiving rewards for commissions: ir.n.i wpwt n nswt I carried out missions for the king, fqA.kwi m aXnwty I was rewarded in the aXnwty The noun fqAw “rewards” is used in the same sense of material return for a task successfully accomplished in the court accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18.209 204

 Janssen 1946, 151, V35, chapel of imy-r ipt nswt Iha, Deir Bersha, Griffith Newberry 1895, pl. 21. 205  Anthes 1928, 39‒40, pl. 16, Hatnub graffito 17, line 8. 206  As discussed from New Kingdom evidence by O’Connor 1991. 207  Cf. Konrad 2006. 208   Louvre C174, Simpson 1974, pl.17; Janssen 1946, 62, At.

  Spalinger 1986, 240‒244.

209

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smrw stAw r wAx The courtiers were led to the wAx, Hr rdit.i Hr wAt aXnwty for setting me on the way of the aXnwty. gm.n.i Hm.f Hr st wrt I found His Power on the great throne, m wmt nt Dam on a podium of electrum (Sanehat, 248‒256) wDA.tn r aXnwty Proceed to the aXnwty, sbAt r irt aHaw.f to be instructed on the appointing his standings” prt.i rf m-Xnw aXnwty So I went on inside the aXnwty, msw-nswt Hr rdit n.i aw.sn the king’s children giving me their arms Sm.n.i m-xt r rwty wrty I went then to the Great Double Gate (Sanehat, 279290) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies imy-r aXnwty […] overseer of the aXnwty […] (Neferkara and Sasenet, Papyrus Chassinat I, 2, 4, in list of officials at court in Mennefer) Summary for aXnwty No documentary attestations except in the title imyr aXnwty, which is the main instance of use of the term; most often the title designates officials of relatively high, but not highest, status on expeditions, or otherwise involved in projects which require the organisation of labour. Late Middle Kingdom expanded versions of the title confirm this outward direction of authority to works projects (xrp skw, 210

  Scharff 1922, section 36.   Scharff 1922, section 29.

211

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xrp kAt), but include imy-r aXnwty n kAp, with focus on the inner palace (see entry 14 kAp). The term is rare in descriptions of officials on their monuments, with no occurrence indexed from sequences of phrases, and only two narrative passages, one of an imy-r ipt nswt “overseer of the ipt nswt” (see entry 1), the other of an imy-r aXnwty who carried out wpwt “missions” for the king. The tale of Sanehat provides the only other evidence for aXnwty as reference to a part of the palace buildings. In the tale, the aXnwty is the place of the children of the king (cf. entry 1, ipt nswt as place of the king’s wife, and perhaps of officials titled Xrd n kAp); after Sanehat is led to the aH (entry 3), smrw “companions” are led to the wAx (entry 5) to set Sanehat “on the way of the aXnwty”. 5. wAx(y) (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) In the court accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, the wAxy is a place where (i) offerings are given to Mont and Horus nD it.f,212 (ii) fqAw “rewards” are given,213 (iii) banquets are held for officials.214 (c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions iry at n wAxy “keeper of a chamber of the wAxy”215 iry aA n wAxy “door-keeper of the wAxy”216 (e) narrative literary compositions (i) on Middle Kingdom papyri smrw stAw r wAx The courtiers were led to the wAxy (Sanehat, B250) See entry 4 (e) (i) for following passage including aXnwty (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies wDA pw ir.n Hm.f r wAxy His Power proceeded to the wAxy 212

  Scharff 1922, sections 16, 65.  Scharff 1922, section 36, here wAxy n pr aA anx wDa snb “wAxy of the pr aA life! prosperity! health!”. 214  Scharff 1922, sections 60, 74 heading imy-rn.f srw sTA r wnm t m wAxy m hrw pn “name-list of officials led to a banquet in the wAxy on this day”. 215   Berlev 1978, 240‒241, Ward 1982, no. 460. 216   Ward 1982, no. 501. 213

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n pr aA anx wDA snb of the pr aA life! prosperity! health! (Khufu, 8, 9‒10 to receive Djedi) Summary for wAx(y) Restricted range of attestations. In the court accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, the wAxy is the place of major ceremonial events: offerings to deities, awards to officials (cf. aXnwty, entry 4), feasts for officials. Only two low-ranking titles are attested (iry at, iry aA), and the term is not indexed from sequences of phrases or narrative accounts on monuments of officials. In literary compositions, smrw “companions” are led, and the king proceeds, to the wAxy, for audience with the king. In Papyrus Boulaq 18 and the Tales at the Court of Khufu, the wAxy is said to be “of the pr aA life! prosperity! health!” (see entry 6). 6. pr aA (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) Papyrus Reisner I, III, in association with labour, including as source of carpenters (Papyrus III, section J217) imw nw arryt nt pr aA “boats of the arryt of the pr aA” (Papyrus Reisner II, G3) imyw-r pr nw pr aA ntyw m tA-wr “estate overseers of the pr aA who are in Tawer” (Papyrus Reisner II E2, G1) wxrt nt pr aA “dockyard/workshop of the pr aA” (Papyrus Reisner II218) Lahun papyri: UC32179, 1, 17 cattle herds accounts, entry of amount di r pr aA anx wDA snb “given to (= against the account of?) the pr aA life! prosperity! health!” Semna despatches: statement by group of five Medjay (two men, three women) ii.n.n r bAk n pr aA anx wDA snb “we have come to work for the pr aA life! prosperity! health!”219 Papyrus Boulaq 18, entry 13: procession of Mont and Horus nD Hr it.f r pr aA anx wDA snb “to the pr aA life! prosperity! health!”

217

  Simpson 1969, 34.   Simpson 1965, 17. 219   Smither 1945, pl. 5, col. 4, 8‒9. 218

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Papyrus Boulaq 18, entry 50, narrative fragment as if from journal of king: wDA […] Hr sbA n wAt nswt m pr aA […] “proceeding […] at the gate of the king’s road in/from the pr aA […]” (c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions iry at n pr aA “chamber keeper of the pr aA”220 Hry-pr n pr aA “house staff of the pr aA”221 Smsw n pr aA “follower of the pr aA”222 uncertain readings: mA (for imy-r?) xnty-S n pr aA223 (d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions imy-bAH pr aA one who is in the presence of the pr aA224 imy-r sS m pr aA overseer of writing in the pr aA (only on stela Berlin 1200,225 mid Twelfth Dynasty, phrase before name of Wadj, also designated Xry-Hbt Hry-tp “chief lector” and sm imy-r Hwt nTr “sem and temple overseer”

n pr aA anx wDA snb of the pr aA life! prosperity! health! (Khufu, 8, 9‒10) aq pw ir.n qnbt nt Xnw the council of the Xnw entered r pr aA [anx wDA] snb r nD xrt the pr aA, [life, prosperity], health!, for the audience. prt pw ir.n.sn nD.sn xrt They emerged after they had made their audience mi nt-a.sn nt ra nb in their regular daily manner. (Neferty, sections 1c‒d) xr m-xt irt Hm.f mr.n.f After His Power had done what he desired, xr.f wDA.f r aH.f Sm.n Tti m-sA.f he would proceed to his aH, and Tjeti went after him. ir m-xt wDA Hm.f  After His Power proceeded r pr aA anx wDA snb to the pr aA life! prosperity! health!

xnty st n pr aA foremost of place of the pr aA226

Sm.n Tti r pr.f Tjeti went to his house (Neferkara and Sasenet, Papyrus Chassinat I, 3, 8‒11)

Among kingship inscriptions, the Mit Rahina annals of Amenemhat II includes an entry of material

ir.n.f kt wnwt fd He (sc. His Power) spent another four hours

m S n pr aA “from the lake-estate of the pr aA”.227

m pr n imy-r mSa (?) sA-snt in the house of the general (?) Sasenet,

(e) narrative literary compositions (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies

aq.f r pr aA entering the pr aA

Hwy A wDA Hm.k “may it please Your Power to go

iw wnwt fd wnw r HD-tA four hours to dawn (Neferkara and Sasenet, Papyrus Chassinat I, 3, 12‒13)

r S n pr aA anx wDA snb to the lake of the pr aA life! prosperity! health!” (Khufu, 5, 2‒3)

Summary for pr aA

wDA pw ir.n Hm.f r wAxy His Power proceeded to the columned hall 220

  Berlev 1978, 241‒242; Ward 1982, no. 476.  Berlev 1978, 133; Ward 1982, no. 983; Quirke 2004a, 47. 222   Berlev 1978, 212‒214; Quirke 2004a, 47. 223  Ward 1982, no. 789, late Middle Kingdom stela Cairo CG20030. 224 Doxey 1998, 265, 2.12. 225   Ward 1982, no. 353. 226  Doxey 1998, 356, 12.11. 227  Altenmüller and Moussa 1991, line 5. 221

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Restricted range of attestations. In documentary papyri, pr aA appears in relation of palace to the external world, either expressing the authority of the palace in a province (boats and estate managers in Tawer), as site of service from foreigners (Medjay in Semna despatches), or as destination of the image of Montu arriving from Medamud. Of four titles attested, three are well attested positions: iry at for the food-production sector (40 examples, 20 from expeditions outside Egypt), Hry pr for the living-quarters (21 examples, 1 from expeditions outside Egypt), and the ambivalent Smsw, either

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general staff or guard (12 examples, of which 6 on one stela Cairo CG 20235). A fourth title, attested on one source only, seems to be middle-ranking manager of xnty-S estate farmers (xnty-S is a term best attested in Old Kingdom contexts, particularly in estates of temples for kings;228 it is attested less often in the Middle Kingdom, both for the temple of Senusret II at Lahun, and in the Ptah temple229).   The term is also rare in sequences of phrases: beside two expressions of distinction (imy-bAH, xnty st), there is one occurrence of imy-r sS m pr aA, only paralleled by imy-r sS m pr anx (see entry 7). In literary compositions, the pr aA has a S “lake”, and wAxy (entry 5), and is the place where the qnbt nt Xnw “council of the residence” goes for daily audience with the king. In Papyrus Boulaq 18 and the Tales at the Court of Khufu, the term pr aA is followed by the blessing “life! prosperity! health!”, and it qualifies wAxy (see entry 5). The blessing also occurs in the Tale of Neferkara and Sasenet, more variably, and perhaps to ironic effect; in the tale, the pr aA is entered in parallel to the non-royal pr “house” of Tjetji (cf. also the pr “house” of general Sasenet). 7. pr anx

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[…] nnm mi s mAA xt […] weary, like a man seeing things, sTA n.f pr anx mi-qd.f (when?) the entire pr anx is brought to him. (Tale at the Palace, column 4) Summary for pr anx From the five categories reviewed, the pr anx is attested on a total of just six sources. None gives direct evidence for locating the pr anx in or adjacent to a palace of the king; in the late Eighteenth Dynasty, the Akhetaten pr anx stood equidistant to palace and Aten temple, but these relations cannot readily be transposed back onto Itjtawy, for which no major temple is attested. For parallels for the two phrases attested, imy-r sS and Hry sStA, see pr aA (entry 6) and pr nswt (entry 8). The two phrases are from inscriptions of high officials, indicating the high status of connections with pr anx, whatever its precise location in relation to the residence or other palace(s). 8. pr nswt (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) The Semna Despatches include a general phrase that all the affairs of the pr nswt are in good order.234

(c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions

(c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions

sbA n pr anx “teacher (?) of the pr anx”

No certain example

230

sS n pr anx “writer of the pr anx”

imy-r pr nswt “overseer of the pr nswt”235

(d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions

Three examples, each attested on a single source, perhaps all better assigned to (d):

231

imy-r sS m pr anx “overseer of writing in the pr anx”232 Hry sStA m pr anx “master of secrets in the pr anx”233

imy-r mrHt nbt n pr nswt “overseer of all unguents for the pr nswt”236

(e) narrative literary compositions

imy-r mSa n pr nswt “army overseer of the pr nswt”:

(ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies 228

 See Vymazalová 2013, 187‒191.  See Quirke 2004a, 127. 230  Ward 1982, no. 1282, citing only seal Martin 1971, no. 1497. 231   Ward 1982, no. 1380, citing only stela Cairo CG 20023. 232  Ward 1982, no. 354; inscription in offering-chapel of imy-r ipt nswt Iha at Deir Bersha, Griffith and Newberry 1895, no. 10, pl. 21. 233  Doxey 1998, 346, 11.12; Ward 1982, no. 1013, stela of treasurer Mentuhotep Cairo CG 20539, and statue of vizier Iymeru Heidelberg 274. 229

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234

  Smither 1945; cf. Berlev 1962a, 144.  Ward 1982, no. 153 cites only stela Cairo CG 20030; as the expression is not otherwise attested, possibly a known title such as imy-r ipt nswt is intended. 236  Ward 1982, no. 202 citing only stela Cairo CG 20518, with date year 8 of Senusret I, where the main beneficiary of the stela Khnumnakht is identified in the principal offering-formula by this and two preceding expressions Hry sStA n wADty “master of secrets of the Double Wadjet (crowns)” and imy-r iswy m waaw “overseer of the double is-chamber in privacy”; together, the three title-like designations in this early Middle Kingdom inscription recall the duties of the imy-xnt Semty the younger under Amenemhat II, on stela British Museum EA 574, Lichtheim 1988, no. 41, 96‒98. 235

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the phrase n pr nswt seems to indicate an unofficial extension to a core title in the manner of sequences of phrases for (self)-description on the monument of an official237 sS qdwt m pr nswt “draughtsman in the pr nswt”238 (d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions iw n.f wrw m ksw r rwty pr nswt to whom the great ones come bowing at the double gate of the pr nswt239 iwn Sma n pr nswt pillar of Upper Egypt for the pr nswt240 imy-r aHaw wr m pr nswt great overseer of ships in the pr nswt241 wr idt m pr nswt great of censing in the pr nswt242 wr Hst m pr nswt great of praise in the pr nswt243 wr snD m Xnw pr nswt great of fear within the pr nswt 244 mtr m (var. n) pr nswt) precise in (var. of) the pr nswt245 rx st-rd.f m pr nswt who knows his appointed place in the pr nswt246 HAty HAtyw m pr nswt foremost of the foremost in the pr nswt247 Hry Hrw m aAt nb Sps nt pr nswt master craftsman in all valuable stones of the pr nswt248 237

  Ward 1982, no. 210, stela Leiden II.11.  Ward 1982, no. 1446 stela Cairo CG 20547, before name in a phrase trio which starts Hry sStA m pr nfr Hry tp Xryw Hbt m niwt.f “master of secrets in the Good House (embalming workshop), overlord of lectors in his town”; like m niwt.f, the localising specification m pr nswt seems to be an unofficial expansion of a core title, the well-attested sS qdwt; however, Fischer 1986 notes a variant sS qdwt n pr nswt as caption to a censing man, in a rock-cut offeringchapel at Deir Bersha. 239  Doxey 1998, 254, 2.2. 240  Doxey 1998, 255, 2.4. 241 Ward 1982, no. 46, among series of phrases for mayor Sarenput = Sethe 1935, 2,5. 242   Ward 1982, no. 716. 243  Doxey 1998, 287, 4.11. 244  Doxey 1998, 287, 4.11. 245  Doxey 1998, 316, 7.20. 246  Doxey 1998, 335‒6, 9.5. 247  Doxey 1998, 343, 11.2. 248   Ward 1982, no. 997. 238

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Hry sStA n pr nswt master of secrets of the pr nswt249 Hsy aAt m pr nswt greatly praised in the pr nswt250 xnty iAwt m pr nswt foremost of offices in the pr nswt 251 xnty (n) st m pr nswt foremost of place in the pr nswt252 smr (aA) n pr nswt (main) companion of the pr nswt253 snw qn m pr nswt valiant second in the pr nswt254 Sw m aawy Hr Hn nb n pr nswt free from slumber on every task of the pr nswt255 Ddw n.f iiw m pr nswt to whom is said Welcome! in the pr nswt in smrw imyw aH by the companions who are in the aH256 The pr nswt appears in first-person narratives on two offering-chapel stelae: (1) iw ip m-a.i m pr nswt “accounting was in my charge (?) in the pr nswt”, or perhaps “the accounts were (in order) with me in the pr nswt” (stela for imy-r pr “estate overseer” Mentu-user257) (2) di n.i pH iA (?) msw(.i) nb iAwt m pr nswt “I was granted reaching old age (?), with (my) children as possessor (?) of offices in the pr nswt” (stela for imy-r aXnwty “overseer of the aXnwty” Intef258) The main narratives in rock-cut offering-chapels of regional governors provide further attestations: (1) Sarenput, Aswan apr m xaw pr nswt “(I was) one equipped with the apparel of the pr nswt”259 249

  Ward 1982, no.1016; Doxey 1998, 346, 11.12.  Doxey 1998, 349, 11.13. 251  Doxey 1998, 355, 12.11. 252  Doxey 1998, 355–356, 12.11. 253  Doxey 1998, 373, 14.41. 254  Doxey 1998, 374, 14.45. 255  Doxey 1998, 383, 15.3. 256  Doxey 1998, 398, 22.7. 257   MMA 12.184, line 8, Lichtheim 1988, 104. 258   Uncertain reading, following Lichtheim 1988, 107. 259  Sethe 1935, 2, 16, in the context of receiving the praise of the king. 250

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(2) Ameny, Beni Hasan bAkw nb n pr nswt Hr xpr m-a.i “all produce of the pr nswt came into being from my action”260 m idn s it iAww xft Hsst m pr nswt mrwt.f m stp-sA “as a man deputises for an aged father, according to the praises in the pr nswt, and the love of him in the stp-sA”261 Hs.kwi Hr.s m pr nswt “I was praised for it in the pr nswt”262 (3) Khnumhotep (II), Beni Hasan aSA inw pr nswt “abundant of deliveries of/for the pr nswt”263 Among kingship inscriptions, pr nswt occurs in two entries in the Mit Rahina annals of Amenemhat II, one broken, the second as source for equipment for the Opening the Mouth consecration ritual.264

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of the imy-r ipt nswt “overseer of the ipt nswt” Ihy (including three other titles starting Hry sStA: n wADty “of the double Wadjyt (crown)”, n pr dwAt “of the house of adoration (robing), n Xkrt nswt “of the ornaments of the king”). As with pr anx (entry 7), the Hry sStA combination implies exceptional access to the restricted, but the reference may still be at a very general level, rather than to a particular architectural feature such as inaccessible areas of a palace. Other phrases identify the pr nswt as a place of ablution or censing (wr idt), of qualities of praise/fear/precision/valour, of official positions (iAt, nst) and authority (iwn), but also specifically of river transport and semi-precious stones (cf. narrative passages with inw “deliveries” and bAkw “produce” of pr nswt). 9. pr HD (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b)

(e) narrative literary compositions

Papyrus Reisner I, III recipient of material, labour266

(ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies

Lahun papyri, accounts, uncertain whether local or central: UC32145A vso, 16 (document brought from), 32181, 4 (source for 50 wood items)

kfAw nt pr nswt anx wDA snb the (things) of the pr nswt life! prosperity! health! are bared (Ipuwer, 3, 10) Summary for pr nswt Attestations are concentrated in sequences of phrases on inscriptions of officials. The term “to whom the great ones come bowing at the double gate of the pr nswt” is attested on two Eleventh Dynasty inscriptions, and on the stela of treasurer Mentuhotep. In no other instance, on these source types, is the pr nswt clearly localised, as if it expressed the “House of the King” at the most general and intangible level.265 The phrase Hry sStA n pr nswt is attested on one late Twelfth Dynasty scarab, as sole supplementary designation of a xtmty bity imy-r xtmtyw “king’s sealer, overseer of sealers” (for this as one of the high officials of the central administration, see section 5), and among the many phrases in the offering-chapel inscriptions

Lahun papyri, letters: nA n pr HD “the people (?) of the pr HD” being sent (uncertain reading) in UC32210, supply of replacement item(s) (vessel?) from “the things (?) of the pr HD” in UC32213 Papyrus Boulaq 18: pr HD one of three wart “(funding) sectors” for palace, the others being xA n dd rmT “bureau of labour provision” and wart tp rs “department of the Head of the South”267 (b) titles with attestations including before name in documentary contexts nfw n pr HD “captain of the pr HD”268 sS n pr HD “accountant of the pr HD”269 Dt nt imy-r pr n pr HD “servant of estate overseer of the pr HD”270 (c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions (i) related to river transport (see also (b) above)

260

  Sethe 1935, 15, 15, cf. 15, 19.   Sethe 1935, 14, 12‒13. 262   Sethe 1935, 15, 7 and 18. 263  Sethe 1935, 32, 11, in description of qualities of his younger son Khnumhotep. 264  Altenmüller and Moussa 1991, lines 3 and 9. 265   Berlev 1962a. 261

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266

  Simpson 1969, 20‒21.   Quirke 1990, 117. 268   Ward 1982, no. 828, list of fugitives; Hayes 1955. 269  Recipient of attendance lists in Papyrus Reisner II, Simpson 1965, 41‒42; other examples in Ward 1982, no. 1382. 270   List of fugitives, Hayes 1955. 267

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ATw n Tt nt pr HD “commander of crews of the pr HD”271 imy-r aHaw n Tt nt pr HD “overseer of ships of crews of the pr HD”272 Xnw n pr HD “sailor of the pr HD”273 (ii) related to food production and delivery to table iry at n pr HD “chamber keeper of the pr HD”274 wdpw n pr HD “cupbearer of the pr HD”275 (iii) staff related to living-quarters Hry-pr n pr HD “house staff of the pr HD”276 (iv) managerial and secretarial staff not mainly attested in expedition inscriptions (see also (b) above) imy-r pr n pr HD “estate overseer of the pr HD”277 sS Hry xtm n pr HD “accountant in charge of the seal of the pr HD”278 TAw n pr HD “equipment-official of the pr HD”279 (v) titles mainly attested in expedition inscriptions, or related to works projects imy-r aXnwty (wr) n pr HD “(great) aXnwty overseer of the pr HD”280

Hmty pr HD “metalworker of the pr HD”285 Hsb n pr HD “calculator (?) of the pr HD”286 Ward also cites a title imy-r w n pr HD “district overseer of the pr HD” from stela Cairo CG 20544;287 however, the reading of every sign in the title is questioned by the editors,288 and there is no certain example of any security or military title associated with the pr HD. (d) phrases before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions spd prwy HD “sharp one of the double pr HD”289 In the rock-cut offering-chapel of mayor Sarenput at Aswan, the main first person narrative includes the assertion n rdi gA.i r dbHt m pr HD “No lack of mine was registered against what was required in the pr HD”.290   The first-person declarations on the offering-chapel stela for the imy-r pr “estate overseer” Mentuuser include the phrase xrp.n.i Hbsw r pr HD “I directed clothing to the pr HD291 (e) narrative literary compositions

imy-r Snwt pr HD “granary overseer of the pr HD”281

(i) on Middle Kingdom papyri

xtmw kfA ib n pr HD282

xtmt im.f nt pr-HD valuables were in it (sc. estate given to Sanehat) from the pr-HD

sS n DADAt n pr HD “accountant of the tribunal of the pr HD”283 (vi) other iry xt (?) n pr HD “keeper of material (?) of the pr HD”284 271

  Ward 1982, no. 12, stela Cairo CG20143.   Ward 1982, no. 12, stela Cairo CG20143. 273   Ward 1982, no. 1189, anchor-stela (?) Cairo CG 20742. 274   Berlev 1978, 242‒243; Ward 1982, no. 477. 275   Ward 1982, no. 766. 276  Ward 1982, nos. 980, 984; Berlev 1978, 133; Quirke 2004a, 58‒59. 277   Ward 1982, no. 151. 278   Ward 1982, no. 1418. 279   Ward 1982, no. 1382. 280   Ward 1982, nos. 80, 84. 281   Ward 1982, no. 387, citing only Hammamat 114. 282  Berlev 1978, 188‒189, with discussion of the core title xtmw kfA ib, incl. its other qualification n xrp kAt “of the director of works”; Ward 1982, no. 1496. 283  Ward 1982, no. 1455, citing two Sinai expedition inscriptions. 284  Ward 1982, no. 537, citing one unclear example Martin 1971, no. 1115. 272

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Hbsw nw Ss-nswt antyw tpt – clothing of royal linen and ointment of the first – srw nswt mrr.f as for the king’s officials whom he loves, m at nbt in/from every chamber (Sanehat, B285‒289) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies iw pr-HD r-m m-xmt bAkw.f Why have a pr-HD without its produce? (Ipuwer, 3, 13)

285

  Ward 1982, no. 956.   Ward 1982, no. 1101. 287   Ward 1982, no. 308. 288  Lange and Schäfer 1902, with photograph. 289   Sethe 1935, 2, 6. 290   Sethe 1935, 3, 1. 291   MMA 12.184, line 7, Lichtheim 1988, 104. 286

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Summary for pr HD Berlev has summarised the evidence for pr HD in relation to xtmt “sealed goods”, the more valuable materials, above all textiles, as opposed to staples and other perishable foods and drinks in the Sna “food production sector” of the large house.292 In accountancy documents, the pr HD is a funding source (Papyrus Boulaq 18) and a destination for materials and, perhaps (Lahun letter UC32210), people. Accordingly, many pr HD staff bear titles related to river transport, or are attested from records of expeditions and building projects. Some managerial, secretarial and provisioning staff may have been responsible for the logistics of such expeditions; others may be involved more in the role of the pr HD as a funding wart “department”, as attested in Papyrus Boulaq 18. The Hmty “metalworker” might also be project staff, for repair of project equipment (cf. control of copper tools in temple construction accounts, Papyrus Reisner II293). Rare occurrences in phrase sequences and narrative inscriptions, and in literary compositions confirm the pr-HD as a destination for central requisitions (dbHt), and specifically for linen and ointment. 10. rwryt (b) titles before name, including attestations in documentary contexts imy-r rwryt “overseer of the rwryt”294 (c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions The main offering formula on a late Middle Kingdom stela, Cairo CG 20683, is for two men with an uncertain title starting imy-r amrw or imy-r a imyw-r pr, one for the imy-r rw(r)yt,295 one for the imy-r xtmt. (e) narrative literary compositions (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies

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imy-r rwryt overseer of the rwryt (Neferkara and Sasenet, Papyrus Chassinat I, 2, 11, at a petition) See further the discussion on high officials, section 5. Summary for rwryt Restricted range of attestations, all for the title imyr rw(r)yt; for the relation to arryt (entry 2), see section 5 on high officials. 11. xnt(y) (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) In the court accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, adjacent entries refer to the xnt: fqAw m hrw pn nw xnt xft wD “rewards on this day of the xnt according to decree”296 Snwt nt sbA (?) xnt “ (a remainder from) the granary of the door (?), and (?) of the xnt”297 Reading and interpretation of the second entry remain problematic, but it may indicate that the xnt administered or included a granary. (b) titles with attestations including before name in documentary contexts sS n xnt (Papyrus Boulaq 18;298 also on inscriptions, as stela Cairo 20231299) possibly related: In Middle Kingdom contexts, the element xnt in an already ancient title imy-xnt “he who is in the foreplace” may evoke the palace, as it is attested in ritual related to both sculpture and ceremonial around the king; the sources include Papyrus Boulaq 18.300 (c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions imy-r st n xnt (stela Cairo CG20334 only,301 from a group of stelae in which the treasurer Senebsumai 296

292

  Berlev 1978, especially 167‒170.   Simpson 1965. 294  Ward 1982, no. 236; sources include Lahun letter fragment UC32119C, uncertain whether local or central administration, adjacent column-end requests a woman to produce 200 loaves. 295   Ward 1982, no. 53. 293

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 Scharff 1922, section 29, for the rx nswt “one known to the king” Seneb. 297   Scharff 1922, section 30. 298  See Berlev 1962b. 299  Berlev 1978, 147 xnty as “front, ceremonial rooms of palace”; Ward 1982, no. 1414; full list Grajetzki 2001a, 58‒59. 300   Ward 1982, nos. 425‒428; Quirke 2004a, 34. 301   Ward 1982, no. 324.

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is depicted facing a man with a lower title: imy-r st “stores overseer” on BM EA 215 and 252, imy-r st n imy-r xtmt “stores overseer of the treasurer” on Pittsburgh 2983‒6701 and Roanne 163, iry at wdpw “chamber keeper, cupbearer” on Cairo CG 20718, Hry-pr n pr aA “house staff of the pr aA” on Turin Suppl. 1298, it-nTr n itm “god’s father of Atum” on Leiden 14302) uncertain readings: The signs left of n kA n on stela Cairo CG20175 are unclear, possibly a title wr xnt “great one of the xnt” as read with question mark by the editors.303 (e) narrative literary compositions (i) on Middle Kingdom papyri iw nswt m xnty The king is in the xnty (Khuninpu, B1, 158) HAt-a m mdt Ddt.n sA Hri Beginning of the speech delivered by the son of Hori HAmw pw n niwt rst iwrw rn.f a fisherman of the Southern City, called Iuru, iASw m-xt wn.f m xnt when summoned after he was in the xnt (Pushkin 1695) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies iAdw mA.n.f xnty (only) a child when he saw the xnty (Kemyt VII)

yard); the Neferty cobra might be expected to be “on the brow”, without reference to the palace. However, in both instances the composition may deploy intentional ambiguity or double-reference. The word explicitly denotes the regular place of the king only in the literary composition Kemyt, known from New Kingdom copies. Summary for xnt(y) Secure attestations restricted to the royal accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, and other sources for the title sS n xnt, and the literary composition Kemyt. In the accounts papyrus, the xnt is a source of fqAw “rewards”, or the place where they are assigned or given, and it may have a granary. 12. Xnw (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) Lahun papyri, accounts: source of grain (?) in UC32127, destination of delivery of tp rnpt “start of year (dues?)” in UC32142B, on failure of delivery to Xnw and threat that vizier may send envoys in UC32190A (copy of a letter reply) Lahun papyri, letters: unclear context in letter concerning dues and labour, UC32128; as place of jurisdiction in case concerning iTA “a thief” and labour, UC32200; as source of aqw “provisions”, UC32202 Copies of royal decrees to vizier Ankhu, Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446: order to have a fugitive brought r Xnw “to the Xnw”; reference to the xA n dd rmT n Xnw “bureau of labour provision, of the Xnw”304

ink gr xnty I am the silent one of the xnty (Kemyt XIII)

(c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions mDH n at Xn “carpenter of the chamber of Xn”305

in xnty dd snd n sA It is the xnty that gives fear to the stall (Merykara, Hermitage line 46)

(d) phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions

iw arat imt xnty The rising cobra who is in the xnt Hr shrt n.f XAkw-ib pacifies the evil-hearted for him (Neferty, section 14) Not all examples certainly relate to the palace: the Merykara passage seems to evoke a general opposition between front of any large house (formal court of entry) and its outer provisioning area (back

mrrw qnbt nt Xnw beloved of the council of the Xnw306 In the first-person narrative inscription on the stela for Horemkhauf, from Nekhen/Hierakonpolis, he goes r Xnw “to the Xnw” to fetch (images of) Horus of Nekhen and his mother Isis.307 In the rock-cut offering-chapel of mayor Sarenput at Aswan (reign of Senusret I), the main narrative 304

 Hayes 1955, pl. 6, line 15.   Ward 1982, no. 812a, stela Zagreb 8 only. 306  Doxey 1998, 312, 7.13. 307  Hayes 1947. 305

302

 See Grajetzki 2001a, 14‒17.  Lange and Schäfer 1902, 205; Ward 1982, no. 728

303

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includes the assertion di.n Hm.f xntS(.i) mi sr nb n Xnw.f “ His Power granted that I move freely, as any official of his Xnw”.308 (e) narrative literary compositions (i) on Middle Kingdom papyri iw Xnw m sgr ibw m gmw The Residence was in silence, hearts in sorrow, rwty wrty xtmw The Double Gate sealed (Sanehat, R9‒10) war war n hAw.f The fugitive flees from his surrounds, iw mtr.i m Xnw but my right place is in the Xnw (Sanehat, B149) nTrw nb SA wart tn Whichever god ordained this flight Htp.k di.k wi r Xnw Be at peace, give me back to the Xnw (or “back home” Sanehat, B156) mA.k Xnw xpr.n.k im.f that you may see the Xnw where you were born, sn.k tA r rwty wrty kiss the ground at the Great Double Gate, Xnm.k m smrw and join the courtiers (Sanehat, B198-199) (ii) in Middle Egyptian, perhaps Middle Kingdom, but only known from later hieratic copies xr m-xt spr.f r Xnw After his (sc. king’s son Hordedef) arrival at the Xnw (Khufu, 8, 5‒6) qnbt nt Xnw the council of the Xnw (Neferty, sections 1c, g, see entry 6. (c) above) Summary for Xnw Restricted range of attestations. In documents, the Xnw is a source or destination for food and perhaps other materials, and a place of jurisdiction. One title only may include the term, connecting it with material production (carpentry); this aspect is attested in the statement of the sculptor Shensetji that he was at Itjtawy.309 Images of deities are collected from the Xnw, further indicating a relation to

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material production, though, in this case, possibly as place of distribution rather than production. One sequences of phrases refers to the qnbt “council” of the Xnw, also attested in the literary Prophecy of Neferty, and recalling the srw in a first-person narrative inscription on another hieroglyphic inscription. The scarcity in inscriptions is striking; the small number of references might reflect a deliberate avoidance of the word, as too sacred to invoke, but Xnw is not followed by the blessing anx wDA snb in the manner of other terms for palace. In other literary compositions, the Xnw is a destination, and forms a recurrent motif particularly in the Tale of Sanehat. At the start of the Tale, the death of Amenemhat I prompts sorrow in the Xnw, and the rwty wrty “Great Double Gates” are closed. When Sanehat is in Asia, the king tells the exile that he will see the Xnw and (then) kiss the ground at the rwty wrty. From these two occurrences, the Xnw might be equivalent to the palace alone, or the palace in combination with a surrounding settlement. The relation to rwty wrty is also not quite explicit; it could denote the ceremonial gateway of the Xnw or, if different, of the palace at/in the Xnw. The term rwty wrty occurs without reference to Xnw after the return of Sanehat, between his meeting with the king’s children in the aXnwty and his installation in the house of a king’s son (see entry 4 above). It is also a feature of descriptive phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions of officials, with or without the element wrty: the “great” bow to an official at the rwty of the pr nswt, in one phrase attested on two Eleventh Dynasty and one early Twelfth Dynasty inscription (first item in (d) for entry 8 above); and the imy-r rw(r)yt Inpy is designated imy-r rwty wrty “overseer of the double gate” alongside imy-r kAt nbt nt nswt “overseer of all works of the king”, on a stela from Abydos.310 Although all attestations for rwty (wrty) concern the palace of the king and the highest officials of the central administration, one of these attestations specify explicitly that the rwty (wrty) are at the front of the Xnw, rather than of a palace at or in the Xnw. The writing of the toponym Itjtawy within a fortified rectangle implies a perimeter wall. Yet our sources leave open whether or not this outer demarcation contained a smaller enclosure (e.g. the aH “palace”), and, therefore, whether the rwty wrty as ceremonial point of entry to the place of the king were in an outer Xnw perimeter wall or a separate inner “palace” perimeter wall.

308

  Sethe 1935, 3, 4‒5.  Lichtheim 1988, 91.

309

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310

  Cairo CG20683, Ward 1982, no. 235 only source.

