Ancient Cos: An Historical Study From The Dorian Settlement To The Imperial Period 9783525251461, 3525251467

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HYPOMNEMATA 51

HYPOMNEMATA UNTERSUCHUNGEN UND ZU IHREM

ZUR ANTIKE NACHLEBEN

Herausgegeben von

Albrecht Dible / Hartmut Erbse / Christian Habicht Hugh Lloyd-Jones/ Gunther Patzig / Bruno Snell

Heft 51

VANDENHOECK

& RUPRECHT

IN GOTTINGEN

SUSAN M. SHERWIN-WHITE

ANCIENT

COS

An historical study from the Dorian

settlement to the Imperial period

VANDENHOECK

& RUPRECHT

IN GOTTINGEN

OP-Kuntltelllufnah~

da- /HutlChen Blbliothd

Sherwin-White, Su111nM. Ancient Cos: an h.istor. study from the Dorian settlement to the impcral period. - Gottµ:agen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1978. (Hypomnemata; H. S 1)

ISBN 3-525-25146-7

C Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht in Gottingen 1978'- Printed in Germany. Ohne ausdriidcliche Genehmigung des Verllges ist es nicht aestattet, du Buch oder Telle daraus auf foto- oder akustomechanischem Wege zu vervielfaltigen Gesamtherstellung: Hubert & Co., G6ttinaen

Preface The origins of this study in a doctoral thesis, begun in 1969 and submitted in 1973, are not perhaps totally eradicated. My aim has been to give a docwnented and systematic account of the typical features, character, and development of local Coan civilization and to place these aspects in an historical context. I have tried to make full use of the rich body of archaeological and epigraphic material discovered on Cos within the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries; it merits further attention and justifies an attempt to give the Coans their due place on the map of the ancient world. The bulk of the material belongs to the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the heyday of Coan civilization and the main setting of this book. Because the prehistoric period has little to do with the history of the classical polis. l have omitted the prehistory of Cos, which has been the subject of much attention over the years, e,pecially since the discovery of the important Mycenean cemeteries at Eleona and Langada on the south-west outskirts of the town and the Mycenean settlement at the Serraglio, within the modern town of Cos. 1 Although there may be continuity in some aspects of the island's history, it is difficult to trace and in most, if not all, cases is entirely lost. The story has a natural beginning in the Dark Ages with the colonization of Cos by Dorians, who came according to tradition from Epidaurus. The typically Dorian ethos of Coan civilization continued throughout classical antiquity .2 An historical break comes with the synoecism of the Coans in 366 BC, when the new capital, Kos, was founded. 3 Coan political history thus begins afresh with the development of the new state. Cos was one of a number of Greek states which first began to prosper in the Hellenistic period. The favourable contrast of Coan material and cultural wellbeing during the Hellenistic period with the island's fifth century backwardness in the Athenian empire provides some modification of the usually gloomy estimate of the fate of the Greek cities under the Hellenistic kings. What ' Sec L. Morriconc, ASAA NS 27-8, 1965-6, pp. 5-311. For the long dwation of the Doric dialect in Cos sec, for example, PH 85-87 (dedica• tions for Gaius Stcrtinius Xcnophon: reign of Claudius). For the continuing use of the Coan calendar in late antiquity sec P. Oxy. 2771 (AD 323). The original copy of this document, which concerns the disposal by Coan owners of a slave, was drawn up in Cos and was dated by the Coan and Julian calendars to the Dorian month of Agrianios and the month of June; Tot( ~q(o)µt~i. 11,c -r(P./1'ouu•cinx< 11po 61e1"wI 1eaAal'6wf 'louAlwa, ta, Tfl Aapwpq. K~w,., I 1ro>.ltlt1,t')IIO( 'A7p&a.11UJV 1-)IAlip,iAtia 'Aprt,-u.-1llli. K..;,a a6w,ca. tvroAi,11 -r~ il»6pl 1,&0U. , The spelling 'Kos' is always used to refer to the city founded in 366 BC. 'Cos' is used for either the island or the Coan state. 2

5

essential difference did it make to a small polis whether Athens, Alexandria, or Antioch, was the centre of civilization and culture? Whether the predominant contemporary power was an imperial and agressive democracy, or a king? In tenns of exploitation there was often little to choose. In tenns of patronage, rehabilitation and foreign aid, the kings' record is usually better. The quality of life in the cities in the Hellenistic period needs perhaps to be assessed city by city, reign by reign, since it varied depending on the particular kingdom and the particular king with which a city was associated, the particular circumstances and history of the individual polls. But the smaller cities clearly were able to benefit from their inclusion within the sphere of influence of an Hellenistic kingdom. In the plan of this book the first three chapters are concerned with preliminary matters, a survey of the sources and an account of the background political history. They provide the setting for the rest of the book which is devoted to a study of the different aspects of Coan society. As the manuscript was completed by the end of 1975, I have not always been able to utilize publications issued since that time. My debts are many. It is a pleasure at last to record my deep gratitude to Mr P. M. Fraser for stimulus, generous help and constructive criticism since I began this work. I owe much to my fonner college tutor, Dr. L. H. Jeffery, for advice and encouragement. Professor C. Habicht, as an Editor of the Hypomnemata series, made several corrections and suggested other improvements, which have been incorporated in my revisions. I am grateful to Miss Virginia Grace, who has kindly given me much infonnation on the Coan wine trade; to Professor Pugliese Carratelli for a valuable discussion of Coan inscriptions; to the fonner Custodian of the Coan Museum, Mr Nikolaides, and to his staff for their friendly co-operation and tireless aid on Cos. There can be few pleasanter places to work in than the apothe/cai and enclosures of the Castle of the Knisftts of St. John, in the modem town of Cos. My thanks are also due both to the staff of the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul and to Dr. R. Higins for facilitating my access to Coan material in the Archaeological Museum and in the British Museum. I also owe especial gratitude, for generous subventions to help to meet the cost of publication, to the British Academy, the Craven Committee (Oxford Univenity), the Jowett Copyright Trustees (Balliol College), the Hugh Last Fund of the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, and the Trustees of the Maud Hay Fund (Lady Margaret Hall). Finally, I should like to thank warmly Professor Habicht, Mr Hellmut Ruprecht and the staff of Vandcnhoeck and Ruprecht, for the attention and care expended on the production of this book. Oxford, November, 1977 6

S. M. Sherwin-White

Contents Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Map of Cos

8

10

Plan of the Asclepieion

...............................

11

Chapter 1 : The Character of the Sources and Archaeological Remains .

13

Chapter 2: Historical Outline I

............... ..........

29

1. Early Cos (from the Dark Ages to the End of the Fifth Century) . . . . . . 2. The Fourth Century to the Death of Alexander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

29 40

Chapter 3: Historical Outline II

•

-I

■

•••••••••••••••

.......

.

1. From the Death of Alexander to the Defeat of Demetrius I ............................ of Macedon (323-286) l._ Cos and the Ptolemies (c. 286-197) ...................... (._3.-~os and Roman Supremacy (c. 197-32 BC) ................ 4. Cos in the Roman Empire . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . .

82 82 90

131 145

Chapter 4: The Social Structure of the Community

153

Chapter S: The Coan Constitution

115

Chapter 6: Economic Aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

224

1. General Background

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

2. Trade and Other Occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. The Wine Trade . . . . 4. The Coan Sillt Trade . 5. Coan Perfumes . . . . 6. Direct and Local Trade 7. The Population . . . .

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Chapter 7: The Coan School of Medicine

224 229

236 242 24 2 243 245

256

1. The 'Foundation' and Early History of the School ............ . 2. The Orpnization and Role of Physicians in Hellenistic Cos . . . . . . . . . 3. The Physicians and the Cult of Asclepius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. The Coan Doctor as Leibant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S. The Decline of the School ............................ .

280

Chapter 8: Coan Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

290

Epilogue

.

375

.

376

........................................

Appendix 1: A Coan Revolt between 446/5 and 443/2?

........

256

263 275 278

Appendix 2: The Silk Trade of .\ncient Cos

379

Onomastikon of Coan personal names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I. General Index .................................... .

385 553

II. Index of Inscriptions ...............................

564

.

7

Abbreviations This lilt of abbreviations includes only those works to which constant reference is made and those which are not sufficiently clear in themselves.

ASAA • Annuarlo della 1cuola llfcheologim di Alene, 1914-. A,ylleurkunden "" R. Herzog and G. Klaffenbach, A.,ylleurkunden au, Ko,, Berl. Abh., 1952. Choix = F. Durrbach, Choix d1n,criptionr de Delos, Paris 1921-2. 0. Rh. = ClaroRhoda,, studi e materiali pubblicati a cura dell' lnstituto storico-archeologico di Rodi, 1-10, 1928-1940. GHS Dodtt. -=Geo,raphlcal Handbook Serie,, Dodemne,e, 1941. Gymn. A.gone• T. Klee, Zur Ge,chlchte der gymnllchen Agone an ,rtechilchen Futen, Berlin, 1918. HG = R. Henog, Hellip Geutze von Ko,. Berl. Abh., 1928. Hill. Num. = B. V. Head, Hi1torla Nummorum, Oxford 1911. Hillorla • Hutorlll: Studt rtorlci THTl'antichlta clanlca, Milan, 1927-1935. Holleaux, EE= trudes d'Epigraphie et d'Histoire Grecque1, I, 1938, III, 1942, IV, 1952. IL -=C. Blinkenberg and K. F. Kinch, Lindo,. fouilln et rttherchu 1902-1914, II. Inscriptions, i-ii, Copenhagen-Berlin, 1941. Inn. ~I. • E. J. Bickerrnann, IMtltution1 de, Sileucide1, Paris 1938. KF • Kouche Fonchunxen und Funde, Leipzig, 1899. LSAG • L. H. Jeffery, The Local Scriptl of Arcluzlc Grttce, Oxford 1961. LSAM • F. Sokolowski, Loi, 111cree1de /'Alie Mineure, Paris 1955. LSCG • F. Sokolowski, Loi, 1t1.creesdes cites grecques, Paris 1969. Magic,RRA.M R Ro1n11n Rule In Alia Minor, 2 vols, Princeton 1950. Maier, Gr. Mauer. I= E. G. Maier, Grltthuche Mauerbaulmchrlften I Tate und Kommentare, Heidelberg 1959. Meta, and uwu ,. R. Meiggsand D. M. Lewis, A. Sttection of Grttk Hiltorletzl /n,crlptlo,u to the End of the Fifth Century B. C.. Oxford 1969. Modo"" .. A. N. Modona, L 1,o'4 di Coo ntll' A ntlchita c'4alca Mt'frll>rlepubbl. a cura deU' 1st. storico--archeologico di Rodi, I, 193 3. Morelli .. L. Moretti, /1crizlonf 1torlclrt ellenlltlche, Firenze 1967. NDRC"" G. Pugliese Carratelli, apud Synteltill: Vincenzo Arangto.Ruiz II (1964), 816-819, Nuovl document/ de/14 romanizzaziont di Co,. NS"" A. Maiuri, Nuova Silloge Epigrafim di Rodi e Co1, Florence, 192S. PH= W. R. Paton and E. L. Hicks, Tire lnrcrlptiom of Co1, Oxford 1891. RC • C. B. Welles, Royal Co"e,pondence In the Hellenistic Period, Yale 1934. RDGE = R. K. Sherk, Roman Documents from the Greek J::ast,Baltimore 1969. Robert, it. Anat. = L. Robert, ttudes Anatoliennes. Paris 1937. Robert, itudes Ep. Phil. = L. Robert, Gtudes tpigraphiques et Plrilologiques. Paris 1938. SEHW = M. Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of tllt Hellenistic World, 3 vols, Oxford 1941.

8

SERod. • G. Pugliese Canatelli, Annuarlo NS 14-16 (1952-4), 247-316, Supplemento Epigrophko Rhodio. Dk Stoamertrdp = Die Stoatnertrlp dn Altertunu II, Munich 1962, lll, Munich 1969. TC"' M. Sepe, Annuarlo NS 6-1 (1944-5), Tituli Calymnii. T.Cam. = M. Sepe - G. Pugliese Carratelli,Annuarlo NS 11-13 (1949-1951), 141-318, Tituli Camirensa. Vreeken • W. A. L. Vreeken, De lep quad.am mcn Coorum, Groningen 1953. Will, HPMH = E. Will, Hi1toin Poltttque du Monde Hellenutiqiu, 2 vols, Nancy 1966 (I), 1967 (II).

9

CHAPTER1•

The Character of the Sources and Archaeological Remains The local historian is not necessarily handicapped by his subject ,s lack of importance and interest for the main classical historians' primarily political histories. One of the familiar symptoms of particularism was the proliferation of local histories, albeit of varyingquality and truthfulness. Of the known local historians of Cos, Macareus wrote, perhaps in the third century, at least three books of Kw,wcci.1 Only one attributed statement survives. It is a comment from the third book on Coan prohibition of slaves from the temple of Hera and from sacrifice to the goddess. 2 Macareus may also be behind another more interesting account of Coan customs and taboos - Plutarch's description of the transvestism of bridegrooms in Cos. 3 Apart from its value as evidence of unusual ritual, the description has further interest in the possibility that it reveals an old custom introduced by the Dorian settlers of Cos. Transvestism was uncommon in the marriage customs of ancient Greece; its occurrence therefore at Dorian Argos (and Sparta) may be significant for the origin of the Coan practice. 4 But the general scope of Macareus' writing on Coan antiquities is • All dates are BC unless otherwise stated. 1 F. Gr. Hut. Ill B 456; cf. Laqueur, RE n Makllreu1 (5), 622. The nationality of Macueus is not attested directly. Wilamowitz, H. U., 1884, p. 259 n. 22 inferred his Coan origin from the appearance, in a Delian inscription, of one Macareus of Cos as arclrith~oro, (ID 421, 62, c. 190 BC). As Jacoby noted, F. Gr. Hut. Ill B, Text p. 306, Noten p. 189, Macareus is a common name in Hellenistic Cos. perhaps due to the connection _with Cos in local legend of Macareus, son of Crinacus, the son of Zeus. After the flood of Deucalion, Macareus is said to have settled in Lesbos and thence sent colonists to Cos and Rhodes (Diod. v 81). The name's local popularity (see further the Coan onomastikon) is the strongest argument for identifying Macareus as a Coan, but is not conclusive as the name is found elsewhere: e. 8· hos. Att. nos 9652-9655 (Athens); /,ucltr. Did. 258,14 (Didyma); lvPr. 37,65. 123.125; 485 (Priene). 2 See p. 296 for the cult of Hera on Cos. ' Quae,t. Gr. 58. See W. R. Halliday, Plutorch, Greek Quntioru, Oxford 1928, pp. 212-219, for a thorough discussion of the tradition in which derivation either dilectly, or indirectly, from Macareus is suggested. 4 For discussion of the evidence of transvestism at marriage ceremonies in ancient Greece see W. R. Halliday, BSA 16, 1909-10, pp. 212-219, at 215-216, where the maniage customs of Cos. Sparta and Argos are adduced. The practice in Sparta and Araoswu the opposite to that of Cos. At Sparta the bride was disguised as a man (Plutarch. Lycru,w 1S) and at Argos the bride wore a beard (Plutarch, Mui. Vlrt. 245 F). For the cult of Hera Argeia in Cos see p. 296.

13

of history. 19 On the other hand, Ps. Hippocrates' letter to the people of Abdera contains a description of an annual festival for Asclepius, some of the details of which can be corroborated for the Hellenistic period. 20 Extreme caution has to be applied in utilizing this source; it is unwise to accept any of its evidence without separate examination, or independent verification. The poets Herodas and Theocritus both resided on Cos in the course of their careers and used a Coan setting for some of their work. It tends to be the incidental comment and factual detail, not the subject-matter of their work, that provides Coan information. Herodas' Pomoboskos,for example, is the only mime of which the scene is indisputably Cos. 21 But the story of the court..qy~. dffO6e TOVTWII TWIIX,XWW11 aki µii)...MWftvl-q"'1 trpooo&x...

QJ()(E,.

On the dual criteria of the fifth century coins, issued in the name of Cos and the Coans, and the Athenians' description of the Coans in the Quota Lists as Koioi, R. Herzog concluded that the move described by Diodorus and Strabo was simply a change of capitals from Astypalaea to Kos, not the original synoecism. 19 M. Segre adduced as further evidence of the synoecised state of fifth century Cos the island's appearance as a single member of the Dorian Pentapolis, in contrast to Rhodes with its three cities of Camirus, Ialysus and Lindus. 10 Segre added a new perspective with his argument that the fifth century capital was not Astypalaea but Kos Meropis; a fragment of the Athenian coinage decree, found in the modern town of Cos, was used as evidence of the nearby location

,. See eh. 5 n 79 for reference to two fragmentary and unpublished Coan inscriptions of c. 350, of which one certainly and the second pouibly was a public document. They are unfortunately too fragmentary to contribute materially to Coan history. ,. HG p. 44; cf Beloch, Gr. Gnch. I (2) p. 257. '° a. Rh. 9, pp. 151-178, at 176-8.

44

of a polis. which was identified as Kos Meropis. 81 The move of 366 was taken to be from Kos Meropis to Kos. The main weakness of this reconstruction is that the testimony of Strabo and the role of Astypalaea are left unexplained. In 1957, Pugliese Curatelli offered a fresh interpretation, utilizing the advance in knowledge about Geometric settlement in Cos which resulted from excavation of the Geometric cemeteries at the Serraglio, in the modem town of Cos. 82 As before, Cos was regarded as already synoecised in 366. The settlement was plausibly suggested to have been the island's main po/is. predating by c. two centuries the evidence of Geometric settlement at Astypalaea. 83 The Serraglio necropoleis ceased in c. 750. The period from c. 750--c. 500 is archaeologically blank for north-east Cos. 84 The dearth of evidence is taken to indicate the decline of Kos Meropis and explained by the growth of Astypalaea, which affords evidence of continuous habitation from the mid-ninth century onwards. Thereafter Astypa1aea was the Coans' capital until the revolution of 366. In a contemporary article, G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook also independently reached similar conclusions on the general outline of Coan history down to 366. 85 Paton and Hicks, in a minority, believed that the political synoecism of Cos took place in 366; prior to that year the island had several townships, which included Kos Meropis and Astypalaea. 86 The main criteria by which Cos has been regarded as an unified state in the fifth century are the fifth century coins, nomenclature in the Quota Lists and membership of the Dorian Pentapolis. None of these criteria constitute decisive tests of the synoecised condition of Cos. The legends on the earliest of the three series of diskoboloi were KO:E or 81 Kil:E, and on the two later series KO:E, Kn~. or KnION (sc. voµ,aµa. ). The choice of the name of the island and the ktetikon shows that the coins were issued not in the name of one city on Cos, but in the name of the island and the Coans at large. The practice of Lesbos, as a non-synoecised island in classical antiquity, provides an apposite parallel. Individual cities such as Mytilene and Methymna generally coined independently. But from the end of the sixth to c. the mid-fifth century. a period embracing the minting of

•

1

Seep.

so.

a PdaP 12, 1957, pp. 333-342; c{. id~m. ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, pp. 147-9. For the Serragliocemeteries see n. 3 above . ., For an excellent survey of the archaeological material from Astypalaca see G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, BSA 52, 19S7, pp. SB-146 at 121-123; see also G. Pugliese Carratclli,

ASAA loc. cit. pp. 148-9. 94 Sec pp. 52-4 for description of the late sixth and fifth oentUJ")'evidence from northcut Cos. as BSA S2, 1957, pp. 58-146,at 119-127. N PH p. XIX, a view subsequently adopted by Modona, p. 20. • 1 Cf. J.P. Barron, Th~ Sil"er Coilu of S.mo,, London 1966, p. 51 n 6; idem, op. cil. n 28, pp. 77-9 (Group A), 85.