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13. Sna (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) Lahun papyri, accounts (excluding items with specific local reference, as UC32137J, UC32168, and others of apparently local reference, e.g. UC32135B, UC32143A): heading to name-list including officials with titles related to logistics of works operations (imy-r st “stores overseer”, xtmw Xr a “assistant sealer”) imy-rn.f DADAt nt Sna nty Hr pA anx (?) wnm t n hrw pn “name-list of the board of the Sna which is responsible for the Life (? = royal foods?) of the feast for today” UC32158 and related fragment UC32150A. Papyrus Boulaq 18 day summaries, as source of food and drink for pr mnat “house of nurses” and regular recipients: as the accounts cover a visit by the king and court to Thebes, it is not certain whether this Sna was within a permanent royal institution, a local administrative complex adapted for royal visits, or a complex aligned with the temple, though for the latter at least a qualifying phrase such as “of god’s offerings” or “of Amun” might be expected. (c) titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions In most instances, without further investigation into each source, it is not possible to distinguish royal from temple or local examples. However, the qualification aA “great” may indicate a central institution, and the suffix-title sDm Sna is attested only for high officials, and titles with these elements are listed here. imy-r st n Sna aA “stores overseer of the great Sna”311 xtmw Xry a n sDm Sna312 “sealer, assistant of the hearer (of decrees?) for the Sna”

Snaty “exchange-unit” or “value unit”.315 The term is among those used in large non-royal estates, as well as for the domain of the king, and therefore the context for each source must be assessed.316 The example of the royal accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18 shows how difficult it can be to identify without ambiguity the location of the Sna in relation to a domicile of the king; intriguingly, the daily food for the king himself seems to comprise anxw nswt “victuals of the king” brought from a sacred precinct, the temple of Amun.317 Nevertheless, the daily summary accounts in the papyrus demonstrate the central importance of a Sna for feeding everyone (?) else at the palace. Titles include two indications that the palace of the king had its own Sna: reference to a “great” Sna (unless this is a central store on a building or expeditionary project), and, most persuasively, the suffix title of high officials in the central administration as “hearers” of the Sna. Despite this centrality, the institution does not appear in phrase sequences or first-person narratives on hieroglyphic inscriptions; an example in a literary composition, Hry Sna “store master” in the Tale of Khuninpu, is a generic and informal designation without reference to the domain of the king. 14. kAp (a) occurrences in documentary contexts, other than in title before name = (b) Papyrus Boulaq 18, section 9 heading di r kAp r inw n Hmt nswt anx wDA snb “given to the kAp for additional supplies to the king’s wife life! prosperity! health!”, supply of eye-paint, an item of ebony, and wine; section 33 refers to the pr Hmt nswt i.i anx wDA snb “house of the king’s wife Ii life! prosperity! health!”, as if that pr signified the accountancy institution, while the kAp was the physical building, but the two terms may refer to two separate buildings or parts of buildings.

sDm Sna “hearer (of decrees for?) the Sna”313

(b) titles with attestations including before name in documentary contexts

Summary for Sna

imy-r aXnwty n kAp (Papyrus Boulaq 18), also well attested on stelae,318 once with wr “great” after imyr aXnwty319

The term Sna denotes the sector of production and storage of food and drink, as most clearly defined in the materials specified for individual at “chamber” sub-divisions.314 It is to be distinguished from 311

  Ward 1982, no. 326.   Ward 1982, no. 1196, emending reading with Franke. 313   Ward 1982, no. 582; Quirke 2004a, 50. 314  Berlev 1978, 235‒327, including 325‒327 list of “chambers”. 312

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315

 Berlev 1966; the two words are confused in a single entry for separate overseer titles in Ward 1982, no. 381, see Fischer 1985. 316  As Franke 1983 on the model of Berlev. 317   Berlev 1978. 318   Ward 1982, no. 91. 319  Fischer 1986, no. 80a, Louvre C13.

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(c) additional titles before name in hieroglyphic inscriptions iry at n kAp “chamber keeper of the kAp”320 iHms n at kAp “sedentary staff of the chamber of the kAp (?)”321 HkAy n kAp322 Xrd n kAp323 Xrd n kAp n ipAt nswt324 Summary for kAp Sources restricted to the royal accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18 and to titles in hieroglyphic inscriptions. In the papyrus, the kAp is a destination for luxury goods to be given to the king’s wife. Titles in hieroglyphic inscriptions identify staff for religious protection (HkAy), and from the food-provisioning sector (iry-at, iHms), as well as the Xrd n kAp “child of the kAp” of uncertain function, once qualified “of the ipt nswt” (see entry 1). 4.4 Summary observations on palace vocabulary The findings on individual terms can be assessed by functional and thematic focus, as proposed in Tab. 2. The table columns do not cover all functions: notably, the executive or judicial aspects of a royal audience could be added from attestations of qnbt “council” for the terms aH and Xnw (the link with arryt is less certain: a qnbt may assign workers to someone reaching or petitioning the arryt, but is not necessarily itself in the arryt). Nevertheless, certain preliminary results may be noted, on the distribution of functions across the various source types with attestations for this set of terms. The extremely fragmentary record certainly places limits on the use of any such results, but the written sources are numerous enough to warrant suggestions for future research.

199

(i) spatial relations (Tab. 2, columns 1‒3) Prepositions of destination/location/source may denote either conceptual location, as in accountancy or ‘banking’ vocabulary (cloth might be assigned “to (the account of)” the pr HD, for example), or a physical presence, whether permanently or temporarily installed as architecture, or ritually demarcated on the ground. No examples were found for ipt nswt or rwryt, only r “to” occurs with kAp (possibly in the sense “assigned to the account of”), and only m “in” occurs with pr anx and pr nswt. Strongest evidence for a term as denoting a physical space of entry/occupation/exit is found for aH, aXnwty, wAxy and Xnw. Of these four terms, only aH is otherwise well-attested: for aXnwty, there is only otherwise imy-r aXnwty with its many extensions; wAxy is otherwise present through its iry at and iry aA, both rare; for Xnw, location is the only aspect securely attested from the tabulation. (ii) provisioning and domestic staff (Table 2, columns 4‒5) Officials for storage and production of food are attested for all terms except arryt, aXnwty, pr anx, pr nswt, rwryt and Xnw (though provisions are attested as coming from the Xnw). As the arryt otherwise has strong military focus, the corresponding provisioning authority might be identified as the well-attested iry at n wrSw “chamber keeper of guards”.325  The Hry-pr officials for living-quarters are attested for ipt nswt, aH, pr aA and pr HD. Their absence from arryt and wAxy may reflect precise function of palace approach and audience-hall respectively; they are not expected in the Sna, on the interpretation by Berlev. Absence of Hry pr for aXnwty, pr anx, pr nswt, rwryt, xnty, Xnw and kAp may indicate instead the limited use of these terms for any architectural feature, compounded for pr anx, pr nswt, and rwryt by the absence of provisioning. (iii) managerial staff (Table 2, columns 6‒7)

320

 Berlev 1978, 245; Ward 1982, no. 493, also no. 465 iry at wr (?) n kAp from uncollated inscription on find from Kerma. 321  Berlev 1978, 317 rendering at kAP “section / department of the palace”; Ward 1982, no. 566. 322  Ward 1982, no. 112;, Quirke 2004a, 28; Hry-pr HkAy on stela Turin 1626 interpreted as variant Berlev 1978, 151. 323  Ward 1982, nos. 1229, 1231; Quirke 2004a, 28‒29; *iHms n kAp a misreading of this title, as documented by Berlev 1978, 317‒318. 324   Ward 1982, no. 1230.

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As regular titles (Amtstitel), imy-r, sS, and TAw indicate that a term denotes an operational space for which accounts must be kept, and where organisers are accountable. The only terms for which both overseers and accountants are securely attested are ipt nswt and aH. The royal accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18 revolve around daily interaction between imy-r aXnwty n kAp and sS n xnt, perhaps transposing the relation ipt nswt – aH to the documentary plane. 325

  Berlev 1978, 258‒259 for full list and discussion.

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(iv) military, security, transport (Table 2, columns 8‒9) Security staff are certainly documented only for the arryt. The title Smsw denotes guard in some contexts, domestic staff in others, and so the military aspect is not securely attested for pr aA or pr HD. River boats are attested for the arryt and pr HD, in connection with projects outside the palace: temple building in the governorate of Abydos (Papyrus Reisner II), and mining and quarrying outside the Nile Valley (expedition inscriptions). (v) production excluding food and drink (Table 2, column 10) A desultory total of five sources relate palace terms to either ideation or production in wood, stone, ivory, faience and metal: (i) single late Eleventh Dynasty high official is described as mDH gnwtyw m aH “crafter (literally carpenter?) of sculptors in the aH; (ii) one man is identified by sole title mDH n at Xn, possibly “carpenter of the chamber of the Xn(w)”; (iii)-(iv) two men are identified as sS qdwt “draughts­man in/of the pr nswt”; (v) a Hmty n pr HD “coppersmith of the pr HD” appears in the accounts of temple building in the Abydos governorate (Papyrus Reisner II), but perhaps more as repairman for the chisellers on pr HD work, than as primary producer of metal tools. Given the high importance attributed by Egyptologists to sculptoral production, and the outstanding quality of Middle Kingdom jewellery, the near absence of the topic is striking, even at the surface level of explicit references. (vi) ritual aspects (Table 2, column 11) The evidence for ritual aspects of the palace is divided here into (1) attestations for the blessing anx wDA snb “life! prosperity! health!” after the term, (2)‒(3) designations of individuals other than titles before names, (4) regular title alone before personal name. 1. In Middle Kingdom sources, only aH and pr aA are followed by anx wDA snb; pr nswt has the blessing in one New Kingdom copy of a literary composition. 2. The phrase Hry sStA is found once with ipt nswt (overseer of the ipt nswt Ihy), once with pr anx (treasurer Mentuhotep), and twice with pr nswt (overseer of the ipt nswt Ihy, overseer of sealers Hor; also attested for treasurer Neshi under Kamose326).

326

 See Grajetzki 2000, 262, n. 4.

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3. The phrase imy-r sS m is found once with pr aA, once with pr anx. 4. The only ritual title with explicit relation to a palace term is HkAy n kAp; as the kAp is related to the king’s wife and children in Middle Kingdom sources, and so the most secluded part of the palace, the link between HkAy and kAp may be implicit again in the combination with the living quarters title Hry pr on stela Turin 1626 (see entry 14).   As with sculptural production and security, these amount to remarkably few sources, for an aspect generally considered central to ancient Egyptian palace culture. In the extant sources, three further groups of people at the palace of the king seem to be entirely without explicit spatial reference: music (in different areas?), cosmetics (inner palace only?), secretariat of the king (in different areas?). The absence of cosmeticians and secretariat from the corpus of palace terms may be explained by the very personal link of those staff to the king, king’s wife, king’s mother, or king’s children. Music is present at the palace in the Tale of Neferkara and Sasenet, where the clamour of musicians plays a crucial role in the plot by drowning out a plaintiff; if the late copies of the tale had been better preserved, some reference to the place where they played and sang might have survived. Nevertheless, no “*musician of the palace” or similar title has yet been indexed from the large number of surviving hieroglyphic sources for phrases and titles. The impression remains that these aspects of palace life were not localised and thematised within the horizons of Middle Kingdom royal court expression.   From combined analysis of these functions against terms, some general conclusions may be proposed, even if the underlying question remains as to which term corresponds to a distinct architectural feature, and which terms operated at a more abstract or conceptual level. For example, the terms pr-aA “great house” and pr-HD “white house” might be interpreted either as material structures, Palace and Treasury, or they might be expressions for less tangible aspects, e.g. pr-aA as executive authority, and pr-HD as its economic dimension. Some progress in separating architectural from conceptual terms may be achieved by re-ordering the terms according to the theoretical plan of the palace,327 leaving in italics those terms either located outside the palace, or not covered in the entries in this section: 327

  Berlev 1962a.

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term possibly outside palace: pr anx (essentially a term for function-specific staff? no fixed location?) most general, widely encompassing terms: pr nswt whole palace complex: pr aA (?) front areas: (a) of whole palace complex arryt; (b) of core palace building xnty (?) core palace building: aH (?) adjacent to or part of core palace building: pr HD (?) outer or back areas between perimeter of whole palace complex and core palace building: Sna transit areas from front of whole palace complex to core palace building: wsxt transit areas from front of core palace building to inner: wAxy identical with DADAwy? inner areas: ipt nswt, aXnwty, kAp If we then return to the attestations for the terms by source types, relations between terms may be added, always allowing for ambiguities in the genitive attribution of one term to another (e.g. S n pr aA may be a lake outside the palace, but belonging to it or connected with it in some way): imw nw arryt nt pr aA = arryt as part of pr aA wAxy n pr aA = wAxy as part of pr aA Xrd n kAp n ipt nswt = kAp possible sub-division of ipt nswt S n pr aA = S possibly within pr aA DADAwy n aH = DADAwy possibly within aH   A provisional global mapping of palace terms is given in Fig. 1, not as a research result, but rather as a tool to visualise relations between terms. The blocks and borders should prompt for each term or terms a continual return to context, to investigate the possibility of overlap or synonymy. In particular, hieroglyphic and hieratic sources may operate on different levels, with a further contrast to be considered between literary and documentary. As hieroglyphic inscriptions aim forward to unbounded time beyond the horizon of mortal life, the phrasing may present the same institutions in alternative style, rather than additional institutions. Thus, in the title xrp wsxt “director of the broad court” discussed below in relation to high officials responsible for administering parts of the palace space, “broad court” may be equivalent to, or part of, the same space designated xnty in the hieratic sources above. Despite the risk that a visual medium may reify relations between terms, and so freeze study instead of enabling it, a palace plan may be useful in drawing attention to terms in particular need of mutual definition, by foregrounding their shared

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position on the plan (e.g. ipt nswt, aXnwty, kAp). The plan also makes explicit the terminological base against which to consider further evidence, such as the relation of the highest officials to the palace, considered in the next section. 5.1 Internal, external and ritual aspects in sources for the highest officials of the king In comparison with the single most informative accountancy document, Papyrus Boulaq 18, or the corpus of “regular titles” before name, the tabulated distribution of palace terms provides a guide to the priorities or dominant focus in self-expression. Rather than revealing a functional structure of administration overall, the different source-types allow assessment of relations between elements, and collectively they locate the concentrations of attention and the sources of prestige.328 The sources in section 4 indicate a striking lack of references to ritual and sculptural production in relation to palace terms. Other broad areas of activity may also be considered. In section 2.2, one productive focus in European court studies was seen in the contrast internal to external, or narrower to broader. For second millennium BC Egypt, the binary terms in the relation of internal to outward-facing palace officials may be defined as follows: Internal = administration of palace itself, as a building to be maintained/people to be fed External = palace as site of administration for the ruled territory   The role of localised palace provisioning staff/ accountants (internal administration) in the external/‘national’ administration is a historical variable, to be charted from within each period. Between early and late second millennium BC, sources for Egyptian royal palaces seem to indicate a shift in the importance attributed to the task of bringing food and drink to the table of the king. Middle Kingdom sequences of phrases to describe an official rarely focus on the themes of hygiene and delivery of food; the few examples relate to temple offerings rather than service of the ruler. Ritual cleanliness is not only a relatively minor aspect of Middle Kingdom expressions, but also limited in chronological range; phrases such as wab awy/Dbaw “pure of hands/fingers” are attested before the Twelfth Dynasty, and then for perhaps only a brief period across the reigns of Senusret III and Amenemhat III.329 Nor do Middle Kingdom sources 328

 Cf. Raedler 2009.  Doxey 1998, 66‒67.

329

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provide any clear equivalent to the prominence of wbA nswt “cupbearer of the king” in the Ramesside court studied by Raedler.   In order to document further the role of palace administration in high officialdom, and, conversely, any role for high officials in managing the daily operation of the palace, I rely on the comprehensive study of all published Middle Kingdom sources by Wolfram Grajetzki (2000). From that monograph, I isolate four areas for further analysis: variations in high official titles over the period (5.2); palace terms in the Beititel or descriptive phrases (related to my source type (d) above) attested for high officials (5.3); references to ritual in the Beititel of high officials (5.4); and the soziales Umfeld attested for high officials (5.5), with reference to comparative historical studies, particularly the definition of the early modern court by Duindam. 5.2 Palace terms in the regular titles of the highest officials of the king 2025‒1550 BC From the sharply varying history of phrases denoting high status,330 and the clearest use of xtmty bity “sealbearer of the reigning king” to denote exclusively high officials of the central administration, Grajetzki indexed all titles and their holders at the highest level of central administration over the period under study.331 To these, may be added the regional governors, at least during the early Middle Kingdom, when their own local “courts” are attested in their rock-cut tomb chapels,332 and from coffins of their officials in adjacent cemeteries.333 The title of vizier is restricted to the circle of the nswt. By contrast, a core group of other well-attested titles is also found at the courts of regional governors, and seems to be drawn from local third millennium BC practice, as Grajetzki outlines (imy-r xtmt, imyr pr wr, imy-r AHwt, imy-r rw(r)yt, imy-r xtmtyw). Only one of these incorporates a term for palace, the rw(r)yt discussed in section 4.3, entry 10.   The less frequent titles at the highest level of the central administration include only one further reference to a palace term, xrp wsxt. Grajetzki notes an instance in Coffin Text 47, where the wsxt is the place where the deceased may receive praise from sxm-ir.f “the ruler”; at the same time he draws attention to the absence of the term from the royal accounts Papyrus Boulaq 18, and from other courses, 330

 Grajetzki 2001b.  Grajetzki 2000, summarised here in Table 3. 332   Seidlmayer 2007. 333   Willems 1988. 331

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and concludes that it may be “eine Art ideelle Institution”, drawn from Old Kingdom terminology.334 One of only six individuals known to have held xrp wsxt as their main title is Renseneb, whose advance from ATw n Tt hqA “commander of the crew of the ruler” is captured in the juxtaposition of the two titles on one stela (Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek ÆIN 964335). This career might indicate a military background to the xrp wsxt,336 or more broadly a role in organisation of expeditionary forces, sent out from or for the palace of the king. The same outward direction may be implicit in rw(r)yt, understood as the front of the palace, whether conceptually or as a demarcated zone or architectural feature. Indeed, considered as a collective, all the titles of high officials seem focussed on the outside world, either as a source of revenue, or as a destination of missions. None relates explicitly to internal organisation of the palace in itself. Here the phrases used to delineate the profile of high officials may provide more information. 5.3 References to the palace in phrases describing high officials of the king 2025‒1550 BC The largest rock-cut tomb-chapels of regional governors provide a major source for phrases outlining the activities and prowess of individuals.337 Not unexpectedly, high officials of the central administration are also the point of reference for a high proportion of inscriptions in section 4.3 source category (d). In his study, Grajetzki itemises and comments on all Beititel attested for each main title, with reference to the individual title-holders, revealing general patterns across the period for this collective high officialdom. (i) vizierate: Only two viziers have title-like descriptive phrases which incorporate possible palace terms.338 In the late Eleventh Dynasty, Dagi is called imy-r prwy HD imy-r prwy nbw; the pairing is attested for Old Kingdom viziers, but more characteristic in the Middle Kingdom for treasurers and high stewards, and so discussed below.339 In the reign of Senusret I, Intefiqer holds the position imy ist in a sequence outlining his operational area, in the offering-cha334

 Grajetzki 2000, 167.  Grajetzki 2000, 164‒165, 168. 336   Berlev 1971. 337  Doxey 1998, 9‒13. 338  See in the context of all Beititel of viziers Grajetzki 2000, 40‒42. 339  Grajetzki 2000, 36. 335

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pel over the burial-place of his mother Senet at Thebes, and the position xrp wsxt following the main title TAty “vizier” on a fragment from his own chapel over his tomb at Lisht.340 (ii) high officials who hold titles also attested in courts of regional governors: (a) Beititel are characteristic elements in inscriptions for holders of the two highest positions after that of vizier: imy-r xtmt “treasurer” and imy-r pr wr “high steward”.341 Their Beititel with possible palace terms are summarised in Table 4; one designation omitted as uncertain is xrp aH, recorded in standardised hand-copy only from a damaged “diorite” statue of the high steward Nesmont, found in a plundered burial chamber at Dahshur.342 (b) Of the core set of titles also attested for courts of regional governors, no palace terms occur in Beititel for imy-r mSa or imy-r AHwt,343 and just one descriptive title-like phrase refers to palace architecture in the case of two others: one imy-r rw(r) yt inpy is imy-r rwty wrty “overseer of the double gate” on one stela (Cairo CG20683344 and see section 4.3, entry 12); and two late Middle Kingdom imy-r xtmtyw have the suffix title imy is “who is in the is”, perhaps to denote them as permanently based in the palace reception or living spaces, as distinct from other imy-r xtmtyw who Sms nswt “follow the king”, or sDm Sna/ rmT “hear (orders for) provisioning-sector/labour force”.345 (iii) Reflecting the more restricted source range of the period, few Beititel are attested for the five high titles added in the late Middle Kingdom expansion as a more fixed court or Hofstaat; none of their Beititel include references to the palace.346 (iv) Holders of other titles, who also hold designations of high position at court Several officials are identified by the same palacerelated designations attested for the treasurers and high stewards.347 In addition, three further designations of officials may be noted: 340

 Grajetzki 2000, 13.  Grajetzki 2000, 68‒69, 107‒109. 342  Grajetzki 2000, 86, III.11, aH written with tall sign, but conceivably for wsxt. 343  Grajetzki 2000, 127, 138‒139. 344  Grajetzki 2000, 144. 345  Grajetzki 2000, 155‒157. 346  Grajetzki 2000, 155 imy-r xtmtyw, 162 imy-r xnrt, 168 xrp wsxt, 174 sS a n nswt n xft Hr, 183 imy-r sxtyw. 347   See the notes to Table 4, from Grajetzki 2000, 185‒209. 341

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imy-r kAt nbt nt pr nswt “overseer of all works of the pr nswt” attested for the deputy treasurer Sehetpibra on his Abydos stela, beside iwn Sma m pr nswt; the form imy-r kAt nbt nt nswt is more often attested, and both may denote management of special construction projects;348 Hry sStA n ist “master of secrets of the ist” attested for imy-r Snt “overseer of dispute” Dedusobek on stela British Museum EA 566;349 Hry sStA n sDmt waw rwty st “master of secrets of the hearing in privace of the two gates of the place/ throne” attested for the wHmw “reporter” Mont‘aa (statue British Museum EA 100350).   From the Beititel range as indexed by Grajetzki, and the full content of the main sources for them, the most powerful men in Middle Kingdom hieroglyphic inscriptions seem to attach themselves far less often to the place than to the person of the king. The same impression emerges from the index by Doxey from a broader social range, including in particular the regional governors. Possibly the palace is so hegemonic in a period of a single kingship residence, that it becomes a blindspot, taken for granted in the expression of high status. Possibly, the historical sources for official phraseology belong more heavily in the relatively king-less environment of more local rulership, during the late Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period.351 Another reason might lie in the degree of mobility of kingship in part or all of this period, perhaps greater than we expect: the early Twelfth Dynasty treasurers Mentuhotep and Rehurdjersen both hold the designation Hry sStA n nswt m swt.f nbt “master of secrets of the king in all his places”.352   Closer reading of each Beititel in turn would help to identify the precise contexts in which particular palace terms were most often selected, and, from all these, the motivation for referring, rather exceptionally it now seems, to the palace. For example, the phrase wr idt m pr nswt “great of censing in the pr nswt” occurs on a statue of the high steward Khentkhety after two ritual or temple designations, neither necessarily related to the place of the king: wr diw m pr DHwty “greatest of the five in the 348

 See Grajetzki 2000, 36‒37, 200.  Grajetzki 2000, 204, XII.49. 350  Grajetzki 2000, 192, XII.17. 351  Cf. Franke 1997. 352  Grajetzki 2000, 49, 69, Beititel no. 39. 349

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house of Thoth” and Hm st “servant of the throne” (or “of Isis”). The same phrase occurs on the Abydos stela of Iykhernefret after iry pat iry HD n gb “leader of nobility, keeper of the white palace (?) of Geb”, a pairing that has been related to the performance of the sed-festival353 and xnty st r st smA Hr “foremost of place at the throne of unification of Horus”. From these associations of wr idt, and from the other attestations of pr nswt considered in section 4.3, entry 8, this palace term might be identifiable as the spatial expression most appropriate or necessary for occasions of kingship festival and ritual, perhaps specifically at the assembly of individuals from across the regions of the territory ruled, perhaps in substantial numbers. Such considerations may provide a point of contact with the extensive “court studies” on the place of the ruler as the communicative-executive stage of power (section 2.3). As one productive area for comparative research, analysis of the ritual dimension of palace attestations may benefit from assessment of other references to ritual in Beititel of high officials, presented in the next section.

(II.6), Saiset (II.9), Intefiqer (III.12), Khnumhotep (I.12), Imhotep (V.1), Ihy (XII.15), Mentuhotep (XII.17), Hor (XII.53)

5.4 References to ritual in phrases describing high officials of the king 2025‒1550 BC The Beititel indexed for high officials include a series of terms relating to deities and religious ritual, explicitly in content, or externally by information from other sources. Forty-one are presented below from an initial review of material in Grajetzki 2000 (using his sigla I = vizier, II = treasurer, III = high steward, IV = overseer of army/forces, V = overseer of fields, VI = overseer of the rw(r)yt, VII = overseer of sealers, XII = titles not regularly attested at highest level).

(x) wr idt m pr nswt II.12 Iykhernefret, III.10 Khentkhetywer

Attested for five or more high officials: (i) it nTr (mr nTr): Dagi (I.2), Mentuhotep (II.6), Kheperkara (III.7), Khentkhetywer (III.10), Khnumhotep (I.12), Ankhu (V.3) (ii) Hm nTr mAat: Intefiqer (I.6), Sobekemhat (I.10), Mentuhotep (II.6), Hor (III.4), Dedu-Intef (IV.5), Inpy (VI.3), imy-r ipt Ihy (XII.15), imy-r Snt Senusretseneb (XII.38); on a stela of imy-r Snt Dedusobek, the unique variant r nxn mAat possibly elides (XII.49354) (iii) Xry Hbt Hry tp: Sobekemhat (I.10), Mentuhotep 353

 Grajetzki 2000, 222, and see following section 5.4. 354   For a similar elision in the sequence, and the sequence elsewhere, see Grajetzki 2000, 14, 36.

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(iv) sm (regularly with xrp Sndt nbt): Dagi (I.2), Sobekemhat (I.10), Khety (II.1), Mentuhotep (II.6), Saiset (II.9), Khentkhetywer (III.10), Intefiqer (III.12), Khnumhotep (I.12), Imhotep (V.1), Ihy (XII.15), Mentuhotep (XII.17), Hetep (XII.28), Kaiunumsaf (XII.43), Hor (XII.53) (v) smA Hr (smA mnw): Khentkhetywer (III.10), Khnumhotep (I.12), Intefiqer (III.12), Imhotep (V.1), Hor (XII.53) Attested for two or three high officials: (vi) iwn knmt II.6 Mentuhotep, III.4 Hor (vii) iry pat iry HD gb II.2 Meketra, II.12 Iykhernefret (viii) iry pat iry Dnbw wsxt II.6 Mentuhotep, II.13 Senbef (ix) wa wr Snptyw II.6 Mentuhotep, III.10 Khentkhetywer

(xi) Hry sStA n wADty II.12 Iykhernefret, XII.15 Ihy (xii) Hry sStA n pr nswt VII.24 Hor, XII.15 Ihy (xiii) Hry sStA n pr dwAt III.12 Intefiqer, XII.15 Ihy, XII.33 Khety (xiv) Hry sStA m rw-prw II.12 Iykhernefret (uncertain, damaged part of stela Cairo CG20683), XII.41 deputy treasurer Sehetepibra (xv) Hry tp nxb II.12 Iykhernefret, XII.15 Ihy (xvi) xrp Hwwt nt: Amenemhat (I.3), Hetep (XII.28) Attested for one high official, one monument each (identified for this list by type, as possible indicator of the context of use for singular designations): (xvii)‒(xix) I.2 Dagi, chapel over burial-place, Thebes: wab Snty, xnty xnd, smk (xx) I.3 Amenemhat, rock inscription Hammamat 113: Hm dwAw m pDt Ss (xxi) I.10 Sobekemhat, Dahshur chapel fragments: Hm nTr ra n […] (xxii)‒(xxiv) II.6 Mentuhotep, Abydos stela Cairo CG 20539: wr npt, Hm nTr inpw xnty pr Smsw, HmnTr Hr kfty

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(xxv)‒(xxvi) II.12 Iykhernefret, stela Berlin 1204: xnty st r st smA Hr, DbA wrt HkAw (xxvii) II.16 Ameny, Ezbet Rushdi statue: Hry sStA nTry Sma (xxviii) III.4 Hor, stela Louvre C2: wr pna … nbt (xxix)‒(xxxv) III.10 Khentkhetywer, statue Barracco 11: wr mAw, wr diw m pr DHwty, wtw inpw m Hwt-nTr, xrp xt m xnt-ipt.f, Hm nTr, Hm st, Hry sStA (xxxvi) V.2 Mentuhotep, Saqqara statue: Hm nTr inpw (another incomplete designation includes Hm nTr) (xxxvii) VII.4 Emhat, stela Leiden 7 (cf. XII.25 Louvre C46): iry nfr Hat m sXkr nswt (xxxviii)‒(xli) XII.15 imy-r ipt Ihy, Saqqara chapel: wn dwA, Hry sStA n Xkrt nswt mAA nfrw, HTs km,355 xrp nsty   Another possible ritual designation may be noted from a Wadi Hammamat rock inscription, dated to the reign of the late Eleventh Dynasty king Mentuhotep IV, for a man named Mentuhotep with designations of high status and the main title imy-r mSa “overseer of an army/expeditionary force”.356 He is also identified as mty n niwt HqA Hwt imy-r sXrt nt xmwt “organiser of the town, ruler of the domain, overseer of the milking/milkers of the sacred (?) cattle” (cf. stela from Akhmim, where local governor is imy-r xmwt “overseer of sacred (?) cattle”, Cairo CG20024357). These phrases may be intended to express in more distinctive terms the regular Middle Kingdom pairing of HAty-a and imy-r Hwt-nTr/imy-r Hmw-nTr to denote the principal authority for town and temple in each major centre.358 Accordingly, the designations may record participation of Mentuhotep, not in ritual, but in administration of the main temple of his town, perhaps Akhmim.   Some of the designations listed above may have been introduced from earlier inscriptions of high officials within the process of draughting new monuments. For example, the chapel of the Eleventh Dynasty vizier Dagi yields the only Middle Kingdom example of (xvii) wab Snty, an Old Kingdom title relating to kingship cult at pyramid complex temples.359 In such contexts, the rarest Middle

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Kingdom titles attested in the Old Kingdom may have signified less an active role, than expression of other meanings, perhaps primarily a conscious link felt to ancient regal and palatial officialdom.360 Other designations may express in ritualised terms the authority of the official over juridical practice (as in (ii), attested across an interesting range of high officialdom), or over regional estate management (as in (xvi), unless the Neit crown has precise ritual focus). The reference to deities outside ritual can be a useful reminder of the risk that our analyses may separate secular from sacred in a manner alien to the society being studied. In contrast to these ambiguous instances, the designations on the statue of high steward Khentkhetywer (III.10), seem to ascribe active roles in three major cults related to kingship, those of Anubis, Ra, Thoth; in (xxx) the words m pr DHwty “in the house of Thoth” imply that the official was present in the regions as well as at the court, appropriately for the person managing all estates of the king. At the narrow end in the spectrum of temporal precision, specific roles in the rarely performed sed-festival may lie behind (vii)‒(viii) iry pat iry HD gb and iry pat iry Dnbw wsxt, attested for treasurers. Rituals of crowning seem dominant in designations for the treasurer Iykhernefret in particular, several also found for Ihy, overseer of the ipt nswt: (xi), (xvi), (xxv‒xxvi); these might apply to any appearance of the king, not only to the periodic sed-festival. While these phrases occur in inscriptions of high officials, some of the phrases are also attested for two brothers named Semty, with the title imy xnt “chamberlain”, neither with designations of highest office.361 Despite their fine quality, the stelae of the brothers Semty demonstrate that participation in the most select royal ritual was not itself sufficient for designation as a high official. This is an important consideration in assessing the Middle Kingdom palace and kingship in comparison with other times and places.   Pascal Vernus has indicated the central role of the Xry Hbt “lector” in transmission of sacred written knowledge, and generation of new monuments, leading the process of ideation, alongside the sS qdwt “draughtsman” of depictions and inscriptions for eternity.362 The frequent designation of high of360

355

 Ward 1982, nos. 1136+1145, reading after Fischer 1985, 74. 356  Grajetzki 2000, 117, IV.2, inscription Hammamat 53. 357  Lange and Schäfer 1902, 27‒28. 358   Quirke 2004a, 111. 359  Grajetzki 2000, 33, n. 3.

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 Cf. Ward 1982, 85, no. 710, on the sole example of wn dwAw as a writing of Old Kingdom wn a dwAw, not necessarily retaining the Old Kingdom meaning; the title is written in the same way for a Twelfth Dynasty chief lector Senusretankh at Lisht, Arnold 2008, 14, no. 21, pl. 25. 361  Lichtheim 1988, 96‒98; Simpson 1974, pl. 61. 362  Vernus 1986.

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ficials as chief lector (item (iii) here) suggests their prominence in this area of kingship, at the palace or elsewhere. Three further designations of high officials concern the knowledge of sacred script (hieroglyphs or cursive hieroglyphs): Hry sStA n pr anx (see section 4.3, entry 7): I.29 Iymeru Neferkara, II.6 Mentuhotep Hry sStA n mdw nTr: II.6 Mentuhotep, II.12 Iykhernefret, III.10 Khentkhetywer, VII.3 Sokarhotep sS mDAt nTr: I.12 Khnumhotep as high steward, V.1 Imhotep, XII.53 Hor, Lahun chapel 609   The designation “chief lector” is also attested at more local level as a regular title, and therefore its scope must be assessed at each occurrence. Combined with sS mDAt nTr, it is attested as main title for one late Eleventh Dynasty high official, Khety.363 Alone, it seems to be the main title of one high official of Senusret I, Senusretankh, to judge from its inscription as sole title with his name on the great granite lintel from the chapel over his tomb at Lisht South (Cairo JE60267364). His burial complex is exceptional in scale and decoration, including one of the rare Twelfth Dynasty examples of underground chamber inscribed with Pyramid Texts.365 With the exception of Senusretankh, the position seems to be held during the Twelfth Dynasty by a high official with another main title (the individuals listed under (iii) above). At the highest level, in the court of the king, there may have been only one chief lector at any one time; this person may be considered the principal official responsible for ritual there.366 Subsequently, it occurs as regular title in late Middle Kingdom sources, including the inner and outer coffins of Sesenebnef, found at Lisht, bearing the most extensive series of afterlife literature from that period.367   However fragmented, the distribution of extant sources may define a community of shared practice, at a general level. Occurrences of the above designations in inscriptions for regional governors indicate their participation in ritual at the same level as the highest officials in the central administration, and above the level of ritual specialists within the palace, such as the Semty brothers. As indexed in Ward 1982, the following designations are attested

for governors at these sites (nos. (ix), (xxii), (xxiv), (xxv), (xxvii), (xxxi), (xxxii) not in the Ward index): Aswan: (xv) Asyut: (ii), (xv), (xvi) variant adding White Crown after nt-crown, (xli) Beni Hasan: (iii), (v), (vii)-(viii), (x), (xv), (xvi), (xxiii), (xl) Deir Bersha: (ii), (iii), (iv), (xiv), (xv), (xvi), (xxx), (xl), (xli) Meir: (iii), (iv), (xi)   Another designation of ritual practice is attested for regional governors, but not for high officials: wr xrp Hmww “greatest of directors of craftsmen”.368 In the Old Kingdom, the phrase denoted a high official in the organisation of projects, but it came to be used for the highest position in the temple of Ptah at Memphis: wr xrp Hmww occurs as main title, alongside designations of highest status, for at least five men in the Twelfth Dynasty, and three in the Thirteenth.369 A location in the palace of the king is made explicit in the variant wr xrp Hmww m prwy, once in the central administration or at Memphis, and once for a regional governor at Asyut.370 A general double shift may be observed across the broad span of early second millennium BC,371 which it seems anachronistic to consider as the separation of the religious from the executive sphere, but is difficult to articulate in other terms. On one side, the positions wr xrp Hmww and wr mAw move from the court of the ruler, into the temples of Ptah and Ra, both creator deities, with cult centres at two of the most important cities in the country, Memphis and Iunu. In the opposite direction, the leading positions in temples of major deities seem to rise to the ranks of high officialdom, as marked by the late Middle Kingdom designation xtmty bity “king’s sealer”: the latter is prefixed to the sole title “god’s servant” of Amun, Mont and Sobek.372 In view of the prominence of Abydos (see section 2.2), a similar development might be expected at Abydos for the “god’s sealer” at the temple of Osiris. The sources do not indicate whether these high temple staff of the most 368

363

 Grajetzki 2000, 221 with n. 7, 239 with n. 4. 364  Arnold 2008, pl. 24. 365  Arnold 2008, 13‒24, pl. 2‒7, 9‒25. 366   As concluded by Grajetzki 2000, 111. 367  Grajetzki 2000, 214‒215.

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  Ward 1982, no. 729, Aswan, Asyut.  Grajetzki 2000, 111. 370  Ward 1982, no. 730; the Asyut version of (xli) xrp nsty also adds m prwy, Ward 1982, no. 1152. 371  Grajetzki 2000, 110. 372   Martin 1971, 186 index. 369

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important deities of late Middle Kingdom Egypt were based at the Xnw “residence” of the king, or in a regional aH-palace of the king. However, the changes might reflect an increase in time spent by the king and his court to palaces in, respectively, Thebes and the Fayoum.   Ritual practice related to kingship cult and cult of deities seems present in three forms: the ritualised vocabulary sometimes applied to administrative roles, as in (ii) and (xiv) above; the presence of ritual referents in the inscriptions of regional governors and high officials of the central administration; and the prominence of the positions of chief lector, “greatest of seers”, “greatest of directors of craftsmen” (whether assigned to high officials with other main titles, or separated as specialist positions), and, later in the period, leading staff of major regional temples. Studies of palace administration need to include a return to the sources in their material form, to assess relative importance of this dimension of high officialdom, asking in particular which monuments required most resources and skills, and addressing the spatial distribution and proportion of references to cult across the sources, for each title, and collectively.373 Although the cult/ritual/temple references may prove to be a secondary feature in final analysis, their presence may too easily be overlooked in studies focussed on administration, prone to modern assumptions of secular practice. Here, the critique of Elias by Duindam may be recalled as a useful warning: “Elias pictures the court as an arena of almost entirely worldly status competition, with ceremony and rank as largely secular pre-occupations. In practice, religion played a major role in most if not all pre-modern courts. It was indisputably present in ceremonies and rituals and structured mentalities as well as practices”.374 At the same time, Egyptology has suffered a systemic neglect of social and economic history, in favour of an idealising religious and art history.375 Therefore, the suspension of assumptions both secularising and mythologising presents a particular challenge for further study on the ancient Egyptian palace. 5.5 Relations between high officials of the king 2025‒1550 BC As Duindam notes, widely used words such as “court” may mask differences between institu373

 Cf. Grajetzki 2000, 138‒139 on “Dominanz religiöser Titel” for the “overseer of fields”. 374  Duindam 2011, 7. 375   Moreno Garcia 2009.