45

the dulcoboloi, the Lesbians issued a common coinage which carried the legend AEl:, short for the name of the island or AEl:BION, and not the name of any one polis.81 The Coan dis/coboloi can equally be regarded u evidence not of political union but of a monetary agreement, by which a common coinage was to be minted for the use of more than one independent community on the island. The evaluation of the nomenclature of the Quota Lists is also open to two interpretations. The Athenians' description of the Coans under the single name Koioi reflects the status of Cos either as a single political unit, or as a mere syntely for tribute paying purposes. Their procedure concerning the assessment of non-synoecised islands varied. The communities of Rhodes and Carpathus were assessed individually. 19 In other cases the Athenians preferred to assess and tax independent communities as a syntely, as is shown in the cases of the islands of Ceus and Amorgos.90 Herodotus' description of Cos as one of the five pokis constituting the Pentapolis can be shown to be similarly ambivalent. Herodotus described Cos as one of the members of the Pentapolis in the following terms, 6ui TavTTlV ri/v alTi:qvai nevreffOAte(,Ai,-,,&x Kai 'l11Avooc;TE l(Ql ~ Kai KW( TE' ,cai 91 KPt'.6~, ete1Jci&a:po,,'loo("Auwovl l(curo-youJoa, 'Aad.7J'lt'W(uµ.ia,) I (411'0 -YIEww, At, 'H(pa,c"Ae) I (OU( 6tl .,•.... On Ti. Cl. Alcidamus see further eh. 3 4 And, ..·nc Coo.!Hyp. 511

49

descendants of the pre-Dorian population in settlements on the north-east coast provides a possible alternative explanation, to synoecism, for the exclusion from individual membership of the Pentapolis of one of the two known Geometric and archaic Coan communities. The apparent decline of the north.east settlement after 750 provides another. The fragment of the coinage decree can also be accommodated with a nonsynoccised Cos. Athenian procedure in the fifth century over the publication, in the empire, of decrees concerning the poleis is given in general tenns in the coinage decree. Provision was made for copies of the decree to be set up in the agora of the poleis; a copy was thus to be set up in the agora of each polis of the Confederacy. 105 It is not until the fourth century, with the greater abundance of inscriptions, that the procedure can be tested in a way likely to illuminate Athenian practice in relation to the communities of a non-synoecised island. In the period of the Second Athenian Confederacy the dossier concerning Athenian relations with lulis (362/1) shows that the Athenians ordered copies of the stelai to be inscribed at lulis, as at Carthaea. 106 The publication of copies in all the cities of Ceus is further implied by the fact that the stelai contained a record of agreements between the cities of Ceus and the Athenians. Athenian procedure has not changed greatly from the practice in the coinage decree of having decrees set up in each polis. The presence of a fragment of the coinage decree, granted that its find-place was near its original location, should nonnally indicate that its original location was a polis, but does not entail that it was the island's only polis. 107 The Coan fifth century coins, the nomenclature of the Quota Lists, Herodotus' inclusion of Cos in a list of poleis, the Coans' single membership of the Pentapolis and the fragment of the coinage decree are not indisputable criteria of the political unification of Cos in the fifth century. These factors are compatible both with the view that Cos was synoecised and with belief that it was not. It is ultimately the literary testimonia and archaeological evidence that provide the material for reconstruction of the political organization and demography of Cos before 366. Diodorus' and Strabo's accounts are complementary. The similarity of the general description of the foundation of the new city shows that they are talking of the same event, 108 for which Diodorus, drawing either on the contemporary Ephorus, who is his main source in Book XV, or on his chrono-

n 329. For Gaius Stertinius Xenophon's descent from the Asclepiadai see Tac. Annall XII 61. 1 ., ATL II D 14 V, 2fT. (MeiaJ and Lewi, 45, 10). 1 °' Cf. IG II (2) 111 (SyU.' 173; GHI 142), 17ff. l0'1 Cf pp. S4-8. '" Cf G. E. Bean an4 J.M. Cook, BSA S2, 19S7, p. 120, where decisive arguments

apinst Segre's view ue given.

50

graphic source, 109 provided the date of 366/5. Diodorus makes no explicit reference to the earlier political structure of Cos. His use of the verb µ.ef'OU(e'iv, which both he and Strabo employ to describe movements of populations from old settlements to new, 110 implies the existence of previous settlements but their number and character is not inferable. 111 Strabo ls more satisfying in this respect; his acxount gives the cause of the move, a brief statement about settlement before the change and sufficient details of topography to make the event intelligible to his readers; like Diodorus, he gives a short description of the new city. Strabo's affmnation that the name of the polis of the Coans, before the metoecism, was Astypalaea, 112 seems to imply that the ColI\s had one city previously, which in tum appears to imply that Cos was already synoecised. The crux of the whole question of the Colil synoecisrn is how Thucydides' reference to Kos Meropis is to be interpreted and accomodated with Strabo's account. Is the city which Thucydides describes Kos Meropis itself, as communis opinio has tended to accept, or is he referring to the island of Cos by that name? The former view suggests the significant consequence that Cos was then bipolis in the fifth century. 113 Reasons of linguistic usage, strategy and archaeological evidence suggest that Kos Meropis was the polis to which Thucydides referred. Grammatically TE should not be a simple connector in this passage,linking a fresh statement about a polis distinct from Kos Meropis to the participle describing the act of landing, because there is no second participle parallel to 4,r~. The TE links the sacking of the unwalled township to the plundering of its territory. 114 relating both to the preceding mention of the city-name. 1 •

G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, Ibid. p. 124, favom Ephorus. saying 'his (Diodorus') account of the rapid development of the new city almost seems to reflect the first-hand observation of a writer contemporary with the events.• On the other hand there is no mention in Diodorus' text of the 1pnd of the city's development. The emphasis is on the consistency of the increase of Coan wealth from the metoecism onwards (a11ro 6' TOUTwa,Tw11 XPOIIWI'aui ~>.m, 11ot~). This fact and the concluding statement of the attainment by Kos of parity with leading cities, which fits Hellenistic Kos best, sugests rather the bird's eye perspective of a non-contemporary. See E. Schwartz, G~ clrucll~ Gt!1cltit:ht1ch,~iber, Leipzia 1957, pp. 38fT, for the suggestion of Diodorus' u1e here of his chronographic source. 111 Cf. for example Diod. XV 94, 3 (synoecism of Meplopolis); Strabo 616 (synoecism of the Gergjthans). 111 hce G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, BSA 52, 1957, p. 120. ,u See R. Herzog, KF p. 168 n 1. iu In 6S7, Strabo uses the participle OVl1Cf11C&af'ivq of the new polu. Thucydides' use of OUPO(,c,l'w in relation to Sparta (I 10, 2) shows that this verb can be employed when a political unit already exists, a point for which I am grateful to Dr D. M. Lewis. No arpment for the unsynoecised state of Cos before 366 can therefore be based on Strabo 's use of the verb in relation to Kos. 1 After sacking the city, which wu an easy taraetu it was unwallcd, in ruins and des• .. erted since iU inhabitants had fled to the mountains, Astyochus went on to clear the

51

A survey of Thucydides' use of the particle TE shows that the use of the doublet TE Kai to mean 'both ... and' is rare in Thucydides. 115 It is therefore remarkable that he employs the doublet both in this sentence and that immediately preceding it to make clear the unity of the point on which he enlarges. This usage suggests that there is no reference here to a second and anonymous city distinct from Kos Meropis. The location of this po/is on the north-east coast of Cos has been recognised to fit most conveniently the tactical and geographic requirements of Astyochus' route. 116 Astyochus left Miletus for Caunus, where he was to meet reinforcements. After Cos he put in at Cnidus and, as things turned out, did not go on to Caunus since the relief force met him at Cnidus. 117 Beginning his voyage at Miletus, Astyochus' route lay down the coast of Asia Minor. The north-east comer of Cos lay directly on his path and was an obvious staging-point on a journey continuing south. Before 366, when an artificial harbour was built for the new city. the beaches of the coast had to suffice for shelter. The alternative is to suppose that on reaching Cos, Astyochus sailed on round the island's south coast to the po/is of Astypalaea, where the bay of Kamares provides a landing-point. With the exception of a natural harbour at Halasarna, which is also sheltered by the island from the prevalent northern winds of the sailing season, the south coast of Cos is otherwise unwelcoming and is lined by precipitous cliffs and dangerous rocks. 118 This route. which involved the Spartan fleet in a long and unnecessary detour from its direct voyage to Cnidus, is open to serious objections as Astyochus' sailing course. Both grammatical and geographic criteria support the belief that Thucydides' city was Kos Meropis and not Astypalaea. Independently of Thucydides, archaeology attests the existence of an inhabited site on the north-east coast in the archaic period and fifth century, when the Serraglio cemeteries had ceased to be used. The site itself has not been discovered. G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook surveyed the area from the Asclepieion to the eastern side of the modem town of Cos without discovering the classical site. Their con• clusion that it must have been situated within the modem town, in•the vicinity of the Hellenistic site, is in the circumstances to be accepted~ the location of an

chora. I take chora here to be technically the territory of the po/is (Kos Meropis), as the particular use of the doublet Te ... 1rlll to Delos see IG XI (2) 287, B 45 (c. 250). See n. 175. ui The especial character of the role of Hala.sama and Isthmus in Coan cult Ufe is illustnted by the fact that copies of cult regulations were decreed to be published only in these two Coan demes; see HG 8 (LSCG 154; mid-ill BC). A 17ff.

62

It is clear that there is insufficient archaeological and literary evidence to establish the number of Coan towns before 366. The lack of systematic excavation in the later demes of the Halentioi, Phyxiotai, Hippiotai and at Antimachia leaves unascertainable the scale and status of settlement before the fourth century in these places. Halasarna, on the other hand, is knowi u an inhabited acropolis site from the archaic period, and further resembles the history of Astypalaea in that its later Hellenistic cult importance may point to its eminence before 366 as a cult-centre. It is possible, but not susceptible of proof. that Halasarna provides a third pre-synoecism Coan 'city'. The two cities which literary and archaeological evidence converge to illuminate are Astypalaea and Kos Meropis. After a probable decline in habitation after c. 75.0, Kos Meropis appears to have revived at the close of the sixth century, the date of the earliest surviving archaic material from the settlement. The reason for the decline can reasonably be inferred, from the Coans• preference for settlement at the stronghold of Astypalaea, to have been the vulnerability of Meropis to attack from pirates and marauders. Its position on the Coan north-east coast made it particularly exposed to raids from the Lelegian settlements, such as Tennera and Myndus, on the opposite coast of Asia Minor. 1" The cause of the revival of archaic Meropis, if it is real and not conjured from the chance survival of late sixth century material, has been cogently explained as due to the annexation of Cos by the Lygdamid dynasty of Halicarnassus at the beginning of the fifth century. 117 In the period of Lygdamid rule intercourse also existed between Halicamusus and Cos outside the political sphere. The local terracotta schools of Cos and Halicamassus are, for example, known to have been extremely close to each other in the late sixth and early fifth century, before diverging later in the fifth century. I 'IS By 412, Kos Meropis lay in ruins after an earthquake the severity of which Thucydides emphasised, as has been seen. In 366/5, whatever remained of the old town was finally replaced by the foundation of Kos. Before 366, the Coan population was scattered between the fortified stronghold of Astypalaea, Kos Meropis at the island's opposite end, defensible hillsites such as Halasama and inland hill communities. Preference seems to have been given to secluded sites and sites of natural strength. In 366 the demt> graphy of Cos appean to have changed to the extent that there came into being one single strongly fortified city, instead of several towns, where the main concentration of the population was gathered as Diodorus attests. 119 A

,,. See G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook, BSA SO, 1955, pp. 108-128; BSA S2, 1957, pp. 87-96. For the Lelqian settlements in the HaJicama.ssus peninsula see also W. Radt, Si«Jlun,en wul &mtm tlU/der Holblrud ~n Holibrnauo1 {lstanbuler Mitteilungen 3), Tubingen 1970. 1 52, 1957, p. 125. "' G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook,BSA 1 " See R. A. Higjns, Greek Tl!mlcotta, Methuen 1967, pp. 65-9 at p. 66 . •,. XV 76, 2.

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shift of population from Astypalaea is reflected in archaeological evidence of a decrease in the level of habitation in the second half of the fourth century. 180 But rural life continued much as before. The Coan country districts remained inhabited after the synoecism, as the fact of the Hellenistic system of country demes in Cos makes clear. Agriculture, which was always the basis of the Coan economy, kept the backbone of the Coan population, the peasants and tenant farmers, in the country. 181 Strabo gave the cause of the Coan synoecism and foundation of Kos as stasis, or civil strife. The synoecism was not brought about compulsorarily by the intervention of a ruling power, as was the case with Mausolus' synoecism of Halicarnassus and the later foundations of Hellenistic kings. 182 In accordance with Strabo's testimony direct intervention by Mausolus should be ruled out. Strabo does not explain the reason for the stasis. This in consequence can only be reconstructed in a general way from the contemporary political issues and the local situation on Cos. In the absence of further information about the background to the synoecism, there have been various views as to its cause. There are three main approaches. The least convincing is taken first. The 360s saw the acme of Theban power, under the leadership of Epaminondas, after the Spartan defeat at the battle of Leuctra in 371. The Coan synoecism has been viewed as part of Epaminondas' plans for building a Boiotian naval empire against Athens by winning the alignment of members of the Second Athenian Confederacy and Aegean islands. 183 A number of objections can be raised against this interpretation. Firstly, Epaminondas' programme for estab-lishing a naval power was not raised until 364, after the Coan synoecism. 184 Epaminondas then sailed with a fleet to Rhodes, Byzantium and Chios. Cos was not named among the ciUes which he visited. Its absence from the list is extraordinary if Epaminondas was really behind the synoecism. The only evidence of the Coans' attitude to Thebes in this decade shows their hostility to the latter's hegemonic aims. One of the sclwlia to Theocritus' Idyll VII reveals that the Coans accepted and gave citizensrup to political refugees from Orcho-

1 •

See G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, BSA S2, 1957, p. 122, who showed that the diminished size of Astypalaea after the synoecism is sugested by the markedly higher proportion of earlier (pre-synoecism) pottery and other ware found in the course of their survey of the ancient site of Astypalaea. 111 See pp. 227-9. 112 For the Mausolan synoecism see Strabo 611, citing Callisthencs (F. Gr. Hist. II 8 124 F 25). I follow G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook, BSA SO, 1955, pp. 143-S, both in their rejection of the second synoecism of Halicamas..~us(attributed by Pliny. NH V 107, to Alexander) and in their explanation of Pliny's synoecism as a reduplication of that of Mauwlus. ••• Cf A. Schaefer, Demo,thenn und ttine Zdt I, Leipzig 1885 (2nd ed.), pp. 119-120. 114 Diod. XV 78,4-79,2. On the probable date of Epaminondas' expedition in 364 sec G. L. Cawkwell, CQ 22, 1972, 271-2.

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menus, after it had been destroyed by Thebes in 364. 185 The scholia of this Idyll drew on Coan sources, which included the Coan Nicanor who wrote a commentary on the Coan poet and scholar Philitas. There is no reason to doubt the fact of the Coans' reception of refugees from Orchomenus. There is no evidence to connect the Coan synoecism with Theban naval policy. Secondly, the stasis has been accepted as a sufficient explanation of the Coan synoecism and understood in terms of the strife between pr~Athenian and pro-Spartan parties that had coloured the political climate of the Greek cities in the decades since the battle of Cnidus. 186 Finally, Mausolus' synoecism of Halicamassus has been regarded as the deep-seated cause of the Coan synoecisrn. 181 Through fear after Mausolus' synoecism of Halicamassus, the Coans decided to synoecise and build a city facing Halicammus as a retort to the refoundation of the latter. There may be an element of truth in both of these viewpoints. Of the internal situation in Cos only a fragile background can be reconstructed. The Coans appear front Diodorus' and Strabo's account to have been nominally independent at the time of the synoecism. They do not appear to have been members of the Second Athenian Confederacy. It is conceivable that after alignment with Conon in 394 the Coans had entered into alliance with Sparta a.gain. But the double defeat of the Spartans by sea, at Naxos (376), and on land at Leuctra (371) changed the balance of power in Greece. Political opponents of pr~Spartan governments won the chance to gain a hearing. The difficulty is to say whether the results of Naxos, reinforced by Leuctra, acted as the springboard of a change in Coan politics. It may safely be agreed that this was an occasion when democratic parties in the towns of Cos could have come into power.

In the Politics Aristotle described a revolution on Cos in a passage which unfortunately is timeless. He was discussing changes from democracy to oligarchy caused by the misconduct of demagogues who attacked the propertied classes, causing the latter to unite, 'And in Cos the democracy was overthrown by the rise of demagogues who were poneroi (for the gnorinwi combined apinst them).• 188 lt can be inferred from this passage that the oligarchic revolution 11

• Scholia in Theocr. VII 21a. See A. S. F. Gow, Thtt>eritus 11, p. 128, 128 n 3, for emendation of the corrupt text. The scholia on Idyll VII specifically cite a Coan source on VII, 6 (cf. Schol. op. cit. VII S-9. k), which was the t>1ro,-u,Q"'11'4of the Coan Nicanor. On Nicanor's commentary on Philitas see Gow, Tlr«>eritu1 I, p. XXVII n 2; cf Schol. in Thcoa. VII S-9, k, o. For the destruction of Orchomcnus see Diod. XV 79, 3-6, Paus. IX 15, 3. •- For the synoecism as the product of a democratic, pro-Athenian revolution cf. PH p. XXVII; Judeich, Kl. Stud. p. 238; L. Laurenzi, Hi1torla 5, 1931, p. 605. For its interpretation as the re,ult of an oligarchic revolution sec G. Pugliese Canatclli, PdelP 12, 1957, pp. 333-342 at 337-9; idem, ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, pp. 149-152. 11 " Cf. Judcich, Kl. Stud. p. 238, follo-wcd by Modona, p. 37. •• 1304 b S. It is uncertain whether Aristotle's reference to misthopllora in this passage should be taken to apply to Cos, as well as to Rhodes, as was supposed by PH, p. XXVIII.

For the Coan oligarchic revolution see pp.13-5. S AnL,cnl Co,. I Hyp. SI)

65

occurred at a time when the island was already synoecised with a centralised government - t, &,µo,cpaTia.; it must therefore have taken place after and not before the synoeciun and should not be associated with the staJis which caused the synoecism. The democracy, which was in government at the time of the oligarchic revolution, could have come into power in the stasis recorded by Strabo and brought about the synoecism. 189 Earlier periods are ruled out for the change from democracy to oligarchy, if it is accepted that Cos wu not synoecised before 366. A further argument for the democrats' role in the synoecism is the question of cui bono. Prior to 366, when new sources of revenue and trade were opened up for the Coans, Coan wealth lay in the land which was the main resource of the island. 190 The propertied and aristocratic oligarchs of whom Aristode talks are therefore identifiable as landowning nobles of Cos, who belonged to the Coan gentilicial groups that controlled the cults and priesthoods, which after the synoecism were brought under state control. It was they who stood to lose from the weakening of the influence of kinship both in religious and political spheres, through the divorce of the Coan tribes and kinship groups from political life and office which wu a feature of the Coan constitution u it is known in the Hellenistic period. 191 The association of the Coan synoecisrn with a democratic revolution could be decisively established by independent and contemporary evidence of the character of the Coans' constitution. Knowledge of the Coan constitution happens however to depend almost entirely upon evidence of the late fourth century and Hellenistic period, when the constitution was a democracy. The important because fonnative years of the fourth century, from 366 onwards, are barely attested since the antiquities of the fourth century polis have been, u a general rule, obliterated by the Hellenistic and Roman city. But the foundation of the new capital afforded the occasion for the creation of the basic (democratic) institutions of Hellenistic Cos - the public as.,embly. the boula and citizen jury. Although the question of the democracy's modification in the intervening period after the synoecism until the late fourth century is not at present ascertainable through lack of evidence, it remains probable that this constitution derived from that instituted in the revolution of 366/5. 192 The question arises of the alignment of the Coans with the Athenians in this period. The former were not among the founder.members of the Second Athenian Confederacy and there is reason to suppose their continued nonmembenhip. The Coans do not appear to have joined the Confederacy as a

•• C[. PH. p. XXVIII. 1 '° Sec pp. 227ff . .,. On the Coan constitution see pp. 17 Sff. '" See pp. 88ff. for evidence on the Coan democracy of the late fourth centwy.

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result of any pro-Athenian revolution in 366/5. Their failure to do so is not surprising since in 36S came the Athenian attack on Samos, which ended with the establishment of an Athenian cleruchy and the expulsion of the Sarnians. 193 The Athenians• ruthless action caused profound disillusion among Athens' allies, such as Rhodes, and widespread disapproval among other Greek states including Cos. 194 The seizure of Sarnos is a sufficient explanation of the Coans' absence, after 36S, from the Athenian Confederacy. It is unfortunate that the chronological relation of the Coans' synoecism to the Athenians' Samian expedition of 36S, which could fit into the Attic year of 366/S, 195 i. e. the same year as that of the Coan synoecism, is not known. Had the Athenian expedition preceded the Coan synoecism fear of Athens could have been a factor behind the Coans' unification and consolidation, if, like the Samians, the Coans were not protected from the Athenians by membership of the Confederacy. In so far as the influence of one state is deducible from the constitution of another, Athens does not appear to have servedas a direct model for the Coan constitution and administrative institutions. The territorial and tribal organization of Cos was not, for example, based on the adoption of a Cleisthenic type of structure in which membership of a territorial unit (the deme) governed tribal memberdtlp and demotics were employed. 196 In the choice of particular institutions Rhodian influence on the Coan constirution is, on the other hand, discernible. 197 The Coans were shortly to be aligned with the Rhodians in the Social War of 3S7 /6. Friendship between Cos '" On the date see Diod. XVIII 18, 9. On the dispatch of the Athenian cleruchs see Heracl. Pont. l'olltdll X 7 (FHG II p. 216); Diod. Ibid.; Strabo 638. For the cleruchic reinfore& ment1 of 361/0 and 3S1/0 see Schol. Aisch. I, 53; Philoch. F. Gr. HIit. 111B 328 F 154. '" For fear of Athenian territorial aggreuion u a cause of the Social Wu see Dern. XV 3, 15; cf. G. L. Cawkwell, CQ 22, 1972, pp. 272-3. See C. Habicht, AM 72, 1957, pp. 152fT. nos 2-4, 13, 20-9, AM 87, 1972, pp. 191ft. esp. 199ft, for the decrees which the Samians issued after their retwn in 322 for benefactors during the period of their exile and return. W'ldespread sympathy for the Samians (and hostility to Athens' policy) is reflected in the number of different states whose citizens had helped the Sarni.ans. The cities included Cyrcne, Rhodes, Priene, luos, Heraclea (?Latmus), Sestus, Amphipolis and Cos. See also C. Habicht, O,lron 5, 1975, pp. 45ff. For Coan help to Samian exiles see M. Schede, AM 44, 1919, pp. 4ff., no 5 F (SEG I 350: c. 321-300), 2ff. See also M. Scheele, loc. di. no S H (SEG I 354; C. Habicht, AM 12, 1957, pp. 186ff. no 21; 306-301 ), 2ff. 1., See J. K. Davies, Hlnorltl 18, 1969, pp. 309-333 at 328-31.

.,. See pp.

ssrr.

,,., See p. I 82, for a possible instance of Rhodian influence on Coan institutions. There is no direct evidence on the character of the Rhodian constitution in the 360s. It was a democracyat the outbreak of the Social War (Dem. XV 3, 15-9). In view of the latter fact and Rhodian membership of the Second Athenian Confederacy, which Rhodes joined as a founder member (/G II (1) 43 (GH/ 123; Die St1111twert,ife257), 79ff.: 377) and adhered to until the Social War, the assumption of Rhodes' demoaatic government in the 360s seems reasonable. See P. M. Fruer. BSA 61, 1972, pp. 122-3, for a summary of the nidence of the external relations of the Rhodians and their internal ,overnment from the democratic rew,Jution of 395 to the death of Alexander.

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and the Rhodian democracy at the time of the synoecism is probable enough. The establishment of a unified state under a democracy appean to have been one of the aims and achievements of the synoecism. It is admissible to infer from the choice of the new city's location and its subsequent development that the aims of its builders included also the promotion of trade. The Coans picked for their capital, as the Rhodians had done, a site well situated for trade commanding the straits between Halicamassus and Cos on a main trade route. They quickly built a harbour, as the combined evidence of Diodorus and Ps. Scylax establishes, with the result that the city could function as an entrepot. Diodorus described the Coans' construction of a sizable harbour after the foundation of Kos; Ps. Scylax, who wrote shortly after the latter event in c. 350, refers to the artificial harbour and thereby demonstrates that it was already built. 198 The excavations of the Coan agora revealed, as has been seen, 199 that the agora was built close to the sea and harbour area to facilitate trade. The Coans' choice of site for Kos and their development of its harbour facilities leaves little room to doubt that the city was founded with commerce in mind. The question of Mausolus' role in the Coan synoecism must now be considered. Mausolus succeeded his father Hecatomnus in 377/6 and ruled Carla as satrap until his death in 3S3/2. 200 He extended his rule over Greek cities to the north; he controlled Heracleia-Latmus, Phygela near Ephesus, perhaps took Miletus and acquired influence in the south over eastern Lycia. 101 By the year 358 Lycia was ruled by Mausolus· brother, Pixodarus, as satrap. 202 After the SocialWar Mausolus incorporated Cos and Rhodes, and established close relations with Erythrae and with Chios whose fleet made Chios a valuable military asset. 103 He opened up links further afield with Cnossus, a potential source of Cretan archen. 204 1 "

Diod. XV 76, 2 (quoted on p. 28); Ps. Scylax, GGM I (ed. Millier)p. 72, P.tplus 99. On Coan trade see pp. 236-245 . •,. See pp. 23ff. _. See Judeich, Kl. Stud. pp. 226-7, on the chronology of Mau.solus' rule (377/6-3S3/2). For essential treatment of the Hecatomnid dynuty and its documentation see Judeich. Kl. Stud. pp. 226-257; L. Robert. Et. Anat. pp. S67-573; idem CR.Al 1953, pp. 411-415; G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook, BSA SO, 1955 pp. 85-169; BSA 52, 1957, pp. 87-96. 138143; G. Bockisch, KIio SI, 1969, pp. 117-175; J. Crampa, Labraundtl Ill 2, The Gredc lnacriptio,u Pt. II, Stockholm 1972, pp. 5ff. nos 13-20, 27, 40, 54. 301 See Polyaenus, Strat. VII 23,2, Theopompus, F. Gr. Hill. 11B 115 F 59 (Pygela and Heracleia). It is uncertain whether Mausolus captured Miletus; see Polyaenus, VI 8, Lucian, Neer. Dial 24, 1 (cf. Judeich, Kl. Stud. p. 242 n 3). For Mausolus' influence in Lycia sec Babelon, Les Per~, ochbnenlde1, lei Jtltra~s et ks dyna1te1 tributoirn de lf!llr empire, Chyprt et Phenicit, Paris 1893, pp. CV-CVI; TAM II (3) 1183 (Die St•t1.,~ 260; Phaselis). 202 See H. Meu.ger, E. Larouche, A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI 1974, pp. 82-93, 115-125, 132-149. For the date see A. Dupont-Sommer, loc. cit. p. 139. _, See Dem. XV, 27 (Rhodes and Cos: see further p. 7 3); Syll. 1 168 (GHI l 55; /111ehr. Erytllroi 8: c. 357-4; see L. Robert, u Sanctuaitt de Sinuri, p. 101); Dem. XV 19 (Chios) . .,. See J. Crampa, Lobrawula Ill 2, The Greek lnlCriptlo,u Pt. JI, pp. 39-40 no 40.

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The islands neighbouring Cos, such as Calymnus, Nisyrus and Telos, are unlikely to have escaped Mausolus' control, though there is no evidence as to how they were ruled. Mausolus' policies show that his aim was to transform the satrapy of Carla into a pocket empire based on the Greek cities of the west coast of Asia Minor and neighbouring islands. A major contribution to the achievement of his policy lay in the removal of the capital of Carla from inland Mylasa to coastal Halicamassus. To enlarge and stre~gthen Halicamassus and bring it onto a par with other Greek cities, such as Miletus, he increased its population by a synoecism of six of the eight Lelegian cities, preserving Myndus and Theangela as separate cities. 205 He began a large building programme in Halicamassus and fortified the city strongly. 206 A naval base was constructed for the Hecatomnid fleet, which was consequently closely linked to the centre of government. The terminus ante quem for the transfer to Halicamassus is 362, when Diodorus referred to the change of capitals as having taken place. 207 The precise date of the refoundation of Halicarnassus is uncertain, as is therefore the question of whether the Coan synoecism or that of Halicamassus came first. 208 As to whether Mausolus' move to Halicamassus was a factor in the Coan synoecism, resin incerto est. It is not obvious that the Coans would have regarded the refoundation of Halicamassus as a threat, whether commercially or politically, through fear of Mausolus. Diodorus stated that Cos benefited from the new position of the capital by the income from the revenue of the port and by the wealth of its citizens. 209 The incentive given to Coan trade is corroborated by the beginning of the Coan wine trade in the second half of the fourth century. 210 In terms of Coan history the Lygdamid control of Cos had not, apparently, caused Kos Meropis materially to decline. The Coans could on the contrary have ex• pected the new capital of Halicarnassus to provide new fields for trade. 211

"°9

Seen. 182. See G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, BSA 50, 1955, pp. 85-169, especially 168-9. ,.. Vitruv. De archit. 11 8, 10-14; Ps. Scylax, GGM I p. 72, Puiplu1 99; cf G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook, BSA SO, 1955, pp. 85-169 at pp. 85-97. 20 "' Diod. xv 90, 3. 308 Judeich, Kl. Stud. p. 238, put forward two arguments for dating the synoecism of Halicarnas.sus before that of Cos which are inconclusive; the circular argument that the move of capital to Halicarnauus was the cause of the foundation of Kos in 366/5. The second argument was based on belief that opposition from the koinon of the Carians to the change of capitals is reflected in the decree of Mylasa ( 36 7/6), which resulted in Mylasa's dispatch to the Great King of an ambassador whose eventual fate was execution at Mylasa (GHI 138 (Sy/I.' 167), 1-16). Resistance to Mausolus is not restricted to this instance but is also attested at Mylasa in 361/0 and 355/4 (GH/ 138, 17ff.) and at lasos too (Sy/I.' 169). The reasons for the opposition at Mylasa in 367/6 are not revealed; they may have been simply hostility to Mausolus' dynastic rule, or directly related to the change of capitals. 209 Diod. xv 76, 2. 210 See pp. 2361T. 211 See L. Einaudi, Grmtneu and Decline of Planned Economy in the Hellenistic World, Berne 1950 (a review of Rostov. SEHW}, pp. 7-9.

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Belief that Kos was built out of fear as a block to Mausolus is also unconvincing. Cos was never militarily powerful. For the Coans to throw down the gauntlet to Mausolus, by moving to face Halicamassus and attempt to resist by force, is prima facie implausible. G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook's view that the Coans and Mausolus were on friendly tenns at the time of their move is his-· torically the more likely to be correct. 212 Mausolus' direct influence over Cos is attested in the Social War (c. 3S7/6c. 35S), when Cos was dominated as an ally at the war's outset and as an occupied subject by its end. Evidence of Mausolus' earlier influence in Cos is provided by Coan coins. G. F. Hill established that a series of Coan tetradrachms showed the close relations of Cos with Mausolus.213 The coins have on the obverse a bearded head of Heracles wearing a lion skin. Hill recognised that the portrayal of Heracles bore a distinctive resemblance to the features of Mausolus, which are known from the latter's portrait statue from Halicamusus. 214 He dated the coins between 357-353, i. e. from the Social War to Mausolus' death. Further coins of the same type have been published subsequently. The minting of the Mausolus-Heracles tetradrachms can now be seen to have extended over a number of magistrates' years, as the different eponyms on their reverses show. The Mausolus-Heracles coins so far published afford the names of eight different eponyms. 215 The office of the eponymous 212

BSA S2, 1957, p. 142. G. E. Bean and J. M. Cook, Ibid., pp. 138-146, added a new dimension to Mausolus' aims by their ascription of fourth century fortifications within Cuia at ~-g. lasos. Heracleia-Latmu.s, Myndus and Theangela. to a Mausolan policy for erecting a Hecatomnid front in Carla, based on a system of interconnecting and fortified cities. The mid-fourth century fortified sites of Calymnus (cf n 221), the fortified acropolis of Nisyrus (BSA 52, 1957, p. 118, plate 24 b-d) and Tclos (Ibid., pp. 116-117. plate 24 a) and the building of Kos were suggested to be part of the same policy. The chronology depends on similarity of fortification plans and the architectural style of surviving buildinas and fortifications. Evidence, preferably documentary, susceptible of greater chronological exactitude is perhaps requiJed before the wholesale ascription to Mausolus of the building programme for Caria is accepted as historical fact. The building could have spread spaamodically over the long period of Hecatomnid rule of Caria (390s-334). Outside Caria, where the development of Hecatomnid control is more obscwe, the same lack of precise chronology applies. In the case of Cos, the Coans' attachment to Mausolus in the aftermath of the synoecism provides a basis for arguing thence to Mausolus' friendship with the Coans at the synoecism. But the sources do not sugcst a Mau!Olandirection of the foundation of Kos, such as occuned at Halicarnassus. iu Apud Anatolian Studia premrted to Sir Willlom Mitclldl RJ,m,oy, ed. W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder, Manchester 1923, pp. 207-9 (plates ix-x); cf. GCBM Cariti, pp. 194-5, nos 10, 13 (plate xxx 6, 8). 21 • For the portrait statue of Mausolus see G. Richter, Portrait, of tire Greeb II, Phaidon 1965, pp. 161-2; M. Bieber, Tise Sculptun of tire Hdleni1tic Age, New York 1955, pp. 71-2. 2 Cf. 1) Praxianax (G. F. Hill, loc. ell.; GCBM, Ouia p. 195 no 11); 2) Alcimachu5 " (G. F. Hill, ibtd.; GCBM, Carll p. 195, no 12 plate xxx, 7); 3) C.allias (G. F. Hill, Ibid.; AJNum. 48, 1914, p. 68 no 28, plate ix, 28); 4) Theodotus (SNG 1962 no 2747; A. B.

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magistrates whose names appear on Coan coins is generally agreed to be that of the Coan eponymous monarclws;as the latter's tenure of office lasted for a year, the minimum duration of these coins can be established as eight years.216 The earliest are therefore to be dated before the Social War to c. 360. The numismatic material shows that already by the end of the 360s Mausolus' close relationship with the Coans was established. The first issues cannot be dated precisely between 366/5 and the end of the decade. Consequently Mausolus' role in the synoecism cannot be corroborated. The coins may reflect Coan friendship with Mausolus arising from his support for the party achieving the synoecism - a suitable occasion in the 360s for the dynast's influence. For Mausolus to support Coan democrats at this time would be comparable to his backing of the Rhodian democracy at the outbreak of the Social War, when the Rhodian demos decided to revolt from Athens. l 17 Alternatively, an event that must have seemed to the Coans to reveal their need for protection from a stronger power and may have helped to push the Coans into Mausolus' arms by the end of the 360s was the Athenian invasion of Sarnos. The Coans' hostile reaction to Athens' act is clearly demonstrated by their support of Samian exiles. 218 Mausolus' influence over Cos could have originated in his encouragement of the Coan synoecism, or in the aftennath of the Athenians' expedition to Sarnos. The closeness of the two events means that chronologically the probable date of the Coans' and Mausolus' entente is approximately the same in either case.

It is notable that the coins of neither Chios nor Rhodes reveal Mausolus' influence though he controlled both islands after the war. The exception of Cos appears to indicate the particularly strong Hecatomnid ties with the Coans, which arose as a result of the geographic proximity of Cos to Halicamassus and Mausolus' prior need to dominate Cos and the approaches to Halicamassus before expandingfurther. The domestic motives for the Coan synoecism, in so far as they are inferable from the results, appear to have been to bring the island out of the political and economic backwardness that had characterised its past history, and to

Brett, Olttdogw of Grttk Coin,, Murftlm of Fine Arts, Bolton, 19S5, no 2019); S) Nestoridu (SNG 1962 no 2148); 6) Athanion (Brett, op. di. no 2018); 7) Xanthippus (A. B. Brett, op. cit. no 2017); 8) Lycon (Babelon, Olta/ope de /.a Collection de Luynn, Monnain Grecqua III, Paris 1930, no 271S). 2 " On the eponymous office of the Coan monorcho,and its annual tenure see pp. 187ff. The Heracles-Mausolus tetradrachms are unlikely to have continued long after Mausolus' death, when a veiled female head is adopted as the badge of the reverse of Coan tetradrachms, didrachms and drachms, and appears occasionally on the obverse: seen. 241. 7 U Dern. XV 3, 14-19. 211 See n 194 above.

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unite the Coans to face the future with greater strength. Of the individuals who planned the synoecism not a shred of evidence remains. All that we know is a little about some of the wealthier Coan families of the period of the synoecism. It was at about this time that a statue group at Olympia was inscribed to commemorate the Olympic victories of the Coan Xenombrotus and his son Xenodicus in the horse race and at boxing, the former revealing his wealth by his chosen sport. 219 It was also in this period, in c. 360, that two Coaris, Pausimachus arid Hippocrates, lent a large sum of money to the Calymnians, the repayment of which was to take three generations and finally be submitted to arbitration by Demetrius I of Macedon. 220 The reason for the loan is not documented and can only be conjecturally fitted into local Calymnian history. 221 In its Coari context the loan valuably reveals the great wealth commanded by individual Coaris, in the period of the synoecism, which was also available for helping to finance the establishment of the new Coan capital. 222 Their adhesion to Mausolus ended unsatisfactorily for the Coans. Under Mausolus' pressure and with his support the Coans joined Byzantium, Chios and Rhodes in the war against Athens (357-355). 223 Fear arid mistrust of

21

See n 141. the arbitration between Calymnus and Coan citizena see TC 19 (frag. a = GIBM 11, p. 89; SGDI 3592; Rt,. FU. NS 20, 1942, p. 1, 1; fng. b "'GIBM 299; /JR I, 158; Syll. • 953). See M. Segre, TC p. 121, for c. 360 as the approximate date of the initial loan, liquidation of which was finally made in c. 300-286 (see below). See R. Bopert. &nqu~, ~t banquien dt,n, In citis gr~cqun, Leyden 1968, pp. 208-10 (cf M. Segre, TC pp. 117-121 ), for the identification of the two Coan financien, Hippoa-ates and Paus.imachus, not as bankers but as rich Coans loaning their own money to the Calymnians. M. Segre, TC p. 121, noted that the names of Hippoaates' son (Oeomedes, TC 79 B 11) and grandson (Oeophantus, TC 19 B, 28) are composed from a root (KAH-) favoured in the onoma1tlkon of the family of Hippocrates the Asclepiad. He made the not implausible suggestion that the wealthy Hippocrates of TC 19 was a descendant of the great Coan doctor. The arbitration used to be dated later in the Hellenistic period and assigned to c. ii BC (so GIBM 299; Syll. 1 9S3; A. Wilhelm, Anz. Wien. 18, 1924, pp. 19-2S). M. Segre's subsequent publication of a Calymnian decree (TC 7) for the Milesian Hecatonymus, who served as advocate for the Calymnian state in the arbitration, provided conclusive evidence of the arbitration's date in the reign of Demetrius I of Macedon (c. 301-286). 221 M. Segre, TC p. 121, sugested that building at the Calymnian temple of Apollo at Damos may provide the answer, although building is not attested there in the mid-fourth century. G. E. Bean and J.M. Cook, BSA 52, 1957, p. 133 n 313, prefer to associate Calymnian expenditure with the mid-fourth century com1truction of fortified town-sites at Vathy and at Damos, which was revealed by their suncy of the antiquities of Calymnus: cf ibid. pp. 127-133. 222 The manner of financing the building of the new city, a question of basic interest in cases of voluntary synoccisms such as occurred at Rhodes and Cos, is not documented. :ns Diod. XVI 7, 3-4; 21-2. See G. L. Cawkwell, Stud. Cfa11. ~t Mn. 23, 1962, pp. 34-49 at 34-40, on the date of the outbreak of the war in 357/6. On the conclusion 22

'

° For

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Athenian imperialism appear to have been the mainspring of the coalition against the Athenians. m After the allies' victory in the war Mausolus was enabled by Athens' defeat to extend his suzerainty over Rhodes and Cos. He imposed a garrison and oligarchy on Rhodes. 225 Cos is linked with Rhodes in Demosthenes' description of Mausolus' occupation of the two islands. 226 His method of controlling Cos is likely to have been also by the installation of a garrison.Whether or not an oligarchy overthrew the Coan democracy in this period is uncertain. 227 The time provides a suitable context for the undated oligarchic revolution on Cos, described by Aristotle, which caused the fall of the democracy. 221 A casualty of this revolution may possibly be found in the Coan Cleinias, general of the Greek mercenaries in the army of the Egyptian Nectanebos II, who was pharaoh of Egypt from 360-343 and in revolt from Persia for the duration of his rule. 229

of peace in the winter of 35S/4 see Beloch. Gr. Gach. Ill (2) pp. 260-2. Cf. Bengtson, Die St1111m~ 313, for the peace terms by which the allies secured Athenian recognition of their deuthaia and 11utonomia. See F. Robert, BCH Suppl l, 1973, pp. 427-33, for the possible dating of Hippocr. Epidemic, V, 61 and VII, 33, in the context of the Social Was. D4 Cf. n. 194. On Rhodian, Chian and Byzantine disaffection with Athens in c. 364 see Diod. XV 79, l (cf lsoc. V, 53). On Byzantium's bad relations with Athens in 362 (Diod. XVI 7, 3; Ps. Dern. 50, 6) see G. L. Cawkwell, CQ 22, 1972, pp. 270-1. A Coan epigram survives (PH 350; GY 37) honouring Coans who had fallen fighting against an adversary for their island's liberty; IGJ16pac) f{j' ijpwa-. af~Tat •aTpi-., ahAao11 o1.n) I ICAJ.¥t~o)cu, ,coaµm, l~"""fpia-.).1 (cu,c',c' 'A1'a)UGiw11ffuAucio1rllia,cal wo[A.ahcWtra) I fTa')',w.Tal c!u.iiteutu Tao6e dwd ')'ac ,r(po,vJE"b). The Coans' known involvement with the Athenians in the fifth and fow1h century and the absence of other Coan enemies whose ethnic could be restored to fit 1. 3 leaves little reason to doubt the generally accepted supplement of I' A"a)l!CUw11.Paton and Hicks, p. 227, rightly recognised that the occasion of the Coans• struggle against the Athenians could be associated with either the Coans• secession at the end of the Ionian War. (cf. p. 38), or with the Social War. Titere is no occasion after the latter war. when Athens attacked Cos or was in a position to control Coan eleutherl/1.The criterion of letter forms is not useful in this instance as the inscription, which is cut in lettering of Imperial date but is in the Doric dialect, is a late copy (c/. PH p. 227). n• 0cm. XV, 14-15. Cf. P. M. Fraser, BSA 61, 1972. pp. 122-3.

uaaw,

226

Dem. XV, 27.

n, Demosthenes. XV, 19, did not cite Cos among the states under oligarchic government. au Politic, 1304 b S. 12 ' So PH, p. XXIX, followed by Modona, p. 38. On Cleinias !ee Diod. XVI 48, Sff. Diodorus attests Clcinias' service in Nectancbos' army when it was cut to pieces by the Pcnians in 344. On the chronology of Nectanebos" reign see F. K. Kienitz, Die polltilche Gachkhte Agptnu )l()ffl 7. bi, zum 4. Jahrhundert ,or d~ ZeitWfflde, Berlin 1953, pp. 177-8, 180-184. The inference of Cleinia.,' anti-oligarchic and anti-Persian attitude from his service with the rebel Nectanebos appears un!lltisfactory in principle because of the lack of background information on CJcinias. Payroll and terms of service could govern a mercenary's choice of ma.,i;ter,Ill well as politie5.