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tions, and so mislead those attempting comparison between societies; against this risk, he sought to demarcate the type of courts attested in early modern Europe against other, including later European “courts”, one criterion being the prominence of families alongside that of the ruler (see above, section 2.3). For early second millennium BC Egypt, Grajetzki (2000) has considered the evidence for family links between high officials, and for succession in office, presenting an assessment of Soziales Umfeld and Karriere for each high official title in turn, and for the collective high officialdom. Significant differences may be seen across the five chronological phases identified within the period in section 2.2. This historical variability may not be adequately appreciated either inside or outside Egyptology, where a single “ancient Egyptian court type” may be assumed. Therefore, the findings are repeated here, as a nuanced Egyptological contribution to the approaches of Duindam and others, to be added to the New Kingdom “court studies” by Raedler and Spence.   For the period from re-unification to the late Twelfth Dynasty, the fragmented record provides no evidence for the inheritance of office in powerful families of high officials: “Wenn man von den Bürgermeisterfamilien absieht, hat es keine Beamtenfamilien in höchsten Positionen gegeben, in denen der Vater sein Amt auf den Sohn vererbte”.376 At this phase in the history of the Egyptian kingship, the only inherited position at the court of the ruler is that of the ruler himself. However, the picture is complicated by the father-son succession of regional governors, even if these declare their dependence on the king for appointment to the position of their father. Applying the concept of inner and outer court circles, defined by the frequency of time spent with the ruler, the regional governors might be considered a distanced equivalent of high officials, in an outermost of three circles: innermost (not necessarily most powerful) circle of palace domestic staff and kin of ruler = those spending most time daily with the ruler; inner circle comprising the high officials of central administration = those in regular, often daily, audience with the king (as in the Neferti excerpt); outer circle = those only sporadically in audience with the king. Distance from the ruler might both create opportunities for autonomous action, and remove opportunities for acquiring resources; accordingly, the precise relations between kingship centre and regional governors remain essential objects of study for our understand376

 Grajetzki 2000, 232.

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ing of early Middle Kingdom Egypt. At this period, marriage ties between families of high officials in different positions are almost as invisible as inheritance of office, with one plausible instance documented: the wife of a vizier Ameny, known from two rock inscriptions at the First Cataract, bore the distinctive double name Sehetepib Nehy, also attested for the daughter of the imy-r mSa “overseer of an army/labourforce” Ameny on a stela probably from Abydos.377 Certainly the individual focus of sources for high officials may conceal many connections between families. Early Middle Kingdom stelae tend to show family members and domestic staff, rather than colleagues with titles, as became dominant after the late Twelfth Dynasty, and this choice may also affect the picture. Nevertheless, stronger overlaps might be expected to deliver more examples like Sehetepib Nehy; overall, the lack of secure evidence for kinship ties is a striking feature across the hundreds of chapel monuments from the period.   For the late Twelfth Dynasty and early to midThirteenth Dynasty, the picture of inheritance changes.378 The regional governors are no longer known from extensively decorated rock-cut chapels over their tombs, and their families and interconnections disappear from our view. Among high officials, the families of viziers show the most extensive connections across titles: vizier I.38 ? father of vizier I.26 Ankhu vizier I.26 Ankhu father of vizier I.27 Iymeru vizier I.26 Ankhu father of vizier I.28 Resseneb xrp wsxt IX.4 Iymeru father of vizier I.29 Iymeru Neferkara vizier Ibia I.35 father of imy-r AHwt > xrp wsxt V.16 Senebhenaf vizier I.25 Khenmes father of ? (high official) imy-r AHwt V.13 Nehy father of imy-r AHwt >vizier I.17 Senusretankh imy-r xnrt VIII.7 Senby father of vizier I.23 Ameny Secure evidence is still relatively scarce, as some examples require inferred identifications across two or more sources.379 Nevertheless, these sources to-

gether indicate a stronger tendency to inheritance, anticipating the pattern of leading families in the Eighteenth Dynasty.380 In particular, the succession across three generations in the case of Ankhu (first three examples above) prompted Egyptologists to identify the office as the power behind the throne in the Thirteenth Dynasty, a time of short-reigning kings.381 However, it remains an exception, known only from the monuments of the central figure, vizier Ankhu; the lengths of tenure of office by himself, his father and sons are unknown, and so their broader historical significance and impact cannot easily be assessed. The more important finding would seem rather that viziers were recruited from the set of high officials more often than other high officials were. Conversely, their sons were more often appointed as high officials, than were the sons of other high officials. High officials other than viziers are related instead to the next tier down in officialdom.382 The distinction confirms that the position of vizier formed a separate pinnacle of officialdom, elevated however slightly above all colleagues, even the second highest official, the treasurer. Among the other high officials, as a second tier, Grajetzki notes that the military positions seem particularly apart from all others; their segregation may reflect a tendency to separation of sectors in a manner at least superficially familiar to modern society, as seen with ritual specialists in section 5.4, and seems to become particularly prominent in the Second Intermediate Period.383   These data and interpretations by Grajetzki broadly confirm the opinion of Duindam, that the ancient Egyptian kingship did not share with the early modern European court the factor of competing kinship groups. However, the difference is not absolute, on two counts. For the early Middle Kingdom, the regional governors regularly inherited office, and were linked to one another by marriage. For the late Middle Kingdom, the recruitment of the highest official, the vizier, indicates a tendency to allow father-son succession within the group of high officials, and at least for Ankhu in the position of vizier itself. In general, though, the sources for Middle Kingdom high officials do not evoke a court comprising powerful families in the service of, or against, their ruler. Therefore, I would agree 380

 Helck 1958.  Hayes 1955. 382  Grajetzki 2000, 232: “Hohe Staatsbeamte haben sich … hauptsächlich aus dem Bereich der mittleren Hofbeamten rekrutiert”. 383  Grajetzki 2000, 129. 381

377

 Grajetzki 2000, 19, after De Meulenaere.  Grajetzki 2000, 232‒233. 379  See Grajetzki 2000, 21, 42. 378

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Fig. 1 Speculative plan of the Middle Kingdom palace from terms discussed in sections 4.1, 4.3 (drawing © Wolfram Grajetzki).

with Duindam that the Egyptian court, at this period at least, is not of the same “ideal type” as early modern European courts; comparative research remains a productive field, but may best start from an assumption of difference. The lack of high official “dynasties” does not imply an absence of oligarchy; rather, it relocates the operation and scope of effective oligarchy at a very slightly broader social level, that of the “mittleren Hofbeamten”. In the focus on the highest dozen positions, we may have overlooked this level, with its less imposing monuments, where the repetition of widespread names and titles may frustrate research into individuals. Any less than perfect written and visual product tends to be characterised as evidence for a middle class,

when its names and positions most likely belong to the wealthier, if not wealthiest, social groups.384 The combined soziale Umfeld charted by Grajetzki (2000) for all high officials of the period reveals a pattern of oligarchic restriction, which should force us to scrutinise the imperfect inscriptions and the totality of individually unconnectable names, as Berlev achieved in his studies. For the moment, the palace of Middle Kingdom Egypt emerges as a very different environment to the entanglement of domestic staff in early modern courts, or to the influential secretariat of freedmen closest to the ruler in early Imperial Rome. How different it may also be to Old or New Kingdom Egypt, is among the research agendas waiting to be developed.

384 Cf.

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Hirsch, E. 2006 Residences in Texts of Senwosret I, 69‒82, in: J. Taylor and R. Gundlach (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences, Wiesbaden. Hornung, W. 1999  Grundzüge der ägyptischen Geschichte, Darmstadt. Ives, P. 2004

Gramsci’s Politics of Language. Engaging the Bakhtin Circle and the Frankfurt School, Toronto.

Jansen-Winkeln, K. 1997 Zu den Koregenzen der 12. Dynastie, SAK 24, 115‒135. 1998 Zur Datierung und Stellung des “Vorlesepriesters” Petamenophis, WZKM 88, 165‒175. Janosí, P. 1994 Tell el-Dab‘a ‒‘Ezbet Helmi. Vorbericht über den Grabungsplatz H/I (1988‒1982), Ägypten & Levante 4, 20‒38. Janssen, J.A. 1946  De traditioneele Egyptische autobiografie vóór het Nieuwe Rijk, Leiden. Jeffreys, D. 2012 Climbing the White Walls, 221‒236, in: L. Evans (ed.), Ancient Memphis “Enduring is the Perfection”. Proceedings of the International Conference held at Macquarie University, Sydney, on August 14‒15, 2008, Leuven. Jones, D. 2000  An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom, Oxford. Kaiser, W. 1959 Einige Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Frühzeit I: zu den Smsw Hr, ZÄS 84, 119‒132. 1960 Einige Bemerkungen zur ägyptischen Frühzeit I: zu den Smsw Hr, ZÄS 85, 118‒137. Koch, R. 1990 Die Erzählung des Sinuhe, Brussels. Konrad, F. 2008 Der Hof der Khediven von Ägypten. Herrscherhaushalt, Hofgesellschaft und Hofhaltung 1840‒1880, Würzburg. Konrad, K. 2006 Architektur und Theologie: pharaonische Tempelterminologie unter Berücksichtigung königsideologischer Aspekte, Wiesbaden. 2009 Palast und Tempel. Zur Terminologie altägyptischer Palast- und Tempelarchitektur, 163‒170, in: R. Preys (ed.), 7. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung: Structuring Religion, Wiesbaden. Lacovara, P. 1990 Deir el-Ballas: Preliminary Report on the Deir elBallas Expedition, 1980‒1986, Winona Lake.

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Lange, H. and Schäfer, K. 1902 Catalogue general des anitquités égyptiennes du musée du Caire. Nos 20001‒20780. Grab- und Denksteine des Mittleren Reiches, Berlin (all cited page references are to volume I, Text zu No.20001‒20399). Leclant, J. 1961 Montuemhat quatrième prophète d’Amon, prince de la Ville, Cairo. Lichtheim, M. 1988 Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies chiefly of the Middle Kingdom. A Study and an Anthology, Freiburg, Schweiz and Göttingen. Loprieno, A. 1996 Defining Egyptian Literature: Ancient Texts and Modern Theories, 39‒58, in: Id. (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, Leiden. Martin, G. 1971 Egyptian Administrative and Private-Name Seals principally of the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, Cambridge. Moers, G., Widmaier, K., Giewekemeyer, A., lümers, A. and ernst, R. (eds.) Dating Egyptian Literary Texts, Hamburg. 2013 Moreno García, J.-C. 1999 Hwt et le milieu rural égyptien du IIIe millénaire: économie, administration et organisation territorial, Paris. 2009 From Dracula to Rostovtzeff or: The Misadventures of the Economic History in Early Egyptology, 175‒198, in: M. Fitzenreiter (ed.), Das Ereignis. Geschichtsschreibung zwischen Vorfall und Befund, London. Moursi, M. 1972 Die Hohenpriester des Sonnengottes von der Frühzeit Ägyptens bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches, Munich. O’Connor, D. 1991 Mirror of the Cosmos: the Palace of Merenptah, 167‒198, in: E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eds.), Fragments of a Shattered Visage: the Proceedings of the International Symposium of Ramesses the Great, Memphis, TN. Paravicini, W. (ed.) 2000  Das Frauenzimmer. Die Frau bei Hofe in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, Stuttgart. 2010 Luxus und Integration: Materielle Hofkultur Westeuropas vom 12. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, Munich. Parkinson, R. 1991 The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, Oxford. 1999 Two new “literary” Texts on a Second Intermediate Period Papyrus? A Preliminary Account of P. BM EA 10475, 177‒196, in: J. Assmann and E. Blumenthal (eds.), Literatur und Politik im pharaonischen und ptolemäischen Ägypten: Vorträge der Tagung zum

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Raue, D. 1999 Heliopolis und das Haus des Re: eine Prosopographie und ein Toponym im Neuen Reich, Berlin. Raven, M. 2009 Aspects of the Memphite Residence as illustrated by the Saqqara New Kingdom Necropolis, 153‒164, in: J. Taylor and R. Gundlach (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences, Wiesbaden. Ryholt, K. 1997 The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c. 1800‒1550 B.C., Carsten Niebuhr Publications 20, Copenhagen. Scharff, A. 1922 Ein Rechnungsbuch des königlichen Hofes aus der 13. Dynastie, ZÄS 54, 51‒66, pl. 1**‒24**. Schenkel, W. 1965 Memphis, Herakleopolis, Theben: die epigraphischen Zeugnisse der 7.‒11. Dynastie Ägyptens, Wiesbaden. Schweizer, T. 1996  Muster sozialer Ordnung. Netzwerkanalyse als Fundament der Sozioethnologie, Berlin. Seidlmayer, S. 2007 People at Beni Hassan: Contributions to a Model of Ancient Egyptian Rural Society, 351‒368, in: Z. Hawass and J. Richards (eds.), The Archaeology and Art of Ancient Egypt: Essays in Honor of David B. O’Connor, vol. 2, Cairo. Sethe, K. 1935 Urkunden des Aegyptischen Altertums VII. Historisch-Biographische Urkunden des Mittleren Reiches I, Leipzig. Siclen, C. van 1996 Remarks on the Middle Kingdom Palace at Tell Basta, 239‒246, in M. Bietak (ed.), House and Palace in Ancient Egypt, UZK 14, Vienna. Simpson, W. 1956 The single-dated Monuments of Sesostris I: an Aspect of the Institution of Coregency in the Twelfth Dynasty, JNES 15, 214‒219. 1963 Studies in the Egyptian Twelfth Dynasty. I. The Residence of Itj-towy, JARCE 2, 53‒59. 1965 Papyrus Reisner II. Transcription and Commentary, Boston. 1969  Papyrus Reisner III. Transcription and Commentary, Boston. 1974 The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: the Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13, New Haven and Philadelphia. 1986 Papyrus Reisner IV. Personal Accounts of the Early Twelfth Dynasty. Transcription and Commentary. With Indices to Papyri Reisner I‒IV and Palaeography to Papyrus Reisner IV sections F, G, Boston.

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Verhoeven, U. 2009 Von der “Loyalistischen Lehre” zur “Lehre des Kaïrsu”: eine neue Textquelle in Assiut und deren Auswirkungen, ZÄS 136, 87‒98. Vernus, P. 1982 Le Surnom au Moyen Empire, Rome. 1986  Le prêtre-ritualiste Hr-mni, rédacteur de la stèle de Hr-m-xaw.f, 588‒592, in: A. Guillaumont et al. (eds.), Hommages à François Daumas, vol.2, Montpellier. Vymazalová, H. 2013 The Administration of the Royal Funerary Complexes, 177‒195, in: J.-C. Moreno García (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Administration. Leiden. Wegner, J. 2004 Social and Historical Implications of Sealings of the Kings’s Daughter Reniseneb and other Women at the Town of Wah-sut, 221‒240, in: M. Bietak and E. Czerny (eds.), Scarabs of the Second Millenium BC from Egypt, Nubia, Crete and the Levant: Chronological and Historical Implications, Vienna. Kings of Abydos. Solving an Ancient Egyptian Mys2014 tery, Current World Archaeology 64, 20‒27. Wendrichs, W. 2006 Entangled, Connected or Protected? The Power of Knots and Knotting in Ancient Egypt, 243‒270, in K. Szpakowska (ed.), Through a Glass Darkly: Magic, Dreams and Prophecy in Ancient Egypt, Swansea. Willems, H. 1988 Chests of Life: a Study of the Typology and Conceptual Development of Middle Kingdom Standard Class Coffins, Leiden. Windus-Staginsky, E. 2006  Der ägyptische König im Alten Reich: Terminologie und Phraseologie, Wiesbaden. Winterling, A. 1988 Review of H. Halfmann, Itinera principum. Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen im Römischen Reich, Stuttgart, 1986, Gnomon 60, 131‒137. 1997 “Hof”. Versuch einer idealtypischen Bestimmung anhand der mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Geschichte, 11‒25, in: id. (ed.) Historische Zeitschrift Beiheft 23. Zwischen “Haus” und “Staat”. Antike Höfe im Vergleich, Munich.

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Tables 1‒4

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Table 1. Distribution of possible palace terms among hieratic and hieroglyphic sources

a terms in hieratic documents

b titles in hieratic documents

c titles in hieroglyphic inscriptions

iwnn (?)



ip(A) (t) nswt



is(wy) (t)

 

arryt



aXnwty wAxy



 

 



 





wsxt pr aA





waaw (t) wxrt

e terms in hieratic literary MSS



 

aH

d phrases in hieroglyphic inscriptions





pr anx



















pr bity pr mnat



pr nswt



pr HD



 







pr dwAt



rwty (wrty)

 

rwryt



hAyt



 

 

Hwt nbw xnt



xtm



Xnw









?



smA Hr



sH





stp sA





Sna



kAp



 

 

kAr DADAw(y)

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



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Notes to Table 1 Sources: column a Quirke 1990, Simpson 1986; columns b‒c Fischer 1985, Franke 1984, Ward 1982; column d Doxey 1998; column e see list of editions section 4.3 iwnn (?) provisional reading in Erman and Grapow 1926, 55, 12 (“Wohnung eines Gottes”) of a word ending –nn with house determinative, sometimes combined with nswt; Helck 1956, 261 proposed pnn “clothing chamber”; two highly uncertain attestation in the Lahun papyri, on building accounts in similar hand, UC32125 and UC32278D (Collier and Quirke 2006) ipt nswt see note on iwnn for possible occurrence on two Lahun accounts aXnwty only example in a phrase in hieroglyphic inscription is in the early Middle Kingdom rock inscription Hatnub 17, where a sequence strongly focussed on temple offerings includes rS (?) wabw m mA.f m xnt n aXnwty “the pure staff rejoice on seeing him in the outer court of the interior”; the thematic focus of the whole inscription is praise of the governor at Khemenu/Ashmunein in his role at the main temple, of Thoth, to the extent of omitting his governor titles, and therefore it seems most likely that the xnt and aXnwty here refer to the temple, possibly through palace vocabulary (for the relation between palace and temple vocabulary, see Konrad 2006) pr dwAt column a: Simpson 1969, 37‒38 considered reading pr dwAt in Papyrus Reisner III, J4, but the star sign may be sbA, and the context concerns

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temple building rather than the palace; column e: in the passage from the Tale of Sanehat cited in section 4.3 under aXnwty, Gardiner interpreted the word after aXnwty as dwAt, giving an otherwise unknown variant of pr dwAt, but did not establish a clear connection between this reading and the following phrase r irt aHaw.f (Gardiner 1916, 108‒110) xnt on a possible occurrence in a phrase in hieroglyphic inscription, see note on aXnwty Xnw only registered occurrence in a title is Ward 1982, no. 812a mDH n at Xn(w) “carpenter of the chamber of the Residence (?)”, on stela Zagreb cat. no. 8 sH Ward 1982, no. 1171 xrp sH cites three sources, of which stela CG 20009 is a First Intermediate Period Dendera inscription, so outside the scope of Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period kingship palaces (Fischer 1968,164 “dining tent”), and seal-amulet Martin 1971, no. 1296 is prefixed xtmty bity and might plausibly be considered a writing of the well-attested late Middle Kingdom composite title of a high official xtmty bity xrp wsxt, pending publication of the inscription; the remaining source, stela Florence cat.no. 18, gives a first-person declaration rather than a third-person designation ink xrp sH wr pr imy-r st m pr mnTw wrH iAwt m pr HqA “I am a director of the pavilion, great one of the estate, overseer of stores in the house of Montu, anointed of offices in the house of the ruler”, suggesting an Upper Egyptian context, with uncertain relation of sH to palace of the ruler

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Table 2. Functional and thematic focus of palace terms attested in two or more source types in Table 1

Key to Table fields  = attested ? = uncertain (see comments to Table) empty = not attested in sources reviewed

destination, location, source

domestic staff

managerial staff

food living imy-r, r m m to, in from stores rooms wHmw, at other



ipt nswt arryt



aH



ü

aXnwty





wAxy





pr aA

 

pr nswt















?



1



iry aA ?

?

arryt

wxrt

1, 3

?

 



Sna

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





?



2, 3 ?

?

sS qdwt

?



Hmty

1, 2



xnty

kAp





rwryt Xnw





 

pr anx

pr HD





sS, TAw

army, boats production, ritual guards excl. food aspects 1 anx wDA snb 2 Hry sStA 3 imy-r sS m 4 other 2











?

?





?



?

?

4 (HkAy)

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Notes to Table 2 aH: the possible managerial title is xrp aH, but this may be a less authoritative position, perhaps the ceremonial role of a person “directing” the start of events (feasts?) in the aH: see entry 3 comments pr aA: the managerial and transport attestations are indirect: for the former, there is no imy-r pr aA, but imyw-r pr nw pr aA are attested, so it has estates with managers rather than directly a manager; for transport, boats of the arryt of the pr aA are attested. The possible military association is from the title Smsw n pr aA; on the ambiguity of Smsw as sometimes military, sometimes domestic, see commentary from Berlev 1978 pr anx: the title sS n pr anx might be either an accountant, or a writer of sacred compositions; the other Middle Kingdom attestations for pr anx provide no evidence for estates, or for managerial or administrative staff, and therefore the second alternative seems more plausible pr nswt: the one possible military attestation is imy-r mSa n pr nswt on stela Leiden II.11; the core term might refer to an expeditionary workforce, rather than to military forces. The single source for boats is imy-r aHaw wr m pr nswt, among phrases delineating the greatness of the governor Sarenput; the apparent “great overseer of boats in the pr nswt”

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might be read as separate elements, “overseer of boats, great one in the pr nswt” pr HD: as with pr aA, there is no regular title imy-r pr HD at this date; attestations of managerial staff are indirect (imy-r pr n pr HD, imy-r aXnwty n pr HD). The single item of evidence for material production is ambiguous: see entry 9 for interpretation of Hmty n pr HD Xnw: although there are no attestations of provisioning staff, a Lahun letter refers to aqw “provisions” coming from the Xnw; the single uncertain example of other production is mDH n at Xn “carpenter of the chamber of Xn”, see entry 12. Sna: for possible managerial staff, see entry 13 (sDm Sna, DADAt nt Sna, perhaps both related to short-term, project-based activities) kAp: the possible managerial title is indirectly expressed, as imy-r aXnwty n kAp, see entry 14. The one possible military or security position would be Xrd n kAp, considering the Eighteenth Dynasty use of that title, but no explicit evidence for this military aspect can be cited from the Middle Kingdom attestations of the title (Quirke 2004a, 28-29); for future research on monuments with a Xrd n kAp, the titles of companions or kin might indicate a predominance of staff from one sector or another

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Table 3. Titles of officials with prefix-title xtmty bity (after Grajetzki 2000) unification to founding of Itjtawy 2025-1950 BC

founding of Itjtawy to Senusret III 1950-1850 BC

Senusret III to late Dynasty 13 (Merneferra Iy) 1850-1700 BC

TAty







imy-r xtmt









imy-r pr wr







?

imy-r mSa







?







imy-r AHwt imy-r rw(r)yt







imy-r xtmtyw







xrp wsxt imy-r sxtyw Hry wDb



()











()



idnw n imy-r xtmt other Notes to Table 3, by row imy-r pr wr: attested in rock-cut offering-chapel of Sobeknakht at Elkab, possibly before the formal end of the Middle Kingdom as defined by political unity (secession of Hutwaret/Avaris c.1700 BC) imy-r mSa: attested on coffin fragment, Herunefer, possibly before 1700 BC imy-r rw(r)yt: attested in first period only for Dagi, future vizier of Nebhepetra Mentuhotep II, and in third (late Middle Kingdom) from a single scarab inscribed for Ankhpuptah (Michailides collection) imy-r xnrt: Grajetzki 2000, 158, VIII.1 uncertain date and status, possibly a high official in reign of Senusret II or III, so perhaps just within the second period defined here xrp wsxt: attested before late Middle Kingdom as designation of vizier Intefiqer imy-r sxtyw: scarabs of smrt perhaps after 1700 BC, Hutwaret/Avaris production (Quirke 2004b) Hry wDb: attested in early Kingdom as designation

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





imy-r xnrt sS a nswt n xft-Hr

Second Intermediate Period 1700 BC-1550 BC Thebes Hutwaret/ Avaris

?



of a high official with other main title, and with prefix-title xtmty bity on late Middle Kingdom sealamulets for four men (Grajetzki 2000, 186-187) other: another six titles are attested for a single individual each, with prefix-title xtmty bity alone, or, in early Middle Kingdom sources, among other designations of highest status: (i) imy-r ipt nswt on one seal amulet (ii) imy-r aXnwty n Dd bAw on stela British Museum EA 563 (iii) imy-r Snt on stela British Museum EA 830 and offering table Egyptian Museum Cairo CG23035 (iv) iry nfr HAt on stela Louvre C46 (v) r nxn documented for titi in Papyrus Boulaq 18, apparently a promotion during the two weeks covered by the manuscript, so possibly transient pending his appointment to one of the eleven more often attested titles of high officials at this level (vi) Hry tm on one seal amulet

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Table 4. Beititel of treasurers and high stewards (numbering after Grajetzki 2000)

iwn Sma pr nswt

Treasurers

High stewards

Mentuhotep (II.6)

Kheperkara (III.7) Khnumhotep (later vizier I.12)

imy is imy-r wsxt

Mentuhotep (II.6)

imy-r prwy HD *= also imy-r prwy nbw

wr idt m pr nswt

*Khety (II.1) *Mentuhotep (II.6) *Rehuerdjersen (II.7) *Iykhernefret (II.12) Iykhernefret (II.12)

Hry sStA n pr anx

Mentuhotep (II.6)

Hry sStA n pr nswt

Hor (VII.24) Ameny (II.16)

smr m aH

Notes to Table 4: iwn Sma pr nswt: also held by the palace officials Ihy and Hetep on their offering-chapels at Saqqara, and by deputy treasurer Sehetepibra on his Abydos stela (Grajetzki 2000, XII.15, XII.28, XII.41); cf. above section 4.3, entry 8 (from Doxey 1998, who cites no further sources) imy is: also used in the late Middle Kingdom suffix title in a subdivision of duties (?) of imy-r xtmtyw as imy-is, sDm rmT/Sna and Sms nswt (see main text 5.3), and of high steward into imy is, wDb wpwt and Sms nswt (Grajetzki 2000, 111-112). Among designations of the high officials Ihy and Hetep on their offering-chapels at Saqqara, who also hold, respectively, the designations imy-r iswy Xkrt nswt “overseer of the dual is-space of the adornment(s) of the king” and imy-r ist “overseer of the ist” (Grajetzki 2000, XII.15, XII.28); a variant of the former is attested in a short series of phrases for the imy-r pr Nakhtsobek on stela Cairo CG20729 (imy-r is n Xkr nswt) imy-r wsxt: sole Middle Kingdom occurrence of this Old Kingdom (Grajetzki 2000, 71) imy-r prwy HD: discussed in Grajetzki 2000, 69-70, noting the absence of Thirteenth Dynasty examples, the regular combination with imy-r prwy nbw, and the use as main title in three instances. Most holders of the two titles together are high officials;

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Khentkhetywer (III.10)

Intefiqer (III.12)

Hry sStA n pr dwAt smAy Hr Hr ib aH

Buau (III.1) * Henenu (III.2)

Nebankh (III.25)

in addition to the five in the table above, Grajetzki lists the vizier Dagi (his I.2), Ihy at Saqqara (XII.15), imy-r aXnwty Senusret (XII.36 from stela Louvre C174), an imy-r pr Nakhtsobek (stela Cairo CG20729), and deputy high steward Ipty (stela Cairo CG20053) wr idt m pr nswt: see 4.3 entry 8 (Ward 1982, no.716, citing the Iykhernefret example and one regional governor chapel Beni Hasan I, pl.17; Fischer 1986 adds the statue of the high steward Khentkhetywer, from Moursi 1972, pl.3) Hry sStA n pr anx: also attested for vizier Iymeru Neferkara, see 4.3 entry 7 (Ward 1982, no.1013; Doxey 1998, 346, 11.12) Hry sStA n pr nswt: also attested on the Saqqara chapel of Ihy, see 4.3 entry 8 (Ward 1982, no.1016; Doxey 1998, 346, 11.12) Hry sStA n pr dwAt: see 4.3 entry 8; also attested on the Saqqara chapel of Ihy (example in Doxey 1998, 347, 11.12), and the Theban chapel stelae of imy-r S “overseer of the lake-estate” Khety (Grajetzki 2000, 197, XII.33) smAy Hr Hr ib aH: see 4.3, entry 3 (from Doxey 1998, same single source) smr m aH: see 4.3, entry 3 (from Doxey 1998, same single source)

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a) by Manfred Bietak The setting1 Avaris, the former capital of the Hyksos, was enclosed on its east and north by a bend of a major eastern Nile branch and in the southwest by another Nile branch, which was already developing into an old water branch.2 The dynamic feature of this town was a harbour basin, which measured c. 400 × 450 m and had connections to both Nile branches.3 The basin appears to have been filled with sediments successively from north to south.4 This may have caused an enlargement of the basin towards the south. The strategic importance of this site was its position on a navigable river connected to the Mediterranean that was still in reach of the sea even during periods of drought when seawater penetrated the nearly empty Nile channels and made the lower reaches of the Delta perennially navigable (Fig. 1).5   The second major asset of the site was its location within the opening into the Delta, formed by the easternmost Nile branch and the big overflow lakes of the natural drainage system flanking the eastern edge of the Delta, which are preserved until today in the Bahr el-Baqar drain system.6 This opening issued into the so-called Horus-Road, the via maris, which led via the Isthmus of Qantara and the northern coast of the Sinai to Canaan. The site controlled this northeastern entrance to the Delta and was at the same time an important harbour town from the Middle Kingdom onwards (Fig. 2). 1

 This article is one of the publications written for the Fonds zur Förderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung (FWF) Project P25945-G21 and heralds a planned larger publication. The author thanks Nicola Math, Marian Negrete-Martinez and Silvia Prell for providing the illustrations and the last also for editing. I am indebted to Alexander Ahrens (DAI, Orientabteilung), Jean-Claude Margueron (EPHÉ) and Paolo Matthiae (Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei) for their advice on various issues. 2  Tronchère et al. 2008; 2012; Tronchère 2010. 3  Forstner-Müller et al. 2015; Bietak 2017. 4  Forstner-Müller 2014. 5  Bietak 2010a, 20; Bietak 2010b, 168; for the difficulties of Nile navigation during the low Nile period in spring, see Cooper 2012, 25–27; Cooper 2014, 111–117. 6   For the reconstruction of the eastern Nile Delta in historical times, see Bietak 1975; Butzer 1976, 12–25; Stanley et al. 1992; Stanley and Warne 1998.

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  The second Kamose Stela dating to the later Hyksos Period informs us of hundreds of ships moored at Avaris7 and from the Ramesside Period we may read that Pi-Ramesse, in the same environment as Avaris, was the mooring place of Pharaoh’s fleet of ships.8 In the interim, during the 18th Dynasty, Avaris was undoubtedly the site of Peru-nefer.9 The reasons for this identification have been published several times.10 The most important arguments are these: in contrast to Memphis, it had a perennial harbour for sea navigation; and it possessed a harbour basin that, even if its northern part was silted up, had additional mooring places, which must have existed until Ramesside times. In the 20th Dynasty, the “Harbour of Avaris” was still known as a toponym for a part of Pi-Ramesse.11 A continuity may be observed for Canaanite cults from the Late Middle Kingdom, the Hyksos Period, the Thutmosid Period until the Ramesside Period,12 and finally, according to texts, the most important period of Peru-nefer was the time of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II.13 Afterwards, there is a lacuna in the records until the late 18th Dynasty.14 The gods of Peru-nefer are mentioned again in the Papyrus Sallier IV (vs. 1.6), probably as guest cults in Memphis.15 These text references match the stratigraphy of the site of Tell el-Dab‘a where there is an occupation gap after Amenhotep II until sometime in the reign of Amenhotep III and Horemheb (Fig. 3).16 7

 Habachi 1972, 36–37.   P. Anastasi III, 7.5–7.6; translation: Caminos 1954, 101. 9   Thus far, mainstream Egyptology located Peru-nefer at or near Memphis: Badawi 1948, 34–36, 55–63, 137–139; Glanville 1931, 109; Idem. 1932; Helck 1939, 49–50; Idem. 1971, 160, 166, 356–357, 447–448, 454–456, 460, 471, 473, 501; Jeffreys and Smith 1988, 61; Edel 1977, 155; Kamish 1985; 1986; Der Manuelian 1987, 159; Säve-Söderbergh 1946, 37–39; Stadelmann 1967, 32–35; Zivie 1988, 107. 10   Bietak 2009, 2010a, 2010b, 2013, 2016. 11  Turayev 1913, 43–80, pl. XIII; Yoyotte 1971–72, 167– 173; Bietak 1975, 30, n. 37, 187f. 12   Stadelmann 1967; Tazawa 2009; Coche-Zivie 2011. 13   See n. 9. 14   PM III2, 556. 15  Gardiner 1937, 88–92; Caminos 1954, 333–340. 16   Bietak 2005a, 144, fig. 5; Idem. 2010a, 18. 8

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Fig. 1  Situation of the Thutmosid palace precinct within the townsite of Tell el-Dab‘a (plan M. Weissl, graphics N. Math)

An important part in the consideration of the location of Peru-nefer at Tell el-Dab‘a is the discovery of an enormous palace precinct from the Thutmosid Period with the latest dates in form of a royal name scarab with the name of of Amenhotep II, who was, according to the texts, especially devoted to Peru-nefer.17 A palace precinct of a size of 5.5 ha (13 acres) in the eastern Nile Delta, situated at a harbour site, navigable throughout the year, has to be explained. Everything falls into place if we assume that this was the palace of Thutmose III and Amenhotep II at Peru-nefer. Now we proceed to a description and evaluation of the architectural remains of this palace (Fig. 4). The palace precinct18 The precinct is situated on the inner side of a bend of the river Nile on low land that was raised already during the Second Intermediate Period by dumping 17

 Der Manuelian 1987, 12, 187f., 314.  The most important preliminary reports of this palace precinct: Bietak 2005a; 2005b; 2005c; 2005d; 2006; Bietak et al. 1994; Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001, 36–45, 74–101; Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 13–43; Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2003; 2005; 2007.

18

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soil. It was built on the same ground as a palatial precinct of the late Hyksos Period, but with a different orientation (Fig. 3). It is parallel, however, to an even older Hyksos palace, situated in the southeast, at the bank of the eastern river.19 This shared orientation with the older Hyksos Palace in Area F/II, must have topographical reasons which are, thus far, unknown.   Within a quadrangular enclosure wall that opens to a monumental gate with pylons to the local north (magnetic northeast), there are three palaces on high platforms (F, G, J) and an administrative building (L) just east of Palace G. The most impressive of the palaces were Palaces F and G, which were set up in parallel at a distance of precisely 150 cubits (78.75 m) from each other; remains of an artificial lake were found in between them. A small palace (J) was constructed just south of Palace G, leaving a narrow street between the two; south of Palace F are magazines. A minor door through the enclosure wall was found near the beginning of the ramp leading up to the top of Palace G’s platform. This small 19

 Bietak 2010d; 2011a; 2011b; Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2009.

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Fig. 2  The site of Tell el-Dab‘a (Avaris/Peru-nefer) in the north-eastern Nile-Delta (graphics N. Math)

entrance was embellished with a porch; another simple minor entrance was found at the riverside. Unfortunately, not all areas of the precinct could be explored, as its northeast part was destroyed by the El-Didamoun Canal (called El-Sama‘ana Canal on survey maps) and buried under the asphalt road leading to Husseiniya and Tanis. The northern third of the compound is covered by a modern road leading to ‘Ezbet Helmy and by recent houses at both sides of this road. The fields north of the northern row of houses were still available for excavation, but geomagnetic imaging did not show any architectural details except a feature parallel to the river which may have been a wall or a more recent road. It is possible that this part of the precinct was covered by gardens and would be an interesting excavation project by itself. A stripe along the inner face of the western enclosure wall is covered by village houses. The area along the northern face of the southern enclosure wall west and east of Palace J was envisaged by the author for excavation but, thus far, this project could not be realised.   There is no doubt that the precinct was constructed by the same planning authority, as maybe surmised by the distance of 150 cubits between Palaces F and G and the distance of 100 cubits between the east face of Palace G and the east face of the eastern

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Fig. 3  The stratigraphy of the palatial site in the western part of Tell el-Dab‘a/‘Ezbet Helmy (after Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, fig. 8)

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Fig. 4  The Thutmosid Palace Precinct of Tell el-Dab‘a (after Bietak 2010a, fig. 2.2)

enclosure wall. Some additions and modifications were made later in Phase C/2, when workshops and offices replaced Palace J south of Palace G (see below Figs. 22, 25),20 more workshops were added to the northeast of the ramp of Palace F (Fig. 4)21 and another one outside the compound north-east of Palace G (Figs. 4, 5).   In the following, I shall discuss the reconstruction of the three palaces beginning with Palace G, as its foundations are more easy to understand than those of Palace F. It is also more easily compared with the spatial program of the previously known palaces of the New Kingdom with the canonical

succession of courtyard, portico, temple vestibule, throne room and private quarter. Palace G This palace is preserved as a substructure built of mudbricks in a casemate fashion with their compartments mostly filled up with soil. This substructure measures 160.5 × 79.7 m, which would amount because of the slight taper of the walls in the upper floor to c. 300 to 150 cubits (ratio 2:1). An additional access ramp increased the length of the palace to 167.3 m. The building has been documented by geomagnetic surveying22 and investigated to a large extent by excavation.23

20

  Bietak 2004, figs. 3, 4.  Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001; Jánosi in: Bietak et al. 1994, 31–35, fig. 9; Jánosi 1995, fig. 1. There palace F was still dated to the Hyksos period.