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The identity of the aristocratic and propertied Coans, who successfully engineered the revolution mentioned in Aristotle's Politics, needs further consideration in view of Pugliese Carratelli's ingenious theory of the role therein of the Coan Asclepiadai. 230 The involvement of the Asclepiadai is founded on the belief that the Coans of Astypalaeaintroduced the cult of A.sclepius, immediately after the synoecism, as the new and central cult of the polls. The latter supposition rests on two points: a) the fact of the existence in Hellenistic Cos of the ofTtce of monarchoJ in only two places, in the polis of Kos, where it was an eponymous office, and in the deme of Isthmus; b) the second point is the suggested identification of the office of the monarchos with a priesthood of Asclepius. Carratelli inferred, probably correctly, both that the monarchia of Isthmus was derived from the classical city of Astypalaea, and that the monarchia of the polis originated also from Astypalaea. 231 The Asclepiadai, who in Hellenistic Cos had a procession for Asclepius, m were regarded by Carratelli as those responsible for the establishment of the cult of Asclepius in Kos. The identification of the monarchos of fifth century Astypalaea, of Isthmus and of the polls in the fourth century and later, with a priest of Asclepius is unlikely to be right. The identification of the state monarchos as a priest of Asclepius is directly refuted by epigraphic evidence. m The identification of the monarchos at Isthmus with a priest of Asclepius, though not refutable outright, is extremely doubtful and in so far as the identifications are interdependent - the state office being derived on this view from Astypalaea - is seriously weakened by the failure of the cue for the state monarchos. Because of the impossibility of identifying the state monarchos as a priest of Asclepius, the arguments for the institution of a public cult of Asclepius as an immediate result of the synoecism - based on the proposed identification of the monarchos with the priest of Asclepius - fall apart. The evidence for the Coan state cult of Asclepius, whether literary, epigraphic or archaeological, is still not earlier than the last quarter of the fourth century. 234 The conclusion

,,. PdelP 12, 19S7, pp. 333-342; ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, pp. 147-152. The occasion of the oligarchic revolution is identified as the 1tad1 which caused the move to Kos in 366/S. See pp. 65ff for arguments against that date for the oligarchic revolution. m See pp. 189ff. on the on,in of the office of the Coan moNUcho1. ,,, HC IX (ed. Litt.re) p. 326. See pp. 334ff. for further discussion. 1 " See pp. l 96lf. The prescripts of the victory lists of the festival of the Great Asclepieia, prove conclusively hitherto neatected in discussions of the character of the Coan mo1t11rcllill, that the Coan state priesthood of Asclepius was distinct from the eponymous moNUchia. The lists are dated to the year of the priest of Asclepius and to that of the cunent monarcho1:cf. Gymn. A,ottt p 6 I C 14, 'Ewl ~Pl'-'K Au,cd,ppa110~To0 KAefulxloo ,cal ,wvapxouI •tAio,cou 1'o0'Eica1'o6wpou ,ca.i4'TW~1'a. A~wrx6a I TOOXtupuAou Toi& bi,cwa, 1'4 'Ao.11:Aa.,rkua. JM See pp. 334ff.

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to be drawn from the late fourth century and HeUenistic material is that this cult was not of central importance in Cos until the third century. The deity that focuses attention in the immediate aftennath of the synoecism is Heracles. The head of Heracles was the badge chosen for the obverse of the first issues of coinage by the new city of Kos. That Heracles was of especial importance at this date seems clear. 235 With the dissociation of the office of monarchosfrom a priesthood of Aaclepius and the consequent removal of a link between the Asclepiadai at Astypalaea and the monarchoi, the evidence put forward of the role of the Coan Asclepiadai after the move to the new city disappears. However it is right to direct attention to the Asclepiadai as a group of educated and rich Coans who are obvious candidates for political leadership - under democracy or oligarchy. The prominence of the Coan and Cnidian Asclepiadal in this period is attested by their publication at Delphi of a joint decree concerning their members' privileges of access to the sanctuary. 236 The Coan Asclepiadai were, however, composed of different gene whose membership of the Asclepiadai was hereditary. 23' In ordinary times the political cohesiveness of such a group is dubious. The union and reconciliation of the aristocrats of the ruling class was described by Aristotle, in the context of the Coan oligarchic revolution, as their reaction to concerted attacks from democrats in the lawcourts. 231 It is conceivable that under pressure a loosely knit organization, such as the Coan koinon of Asclepiadai, might become for a time a political force, but there is no proof of it. Whether or not the Coan oligarchic revolution is to be dated immediately after the Social War, when Mausolus' support of oligarchic government is attested, its occurrence then or later under Hecatornnid rule is historically plausible. m After the Social War Athens was increasingly occupied with the strullle in the north of Greece apimt Philip of Macedon and made no attempt to intervene militarily in the south~ast Aegean.* Cos appears to have remained under Hecatomnid contro) for most of the period from Mausolus' incorporation of Cf. the choice or Hallos u the badp of the rust coins of Rhodes after the 1ynoecilm when the cult of Hallos became the chief Rhodian public cult; see G. E. Bean and P. M. Fraser, The Rltodi,an Pm1m, pp. 130-133. 116 See J. Bousquet, BCH 80, 1956, pp. S79ff. no 7. plate 10 (SEG 16 326). See J. Bousquet, loc. cit. pp. 580-581, on the decree's date of c. 360 (lettering). :u, Ibid. 8/f., 6,µoaavra XPiiol-Otu l,.a 'Aod.a,rfuil i&J( 119 In the meantime Alexander sacked Halicamassus and marched on into Lycia. It was not until the summer of 333 that his generals, Ptolemy and Asander, captured the forts at Halicarnassus. 150 Their victory over the resilient Orontobates gained Cos and other Persian positions for Alexander. Cos was subsequently won back and garrisoned, within that year, in the course of the Persian drive to secure the Aegean in Alexander's rear. 251 In the following year, 332, the Macedonian counter-c,ffensive finally dislodged the Persians from the Aegean. The Macedonian admirals, Amphoterus and Hegesilochus, recovered Tenedos, Chios and Lesbos for Alexander. 151 Amphoterus was sent from Chios to Cos with sixty ships; when he had gained control of Cos and its Persian garrison, Hegesilochus joined him. Arrian records that the Coans had asked the Macedonians to come to their aid. 153 The Coans' initiative in inviting the Macedonian navy indicates that the Coans were not anti-Macedonian as a whole. The hope of liberation after long Hecatomnid domination may legitimately be reprded as a factor in the Coans' action. The Coan initiative may also have been due to motives of self-preserva. tion, since Alexander's sack of the city of Halicamassus 154 had been a warning of the consequences of resistance for a Persian-held city, such as Cos. The position of Cos under Alexander is obscure. Neither the island's status in relation to ·Alexander, nor the form of its constitution is attested. The Coans' recovery of their independence from Carla, after their liberation from Persian control, is suggested by general considerations. Alexander's policy in 334, and afterwards, had been to treat favourably the Greek cities of Asia Minor, in• Arrian. A,aab.II. S, 1; ibid. 13,4. "'' Diod. XVll 22, 1-23,4:Arrian,A,aab. I, 17, 1-20, 3. >ta Arrian, A,aab.I, 23, 1-4; Diod. XVII 27, 5. s.t Arrian,Anob. I, 20, l;Diod. XVII 22,5-23,3. 2 Arrian, Ano b. II, S, 1, cf. Curtius. Ill 7, 4. • in Oiod. XVII 18, 2; 30, 1; Arrian, Anab. II I, 1. See A. R. Burn, JHS 12, 1952, pp. 81-4. ForCosseeAnab.1113,4-6;Curtius 1111, 19. is:• Arrian, Anab. Ill 2, 3-7. ,a A1111b. Ill, 2. 6, cf Curtius, Ill l, 19. 114 Diod. XVII 27, 6; Arrian, A,wb. I, 23, 1-6. Ml

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eluding the Greek· cities of Carla, and grant 'freedom' and 'autonomy' in return for their adhesion. 255 The Coans had spontaneously invited the Macedonians to Cos in 332. They had therefore been well-placed to receive favourable tenns in return for their friendship. The unlikelihood of the Coans' continued domination by the satrap of Carla, which Alexander maintained u a separate satrapy. 156 is further reinforced by consideration of the treatment of Rhodes. Rhodes, which was also under Carlan and thus Persian control at Alexander's invasion of Asia Minor, was free of Caria in 332 after its submission to Alexander. 157 The separation of Cos from the Carlan satrapy may reasonably be accepted. There is, as has been said, no evidence of the character of the Coan constitution under Alexander; any changes resulting from the overthrow of Hecatomnid rule remain uncertain. 251 Amphoterus had to occupy the island militarily as Arrian's description of Cos being held by Amphoterus shows. 25 9 It is not known whether a Macedonian garrison was left, after the initial capture of Cos, as a safeguard against subsequent recapture, or stasis on the downfall of the pro--Penian party on Cos. Chios and Rhodes were each given a garrison on their submission to Alexander, which in the cue of Rhodes was expelled at Alexander's death, in 323. 260 Cos may, or may not, have experienced this ultimately unpopular method of control. Little else survives of the relations of the Coans with Alexander. ln the Hellenistic period Nicander referred to a statue of Alexander on Cos, from the head of which grew a species of white lily fittingly named 'ambrosia' the divine. 261 The statue was not connected with a cult of Alexander, of which 111

Diod. XVII 24, 1. Arrian. AMb. I, 23, 7-8. is., Justin, HP XI, 11, 1; Curtius, IV 5, 9. See Arrian, AMb. II, 20, 2, for Rhodes' dispatch of a naval detachment to Tyre, u an independent unit, after submission to Alexander. 211 Cf. V. Ehrenberg,Alexanderand the Gneb, Blackwell 1938, pp. 18-19. 21 ' AMb. Ill, 2, 6. »• Cf. Curtius, IV 8, 12 (the Rhodian and Chian petition (331) for Alexander's withdrawal of the garrison); SyU., 283 (GHI 192; 332). 17ft. Accordi,. to Curtius, Alexander panted the Chians' and Rhodians' requests. Either CW1ius is wron1 in the case of Rhodes, or the prrison was later replaced before its expulsion in 323 (Diod. XVIII 8, l); see P. M. Fraser, PdelP 1, 1952, pp. 199-201. "' Athenaeus XV 684 (cited by PH, p. XXX n 3). R. Herzog, Arch. An,. 190S, p. 10 (cf. G. Mendel, Oztalogue da Sculptun1 2, Constantinople 1914, pp. 255-6, no 539) sugested the possible identification as an 'idealised' Alexander portrait of a muble head of Hellenistic date, which was discovered in the course of the excavations of the Coan Asclepieion. Mendel, loc. dt., noted that the Coan head bean no particular resemblance to any of the king's portraits; its identification u a representation of Alexander is doubtful. For other Hellenistic 'Alexanders' from Cos see Bieber, JDAI 40, 1925, p. 167; L. Laurenzi,ASAA NS 17-18, p. 79 (fC- 12, a b);? Rh. 9, pp. 44-7, plate iv, figs 25 - 7. 1

•

a.

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there is no Coan evidence. 262 As the statue's date is not known, it cannot be related to Coan feeling during Alexander's reign. Two Coans among the Greeks who accompanied Alexander on his Indian campaign were sufficiently distinguished to be mentioned by name in the sources. A Coan, Critobulus, is named as one of Alexander's trierarchs on the voyage down the Indus. 263 Critobulus is thought, perhaps correctly, to have been the Coan doctor of that name, who had much earlier won renown by saving the sight of Alexander's father, Philip II, at the siege of Methane (3S4). Another Coan doctor, Critodemus, who was an Asclepiad of the Hippocratic School, was Alexander's personal physician on the Indian campaign. He saved Alexander's life when the king was critically wounded by an arrow at the siege of the Indian fortress of Muitan, in the territory of the Mallians.265 The good services of Greeks in royal employ often benefited their own cities' relations with a king, but are not known in these instances to have done so.

*

Little is known of the material development of Cos after 366/5. Diodorus described the new city's progress not as a rapid process but as a gradual and consistent growth of wealth and prestige. w His view of the city's gradual rise is consistent with the only other information available for gauging the growth of Cos in the generation after the new capital's foundation. Cos appears in the Cyrene corn-distribution list of c. 330-326, when there was widespread famine in Greece and the Greek islands.167 Cos received a consignment of 10,000 bushels of corn. This amount was received also by places such as Aegina, Delphi, Elis and Paros. 268 The amount was twice that obtained by Astypalaea and Troizen and a third of the amount accepted by Rhodes. 269

au Cf. Nicander's use of the word andrit,1 and not a,al1n11.There is no evidence of a Coan cult of Alexander in Coan insaiptions. But there is no complete cult calendar of royal cults, or list of dynastic priesthoods, from which the omission of a cult of Alexander would have historical significance. •• Arrian, Ind. 18. 7 (Critobulu~. son of Platon). »t Pliny, NH VII, 37, 124. H. Serve. Do, Ale:underreiclr au/ p,oaopt)6"8,,,.t.cher Gn,ndltlteII, Munich 1926, p. 228 no 452, made the identification between the two Coan Critobuli. The question of age gives rise to some doubt as to whether the doctor, who ueated Philip in the 350s, was the same as the trieruch who sailed with Alexander"s fleet in 326. See K. Deichgriber, Die Epidemien und dtu Corpu, Hippocraticum, Berl Abh. 1933, p. 145, for the references of Epidemic, VII to Philip 11's campaigns of 358/7 and to the work of Coan doctors in Macedonian service. •• Aman, And. VI 11, 1 (H. Berve, op. dt. p. 228 no 453). Cf. Curtius, IX S, 25 (Critobulus, perhaps by confusion with Philip's doctor). If Arrian has made a mistake over the name,and his pneral accwacy on personal names is good, it is conceivable that the same Coan is concerned throulftout. _. Cf. n 109. 1 • G. Oliverio, DAAI ii 1 (SEG 9 2; GHJ 196), p. 29, 28. •• Ibid. 46, SO(Aegina; 5000, b&); 30 (Delphi) ; 34 (Elis); 29 (Puos). , .. ibid. 47 (Astypalaca, 5000); 43 (Troizen, 6000): 11 (Rhodes, 30,000).

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The figure for Cos indicates approximately the relative size of the Coan population in comparison to that of other states and suggests that there had been no swift expansion after 366/ S. 210 In c. 337 a group of Coans left Cos to settle in Greek cities of Sicily which the Corinthian Tirnoleon was ref ounding after his victory over the Carthaginians. Ptutarch described the resettlement of Agyrium and Gela, depopulated by the Carthaginians in 405. 271 He related how Gela was refounded by 'those who sailed with Gorgus from Ceus and brought with them the old citizens.' 272 R. Herzog cogently suggested the emendation of Ceus to Cos because of corroborative epigraphic evidence for the Coan but not Cean provenance of Gelan colonists. 273 The correctness of this minimal emendation need not be doubted. The Coans were also described in a mid-third century decree of Camarina as synoikistai, being probably so described in a contemporary decree of the Gelans too. 2.,. Camarina was among the cities refounded by Tirnoleon. 275 Coan settlement at Camarina, as at Gela, fits historically with Timoleon's refoundations. There is no evidence of Coan participation in the original foundation of Gela, a colony of Rhodes and Crete, and Camarina, a colony of Syracuse. Coans could also have settled in these cities in the early fifth century. The Coan ex-tyrant Cadmus took Coans to Sicily in the late 490s. 276 Cadmus was, furthermore, associated with the tyrant of Gela, Hippocrates, and became a loyal servant of Gelon, Hippocrates' trusty genera) and successor. 277 Hippocrates' refoundation of Camarina in c. 492 occurred at a time when Coans had arrived within Hippocrates' sphere of influence at Zancle. Z'11 The partici-

,.,. Cf. p. 3S for the modest size of the Coans • tribute payments as a yardstick of the Coans • relative stanclin1among the members of the Delian Confederacy. ,-n On the chronology see H. D. Westlake, Cam. H/11. J. 7, 1942, pp. 81-5; D. Asheri, Htnoria 19, 1970, pp. 618-623. ,,, ffmol1J011, 35, 2. ,,. HG p. 45. Herzog•, view was repeated by R. Herzog and G. Klaffenbach, A,yluurkundos, pp. 22, 24, endorsed by H. Bengtso~ Hutorla 3, 1954, pp. 456-463 (Kleine Schrlfta, Munich 1974, pp. 358-66) and restated by D. AJheri, loc. clt., against J. Seibert's rejection of the textual emendation but acceptance of a Coan colonist contingent reinforcing a Cean settlement (Metropolu und Apolkk: hutorllche Bdtrlgt zur Gt,chiclrte lluv ~m,el.tiltn Bniehu'f6tn, Wiirzburg 1963, p. 137 n 2). For the Coans' role as founders of Gela in the ancestral sacrifices of GeJa see A1yluurkunde11 13 (SEG 12 380, decree of the Gelans; on the decree's date of 242 ,ee eh. 3, n. 68), 17ff.; cf.

A,yliaukunden 12 (SEG 12 379), 17-23 (Camarina). ,,.. A1yliaukundn 12 (SEG 12 379), 9-12;A,yluurkwrda 13 (SEG 12 380), 6ff .. 211 Diod. XVI 82, 7. 2111 Sec p. 33. 217 Sec Hdt. VII 163; cf T. J. Dunbabin, The lt'atem Greeks, pp. 383-395. 2

,.

80

Hdt. VII 164.

pation of Coans in his resettlement of Camarina is therefore not unJikely. 219 Gelon subsequently depopulated both Camarina and Gela at his synoecism of Syracuse, which was substituted for Gela as the capital of his empire. 280 After the fall of the tyranny (c. 466) colonists returned to Gela and thence repopulated Camarina. 281 The earlier presence of Coans in Gela would help to explain why, after the Gelans, expulsion in 405, Cos was chosen as the latter's place of refuge. 282 Colonization is not generally a sign of the healthy state of a city. Coan parti• cipation in the refoundation of Dorian Camarina and Gela may reflect both dissatisfaction with the period of Hecatomnid rule and social or economic pressures. However the scale of Coan settlement in Sicily in c. 337 is unknown so that the significance of Coan emigration in this period cannot be properly

assessed.183

79 :1

See SEG 4 29 (Ribezzo, RIG/ VIII, 1924, 83ff.; B. Pace, Camarina, Catania 1927, p. 161; L. H. Jeffery, LSAG, p. 276 no 9, c. 450-42S), SEG 4 30 (RIG/ ibid. 86ff., Pace, p. 162; LSAG p. 276 no 18, c. 450?), for two defixiona from Camarina dated c. 4S0 (I. e. lalcr than the refounding of c. 461 ). which each contain about twenty names. There are no recognisably local Coan names. The Doric names attested (e. g. Archiu. Heraldeidas, Archedamos) arc common to many Dorian states. including Cos. 2 Thus, for example, one tradition (Sudo, cited n. 22; DL VIII, 3) on the origin • of Epicharmus, poet of Syncuse in the reigns of Gelon (48S-478) and Hieron (478467), gives Cos as the home of his parents, who are said to have come to Sicily among Cadmus• followers. ui Thuc. VI S. sn Cf. Plutarch, Timol«Jn, 35, 2. :an Figures given in the ancient sources for the numbers of immigrants are unverifiable; cf Ptutarch, Tlmol«Jn, 23, 4 (60,000, of which Diodorus, XVI 82, S, ascribed 40,000 to Syracuse and 10,000 to Agyrium). No figures are given for Gela, Camarina or Acragas. 6 Anc,cntC'o,.(Hyp.

SU

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CHAPTER 3

Historical Outline II /. From the Death of Alexander to the Defeat of Demetrius I of Macedon (323-286)

In the wars between Alexander's successors the Greek cities' alignments tended to depend on the current success of the different coalitions of diadoclwi. When the Coans come into our view they are aligned first with Ptolemy of Egypt and then with Antigonus Monophthalrnus. They swam with the tide, having little alternative. The first reference to Cos occurs in Diodorus' account of the events of 314. In 315 war had broken out between Antigonus and a coalition of the diadochoi - Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus, the main protagonists by now of the struggle for control of Alexander's empire. 1 Diodorus described how Seleucus sailed with Ptolemy's fleet in an abortive attempt to help Cassander regain Lemnus after it had seceded to Antigonus. 2 Seleucus put in at Cos on his return which had kept its harbour open. 3 The island provided a friendly base for Seleucus, and was thus well disposed to Ptolemy, whose ally Seleucus was.4 Ptolemy's position in the Carlan district was strong since the powerful satrap of Carla, Asander, who had received his province in the redistribution of satrapies on Alexander's death, was at this juncture allied with Ptolemy. 5 The Rhodians, who had recovered their sovereignty on the expulsion of 1 2

1

Diod. XIX. 56-7. Diod. XIX 68, 1-3.

ibid. 4.

4

Ibid. 56, 1-3. ' Diod. XIX 62,2 (cf. J. Seibert, Untenuch. zur Ge,chichte Ptolemoio1' I, Munich 1969, pp. 160-1). Asanderhad supported Antigonus in 321/0 against Eumenes (F. Gr. Hut. II B 156, F 10, 7). Hu decision to fight for Ptotemy in 31S must have been largely determined by Antigonus' declared policy of freedom for the Greek cities (Diod. XIX 61, 3-4), the accomplishment of which meant, as ultimately happened, the loss to Asander of the Greek cities which he had absorbed (Diod. XIX 62, 2 cf. ibid. 75, 3-S). For Asander's valuable aide, Eupolemus, who fought against Antigonus' officer Polemaeus (Diod. XIX 68, S), and controlled Iuos and Theangela in the war's coune, see L. Robert, Coll. ~h. pp. 69-86, at 75-7, J. Crampa, lllbraunda Ill (2), 11te Greek lnscrlptio,u Pt. 2. pp. 42ff. no. 42. See J. Crampa, op. cit. p. 42 no. 42, for Eupotemus' confirmation of a grant of citizenship to the Coan Diocles, son of Dion, originally made to Dion by the. small Carlan community of the Plawcis under Pixodarus.