21

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22

 Herbig and Dorner in: Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001, fig. 33. 23   See n. 18.

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Fig. 5  Palace G, reconstruction of the spacial programme (after Bietak 2005a, 147, fig. 11)

  The walls of the substructure show a hierarchical plan. The outer walls and the foundations of the façade of the presumed roofed part of the building have a thickness of 10 to 10.5 bricks (4.25–4.40 m), and the main walls of the interior part have 8 to 8.5 bricks (c. 3.5 m). These are the division walls between the vestibule, the representation rooms and the private part of the palace, which was sealed off by two parallel thick walls and corridors in between. Moreover, the throne room was separated in the north–south direction from what seems to be an incorporated temple, situated to the right of the throne room. The rest of the interior wall foundations measure 5 to 5.5 cubits (c. 2.09 to 2.25 m). Some of them reach 6 to 6.6 bricks (c. 2.45 to 2.50 m) in width. The sizes of the bricks vary because it seems that older ruins were used as brick quarries for the construction. Besides small formats such as 32–33 × 16 cm there are the normal sizes of the Hyksos Period with 38–39 × 18 cm. The bigger formats such as 40–41 × 19–20 cm or 43–45 × 21–22 cm seem to date from the time of the construction. Foundation trenches were up to 1.80 m deep and accommodated 10 layers of foundation bricks.

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Some of the deep foundation trenches were, however, nearly completely filled with sand on which the rising masonry work was constructed. It is still preserved to between 5 and 8 courses.   The height of the platform can be calculated by the length of the ramp which rises from east to west. The length of its sloping surface was 70 cubits (36.75 m), which reached a total length of 100 cubits with the addition of the landing. Using ratios of 1:5 or 1:4 as gradients, such as these used in the Hatshepsut Temple at Deir el-Bahari, a height of 7.35 m or 9.19 m may be extrapolated. As 7.35 m is the equivalent of precisely 14 cubits and its alternative of 9.19 m lacks a round number in cubits, the height of the platform of 7.35 m is the most likely option.   The reconstruction of the spatial programme of the palace relies on the substructure and knowledge of Egyptian palatial buildings. All along the northern three quarters of its east side, a 17 m-wide (33 cubits) stripe can be recognized, which gives the whole building an asymmetric plan. Contrary to the rest of the building, this stripe was accessible on the ground floor. The northernmost room was

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Fig. 6  Bath in the northeastern corner of the substructure of Palace G (after Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, fig. 37)

a bath with a stone basin behind a screen and an extra access from the northern face of the platform (Figs. 6, 7).24 This access was near the base of the ramp and suggests that whoever was about to go into the palace was obliged to bathe. Just west of the bath door, there was a secondary access cut into a corridor under the eastern colonnade of the courtyard above. Most likely this secondary access was the servant’s entrance whereas official visitors ascended the 15 cubit-wide ramp.   Within the stripe along the east side of the palace, south of the aforementioned bath, there is a room

with a T-bonded wall or bench. In this room, a robust mature male baboon was buried (Fig. 8)25 and, therefore, it may be supposed that this was his cage, but further towards the south there is access to other rooms that may have been magazines, with a side door through the eastern outer wall of the palace. Two interpretations may be offered: the northern room was a scribe’s office with the baboon serving as a pet, or the baboon had the task of guarding the magazines and was able to patrol the narrow lane east of the platform which was shielded off from the outside by a wall and by Building L.

24

25

 Fuscaldo 2001.

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  Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 79, 83, fig. 40.

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a)

A square courtyard of 90 × 90 cubits and the foundations of its eastern and western colonnades in the form of five brick strong walls are easily recognized. The landing at the upper end of the accession ramp clearly avoids, for its entry, the courtyard and the interval of the western colonnade. At the southern end of the courtyard, in front of a 10 brick-thick wall, it is possible to identify the foundation walls of a portico with three rows of columns, whereas the thick wall must have been the foundation of the rising masonry in the front of the roofed part of the palace. What follows is a transverse hall that crosses the building along its entire width except for the easternmost strip. It can be identified as a vestibule with the same typical foundation walls used for the entrance colonnades for two rows of columns.   In the normal spatial program of palaces one would expect the throne room to follow. To our surprise, there is a throne room, but it is not in the centre, as usual, but shares the width of the palace with another room combination, which we identify as a typical Thutmosid temple (Fig. 9).26 The throne room measures 55 × 55 cubits (28.9 × 28.9 m) and the substructure shows the typical foundation walls for four rows of columns which one finds also with the palaces of Deir el-Ballas North, the so-called Southern Harim at Tell el-‘Amarna and the anteroom to the throne room in the early phase of the temple palace at Malqata. It gave way in its late phase to a long throne room with two rows of three columns. As the throne room is on the left side of our palace, the room combination to its right side must have been of a higher ranking and this can only be the abode of a god, residing side-by-side with the king (Fig. 9).27   The supposed temple shares the vestibule with the throne room. It has a very thick pylon-like front wall. A stairway within it can be reconstructed from the geomagnetic survey, which gives the impression of two parallel walls enclosing a corridor in its midst, but the excavation revealed only one thick front wall. The explanation is that the weight resting on the substructure under the corridor was less than under its side walls. This weight difference caused the difference in the geomagnetic picture (Fig. 10, circle 1).28 Also, in the back wall of the throne room, niches or doors are recognisable by bright rectangular cavities within this wall (Fig. 10).

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Fig. 7  Stone basins from the bath of Fig. 6 (after Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, fig. 38)

The supposed temple (Fig. 9) shows the usual three long rooms in the front with different widths – all typical of Thutmosid temples.29 The entrance must have been situated in the westernmost room, as the stairway in the front wall, most likely, did not allow for a middle entrance. In the rear of the temple there was a transverse sanctuary which is sealed off by an unusually thick wall toward the east against the profane vestibule of the private apartments. The rooms, identified by us as a temple, seem to continue toward the south with a three-aisled hall ending in three cells, perhaps the secret shrines of the temple. This part parallels the private part of the palace, which may be identified, most likely, as the royal apartments.   The private part of the palace covered c. 1900 sq.m., about 15% of the total building area.30 It was accessible from two sides and seems to have been divided into two apartments, one accessible from 29

26

 See Bietak 2005a, 149–151. 27   See below, n. 59. 28   Bietak 2005b, 128, fig. 3.

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 PM II, 466–471; PM III2, 39–40; PM VII, 131–137; Borchardt 1938, 35–41/Blatt 11–11, Fig. 16, 83–85/Blatt 17/Blatt 17; Kaiser 1980, 254–264, figs. 4, 5. 30   Measurements in Monschein 2015, 18.

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Fig. 8   Room in the eastern stripe of the substructure of Palace G (Fuscaldo 2001, Plan1) and the burial of a baboon (after Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, fig. 40)

Fig. 9  Room combination identified as a temple to the right (west) of the throne room of Palace G in analogy to the early Thutmosid temples in Medinet Habu, Buhen-south and Elephantine (after Bietak 2005a, fig. 12)

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the throne room and one from a side entrance. Most likely, both wings were connected to each other. The identification of two apartments may be an important key for determining the function of the palace. The division between the two spaces is a staircase which gave access to a cellar and may have also reached an upper floor or the roof. Again, the geomagnetic survey (Fig. 10, circle 2) revealed that the dividing wall of the two alternative stairs had an opening at each end, discernible in the brighter colour passage in the north and south, which only makes sense if it was a staircase.   The western apartment must have been accessible from the throne room. A small vestibule may be identified and a four-columned entry leading to three chambers of equal size in the south may be assumed to have existed there, probably for storage of robes. To its west, the core of the apartment with three rooms could be recognized. The southern one, oriented east–west, seems to have been a sizeable bedroom, just beside what we believe was the private part of the integrated temple.   The eastern apartment was accessible from a side entrance in the southern part of the east wall of the substructure (Fig. 5). It led straight into a bathroom with the usual stone basins, inside of which were found Cypriot Bichrome Wheelmade-Ware jugs that, most likely contained aromatic oils and were

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Fig. 10  Geomagnetic evaluation of Palace G after a survey of T. Herbich (after Bietak 2005b, 125, fig. 2)

found in all bathrooms of the palace; shells used as strigula were also discovered. A narrow storeroom to the left of the entrance and the bathroom may have served for storing water and oils for the bathroom. At the continuation of the track along the eastern side of Palace G there is another bathroom which perhaps served the apartment attendants. A long corridor or stairway to the right of the first bathroom led up in two landings to the eastern apartment. Its entrance is situated precisely above the bathroom. From there, a traversing corridor leads to two east–west oriented rooms, the southern one seems to be another bedroom with a niche in the east. The chambers to its south may have been dressing rooms. The corridor in the north of this wing had, in its midst, access to a toilet (circle 3),

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as the space below it is filled with dark soil and also contained half of a toilette-sink of limestone that had fallen down into what is presumably a cesspit.   In the cellars below the royal apartment, besides pottery, a bunch of arrow tips of bone, an arrow tip of bronze and a piece of a scale armor were found.   The size of Palace G and the size of its throne room with over 800 sq.m. – the biggest found in Egypt, thus far – demands identification as a royal palace. Its side entrance leads directly to an entrance to Building L which seems to be a large administrative centre (below). Palace J (Figs. 11, 12) Situated between the large Palace G and the southern enclosure wall and separated from both

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Fig. 11  Substructure of Palace J (after Bietak 2005a, 152, fig. 13)

Fig. 12  Reconstruction of the spacial programme of Palace J (after Bietak 2005a, 152, fig. 14)

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a)

elements only by narrow streets, is a small palace, oriented differently than the other two palaces: eastwest with the entrance in the west. This building is discussed directly after Palace G because in their general plan they resemble and share the same principal elements. However, Palace J is of much smaller scale and also the number of colonnades and columns is reduced, indicating the hierarchy between the two. Palace J was constructed during the early phase of the whole precinct (Str. d = Ph. C/3) and gave way in the succeeding phase C/2 to palace workshops (Fig. 22).   This building, as the other two palaces, was constructed on top of a casemate platform that alone was preserved. It is accessible by a ramp on its western side which originally was only 3.20 m (c. 6 cubits) wide and led to a projecting landing in its north. Later this ramp was widened to the full breadth of the landing of c. 5 m (10? cubits) by a 4 brick (1.95 m) wide wall. The ramp was also elongated from 23/24 cubits to 30 cubits to make the access less steep and more agreeable. Applying again the usual gradient ratios of 1:4 or 1:5 for the old and the new ramp we arrive at a height of the platform of 6 cubits (3.15m). If, however, the ramp contained a staircase such as the Southern Palace of Deir el-Ballas which had a gradient of 1:2.5 the substructure may have reached a height of 12 cubits, which would be only 2 cubits lower than the neighbouring platform of Palace G. With the original ramp of only 24 cubits in length one would have needed a gradient 1:2. Also there is still the possible solution involving a staircase.   Approximately 12 m west of the ramp there was a detached bathhouse with stone basins and a plastered floor (Fig. 24).31 It was assigned to Str. c = Ph. C/2 as a bath for the palace workshops. This complex still has to be investigated. It may have been already constructed for washing up before entering Palace J.   The palace has the usual succession of four segments: a courtyard with colonnades, a traverse vestibule, a throne room – this time in the centre of the axis – and private quarters in the rear. The outer walls and the division walls of the main segments are 5 bricks (2.12 m = 4 cubits) wide. There are also walls of lesser width of 4 bricks (1.58 m = 3 cubits, 1 hand) which were found in positions where the foundations for columns are suspected to have been placed. The ramp leads to the northern part of the western front into a nearly square courtyard of 25 × 22 cubits, the open part

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without colonnades measures 18 cubits (9.4 m) on each side. The courtyard is set up asymmetrically as along the southern edge of this segment, rooms were accommodated, showing up in the substructures as three casemate compartments. Here we can see a parallel to Palace G with a stripe of magazines and other rooms along the left side of the building, but there was place enough to install a colonnade on that side. Only two colonnades were identified in the courtyard of Palace J, one in the south and one in the east, serving as a portico into the palace. A northern colonnade was missing and there was no space for it as one would have been obliged to shorten the restricted space for the ramp with the landing. As the foundation wall of the single colonnade in the south is even thinner than the one for the portico, one may assume that the columns of the southern colonnade were thinner. Wether the door from the asymmetric courtyard to the transverse vestibule was in the midst of the west wall of the vestibule, or in the midst of the east wall of the courtyard, is a matter of speculation. The vestibule of 30 × 10 cubits (5.25 × 15.75 m) had only one row of columns and is followed by a reception room/throne room of 20 × 20 cubits (10.50 × 10.50 m) with two rows of columns, most probably with four columns altogether which would produce a credible intercolumnium of 3.5 m.   North and south of the throne room there is a 2 cubit-wide stripe, each with triple casemate compartments. One of them, or both, may have served as attendant staircase, leading from the side entrance to the upper floor of the building. The northern stripe has a continuation to the fourth segment, the private part of the building, and may have been just a direct connection corridor from the vestibule to this part of the palace.  The throne room must have had a door in the northern part of its east wall to a private vestibule, a private sitting room and, in the south, to a sleeping room and, most likely, a bath. Further to the east, a nearly square terrace in the south was added to the private apartment as a fifth segment, which must have been filled up with soil until the first floor level. There are no foundations for columns or division walls. North of it, with access to the private vestibule, there is a broad room visible, which was accommodated south of the northern tripartite stripe and gives the impression of a loggia. Its south wall is particularly strong and, besides a rising wall or an open portico, it is suspected that the substructure of a bench was intended. This palace had also

31

  Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 77, 99, 100, figs. 51, 52.

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Fig. 13  Substructure of Palace F and reconstruction of its spacial programme (after Bietak 2005a, 155, fig. 15)

a side entrance. It was situated under the eastern aisle of the vestibule. On the southern façade of the substructure there was a niche with a basin paved and lined with burnt bricks. On its floor a complete collection of household pottery was left for washing,32 but this installation was most likely, in analogy to the bath at the side entrance of Palace G, a bath for attendants entering the palace from the side entrance and using the installation also for washing the household pottery. The side entrance seems to have accessed a cellar as the walls under the eastern aisle of the vestibule had remains of whitewashed

plaster. It is likely that, at the north end of the cellar, a stairway led directly up to the apartment while the southern casemate construction may have supported a second stairway leading directly to an upper floor or the roof. Palace F (Fig. 13) This palace was situated west of Palace G, and the two enclosed a large courtyard of 150 cubits in width and over 300 cubits in length. Most of this area was occupied by a large artificial lake, as verified by excavation near Palace G, by core drilling

32

 Fuscaldo in preparation.

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and by the geomagnetic survey. Its actual size is difficult to assess, as it was used in later periods as a brick pit. The southern edge of Palace F has a more southerly position than the one of Palace G, a difference that may have topographic reasons.   This palace was also built on a casemate-like substructure, which alone is preserved, as it was razed down to the level of the agricultural fields. Walls stand to a maximum of 2.2 m and are constructed on top of a sand bed. The building measures 135 × 90 cubits (70.5 × 47 m) which corresponds to a ratio of 1:1.5. The inner compartments were filled with soil and brickbats in order to create a platform on which the palace was constructed. Its spatial program is more difficult to assess as the building has been explored by trenches and not by excavation except in its northern part. Therefore, it is difficult to find evidence that this building also had a side entrance as at the other two palaces. A re-investigation is warranted.   The scheme of this building is different to that of Palaces G and J. At the northern edge of the platform, as with Palace G, an accession ramp was attached. It measures 12 cubits (6.30 m) in width and it leads to a slightly protruding landing of 15 cubits (7.3 m), which is also the width of the Palace G ramp. The ramp of Palace F had a length of 29.4 m, corresponding to 56 cubits. Using the ratio of 1:4 as a gradient, the same height of 14 cubits may be reconstructed for this platform, the same as for the one in Palace G. This similarity is surely no coincidence. The ramp replaces a narrow predecessor that may have been just the remains of a construction ramp. It was enlarged by a second outer retaining wall of 7 bricks (2.80 m) in width and was strengthened near its base by a c. 80 cm strong brick wall, which was built against erosion. The ramp leads from the west to the east, the opposite direction of the Palace G ramp. The landings of both buildings view the central place of the precinct with the artificial lake.   The outer walls of the platform are thicker and have a width of 8 bricks, the inner walls mostly 5 bricks. Access to the level of the palace in its northeast corner leads into a transverse rectangular courtyard. Later, the entrance was shaded by a porch with most likely two columns. The continuation of the entrance path is a matter of conjecture. Either there was a doorway in the southern wall of the rectangular courtyard leading axially into the building,33 or the entrance path continued from the courtyard straight to the west through three entrance

compartments to turn to the left to enter a corridor directly towards the throne room or, with another turn, to the left to the central courtyard.34 Each corner of the building except the entrance corner had a 2 cubit-wide corridor, most likely a staircase to reach the roof or an upper storey. So many staircases give the impression that this building may have had a defensive character.   The centre of the palace is dominated by a square courtyard of 22 × 22 cubits (11.55 × 11.55 m), which is surrounded by 10 cubit-wide corridors. It begs a reconstruction here as a courtyard with colonnades on all four sides, which were 10 cubits deep. This construction would have required coniferous woods to roof them, which would have been perfectly possible in the Thutmosid Period. With the ambulatories, the courtyard measured precisely 50 × 50 cubits. Unfortunately, the extensive stone robbing deprived the ruins of remains of the columns. It is, however perfectly possible that the ambulatory was constructed either with wooden columns or with mudbrick pillars.   The ambulatory was surrounded in the east, west and south by corridors. The one on the left side in the east is narrower (c. 6 cubits), the one on the right side is wider (c. 8 cubits). It parallels the Kahun-House plan, where wide and narrow corridors in the same direction were provided for visitors and attendants; one could claim that the western (right) corridor was intended for visitors and the principal residents of the palace, while the eastern (left) corridor was meant for attendants. Both corridors led to corner chambers ending in a staircase each, the western chamber was bigger than the eastern one which is thought to belong to serfs. Both chambers had, however, access to the segment with the throne room.   The southernmost part of the palace is not as easy to decipher. It presents a lattice of walls crossing each other. A conceivably sensible system for these walls may be sought by comparing this tract with the plan of the big Kahun house, Plan B, which also has a central courtyard and a main apartment south of it. The comparison with the Kahun house plan works out with a two columned rectangular room in the east, a central, nearly square reception room in the centre and a sleeping/restroom in the west. Exactly where one would expect the walls to accommodate foundations of four columns of the central hall, the two columns of the side room in the east and the foundations for the division walls fall into place. What confuses this analysis at first is the

33

34

  Bietak, Dorner and Jánosi 2001, 155, fig. 15.

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  Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 22, fig. 16.

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Fig. 14  The public building L east of Palace G (after Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2007, 44, fig. 11)

fact that the northernmost stripe of the wall lattice is wider than the strips following southwards; the westernmost stripe is also slightly wider than the others. However, it must be considered that the walls of the substructure are thicker than the walls of the upper floor. Therefore, a more balanced position of the columns in the throne room is possible.

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Concerning the wider space west of the central columns, this could be explained if one assumes that the throne was not positioned at the back wall but at a right angle on the west wall of the throne room. As the rooms were embellished with Minoan wall paintings such a right angle arrangement would be in keeping with Minoan throne rooms. A

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wider western aisle would have been enough space for the throne while still giving the impression of having equal width as the eastern aisle. The lack of a private apartment in the plan of this palace seems to indicate that this was a purely ceremonial and not a residential palace, except if the stairways flanking the throne room segment at both sides would have led to an apartment in the upper floor. Such a plan, however, thus far, has no known parallel. Building L (Figs. 14, 15) East of Palace G there is a large public building of at least 3.200 sq.m.35 It is separated from the palace by a narrow street of 10 cubits (5.25 m) width and by the flimsy inner enclosure wall of the palace, which only makes sense if this enclosure wall was constructed before Building L. This structure also has a palatial character with stuccoed floors and walls. Contrary to the aforementioned palaces, this building is to a large part constructed on the ground floor level. The building seems to have had two phases, as the southern wall had two different foundation trenches and its original plan had a more orthogonal south wall. The southern half of the building is occupied by what seems to be a trapezoidal courtyard, which is surrounded in the east and the south by a double-filled wall of 16 cubits of total width. In the west, it is enclosed with 6 brick-wide (2.60 m) walls. In the direction of Palace G, the double wall is thinner, only c. 10 cubits wide, the outer wall again 6 bricks wide and the inner wall only 3.5 bricks wide. The courtyard is very reminiscent of the southern courtyard of the Hyksos Palace in Tell el-Dab‘a, which is also secured on three sides by double walls with a soil fill and brickbats in between.36  The courtyard is accessible from a main gate in the east, which opens to the northern part of this space. The courtyard was paved and covered by a stucco floor. Therefore, it is difficult to say if it was a courtyard or a hall covered by a roof supported by columns. No traces of columns were found on the floor, which was, however, largely destroyed by later pits. The southern part of the courtyard was used in a later phase for magazines, sunk deep into the ground and thus destroying the pavement there (Fig. 15). In its southeastern quarter there are remains of rooms, probably magazines. In the northwestern corner, just beside the bent corridor leading to the entrance towards Palace G, there is a 35

 Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2005, 90–93, figs. 22–25; 2007, 43–53, figs. 14–24. 36  Bietak 2010b, Fig. 9; 2010d, figs. 3, 6; 2011b, figs. 3, 6, 7.

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round podium with a stucco surface. Perhaps it was built for a scribe to register passer-bys. Later, this side entrance was blocked by stairs leading up to a higher floor (Fig. 16).   The function of the courtyard was most probably to assemble people. This would require a podium against the northern wall, which was not preserved, but was situated, most probably, between the entrance to the central corridor of the northern part of the building and the entrance to the bathroom. The latter was equipped with the usual double stone basins, shells and large rounded stones, probably for heating. Among the finds was also a jug of Cypriot Bichrome Wheel-made Ware, most probably, for aromatic oil used after washing and cleaning.   The spatial programme of the northern half of the building, which is a block of 80 × 85 cubits (42 × 44.6 m) is difficult to fathom. The eastern double wall of the building seems to continue northwards in full width, but it looks as if hollow spaces had been cut out to perhaps serve for guards or for workshops along a street between Building L and the enclosure wall of the precinct. A brick-paved corridor, running south–north through the middle of Building L may be discerned and most probably had a door leading to the courtyard. At the northern end of the corridor one finds behind a door a square room – a chambre à chicane – from which the corridor leads in a right angle to the east. It could be a stairway leading to the upper floor.   East of the north–south corridor is a tripartite room arrangement, with a bigger room in the centre and two equally wide rooms at the two sides; the southern one is the bathroom with access to the courtyard. The latter seems not to have had access to the central room. Another room was added to the north. Behind, east of these four rooms, there are two rows of small square magazines with stucco floors.   The area west of the north–south corridor seems to have been used for compartments to be filled until the upper floor. One could recognize a fragmentary preserved staircase partly blocking the entrance to the big courtyard coming from the side entrance of Palace G. North of the staircase is a terrace with a room built of massive walls in its west. North of this room is a big square courtyard with rooms to its north and west. In the north of Building L is a nearly square foundation of a double room which sticks out with its enormous walls of five bricks in width. It is possible that this structure supported a tower. Its inner division wall is not well-preserved, but it had also a width of four to five bricks. Towards its

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st nbt n hnw every department of recidence-city

sb3 n pr-nsw dorway of the Palace

mnnw

guard-post

h3 n pr-nsw

pr-nbw

htm enclosure

reception-hall

Gold House

pr-nsw palace pr-c3

snt

sb3 n rwty wrty

private royal quarters

6

5

1

3 4

pylon?

2

sb3 n pr-nsw

flagstaff

cryt entrance-area

h3 n t3ty

vizier´s office

htm

pr (n t3ty)

enclosure

mnnw

guard-post

sb3 n pr-nsw dorway of the Palace

st nbt n hnw every department of recidence-city

1. Overseer draws up position at northern falgstaff 2. Vizier advances from the East in the doorway of the maun entrance to pr-c3

Fig. 15  Secondary installations into the courtyard of administrative Building L (after Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2007, 49, fig. 16)

3. Overseer meets Vizier 4. mutual reports with successive action by Vizier

5. Vizier enters pr-c3 6. Vizier greets King

Fig. 16  Scheme of the Royal Palace in the 18th Dynasty, incorporating the office of the Vizier (after van den Boorn 1988, 67)

Fig. 17 Reconstruction of the throne room of Palace F with emblematic griffins (after Bietak, Marinaros and Palyvou 2007, fig. 36, graphic work N. Math)

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west is a tripartite wall arrangement. A similar tripartite wall arrangement occurs on the eastern side of the massive block. It is possible that the only twobrick strong dividing walls of the tripartite space schemes on both sides of the massive block were foundations for columns. The western outer wall of Building L continues towards the north, but there is no evidence that the building itself also continued.   One would expect that the western part of the building would have functioned as a residence, presumably for this building’s main functionary. In general, the whole palace precinct may have been a replica of the royal residence of the Thutmosid dynasty in Memphis or in Thebes. The function of Building L may have been the office and the residence of the superintendant of Peru-nefer. Comparable to the office of the vizier in the residence,37 the office of the superintendant had to be within the precinct of the palace (Fig. 16). Minoan Wall Paintings (Figs. 17–21) Palaces F and G were furnished with original Minoan wall paintings and stucco reliefs.38 They were not found in situ on the walls, but they were collected from dumps in front of the landings and at the base of the ramps. The paintings on hard lime plaster had obviously flaked off the substantial mudbrick walls, which usually shrink over more than a decade, especially when constructed on alluvial ground. The Aegean-type of plaster technology does not go together with the Egyptian mudbrick architecture. We do not know if this happened because of a lack of experience or because this building was meant to be a short-lived affair for a specific event. Not only the technology of fresco painting, thus far unknown in Egypt, was Minoan, but the style and the motives were Minoan as well.39   Along with a full-size lion body of a Minoan griffin with spiral decorated wings, which surely was placed behind the throne (Fig. 17), most probably with another antithetical griffin in a heraldic fashion, there were full-size figures of a leopard, a griffin, men and bulls. Scenes in smaller size include: bull leaping and bull grappling against the backdrop of a maze pattern (Fig. 18); hunting; lions chasing and devouring bulls and other ungulates; leopards

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hunting fallow deer in an Aegaen landscape (Fig. 20); scenes, perhaps ritual, against the backdrop of houses with ashlar masonry – all showing that there were master painters from Minoan centres at work. Many fragments of a floor painting with a maze pattern, seemingly imitating a reed mat originate most probably from the throne room.40 A half rosette frieze – the emblem of the Palace of Knossos – shows that the artists came most likely from the very core of Minoan culture (Fig. 18). Moreover, besides the Palace of Knossos, bull leaping has not been found, thus far, in any other Minoan centre apart from this Thutmosid palace precinct.   Only a maximum of 10%, but probably even less, of the wall art could be recovered as the site suffered severe damage from levelling and agricultural activity as well as the excavation of huge pits to obtain raw material for brick production in antiquity and even in more recent times. Nevertheless, hundreds of boxes with about 20.000 plaster fragments with wall painting were retrieved. There are also fragments of plaster reliefs of half life-size bulls, which were from scenes placed most likely in the open areas, such as the central court or at the entrance and in the first courtyard in the north.41 Also these scenes, as far as they can be reconstructed, strongly resemble the plaster reliefs found in the Palace of Knossos.42   The large Palace G was also at least partly embellished with paintings and plaster reliefs. Among the fragments worth mentioning are a representation of a woman or goddess with a flounced skirt and double anklets in full scale.43 Fragments of horns, probably from an Akrimi, and of a white-skinned figure in plaster relief with boots against a red background, show that such embellishment had been also been used for the large palace.44   The fact that one of the Thutmosid palaces at Tell el-Dab‘a was furnished with original Minoan paintings without any Egyptian additions or hieroglyphs and without mentioning the Egyptian king, shows that the paintings were meant for Minoans and not for Egyptians. However, the representation of the full-size lady from Palace G in the flounced skirt may be the key to understand the meaning of the 40

37

 In his textual analysis, van den Boorn 1988, 66–67, concluded that the office of the vizier was accommodated within the palace precinct. 38  The final study of the plaster reliefs at Tell el Dab‘a is being prepared by Constance von Rüden. 39   Bietak 2000; Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 68– 81.

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 Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 43. In the interim, a new reconstruction of this floor painting has been achieved by L. Siftar and A. Hanöffer to be be published soon in the journal Egypt and the Levant. 41  Von Rüden in preparation. 42  Ibidem. 43   Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 42 44   Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, fig. 40.

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Fig. 18 Bull leapers and bull grapplers against the backdrop of a maze pattern (after Bietak, Marinaros and Palyvou 2007, fig. 59b)

Fig. 19  Lions chasing bulls (after Marinatos 2010, fig. 27)

Fig. 20  Leopards hunting fallow deer (after Morgan 2010, fig. 2)

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Fig. 21  Lower part of a full sized painting of a lady in a flounced skirt (after Bietak, Marinatos and Palyvou 2007, 42)

Minoan paintings in an Egyptian palace (Fig. 21). If Thutmose III was the most probable builder of this compound, it is well known that he married a series of foreign princesses for political purposes.45 Proposing as a hypothesis, he may have also married a Minoan princess and created an abode for her at the site of the naval port of Peru-nefer, where Cretan ships would have arrived, were moored and repaired in the royal dockyards of this most important naval port.46 Palace F may have been her seat to receive people from her home country. As this palace had no private apartment it is to be expected that she resided in one of the two private apartments of the main palace, which would explain the restricted finds of Minoan paintings also in this building. Unfortunately, also there these paintings flaked off the walls quickly and were dumped near the base of the access ramp of Palace G.   The time of Thutmose III must have been the peak in the relationship between Egypt and the Minoan Thalassocracy. The well-known representations of Keftiu delegations with the goods of Crete appeared in a series of tombs in the elite necropolis at Western Thebes from the joint reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III onwards until his successor Amenhotep II.47

45

 Sethe 1907, 669.1; Winlock 1948; Lilyquist 2003.  Glanville 1932, 14, 22.
 47  Vercoutter 1954; 1956; Wachsmann 1987; Matthäus 1995; Rehak 1998; Vandersleyen 2002; Panagiotopoulos 2001; 2006; Duhoux 2003.

Magazines and Workshops Magazines and workshops, which date mostly to the later phase of the palaces, were also within the spacious precinct. They were positioned at the periphery of the palaces or even outside the precinct (Workshop W1 and basins for wall plaster production).   South of Palace F were remains of two blocks of regularly planned long rectangular magazines (Fig. 4, Area K); only one third was excavated, but their extent was visible on the geomagnetic survey maps. They contained faience figurines in very poor condition, Cypriot Bichrome Wheel-made Ware and other prestige items.48   North of Palace F and abutting its northern access ramp was an agglomeration of multifunctional workshops (Fig. 4, Area I).49 Lumps of pumice, mostly from the Minoan eruption of Thera, were found along with scarabs, mostly from the 18th Dynasty, among which were a series with royal names ranging from Ahmose until Amenhotep II. Other finds comprise unfinished canopic jars of calcite, egg-shaped projectiles for slingshots, inlays for wooden furniture of calcite and many fragments of shells.   Outside Enclosure Wall H of the palatial precinct, just northwest of the small entrance leading to the foot of the ramp of Palace G, was another workshop.50 Its exact size could not be

46

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48

 Hein 2001; Dorner and Jánosi 2001, 111–119.   Jánosi 1994, 32–35; 1996. 50   Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 89–90, fig. 44. 49

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Fig. 22  Workshops, magazines and offices replacing Palace J south of Palace G (after Bietak 2004, 152, fig. 3)

assessed as its northeastern part was truncated by a post-Amarna-enclosure wall. At least two rows of systematically arranged rooms can be recognized. The extension towards the northeast could not be explored due to the limits of the excavations. The southwesternmost row of rooms had a width of 5.10 m. The length of the room must have been more than 10 m. The room was split into halves by a bench of mudbricks, probably a work platform. In the northern part, the finds included a brick-lined fireplace and a storage jar of marl filled with particles of ilmenite (a titanium-iron oxide mineral, most probably used for producing pigment), canopic jars and egg-shaped projectiles for slingshots, a column base of calcite, a conus of a violet-red stone, and different raw materials such as sandstone, hematite, horn, bone, muscovite and shell-material, probably all used for inlays, as well as flints and fragments of pottery. There were also lumps of pumice from the Theran eruption. On the inner side of the enclosure wall, i.e., probably not belonging to this workshop, were spolia stones, one of them a door jamb of the Hyksos Seker-her (Sikru-Haddu).51 A special mention should be made of two lumps of about 140

Late Helladic bronze arrow tips, originally kept in linen bags.52 Most probably they were imported to be mounted locally.   During Phase C/2, after the removal of Palace J, the site was used for two long workshops (W2) in an east–west orientation with the entrances towards the west (Fig. 22). The building measured 47.20 m east–west and 17.20 m on its western front and narrowed in accordance with local topographic conditions to 11 m at its rear. The workshops were sandwiched between the southern inner enclosure wall of Palace G and the southern common enclosure wall of Workshop W2 and an administrative quarter. This enclosure of 6.5 bricks (2.68 m) in width turns in a nearly right angle to the north and forms the western wall, also of 6.5 bricks (but 2.82 m) in width with two entrances leading to the two workshops. Each one measures 36.5 m (c. 70 cubits) in length and 5.2 m (c. 10 cubits) in width in the west, narrowing to 3.4 m (6.5 cubits) in the east. The walls of the workshops were 2.5 bricks (2 cubits) strong and formed together with the enclosure a very substantial construction which give the impression of a high security area. It seems possible that they had borne a vault as a roof.

51

 Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 56f., fig.16, 90, fig. 44; Schneider 1998, 42, 74, 124.

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52

  Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 87, fig. 43.

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a)

Fig. 23  Pavement with sockets for a shade, presumably for the scribes supervising the entries and the exits of the workshops W2 (after Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 98, fig. 50)

  The walls of the workshops were lime-plastered and their floors consisted of a thick layer of sand. Ten to twenty percent of this floor filling contained remains of abrasive materials of pumice originating from the Theran eruption and crushed spines of cuttlefish. Without a doubt, pumice was used in most of the workshops as abrasive material. Among the finds from these two workshops were pot-bellows of limestone indicating metallurgical activities, blocks of limestone, column bases and four pyramidal bases with recesses on top, most likely for the mounting of beds.53   The western entrances were only accessible through a narrow corridor. South of it was a place constructed of stone blocks of limestone, quarried most likely in the Memphitic area as some of them showed Old Kingdom reliefs. A pavement of stone slabs and stone sockets for posts show a place, which was shaded by a light roof construction, most likely of mat or of fabric (Fig. 23). Presumably this installation was for three scribes sitting on a reed mat and ready to supervise the materials brought into and leaving the workshops. Nearby, west of the entrance to the workshops, was a bathhouse, perhaps for the workmen (Fig. 24). 53

  Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 94, fig. 48a/above.

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  It seems quite clear that we have here a multifunctional workshop, producing objects of stone such as column bases and pedestals, metal objects and probably furniture with inlayed decoration. It is not clear why the workshops had such a length, because long objects could not be brought in to or removed from the two long rooms because of the bent access to the entrance. One explanation could be that, besides other activities, the production of papyrus rolls of considerable length was carried out here.   Attached to the east of the twin workshops W2 is a compound of magazines (Fig. 25). Along its northern edge is a 100-cubit long stripe with a series of regular rooms each with rectangular brick platforms.54 These may have been offices. They were accessible by a free passage along their northern side and were connected by openings that seem not to have been closed by a door. In the midst of this series of rooms was a smaller room in which a limestone statuette of god Thoth and a water jar were found (Fig. 26). We think it could have been

Fig. 24  Bathhouse west of the entrance to the Workshops W2 (after Bietak, Dorner and Janosi 2001, 100, fig. 52)

54

  Bietak 2004, 46–47, figs. 3, 4.

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Fig. 25  Magazines and offices attached to the workshops W2 (after Bietak 2004, fig. 4)

a shrine of the god Thoth. As there was a high concentration of seal impressions within these rooms and because of the Thoth statuette,55 this northern row of rooms could have been offices for scribes.   Outside the northwestern enclosure wall of the palace precinct, ca. 12–15 m from its river gate, were remains of brick-lined basins for producing lime plaster for the Minoan wall paintings.56 They must have belonged to the first Phase (C/3) of the palace precinct in contrast to the other workshops that seem to belong all to Phase C/2.