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Alexander's garrison in 323, were also friendly to Ptolemy. Although they had agreed in 31 S to allow Antigonus to use their shipyards for building a fleet, they refused alliance until 312, and then insisted on their exemption from any fighting against Ptolemy. 6 In 309 Ptolemy tried to establish control both in Lycia and in Carla, which he had lost in 313 to Antigonus. 7 After the capture of Xanthus and Caunus he sailed with his fleet to Cos. 8 There is no evidence to suggest that he had to take Cos by force in 309. 9 Diodorus described the fighting between Ptolemy•s troops and those of Antigonus at the seizure of Xanthus and Caunus. He does not mention any conflict on Cos. Ptolemy sailed off from Caunus. From Cos he sent for Polemaeus. who had commanded an army of Antigonus and was offering to collaborate with Ptolemy. 10 In view of Diodorus' preceding des. cription of Ptolemf s forcible capture of Xanthus and Caunus, his silence may be taken to suggest that no fighting had occurred or been necessary on Cos. So Cos appearsto have been still friendly to Ptolemy in 309. If the island had been visited by Antigonus since 314, and there is no evidence that it had, no Antigonid troops remained. The Coans, perhaps in the shadow of the Rhodians, may have had a practical motive for friendship with Ptolemy. The Rhodians' refusal in 306 to join Antigonus' expedition against Ptolemy demonstrated their detennination to maintain friendly relations with Pto1emy and preservethe thriving trade growing up between Rhodes and Alexandria. 11 Coan trade with Alexandria had begun by c. the end of the fourth century; a Coan proxeny decree for a Tyrian (c. 300) is also indicative of Coan relations at this time in the East. 12 But the general impression given by the surviving assemblage of material is that it was not until the friendly relations between Cos and Ptolemy Soter were first formed that the Coans' close commercial relations with Alexandria began. 13 Ptolemy used Cos as a base until the spring of 308. His visit began with the forced suicide of the dubious Polemaeus whose patronage of Ptolemy's officers led to a cup of hemlock. 14 Ptolemy's Coan residence was more aus-• Oiod. XIX 58, 1-5.See Diod.lbld. 77,3, for the alliance of 312; XX 99, 3, for the non-qgression clause apinst Ptolemy in 304; cf. P. M. Fruer, Ptol. Alu. I, p. 162. " Diod. XIX 7S,3-S. Halicarnassus, which Ptolemy (Plut. lh~trlu, VII, 3) failed to take from Demetrius in 309/8 (cf N. Greipl, Plrllol. 85, 1930, pp. 160-1), wu probably taken by Antigonus at this time also. 1 Oiod. XX 27, 1-2. • Pace Beloch, Gr. Gach. IV (1) pp. 143-4. .. Diod. XX 27, 3. 11

On the importance of Rhodian trac!e, at this time, with E'.iYPt, see Diod XX 81, 4. On Rhodian Uade with Alexandria see M. Rostovtzeff, KIio 30, 1937, pp. 70--2; klem SEHW I 225ff.; P. M. Fraser, Prol..Alu. I, pp. 162-9. u See pp. 226, 236; PH 1 (c. 300 BC; lettering), c/. p. 244. II See pp. 236-41. 1 • Diod XX 27, 3.

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piciously crowned by the birth of a son to Berenice, who had come with Ptolemy to Cos where she could secure the best medical care of her day. 15 The boy was to be his father's successor, as Ptolemy II Philadelphus. Ptolemy probably made the acquaintance of Philitas, one of the eminent literary figures of the time, during this stay. Philitas was later to be honoured by appointment as tutor to Philadelphus and invited to Alexandria, the first Greek and not the last Coan to be chosen as tutor of Ptolemaic princes. 16 Philadelphus' birth on Cos was to have significant consequences for the future relations of Cos with the Ptolemies. Theocritus and Callimachus celebrated Philadelphus' birth on Cos in their poems Encomium for Ptolemy and Hymn to Delos. 17 Writing in Alexandria, in the reign of Philadelphus and in a period of close friendship between Cos and Egypt, the poets were encouraged to represent the birth of Ptolemy on Cos as a source of glorious honour for the island. Theocritus personified Cos as praying at Philadelphus' birth that his role towards Cos would be that of Apollo to Delos: •And in his father's likeness was he born, a child beloved. Cos cried aloud for joy at the sight, and clasping the babe in loving hands, said, 'Blessings on you, boy, and may you honour me as Phoebus Apollo honoured Delos of the dark diadem. And place the Triopian hill in the same regard, allotting equal favour to my Dorian neighbours; Lord Apollo loved Rhenaea equally with Delos.' So spoke the island, and from aloft a great eagle screamed thrice from the clouds, a bird of fate.' 18 While under the protection of Ptolemy Philadetphus Cos flourished, proud of its autonomy and prosperous in its trade and agriculture. The vision in the poem is anachronistic, but the favourable tone of the poet's lines on Cos reflects Philadelphus' deep affection for his birthplace and the favourable status bestowed by the latter on Cos. 19 But in 309 the future was uncertain and the island's alignment with Ptolemy Soter transitory. Soter's arrangements concerning the status of Cos are not attested. It is not impossible that the Coans entered into alliance with Ptolemy in 309/8, whose probably contemporary treaty with lasos has recently been documented by a new inscription from Iasos. 10 "Mann. Par. (F. Gr. Hist. II 8 239) B 19 (309/8). Cf PH, p.XXX:11-XXXIII. " Suda•Life sv Clli&A~a~ Kwwi; (Kuchenmiiller, T 21). C/. P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. J pp. 308-9, 11 p. 464 n. 19, for the chronology of Philitas, born probably c. 340. See OG/S 141 (c. 124-116) for the Coan Hieron, son of Simus, epitropa,ltU of the children and among the 'First Friends' of Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II; cf further pp. 136-7. 17 See pp. 9 7ff. II Idyll XVII, 63ff . ., The documentation on which these general remarb are ba.~d is given on pp. 92ff. 20 See G. Pugliese Carratelli, ASAA NS 29-30, 1967-8 (publ. 1969), pp. 437-9, no. I. The inscription consists of two large fragments from the upper and bottom halves of a stele. Fragment A is dated by reference to Ptolemy, who is designated without royal title (ibid. A pa1lim), before 305; the circumstances fit historically the period of Ptolemy's Carlan activity in 309/8 (cf G. Pugliese Carratelli, op. cit. pp. 440-44S).

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Ptolemy left Cos in the spring of 308. 11 After an unsuccessful campaign in the Peloponnese he returned to Egypt. Cos is next attested in close affiliation with Antigonus. This new alignment is to be related to Antigonus' attainment of naval supremacy in the Aegean. Whether the Coans sent ships with Demetrius to fight Ptolemy in Cyprus, in 306, is unk.nown. 12 But if the Coans did not succumb to earlier pressure, the most obvious occasion for their accomodation with Antigonus was Demetrius' defeat of Ptolemy at Cyprian Salamis (306). The victory, with the capture of Cyprus as a sequel, gave Antigonus and Demetrius thalaswcracy. The main source of information on the Coans' relations with Antigonus are the latter's letters to Teos (c. 306-302) about the projected synoecism of Lebedus with Teos. 13 Antigonus gave approval to the agreement of Lebedus and Teos to use the Coan lawcode until the codification of the laws for the synoecised city was complete. 14 Antigonus' ratification of the cities' decision and his 'request' to the Coans to make available their lawcode illustrate the Coans' inclusion within Antigonus' sphere of influence. The letter incidentally reveals that Cos had the use of its own nomoi, that is to say literally enjoyed the condition of autonomia. Cos was also under a democracy at this time. 25 Whetherit was Antigonus who had restored the Coan democracy and granted autonomy in accord with his policy of giving the Greek cities autonomy and freedom, 16 or Ptolemy :n, or Alexander before him, or the Coans themselves, is unclear because of the tack of evidence on Coan history since the Macedonian capture of Cos (332). A number of Coans made their careers in the service of Antigonus. Dracon, son of Straton, is attested with Antigonus after the latter's assumption of the :u Diod. XX

37, 1.

23

The presence of the Coan Pleistias on Demetrius' Cyprian campaign, in 306 (Diod XX 50, 4; cf. below), cannot be used as evidence of the Coans' dispatch of forces to Demetrius because of the possibility of Pleistias' character as a mercenary. n RC 3-4 (Sy//. 1 344; Recueil 34). On the date see C. 8. Welles, RC p. 25. 11 RC 3, 55..-65. H Antigonus' letter to the Teans implies that the Coan constitution was a democracy, as his approvaJ of the choice of Cos would of itself suggest, given his support of democratic government. The new law-code was to be ratified by the demos within a total period of one year from the date of the letter (1.55), that is to say when the Coan lawcode was still in use; cf. RC 3, 47-50. The provision for the demos' ratification of the new laws under the Coan constitution suggests that the latter Wa!I a democracy; the approximately contemporary Coan achievement of a con.~titutional settlement for Telos (c. 300; cf p. 88), by which a democracy Wa!I established, is a clear sign of the Coans' enjoyment of democratic government at the end of the fourth centwy. For direct reference to the Coans' democracy in c. 278 see Sy/I.' 398, 28. 26 Cf. Diod. XIX 61, 3-4; 105, l; RC 1 (OG/S S), lff.; OG/S 6, 15ff. (Scepsis); RC 15 (OG/S 223), 22ff. (Erythrae); 8. D. Meritt, AJPh. 56, 1934, p. 361, 6ff. (cf L. Robert, RPh. 10, 1936, pp. I 58-164: Colophon). For Antigonus' restoration of democracy cf Diod. XIX 75, 3-5; Sy/1. 3 322,4 (Miletus); Diod. XX 45, 5-7; 46, 3 (Athens) cf Plutarch, De1Mtriu1. IX-X. n Cf. n. 20 for Ptolemy's treaty with lasos.

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royal title. Dracon was honoured by Sarnos, which was Antigonid in sympathy at the time. 28 The Greek islanders' traditional skill at seamanship emerged in the Coan Pleistias, who was chief navigator of Demetrius' victorious fleet at Salamis and shared with a Halicamassian command of the right wing;29 and of all Antigonus' Greek soldiers and administnton, the Coan Nicomedes, son of Aristander, is the most widely honoured in the present condition of the sources. Decrees were issued in Nicomedes' honour by many Greek cities: by the Ionian cities of Ephesus, Miletus, Phocaea,perhaps Erythrae, by the islands of Samos and Chios, by Hamaxitos and Gryneon in the Troad and Aeolis, by Antandros, the Athenians in Lemnus and by Athens. 30 Because of their fragmentary condition little can be gathered from the decrees about ,_ Cf. M. Schede, AM 44, 1919, p. 4ff. no 5 H (SEG I 354; C. Habicht, AM 12, 1957, pp. 186ff. no 21; cited eh. 2 n. 194). For Samas see M. Schede, op. cit. p. 16 no 7 7 (SEG I 362), Sff. 21

Diod. XX 50, 4. • Cf. R. Herzog, Rlv. FU.NS 20, 1942, pp. 12-20 (ef, J. and L. Robert, REG 61, 1948, pp. 186-7 no 181). Only the Athenian (Rw. FIL loc. ell. p. 12 no 6 A (PH 17, 1-11), Samian (C. Habicht, AM 12, 1951, p. 169 no. 3) and Chian deaeea (G. Dunat, KIio 37, 1959, pp. 63-8), have been published. The unpublished, like the published, ue in an extremely fragmentary condition. The Samian decree, which alone of the published insaiptions contains a reference to Antigonus, appears to have been issued before the latter's assumption of the royal title. G. Dunst, loc. ell., attempted to date the deaees with greater precision. He proposed the year 318 (when Antigonu.s wu in the Aqean after his victory over Polyperchon's Oeet at Byzantium), except for the Athenian deaee, which iJ likely to follow Demetrius' liberation of Athens from Cassander in 307, and the decree of the Athenians in Lemnus, which belonp either before or after 314-307, when Lemnus was in revolt from Athens. As J. and L. Robert arJUed, REG 74, 1961, pp. 206-7 no. 454, the decrees need not have been issued on one occasion but could have been spread over the years of Nicomedes• senice with Antigonus; the period from 315 onwards, when Antigonus initiated his 'liberation• campaign for the Greek cities of Asia Minor and the east Aegean islands, is the time of Antigonus' main activity with those Greek cities which formed the bulk of the states honouring Nicomedes. A relevant point for the date of publication is that, as Herzog noted, loc. ell. p. 13, the decrees were originally imaibed on two opisthographic slelai, which thus contained the dossier of Nicomedes. Examination of the fragments on Cos indicated that they were insttibed in the same hand and therefore, probably, at the same time. The combined publication of all the decrees, perhaps e. g. when Antigonus' influence in Cos had been established, need not be an argument against a variety of dates for their original issue by the different Greek cities. Herzog, loc. ell. p. 19, inferred the Coans' subsequent rejection and disgracing of Nicomedes from the poor condition both of the decrees and the base of a statue of Nicomedes: 'Aspectus reliquiarum suspicionem monumenti vi destructi movet. Nam etiam decretorum stelae in frusta discussae sunt eodem modo quo multo post exemplar graecum legis M. Antonii triumviri de civitate Romana cum privilcgiis danda Cois quibufflam in Asclepieo Coo positum, cuius praetcr initium cum era.sis triumviri nominibus multa frustula ctTodimus.• Herzog's hypothesis is unconvincing for three main reasons; 1) firstly, the statue-base was re-used in the late Republic or early Imperial period (ef n. 35). The partial eraswe of Nicomedes' name on this monument could have occurred as a result not of d4mnolio but of the base's re-use. 2) Secondly, had Nicomedes suffered "'1mnt1tioon Cos, the

86

the nature of Nicomedes' services to the cities in their organization by Antigonus, or his position under the latter. Unlike other Greek aides of Antigonus, such as Adeirnantus of Lampsacus, who are mentioned, however unfavourably, in the few surviving literary sources, Nicomedes happens not to be. 31 The Athenian and Samian decrees record Nicomedes' help to embames to Antigonus; 32 otherwise the published inscriptions reveal only the customary honoun voted by grateful cities to benefactors - grants of citizenship and the dedication of statues. 33 Nicomedes' aid for a considerable number of Greek cities was originally given memorable and far flung recognition, indicating the value, at least from the Greek point of view, of Nicomedes' career with Antigonus. For the Coans, Nicomedes, who seems to have smoothed the path of many Greek cities, must have been an asset in securing good relations with the king. The high standing of Nicomedes' family is illustrated in Coan monuments. Nicomedes' brother, Cleumachus, was honoured by a Greek city and granted citizenship with Nicomedes. 34 A statue base of Nicomedes and perhaps his family is another witness of local prestige. 35 The funerary stele of Olympias, sister or mother of Cleumachus and Nicomedes, has also survived. 36 The family's endurance may be attested by the incumbent of the priesthood of Apollo at Halasama, in c. 17 BC, whose name - Cleumachus, the son of preservation of his name intact on the .rumrnarlumprlvlkgtorum, which Herzog published, op. cit. p. 18 no 6 Ca (c/ n. 34), and partially preserved, without signs of erasure, on the Suman decree, requires explanation. 3) Thirdly, ugument from the bad state of the documents is weak; there ue enough Coan deaees from the Asclepieion and elsewhere in Cos in an extremely fragmentary condition (c/ e. I· M. Segre, Riv. FU. NS 12, 1934, pp. 169-193 at pp. 170-3) to suggest that the natural hazards of euthqualte, exposure to the elements and re-use as buildina material can adequately account for their wretched state of presenation. In the absence of a clear instance in which Nioomcdes' name has been deliberately erased the case for damnatio is not convincing. 11 On Adeimantus see L. Robert, Hdlenica 2, 1946, pp. 15-33; G. Daux, AE 1953-4, pp. 245-254. 12 Cf. R. Herzog, R/11.Fil. NS 20, 1942, p. 12 6 A (PH 17, 1-11 ); C. Habicht, AM 12, 1957, p. 169 no. 3. " q: Rw. Fil. Ibid., llff. (Athenian grant of citizenship); C. Habicht, Ibid. 6ff. (Samian grant of citzenship); G. Dunst, Klio 31, 1959, p. 64, 2ff. (Chian grant of a bronze statue). M Rw. Fil. loc. cit. p. 18 no. 6 C, a (c. 300, lettering). 11 PH 221 (cf R. Herzog, Riv. Fil. loc. cit. p. 19 6 C, c).PH 221 is the middle part of an originally large base, bearinsthe inscription N,1eo1,ni611c I •Ap,aT/uJ{,pov. See R. HerzOg, loc. clt., for the discovezy in 1900 of the left hand side of this base, inscribed Mew-yivrJc ~(J16)pw110c Kup7111111'oc I hr(oli11oe (i BC, lettering). 11 R. Herzog, ibid. p. 18 no. 6 C, b (PH 227), '0Au,41rluic I ri Nu.:oµT}6euc;I Kat KAn,µcixou I IJUi1"YJPI, PH restored U,acmJp?), accepted by Herzog. la6eNP(ilis a possible alternative. Herzog saw this inscription at Symi, whither it had been transferred by 1900. I did not find the stele there in 1970, nor does it appear among the Greek inscriptions from Symi listed by W. Peek, /n,chriften a,on den dorlschen lnuln, Berl. Ak. 1969, p. 13. It may well have been lost.

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Nicomedes - combines the personal names of both of the notable brothers, Nicomedes and Cleumachus, the sons of Aristander. 37 This is one influential Coan family whose sympathies would tend to lie with Antigonus. When Antigonus was defeated at the battle of lpsos (301) by Lysimachus and Seleucus, Cos appears from such evidence as survives to have remained under Antigonid influence. Calymnus, in close proximity to Cos, was under Demetrius' suzerainty during his reign as sole king (301-286), as his establishment of the arbitration between Calymnus and Coan citizens implies. 38 Demetrius retained naval supremacy until his defeat in 286. As the resumption of Coan relations with the Ptolemies is next attested only after Demetrius' defeat, Cos most probably was aligned with Demetrius in the interim, like Calymnus, and temporarily detached from Ptolemy Soter. 39 In this period of Macedonian alignment Cos was technically autonomous, with the use of its own laws and constitution, and had no doubt had its 'freedom' guaranteed by Antigonus in accordance with his well attested policy. The Coans were not included in the Nesiotic league, which Antigonus founded in c. 314 as a means of organizing his island allies into a cohesive but semi-autonomous body centred on Delos and comprising most of the Cyclades.40 They may have been left independent but lack of evidence precludes certainty. In reality Antigonus could request action, if and when requisite, as over Teos and Lebedus. The comparative looseness of the Coans' attachment to Antigonus may well be reflected in their own independent local activity at the end of the fourth century. They settled a political crisis on Telos, effecting a constitutional settlement by which a democracy was established. 41 We learn of the nature of the Coan arrangements from the oath formulated

17

See R. Herzog, SB Bn-1 Ak. 1901, p. 484, no 4, 11 (c{. Ibid. p. 488). ,. See eh. 2 n. 220. I follow M. Segre, TC pp. 11-17, and G. Klaffenbach, Gnomon 25, 1953, pp. 4S3-461 at 4SS-8 (review of TC), in dating the Coan incorporation of Calymnus to the end of the third century, as is now generally accepted, and not, as R. Herzog argued, Ri11.Fil. NS 20, 1942, pp. Sff. no. 2, to the late fourth century. See pp. l 24ff.

" See p. 92 for the resumption of relations with the Ptolemaic dynasty . ... See JG XI (4) 1036 (Choix 13) with Durrbach's commentary, O.obc, pp. 18-20. See G. E. Bean and P. M. Fraser, The Rhodilln Perau, pp. 156-7, on the membership of the League. See W.W. Tam, Antigonos Gonatas, Oxford 1913, pp. 77-9, for discussion of the reasons for the exclusion from the Nesiotic League of the Dorian Sporades and certain of the Doric islands of the Cyclades (Thera and Metos) and the sugested explanation of Antianus'adoption of the original, independent and purely Ionian Amphictyony of the Cyclades as his model. 41 Cf. R. Herzog, Ri11.Fil. NS 20, 1942, p. IS, who cites a substantial extract from the text of the as yet unpublished Coan arbitration for Telos (n. 42). Henog's date of c. 300 is based on the lettering of the inscription. See also L. Robert, BCH SO, 1926, pp. S 16522, at pp. 518-519 (Op. Min. Sel. I, Paris I 969, pp. 80-86; a republication of CIG 3598), for the probable participation of Coan judges in an arbitration for the city of llion (c.