Fig. 26  Statuette of a baboon of limestone, probably from a shrine enclosed in the offices of the magazines (after Bietak 2004, fig. 5)

Conclusions This palace precinct, with its 5.5 ha (c. 13 acres) size and owing to the size of Palace G57 with what is, by far, the biggest throne room found in Egypt, must have been the seat of royalty, such as the king or the crown prince. Its prominent position within one of the most important harbour towns of Ancient Egypt makes it most likely that along with this palatial compound, the remains of the royal residence of Peru-nefer, the famous 18th Dynasty naval port, 55

  Ibidem, 48, fig. 5.   Jánosi 2002, 203–210. 57   Monschein 2015. 56

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a)

has been located.58 It seems likely that it was a copy of the royal residence in Memphis at this time, with the administrative building reflecting the seat of the vizier at the residence.   Special attention should be placed on the accommodation of what seems to have been a sizeable temple at the right side of the throne room. We have, thus far, no parallel for a temple incorporated within a palace in Ancient Egypt. In this case, the sacred abode takes the same space as the throne room and is even at its right side. In architectural terms, it is the more important side of the building, if topographic circumstances would allow.   Temples in palaces are known in the Ancient Orient where the concept seems to exist that the god resides with the king.59 It is possible that this concept was taken over by the Egyptians early in the 18th Dynasty due to Near Eastern influence. One can not even rule out that it were the Hyksos who transmitted this idea to the Egyptians although we have no evidence of a temple within a Hyksos palace at Tell el-Dab‘a, as both known precincts of this period were not explored completely.60 We do not know which god was accommodated within Palace G. An option among the gods of Peru-nefer would be Amun of Peru-nefer.   A temple of Amun is integrated within the palatial precinct of Amenhotep III in western Thebes, but there it is a temple of its own, not incorporated within a palace.61 The big Amarna villas have a sanctuary of Aton or of the king often at the right side of the domestic building.62 Also in these instances in the late 18th Dynasty one cannot rule out the influence of 58

  Supra, n. 10.   We know about religious or temple rituals in palaces mainly from textual evidence: Labat 1939; Frankfort 1951; Behrens and Klein 1998–2001; Novák 2002; de Clercq 2004, 38–41, 92–99, 156–161, 168–172. Architectural evidence of an integrated temple can be established especially at the palace of Mari (Margueron 1982, 545; 2004, 197– 227, 254–259; 2014, 268f.) and at Arslan Tash in the 1st millennium BC (Thureau-Dangin et al. 1931). The other examples have the temple and the palace side by side, but in the same compound such as in Khorsabad (Loud 1936, 80–128, frontispiece and figs. 98, 99, 115–126; Loud and Altmann 1938, 56–64, pls. 2, 12–29, 79) and Tell Asmar (Frankfort et al. 1940, 9–26, pls. 1–4). 60   Bietak 2007; 2010c; 2010d; 2011a; 2011b; Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2009; Bietak et al. 2012/13. 61   Koltsida 2007 (with lit.) 2M III, 39–40. 62   Pendlebury 1931, Pl. LXXVI; Borchardt and Ricke 1980, Pls. 1: Q48.1, 2: Q46.1, 23: P47.19, 20, 47.22, 93: M50.1, M51.1; Kemp and Garfi 1993, Sh. 1: U25.11, Sh. 3: T33.10, U37.2, Sh. 6: Q46.1-2, Sh. 7: M50.1, P4. The shrine is often in a right angle to the house. There are also exceptions (see Bietak 2005a, n. 64). 59

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the Ancient Near East in an Egyptian interpretation.   The purely Minoan wall and floor paintings with the typical palatial motifs detailed above, all without any Egyptian script or Egyptian royal representation suggests a special relationship between the Egyptian monarchy and the Minoan Thalasso­ cracy. This relationship is further supported by the mention of Keftiu-ships moored in the dockyards of Peru-nefer in British Museum Papyrus 10056.63 It also falls into place with the discovery of lumps of over a hundred Late Helladic arrow tips in one of the workshops of this palace precinct.64 Ties between the two civilisations during the Thutmosid Period were previously only fathomed by the representation of Keftiu delegations in the Theban tombs during the reigns of Hatshepsut, Thutmose III and Amenhotep II.65 It seems that, for strategical and political reasons, the Egyptian monarchy and the Minoan civilisation had a mutual interest and fostered a particularly close relationship. The palace precinct of this period at Tell el-Dab‘a played a pivotal role in this contact.   Finally, one has to address the architecture of these three palaces on platforms. As far as we know, this kind of building appears for the first time in the 17th Dynasty with the so-called Southern Palace at Deir el-Ballas, which was considered by Lacovara as a campaign residence of Ahmose and his predecessors Seqenenre‘ and Kamose.66 Also the Northern Palace at this site, which is the main palatial building there, was constructed on top of casemate compartments that match the ongoing walls above. Szafrański thinks that these elevated constructions could protect the residence against floods during extended periods of high transgressions of the Nile.67 Małecka-Drozd shows that before the Late Period, all casemate construction in the Delta occur only in the northern half of this region.68 Besides flooding, she also raises the issues of high elevation in connection with kingship and religious concepts such as the Primeval Mound. One could raise in connection with these platform buildings also the issue of security and again claim some Near Eastern influence visible in the fortresses in the defensive 63

 Glanville 1931; 1932.  Supra, n. 52. 65  Vercoutter 1954; 1956; Wachsmann 1987; Matthäus 1995; Rehak 1998; Vandersleyen 2002; Panagiotopoulos 2001; 2006; Duhoux 2003. 66  Lacovara 1990, 2–3, 5, figs. 1.1–9, 1.14; plan 4; 1997, 6–10, 13–16, figs. 2–4, 19. 67  Szafrański 2003. 68  Małecka-Drozd 2014a; 2014b. 64

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systems of large Syrian towns such as Ebla or Hazor.69 Lacovara had an idea in this direction by claiming that the Southern Palace in Deir el-Ballas had the function of a monumental observation post.70 A building such as Palace G with its 12.610 sq.m. is, however, too big for such a function and if defense considerations should have been applied, one would have constructed a formidable fortress which encloses the palatial quarter. This is, however, not the case and the enclosure wall is too flimsy for defensive purposes. This would leave the notion of the primeval mound for the platform which could have been crowned by a cornice to specify the meaning in the architectural language.71 The symbolism of the primeval mound on which

the creation happened for the first time would put the patron of the palace, most probably the king, in the realm of the creator-god and would elevate him beyond everything else. Such ideas could have been applied in creating a symbolism and a cultic image for the palace. The identity between the ruler and the palace seems to have been formed by a shrine of limestone, set into the northern outer face of the ramp leading up to Palace G.72 Unfortunately the preservation of the shrine was poor, but one would expect that it housed a royal statue to define the ownership. The concept of Palace G on top of a high platform was transferred also to the other two palaces, which were constructed on top of platforms as well.

69

 Kempinski in: Kempinski and Reich 1992, 132f., figs. 13, 14; Matthiae 2000, figs. 13–14. 70  Lacovara 1990, 5. 71  If there was a cornice, it must have been constructed in mudbrick. The state of preservation of the platforms below its original height did not leave a trace of a cornice, but such a reconstruction seems feasible.

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  Bietak and Forstner-Müller 2003, 43, 45, 48, figs. 4, 12.

72

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A Thutmosid Palace Precinct at Peru-nefer (Tell el-Dab‘a)

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Der Manuelian, P. 1987  Studies in the Reign of Amenophis II, Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Studien 26, Hildesheim. Dorner, J. and Jánosi, P. 2001 10. Die Grabungsfläche H/V und andere Untersuchungen in ‘Ezbet Helmi, Ä&L 11, 105–119. Duhoux, Y. Des Minoens en Égypte? “Keftiou” et “les îles au 2003 milieu du Grand Vert”, Publications de l’Institut Orientaliste de Louvain 52, Leuven. Edel, E. 1977 Die Stelen Amenophis’ II. aus Karnak und Memphis mit dem Bericht über die asiatischen Feldzüge des Königs, ZDPV 69, 97–176. Forstner-Müller, I. 2014 Neueste Forschungen in Tell el-Dab‘a, dem antiken Avaris, Sokar 29, 30–45. Forstner-Müller, I., Hassler A., Matic, U. and Rose, P. 2015 Der Hafen von Avaris – Das Areal R/IV, Erster Vorbericht, Ä&L 25, 73−88. Frankfort, H. 1951 La royauté et les dieux, Paris. Frankfort, H., Lloyd, S. and Jacobson, T. 1940  The Gimilsin Tempel and the Palace of the Rulers at Tell Asmar, OIP 45, Chicago. Fuscaldo, P. 2001 Preliminary Report on the 18th Dynasty Pottery from ‘Ezbet Helmi – Area H/III-T-U/17: The Bath Room, Ä&L 11, 149–166. in prep. Tell el-Dab‘a X/3, The Citadel of Avaris, Area H/III, Part III, UZK 36/3, Vienna.

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Habachi, L. 1972 The Second Stela of Kamose and his Struggle against the Hyksos Ruler and his Capital, Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo, Ägyptologische Reihe 8, Glückstadt. Hein, I. 2001 Untersuchungen und vorläufige Bilanz zur Keramik aus ‘Ezbet Helmi, speziell Areal H/V, Ä&L 11, 121– 147. Helck, W. 1939 Der Einfluss der Militärführer in der 18. Ägyptischen Dynastie, Leipzig. 1971 Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., ÄA 5, Wiesbaden2. Jánosi, P. 1994 Tell el-Dab‘a – ‘Ezbet Helmi. Vorbericht über den Grabungsplatz H/I (1989-1992), Ä&L 4, 20–38. 1996 Hausanlagen der späten Hyksoszeit und der frühen 18. Dynastie in Tell el-Dab‘a – ‘Ezbet Helmi, 94–98, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im Alten Ägypten, UZK 14, Vienna. 2002 Bericht über die im Frühjahr 2001 erfolgten Sondagen im Dorf ‘Ezbet Helmi (Grabungsfläche H/I), Ä&L 12, 195–210. Jeffreys, D.G. and Smith, H.S. 1988 Memphis and the Nile in the New Kingdom, 55–66, in: A.P. Zivie (ed.), Memphis et ses nécropoles au Nouvel Empire, Paris. Kaiser, W. 1980 Satettempel: Architektur und Wanddekor des Heiligtums der 18. Dynastie, in: W. Kaiser et al., Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine: Achter Grabungsbericht, MDAIK 36, 254–264. Kamisch, M. 1985 Foreigners at Memphis in the Middle of the 18th Dynasty, Wepwawet 1, 12−13. 1986 Problems of Toponymy with Special Reference to Memphis and Prw-nfr, Wepwawet 2, 32−36. Kemp, B.J. and Garfi, S. 1993  A Survey of the Ancient City of el-‘Amarna, London. Kempinski, A. and Reich, R. (eds.) 1992 The Architecture of Ancient Israel: From Prehistoric to the Persian Periods, Jerusalem.

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Loud, G. and Altmann, C. 1938  Khorsabad II. The Citadel and the Town, OIP 40, Chicago. Małecka-Drozd, N. 2014a The Emergence and Development of Architecture on the Casemate Foundation Platforms in the Nile Delta, Recherches Archéologiques NS 4, 69–96. 2014b Notes on the Origin of Casemate Foundation Platforms in Ancient Egypt, Studies in Ancient Art and Civilization 18, 149–169. Margueron, J.-C. 1982 Recherches sur les palais mésopotamiens de l’âge du bronze I–II, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 107, Paris. 2004  Mari: Métropole de l’Euphrate au IIIe et au début du IIe millénaire av. J.-C, Paris. 2014 Mari, Ville II: Palais ou temple-manufacture? Syria supplément 2, 265–289. Marinatos, N. 2010 Lions from Tell el-Dab‘a, Ä&L 20, 325–355. Matthäus, H. 1995 Representations of Keftiu in Egyptian Tombs and the Absolute Chronology of the Aegean Late Bronze Age, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 40, 177–194. Matthiae, P. 2000 Nouvelles fouilles à Ébla (1998-1999): Forts et palais de l’enceinte urbaine, CRAIBL 2000, 567–610. Morgan, L. 2010 A Pride of Leopards: A Unique Aspect of the Hunt Frieze from Tell el-Dab‘a, Ä&L 20, 263–301. Monschein, N. 2015 Studien zu den Palastproportionen in Ägypten und Vorderasien – Eine vergleichende Studie, Unpublished MA Thesis, Univ. Vienna.

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Palaces in so-called Nubian Temple Towns: a Reassessment by Julia Budka 0.  Introduction The present paper aims to reassess buildings with a palatial character that have been labelled as “governor’s palace”1 or “civil government residence”2 in so-called Nubian temple towns of the New Kingdom.3 This group of buildings is in my opinion particularly interesting for the general topic of “palaces” in ancient Egypt, even if they do not fall into the category of royal palatial buildings. As it was stressed by Barry J. Kemp, the Nubian temple towns offer rich information on settlement patterns and the layout of Egyptian towns, although they are situated outside of Egypt proper. Kemp evaluates the setting as follows: “Thus, in Nubia the Egyptians attempted to turn what must have seemed to them an unbearably backward land into an extension of their own country, building temple-centred towns of the type which probably now formed the backbone of urbanism in Egypt.”4 In line with Kemp’s hypothesis, I think it is worth investigating whether the so-called governor’s palaces in Nubia give us information about the typical setting of such buildings at sites located in Egypt – furthermore it can be considered whether they enable us to reveal “the extent to which familiar schemes are adapted to changed circumstances.”5 This question of “adaptation” of New Kingdom domestic architecture used in Egypt and transferred to Nubia is currently the focus of the European Research Council Project AcrossBorders.6 1.  Fortified towns in New Kingdom Nubia Fortified towns in New Kingdom Nubia (Fig. 1), as exemplified by Buhen, Amara West, Sai Island and Sesebi,7 are generally associated with an orthogonal layout and urban planning, with distinct quarters 1

 Fairman 1948, 6; Spencer 1997, 161. See also Budka 2001, 84–85 (“Gouverneurssitz”) and Fuchs 2009, 77 (“Gouverneurspalast”). Cf. Smith 1976, 2: “commandant’s palace” for the New Kingdom building at Buhen. 2  Kemp 1972a, 651 and 653. 3   For these towns see Kemp 1972a, 651–656. 4  Kemp 1972a, 654. 5  Kemp 1972a, 654. 6  See Budka 2013; Budka 2014 and for general information: http://acrossborders.oeaw.ac.at/. 7  Kemp 1972a, 651–653; Morris 2005, 5. Cf. also Steiner 2008, 151; Fuchs 2009, 72–79; Graves 2011, 55, 61–63.

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Fig. 1 Location of Sai Island along the Nile Valley (after: Welsby and Anderson (eds.) 2004, 93, fig. 68)

of various functions including a sacred quarter with a stone temple. Kemp has stressed the prime importance of the religious buildings for these Pharaonic foundations in Nubia,8 introducing the term “temple town” for this specific urban layout.9 No temenos wall is attested for the temples within 8 9

 Kemp 1972a.  Kemp 1972b, 664. See also Fuchs 2009, 78; Graves 2011, 63. Morris 2005 favours the use of the term “fortress town.”

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these sites;10 the temple is enclosed like all the other areas and buildings by the town wall only – following Kemp this might be an indication that symbolic fortification was sought for houses erected in Nubia.11   A reassessment of the term “temple town” for the Nubian fortified towns of the New Kingdom12 is currently in progress within the framework of AcrossBorders by Jördis Vieth (PhD candidate at LMU Munich).13 A related study, but with a linguistic approach, was completed as a PhD thesis in 2010 at the Sorbonne in Paris; based on this research Claire Somaglino is now preparing a lexicographical study of the term mnnw.14   According to Ellen Morris, mnnw of the New Kingdom in Nubia have been densely populated and are comparable to Egyptian towns situated in Egypt.15 In fact, the term mnnw may indicate in the mid-18th Dynasty simply “a walled settlement erected in foreign territory.”16 A similar assessment was already proposed by Ingeborg Müller in 1979 (now published in 2013): mnnw of the New Kingdom are larger town areas whereas xtm – best translated as “fortress”17 – only refers to the central, well protected area or citadel.18  For Sai Island, the case study of the present paper, the label “fortress of Shât” (mnnw n ¥Aa.t) was reconstructed on a fragmented inscription from the town site, dated to year 25 of Thutmose III.19 Morris, assuming Ahmose as the founder of the site, proposed that Sai was “the first of a new breed of Upper Nubian fortress-towns.”20 As recent fieldwork has illustrated, this is rather unlikely: at present no fortified wall is attested prior to Thutmose III.21 Consequently, also Thutmose I as 10 Cf. Morris 2005, 325. 11  Kemp 1972a, 654. See Morris 12  See Kemp 1972a. 13

2005, 326.

 Working title: “Siedlungsstrukturen in Nubien ‒ Konstrukt oder Realität? Die sogenannten Tempelstädte des Neuen Reiches (ca. 1550–1069 v. Chr.)”; see http://acrossborders. oeaw.ac.at/the-so-called-temple-towns-of-nubia-in-thenew-kingdom/ (posted on Oct. 28, 2013). See also Budka 2013; Budka 2014; Budka 2015a; Budka 2016. 14  This unpublished PhD thesis is mentioned by Valbelle 2012, 451, n. 26; for the current project: Somaglino in preparation. 15   Morris 2005, 809‒814. 16   Morris 2005, 213, 331. 17  Cf. Morris 2005, 4‒5. 18  Müller 2013, 39. For mnnw as administrative unit in Middle Kingdom Nubia see Vogel 2004, 21–22. 19  Vercoutter 1956, 75; Davies 2014, 7–9. 20   Morris 2005, 81. 21   Budka and Doyen 2013, 181‒182; Budka 2016.

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the founder of the fortress on Sai22 is not probable from the archaeological perspective. The fortified enclosure wall and the stone temple justifying a designation as mnnw were only built during the reign of Thutmose III.23   Recent archaeological studies, especially the work by Neal Spencer at Amara West, have highlighted the complex microhistories and rapid changes regarding the architecture and the use of space within Nubian mnnws.24 It became evident that besides a planned outline, Egyptian settlements in Nubia illustrate individual needs and modifications of buildings due to changing environmental conditions, possible sociocultural changes and personal choices.25 In the following, the question will be raised whether this holds true for the so-called governor’s palaces as well. 1.1  Palace and temple: state-of-the-art “The temple or temples received and passed on cosmic power. The palaces of the city, and especially the administrative palace – always adjacent to the main temple – mediated that power, organizing it so that it branched out along the appropriate channels into the social and natural world.”26 Numerous examples and studies have illustrated the close connection between temple and palace in Ancient Egypt.27 The actual vicinity and conceptual closeness of palace and temple can also be observed in the so-called Nubian temple towns.28 Carola Vogel was able to reveal some misunderstandings and highlightened problems in assigning whether an unusual building can be interpreted as a “commander’s house” or as a “temple” in the Middle Kingdom Nubian fortresses.29   Recently, Egyptian palaces and problems of their interpretation have been the subject of two Master theses: Dagmar Fuchs focussed in particular on the relation between palaces and temples30 and Jördis Vieth on the contextual setting of palaces, terminological difficulties and the current state-of-the-art.31 22

  As proposed by Gabolde 2011–2012, 135–137.   Budka 2016. 24   Spencer 2014a; Spencer 2014b. 25   Spencer 2014a. 26  O’Connor 1993, 582. 27   Cf., e.g., Assmann 1972; Bietak 2005; Lacovara 2009. 28  Cf. Fuchs 2009, 79. 29  Vogel 2004, 128–131; Vogel 2010, 423–425; Vogel 2012, 153. 30  Fuchs 2009. 31  Vieth 2012. 23

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  This paper intends to show that the state of research regarding the inner structure and layout of Nubian temple towns is still too insufficient for a conclusive analysis. As only a small percentage of all religious buildings and temples are currently known, it seems premature to propose standardised rules for the relation between temple and palace in New Kingdom Nubia. However, parallels between various sites are striking as are local peculiarities, especially references to the specific topography. Sai Island and the ongoing work at Amara West show that a detailed, diachronic approach is necessary to contextualise the large buildings that seem to have functioned as administrative and representative units in the New Kingdom walled towns. 1.2 Evidence for “palaces” in Nubian temple towns A close understanding of the layout and organisation of temple towns in Upper Nubia is hindered by the fact that no site of the 18th Dynasty has so far been completely excavated. The key sites Sesebi32 and Sai33 are only partially explored and the town of Soleb34 is almost unknown, as it is the case with Kawa, except for its temple.35 Work in the settlement of Tombos has just begun36 and ongoing research at Dukki Gel37 will provide more answers in the near future. One of the most important Egyptian sites in Kush, the walled settlement at the Gebel Barkal with the Egyptian name mnnw ¤mA-xAstwj,38 remains still undiscovered.39 Thutmose III built a temple there and the major function of the site is in general assumed to have been connected with trade and cult.40   In view of the limited data and restricted knowledge of the New Kingdom sites, it seems legitimate to take the better preserved predecessors of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period into account. However, a closer look at the

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mnnw of these periods illustrates a completely different character than the fortified towns of the New Kingdom exemplify.41 This is mostly due to the diverse political and historical situation: by the mid-18th Dynasty the kingdom of Kerma was defeated and the walled towns did not hold a real military character, contrasting to the earlier cataract fortresses.42 The New Kingdom towns are the materialisation of the successfully installed Egyptian administration in Nubia with a special focus on the exploitation of raw materials (primarily gold and hard stone), craftsmanship and people. A big difference can further be noted between the 18th Dynasty and the Ramesside era,43 therefore it is not only necessary to make a regional distinction (Lower vs. Upper Nubia), but also a chronological division for a general assessment of the period of the New Kingdom.44   Despite of these conceptual differences between Middle Kingdom fortresses and New Kingdom fortified towns, both types of walled settlements feature a special building within their layout. This unit is singular regarding its spacious architecture and size and is most often situated in a corner of the site, frequently very close to the temple and with direct access to the parapets.45 Such extravagant structures, termed by Vogel as “LuxusArchitektur,”46 which are much larger in size than other domestic buildings have been interpreted as “commander’s house.”47 They are different from other houses and do not seem to hold a sacral function.48 In the Middle Kingdom fortresses, their strategic position and especially their direct access to the fortifications are strongly in favour of a military function.49 Similarly to the cataract fortresses of the 12th Dynasty, representative buildings of a very large size are present in the newly built fortified

41 32

 Spence and Rose 2009; Spence, Rose et al. 2011; Morkot 2012; Vogel 2013, 81‒83 with fig. 6. 33   Budka and Doyen 2013; Budka 2013; Budka 2014. 34  See Cavallier 2014. 35   Morris 2005, 319; Morkot 2012a. 36  For the site in general and its importance in the New Kingdom see Smith 2003, 86‒94, 134‒137; Yellin 2012; Smith and Buzon 2014, 432. 37   Bonnet 2012. 38   Müller 2013, 96, tab. 2.1. 39  Cf. Morris 2005, 206 and 652, n. 889. 40  Morkot recently argued that this site was “more directly controlled by the Kushite elite” (Morkot 2013, 917) than other town sites – an interpretation which cannot be confirmed at present due to missing evidence.

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 Cf. Vogel 2004, 61‒90 and passim; Vogel 2013, 81.  Also exemplified by the fact that New Kingdom occupation composed as “suburbs” is often traceable outside of the walled area (Kemp 1978, 23) – both at old Middle Kingdom sites like Quban (Säve-Söderbergh 1941, 192, n. 4) and at newly founded sites like Amara West (Spencer 2009; Spencer 2014b, 457‒458, pl. 1 and Vogel 2013, 85). Cf. furthermore the so-called campaign palaces, see below. 43  Cf. Török 2009, 182‒207. 44  Cf. Morris 2005, passim. 45  Cf. Vogel 2012, 153. 46  Vogel 2012. 47  Bietak 1984, 1247; Vogel 2010; Vogel 2012. 48  I am well aware of the thin line between sacred and secular as outlined, e.g., by O’Connor 1993. 49  Vogel 2012, 153. 42

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domestic quarters for the “ordinary” occupants. However, it has to be stressed that there is still little information about the social stratification of Egyptian temple towns in Nubia. The population of these sites seems much more complex than in the Middle Kingdom fortresses and includes also women, families and Egyptianised Nubians.51 Consequently, this paper is not a concise assessment, but rather the attempt to summarise the current state of knowledge deriving both from recent fieldwork and epigraphic sources and to highlight potential areas of future research.

Fig. 2a Ground plan of the campaign palace at Uronarti (illustration by Ingrid Adenstedt after Reisner, Wheeler and Dunham 1967, map VI)

Fig. 2b Location of the campaign palace at Uronarti (illustration by Ingrid Adenstedt after Kemp 2006, 242, fig. 89)

towns of the 18th Dynasty.50 One could assume that the highest official of the Nubian administration, the viceroy of Kush (see below, 2.), stayed there on a temporary basis, being on inspection tour or supervising building activities. In addition, it is also possible that such a building served as residence for the local representative of the viceroy, possibly the mayor of the town or the jdnw of Kush as it is attested for Amara West (see below, 2.). All in all, there seems to be the practical need for an official, representative building within a town distinct from 50

 Cf. Vogel 2010, 421–430.

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1.3 Evidence for so-called campaign palaces outside of fortified towns In addition to the so-called palaces within the mnnw-towns in Nubia, campaign palaces outside of the walled areas have been identified at Uronarti and Kor.52 No ancient Egyptian label has survived for these buildings and their dating is debatable. The large-sized extra-muros complex at Uronarti (Fig. 2a), situated at the southern end of the island and aligned to the north (Fig. 2b), was presumably built during the reign of Thutmose III and could as such illustrate Pharaonic dominance after the Egyptian victory against Kerma.53 However, the building with several rooms including pillared and columned halls reminds of the elite houses at Kahun, suggesting an origin in the 12th Dynasty.54 Similar observations are probable for what is left of the large complex at Kor, but the current state of documentation at both sites does not allow a detailed assessment and secure dating. At present, a summarising explanation of the socalled campaign palaces is therefore not possible. Other than the so-called governor’s palaces, they are larger in scale and seem to comprise administrative, ceremonial and domestic units.55 Parallels to Egyptian palaces like the one at Bubastis (see Bietak/Lange-Athinodorou in this volume), suggest that these complexes might have been designed to house the king and/or highest military officials on a temporary basis.56 A number of open questions are related to them, especially as long as 51

 Cf. Vogel 2013, 81.  Reisner 1955, 26; Reisner, Wheeler and Dunham 1967, maps II and VI; Kemp 1989, 178–179, with fig. 64 (with literature) = Kemp 2006, 241‒242, fig. 89; Morris 2005, 187; Fuchs 2009, 71–72; Lacovara 2009, 107‒108. 53   Morris 2005, 187. 54  See Fuchs 2009, 71–72 with fig. 112. Cf. also Lacovara 2009, 107‒108. 55  Fuchs 2009, 72. 56   Cf. Kemp 2006, 241. 52

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their date remains uncertain. In the following, the focus will therefore be on the intra-muros palatial buildings attested at several sites in Nubia which are clearly dateable to the New Kingdom. 2. Background: outline of the Egyptian administration in Nubia The basic outline of the Egyptian administration in Nubia is well understood and has been discussed by several scholars.57 In the context of the present paper, the key positions within this administration are of interest: officials who must have had some special kind of residence and are consequently likely candidates as occupants of the so-called governor’s residences.   The most important person at the top of this administrative system was without doubt the viceroy of Kush (king’s son of Kush, sA-nswt n KAS). The title “king’s son” seems to go back to earlier models in the Second Intermediate Period, when it was used for military commanders of the troops.58 The exact heading in the New Kingdom is “king’s son of the southern foreign lands/king’s son” and “overseer of the southern lands” and, from Thutmose IV onwards, “king’s son of Kush.”59   Prior to Thutmose III, the viceroy was engaged with the supervision of Lower Nubia (WAwA.t) only. From the reign of Thutmose III onwards, relevant evidence also comes from several places in Upper Nubia (KAS). This is most probably connected with the defeat of Kerma and a corresponding expansion of Egyptian power.60   Among the major tasks of the viceroy of Kush is the supervision of building activities.61 At Sai this is clearly illustrated by the texts referring to viceroy Nehy setting up a temple in the name of Thutmose III (see below).62 It is still unclear and debated whether (and if for how long) the viceroys themselves actually stayed in Nubia for these supervisions and other tasks. I personally believe that the large amount of documents left by viceroys in Lower and Upper Nubia, especially rock inscriptions, stelae and statues, can be connected with the actual presence of the officials – the viceroy of Kush was on certain occasions present and passed his orders face-to-face to his inferiors. Therefore buildings 57

 See Müller 2013, passim; cf. also Gnirs 2013, 676–686; Morkot 2013, 911–963 and Zibelius-Chen 2013, 135–155. 58  Cf. Müller 2013, 31. 59   Morkot 2013, 925 with n. 39. 60  Cf. Morkot 2013, 912–915. 61   Müller 2013, 18–22; Zibelius-Chen 2013, 140–146. 62   Cf. Geus 2004.

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within the Egyptian sites suitable for the highest official of the Nubian administration to reside there on a temporary basis are mandatory.   From the mid-18th Dynasty onwards, a new office, the deputy of the viceroy, is attested.63 This position was soon being divided according to Lower and Upper Nubia, thus there was the jdnw n KAS for the southern area and the jdnw n WAwA.t for the northern region.64 The fact that two deputies of the viceroy were responsible for Lower and Upper Nubia might indicate that the viceroy himself was mainly residing in Egypt proper and that he could rely on loyal representatives in Nubia whom he visited on inspection tours and other occasions.65 However, the deputies could also simply illustrate the increased administrative efforts connected with Nubia and especially the gold of Kush and the socalled tributes during the second half of the 18th Dynasty.66   Apart from the highest representatives of the Egyptian administration like viceroys and jdnws, the local officials on the regional level are poorly understood. Mayors are known for Sai, Buhen, Elephantine and other Egyptian sites (see below, 2.1).67 Müller proposed that at the beginning of the 18th Dynasty the mayors were Egyptians who returned to Egypt after their mission in Nubia.68 By the mid-18th Dynasty, holders of the title mayor are known to have been buried in Lower and Upper Nubia69 – making it likely that they were sometimes Egyptians who decided to stay away from home. More often the mayors presumably have been Egyptianised Nubians who were working as “Egyptian” officials in the Egyptian sites and whose indigenous origin is hard to grasp.70

63

 Cf. Török 2009, 180.  Morkot 2013, 925–926 (system established during the time of Amenhotep II to Thutmose IV). Cf. also Budka 2001, 72 for sources of the jdnw n KAS from Nubian temple towns. 65  Who might have been appointed within the indigenous elite and in Nubia only, as Morkot 2013, 936–937 has suggested. 66  For the importance of gold and other products for Egypt see: Müller 2013, 74–79 and passim. For gold in Nubia in general see Klemm and Klemm 2013. 67  Cf. Müller 2013, 48 and 206‒212. 68  See Müller 2013, 48, tab. 2.5.2 no. 16; Budka 2015a. 69  Especially at Aniba and Soleb; see also the recent assessment for Sai: Minault-Gout and Thill 2012, 413–418. 70  Müller 2013, 48. 64

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Viceroys and deputies on Sai Island No viceroys are attested at Sai Island during the early 18th Dynasty prior to Thutmose III, supporting the assessment that during this era the Egyptian control and administration were still limited and mostly restricted to Lower Nubia.71 The first viceroy who is well attested on Sai Island is Nehy. Thanks to monuments left in Egypt and Nubia his long lasting career during the reign of Thutmose III is traceable.72 Usersatet, viceroy under Amenhotep II, has also left some statues, stelae and architectural pieces on Sai.73   Traces of Ramesside viceroys have survived on Sai as well, but the exact context remains vague: by then, the major administrative centre of the area was Amara West74 and no proper architecture was until now exposed within the town area of Sai.75 Finds like door lintels, stelae and scarabs from both the town and the cemetery attest among others the jdnws Hornakht (Ramesses II)76 and Usermaatrenakht (Ramesses IX)77 as well as the viceroy Ramsesnakht (Ramesses IX).78 Mayors and local governors Another possible occupant of the “governor’s palaces” discussed in this paper is the HAtj-a (mayor) of a town.79 Mayors are for example attested for Sai, Soleb, Buhen and Faras, primarily by stelae and statues ‒ thus texts and respectively representations from mostly funerary contexts. Especially well known is a scene of Nubian officials in the tomb of viceroy Huy, including a number of HAtj-as from different sites.80 The title “overseer of the towns of Kush”81 suggests a specific hierarchy for these officials, which still remains uncertain. As it 71

  Budka 2015a.  See Leblanc 2009, 241–251. Florence Thill is currently investigating the complete set of data for Nehy on Sai Island; see Thill 2011–2012 and Thill in press. Cf. also Budka 2001, 114–115; Morkot 2013, 928. 73  For a stela by Usersatet found at Amara West see Shaw 2008, 59 with references. For several statues of this viceroy from Sai (as part of a cache) see Davies 2009, 30‒31, nos. 1 and 2; Gabolde 2011‒2012, 234 and especially Davies 2016. 74  For recent work at Amara West see Spencer 2009, 47–61; Spencer 2014a; Spencer 2014b. 75  Cf. Budka and Doyen 2013, 182. 76  Budka 2001, 211–212; Budka 2015b (for new finds in the cemetery SAC5). 77   Budka 2001, 212. 78   Minault-Gout and Thill 2012, 413–414. 79   Müller 2013, 46–49. 80  O’Connor 1983, 183–278. 81   Morkot 2013, 925. 72

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was suggested by Kemp for the general group of Egyptian mayors, it seems likely that mayors of Egyptian towns in Nubia “acted as a buffer between the external demands of the state and the wellbeing of the local community of which they were the symbolic head.”82 In Egypt, the king’s chief representative was the vizier,83 in Nubia the mayors would have turned directly to the viceroy. Installing loyal, Egyptianised people of Nubian origin in this position would, therefore, facilitate good relations between the local communities and the Egyptian representatives.   At present, there is no in situ evidence for a mayor within the temple town of Sai. The statue of the HAtj-a n ^Aa.t during the time of Thutmose III, Jahmes, was found at Thebes and is now kept at Bologna.84 Two objects from the New Kingdom cemetery SAC 5 (see Fig. 3), recently published by Minault-Gout and Thill, attest officials with the title HAtj-a. They are coming from tomb 5, datable to the mid to late 18th Dynasty and equipped with a number of high quality items. Both objects, a shabti and a heart scarab, are perfectly Egyptian in style,85 but the individuals behind the Egyptian names and titles might still be of Nubian descendent.86   Besides the mayors, the so-called wr.w – Nubian chieftains, holding this Egyptian title and integrated in the Egyptian administration – played a role in Egyptian towns at the local level.87 The famous scene in the tomb of Huy at Thebes depicts both wr.w of Wawat and wr.w of Kush on the occasion of the inwpresentation to the viceroy.88 Hekanefer is the bestattested of all wr.w, having left an Egyptian-style tomb, funerary equipment and various graffiti.89 Morkot recently argued that Kushite princes like Hekanefer held a major influence in Nubia, especially in the area between the Third and Fourth Cataract.90 They have been an integral part of the Egyptian administration system in Nubia, but we 82

 Kemp 2006, 282.  See Kemp 2006, 282. 84  Cf. Devauchelle and Doyen 2009, 34, no. 4, n. 10; Müller 2013, 48, Tab. 2.5.2, no. 16. 85   Minault-Gout and Thill 2012, 180–183, 408, 414. 86  Minault-Gout and Thill 2012, 413–414. Compare especially important results on the biological and ethnic identity of people buried in the cemetery at Tombos attesting a complex mixture of Egyptians and Nubians; see, e.g., Buzon 2008, 165–182. See also Smith 2014 and Spencer 2014a. 87   Morkot 2013, 944–950. 88  O’Connor 1983, 261, fig. 3.20. Cf. Morkot 2013, 947. 89   Morkot 2013, 947. 90   Morkot 2013, 944–950. 83

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are still far away from understanding all the details. Therefore, their way of housing is still unclear: had they been settled and integrated within the walled Egyptian towns as the case of Hekanefer would suggest? Or can we connect with these indigenous elements the settlements outside of the enclosures, which are known at several sites and still remain to be uncovered at others?91 2.1  Administrative centres in Nubia In general, there is no agreement and no clarity about the place of residence of the viceroy of Kush, especially during the 18th Dynasty. Several sites have been named in this respect: Buhen,92 Aniba,93 Napata94 and Wadi es-Sebua.95 It seems most likely that the viceroy stayed primarily in Egypt/Thebes, but details are far from being understood.96 Following Morkot, changes during the era of the New Kingdom are to be expected (see above).97 Indirect evidence is the existence of two headquarters for the jdnw n KAS/WAwA.t from the late 18th Dynasty onwards: at Soleb (followed in Ramesside times by Amara West98) and Aniba.99 The latter is known as important administrative centre in Lower Nubia already at the beginning of the New Kingdom.100   The island of Sai, as strategic “bridgehead”101 into the realm of the Kerma ruler and favourable occupation site throughout the ages, is one of the possible administrative centres of Upper Nubia prior to Soleb.102 In general, Sai gained importance during the mid-18th Dynasty, especially in Thutmoside times.103 The rich evidence of the viceroys Nehy and Usersatet from Sai has led Florence Thill and Luc Gabolde to propose a residence of these viceroys at the island.104 This is indeed a quite likely 91

 No extra-muros settlement has yet been identified at Sai. The settlement area outside of the town enclosure at Amara West is currently under investigation; see above, n. 42. 92  As suggested by H.S. Smith, see Morkot 2013, 928–929. 93 Vercoutter 1986, 12 with further literature. 94 See most recently strongly against such an interpretation: Morkot 2013, 917. 95  Gundlach 2006. 96  See Török 2009, 178. 97  Morkot 2013, 928. 98 Spencer 1998; see now the recent work by N. Spencer and his team; e.g. as summarised by Spencer 2014a and 2014b. 99  Cf. Török 2009, 180. 100 Cf. Thill in press. 101  Davies 2005, 51. 102  Geus 2004; Budka 2015a. 103  Minault-Gout and Thill 2012, 413–418 and passim; Budka 2013, 78–87. 104  Minault and Thill 2012, 418; Gabolde 2011–12, 137.