88

by the Coans for the Telians as the guarantee of the constitution. 41 The debt of the Telian democracy to Cos is publicly acknowledged in a late fourth century group of coins issued by the Telians. 43 The coins bear on the reverse a crab, the badge of Coan coins, and occasionally the legend Democracy. The Coan (and not Rhodian) influence over Telos in the late fourth century displays the comparative importance of Cos among the islands of the Dorian Sporades at this date. Telos was eventually incorporated by Rhodes by c. the end of the third century, and thus removed from the influence of Cos.44 The local prominence of Cos is also reflected in the Coan cult of Apollo Dalios in which neighbouring states, such as Cnidus and probably Calymnus, partici pated. 45 Although the old Dorian league of the Pentapolis appears to have

300;cf E. Preuner,Hermn, 61, 1926, pp. 113-133 at pp. 123--4), in which Rhodes and Delos participated, in a period of alignment with the Antigonids. 42 Ri,. Fa. loc. cit. p. 15, OffW( 6eT"QMtK1(0,LElr.:Tch, b,°MtlffOII' XPO'IIOII' O~f( 6&aTf1'.Wl'1"t,bµoacivTw Toi 'Yf")'f"'l~ IIIO& a1ro n bnw,cai 6ua. hb.J11 ffavTfC: &eckTO( bpKUJ( lea.Ta u;pwa,wol«cwrwa, TOIi'liplu.cou I tkw11 l:wr,ipw11 I 'Epµo llpotja,cxou I IIH"«>v( Nt«f PWTO( I (d) 4.uk N£,uiw I llaro6GMX 'l°""4>fulI · A1'cia,a( Ni«a( I ~a( 'Hp1:11cAdTouI icai OW01ri6a. Cf. pp. 362-3. " On Coan d~ilidaimoni/1 sec pp. 371ff. On the early phase of Greek cities' worship of Hellenistic kinas, see A. D. Nock, Emys on R~ligion and the Ancient World, 2, Oxford 1972, p. 721 n. 4, from whom this apt phrase is borrowed. 95 Cf. P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. I, p. 118.

argument against the possibility of their prejudice against voting cults for kinp. A compuable Coan restraint over the type of honours decreed for the rulers with whom the Coans were associated seems to be reflected in the fact that they did not, in the Hellenistic period, name a month or city-tribe after a Hellenistic king, although so closely linked with the Ptolemies in the third century, and although this was a common way of honouring the kinp. Only after the establishment of the Roman empire is there any change in the traditional Dorian names of the Coan calendar, when months named after Roman emperors are attested. 96 The links of Coans as individuals with the Ptolemaic dynasty is hardly less important than their formal ties in assemnent of the close interweaving of Coan history with that of the Ptolemaic kingdom in the third century. The intellectual interchange, by which Cos contributed both as a literary and as a medical centre to the development of Alexandrian science and literature, is fundamental. 97 Philitas had personal ties with Philadelphus, whose tutor he had been in the early yean of the third century, and himself laid the foundations of Alexandrian literature and criticism. 98 Theocritus, who celebrated his Coan master, Philitas, in Idyll VII, remarked that his own work had attracted the attention of a great eminence, who can safely be identified as Philadelphus in a poem with a Coan setting. 99 In Idyll XVII Theocritus expounded, not without self interest, the allurements of Philadelphus' patronage for the literary 100 • The Coan Xenocritus pioneered the beginning of critical work on the Hippocratic corpw and thereby, as a grammarian, opened up a new field of Alexandrian scholarship. ,u, In the field of medicine the younger Praxagoras, who worked probably in Cos at the end of the fourth and beginning of the third century and was the last great creative Coan student of medicine, was the teacher of Herophilus, the outstanding figure of Alexandrian medical studies. lO'l After Philitas' and Praxagoras' contributions to the early development

" See e.g. TC 158, 3 {µTJl'dpc:w 6 4»tAimrov ToOlaTpoli ulck. Edgar, PMich. Zen. loc. ell., plausibly identified Philippus with the homonym and doctor to whom Callimachus dedicated the epigram AP XII ISO (Pfeiffer, Cal/Im. II, XLVI; Gow and Page, Hell Ep., 1047ff.). For discussion of Philippus and his friendship with Callimachus see also P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. I, pp. 369-370, 590; II, p. 545 n. 279. Philippus' Coan origin depends upon the identification of Caphisophon with the homonymous honorand of OGIS 42, 11TClrlthttN01of a deleption sent by Ptolemy to the Coan Asclepieion. Caphisophon's Coan provenance (not stated in OG/S 42) is inferable from the fact that he is honoured by the Coans for his services to his patrll (l 3), which in a Coan honorific decree can safely be identified as Cos. 1 °' C/. PM/eh.Zen. loc. eit. 107 OG/S 42 (ed. R. Herzog,AM 23, 1899, pp. 447ff. no. l;KF I (plate 1, 1: transcript); Strack, Arehl', 2, p. 539 no. 6). The decree was dated by Herzog, followed by Dittenberaer and others, to the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (d. 246). It seems more probable now that OG/S 42 belongs to the reign of Euergete:i.. There is firstly the fact, if the identification is accepted, of Caphisophon's influence in 240 with Euergetes (cf Gorteman, loc. cit. p. 327). Secondly the discovery in the Coan Asclepieion of the aylia insaiptions,

103

exandria, who secured from the king a decision in favour of the Coans. 108 These Coans in Alexandria kept their native citizenship, remaining deeply attached to Cos, as their actions prove. Among the most gifted of Coans, they provided a personal and intennediate link between Ptolemy and the Coans which may be said to have underpinned Coan afflJ.iation with the Ptolemaic dynasty.

It was in the field of literature and medicine that Philadelphus and his suc• cessors drew on, if not exploited, Coan resources, not in the drab field of taxation and economy. A notable fact in measuring the Ptolemies' effective monopolization of Coan talent in the third century is the dearth of Coan physicians in other Hellenistic courts. In the past Coan physicians had been attracted by court patronage where it occurred. Ctesias, historian and court physician of Artaxerxes 11, told a story about a Coan doctor called Apollo. nides, who was personal physician to the sister of Artaxerxes I. 109 The rise of Philip II of Macedon attracted Coan doctors to Macedon to serve as the king's body doctor and provide medical treatment on his campaigns. 110 The Coan Critodemus was among Alexander's personal physicians.1 11 After Alexander's death, in the struggles between the diadochoi. a Coan doctor, Hippocrates, son of Dracon and of the Asclepiad family, was the doctor of Alexander's wife, the Sogdian princess Rhoxane. In politically dangerous employment, Hippocrates came to an untimely end, murdered in 310 by Cassander in the massacre of Rhoxane, her son - Alexander's heir - and household. 112 No Coan is known to have served thereafter in the kingdom of Macedon. In the Seleucid kingdom Seleucus Nicator's physician, Simon, is perhaps to be identified with a Coan picked out by Strabo in his list of which was made after Herzog's publication of OG/S 42, revealed 242 BC (cf. n. 68) as the year of the Coan institution of the penteteric and international festival of Asclepius. The Coans dispatched theoroi far and wide to seek recognition of the Asclepieion and acceptance of the new festival. The celebration of the Great Asclepieia affords a suitable context for Ptolemy's dispatch of a theorla to Cos concerned with the payment of sacrifices to Asclepius and the other gods (OG/S 42, 7ff.; cf p. 347 on the .identity of the deities associated with Asclepius). There is little reason to doubt that the first celebration of the Great Asclepieia was held soon after the Coans• invitation had been accepted by kings and city-states; contributions were given to the Coan theoroi, for the forthcomin1 festival, by cities acceding to their requests: see A1ylieurkund~n 13 (SEG 12 380), 30-3 (cf A1ylkurk. 11 (SEG 12 378), lOff.). The first Great Asclepieia were probably held in 241, or 240; cf. G. Klaffenbach and R. Herzog, A1ylieurkundtn, p. 28. OGIS 42 may therefore belong not to c. 246 but to c. 240. 1 °' See the unpublished inscription, cited n. 83 above, which attests the activity of th~ Coan doctor in the Ptolemaic court. See P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alt:r. I, p. 370, for the attractive sugestion of the doctor's identity with the Coan doctor Philippus. 1 Ctesias, F. Gr. Hist. IIIC 688, F 14, 42. IIO Sec p. 79,

°'

Ill 112

ibid. Suda sv 'hnro,cpdTfJ(' TiTapTo(

104

(= Bcrve, Das

Altxand. no. 389).

eminent Coans; 113 otherwise no Coan physician is attested as a Seleucid court physician, or as a man of research in the Seleucid medical school at Antioch. 114 In the second century Attalid patronage of science, in a period of intense rivalry with Alexandria, is not known to have drawn any Coan doctors to Pergamum. 115 In the heyday of Alexandrian medicine the Ptolemies appearto have successfully monopolised Coan students of medicine, although the machinery by which this was effected is obscure. From the standpoint of Cos, Ptolemaic patronage in the reign of Philadelphus and afterwards can be said to have caused a brain drain - anyhow inevitable in the Hellenistic world where the focal points had become the capitals of the Hellenistic kingdoms. The main result for Cos was that the island ceased to be an important and direct contributor to medical research. Praxagoras was the last major medical scientist whose work could be said to be a product of Cos. Few later Coan doctors are known to have engaged on scientific research in Cos and produced medical works: Phylotimus, pupil of Praxagoras, wrote books on diet; 116 in the first century BC the Coan doctor Lysimachus wrote medical treatises, but perhaps in Alexandria. 117 In general Coan doctors went to Alexandria for research. Cos continued, instead, to provide a training school for medical practitioners, providing, in the third and second centuries, an incomparable reserve of doctors for general practice. us

See M. Wellmann, Herme, 65, 1930, pp. 322-31 at p. 329, for the suggested identification of the Coan Simos (Strabo 657) with the doctor of Seleucus I, r.amed by Diogenes Laertius as Simon (II 124). 114 for the Seleucid School of Medicine at Antioch see Wellmann, loc. cit.; P. M. Fraser, Raul. Lomb. 103, 1969, pp. 518-37. 115 See P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. I, pp. 79-80, 422, on the Attalid development of Pergamum as an intellectual centre in the second century, facilitated by the weakening of the Ptolemaic dynasty in a period of internal strife. 111 See F. Steckerl, op. cit., pp. 108-23 F 1-27, for the fragments of Phylotimus; cf, Diller, REXX(l) sv Phylotimo,, 1030-2; P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. I, p. 345; II, p. 501 n. 34. Herzog identified Phylotimus with the homonymous monarcho, of HG 14 (LSCG 155; c. mid-iii BC). The identification was accepted by Diller and Steckerl and regarded as probable by P. M. Fraser. The uncommonness of the name in Cos (cf. the onomastikon, nr) lends weight to Herzog's suggestion. 11 ' On Lysimachus of Cos, o ·11nro1tpci.T£tot(Schol. Nie. Al. 376), who wrote among other works a commentary of twenty books on the Hippocratic writings, see Erotian (ed. Nach.) p. 5, 12. Cf Susemihl, II p. 442. Lysimachus' chronology is fixed approximately by the individuals after whom he is placed by Erotian. These include Dioscorides Phacas, who is known from the Suda (sv Awo,copi6t}c;) to have worked in Alexandria in the time of Anthony and Cleopatra (c/ Susemihl, ibid. p. 443) and Apolloniu.s of Citium, who is dated to c. SO BC (cf Susemihl, ibid.). Wellmann, op. cit. p. 329, hence dated Lysimachus to c. 30 BC. Susemihl, II p. 714, pointed out rightly, in the absence of an exact chronology for Ly5imachus, that the latter's career could have begun as early as the late second, or early first, century. I II See pp. 26 Jff. 111

105

Men of literary and scientific ability were not the only Coans drawn to Egypt, though they were the most important in the relations between the king and Cos. Coans of humbler rank were also attracted into Ptolemaic service as soldiers. The earliest Coan settlers in the Ptolemaic period are attested in a papyrus from Elephantine of 311. The document is a marriage contract be· tween a certain Heracleides of Temnus and a Coan called Demetria, daughter of Leptines of Cos and of Philotis. 119 A Coan, Aristodicus, was a witness. lJO Coan soldiers are also attested in the Fayum and elsewhere in Egypt in the third century. 121 The attractions of Ptolemaic Egypt for all and sundry are pictured by Herodas. In his first mime, which is set in some UManted city of the east Aegean and was written in either Philadelpus', or Euergetes' reign, 122 Herodas gives a contemporary list of the Good Things of Egypt; P. Eleph. 1,1-18 (~I. Ptzp.Loeb I, 1932, no 1. pp. 3ff). Cf. B. Porten, Archives from Elepluuttine, California 1968, p. 297. ut

'° ibid.

1

17-18. See the Coan onomastikon IV •All6poO'l'Jtvt1r. ( 285 BC; M. Chr. 311, 17); rt1'G..e )t(. There was clearly no inhibition about referring to other kings, or to the decisions of other states, cf n 150. In RC 27, 1fT., a similar reference is being made to the report by the Coans (the subject of the verb f1P(laa.a,,L2) of the decision of other states, or kings (there is no means of telling which), in order to impress favourably the king with whom they were dealing. There is no reason to restrict the identity of the author of RC 21 to Ptolemy Ill on these grounds. The attribution of RC 26 to Seleucus II is a guess without substantial basis. The identity of the author of A8)1lieurkunden no. 2 is similarly uncertain. The notable facts of the content of A1ylieurkunden 2 are threefold; 1) the reference to the vote of the Delphic Amphictyony (IL 8fO; 2) the Coans' grant to the king of an ~ikon (11.16ff.); 3) the Coans• recognition of an agon, &, Til(.,E,uv TWl b.wwlow,, apparently established by the king (cf Welles. p. 133, R. Herzog and G. Klaffenbach, loc. cit. p. 8). The mention of the Delphic Amphictyony should restrict the author's identity to a king who maintained relations with Delphi, but this !!till leaves the field open to kingdoms such as those of the Attalids, Seleucids and Ptolemies. The grant of an eikon would afford an opportunity of identifying the king had the original statue or inscribed base survived. No public dedicatory base of this period has been preserved. For the private dedication of an eikon for a King Antigonus, probably to be dated to the reign of Doson, see n. 176. Nor is the reference to the festival, originally taken by Herzog in a heavily restored text (Herme1, loc. cit. pp. 469-70; cf. L. Robert, BCH S4, 1930, p. 345) as the Pergamene Oionysia, a safe criterion of identification (c/ R. Henog and G. Klaffenbach, A1yUeurkunden, p. 8). See J. and L. Robert, REG 66, 1953, pp. 156-7 no. 152, for the identification of the author of Asylieurkunden 3 (SEG 12 370) with a barbarian king because of the emphasis placed on the genuineness of the author's ties of kinship with the Greeks (11.23-34). See REG loc. cit. for suggestion of the authoi's identity as a ruler of the kingdom of the Cimmerian Bosphorus; cf G. Klaffcnbach, Wl#emchllft. Annalen I, 1952, pp. 197-20S at p. 202, for identification with Paerisades 11, or his son, Spartocus (but see H. Seyrig, Rt'i. Num. S, 1963, pp. 7-11 at 8-9 n. 4, for arguments in favour of Lcucon II, brother and successor to Spartacus I; cf 0. M. Pippiw, Stud. Clau. 1, 1965, pp. 322-4, 333). With the possible exception of this letter the correct attribution of those letters whose author's name has not survived is still a matter of great uncertainty. On the other hand, ttK: decrees of the cities subject to Antigonus and Ptolemy about the Coan Asclepieion (cf p. 112) arc evidence of Antigonus Gonatas' and Eucrgetes' agreement to the Coan ret{uests concerning the asylia of the Asclepicion and the institution of the Great Asclepicia. The original existence of letters to Cos from Gonatas. as well as from Eucrgetes, is thereby sugested. ,,. A1ylieurkunden 5 (SEG 12 372). 151 A1ylieurkunden 4 (SEG 12 371). 1 • The decrees of Phacstus. btron and Hierapytna have not yet been published; cf M. Gu:uducci, Ri~. Fil. NS 22, 1944, pp. 66-73 at 67; J. and L. Robert, REG 66, pp.

156-7. 8 Anrn:nt Co, IHyp. 51)

113

The Delphic Amphictyony gave its recognition to the Coan festival 157 as in the west did Corcyra, 158 Camarina 159 and the Gelans of Phintias in Sicily160 - old friends of the Coans - and Italian Neapolis and Elea. 161 From western Asia Minor decrees of Cius and Iasos survive.162 The dispatch of theoroi to Samothrace and Chios, to Argos and to the Thessalian koinon is also attested. 163 The surviving victory lists of the Great Asclepieia, by definition unrepresentative of the total field of participants, show a broad spectrum of citizens attending the Coan festival from Sicily, mainland Greece, Asia Minor, the Aegean islands, Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria and even Babylonia. 164 They illustrate well how the Coan sanctuary and its festival quickly attained international status. We have little datable evidence of Coan fortunes for the rest of Euergetes' reign (c. 246-222/1) 165 until the Carlan expedition of the Macedonian king Antigonus Doson (229-221), whose activity in Carla was perhaps timed to exploit a weakening of Seleucid authority in Asia Minor after the victory of Attalus I of Pergamum over Antiochus Hierax in c. 229/8. 166 The new evi-

117

See n. 153. Asylieurkunden 10 (SEG 12 377). '" A,ylieurkunden 12 (SEG 12 379). 160 Asylieurkunden 13 (SEG 12 380). 161 A1ylieurkundar 11 (SEG 12 378). 161 A,ylieurkunden 14 (SEG 12 381; Cius); Ibid. 15 (SEG 12 382; lasos). For the restoration of the partially preserved ethnic of A,ylleurkundar 16 (SEG 12 383). 5 u ('Apawl0f1TW&1, and the decree's attribution to one of the various places named Arsinoe, see R. Herzog and G. Klaffenbach, loc. clt. pp. 26-7. See J. and L. Robert, REG 66. Of?TWII and the decree's attribution to 1953. p. l 59 no 152, for the restoration (M&11I Amorpn Minoa. There is no basis as yet for deciding between either restoration. Fragments of two other a,ylia decrees (unpublished) arc referred to in A1ylleurkundm p. 27, of to Teos by Herzog which one, in koine, is attributed from a reference to T~OUl'TE( and to Priene by Klaffenbach. The second, in Doric. is from a Dorian and perhaps neighbouring state. Rhodes and Cnidus, whose citizens arc known from the victory lists to have participated in the Great Ascle:,ieia, are probable candidates . .. , Cf P. Boesch, e~wp,h. p. 28 (see n. 141) . .... For the victory lists, which begin in the year of the fint celebration of the Asclepieia (c[. pp. 358ff). in c. 240 BC, 5Ce Klee, Gymn. A,one, pp. 3-16, IA-IIC. The states from which victors came are as follows: Alexandria, Alexandria-Troad, Antioch, AntipheUus, Apollonia, Assos, Athens, Barca, Bargylia, Boeotia, Caunus, Chios, Cnidus, Colophon, Corcyra, Antioch- Cydnus, Cyme, Cyzicus, Elis, Ephesus, Erythrae, Halicunassus, Heraclca, lasos, llion (Pamphylia), Lampsacus, Laodicea (Phoenicia), Laodicea- Lycus, Magnesia, Messene, Miletus, Mylasa, Myndus, Myrine, Mytilene, Naxos, Paros, Patara, Pergamum. Phaselis, Phocaea, Rhodes, Samos, Sardis, Seleuceia-on-Tigris, Sicyon, Sidon, Scepsis, Smyrna, Stratonicea, Synnada, llos. Tralles. HI C/ p. 99. 1 " Cf Bengtson. Die lnschriften von Labrondtl und die Polltik dn Antifono, Do,on. Bay. Ak. Wiss. Munich 1971, pp. 22-6. for the chronology see M. Feyel, Polybe et l'hutoire de Beutle au II/me 1/Jcle av. JC, Paris 1942, p. 126 n. 1; Bengtson, loc. clt.; E. Bicltermann, Berytu, 8, 1944, pp. 73-83 at 76-8. 151

114

dence of the Greek inscriptions from Labranda, which reveals Antigonus Doson's authority at Mylasa and Labranda, attests his presence at Mylasaand thus substantiates the literary evidence of Doson's activity in Caria (in c. 227), has fmally established the authenticity of Doson's Carlan expedition. 167 Doson's renewal of Macedonian interest in Caria, neglected since the days of Antigonus Monophthalmus and Demetrius I, appears to have impinged also on Cos. M. Segreconnected a group of Coan inscriptions, which refer to King Antigonus and to a cult of Antigonus, with Doson. 168 Doson's Carlan activity can now safely be regarded as providing an historical background for evidence of that king's relations with Cos. A Coan Jex sacra for the cult of Dionysus Thyllophoros refers to the hieron of Antigonus, named elsewhere the Antigoneion. 169 The inscription reveals the existence of a state cult of an Antigonus who can, as the recipient of a public cult, be accepted as a member of the Macedonian dynasty of that name and not a private individual. 110 The lex sacra was published after the king's death, as is shown by the absence of the title basileus, though the cult of Antigonus could have been instituted in the king's lifetime. 171

Trogus, Prol. 28. See J. Cram pa, Labraundlz Ill 1 The Greek ln1criptio,u Pt. I, pp. l 23ff. For Doson's presence at Mylasa see J. Crampa, Joe. cit. no. 7 (letter of Philip V to Olympichus), lOff. 161 See M. Segre, Atti PAR 11, 1941, pp. 21-38. 1 For the identification of the hieron of Antigonus with the Antigoneion, named on a ., tile bearing the insaiption 6a.µoa{a.'Avn-y011Eiov, see M. Segre,loc. dt. pp. 29-30 (fag. 3). There is no evidence at present of the location of the Antigoneion. The provenance of the tile, found after the earthquake of 1933, has not been stated. See Ibid. pp. 29-34, for an extract, quoted here, from this as yet unpublished lex mm,: IDa)IICJPV(l.aiaTpa.. The fragmentary i_nscription NS 434 (ii BC), which was found built into a modern Turkish building in the castle, was issued in honour of an unnamed individual and refers (Inter alia) to an Attalus, a priesthood and a po/iteuma. A probable reference to basUeiJ(1.19, Tov Tw11 /3a.o •) makes plausible Maiuri 's identification of A ttalus as one of the Pergamene kings of that name. As. the inscription is. in /coine, it is certainly not a Coan decree; it cou Id be either a stray, irrelevant to Coan history, or part of a foreign decree originally set up in Cos.. •• M. Segre. PddP 27, 1972, pp. 182-4, with G. Pugliese Carratclli, ibid. pp. 184-5. Puglie!IC Carratelli. loc. cit .. hH shown from a reference in the decree to the king's military forces (1.21) the wartime background of the decree, which fits the context of the war of l 82/ 179 of Pharnaccs of Pontu:-i and Ariarathes 1V. 269 For Ariarathcs IV's accomodation with Rome in 189-188, after alliance with Anti· ochus Ill. and his alliance with Eumcncs 11 sec Polybius XXI 40, 45; Strabo 624; Livy 24t

XXXVIII 39, 6. toe. cit., 17ff.