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Fig. 3 Sai Island with location of the Pharaonic town SAV1 on its eastern side (© AcrossBorders 2014)

assumption and with the large so-called governor’s residence, SAF2 (see below), there seems to be a candidate suitable for housing the highest official of the Egyptian administration on a temporary basis.105 However, since in situ evidence is still missing this has to be regarded as tentative interpretation.106 105

 Cf. the in situ Ramesside evidence from Amara West for the jdnw n KAS; Spencer 1997, 164, pl. 117. 106  One door jamb with the titles and name of Nehy was found in situ, but within the magazine area towards the west; see Vercoutter 1958, 153‒155, fig. 7; Budka 2001, 115, cat. 18.

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Fig. 4 Presumed outline of Pharanic town of Sai according to Azim (after: Geus 2004, 115)

New fieldwork of AcrossBorders, including the discovery of a large structure, Building A, supports the emerging picture of Sai as important administrative centre during the Thutmoside era.107 3. Sai Island as a case study The New Kingdom town of Sai Island (Fig. 3) between the Second and Third Cataract has the typical form of an Egyptian fortified settlement.108 A substantial enclosure wall (4.26 m in width, equipped with towers and possibly a ditch at its western side) surrounds domestic and administrative buildings, large magazines and a small sandstone temple.109 Former researchers have assumed that the cliff towards the Nile had collapsed since antiquity, resulting in a lost eastern part of the Pharaonic site (Fig. 4).110 However, recent archaeological fieldwork and a geological survey of the sandstone cliff suggest that this was not the case. The state of preservation of the 18th Dynasty remains close to the river is very poor, but there are no signs of a substantial collapsing 107

 Budka 2013, 78–87; Budka 2014; Budka 2015b; Budka 2015c. 108  Cf. Kemp 1972a, 651–656. 109  Azim 1975, 120‒122; Vercoutter 1986; Geus 2004, 115; Doyen 2009; Budka and Doyen 2013, 178; Budka 2014. 110  Geus 2004, 115, fig. 89 (based on the reconstruction by Azim 1975).

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of the cliff.111 The present hypothesis is that the natural landscape was incorporated into the design of the Egyptian town.112 Its eastern side would have been set up directly along the ancient sandstone cliff, probably strengthening the appearance as “stronghold” for all approaching from the river. It is, however, noteworthy that the enclosure wall was not set on the islands highest point – as excavations in 2013 and 2014 have demonstrated, the surface is sloping towards the east.113   Only selected areas of the fortified town of Sai have been excavated until now (Fig. 5).114 The southern part (labelled as SAV1), comprising a sandstone temple (designated as Temple A) built by Thutmose III and a residential quarter, was investigated by a French mission in the 1950s and 1970s.115 Temple A with Amun(-Re) as its main deity116 is rather small in size with a width of c. 10m.117 Early travellers and explorers, among them prominent ones like Frédéric Cailliaud (1821) and Richard Lepsius (1844), have reported two temples at the site: one in the middle of the “fortress”, one further north outside of the “castle” dateable to Thutmose III.118 Consequently, Vercoutter labelled the first discovered sacred building situated outside the Ottoman fortress as “Temple A”, expressing his hope that a “Temple B” still remained to be uncovered.119 While the present generation of French researchers consider Temple A as the only Egyptian sandstone temple of the site,120 in my opinion the question has not yet been completely solved – too consistent are the descriptions of the 111

  Geoarchaeological observations conducted within the framework of AcrossBorders by Erich Draganits in January 2014. 112  Cf. Kemp 1972a with several parallels from earlier times. 113  See Budka 2014, 30–31, fig. 5. 114  For a summary of fieldwork up to 2012 see Budka and Doyen 2013, 170–182; Doyen 2014. 115  Azim 1975; Vercoutter 1986, 12‒14. See also Budka and Doyen 2013, 170. 116   Cf. Azim and Carlotti 2011–2012, 11–65. See also Thill in press (about possible identifications of the other important god or godly aspect of the king, Horus-Ta-Sety); cf. Budka 2015a. 117  Azim and Carlotti 2011–2012, pl. xv. See also Morris 2005, 326, n. 400 that the temple on Sai “was dwarfed in size.” 118   See Budge 1907, 461‒465 (who was at the site in 1905) and the summaries by Vercoutter 1958; Vercoutter 1986, 13. The research history of Sai Island will be presented in detail within the framework of Jördis Vieth’s PhD thesis. 119   Vercoutter 1986, 13. 120   Geus 2004, 115; Azim and Carlotti 2011–2012, 46 with n. 84.

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early scholars. Several parallels for temple towns with two or more temples (for example Buhen and Sesebi)121 further raise doubts about the small sized temple building on Sai being the only sanctuary.122   Among the different quarters in the southern part of the town (Fig. 7), Azim123 identified a palatial or residential quarter (sector SAF2, Fig. 6) with a large columned hall of almost square outline (his measurements: 15.3 x 16.2 m) and a well-preserved and well-made mudbrick paving in the east (Fig. 9). This complex, situated east of the street NS1,124 is of particular interest as it is regularly assumed to be the “governor’s palace.”125 3.1  The so-called governor’s palace SAF2 The following description of SAF2 is based on the report by Ingrid Adenstedt after an architectural survey in 2013 (Fig. 6 bottom).126 Of important value were the published records by Michel Azim (Fig. 6 top).127 Unfortunately, only the central part of SAF2 is well preserved (Fig. 8); the northern and eastern parts are either overbuilt or destroyed and the southern part is badly preserved as well. The northernmost part is completely non-existing, but the building seemed to have at least reached to street EO1 (Fig. 6).   Especially noteworthy is the large central hall (updated measurements: 15.57 x 16.17 m)128 with formerly six columns, whereby only two of the stone column bases (diameter of 87‒89 cm) are still in situ (Fig. 10b).129 Similar central halls of large building 121

  S  ee Emery, Smith and Millard 1979, pl. 4. Noteworthy is also the extra-muros temple at Uronarti (of Middle Kingdom date): Van Siclen 1982, fig. 3 (= Fuchs 2009, fig. 106). 122   Furthermore, the large number of both royal and private stelae and statues found within the New Kingdom town seems unlikely to have been placed in the small Temple A; see below and cf. Davies 2016. 123   A  zim 1975, 98, pl. 4; Doyen 2009, colour pl. 9; Budka and Doyen 2012‒2013, 170–171. 124   Cf. the situation at Amara West (Spencer 1997, 163‒167) where the palace is situated directly at the west gate, north of the street, thus also in a prominent position within the network of streets. 125  E.g. Fuchs 2009, 73. 126  Adenstedt 2013. 127  Azim 1975, 100‒109. 128  Measurements based on the survey by Ingrid Adenstedt. The width is reconstructed, based on the assumption that the distance from the preserved western column base and the western wall equals the lost eastern measurements. Some remains of a pavement in the eastern part seem to support this reconstruction. 129  Azim 1975, 107‒108. The number of six columns is reconstructed: based on the parallels (see below) and because of the dimensions of the hall.

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Fig. 5 The Pharaonic town of Sai Island with excavated areas SAV1, SAV1 North, SAV1 East and SAV1 West (greyscale image of the magnetometer survey results by British School at Rome/University of Southampton), SAV1 by I. Adenstedt 2013 after Azim 1975, © AcrossBorders 2014)

complexes are attested at other sites ‒ column bases have been found at Amara West, building E.13.2,130 but also at earlier fortresses in Lower Nubia. Buhen, Semna and Uronarti have yielded columned halls.131 Another parallel can be named with the fortress of Askut and its “commandant’s quarter” (Fig. 9).132 In Egypt proper, sites like Amarna illustrate the importance of columned halls as representative rooms in the centre of villa-sized houses.133 There are, furthermore, “centre-hall houses” attested as elite dwellings at Sesebi.134 A columned audience hall is one of the elements illustrating similarities and links between palaces, temples, the Kahun elite 130

 Spencer 1997, 163‒167 (Level Four = Seti I period); the original phase is badly preserved, but Fairman noted column bases for it (see Spencer 1997, 163). 131 See Vogel 2010; Vogel 2012. 132 Smith 1995, 140, fig. 6.2; Fuchs 2009, fig. 101; Vogel 2012, 155‒156. 133  See Arnold 1989; Bietak 1996; von Pilgrim 1996, 211; Koltsida 2007, 57‒61. See also Vogel 2004, 129 for the columned halls within Nubian “commandant’s palaces” as “Wohn- und Repräsentationsbereich.” 134  Morris 2005, 338.

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Fig. 6 Ground plan of SAV1: top Azim 1975, pl. IV, bottom Ingrid Adenstedt (status: 2014)

houses of the Middle Kingdom and the Amarna villas.135 Resemblances of the so-called governor’s palaces in Nubian fortresses and towns and the large Kahun houses are, therefore, not surprising.136 Even stronger links can be established for the above mentioned so-called campaign palaces (1.3).137 Here, it is remarkable that the columned halls in the governor’s palace at Buhen have axial entrances

as this is typical for representative architecture, including palaces and the Amarna villas.138 In contrast, in SAF2 and also in the residence at Askut the access into the hall is located at one of the corners of the rooms, normally characteristic for domestic buildings and medium-sized houses.139 Without over-interpreting this entrance situation in the case of SAF2, it seems to reflect the complex

135

 Bietak 1996, 37; cf. Fuchs 2009, 47. For Kahun and the so-called palace there see Arnold 2005. 136  Cf. Vogel 2004, 145. 137  Cf. Fuchs 2009, 72.

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138

 Cf. von Pilgrim 1996, 211, citing some examples and literature. 139  Von Pilgrim 1996, 211.

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261

Fig. 7 View of SAV1 from the west (2014). Note the largely destroyed western part with many Pharaonic stone blocks (photo: Julia Budka)

function of the building that is of a representative character, but being merged with basic dwelling purposes.   Along the western side of the building SAF2 a row of smaller rooms (rooms 3‒8) is situated comprising three entrance rooms towards the north-south road (NS1). One of these – the northern one (room 3) – seems to have been installed at a later date. Except for this small entrance room, no restructuring was observed by Adenstedt within the building, implying a relatively short building phase and possibly an equally restricted period of use.140 Rooms 3‒6 are rectangular in shape; rooms 7 and 8 are almost square. All rooms are accessible from the columned hall and rooms 3, 5 and 7 served as entrance rooms from street NS1. Room 7 is granting almost axial access from the west. All of these entrances were originally equipped with stone door frames; in rooms 3 and 7 the stone thresholds are still preserved.   Storage installations are present in the wellpreserved western part of SAF2. In room 6, just south of the middle entrance from NS1, a row of bricks was observed at floor level, 0.65 m east of 140

 Adenstedt 2013. Cf. Azim 1975, 108‒109.

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the western wall. These could be the remains of a storage bin, a type of installation well attested at SAV1 North and other sites.141 Storage facilities have been documented in the governor’s palace at Amara West.142   In room 9, the central hall of SAF2, parts of the brick floor laid into a very dense pink mortar are preserved (Figs. 10a‒b).143 Two different brick formats were used (39 x 17 cm and 33 x 15 cm) and a certain, probably decorative pattern was created which still needs to be reconstructed. Remains of a brick floor can also be found in the other larger rooms.144   The brick format of the walls of SAF2 (40 x 19 x 9 cm) is markedly different from the other houses in SAV1 (33 x 17 x 8 cm) and from Building A 141

 Cf. Budka and Doyen 2013, 173–175 with parallels; Spencer 2014b, 462‒463, figs. 2‒3. 142  Spencer 1997, 163. A large quantity of silos has also been discovered at other sites in the context of extraordinary buildings, e.g. within the mayoral building at South Abydos (Wegner 2001; Wegner 2006) and the distribution centre at Elephantine (von Pilgrim 1996, 85‒100, figs. 25‒27). 143  Cf. Azim 1975, 108. 144  See also a brick floor in the palace at Amara West, Level IV, room 17 (Spencer 1997, 165).

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Fig. 8: View of SAF2 from northwest (photo: Ingrid Adenstedt, 2013)

Fig. 9 Comparison of ground plans of governor’s palaces at Buhen (after Vogel 2012, fig. 2), Sai (by Adenstedt 2013) and Askut (after Smith 1995, 140, fig. 6.2)

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Fig. 10a Detail of remains of brick floor in room 9, SAF2 (photo: Ingrid Adenstedt)

Fig. 10b Part of the brick floor in room 9, with two column bases in situ (orthophoto by Martin Fera)

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the building. Its location in the southeastern corner of the town was probably a position illustrating its high status.149   The prominent location of SAF2 can be further stressed by its relation to a simple gateway in the southern town enclosure: opening into street EO4, this small entrance leads directly to the southern and western façade of SAF2 (Fig. 11). The simplicity of the gateway reminds one of similar doors through enclosure walls in Middle Kingdom fortresses, interestingly connected with the stairways towards the river.150 The gateway towards the river stairs in the fortified town of Askut opens at the backside of the “commandant’s quarters.”151 An analogous setting is imaginable for the southern entrance into the New Kingdom town of Sai, even if no walkway towards the river has so far been discovered.152

Fig. 11 Estimated extension of the New Kingdom temple town of Sai, based on status of fieldwork in 2014 with a hypothetical reconstruction of the eastern side (illustration: Elke Schuster, © AcrossBorders 2014)

in SAV1 East (34 x 17 x 9 cm; 33 x 15 x 9 cm) (see below).145 The thickness of the exterior walls (1.5 m) implies a second storey.146 One possibility, especially taking into account parallels from Askut and other sites,147 is that a staircase to the upper floor was located in the surrounding corridor at the east side. Further towards the east, the town enclosure wall was probably situated in a close distance to SAF2 (Fig. 11).148 One might even speculate that there was direct access to the enclosure wall from 145

 Cf. also varying brick formats at SAV1 North in the contemporaneous level 3: 35 x 17 x 8 cm; 36 x 18 x 10 cm; 38 x 16/18 x 8 cm; 39 x 18 x 8.5 cm (F. Doyen, personal communication). 146  Adenstedt 2013 and personal communication. The evidence for a second storey in Egyptian domestic buildings was recently discussed by Koltsida 2007, 123‒135. 147  See Smith 1995, 140, fig. 6.2; cf. the headquarter at Buhen: Vogel 2012, 154, figs. 2–3. 148  Azim’s building SAF3 cannot be verified (Azim 1975, 109‒111 ) as 18th Dynasty in date – it is probably later; furthermore, there are new results concerning the eastern enclosure wall of the town (see Budka 2015b and 2015c), which would correspond to the reconstruction of SAV1 by Adenstedt (Fig. 5).

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3.2  Building A at SAV1 East Until recently, SAF2 was regarded as a singular building unit without any parallel in the Egyptian town of Sai.153 With new excavation work in 2013 and 2014, a comparable, but badly preserved structure was discovered in the sector SAV1 East (Fig. 12). Designated as “Building A” this is a large building complex north of Temple A of which only negative walls and remains of its foundation trenches have survived. Fieldwork is not yet completed and excavation of the building will continue in 2015.154 Building A is almost in line with SAF2, situated along the eastern side of the town just above the cliff and the landing place. The floor levels have been adjusted to the topography: Building A is built in terraces with the lowest parts in the east, and much higher parts in the west.155 The entrance rooms were situated along the western side and a continuation of the north-south street NS1 seems likely.   A tentative reconstruction of the so far excavated 149

 Cf. Vogel 2010, 423; Vogel 2012, 152–158.  See Vogel 2004, 125 (citing the examples of Semna-West, Kumma and Quban); Vogel 2010, 428. 151  Cf. Smith 1995, 140, fig. 6.2. 152  This area was largely modified in Ottoman times; the southern city gate of the Ottoman fortress, including a short staircase, might rest on New Kingdom remains – especially because blocks from several periods including the New Kingdom have been reused for this gate. 153  The large complex in the western part of SAV1 is very damaged and unclear in its ground plan; the same holds true for the structure SAF3, east of SAF2: its ground plan is unclear and it is probably of Post-New Kingdom date (see above, n. 149). 154   Budka 2014; Budka 2015b; Budka 2015c; Budka 2016. 155   Budka 2014. 150

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southeastern part of Building A is possible (Fig. 12):156 a roofed, narrow room or corridor towards the north with a mud floor; a large central courtyard (12.4 x 16.2 m) probably flanked by a lateral room or corridor towards the east. As it was suggested for SAF2, this lateral room/corridor might have once held a staircase leading to the upper floor and/or the near-by town enclosure.   Other than in SAF2, the central room of Building A is not a large columned hall with a mudbrick pavement (15.57 x 16.17 m),157 but an open courtyard of slightly smaller size (12.4 x 16.2 m) with several storage installations. Similar as in SAF2, the entrance into the courtyard seems to have been at its northwestern corner.   The western part of Building A is still only partly excavated, but remains of schist pavements158 and some bricks of interior walls indicate a series of small entrance rooms similar to the ones found at SAF2.159 Whether these ‘entrance rooms’ correspond to the function of this part of the building must remain open – they might have been some kind of magazine. Parallels for such small storage rooms can be found in Middle Kingdom fortresses.160 Also the room function of some of the minor rooms of SAF2 still remains unclear ‒ the remains of a possible bin in room 6 indicate a storage function (see above).   Of particular interest within Building A is a storage installation in the courtyard (feature 15, see Fig. 12).161 It is half-brick thick with the inner side lined with red bricks162 and with remains of a plaster coating. Feature 15 has a minimum extension of 5.6 m west-east and 2.2 m north-south. Its western wall is set against the natural pebble in Square 4. In this area a small hole was found directly 20 cm above the mudbricks, dug into the gravel. Its diameter is roughly 18 cm and it seems to have once held 156

  Budka 2014, 32, fig. 8.  Azim 1975, 100‒103 and cf. above. 158  Schist slabs with mud plaster and traces of whitewash; see other examples on Sai in SAV1, magazine area (Azim 1975, 112, pl. X) and also at the palace at Amara West: Spencer 1997, 169 described schist slabs covered with mud plaster and whitewashed in E.13.2, Level II; the precise dating is dubious due to unclear stratigraphy. 159   Budka 2013, 85, fig. 12; Budka 2014, 31. 160  Vogel 2010, 427. 161 Budka 2014, 31, fig. 7. For an updated report on feature 15 see now Budka 2015b. 162  The use of red bricks is unusual for the New Kingdom, but it finds a parallel in the fortress of Tell Borg: Hoffmeier 2013, 173 (for the foundation walls of the moat). I would like to thank Neal Spencer for pointing out this comparison to me. 157

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Fig. 12 Excavations squares at SAV1 East with remains of Building A (combined illustration of 3D surface model (Martin Fera 2014) and ground plan of East part (Julia Budka), © AcrossBorders 2014)

a wooden beam, possibly for an entrance aid into the structure. The southern wall of feature 15 is preserved to a height of 55 cm and the bottom edge has not yet been reached; excavation will continue in the 2015 season.163 The complete western part of the structure is still covered with very loose back filling of gravel, mudbricks and ceramics. Its former top seems to have been at the height of the floor level marked by the maximum of the natural pebble deposit towards the west.   Interestingly, the ceramics deriving from the newly exposed sections of the walls of feature 15 are all consistently mid-18th Dynasty in date. Therefore, the present working hypothesis is that feature 15 represents a rectangular cellar with a vaulted roof located below the floor level of Building A to which it was contemporaneous. Due to a number of ashy deposits, charcoal and a large number of conical bread moulds, feature 15 might have been used as a bakery or a kitchen.164 Subterranean bakeries of comparable proportions, although larger in size, are known from Amarna associated with the temple complex.165   Taking all of the evidence together (location, installations, finds) it is tempting to assume a connection of Building A with Temple A.166 Here it 163 For

the results of the 2015 season and an update on feature 15 see Budka 2015b. 164   Budka 2014, 31–32. 165  Kemp 2012, 113, figs. 3.27–28. 166  Further data for this interpretation, especially for functional aspects connected with storage and bread baking, came to light during excavations in 2014 (see Budka 2014) and will be published elsewhere. Cf. also Budka 2015b.

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is important to stress that Building A also provides a close parallel to the so-called residence SAF2. Differences concerning the columned hall and the number and size of storage facilities indicate that the latter is more likely to have been used for dwelling purposes. Both feature different types of pavements and probably had a second storey. 3.3  Compendium of Sai Island as case study Our understanding of the internal layout of the Pharaonic town of Sai, and here especially of the southeastern quarter, has been considerably modified in the last years. There are new data about SAF2, the enclosure wall, Temple A and its surroundings. The most significant aspects can be summarised as follows: (1) It is now clear that SAF2 was located in the southeastern corner of the 18th Dynasty mnnw, very close to the enclosure wall which was situated further towards the west (Fig. 12) as originally thought (Fig. 4, Fig. 6 top). This prominent position, with access to the wall and a direct link to a small gateway on the southern side, finds parallels at other fortresses (e.g. Askut and Buhen) and seems to correspond to its interpretation as “governor’s residence.”167 (2) Temple A is flanked by the SAF2 complex in the south and the newly discovered Building A in the north. Like SAF2 Building A belongs to the major remodelling of Sai during the reign of Thutmose III. Administrative and representative aspects seem to have merged in Building A, but the focus obviously was on storage installations like the cellar feature 15. A large number of conical bread moulds suggests a close link to Temple A. (3) The better understanding of SAF2 and the new information about Building A underline the strong interconnections of sanctuaries and cultic installations with administrative and luxurious buildings of a high status value and in particular their entanglement with each other in New Kingdom temple towns. However, without additional evidence like sealings and texts, the specific function of the large-sized buildings remains hypothetical. (4) It has to be stressed that neither Temple A, nor Building A or SAF2 at Sai can presently be analysed within their original setting – too little is known about their western and eastern surroundings. The western part of SAV1 is especially poorly understood – it is this area where the well-known pillar with the building inscription by Nehy (see above)168 was 167

 See above; cf. Bietak 1984, 1247; Budka 2001, 85; Fuchs 2009; Vogel 2012. 168  See Vercoutter 1986, 13 and Davies 2014, 7 with further

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found, believed to be associated with Temple A despite of the considerable distance between the find spot and the presumed original set-up.169 The new reading of this building text from year 25 by Vivian Davies170 indicates that also the evolution of the monument is not yet completely understood – the earliest phases of Temple A under Thutmose III might pre-date the era of Nehy as viceroy (thus before year 23).171 Further questions are open regarding Temple A: the original placement of a large number of statues of viceroys from a cache at Sai still needs to be explained. Although Temple A seems to be at present the first option,172 with its modest size it is not a completely convincing candidate. Another temple within the town area, in the area of the Ottoman fortress as it was described by early travellers and scholars (see above), cannot be ruled out (especially in the western area around the find spot of the pillar with Nehy’s text) and one can also speculate whether statues were set up within the so-called palace (SAF2) itself (see below, 5.). An alternative possibility could be the existence of a cult chapel dedicated by the viceroy as the ones known from Faras and Wadi es-Sebua.173 4.  Problems and open questions The reassessment of the so-called governor’s palaces in New Kingdom walled towns in Nubia with Sai Island as a case study has highlighted their complex relationship to temples at the sites, their luxurious type of architecture visible in size and regarding the facilities as well as their emphasised location within the towns, most frequently in a corner of the site. Nevertheless, the function of specific rooms still remains open in most cases and the administrative role of the buildings can only be tentatively assessed. There are several hints to high officials like viceroys, jdnws and mayors, but nothing that definitely proves the identity of their past occupants.   Other than the New Kingdom Nubian fortified towns, the inner layout and functional structure of Roman fortresses is well understood. It is known that a difference was made regarding whether the commandant’s house was for representative literature; Azim and Carlotti 2011, 46, n. 84.  Cf. Geus 2004, 115 for the displacement of the New Kingdom architectural pieces by the Ottomans. 170  Davies 2014, 7‒9. 171  Contra Azim and Carlotti 2011, 45‒46 who associate all the four building phases under Thutmose III with viceroy Nehy. 172   See also Davies 2016. 173  See Budka 2001, 88‒89 with older literature. 169

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purposes (principia) or used for living (praetorium), thus for a purely domestic use.174 Comparable detailed information is missing for the Egyptian context – from both the archaeological sources and the textual evidence. Consequently, we are still facing difficulties differentiating between a palace as dwelling place or as an administrative place. A strict division between ceremonial and domestic functions probably is unlikely to have existed in Pharaonic culture. Exceptional case studies such as the mayoral residence at South Abydos suggest that both the domestic and the official use were combined in large building complexes.175 Sealings giving personal names, names of institutions, titles and more would potentially illustrate such a combined use, but are unfortunately still almost missing for Sai and other Nubian sites.176 In situ evidence for representative door frames with the titles of jdnws as discovered at Amara West177 seem to confirm the assignment of the building as governor’s place, but do not allow a differentiation between residence or office.178 In total, it still remains uncertain whether the local administration and/or the viceroys have been living in the palatial buildings investigated in this paper, or whether these were primarily symbolic structures mirroring the Egyptian administration in Nubia.179   Furthermore, for the specific case study of New Kingdom walled towns, we are facing problems in reconstructing the framework of these sites, in particular regarding the administrative patterns and the historic background. The social stratification of the respective sites is not yet fully understood and a central, still open question regards the power and identity of the wr.w, the local representatives. Their private houses and possible administrative places remain completely unknown.180 The Egyptian type of architecture of the so-called governor’s residences has lead us to associate them with Egyptian officials like the viceroy, jdnw and the 174

 Vogel 2004, 128 and Vogel 2010, 423 with further literature. 175   Cf. e.g. Wegner 2006, 31‒32. 176  A large number of sealings with royal names was found in feature 15 in 2015, see Budka 2015b, 44‒45. 177  Fairman 1948, 9; Spencer 1997, 164. 178  The interpretation of Amara West as capital of Kush is based on the governor’s palace and the residence of the jdnw n KAS in the town; see already Fairman 1948, 11. 179  Cf. Vogel 2004, 128. 180   Cf. the situation in Canaan where buildings of local commandants and vassals have remained “archaeologically invisible” (Morris 2005, 826). See Spencer 2010 and Spencer 2014b, 464‒466, fig. 4, pl. 5 for possible “Nubian” architecture in the context of the town of Amara West.

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mayor – as we are still lacking further proof and knowledge of all of the identity of the occupants of the towns in questions, it cannot be ruled out that this is a misinterpretation after all. 5. Summary The exceptional, palace-like houses situated in the vicinity of temples in the New Kingdom towns of Nubia most probably functioned as headquarter for the local ruler or highest official. Depending on the site and specific timeframe, these palatial buildings may have housed the jdnw n KAS,181 but possibly also the viceroy of Kush and/or the local mayors (HAtj-a). For now, nothing indicates that the indigenous wr.w were living or representing their office/status at such places.   For Sai as case study, it could be demonstrated that this mnnw was equipped under Thutmose III with an enclosure wall with towers and a main western gate, a stone temple for Amun, large magazines, administrative buildings and typical Egyptian houses. The temple is closely connected to two outstanding structures which are flanking it towards the south and north: SAF2 in the south seemingly represents a palatial building for the local elite; Building A in the north is a large complex focusing on storage and possible temple offerings like conical bread.182   The close relationship of the “palace” and the stone temple for gods is illustrated by the evidence from Sai. Obviously, SAF2 was a more representative building, whereas the northern Building A served for the distribution and storage of offerings and goods. SAF2 might have functioned as temporary residence for the viceroy during the mid-18th Dynasty; maybe it primarily served as representative building for the local administration and officials like the mayor and the jdnw. Small details like the non-axial access to the main columned hall of SAF2 and storage installations indicate that in addition to its evocative character as an “Egyptian” building, it was really used for domestic purposes.   It is still an unsolved question at which site the viceroy of Kush was residing during the 18th Dynasty. I would suggest that he had official quarters at several sites and all together just stayed in Nubia on a non-permanent basis. Such a nonpermanent presence of the viceroys could be related to the large number of statues and stelae dedicated 181

 As attested by the in situ evidence from Amara West: see Fairman 1948, 9; Spencer 1997, 164; Budka 2001, 87. 182  Budka 2015a; Budka 2016.

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by these officials and found in the Nubian towns – providing “substitutes” because the highest official was not always present. For Sai, several dozens of statues of Nehy and Usersatet can be named.183 The question of their original placement might be relevant for understanding SAF2: the small Amuntemple, Temple A of Sai, seems inappropriate to have housed all of these statues, most of which were found together in a cache.184 It remains to be investigated whether these statues – a wide range of statue-types is attested: cuboid, stelophoros, kneeling with a libation bowl and dyads185 – could have been set up in a representative place related to the office of the statues’ owners.186 Is it possible that SAF2 and especially its spacious columned hall were once equipped with several statues of the viceroys, illustrating their high status, close connection to the king and gods, but also symbolising their “permanent” presence even if they were actually away from the island? In case that future research provides possible arguments for such a connection of statues with the “palace” in Nubian temple towns, this could potentially illustrate another aspect of these buildings. Eventually, it could, therefore, be relevant for palaces in other regions along the Nile valley and in Egypt proper.   As already suggested by Manfred Bietak,187 the location of the so-called governor’s palaces seems to be one of their characteristics: similar to other Egyptian sites in Nubia, the “palace” on Sai is situated in the southeastern corner of the walled area. SAF2 was probably very close or even connected with the town enclosure in a prominent position stressing its importance and high status (Fig. 11). Other than in the Middle Kingdom fortresses, this location is not a strategic one with a real military character.   All in all, so-called palaces in Nubian temple towns illustrate that like in the Middle Kingdom there was the need for a representative building offering certain luxury to the local elite, the mayor and/or 183

 Davies 2016.  Cf. Davies 2009, 31 who considers the burial of these statues as “an official clearance of the Sai temple(s)”. Davies’ use of “temple(s)”, indicating the possible existence of several sanctuaries, has to be pointed out. 185  Davies 2009, 31. 186  The most common settings of these statue-types, especially of cuboids and kneeling types with attributes, are during the 18th Dynasty god’s temples, see Bernhauer 2010, 164. It would be worth to reexamine all find spots of private statuary from the New Kingdom found in Nubia. 187   Bietak 1984, 1247. 184

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possibly the viceroy (at least on a non-permanent basis).188 Such structures probably held more than one storey and were equipped with special types of pavements. Storage facilities illustrate functional aspects of daily life in such building complexes which comprised service rooms.189 Stone column bases and lintels, thresholds and door jambs in stone are all expressions of the elite status of these palatial residences.190 In cases of good preservation like at Amara West, functional rooms such as bathrooms and kitchens are also attested.191   In conclusion, I think that the so-called governor’s palaces in New Kingdom temple towns illustrate not only a close connection to and similarities with temples and sanctuaries, but also the role of “palaces” to mediate the power and authority established by stone temples dedicated to gods.192 This task of the governor’s palaces in Nubia as intermediators – between Egypt and Nubia, the gods/the king and the officials, and the officials/administration and the local community – seems to be especially relevant in areas outside of Egypt proper, but could nevertheless enable us to comprehend more of the complex function of palatial buildings at Egyptian sites as well.   What became evident by a detailed reassessment of the so-called governor’s palaces within Egyptian temple towns in Nubia is the fact that despite of all their common characteristics (location within the town, two storeys, columned central hall etc.), a site specific approach considering the local topography (course of the Nile, elevation of the area etc.) as well as the functional aspects of the site (depending on its date of foundation, its specific situation, the local temples, the surrounding Nubian sites, the hinterland etc.) is essential for our understanding. Current and ongoing fieldwork at sites like Sesebi, Sai and Amara West have the potential to improve the present state of knowledge about daily life in temple towns in the upcoming years. These sites functioned as important “elite residential, administrative and cult centres”193 and allow tackling the so-called Egyptian colonisation of Nubia during the New Kingdom from its economic and organisational perspective. In this respect especially the so-called 188

 Cf. Vogel 2012.  See the abundant evidence for silos, bakeries and service rooms in the governor’s palaces at Balat: Soukiassian et al. 1990, 355. 190  Cf. Budka 2001, 6 with further literature. 191  Spencer 1997, 163. 192   See O’Connor 1993, 582. 193   Morkot 1995, 176.

189

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governor’s palaces provide diverse insights into aspects of the local administration and religious establishment in very specific circumstances. Acknowledgments This paper is an outcome of research conducted within the framework of the author’s STARTprize of the Austrian Science Fund: Y615-G19 and the ERC Starting Grant project AcrossBorders, Grant Agreement no. 313668. All fieldwork on Sai Island is undertaken under the auspices of the Sai Island Archaeological Mission directed by Didier Devauchelle (Charles-de-Gaulle – Lille 3 University, UMR 8164 HALMA-IPEL) and in association with the National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums in Khartoum (Sudan). I

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am especially grateful to Abdelrahman Ali (Director General), El Hassan Ahmed (Director of Fieldwork), Huda Magzoub Elbashir (our site inspector in 2013 and 2014) and to all local and international team members. Special thanks are due to Ingrid Adenstedt for her input concerning SAF2, the socalled governor’s residence, and for comments on an early version of this paper. I would like to thank W. Vivian Davies for kindly sharing thoughts and information about the mid-18th Dynasty private statues from Sai prior to publication. His new reading of the building inscription by Nehy from year 25 of Thutmose III (Sudan & Nubia 2014) highlights a number of open questions connected with the dating, the building phases and character of Temple A.

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Bibliography Adenstedt, I. 2013 The Architectural Survey, 20‒23, in: J. Budka, G. D’Ercole and I. Adenstedt, AcrossBorders. Fieldwork 2013 on Sai Island (North Province, Sudan), online report [http://acrossborders.oeaw. ac.at/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/AcrossBordersField-work-2013.pdf]. Arnold, F. 1989 A Study of Egyptian Domestic Buildings, Varia Aegyptiaca 5, 75–93. 2005 Baukonstruktion in der Stadt Kahun. Zu den Aufzeichnungen Ludwig Borchardts, 77–101, in: P. Janosi (ed.), Structure and Significance. Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Festschrift for Dieter Arnold), UZK 25, Vienna. Assmann, J. 1972 Palast oder Tempel? Überlegungen zur Architektur und Topographie von Amarna, JNES 31, 143‒155. Azim, M. 1975 Quatre campagnes de fouilles sur la Forteresse de Saï, 1970-1973. 1ère partie: l’installation pharaonique, CRIPEL 3, 91–125. Azim, M. and Carlotti, J.-F. 2011–12 Le temple A de l’île de Saï et ses abords, CRIPEL 29, 11–63. Bernhauer, E. Innovationen in der Privatplastik. Die 18. Dynastie 2010 und ihre Entwicklung, Philippika 27, Wiesbaden. Bietak, M. 1984 Stadt(anlage), in: LÄ V, 1984, 1233–1249. 1996 Zum Raumprogramm ägyptischer Wohnhäuser des Mittleren und des Neuen Reiches, 23–43, in: M. Bietak (ed.), Haus und Palast im Alten Ägypten. Internationales Symposium 8. bis 11. April 1992 in Kairo, UZK 14, Vienna. 2005 Neue Paläste aus der 18. Dynastie, 131–168, in: P. Jánosi (ed.), Structure and Significance, Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture (Festschrift for Dieter Arnold), UZK 25, Vienna. Bonnet, C. 2012 Les grands monuments égyptiens et nubiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie sur le site de Doukki Gel (Kerma), BIFAO 112, 57–75. Budge, E.A.W. 1907 The Egyptian Sudan: its History and Monuments, vol. I, London. Budka, J. 2001 Der König an der Haustür. Die Rolle des ägyptischen Herrschers an dekorierten Türgewänden von Beamten im Neuen Reich, Beiträge zur Ägyptologie 19, Vienna. 2011 The early New Kingdom at Sai Island: Preliminary

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Results based on the Pottery Analysis (4th Season 2010), Sudan & Nubia 15, 23–33. 2013 Die 18. Dynastie auf Sai Island (Nordsudan) – neue Puzzlesteine als Ergebnisse der Feldkampagne 2013, Sokar 26, 78–87. 2014 Neues zur Tempelstadt der 18. Dynastie auf Sai Island (Nordsudan) – Ergebnisse der Feldkampagne 2014, Sokar 28, 28–37. 2015a The Egyptian “re-conquest of Nubia” in the New Kingdom – some Thoughts on the Legitimization of Pharaonic Power in the South, 63–81, in: F. Coppens, J. Janák and H. Vymazalová (eds.), 7. Tagung zur Königsideologie. Royal versus Divine Authority, Acquisition, Legitimization and Renewal of Power, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen, Wiesbaden. 2015b The Pharaonic town on Sai Island and its role in the urban landscape of New Kingdom Kush, Sudan & Nubia 19, 40–53. 2015c The New Kingdom in Nubia: New results from current excavations on Sai Island, Egitto e Vicino Oriente 37 [2014], 55–87. 2016 Life in the New Kingdom Town of Sai Island: some new Perspectives, in: N. Spencer, M. Binder and A. Stevens (eds.), Nubia in the New Kingdom: Lived Experience, Pharaonic Control and Indigenous Traditions, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 3, Leuven, 429–447. Budka, J. and Doyen, F. 2013 Living in New Kingdom Towns in Upper Nubia – New Evidence from Recent Excavations on Sai Island, Ä&L 22/23, 167–208. Buzon, M.R. 2008 A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Egyptian Colonialism in the New Kingdom, JEA 94, 165–182. Cavallier, G. 2014 Soleb 2010 Project: Amenhotep III’s Fortified Complex Research, 393–398, in: J.R. Anderson and D. Welsby (eds.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1, Leuven. Davies, W. V. 2005 Egypt and Nubia. Conflict with the Kingdom of Kush, 49‒56, in: C.H. Roehrig (ed.), Hatshepsut: From Queen to Pharao, New York. 2009 The British Museum Epigraphic Survey at Tombos: the Stela of Usersatet and Hekaemsasen, BMSAES 14, 25–50. 2014 From Halfa to Kareima: F.W. Green in Sudan, Sudan & Nubia 18, 2‒19. 2016 A Statue-cache from Sai: putting the Pieces together, in: N. Spencer, M. Binder and A. Stevens (eds.), Nubia in the New Kingdom: Lived Experience, Pharaonic Control and Indigenous Traditions, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 3, Leuven, 133–148.