210 171

For Ptolemaic contact with Cos in the second century sec p. 135.

133

Peneus of Macedon was another Hellenistic monarch who had supporten on Cos. Polybius attests Coan dissatisfaction with Roman domination, at the time of the Third Macedonian War, in a well known passage in which he described the widespread existence in the Greek cities of anti-Roman and pro-Macedonian parties. 272 The leaders of the Coan group favoured alliance with the king, instead of adhesion to Rome. They were two brothen, Diomedon and Hippocrates, who may have been related to the earlier Coan adherent of Antigonus. 273 A remarkable sign of Perseus' influence in Cos is his ownership of a royal estate in the fertile deme of Halasama.2 .,. Wasthe estate Perseus' personal acquisition, resulting from a Coan grant to the king of the right to own Coan land, or had Perseus inherited the domain from one of his predeceuors, Doson, or Philip, whose relations with the Coans, friendly or hostile, are well attested? 275 An historical context for a Coan grant is avail&• hie in the circumstances of Perseus' marriage to Laodice, the Syrian princess and daughter of Seleucus IV, who wasconveyed to Macedonia in 177 by the Rhodian fleet. 276 Perseus' possession of a Coan estate could be fitted into this background of Rhodian friendship with Perseus and of the activity of the pro-Macedonian party on Cos. The evidence of Coan support for Peneus would be further amplified if a recent identification with Perseus of a bearded marble head from Cos was acceptable. 277 But the resemblance of the Coan head, which is not well preseaved, to Perseus' coin-portrait seems insufficiently close to be convincing. There is insufficient evidence at present to establish whether Perseus inherited this estate at Halasama from Doson, or Philip, or acquired it during his own reign. Fortunately for Cos the Macedonian party did not prevail. Polybius noted its failure. We also know of a Coan decree for the doctor of G. Octavius Gn. f., pnetor of the Roman fleet in 168- 7 .178 The decree furnishes an indirect sign of the Coans' adhesion to Rome. 2

n XXX 7, 9-10.

,.,, Cf. p. 116. ,,,. Ed. M. Segre, Attl PAR 17, 1941, pp. 37-8 (fig. 4), OPo( I xwp/ou I (laatAiw( ntpaw(. This inscription, which was found in the countryside outside the modern villqe of Cudamina (ancient Halasarna), is now lost. "'' Cf. Segre, loc. dt. Sec pp. 120ft, esp. 123, for Philip's activity at Halasama. 2 " Polyb. XXV 4, 8ff.; Appian, Maud. 11, 2. For analysis of the background see H. H. Schmitt, Rom und Rhodo1, pp. 134ff. 217 G. Neumann, JDAI 82, 1967, pp. 157-166, republication of Laurenzi, AS.AA NS 17/18, 195S-6, p. 141 no. 195, who regarded the head as Hadrianic. 2 Polyb. XXX 7, 9; for reference to this unpublished Coan decree see P. Chuncux, ,. BCH 81, 1957, p. 188. For Coan games for the goddess Roma, attested in two inscriptions listing athletic victories, see PH 105 (Sy/I., 1066; Cos, i BC/i AD), 7, 'Pwl,uua Ta. -rc8i,ur>a 01r0-roO6apou: L. Robert, Et. Ep. Pllil., pp. 126-8 (Chios, i BC). There is no evidence at present to establish when the Coan damos fint in!ltituted the festival and cult of Roma. For the early establishment of the cult of Roma on Chios see the Chian decree, partially published by N. Kontoleon, Pralctilca,1953, pp. 270- 1, and re-published

134

Rhodes, the Coans' main Greek ally of the past decades, suffered serious economic loss as a result of its neutral, if not hostile, role in the Third Macedonian War - the annulment of Roman gifts of territory in Caria and Lycia and a radical diminution of harbour dues after Rome's establishment of Delos as a free port under Athenian protection (167). :z,gCos, which was not and could not reasonably be thought to be militarily dangerous to Rome, appears to have emerged unscathed from the war. An indirect result of the Roman alteration of the status of Delos is perhaps to be found in a Coan monetary reform of the mid-second century. The Coan mint issued a series of silver coins (c. 145- c. 88) on a new bi-standard, tetrobols on the Attic and hemi-drachms on the Rhodian standard. 280 The decision to adopt a standard compatible with the popular Athenian New Style coins had added point for the convenience of Coan traders at Delos after the establishment of Athenian control of Delos. 211 The Coans' traditional friendship with the Ptolemies continued to be reasserted u sporadic data reveal. The Coan gymnasium celebrated a pompe for Ptolemy VI Philometor (180-14S). m A Coan inscription of the second century attests the establishment of another royal cult in the gymnasium. 213 The

in full by T. C. Sarikakis,O.ir.ta Cluonlb, 1915, pp. 14-27 (photo p. 18), and dated to c. 188 BC. An indication or Coans• goodwill towards Rome in the second century BC may be reflected in the late second century sculptural group from Cos. identified by W. Fuchs, AJA 72, 1968, pp. 384-5 (pl. 131-2), as Aeneas and Anchises. For a useful brief summary of Coan relations with Rome in the late Republic see R. Mellor, &EA POMH Tire Won/rip of the Goddn, Roma in the Gnek World, Hypomnemata 42 1975, pp. 46-7. 2 See H. H. Schmitt, Joe. ell. pp. 151-178, for discussion of Rome's policy towards ,. Rhodes from 168-164, the probable year of the Rhodians' alliance with Rome. ,.. See J. Kroll, A. Num. Mm. Soc. Notes. 11, 1964, pp. 81 -117. For Coan coins of the second and first century BC (down to c. 50 BC) see PH 311-318; GCBM. Ollilr, pp. 200-213 (silver tetndrachms, didrachim, dnchms, tetrobols, triobols; bronze). For the lower date of the Coan tetrobols, c. 145-c. 88, instead of 196-88 BC, see J. Krol~ loc. cit. 111 For Coan contact with Delos see p. 91. ,n HG 9 (PH 43, SyU., 1028; LSCG 165), A, 13. The identification with Philometor follows from the calendar's date of 156-145 BC: cf. n. 264. us PH 8 (ed. P. Gardner, JHS 6, 1885, p. 2S6 no. 12). PH 8 was on the island of Symi at the time of its publication, but local information pve its provenance as Cos, or Asia Minor. A number of Coan inscriptions are on Symi (see W. Peek, loc. clt. below); b&cause or this, the fact of the Doric dialect of PH 8, the reference to the Asclepieion (1.7) and its content, Paton and Hicks attributed the stone to Cos, on strong grounds. Since the visit of Paton to Symi, the inscription has probably been lost. It was not included by W. Peek among the inscrip~ions now at Symi (IMChriftm ,on den dorlM:hen /,ue/11, p. 13). I wu unable to find PH 8 there dwing a visit in the 1ummer of 1971. 1be date of PH 8 depends on the lettering, for which only the transcript of PH is available.1bc alpha with broken cross bar is the significant letter for dating purposes. This form does not appeu in Coan public insaiptions before the second century BC;

135

decree mentions a cult statue, ay«NJD,,and the consecration of land for a temenos.A most interesting feature is the use of a gilded throne in the cult. The empty throne, which was a typicaJ feature of Ptolemaic cult, strongly suggests that the recipient of the cult was a Ptolemy, a view that is forti• fled by the Coans' Ptolemaic attachment. 284 The posthumoos institution of the cult is established by the inscription's reference to the recipient's 'translation to the house of the gods'. 285 The inscription is for epigraphic reasons unlikely to be earlier than the opening decades of the second century. and could be a little later. Philopator, Epiphanes and Philometor, are all, in the present state of evidence, possible candidates as the object of this cult. Coans in Ptolemaic service continued in the second century to provide indirect links between Cos and the Ptolemaic kingdom. The Coan Aglaus, son of Theucles, who was the son of the prominent Coan stratagosof the wars of 20S-200, is an outstanding example of such individuals. 286 We learn from honorific decrees of Aglaus' high position in Philometor's court, of his leadership in Cyprus during Philometor's campaign against Euergetes II (c. 1S8-4), of his role in Alexandria as proxenos of the Cretan lcoinon and commander of the Alexandrian garrison. 287 Aglaus, like many other Greek citizens in royal service, retained his original citizenship and appears to have held office in Cos in the course of his career. As his personal name is uncommon on Cos he may wel1 be identifiable with a Coan monarchos of that name; Aglaus also appears in a list of Coans, who were probably proxenoi, from the island of Astypalaea. 288

see n. 176. PH 8 is unlikely to be earlier than the late third, or early second century, and could be attributed to the reign of Ptolemy V Epiphanes (c. 20S-180), or to that of Ptolerny VJ Philornetor (c. 180-14S BC), on the cult of whom in Cos see above. 214 Cf. M. Launey, Rec/terc/ta rur la ID'fflies hellenistiquei. II, Paris 1950, p. 8S5. For further evidence on the connection between throne and Ptolemaic dynastic cults see Picard's discussion of the rnuble throne from Rhodes, with the Ptolemaic double cornucopia 'seated' on it, BCH 83, 1959, 409-429. ns PH 8, 4 ( - - - - - Ek T011n~I 11-8ew11 olK011 fµ]eT~#frl..:e11. Compare the similar descriptions of the deification of the recipient of cult honoun on translation to the gods: OG/S 308, 4 µeiUOTT1,ce11 elc::&-Olk(Apollonis, wife of Attalus I); OGIS 338,4 f,uaw]TGl,&€1-'0(f( lu,11'pw,rwa, (Attalus III). ,. "Seepp. 70ff. 2 1 • Cf ID 1517 (M. Holleaux, Arc/tiv Pap. 6, 1913, pp. 9ff. (EE Ill, pp. 77-97); Chobc 92; cf Proi. Ptol. 14882); G. Despinis, AD 20, 1, 1965, pp. 119ff. See also P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex., I, p. 81, 11, p. 153 n. 229. Cf. Idem, JEA 46, 1960, p. 99 no. 27, against the attempt of J. ljsewijn, Aegyptu1 38, 1958, pp. 159-170 at 161-4, to identify Aglaus a.11 the father of an eponymous priest of the Lagids called Theocles, whose name appears in a demotic document dated shortly after 150. ,.. Cf M. Hollcaux, EE III, p. 88 n. 1; for the Coan monarcho1 named Aglaus see the Calymnian inscription TC 88, 41, 46 ( c. 180), and the Coan second century coins, PH p. 316, nos. 184, 204, 216; sec W. Peck, Jn,clrr. von den dorilchen /~In. p. 46 no. 97, Ill, 6, c. mid ii BC) for the appearanceof Aglaus, son of Theucles, in a list of Coans

136

The ties between Cos and the Ptolemies continued on Euergetes' accession (14S). Euergetes and his two wives, Cleopatras II and III, set up on Cos a gold statue for the Coan Hieron, son of Si.mus, who is described as 'first friend of the King' and 'guardian' of the royal children. 289 Hieron, the recipient of these signal honours, is otherwise unknown. The background to his services for the dynasty is similarly a blank. Cleopatra Ill later made use of the friendly disposition of the Coans in c. 102, during a period of civil war in Egypt, when she deposited both her treasure and her grandchildren on Cos for security. 290 The sequel of this event is described later. Cleopatra's act is the last known episode in the history of Coan and Ptolemaic friendship. In the late second century we have evidence of other Hellenistic kingdoms' patronage of Cos. A cult was established on Cos for a King Nicomedes, who is perhaps to be identified as either Nicomedes II of Bithynia (149-c. 127), or Nicomedes III (c. 127-c. 94). 29 1 Coan links with the Bithynian dynasty can be traced back to the reign of Nicomedes I (c. 280-c. 250) and are probably to be connected with Coan trade in the Black Sea. 292 The Seleucid king, Anti-

from Astypalaea; see G. Pugliese Carratelli, ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, p. 176 no. XI, 5(iii/ii BC) for Aglaus' presence in a list of tribesmen from the Coan deme of Isthmus. ,., OGIS 141 (PH 73: c. 124-126). Cf. W. Otto and H. Bengtson, Zur Ge1clrichteda Ni«lapnse, de, Ptolemam-eiche1, Munich 1938, pp. 13 n. 1. 57 n. 3, 108-9, for the Ptolemaic background; ho,. Ptol. 14604. 0 ,. See p. 138. 191 PH 35 (ed. Hauvette-Besnault and Dubois, BCH 5, 1881, p. 221 no. 9; SGDI 3635), 2ff. oL lui hrcprJIM'VOPU~ I ...•. I 00& Tw, 'Aod.a1r,w, ,cal 'T-rl&eiat 1)1tpfitw 6pa.,u,&, p, ..•.•. 16, ICtu'" f'Wl n,,,J~, t .... I. clluPCU Kai IJao&.AtlNuco,i71(6fr .. ) I 01 .. rol:.2;.TAl.:\E "' The inscription has been lost and all estimations of its date are dependent on the transcript offered by Dubois and PH. R. Herzog, AM 30, 1905, p. 180, whose view was endorsed by Magie, RRAM II, p. 119S, and Vitucci, n n,no di Bltinlll, Rome 1953, pp. 30ff., assigned it to the reign of Nicomedes I on the basis of the lettering. Others prefer Nicomedes II, or Ill: cf E. Meyer, RE Ill S20 (Nicomet:fes II); A. Wilhelm, JOA/ 11, 1908. p. 76 (Nicomedes II); R. Geyer, RE XVll 496 (Nicomedes 111). Habicht, GottmenJChmtum und Griechilche Stiidte, p. 126, remains non-committal, citing the differences of opinion. It may be noted that Rostovtuff, who is mentioned by Habicht as prefcring identification with Nicomedcs I, does not in fact commit himself but merely records Herzog's opinion (SEHW Ill, p. 1S29 n. 10S). I incline to prefer a date in the reigns of either Nicomedes II, or Ill, and rule out Nico-mcdes I: as fu as the lettering of the tnnscript goes, and it cannot be pressed very far, the letter forms in gcneraJ are compatible with a date in either the third, or second century BC; alpha with straight cros., bar, mu with vertical outer strokes, sigma with parallel top and bottom hastae arc found in inscriptions from both centuries. One feature of the hand is of greater chronological significance. This is the large omicron and theta, characteristic of Coan hands of the end of the third century BC. '" The earlier relations of the Coans with Ziaelas' father, Nicomedcs I, are attested in RC 25 (Syll. > 456), l 7ff., cited at n. 68. For Ziaclas' notable grant of asphaleill to Coans sailing to the Black Sea see RC 25, 33-44; for Coan trade in the Black Sea see pp. 243-4.

awo

'"'°"....

137

ochus VIII Philometor, who wasallied for a time with Cleopatra III, appears to have had an antidote for snake•bites inscribed in the Coan Aaclepieion. 293 Whether Antiochus' links with Cos were direct, or indirect, is uncertain. The immediate reasons for the appearance in Cos of cults for, or established by, the Attalid, Bithynian and Cappadocian dynasties can be attributed directly to their patronase of Cos, which benefited from the kinp' desire to establish, or increase their prestige, by benefaction of the old Greek city-states. The connection with the gymnasium of the processions and cults for Attalus I, Eumenea II, Attalus II and the Ptolernies, probably arose, u in many Greek states, from royal donations to the gymnasium. It is also possible, but incapable of proof in the absence of direct evidence, that the kinp subsidized building in the Coan Asclepieion, which wu enlarged on a grandiose scale in the second century. The next major war after the Third Macedonian War to catch the Coans in its course was the First Mithridatic War. We know nothing of Coan relations with Rome in the intervening period to suggest that there had been any change in Coan affiliation with Rome down to the year 88. In 88 Mithridates VI Eupator sailed with his navy against Rhodes, hoping to defeat the Rhodian fleet, and called, en route, at Cos.* The Coans promptly received him. If Appian is correct in his statement of the Coans' enthusiastic welcome for the king, it is justifiable to interpret their friendliness as an anti-Roman reaction and not 295 The Coans merely to ascribe their reception of Mithridates to force majeure. surrendered to Mithridates a potentially useful hostage in the son of Ptolemy IX Alexander I, the reigning king, who had been entrusted to the Coans by Cleopatra III in c. 102. They gave up all Cleopatra's treasure, comprising works of art, precious stones, jewellery and a great deal of money. 296 Mithridates also took a large sum belonging to the Jews, who are probably to be identified either as refugees from Mithridates, or as the Jewish community which had gathered on Cos in the course of the second century. 297 There can be little doubt that the Coans exploited their custody of these treasures to ensure the safety of their city and its inhabitants. Enriched by this wealth Mithridates seems to have been content to leave Cos otherwise untouched. He respected

ns NH XX, 264 tc/. a similar version given by the Youn,er Pliny, CML Ill (1964) de m«licln11 98); Galen, de antldotil XIV 201. See R. Herzog, KF p. 203; M. Wellman, Henne, 59, 1924, p. 145; R. Herzog, Pldlol. Suppl. 22, 1930, p. 148. On the alignment in 103 of Antioch.us VIII and Cleopaua 111see Otto-Bengtson, loc. cit. n. 289 p. 186. ,,. Appian Mitlrrld. 24- 7. ,,. ibid. 23, M,-Op'6cinJ( 6e h ,,..,, Kw Kt:lf'id.euaE, Kct>WII'abroa, O.O,UIIW( 6t:xoµivwa, KTA. Cf. Mithrld. 115, 117; Bell. I 102; Joseph., Ant. XIII 349. ,,. Joseph., Ant. XIV 112 (from Strabo). 197 Cf. Joseph ibid. See ZPJ:.:21, 1976, pp. 183-8, esp. n 3, for further discussion of the

a,.

problems of this passage and for the development of the Jewish colony on Cos; see also pp. 249-S0.

138

the asyNaof the Coan Asclepieion, for \ff know from Tacitus of the Coans' protection of Romans in the sanctuary. 291 Appian detcribed how Rhodes, which could rely on its strong walls and fleet, was the haven of Roman refusees from Asia Minor. 199 It seems probable that the 'Romans' whom the Coans saved consisted mainly of members of the Italian community that formed on Cos in the latter part of the second century. The Coans' act demonstrates at least the absence of uncontrollable hatred for the Romans. The community consisted of negotiatora and landowners who had been attracted to Cos, as to islands such u Chios, by the fertility of Cos and by the prospects for trade in Coan products - notably Coan wine and Coan silk. The development of the 'Roman' community on Cos is considered at a later stage. 300 After Mithridates' withdrawal, empty-handed, from Rhodes, Coan support for Rome is again attested. In c. 86/5 Lucullus sailed from Alexandria to Greece trying to raise a fleet. The Coans, following the Rhodians' suit, were persuaded with the Cnidians to join Lucullus' expedition and sail to free Samos and Chios from Mitlvidates' troops. 301 Coan naval support for Rome is also attested by the dedication of the crew of a Coan quadrireme, which served with the Roman fleet under Aulus Terentius Vano in c. 84. 302 We may now briefly consider the status of Cos after the peace of Apamea. Cos was a free and independent state at the outbreak of the bellum Antiochicum in which the Coans fought on the side of Rome. The status of Cos was therefore unaltered by the terms of the peace which divided Seleucid possessions in Asia Minor between Eumenes II and Rhodes. The only other occasion on which the status of Cos might have changed was the establishment of provinciaAsia in 133-1, but as this province consisted of Pergamene possessions Cos was un• affected. There is no reason to suppose that Cos did not continue as a free community until Augustus' reign. Evidence of a positive character supports the view that Cos was a civitas libera. Plutarch described how the Rhodians, who

.

from Aphrod.isiasis said to meat the presence on Cos of the proconsul Oppius, at some point in 88. See P. A. Brunt, ltlllltm Manpower22j BC - AD 14, Oxford 1971, pp. 224ff., for a useful discussion of the exagented ancient f11Wes or the numbers or Romans massacred in Asia Minor. 29t Mithrtd. 24 . .. See pp. 250ft. See Appian, Mitltrld. 47, for reference, in the context of the First Mithrid.atic Wu. to 1'4 li-r•~pcmi 'Pw,uu'wv, the profits or which the Chians were enjoying arer the flight of the "Romans'. Funher evidence of the community or Romaioi or Chios, in the first quarter of the first century BC, is provided by the ~ntltru c:o,uulti,m of 80, which is preserved in Syll. 1 785 (/GRR IV 943) and which laid down the subjection of the Romldol to Chian law. See A. J. Manhall, GRBS 10, 1969, pp. 255-271. • 1 Plutarch, Luculhu, 3, 3, 'Po6lw1116l wdk mrrc;, ,rpoo1rapaaxd.,,-w11 Kc..;,ou< ¥trHo• ,cai KP16lou( Twv tJaow,cw11AtraAAa-yiwa( Itri l;a,i(ou( ovo1"panuH11. 191 JG XII (8) 260 (JGRR 1 843), See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, Klio 18, 1923, pp. 367-368; Magie, RRAM II, pp. 1118-1119 n. 20.