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Palaces in so-called Nubian Temple Towns Devauchelle, D. and Doyen, F. 2009 Retour à l’Île de Saï (Soudan, 2006–2009), BSFE 175, 29–49. Doyen, F. The New Kingdom Town on Sai Island (Northern 2009 Sudan), Sudan & Nubia 13, 17–20. 2014 Sai Island New Kingdom Town (Northern Sudan): 3rd and 4th Seasons (2009–2010), 367–376, in: J.R. Anderson and D. Welsby (eds.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1, Leuven. Emery, W.B., Smith, H.S. and Millard, A. 1979 The Fortress of Buhen: the Archaeological Report, London. Fairman, H.W. 1948 Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Amarah West, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1947‒8, JEA 34, 3‒11. Fuchs, D. 2009 Ägyptische Residenzen und Tempel – Eine Modellstudie, Mphil Thesis, University of Vienna. Gabolde, L. 2011–12 Réexamen des jalons de la présence de la XVIIIe dynastie naissante à Saï, CRIPEL 29, 115–137. Geus, F. 2004 Sai, 114–116, in: Welsby and Anderson (eds.) 2004. Gnirs, A.M. 2013 Coping with the Army: the Military and the State in the New Kingdom, 639–717, in: J.C. Moreno García (ed.), The Administration of Egypt, Handbuch der Orientalistik 104, Leiden. Graves, C. 2011 Egyptian Imperialism in Nubia c. 2009 – 1191 BC, MPhil Thesis, University of Birmingham. http:// etheses.bham.ac.uk/1389/. Gundlach, R. 2006 Hof – Hofgesellschaft – Hofkultur im pharaonischen Ägypten, 1–38, in: R. Gundlach and A. Klug (eds.), Der ägyptische Hof des Neuen Reiches. Seine Gesellschaft und Kultur im Spannungsfeld zwischen Innen- und Außenpolitik, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 2, Wiesbaden. Hoffmeier, J.K. 2013 Reconstructing Egypt’s Eastern Frontier Defense Network in the New Kingdom (Late Bronze Age), 163–194, in: F. Jesse and C. Vogel (eds.), The Power of Walls – Fortifications in Ancient Northeastern Africa. Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the University of Cologne, 4th – 7th August 2011, Colloquium Africanum 5, Cologne.

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Kemp, B.J. 1972a Fortified Towns in Nubia, 651–656, in: P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G.W. Dimbledy (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism, London. 1972b Temple and Town in Ancient Egypt, 657–680, in: P.J. Ucko, R. Tringham and G.W. Dimbledy (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism, London. Imperialism and Empire in New Kingdom Egypt (c. 1978 1575–1087 B.C.), 1–57, in: P.D.A. Garnsey and C.R. Whittaker (eds.), Imperialism in the Ancient World, Cambridge. 1989 Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of Civilisation, first edition, London and New York. 2006 Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of Civilisation, second edition, London and New York. The City of Akhenaten and Nefertiti. Amarna and its 2012 People, Cairo. Koltsida, A. Social Aspects of Ancient Egyptian Domestic 2007 Architecture, BAR International Series 1608, Oxford. Lacovara, P. The Development of the New Kingdom Royal 2009 Palace, 83‒110, in: R. Gundlach and J.H. Taylor (eds.), Egyptian Royal Residences, 4. Symposium zur ägyptischen Königsideologie/4th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology, London, June, 1st–5th 2004, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 4,1, Beiträge zur altägyptischen Königsideologie, Wiesbaden. Minault-Gout, A. and Thill, F. 2012 Saï II. Le cimetière des tombes hypogées du Nouvel Empire (SAC5), FIFAO 69, Cairo. Morkot, R. 1995 The Economy of Nubia in the New Kingdom, Actes de la VIIIe conférence internationale des études nubiennes. Lille 11–17 Septembre 1994, Vol. I – Communications principales, CRIPEL 17/1, 175– 189. 2012a Kawa, 296‒300, in: M.M. Fisher, P. Lacovara, S. Ikram and S. D’Auria (eds.), Ancient Nubia. African Kingdoms on the Nile, Cairo. 2012b Sesebi, 315‒319, in: M.M. Fisher, P. Lacovara, S. Ikram and S. D’Auria (eds.), Ancient Nubia. African Kingdoms on the Nile, Cairo. 2013 From Conquered to Conqueror: the Organization of Nubia in the New Kingdom and the Kushite Administration of Egypt, 911–963, in: J.C. Moreno García (ed.), The Administration of Egypt, Handbuch der Orientalistik 104, Leiden. Morris, E.F. 2005 The Architecture of Imperialism. Military Bases and the Evolution of Foreign Policy in Egypt’s New Kingdom, Probleme der Ägyptologie 22, Leiden and Boston.

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Müller, I. 2013 Die Verwaltung Nubiens im Neuen Reich, Meroitica 18, Wiesbaden.

Spence, K. and Rose, P. J. 2009 Fieldwork at Sesebi, 2009, Sudan & Nubia 13, 38– 46.

O’Connor, D. 1993 Urbanism in Bronze Age Egypt and Northeast Africa, 570–586, in: Th. Shaw, P. Sinclair, B. Andah and A. Oxpoko, The Archaeology of Africa. Food, Metals and Towns, One World Archaeology 20, London.

Spence, K. and Rose, P. J. et al. 2011 Sesebi 2011, Sudan & Nubia 15, 34–39.

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Reisner, G.A. 1955 Clay Sealings of Dynasty XIII from Uronarti Fort, Kush 3, 26–69. Reisner, G.A., Wheeler, N.F. and Dunham, D. 1967 Second Cataract Forts II: Uronarti, Shalfak, Mirgissa, Boston. Säve-Söderbergh, T. 1941 Ägypten und Nubien, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altägyptischer Aussenpolitik, Lund. Shaw, G. 2008 Royal Authority in Egypt’s Eighteenth Dynasty, BAR International Series 1822, Oxford. Smith, H.S. 1976 The Fortress of Buhen. The Inscriptions, EEF 48, London. Smith, S.T. 1991 Askut and the Role of the Second Cataract Forts, JARCE 28, 107–132. 1995 Askut in Nubia. The Economics and Ideology of Egyptian Imperialism in the Second Millennium B.C., London and New York. 2003 Wretched Kush. Ethnic Identities and Boundaries in Egypt’s Nubian Empire, London and New York. 2014 Editorial Essay: Nubia, coming out of the Shadow of Egypt, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 6:1, 1–4. Smith, S.T. and Buzon, M.R. 2014 Colonial Entanglements: “Egyptianization” in Egypt’s Nubian Empire and the Nubian Dynasty, 431–442, in: D. Welsby and J.R. Anderson (eds.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1, Leuven.

Spencer, P. 1997 Amara West I: The Architectural Report, Excavation Memoir 63, London. Spencer, N. 2009 Cemeteries and late Ramesside Suburb at Amara West, Sudan & Nubia 13, 47–61. Nubian Architecture in an Egyptian Town?, Sudan & 2010 Nubia 14, 15–24. 2014a Creating and re-shaping Egypt in Kush: Responses at Amara West, Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 6:1, 42–61. 2014b Amara West: Considerations on Urban Life in occupied Kush, 457–485, in: D. Welsby and J.R. Anderson (eds.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1, Leuven. Steiner, H. 2008 Ägyptische Festungen und Stadtgründungen in Nubien von der Prädynastischen Zeit bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches (Wissenschaftsgeschichtlicher Abriß sämtlicher Darstellungen in der ägyptologischen Literatur), Mphil Thesis, University of Vienna. Thill, F. 2011–12 Statuaire privée égyptienne de Saï, CRIPEL 29, 253– 295. in press Saï et Aniba: deux centres administratifs du vice-roi Nehy sous Thoutmosis III, CRIPEL 30, 2012–2013. Török, L. 2009 Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC – 500 AD, Probleme der Ägyptologie 29, Leiden. Valbelle, D. 2012 Comment les Égyptiens du début de la XVIIIe dynastie désignaient les Kouchites et leurs alliés, BIFAO 112, 447–464. Van Siclen, C. 1982  The Chapel of Sesostris III. at Uronarti, San Antonio.

Somaglino, C. in prep. Étude lexicographique du terme mnnw, PUPS.

Vercoutter, J. 1956 New Egyptian Texts from the Sudan, Kush IV, 66– 82. 1958 Excavations at Sai 1955–7, Kush VI, 144–169. Préface: l’archéologie de l’île de Saï, 7–17, in: B. 1986 Gratien, Saï I. La nécropole Kerma, Paris.

Soukiassian, G., Wuttmann, M. and Schaad, D. 1990 La ville d’Ayn-Asil à Dakhla. État des recherches, BIFAO 90, 347–358.

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Palaces in so-called Nubian Temple Towns Vogel, C. 2004 Ägyptische Festungen und Garnisonen bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches, HÄB 46, Hildesheim. 2010 Master Architects of Ancient Nubia: Space-saving Solutions in Middle Kingdom Fortresses, 421–430, in: W. Godlewski and A. Lajtar (eds.), Between the Cataracts, Proceedings of the 11th International Conference for Nubian Studies; Warsaw University, 27 August-2 September 2006, Part 2, fascicule 2, Session Papers, Warsaw. Pharaos verlängerter Arm: ägyptische Beamte im 2012 Auslandseinsatz, 151–166, in: H. Beinlich (ed.), Die Männer hinter dem König: 6. Symposium zur ägyptischen Königsideologie, Iphofen, 16.–18. Juli 2010, Königtum, Staat und Gesellschaft früher Hochkulturen 4,3, Wiesbaden. 2013 Keeping the Enemy Out – Egyptian Fortifications of the Third and Second Millennium BC, 73–100, in: F. Jesse and C. Vogel (eds.), The Power of Walls – Fortifications in Ancient Northeastern Africa. Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the University of Cologne, 4th–7th August 2011, Colloquium Africanum 5, Cologne.

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Wegner, J. 2001 The Town of Wah-sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations, MDAIK 57, 281–308. 2006 Echoes of Power. The Mayor’s House of Ancient Wah-Sut, Expedition 48/2, 31–36. Welsby, D. and Anderson J.R. (eds.) 2014 The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies, British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1, Leuven. Yellin, J.W. 2012 Tombos, 310–312, in: M.M. Fisher, P. Lacovara, S. Ikram and S. D’Auria (eds.), Ancient Nubia. African Kingdoms on the Nile, Cairo. Zibelius-Chen, K. Nubien wird ägyptische Kolonie, 135–155, in: St. 2013 Wenig and K. Zibelius-Chen (eds.), Die Kulturen Nubiens – ein afrikanisches Vermächtnis, Dettelbach.

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Recent Work at Malqata Palace by Peter Lacovara

The King’s Palace at Malqata, built by Amenhotep III for his heb-sed celebrations, is among the best preserved ancient Egyptian palace structures. As such, it is of tremendous importance to Egyptology, but also of great potential interest to the public at large.1 Although the site has been excavated by a number of expeditions since the 1880s, little of the archaeological work has been published, and none of the missions took care to backfill or preserve what was uncovered. As a result, the palace has suffered severe deterioration from groundwater, rainwater, and physical destruction of exposed brickwork from unregulated tourist visits.   At the suggestion of Egyptian and American colleagues in Luxor who were alarmed about the on-going damage to the site, the Joint Expedition to Malqata (JEM), co-directed by Diana Craig Patch of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and myself, began work in 2007–8 to identify the immediate threats to the area, and to devise and implement a plan for short- and long-term conservation, interpretation, and eventual public display of the various sections of the palace-city of Amenhotep III that make up Malqata. Subsequent seasons of survey and clearance were undertaken in 2010, 2012, 2013, 2014 and 2015.   The complex at Malqata contains a number of support buildings and features that could be considered indicative of a royal residential palace. The palace proper covers an area of approximately 50 by 125 metres and is more or less symmetrical in plan with a long, narrow hall running along the central axis of the structure. At the southern end of this hall was located the throne room and behind it the private apartments of the King, which included a bedroom, antechamber and bath. At the northern end of the palace was another series of courts, many with a raised dais opposite the entrance. The palace itself was situated at the southwestern corner of a vast enclosure wall at least 155 by 103 metres wide. The enclosure also contained a number of magazines, courts, and smaller structures. At least half of the area bounded by the enclosure wall

is under modern cultivation and settlement and remains un-excavated. The complex appears to have gone through several stages of rebuilding, not only with additions, but even a complete re-orientation.2 The southern wall of the enclosure appears to be skewed, as it conformed to the original orientation of the complex, which was later changed to align with the construction of the Amen Temple and the North Palace (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1 Map of the Palace of the King and surrounding structures at Malqata (drawing by Andrew Boyce)

  Entrance to the palace of the King was through a ramp-way cutting the western face of the enclosure wall and via a series of off-axis corridors and a large court (Fig. 2). From these, one was led into an antechamber that opened into the long central hall. The mural paintings at Malqata are by far the most complete of any surviving palace, and they 2

1

 Cf. Lacovara 1994, 6–21.

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 On the chronology of the settlement see especially: Hayes 1951, 35–37.

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Fig. 2 Plan of the Palace of the King at Malqata (drawing by Andrew Boyce)

are of importance in determining the spatial arrangement of the palace activities as, for example, in Assyrian palaces, where the relief scenes were fitted to the purpose of each room.3 The Tytus Expedition attempted to assign functions to the rooms they uncovered,4 beginning with the entrance corridor [A]. Opposite this was a large “court” with a raised dais and flanked by tree pits and behind the dais was another suite of rooms [C–E] taken to be an “audience chamber” and its “ante-room”. To the south of this was a small chamber with a raised floor not unlike the “bedrooms” at Tell el-Amarna [B].5 This room is associated with the remains of a large court or hall with a decorated throne base at its far end [F]. A room to the south of this had a painted false-door niche and fronted a small stairway that appears to have given access to the roof [G]. At the 3

 Cf. Russell 1987, 520–539.  While many of these attributions seem whimsical at first, they are perhaps worth note, Tytus 1903, 14–25. 5   Tytus 1903, 15, refers to Petrie 1894, 21. While clearly not one of the residential parts of the palace, one might suggest that this could have been a “porter’s lodge” as in the private houses at Amarna. Tytus alternatively suggests that it may have been a statue base for a shrine. This also would have parallels in domestic architecture such as the courtyard shrines at Deir el-Medina. 4

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centre of the building was a long, central hall [H] that the original excavators compared with a “feudal banqueting hall”. To the east of the central hall was a series of reduplicated suites of rooms [K1-4– N1-4]. In one of the areas suggested to have been “bathrooms” [N1-4 south end] a sandstone stone tub still remained in situ and fragments of others have been found in the same locations. The central room of each suite [K1-4] had a pair of columns flanking a raised dais with a pair of private rooms located behind [L1-4 & P1-4]. A room west of the stairwell had a line of pillars running down the centre and a wood shelf supported on brick piers running along both long walls of the room at a height of 80 cm above the floor [M1]. The Tytus report suggested that this room “was a waiting room used by the palace attendants”.6 The later excavations of the Metropolitan Museum exposed much more of the palace area and called into question some of the interpretations of the Tytus Expedition. At least eight other rooms similar to the “waiting room” were found placed bordering all the suites of rooms [M2-8]. Their position and design suggest they may have been storage magazines for palace goods. 6

  Op. cit.

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Recent Work at Malqata Palace

  An additional set of suites mirroring those discovered by Tytus, were found by the Metropolitan Expedition to the east of the central hall [K5-8–N5-8] making a total of eight groups. William Stevenson Smith suggested that these were chambers set aside for the royal harem.7 They do resemble, on a smaller scale, the “king’s bedchamber” and its associated rooms in the southwest corner of the palace [I, O and J]. While some scholars have dismissed the term ‘harem’ because of its orientalist and putatively sexist connotations, there is nonetheless ample archaeological and philological evidence for a discrete section of women’s quarters as part of the architectural program in elite pharaonic buildings.8 A recent suggestion that these rooms were instead symbolic shrines associated with the heb sed, like the chapels of the north and south in the Step Pyramid complex of Djoser, would seem highly improbable.9 The interior of the palace was a restricted space and not one for a public ceremony and the suites of rooms more or less mirror each other and are not distinguished architecturally, as are the chapels of the north and south at Saqqara.10 Moreover, the ceiling decoration noted in some of these rooms consisting of images of pigeons, songbirds and butterflies are those generally associated with women, and not the king. Also one would have expected that the magazines that surrounded them, if they were for cultic equipment used in the ceremony, would have depictions of that equipment, much as in some of the storage shelves in the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings.11 Instead here we have baskets of fruit on stands and images of a cow and calf. In contrast to this, David O’Connor has argued persuasively for the traditional interpretation of these suites.12 One can also posit that these were only ceremonial quarters and the royal women were actually housed in the North Palace at Malqata.13   Another recent suggestion that the room which has been interpreted as the “king’s bedchamber”, was not intended for him, also seems unlikely.14 Again, the ceiling decoration consisting of flying vultures along with the royal titulary would seem to confirm this, as would the juxtaposition of the 7

  Stevenson Smith 1999, 285. 8  Cf. Reiser 1972; O’Connor 2005, 439–454. 9   Arnold 2002, 277, 289–295. 10   Lauer 1936, pls. LV–CVIII. 11   Hornung 1990, 166–167. 12   O’Connor 2010, 55–80. 13   Evelyn-White 1925, 253–256. 14   Emery 2014, 192–194.

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master bedroom with the women’s quarters as seen in the typical Amarna villa design.15 In both cases the principal bedchamber is furthest removed from the entrance, for security reasons. The alternative suggestion, that the king’s bedchamber was “Room B”, right beside the main entrance to the palace would make little sense. It also is actually smaller in size than the room that has been identified as the “king’s bedchamber”, and no trace of decoration in that area has survived. The suggestion that it was of greater importance because it has a deeper prepared foundation for its brick flooring is explained not because it was of higher status, but since the ground level at the northern end of the palace sloped downward, it had to be built up. Indeed, the northern perimeter of the site was built up on casemate foundations to level off the slope down to the wadi to the north.16   This wadi may have served as a main crossroad for the site linking up with the great West Gate found by the Metropolitan Museum of Art Expedition17 and forming what O’Connor has called an axis mundi18 with the raised road running from north to south through the site. The uneven terrain of this part of southwestern Thebes was adapted and utilised quite effectively in laying out the constructions, a detail obscured by the lack of published topographic maps of the site. The areas between the Palace of the King and the North Palace and Village, as well as that between the West Villas, Middle Palace and the Palace of the King, were all cut by wadis that served to define and isolate these structures.   The building known as House West 1 (Ho. 1 W) lay beside a small gully, now used as a road, dividing it from the Palace of the King. Although it is similar to a number of large domestic structures at the site and is designed around a large central hall, like the “standard Amarna villa” plan, it has an offaxis entryway. However, here the entry is actually a connection via a ramp leading down to the walled entryway to the Palace of the King [A]. Many of the features of the building, as well as its location, are unusual. It is set on a small hillock immediately west of the palace entrance and is connected to it 15

  Ricke 1932.  Recent investigation of this area has revealed that the long walls running perpendicular to the northern edge are casemates and not corridors and the suggestion that they led to further rooms to the north is impossible. See Emery 2014, 195–199. This was already suggested as a possibility by Kemp and O’Connor 1974, 101–136, esp. 118. 17   Winlock 1912, 185–187. 18   O’Connor 1989, 73–87. 16

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Fig. 3 Plan of the entrance corridor to the Palace of the King at Malqata showing the bracing for the doorways (drawing by Andrew Boyce)

by a long, brick corridor. The main entrance to the building was through that long hall from the palace and then proceeding to a ramp which led up to the main hall of the structure proper and from which one had access to two suites of private rooms.   Ho. 1 W was clearly designed as part of, rather than simply bordering, the palace. Although similar to a private house in the core of its design, this building is much larger than most of the private residences known from the period and is associated with very grand constructions grouped around it. In design and situation, then, it offers us a parallel to the “King’s House” at Tell el-Amarna.19 Although here it is not connected to the palace by a bridge as was the case at Amarna, it does appear that the corridor connecting the two was elevated above the level of the ground.   In re-clearing and recording the mudbrick walls of the entrance corridor [A] we found two sets of parallel wooden braces running out perpendicular from the wall and set about half width distance 19

  Lacovara 1997, 28.

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apart (Fig. 3). These would seem to be braces for doorjambs set in exactly the same way as in the entrance corridor to the Step Pyramid Complex of Djoser at Sakkara.20 In all probability, these are the rwty wrty, the “double doors” of the palace as mentioned in the Duties of the Vizier (Fig. 4).21   Fragments of other sculptural elements in mud plaster used as architectural decoration, such as torus moldings and cavetto cornices, were found throughout the palace, but the use of wood is quite rare, except for the roof.22 Fragments of an elaborate wooden grillwork window, however, were found by the Tytus and Waseda expeditions in association with “Room F” (Fig. 5).23   Those missions, as well as our own, found a great many wooden model dates from what must have 20

  Lauer 1936, pls. XLI–XLIII.   Van den Boorn 1988, 55–76. And not the West Gate: Emery 2014, 38. 22  Op. cit., 23–25; additional fragments have also been found during the recent fieldwork of Waseda University, Shinichi Nishimoto, personal comunication. 23   Tytus 1903, 14, 23; Iida 1993, 224–233. 21

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Fig. 4 Reconstruction of the doorways in the entrance corridor to Palace of the King at Malqata (drawing by Andrew Boyce)

Fig. 5 Reconstruction of a wooden grillwork window in the Palace of the King at Malqata (drawing by Andrew Boyce)

been the canopy of a kiosk which maybe covered a throne base set in one of the open courts that appear to have been situated at the northern end of the palace. Both ends of the palace enclosure appear to have had large areas of flat, open space with the bulk of the structure situated in the middle. The northern, or front, courts seem to have probably been for reception and viewings of the king while the southern, or back courts may have been for

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Fig. 6 Fragment of a pottery model crenellated tower (drawing by William Raymond Johnson)

household activities such as laundry and food preparation. Large pits in this area were used as dumps for palace rubbish.24   Stairways gave access to the roof and possibly a window of appearance at the northern end of the palace, but they are small and narrow and do not suggest an extensive second story. It would seem that the great central hall [H] would have had a roof slightly higher to accommodate clerestory windows.   The outer enclosure wall had an exterior face that was battered to a slope of about 82 degrees. The height of the wall is difficult to determine but in all probability it would have been low enough to view the structure behind it. Both the enclosure wall and the roofline of the palace may have had a crenellated top giving the structure an appearance like a Syrian Migdol fortress as in the entrance to the Temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. Fragments of what may have been a model of the palace, were noted by a member of the University of Pennsylvania 24

 Similar trash pits have been found in the North Village, though smaller but similarly roughly cut into the marl substrate in a deep and irregular fashion. They are quite distinct from the shallow, round, regular tree pits found elsewhere (Cf. Wilkinson 1998, 69, 76–78 and 86) and their irregular spacing as well as lack of any soil or root remnants also suggests they were never used for landscaping contrary to Emery 2014, 260.

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Mission that had worked at the site in the 1970’s (Fig. 6).25 The work of the Joint Expedition to Malqata represents in many ways what the future of archaeology in Egypt must be. Such sites are a rare and non-renewable resource and it is our obligation to preserve and protect them for future generations. In doing so, however, as we have seen, much new information can be gleaned that adds to our knowledge of ancient Egyptian civilisation. Much of the recent restoration is due to grants from the American Research Center in Egypt’s Antiquities Endowment Fund (AEF), and we are most grateful

to them and to donors to the Department of Egyptian Art at the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Ancient Egyptian Heritage and Archaeology Fund that, along with our colleagues in the Ministry of State for Antiquities and Heritage of the Government of Egypt have enabled us to make significant progress in developing and implementing a conservation program for the King’s Palace (Pl. 1).26 We hope to continue our restoration efforts in future and work with our colleagues in the area towards a comprehensive site management plan to safeguard and interpret the entire southwestern Theban region.

Plate 1 Reconstructed entrance corridor to the Palace of the King at Malqata and the wadi bordering the north end of the Palace (photograph by the author)

25

 Charles Evers, personal communication. Cf. O’Connor 1979, 52–53.

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26

  Lacovara 2014, 28–33.

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Bibliography Arnold, D. 2002 The Royal Palace. Architecture, Decoration and  Furnishings, 289–295, in: C. Ziegler (ed.), The Pharaohs, New York. Boorn, G.P.F. van den 1988 The Duties of the Vizier: Civil Administration in the early New Kingdom, London. Emery, G. 2014  The House of Rejoicing: Malqata as the Festival Palace of Amenhotep III, Ph.D. Diss. Chicago. Evelyn-White, H.G. 1925 The Egyptian Expedition, BMMA 10, 253–256. Hayes, W.C. 1951 Inscriptions from the Palace of Amenhotep III, JNES 10 (1), 169–176. Hornung, E. 1990  The Valley of the Kings: Horizon of Eternity, New York. Iida, K. et al. 1993 Studies on the Palace of Malqata 1985–1988, 224– 233, Anonymous (ed.), Papers in Honor of Professor Watanabe Yasutada on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, Tokyo. Kemp, B.J. and O’Connor, D. 1974  An Ancient Nile Harbour. University Museum Excavations at the ‘Birket Habu’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 3/1, 101–136. Lacovara, P. 1994 In the Realm of the Sun King: Malkata, Palace-City of Amenhotep III, Amarna Letters 3, 6–21. 1997  The New Kingdom Royal City. Studies in Egyptology, London and New York. 2014  Preservation and Interpretation of the Palace of Amenhotep III at Malqata in Western Thebes, ARCE Bulletin 204, 28–33.

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Lauer, J.P. 1936  La pyramide à degrés. Tome I: L’architecture. Tome II: Planches, Cairo. O’Connor, D. 1979 The University Museum Excavations at the PalaceCity of Malkata, Expedition 21 (2), 52–53. 1989 City and Palace in New Kingdom Egypt, CRIPEL 11, 73–87. 2005  The Eastern High Gate: Sexualized Architecture at Medinet Habu?, 439–454, in: P. Janosi (ed.), Structure and Significance: Thoughts on Ancient Egyptian Architecture, UZK 25, Vienna. The King’s Palace at Malkata and the Purpose of the 2010  Royal Harem, 55–80, in: Z. Hawass and J. Houser Wegner (eds.), Millions of Jubilees: Studies in Honor of David P. Silverman, Volume 2, Cairo. Petrie, W.M.F. 1894 Tell el Amarna, London. Reiser, E. 1972 Der königliche Harim im alten Ägypten und seine Verwaltung, Vienna. Ricke, H. 1932  Der Grundriss des Amarna-Wohnhauses, Leipzig. Russell, J.M. 1987 Bulls for the Palace and Order in the Empire: The Sculptural Program of Sennacherib’s Court VI at Nineveh, The Art Bulletin 69/4, 520–539. Stevenson Smith, W. 1999  The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, revised by W.K. Simpson, New Haven. Tytus, R. deP. 1903  A Preliminary Report on the Re-excavation of the Palace of Amenhetep III, New York. Wilkinson, A. 1998 The Garden in Ancient Egypt, London. Winlock, H.E. 1912 Excavation of the Palace of Amenhotep III, BMMA 7, 185–187.

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Deir el-Ballas by Peter Lacovara Critical to our understanding of the development of the royal city of the New Kingdom and the Theban expansion at the end of the Second Intermediate Period is the settlement at Deir el-Ballas. Located on the west bank of the Nile to the north of the town of Ballas proper by the villages of El Deir and Deir el-Gharbi, the site was excavated by the Hearst Expedition of the University of California under the direction of George A. Reisner in the year 1900–01.   Reisner’s records were left largely unpublished and the importance of the site to the history of the Second Intermediate Period and the development

two-room huts to large “villas”, Further to the south, Reisner had excavated a group of contiguous houses, which were very similar in appearance to the workmen’s village at Deir el-Medina (Fig. 2).2   As at Amarna and Deir el-Medina, the workmen’s village at Deir el-Ballas was situated apart from the main settled area, beside a large hill. Survey of the western slope of this hill revealed traces of roughly built structures, which appeared to consist of one or more courts connected by short flights of stairs and built of stones and mudbrick and partially cut into the hillside. These structures resemble quite closely

Fig. 1 Deir el-Ballas, site map (drawing by Cynthia L. Shartzer)

of urbanism in Pharaonic Egypt was largely overlooked. In order to clarify the records of the expedition and enable publication of the site, four seasons of survey and clearance were undertaken in l980, l983, 1984 and 1986 under the sponsorship of the American Research Center and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The results of these seasons were published in a Preliminary report by the American Research Center in Egypt.1   The settlement at Deir el-Ballas centered on a large royal palace situated in the center of a wide bay opening up in the limestone cliffs along the west bank of the Nile (Fig.1, Pl. 1). Grouped around the palace to the north and south were a number of private houses, which ranged in size from small,

in plan the chapels associated with the workmen’s village at Amarna (Fig. 3),3 and one still contained a small votive figure of Hathor in a ceramic bowl, similar to ones found in the chapels at Tell elAmarna.   As at Malqata, the southern extent of the settlement at Deir el-Ballas was marked by a rectangular mudbrick platform; of the same size and similar design as the Kom el-‘Abd at Malqata,4 the structure at Ballas was called by Reisner, the “South Palace” (Fig. 4, Pl. 2). It is, however, markedly nonresidential and is situated far from the rest of the 2

  Bruyère 1939.   Peet and Woolley 1923, 53ff. 4  Kemp 1977, 71–82. 3

 Lacovara 1990.

1

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Fig. 2 Deir el-Ballas, site map showing workmen’s village and chapels (drawing Mark E. Lehner)

settlement, at the top of hill. Its location affords a commanding view of the Nile and surrounding countryside. The building consists of a wide terrace fronting an elevated platform, the top of which is reached by a broad flight of stairs. The upper part of the structure incorporated the existing hill so it was clearly a platform and not any sort of actual building with interior space (Fig.5).5   The periphery of the structure and the court in front of it were built up on casemate foundations in their earliest appearance in Upper Egypt. The author has suggested that these were influenced by developments in the architecture of the 5

  Contrary to Arnold 2002, 283.

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contemporary royal tumuli at Kerma.6 Recently, however it has been suggested that the origin for the casemates was from the Ancient Near East.7 Although the arguments are less than convincing. First of all, most of the casemate construction in the Near East is of stone masonry, not mudbrick, including the fortifications of Tel Gezer illustrated as an example, as opposed to the tumili at Kerma which are of mudbrick and constructed in the same exact way as the casemates at Deir el-Ballas with a filling of sand capped at the top by stone chip and then covered with a mudbrick pavement.8 While it may be true that “various types of tumulus inner construction are known from different cultures of the world,”9 they have no bearing on this discussion. The fact is that one can see this technique evolving over time in Nubia and then appearing fully formed in Egypt at the point where it culminates in Kerma.10 Certainly there is ample evidence for contact between the Kerma Culture at Deir elBallas, not only from the pottery found there but also from the use of very similar faience tiles in the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas and at Kerma,11 and the redesign of the Kerma palace along the lines of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas shows some architectural integration between the cultures at this point.12 Palace F at Avaris cited as an earlier parallel is far from a clear one, and it would seem that the author is looking at buttressed outer walls rather than a casemate platform.13   The design and situation of the South Palace suggest that it must have served principally for observation of both the river and the southern approach to the settlement, in order to regulate traffic entering the settlement. This appears to be the case with the Kom el-‘Abd at Malqata and the “Customs House” at Amarna. The siting of massive fortified lookout stations on high places is also known from the Third Intermediate Period.14   Looking northward from the vantage point offered by the South Palace we noted traces of structures not recorded by Reisner. In mapping 6

 Lacovara 2006, 192–193.  Małecka-Drozd 2014, 149–169. 8  Reisner 1923, 135–136. 9  Małecka-Drozd 2014, 158. 10  A situation similar to the development of niched brick architecture in Egypt, though again some doubted the obvious foreign influence. Cf. Lapinska 1980, 61–65. 11   Elizabeth Minor, personal communication. 12  Lacovara 1997, 41, fig. 37c. 13  Małecka-Drozd 2014, 150–151. Cf. Bietak in this volume. 14  Lacovara et al. 1989, 73–87. 7

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slight topographic changes, sherd concentrations and exposed brick, a picture of what lay under the ground began to emerge. Here, from what we could determine, were a number of very large buildings grouped in an orderly grid pattern consisting of large structures 50+ metres square and bordered by long, narrow buildings approximately 20 x 70+ metres. This layout suggests the pattern of the administrative buildings located in the central city at Tell el-Amarna.15   Many of these buildings also appear to make use of the larger size bricks apparently reserved for official structures at Deir el-Ballas. While little of this area is presently exposed, it clearly suggests another analogy with the official quarters in the central city at Tell el-Amarna with its clusters of official buildings and long rows of storage magazines.   As in the other royal cities, the central focus of the settlement at Deir el-Ballas was the royal palace. The North Palace and its enclosures cover an area of 45.000+ square meters, the eastern end of the main enclosure never having been traced (Fig. 6). The palace itself was built of unusually large mudbricks averaging 54 x 27 x 18 cm, roughly bonded and occasionally pointed with mud mortar. The building was made up of a series of columned courts and a long entrance corridor grouped around an elevated central platform (Pl. 3).   This platform was constructed on casemate foundations: long mudbrick chambers filled in with rubble and capped by a brick pavement. Some of these casemates are still preserved to a height of approximately five metres in places, and since the Hearst Expedition found remains of the original pavement capping them, this must have been their original height. Presumably this core supported the raised private apartments of the palace, which are now not preserved, although a hypothetical reconstruction of them may be made on the basis of the position of the casemates that would have supported them (Fig. 7), and would have given it the appearance of a fortified “Migdol” tower (Fig. 8). The palace was decorated with wall paintings of armed men carrying battleaxes, and faience tiles, fragments of which were recovered by the Hearst Expedition.   The plan of the North Palace suggests it was a mid-point in the evolution of the royal palace from the Middle Kingdom type, such as that found at

Fig. 3 Deir el-Ballas, plan of the chapel (drawing by Cynthia L. Shartzer)

Tell Basta,16 to the New Kingdom type such as the palace of Amenhotep III at Malqata.17   That such palaces were built according to some standardised plan for each period seems clear when one compares the plan of the casemate core of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas to the recently discovered palace at Ezbet Helmi in the Delta.18   The settlement at Deir el-Ballas must have been a spectacular site when it was constructed and clearly its imposing structures were propagandistic in nature. As has been suggested, Deir el-Ballas can be seen as part of a tradition of palace cities going back as far as the founding of Memphis by 19 Menes. These royal cities had a wide variety of purposes, and in this case as a “first volley” in the battle against the Hyksos. On the northern outskirts of Thebes the site was still quite safe, yet made a statement about the aspirations of the Theban Dynasts. This is not unlike the advancing capitals of the Mongol Empire which seem to have had 16

 Farid 1964, 86–95; Bakr 1982, 153–156.  Lacovara 1994, 6–21. 18  Lacovara 2006, 187–195. Cf. Bietak in this volume. 19  Lacovara 1997. 17

15

  Pendlebury 1951, pls. Ia and XX.

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Fig. 4 Deir el-Ballas, “South Palace” plan (drawing by Lisa Heidorn)

Fig. 5 Deir el-Ballas, “South Palace” partial reconstruction (drawing by Charles Evers)

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Fig. 6 Deir el-Ballas, North Palace plan (drawing by Lisa Heidorn)

Fig. 7 Deir el-Ballas, North Palace, reconstruction of the upper floor (drawing by Lisa Heidorn)

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Fig. 8 Deir el-Ballas North Palace reconstruction

a similar bellicose purpose. We also should not underestimate the strategic importance of the site at the crossroads of the Wadi Hammamat and Western Desert routes and neighbouring Coptos. The site itself would have offered a large, clear plain on which to assemble an army and the “South Palace” would be an ideal post from which to monitor the movement of the Theban fleet.   Textual sources from the site give us confirmation of the site’s use as a staging post for the campaign. A group of unprovenanced ostraca in storage at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston were of the same ware types and date as the pottery from Deir el-Ballas. Fortuitously, photographs taken by F.W. Green, a member of the Hearst Expedition, provided by Barry Kemp, identified these ostraca as indeed coming from the site.   The archive translated by Stephen Quirke is largely in the same Second Intermediate Period hand. The texts consist mostly of accounts of large quantities of goods and personnel being brought to the site: including cattle, men, possibly weapons and most interestingly, a roster of ships and their crews. The Kamose Stela mentions the assembly of the Theban fleet at a place called Per-djed-ken, and that toponym has been linked to the Dendera 20 area, and could well have been Deir el-Ballas. The site has also been suggested to have been the royal residence Sedjefatawy, mentioned in the storm stela 21 of Ahmose.   The site of Deir el-Ballas appears to have only had a brief life, the associated pottery and artifactual materials all indicate a Late Second Intermediate Period date. In addition to the Egyptian ceramics,

there were a number of Nubian pots found by both Reisner and in the recent fieldwork. They belong to the Classic Kerma Period, again indicating a Dynasty 17 date. Janine Bourriau has suggested that by the Second Intermediate Period the “Pan-Grave” people had become largely acculturated, and that the Medjay-Nubians were then being recruited from the Kerma Kingdom.22   While the hostilities between the Thebans and Kerma Nubians must have been breaking out at this point, it could well be a mistake to think of all members of the Kerma culture as belonging to the same political entity. A lintel of Sekenenre Tao appears to have been removed from the North Palace and re-used in the neighbouring village while the level of abandonment in the palace is associated with jar seals of Ahmose. Also in the abandonment debris of the North Palace, were votive mud figures of boats and weapons, including the earliest example of the khepesh-sword from Egypt.23   As most other royal cities, with the exception of Amarna, Deir el-Ballas was merely a satellite of Thebes and dependant upon its resources, as confirmed by the ostraca. With the success of the Thebans, the palace-city at Deir el-Ballas was no longer necessary and was quickly abandoned.   As is the current case with many of these desert edge settlements, the land on which they sit has become ever more enticing to a burgeoning Egyptian population which threatens their survival. Hopefully, a new campaign of fieldwork that includes site protection and restoration will help preserve this important site for future generations.

20

22

21

23

 Habachi 1972, 33–34.  Vandersleyen 1967, 123–159.

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  Bourriau 1991, 129–144.   W.V. Davies, personal communication.

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Bibliography Arnold, D. 2002  The Royal Palace. Architecture, Decoration and Furnishings, 271–295, in: C. Ziegler (ed.), The Pharaohs, New York. Bakr, M. 1982 New Excavations of Zagazig University, Colloques internationaux du C. N. R. S. L’Egyptologie en 1979 I (No. 595), 153–156. Bourriau, J. 1991  Relations between Egypt and Kerma during the Middle and the New Kingdoms, 129–144, in: W.V. Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa, Nubia from Prehistory to Islam, London. Bruyère, B. 1939  Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el-Médineh. 1934–5, FIFAO 16, Cairo. Farid, Sh. 1964  Preliminary Report on the Excavations of the Antiquities Department at Tell-Basta, ASAE 58, 86– 95. Habachi, L. 1972 The Second Stela of Kamose, Glückstadt. Kemp, B.J. 1977 A Building of Amenhotep III at the Kom el-‘Abd, JEA 63, 71–82. Lacovara, P. 1990 Deir el-Ballas: Preliminary Report on the Deir elBallas Expedition 1980–1986, Winona Lake. 1994 In the Realm of the Sun King: Malkata, Palace-City of Amenhotep III, Amarna Letters 3, 6–21.

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Lacovara, P. 1997 The New Kingdom Royal City, London and New York. 2006 Deir el-Ballas and the Development of the Early New Kingdom Royal City, 187–196, in: E. Czerny, I. Hein, H. Hunger, D. Melman and A. Schwab (eds.), Timelines: Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak, OLA 149, Leiden. Lacovara, P. et al. 1989 A Third Intermediate Period Fortress at El-Ahaiwah, CRIPEL 11, 73–87. Lapinska, J. 1980  Considerations on the Origin of Monumental Architecture in Egypt,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny 41/2, 61–65. Małecka-Drozd, N. 2014 Notes On The Origin of Casemate Foundation  Platforms in Ancient Egypt, Studies in Ancient Art And Civilization 18, 149–169. Peet, T.E. and Woolley, C.L. 1923 The City of Akhenaten I, London. Pendlebury, J.D.S 1951 City of Akhenaten III: Vol. 2: Plates, London. Reisner, G.A. 1923  Excavations at Kerma I–III, Harvard African Studies 5, Cambridge, Mass. Vandersleyen, C. 1967 Un tempête sous la règne d’Ahmosis, RdÉ 19, 123– 159.

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Plate 1 Royal Air Force photograph of the site showing the “South Palace” and the North Palace, c. 1940 (photograph courtesy of the Embassy of Egypt, Washington, D. C.)

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Plate 2 Photograph of the “South Palace” at Deir el-Ballas, looking south, c. 1901 (photograph courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

Plate 3 Photograph of the casemate core of the North Palace at Deir el-Ballas, looking south, c. 1981 (photograph courtesy of the author).

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The Temple Palace by Rainer Stadelmann Temple palaces are model palaces inside funerary temples. Therefore, they are part of the cult and the rituals, which take place in the temple.   Since the exemplary excavation of the temples of Medinet Habu,1 four royal palaces at Medinet Habu are known, the Palace of the Eastern Gate, called das Hohe Tor, the High Gate, by U. Hölscher,2 and the Palace of the Western Gate, two more or less identical royal palaces where the king rested during his visits in Thebes (Fig. 1, Pl. 1).3 These were real residential palaces, added together with the high enclosure wall in a second building phase in the later ten years of the reign of Ramesses III, and surrounded by administrative buildings, stables for the royal horses, accommodations for his bodygards and an esplanade for his troops. The Eastern High Gate was most probably the mansion of the king himself, where he enjoyed playing the senetgame with his sons and daughters, princes and princesses,4 in a loose familiar atmosphere drinking wine and receiving bundles of flowers. The Western Gate – perhaps never completed in its reliefs and paintings ‒ seems to have been the mansion of the harem, the queens and the minor princes. Regarding these vast lodgings, stables and military accommodations, he had constructed around his mortuary temple, I have the impression that Ramesses III may have lived permanently in his new residence in Thebes in the second half of his reign.5 According to Goedicke, it was in the Western Gate/palace where the old king Ramesses III met his death in the famed harem conspiracy.6   Both High Gates differ in their architectural layout from any royal palace known in Upper Egypt. Yet, palaces in the Delta in Piramesses and other Delta residences may have had another shape, like 1

 PM II2 460–527. The University of Chicago Excavations of Medinet Habu, OIP Vol. I to VIII. 2  Hölscher 1910 and Hölscher 1951, 4ff.; Epigraphic Survey 1970, 598ff. 3  Hölscher 1951, 4–10 and Stadelmann 1980. 4  Not “girls of light virtue” like Hölscher op.cit. und Haeny 1967 or Daressy 1897 or Derchain 1961, 48 thought. They should have had a better look at the accompanying texts which clearly design the company of the king as royal princesses, see Epigraphic Survey 1970, pl. 598–630. 5   This view was already expressed by Cerny 1936, 112. 6  Goedicke 1963.

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that of the High Gates. The representation of a royal castle or palace in the war reliefs of Seti I at Karnak is called bhn,7 a royal castle or donjon. It looks very similar to the High Gates of Medinet Habu.   On the contrary, the temple palace in Medinet Habu is called in several inscriptions on the large false door behind the throne in the throne room of the first palace aH n Hwt.f spsjj and aH n anx w3s “royal palace”,8 in the sense of “religious palace”; on the door jambs of the palace the king enters and leaves “the palace of his noble temple”.9

Fig. 1 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, The Eastern High Gate ‒ the residential palace of Ramesses III at Thebes, plan

  The palace was regarded by Hölscher as well as Ricke in his important publication of the private residences at Amarna10 as a temporary residential quarter used occasionally when the king came to Thebes to participate in the great feast, depicted 7

 In Medinet Habu the High Gate is called “the very high place”, but apparently never bhn; bhn is certainly of the same root like bhnt, “the towers of a pylon”. Maybe the t3 st c3t mdt was deliberately used to avoid the term “royal palace” in such a shameful circumstance. It is strange that the word for the High Gate was never associated to bhn, also not by Haeny 1967; see Stadelmann 1980, 1263. 8  Hölscher 1941, fig. 28 and pl. 37. 9  Hölscher 1951, 237 B and 239. 10  Ricke 1932, 56ff.

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in the temple. Inscriptions like those on the door jambs of the temple palace served as witness for Hölscher’s assumption.11 Even the model character and the very modest dimensions of the service rooms, the bedroom, the bath/shower cabinet compared with the palaces of Amarna or Malqata did not arouse the smallest doubts or misgivings in this interpretation. The excavation of similar architectural remains within the mortuary temples of Eje/ Haremhab just to the north of the greater temple enclosure of Ramesses III seemed to confirm the idea that these temple palaces were built exactly in a troublesome time at the transition from the 18th Dynasty to the beginning of the 19th Dynasty, when the kings had abandoned the old royal metropolis at Thebes to live and reside in the north in Memphis or Piramesses, from where the king came only occasionally for a short time to the city of Thebes which had now become the holy city of the royal and the elite tombs of the nobles.   All these interpretations changed with the discovery of a prototype of a temple palace in the mortuary temple of Seti I at Qurna.12 Its dimensions and the architectural design were exactly copied in the temple palace of Ramesses II and the first temple palace of Ramesses III. A close examination of these palaces reveals, however, quite obviously that they could never have served as residential palaces, not even for a very short stay.   The temple palace in the mortuary temple of Seti I in Qurna is only preserved in its foundations but the architecture is definitely perfect (Fig. 2; Pl. 2). As all later temple palaces it was built with bricks, perhaps a significant indication to residential palaces, which since the Old Kingdom were always built with bricks. Only the constructional elements such as the window of appearance, the staircase leading up to the window, the columns, the throne and the false door in the throne room were made of stone. While Seti’s temple palace is standing free in the south of the first court,13 the later temple palaces were built against the stone wall of the first temple court. All these palaces had a columned portico, with the one in Seti’s temple standing free with eight columns with open papyrus capitals. The central 11

  Hölscher 1941, 42, 48.  Stadelmann 1972, 293–299; Stadelmann 1973; Stadelmann, Der Tempel Sethos I. Architektur und Deutung, Archäologische Veröffentlichungen (in prep.). 13  Also the temple palace in the Temple of Eje/Haremhab. The few remains, excavated by Hölscher for the University of Chicago (Hölscher 1939, 81–82; 114) show the same architectural feature, a pillared or columned reception hall and a throne room with four pillars or columns. 12

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Fig. 2 Qurna, mortuary temple of Seti I, temple palace after excavation and restoration; red: brickwork, orange: stone fittings (plan redrawn by U. Fauerbach from a Masterplan of Nairy Hampikian, D. Eigner and G. Heindl)

part of the façade consisted of fine limestone, while the side wings with two gateways were once again made of brick. Thus, the focus was on the middle, for here was placed the monumental window of appearances, a sort of balcony from which the king observed and took part in the entrance of the divine barques and accompanying masses into the court during the Valley Festival ‒ personally during his lifetime, and spiritually as a “revived statue” after his death. Beneath the window of appearances was a fine relief with offering bearers, both Egyptians and representatives of foreign lands, all presenting goods on offering stands. All that remains of these today are traces of feet, legs, and some of the costumes and stands. The relief has suffered greatly from the increased moisture; thus we have tried to protect it by placing a wall of brick with a fine sandstone filling in front of it. The traces of relief have been faithfully reproduced in drawings on the façade. Beneath the windows of appearances of later temple palaces, such as in the Ramesseum and in Medinet Habu, one finds wrestling and battle scenes, instead of offering bearers, attestations of the victorious power of the king. Seti, however, chose to illustrate scenes of processions and festivals in his mortuary temples in Qurna and Abydos. Vibrant and detailed representations of his battles and victories may be found on the exterior walls of his great Hypostyle Hall at Karnak.

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  The entrances to the temple palace were slightly set back at either side of the window of appearan-​ ces. After passing through two small vestibules, one reaches a once impressive five-aisled chamber with a vaulted ceiling supported by twelve columns with palm leaf capitals. From this chamber, a staircase led to the north up to the raised window of appearances. To the south, a wide gate opened up into the throne room, which contained four columns and a statue of the king on a dais in the centre. Most likely this was an enthroned, seated figure carved of wood, because it had to be carried, but unfortunately not a single fragment has been discovered. Behind the throne stood an imposing false door, of which fragments are preserved (Pl. 8). This provides an important reference to the function of these temple palaces as the netherworldly palaces of the pharaohs. Through this false door the deceased king, departing from his tomb, could enter the temple. On both sides of and behind the throne room is a suite of smaller chambers, a bath, a bedroom and chambers for the royal entourage. These were, however, not actual, inhabitable apartments, but rather small model rooms, representatives, as it were, of the suites and functions in the king’s actual spacious, residential palaces elsewhere. It must be remembered that this temple palace of Seti I was never intended as a real residence, any more than were the temple palaces in the Ramesseum or the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu. They were not only too small and reduced in the volume of their chambers, but indeed completely omitted those rooms that were indispensable for actual inhabitation: the kitchens, storerooms, bakeries and apartments for the domestic staff. The temple palaces were thus ritual palaces, to which the deceased king returned. The Palace of Seti was robbed of its reusable architectural elements. The columns were ripped out, causing the ceiling to collapse. For centuries the area was plundered of its stone materials. In Roman times a large villa occupied the place with deep crypts containing wine jars, amphorae for wine and oil as well as some terra sigillata and much household ware.14   In further investigations I was able to trace the origins of the temple palaces to the reign of Hatshepsut in early 18th Dynasty.15 In the south-east corner of the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari a ‘window of appearance’, an open court and a suit of small rooms attest to the location of a temple palace (Pl. 3), which may be securely dated

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back to the time, when the kings of the New Kingdom resided in Thebes.   Texts of Hatshepsut already mention a temple palace in front of the temples of Karnak.16 But the roots of temple palaces can even be followed back to the beginning of the Old Kingdom: the so-called “Temple T” or “pavillon” in the mortuary temple of King Djoser already displays features and functions of the temple palace as well as being positioned to the south of the Heb-Sed court, which corresponds to the royal court of the later mortuary temples.   The temple palace of Ramesses II in the Ramesseum17 is distinguished by larger dimensions and thicker outside walls. Its façade, now using the south stone wall of the first court, has a double colonnade (Fig. 3; Pl. 4). The audience hall has 16 columns with palm leafs. Behind the main manor house and separated by a long narrow corridor were four small buildings/apartments, which may have served to attendances, certainly not to the queens. The same arrangement can be found in the palaces of Ramesses III in Medinet Habu. Hölscher and Ricke have assigned these apartments to queens or royal ladies,18 but this assumption cannot be certified.   The temple palace of Merenptah is much reduced in its dimensions, but the general plan of the design with an audience hall – only four columns – and a throne room is retained19 (Pl. 5). A larger temple palace of Merenptah was attached to the temple of

Fig. 3 Qurna, Ramesseum, mortuary temple of Ramesses II, temple palace (excavation of U. Hölscher) 16

 Gitton 1974.  Hölscher 1951, 77‒78, figs. 52 and 53. 18  Hölscher 1951, 78 and Ricke, op. cit. 19   Jaritz 2010, 127‒148. 17

14

  Mysliwiec 1987, 15‒21.   Stadelmann 1973.

15

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Fig. 4 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, first temple palace

Fig. 5 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, second temple palace

Ptah in Memphis. It was excavated by the Expedition of the Philadelphia Museum and published by Clarence Fisher.20   The first temple palace of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu is a precise replica of the temple palace of Seti I and Ramesses II (Fig. 4). As in the Ramesseum, Ramesses III used the south wall of the first court as façade of the palace.21 In front of it stands a colonnade of eight clumsy columns; in the centre of the façade was once the magnificent window of appearance with heads of subdued people, Nubians alternating with Libyans and Semites and wrangling foreigners.22 A balcony of appearance of the second palace later on replaced this gorgeous window. On the opposite side of the court were pillars with engaged Osiride statues attached. Three doors opened to the palace, two through small vestibules into the palace and a third one to the apartments to the south of the main building. The first temple palace was entirely torn down when the second palace was constructed, but some of the architectural features

and décor could be saved during the excavations in order to restructure the plan. Some important parts of the conceptual material have remained, the most essential ones are the remains of the false door behind the throne in the throne room (Pl. 8). This false door enabled the king to come out of his tomb in the Valley of the Kings, to enter the palace and to take part in the feasts. This false door is undoubtedly the absolute evidence for the funerary character of the temple palace.   The second palace of Medinet Habu discloses a more differentiated ground plan (Fig. 5; Pl. 6).23 Practically no wall of the older palace was reused; rather most of them were torn down and only the foundations were preserved together with some stone parts, column bases, door sills, fragments of wall facings and alabaster substructures of the throne. Most of the door frames and even columns were put aside in an area to the south of the palaces. They were later on reused to construct the tomb of the ephemeral king Harsiese of Dynasty 23. Some of the beautiful columns with palm leaf capitals were later on re-shaped and re-employed in mansions of high administrators such as Butehamun. The level of the floor of the second palace was raised about half a cubit with a layer of sand and clay; but there was no pavement – perhaps only a pavement of ordinary clay with a thin gypsum

20

 MJ 8, 1917, 211–237; 12, 1921, 30–34; 15, 1924, 92‒100. A completely different theological, cult-cosmic view of the palace of Merenptah is presented by O’Conner 1993. According to O’Connor’s understanding, Merenptah’s Memphite palace was not a temple palace but a living palace. Compared to the royal palace at Bubastis or Avaris and most evidently Malqata this interpretation is not very convincing. 21  Hölscher 1941, 37–59. 22  Hölscher 1941, pl. 5.

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23

 Hölscher 1941, 49–55.

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wash. Contrary to the finds in the first palace, there were some rare foundation deposits underneath the floor. Some architectural remains, door jambs and frames, seem to have been taken from older buildings and reshaped, for emample from the palace of Amenhotep III in Malqata or from his mortuary temple, from which Ramesses had seized so many big statues, columns, blocks and even the bricks to build the great enclosure wall.   The built-in components for presentation became more sophisticated but also narrower. The window of appearance was transformed into a balcony of appearance and the staircase to a small vestibule with two high columns and lateral staircases; the exterior of the window of appearance was also changed into a balcony with a wooden canopy or baldachin. The audience hall had gained height and splendour (Fig. 6, Pl. 6), but the impression of narrowness remains. In front of the rear wall of the high audience hall one would expect the dais of a throne, but nothing was discovered. The throne room had two high columns; nothing except traces of the foundation was left of the throne. There was also no trace of a false door, a common cultic feature in the traditional temple palaces. Of course, the false door may have been demolished and shattered like the throne and most of the door frames, or removed and erased for another purpose. In Seti’s temple palace only one fragment of the false door was preserved, in the palace of Ramesses II none was found. Or perhaps the false door was deliberately removed later on under the priest kings, when the palace became a residential palace?   To the east of the throne room was a very small room with a recess for a bed. To the west of the throne room was a small vestibule leading into a bathroom. Is it conceivable that the great Ramesses III should have lived in these narrow lodgings, when he had all the options of enjoying the vast apartments in the High Gates? For the kinglets of the Dynasties 21 to 23 this may be possible, but not for Ramesses. The small rooms in the rear of the main building became little apartments, with installations for a bath and a sleeping room, rather small and in no way comfortable. Two doorways from the first court of the mortuary temple led into reception rooms, a larger one to the west with two columns and a doorway to the temple garden, and another one, from a reception room with a direct side entrance from the east. From this side entrance opened two long corridors; one may have led to a staircase to the roof, the other one to the three apartments behind the royal manor. The two side

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Fig. 6 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, second temple palace; isometric reconstruction

aisles opened to the main audience hall; they formed an axis from the eastern side entrance to the doorway of the temple garden passing the audience hall. This side entrance and the dependencies, small rooms, covered the stunning reliefs on the western part of the first pylon, the hunting of the wild donkeys and the wild bulls in the Delta marshes. Coincidentally, imprints of the vaults of the audience halls of the first and the second palace can be seen on the south side of the wall of the mortuary temple. (Pl. 7).24 Therefore, the impression of the vaults of both palaces can be documented and sensed.  Why did Ramesses III alter the comfortable, traditional first palace and transform it completely? The most realistic reason might have been that the vaults of the palace had collapsed, maybe by one of the frequent small earthquakes.25 The transformation of the palace must have happened in the second half or even in the last ten years of the reign of Ramesses III, when he was living in Thebes and converted his mortuary temple into a vast residence town. Perhaps the architects of the greater project were able to convince Ramesses that smaller and higher vaults would better support the pressure of the vaults on the supporting walls.   The category of temple palaces in Western Thebes can be traced since early 18th Dynasty in the Temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari. It is due to the hazard of preservation that we do not have the temple palaces of Thutmosis III and Amenhotep III, but we have the temple palaces of Eje/Horemheb, which prove that the temples of the 18th Dynasty contin24

 Hölscher 1941, pl. 26.  This is also what Hölscher considers. But it would not explain why the plan was so fundamentally altered.

25

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ued to develop the type of temple palaces. These temple palaces were never residential palaces but cultic ones. They were too small to be used by any king, and served as models of the real large residential palaces. They had no installations for water, there was no place for kitchens, nor arrangements for foodstuff, not even for the personal to prepare it. All kind of profane and secular activities were excluded by the fact that the temple palaces were part of the sacred precinct of the mortuary temple. Anybody who intended to enter the temple palace

had to pass through the sacred precinct of the mortuary temple and had to be purified several times.   The priest-kings of the 22nd to the 24th Dynasties lived inside the secure great brick walls. The mortuary temple of Ramesses had already lost its cultic status. Therefore, these kinglets could use the temple palace as a state palace. They could even use the balcony of appearance and the first temple court as a royal court. King Pinodjem re-inscribed door frames,26 and Harsiese was even buried in the palace garden using material from the first palace.

Bibliography

1941  The Excavation of Medinet Habu III. The Mortuary Temple of Ramses III, Part I, Oriental Institute Publications 54, Chicago. 1951  The Excavation of Medinet Habu IV. The Mortuary Temple of Ramses III, Part II, Oriental Institute Publications 55, Chicago.

Černý, J. 1936  Datum des Todes Ramses’ III. und die Thronbesteigung Ramses’ IV, ZÄS 72, 109‒118. Daressy, G. 1897 Notice explicative des ruines de Médinet Habou,  Cairo. Derchain, Ph. 1961  Remarques sur la décoration des pylônes ptolémaïques, Bibliotheca Orientalis 18 (1-2), 47–49. Epigraphic Survey 1970 Medinet Habu, vol. 8: the Eastern High Gate, with Translations of Texts, Oriental Institute Publications 94, Chicago. Gitton, M. 1974 Le Palais de Karnak, BIFAO 74, 63‒73. Goedicke, H. 1963 Was Magic Used in the Harem Conspiracy Against Ramses III?, JEA 49, 71‒92. Haeny, G. 1967 Zum Hohen Tor von Medinet Habu, ZÄS 94, 71‒78. Hölscher, U. 1910  Das Hohe Tor von Medinet Habu: eine bau​ geschichtliche Untersuchung, Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 12, Leipzig. 1939  The Excavation of Medinet Habu II. The Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty, Oriental Institute Publications 41, Chicago.

Jaritz, H. 2010 The Temple of Millions of Years of Merenptah: the Recovery of an almost lost Site, 147–158, in: Ch. Leblanc and G. Zaki (eds.), Les temples de millions d’années et le pouvoir royal à Thèbes au Nouvel Empire: sciences et nouvelles technologies appliquées à l’archéologie, Cairo. Mysliwiec, K. 1987  Keramik und Kleinfunde aus der Grabung im Tempel Sethos’ I. in Gurna, AV 67, Mainz. O’Conner, D. 1993 Mirror of the Cosmos: the Palace of Mereptah, 167– 198, in: E. Bleiberg and R. Freed (eds.), Fragments of a Shattered Visage. The Proceeding of the International Symposium on Ramesses the Great, Memphis State University. Ricke, H. 1932  Der Grundriss des Amarna-Wohnhauses, Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft in Tell el-Amarna 4, WVDOG 56, Leipzig. Stadelmann, R. 1972 Der Tempel Sethos I. in Gurna, MDAIK 28, 1972, 293–299. 1973 Tempelpalast und Erscheinungsfenster in Thebanischen Totentempeln, MDAIK 29, 221–242. 1980  col. 1255–1271, s.v. Medinet Habu, LÄ III, Wiesbaden.

26

 Hölscher 1941, pl. 35.

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Plate 1 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, the Eastern High Gate ‒ the residential palace of Ramesses III at Thebes

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Plate 2 Qurna, mortuary Temple of Seti I, temple palace after excavation and restoration

Plate 3 Deir el-Bahari, Temple of Hatshepsut, temple palace of Hatshepsut in the southeast corner of the third terrace

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Plate 4 Qurna, Ramesseum, mortuary temple of Ramesses II, temple palace, excavation of U. Hölscher

Plate 5 Qurna, mortuary temple of Merenptah, temple palace

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Plate 6 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, second temple palace

Plate 7 Medinet Habu, south wall of the first court of the mortuary temple of Ramesses III with the imprints of the vaults of the first and second Palace

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Plate 8 Medinet Habu, mortuary temple of Ramesses III, fragments of the False Door of the first palace

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Abbreviations

ÄA Ägyptologische Abhandlungen ÄAT Ägypten und Altes Testament ADAIK  Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo Ä&L Ägypten & Levante ASAE Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte AV Archäologische Veröffentlichungen BdÉ Bibliothèque d’Étude BES Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar BiEtud Bibliothèque d’étude BIFAO Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale BiGen Bibliothèque Générale BMMA  Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York BMSAES British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan BMOP British Museum Occasional Papers BSA  Studies of the British School of Archaeology in Athens BSAE British School of Archaeology in Egypt Studien zur Ältägyptischen Kultur, Beihefte BSAK BSFE Bulletin de la Société Française d‘Egyptologie CChEM  Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean CdÉ Chronique d’Égypte CRAIBL Comptes rendues de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres CRIPEL  Cahier de recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille DiskAB Diskussionen zur archäologischen Bauforschung DÖAW  Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie EA Egyptian Archaeology EEF Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund ERA Egyptian Research Account ESA Egyptian Studies Association Publication

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FIFAO Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale GM Göttinger Miszellen GOF Göttinger Orientforschungen HÄB Hildesheimer ägyptologische Beiträge HdO Handbuch der Orientalistik JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies LÄ Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Wiesbaden MÄS Münchner Ägyptologische Studien MDAIK  Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo MIFAO  Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta PdÄ Probleme der Ägyptologie PMMAEE Publications of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition PUPS Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne RdÉ Revue d‘Égyptologie SDAIK  Sonderschriften des Deutschen Archäo-logischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo SAGA Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens SAK Studien Altägyptischer Kultur SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Cultures UZK  Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes WVDOG  Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM

Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes

ZÄS

Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde

ZDPV

Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina Vereins

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Index

A Abusir 151, 152, 153, 154 Abydos 49, 52, 66, 67, 70, 73, 72, 73, 85, 87, 91, 92, 93, 95, 101, 119, 120, 121, 122, 139, 141, 169, 170, 171, 172, 175, 177, 178, 179, 183, 186, 197, 200, 203, 204, 206, 208, 221, 267, 294

Ballas 23, 26, 29, 48, 50, 53, 171, 229, 233, 245, 246, 283, 284, 285, 288 bath 28, 29, 31, 43, 175, 228, 230, 231, 233, 234, 237, 243, 268, 275, 276, 294, 295, 297 Bubastis 23, 26, 31, 40, 119, 120, 121, 120, 121, 139, 157, 158, 161, 162, 163, 166, 172, 175, 254, 296

Aegean 29, 30, 31, 239

Buhen 251, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 264, 266

Aha 67, 68, 70, 82, 121

Buto 27, 68, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 95, 96, 101, 103, 107, 108, 109, 110, 118, 164

Ahmose 46, 52, 54, 241, 245, 252, 288 Amara-West 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 257, 259, 261, 265, 267, 268 Amarna 23, 26, 29, 26, 30, 31, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 53, 56, 57, 122, 229, 242, 245, 259, 260, 265, 276, 277, 278, 283, 284, 285, 288, 293, 294 Amenemhat I 171, 197 Amenemhat II 120, 178, 180, 186, 187, 190, 191, 193

C casemate 226, 233, 234, 235, 245, 277, 284, 285 cellar 142, 144, 230, 231, 234, 265, 266 cemetery 79, 80, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 256 Charlemagne 12, 13, 14, 16, 19

Amenemhat III 26, 122, 175, 201

Chasechemui 70, 73, 76, 80, 85, 86, 90, 96, 119, 120, 121

Amenhotep II 28, 223, 224, 241, 245, 255, 256

Colbert 16, 17, 18

Amenhotep III 20, 25, 26, 29, 48, 54, 122, 177, 223, 245, 275, 285, 296, 297

cylinder seal 83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 101, 144

Amun 26, 29, 52, 54, 198, 206, 245, 258, 267, 268

Dahshur 113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 203, 204

Aniba 255, 257

Deir el-Bahari 30, 227, 295, 297

Antef 49, 158, 159, 160, 161

Deir el-Medina 276, 283

Apries 26

Den 68, 69

Askut 259, 260, 262, 264, 266

Diocletian 11, 19

Athribis 150, 172

Djedkare 144, 150, 151, 154

audience chamber 48, 276

Djoser 68, 71, 76, 120, 121, 150, 151, 277, 278, 295

Avaris 31, 32, 171, 172, 220, 223, 225, 284, 296

Dukki-Gel 26

Ayn al-Gazareen 130

E

Ayn ‘Asil 27, 95, 96, 118, 125, 127, 130, 134, 136, 138, 139

Ebla 27, 28, 31, 32, 246

B baboon 228, 230, 244 Balat 95, 125, 138, 268

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D

Edfu 150 Eje 294, 297 Elephantine 27, 68, 70, 86, 89, 90, 93, 95, 96, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 150, 255, 261

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Index

Elkab 79, 87, 89, 95, 220

Khufu 20, 47, 48, 182, 186, 189, 190, 191, 197

Escorial 14, 15, 16

kitchen 29, 56, 132, 138, 142, 144, 265, 268, 295, 297

Ezbet Helmy 23, 28, 29, 30, 31, 55, 56, 225, 285

Königsnovelle 40, 51, 56

Ezbet Rushdi 205

Kor 23, 26, 43, 254

F

Kush 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 275

Faras 256, 266

L

fortress 11, 15, 125, 150, 246, 251, 252, 253, 254, 258, 259, 260, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 279

Lahun 121, 139, 175, 183, 191, 206

G

garden 18, 19, 30, 113, 115, 118, 120, 121, 122, 152, 164, 165, 225, 297, 298 Giza 20, 54, 95, 96, 113, 139

H

Louis XIV 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21

M Maheshotep 158, 159, 160, 161 Malqata 20, 25, 26, 28, 29, 229, 275, 277, 280, 285, 294, 296

Hadrian 10, 11, 12, 13, 19, 21

Medinet el-Gurob 42

harbour 26, 28, 31, 223, 224, 244

Medinet Habu 279, 293, 294, 295, 296

Harsiese 296, 298

Medu-Nefer 134

Hathor 55, 144, 153, 283

Meket 161

Hatshepsut 30, 40, 52, 54, 227, 241, 245, 3295, 297

Memphis 26, 27, 28, 46, 48, 50, 53, 56, 57, 68, 171, 172, 186, 206, 223, 239, 245, 285, 294, 296

Hazor 31, 246 Heqaib 141

Merenptah 27, 56, 295, 296, 301 Minoan 28, 29, 30, 236, 239, 241, 244, 245

Hierakonpolis 65, 70, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 95, 96, 101, 107, 108, 109, 119, 120, 122, 196

Montu 48, 186, 189, 190, 206, 217

Horemheb 223, 297

N

Horus 48, 52, 96, 101, 109, 149, 150, 153, 170, 178, 179, 184, 185, 187, 189, 196, 204

Napata 257

Hyksos 28, 29, 31, 32, 55, 163, 166, 171, 223, 224, 227, 237, 242, 245, 285

Naqada 23, 65, 67, 76, 80, 82, 83, 87, 96, 101, 103, 104, 150 Narmer 66, 67, 68, 79, 83

J

Neferirkare 151, 152, 153, 154

Jahrestäfelchen 67, 68, 70

Nefret 158, 159, 160, 161

K

Nehy 208, 255, 256, 257, 266, 268, 269

Kahun 48, 51, 163, 235, 254, 259, 260

Neithhotep 82

Kamose 28, 200, 223, 245, 288

Ninetjer 73, 74, 75

Karnak 52, 54,293, 294, 295

Niuserre 151, 152, 153

Kawa 253

O

Kerma 26, 31, 199, 253, 254, 255, 257, 284, 288

Odo of Metz 13

Khayan 28, 31, 32

P

Khety 161, 162, 204, 206, 221

Palastfassade 65

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Papyrus Boulaq 18 30, 47, 48, 176, 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 193, 195, 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 220

Senebkay 172

Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446 182, 196

Senwosret II 121

Papyrus Lahun UCL 182

Senwosret III 40, 55, 56

Papyrus Reisner II 183, 189, 193, 195, 200

serekh 65, 66, 67, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96

Papyrus Sallier IV 223

Sesebi 251, 253, 259, 268

Pepi I 119, 127

Seti I 30, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297

Pepi II 55, 125

Snofru 113, 114, 119, 121, 141, 149

Peribsen 70, 73, 76, 121

Soleb 253, 255, 256, 257

Peru-nefer 23, 28, 223, 224, 239, 241, 245

Solomon 15, 16, 17

Philip 14, 15, 16, 19

T

Piramesse 30, 42, 223, 293, 294

Talbezirk 70, 73, 76

Pnubs 27

Tell Basta 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 50, 53, 157, 158, 164, 165, 166, 167, 285

Ptah 191, 206, 296

Q

Senwosret I 44, 49, 52, 122

Tell el-Dab‘a 28, 30, 42, 48, 50, 53, 55, 57, 163, 165, 166, 167, 175, 180, 223, 224, 237, 239, 245

Qa’a 86, 92

Tell el-Fara‘in 103

Qatna 31

Tell el-Yahudiya 29

Qurna 294, 295, 300, 3001

Thoth 188, 204, 205, 217, 244

R

throne room 14, 23, 26, 29, 31, 32, 43, 59, 130, 166, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 233, 235, 236, 237, 239, 244, 245, 275, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297

Ramesses II 256, 279, 294, 295, 296, 297 Ramesses III 293, 294, 295, 296, 297 Ramesseum 294, 295, 296, 301 ramp 105, 224, 226, 227, 228, 229, 233, 235, 239, 241, 246, 275, 277, 278

Thutmose III 28, 29, 223, 224, 239, 241, 245, 252, 253, 254, 256, 258, 266, 267, 269 Tombos 253, 256

U

Raneferef 151, 152, 153

Ugarit 31

S

U-j 70, 73, 101

Sahure 151, 152, 153

Uronarti 23, 26, 43, 254, 259

Sai 251, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 258, 266, 267, 268

V

scarab 28, 138, 144, 165, 166, 193, 220, 224, 241, 256

Valley Festival 294

sealing 27, 28, 31, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 103, 108, 109, 130, 132, 138, 141, 143, 144, 150, 166, 176, 177, 178, 181, 217, 220, 244, 266, 267, 288

Versailles 18, 19, 20, 174

sed-festival 80, 149, 151, 153, 166, 177, 204, 205 Seker-her 242 Sekhemkhet 141

Palace proceedings aktuell.indb 309

W Wadi es-Sebua 257, 266 Wawat 256 workshop 28, 29, 54, 104, 105, 106, 136, 139, 142, 143, 162, 226, 233, 237, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245

06.12.2017 10:32:58

Palace proceedings aktuell.indb 310

06.12.2017 10:32:58