•• Ann. IV. 14. A new (and unpublished) insaiption

139

had been bound to Rome by afoedus since c. 164,303 gave Lucullus ships, and how Lucullus went on to persuade Cnidus, which was a civitas libera, and Cos, to lend support. 304 Plutarch's description of Lucullus' use of persuasion, not direct command, to win Coan support, implies that Cos was not a civitas foederata whose military support was obligatory, but, like Cnidus, technically had an option as a free state. The Coans' continued minting of silver coins through the late Republic is a further sign of their autonomy. 305 The language of Sulla's letter to the Coans of c. 82 is again that of advice and not command as to a subject community. 306 The silver coins of Cos, Lucullus' and Sulla's treatment of the Coans, the absence of evidence of the Coans' subjection to tribute in the Republic, all suggest that Cos retained its status as a free and independent state. The Coans' protection of the 'Roman' community and their loyalty to Rome in the First Mithridatic War had the important consequence that Sulla had no motive for punishing the state, after the war, by a demotion of status, a fate that befell less fortunate cities that had coUaborated with Mithridates. Like most of the Greek cities of Asia Minor and the Aegean, Cos stood by the Republican government and fought with Pompey's fleet in the civil war of 49-6. 30'1 Caesar's victory inevitably brought a transference of affection. (/ Coan goodwill towards Caesar was publicised by a dedication of the Roman \ negotiatoreson Cos in which the pietas of the Coan state towards Caesar was \ commended. 308 The Coan damos also honoured Caesar's friend, Gaius Julius

'°'

For the Rhodian alliance with Rome see Polyb. XXX 31, 20; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodo1, pp. 169ff., concluded that the Rhodian alliance was a /oedu1 iniquum. This view is based on Cic., Ad Fam. XII, 15, 2 (43), in which reference i11made to the Rhodians' obligation, as allies of Rome, to have the same friends and enemies. Schmitt believed that this clause established the character of the Rhodian foedu1 as iniquum on the grounds that it amounted to the obligation to maintain the maie1ta1 of Rome, a characteristic of the foedu1 iniquum. But any alliance must have included a requirement for the contracting allies to observe the same friendships and enmities . .. Lucullu1, loc. cit. n. 301. '°5 For the Coan silver tetradrachms, and smaller denominations, of the second and first century, see n. 280. On the minting of tetradrachms as a criterion of a city's autonomy, when it inues its own coinage, see E. Bickermann, /rut. Se/., p. 235; idem. RPh 13, 1939 p. 340 n. 1; H. Seyrig, Rev. Num. 5, 1963, pp. 20-27. ,.. Ed. M. Segre, Riv. Fil. NS 16, 1938, pp. 253-63 (RDGE pp. 263-4, no. 49) A, l 3ff.,

lu,i«f ~If

~¥ 6EA.w,ppovriom lhrwt. (dwo)l(6EtX"T) wa.p' v,ufv TOtrOC: lw,oJTJµoTaTO(iv'+' ottTa.t ti offi'A.TJ+7npi TWI' Tt'XaitTG:1111. Augustus' diplomatic laJIIU&seto the free

city of Cnidus is comparable: Sy/I. s 780 (IG XII(3) 174; Abbott and John!!On, MAR/£ no 36; IGRR IV 1031; J.1RA (2) 3 185; RDGE 67), 37ff., AA.A.a. w11 bp6wt. aJJ 60,cdn 1RHftowrlh #1,&ijt( ,ripi? -rotJJ I TWII ')'&IWl,&TJ& wpol'OqOCl&ITt'( ,cal TO. tv Toi'( 6TJ,iloaicx( I I ll1-1w11 bµoAo-ydv -ypapµ.a.Ta. For Roman proconsuls' and emperors' use of direct command to subject communities the following examples can be cited: OGJS 458 (RDGE 65), 1-30 (proconsul of Asia: ? 9 BC); SEG IX 8, Ill (Augustus to Cyrene: 7/6 BC). 1 • Cicero,Ad Att. IX, 9, 10. ,oa Ed. A. Degrassi,O. Rh. 10, pp. 203-8 no. 1 (/GRR IV 1087;A!p. 1947 no 55).

"'°'

140

Theopompus, with a statue in the Asclepieion. 309 Fortunately for the Coans it was Rhodes which irreparably bore the brunt of the terrible burdens of Cassius' and other Republicans' requisitions after Caesar's death. 310 A lex Antoma of 40 BC bestowed Roman citizenship on a number of Coans whose names have not been preserved in the law's surviving remains. 311 Four Antonii, attested at a later date in the 'fasti' from Halasama, 312 can be identified as descendants of beneficiaries of Antony's support of Coan sympathisers. The visit to Cos of his admiral, Turullius, was less favourable. Needing wood to build ships for the confrontation with Octavian at Actium, Turullius cut down the greater part of the sacred cypress grove in the Coan Asclepieion, which had been preserved intact by religious taboo since the late fourth century. 313 After the battle of Actium Turullius was surrendered by Antony to Octavian in 30 BC. Turullius was returned to Cos and executed by Octavian's soldiers on the site of the grove to pay, as local tradition demanded, 'the same penalty as the uprooted grove'. 314 By 30, as Turullius' fate shows, Octavian controlled Cos. At some point in the period from Caesar's death to the early principate the Coan Nicias estab1ished himself in power on Cos. 315 Strabo describes his rule as a tyranny and sets its background in a conflict between Nicias and a political rival, Theomnestus, a harp-player. 316 Local tradition, wise after the event, found

., Ed. G. Patriarca, Bull. Mu,. Imp. Rom. 3 1932, apud Bull. Com Arch. Rom. 60, 1933, p. 17 no. 13 (AEp. 1934 no. 19). 110 Appian, Bell. Ci11.IV 60ff.; Dio Cassius, 47. 33; see Van Gelder, p. 170; Schmitt, Rom und Rhodos, pp. 185- 7. 11 ' Sec R. Herzog, Hut. Zeit. 125 (3), 29, 1922, p. 212 n. 3, for reference to this unpublished inscription. For further discus.'lionof the le.x Antonio and the resemblance of its effects to those of Octavian's grant of Roman franchise to Seleucus of Rhosui; (F/RA (2) 1 55) see A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizen,J,ip, Oxford (2nd ed.), 1973, p. 298. Ju SB Berl. Ak. 1901, p. 485 no 4, 89 (Mar. Anfto)nius Mfar.l f. Co(gni)tus); 97 (Lucius Antonius L.f.); 103 (Lucius Antonius L.f. Bassus); 119 (Mar. Antonius M.f. Cognitus ne(oteros).

Ju Dio Ca.\Sius,51, 8, 3. Cf HG 11 (LSCG 150 A; iv BC); HG 12 (LSCG 150 B; iii BC). 4

Vat Max. 1, 1, 19. I assume that the place of Turullius' execution for Ycrilege (the cypress grove, cf Dio Cassius, loc. cit.) WH in accord with Coan sacred law. :us For a good, pioneering account of Nicias, see R. Herzog, Hist. Zeit. toe. cit. n. 311, pp. 190-216. See also R. Syme,JRS 51, 1961, pp. 23-30, especially pp. 25-28;G. W. Bowerwck,Augu1tu1 and tire Grttk World, Oxford 1965, pp. 45-6. m 6S7-8. Syme, loc. clt. p. 27, aptly compared the political power of the dtlraro«lus, Anaxenor of Magn~ia, appointed by Antony to collect the taxes of five cities. Herzog, loc. cit. pp. 208-9, saw an ideological background to the conOict between Nicias and Thcomnestus, viewing Nicia!Iu a 'dl'mocratic' tyrant and Theomnestus, his opponent, as leader of an arutocratic faction. The evidence for Nicias' patronage or the damos com;ists only of Nicias' adoption a!I 'M>nof the damo,• (cf n 324) and the use of the legend 'damos', which is rare in the history of Coan coin legends, on Nicias' coins (cf. Herzog. loc. cit. p. 208 n. 2); this cvi• 1rci1'p'6o((I,t tfpwo(, ~WP{-rE]IT'a U 1'4( .-fdMJlo( OwnJpiaf ( J. There are minor differences in the texts; ~-I• the use of the

142

Hicks convincingly related the absence of the dedicator's name to the dedications' character as domestic monuments set up in, or outside, private houses where the addition of the donor's name was uMecessary. 325 The uniformity of their appearance and content suggests a common inspiration. Public prescriptions for the erection of private altan for the practice of a public cult are well attested in the Hellenistic period. 326 An official ordinance for the erection of the monuments for Nicias, emanating directly or indirectly from Nicias, may satisfactorily explain the dedications' otherwise puzzling uniformity. They were vehicles of propaganda for emphasising Nicias' civic virtues. The plaques and altars did not amount to a cult of Nicias as such, but were suggestively close. The idea behind these monuments, which are a distinctively local phenomenon, 317 is borrowed from the Hellenistic kingdoms; in the Ptolemaic and in other kingdoms private dedications were customarily made to a god, or gods, 'on a ruler's behalr as a demonstration of allegiance and a tactful expression of a link between ruler and deity which avoided the potential offensiveness of direct cult. 328 1n his use of this mechanism for reinforcing and encouraging adhesion to his supremacy Nicias again made use of a traditional feature of Hellenistic rule. 329 There are no absolute dates available for Nicias' tyranny. Strabo's remark that Nicias was tyrant 'in our time' provides a rough indication, the terminus ante quem of which is the completion of the Geographica(not before AD 18). 330 An earlier terminus is given by Crinagoras' death not long after AD 11, when

preposition ffPi. instead of tntt.p, and the spelling wa.TplAE"wvt'(lia,Too~tw( IO.lfw)ixu'o, MT1I- - -. M. Segrc, cited by 1-uglieseCarratelli, dated the fragment in the first half of the fourth century. Pugliese Carratelli relied on Segre's genera] date but placed the insaiption before 366~ since he regards the synoecism as older than the 'metoccism' he took the fragment as evidence of the use of the pro1tatai, instead of the monarcho1,for eponymous dating before 366. It is unlikely that on the criterion of lettering alone such exact precision can be attained and a date after 366, and before c. 350, positively excluded. A second fourth century ineditum from Cos also contains the formula hi 1rpoaTa:riiv. Both fragments could be dated, on the criterion of lettering. to c. 350. Their fragmentary state makes it impossible to establish whether moNUcho, dating was also used in these inscriptions. '° PH, pp. 348ff.; cf R. Herzog, HG p. 46; G. Pugliese Canatelli, PdelP 12, 1957, pp. 333ff. 1 • Sec the Coan onoma,tikon. Pressure of space forbid:,,;a separate list of the mon11rchoi and coin C[)Onyms. u Sec pp. 203ff for discussion of the legends of the Coan tetrobols (c. 14S- c. 88). The u~ of monarchos names on Coan coins appears to have been resumed by Nicias' tyranny (c. 40-30) when single namc!'Iare again found in Coan coin legends. This practice continued in the Imperial period on Coan bronze coins. 1a

188

period close to the year 366, when the earliest fourth century Coan coins were minted, and also gives the earliest contemporary evidence of the existence of the monarchos. The use of the monarchos as eponym is also found on a few Coan amphora handles, though not early enough to be helpful on the fourth century functions of the moruzrchos.On most of the amphora handles of Cos, which have been preserved in large numbers and range in date from c. the end of the fourth century to c. the first century AD, a single name in the genitive or nominative case appears. On a few handles the preposition t-rriwas used, followed by a single name in the genitive. 83 On some of these a personal name also appears in the nominative. The bearer of a personal name in the nominative, or genitive, without hi on amphora handles is generally accepted now to be that of the manufacturer. 84 The use of tffi with a personal name is paralleled on the handles of other states, notably Rhodes and Cnidus. The names in this preposi• tional formula are usually interpreted as those of state eponyms. 85 The appearance of manufacturers• names on some handles as well as that of a name in a phrase with i1ri confirms that the name following the preposition was that of a different person and clinches the view that this formula contained the name of the eponym, as on inscriptions and on handles from other states. The eponym on Coan handles would be the monarchos. The monarchia may then have been used as state eponym as early as c. 366. The question immediately arises of whether the monarchia originated in one of the old communities of pre-synoecimt Cos, or whether it was first created in 366. The purportedly earliest documentation on the moruzrchosoccurs in a life of Hippocrates attributed to one Soranus of Cos, who has often been identified, not necessarily correctly. with Soranus of Ephesus, the doctor whose career fell in the reign of Trajan. 86 The terminus post quem of the life's composition is given by the latest authority cited - Areius of Tarsus of the first century AD. 87 In this life Hippocrates' birth is dated to the moruzrchia of Habriadas, and to the twenty seventh of the month Agrianios. 88 This was the Olympic year

u On the !lmall number of these sec V. Grace, Dilos XXVII, Paris 1970, p. 364. Handles of this class, with one exception, have not yet been published, but have been kindly shown to me by Miss V. Grace. A handle from Delos, of the mid-first century (V. Grace, Dilo.r, XXVII, p. 364, E 241), bean the inscription hi A,o-yivou'Epµ{a (cl two examples with the !\ame names, from Athens, cited by V. Grace, NtSSllna I, N.Y. and London 1962, pp. 120-1 .rv no. 17 ). The fact that on the Coan handles from Athens the names appear in the reverse order show!I that they are the names of two individuals and not one person. 14 For the most recent account see V. Grace, Delos, loc. cit. pp. 278ft. (with bibliography}. •s Sec V. Gncc, ibid . .. CJ. R. Herzog, KF 211; H. Schone, Rh. Mus. SS, 1903, pp. S6ff. For a critical rejection of the identification sec L. Edelstein, RI!."Suppl. VI 1292 ,v Hipp«rates, '"' Sec Edelstein, ibid. u See eh. 8 n 545 for the text.

)89

460 according to Histomachus." The Coan public record office was quoted as Soranus' authority. Historical use of this testimony has varied with different reconstructions of the political status of Cos at the time of Hippocrates' birth. Herzog accepted the authority of Soranus since he regarded Cos as a synoecised state in the fifth century. 90 Pugliese Carratelli, on the other hand, rejected the uae of the monarchos as eponym already in the fifth century as he believed that the eponymous monarchia was introduced after 366, though he accepts the historicity of a fifth century monarchos whom he identifies as the holder of a priesthood at Astypalaea. 91 This interpretation is awkward because there is no doubt that in the excerpt from the document that Soranus is said to have found in the Coan archives, Habriadas, the monarchos. acts as eponym, that is to say the monarchia is regarded as an eponymous office. The genuineness of the information stands or falls with the correctness or falsity of this view of the monarchia. There are several reasons why the authenticity of the quoted archive is suspect. Public records and record office of the new centralised state could not pre-date the foundation of the new city. The earliest archive of the polis therefore long postdates Hippocrates' birth, and also postdates his death, though not by very much if the traditions of his longevity have a factual basis.92 We have no guarantee of the earliness and authenticity of the Coans' official record of the date of Hippocrates' birth, supposedly consulted by Soranus and not incorporated in the life before the first century AD. A record of Hippocrates' date of birth could certainly have derived from a contemporary record of the registration of citizens' children on local, or tribal registers of the city of their birth, a common enough practice in antiquity. 93 The existence of a local record of Hippocrates' birth in one of the old Coan communities is feasible. But it is quite possible that the record produced in the Life, embellished with the appropriate (to fourth century and Hellenistic Cos) monarchos dating was a fiction either of Coan archivists, or of Soranus, or of a forger purporting to be Soranus. There is a considerable amount of fiction in this Life. 94 Furthermore the use of dating to the month and day, as well as by the monarchos, is typical of Coan Hellenistic documents but is unlikely to have been in use in fifth century Cos. The monarchia of Soranus' document can with reason be regarded as an anachronistic projection of the post-synoecism eponymous state office into the fifth century. Nevertheless

., Ibid. '° HG p. 46. ''- PdelP 12, 1957, pp. 333ff. 91 Cf Edelstein, foe. cit. n. 86. ts So Wilamowitz, Einleitung in die piech. Trag{jdie, Berlin 1907, p. 3 n. 4. ,. Cf Littre, HC I, pp. 34-42; Edelstein, foe. cit. n. 86.

190

if Habriadas' eponymous monarchia is rejected as a worthless anachronism, there are arguments of a general nature which are relevant to the question of the existence of the monarchia in fifth century Cos. There are three main points which favour the prior existence of the monarchia in Cos before 366. First comes the fact that this office is attested in only one deme of Hellenistic Cos as well as in the polis. Pugliese Carratelli offered the attractive explanation that the monarchia of Isthmus was a local survival and not an institution derived from the state eponym of the fourth century. 95 He argued that the state office originated as a local office, which can be pinpointed at Astypalaea - the predecessor of the site of Isthmus. Carratelli's explanation has the merit of accounting for Isthmus' possession, in the Hellenistic period, of an office unparalleled in other demes of Cos. The lack of conformity in otherwise similarly organized municipalities makes sense if the monarchos of Isthmus stemmed from a time when Astypalaea was an independent polis with its own typical institutions, rather than, as has been sugested, an imitation of the state institution. 96 The publication of new Hellenistic inscriptions from Isthmus supports Carratelli's general thesis of the antiquity of the monarchos there. We learn from these new documents that the monarchia of Isthmus was fi.lJedin the Hellenistic period from the local tribes, Melainadai, Kuniadai and Theadai. 91 At present these local tribes cannot be traced back earlier than the late fourth century and are not therefore attested before the synoecism. 98 In view of the antiquity of gentilicial names in -idai and -adai the tribes of Hellenistic Isthmus should have their origin in gentilicial groups of archaic Astypalaea. As we have seen, in the Hellenistic period the monarchia was fllled from these tribes on the basis of kinship (anchisteia).99 The employment of a gentilicial basis of qualification for the monarchia in the Hellenistic period within these groups points to the antiquity of the office and to its link with old kinship groups of archaic

" Cf n. 91. E. F. Craik, PdelP 22, 1967, pp. 443-6. "'See G. Pugliese Carratelli, ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, pp. 165ff. no. IX for publication of a census list from Isthmus of tribesmen of the Melainadai eligible for the moN1Tcltla. See ASAA, Ibid. pp. 161fT. no. VJ for the names of the other two tribes of Isthmus, Theadai and Kuniadai; cf Ibid. pp. 175ff. nos. XJ-XVlll for fragments from lists similar to that of the Melainadai (no. IX). •• See PH 403 (revised ed. (based on Herzog 's revision) ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, p. 159 no. Ill; LSCG 169 C) for a fragmentary /ex ,acn, from Isthmus in which the tribes' participation is rcfened to at 1.6 (h:ci I~a ipuA~ ( ). The fraament has long been lost and is known only from Newton's transcript (GIBM, commentary on 339), on the basis of which it was attributed by Herzog, HG p. 20, to the fourth century. The accuracy of this date is naturally uncertain in the absence of the evidence of the stone itself. Whether the fragment provides a fourth century reference to the tribes of Isthmus is abo dubious. " ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, p. 165 no. IX, a, lff. N

19)

Astypalaea. The third point in favour of the pre-synoecism origin of the monarchia can be based on the particular choice of the office made eponymous. The monarchia in fourth century and Hellenistic Cos was an annual office of a constitutional government. Cos was unique among the Greek states of the ancient world in the use of mo1111Tchos as the title of a state official. The only existing example of the official use of monarchos as a title, other than in Cos, occurs in the Ptolemaic inscription from Adulis, in which 'monarchos' was used to describe local dynasts, or chieftains, in the Seleucid kingdom. 100 There are no parallels to illuminate the Coan office. Though literally meaning 'sole ruler' and applicable in tragedy as a synonym for basileus, the hereditary king, by the time of its first attested appearance in literature, in the poems of Solon at the beginning of the sixth century, and later in lines attributed to Theognis, monarchos is used in a pejorative sense for the usurper, the tyrannos:101 the word has acquired the meaning 'autocrat', which it kept in the fifth and fourth centuries. 102 To create an office named monarchia in the mid-fourth century would be remarkable in view of the contemporary associations of the word; but the existence of the mo1111Tchia as an eponymous office is explicable if it was derived from an already existing institution, namely the monarchos of the old city of Astypalaea. Legend and myth told of the basileis who had ruled Cos in the times of the Trojan Wars and earlier. Triops, Merops, Neandros, Eurypylus, Chalcon and Crisamis are all attested as the names of Coan kings. 103 Myth probably reflects a time when kinphip was the form of government in an earlier era on Cos. lCMThe origin of the monarchosis perhaps to be found in this office's replacement of basileiaat Astypalaca, when kinphip was constitutionalised there. The particular choice of the title monarchos must have been made before the word acquired its association with autocracy and tyranny, found already in Salon's poems. The well known case of the annual 'kingship' held by the Bacchiadai of Corinth provides an obvious archaic parallel for the process of transforming a basileiainto an annual office. The character of the duties of the monarchos at Isthmus and in the polis in the third century are fully consonant with the type of evolution envisaged in the A thenaion Politeia by which the absolute power and privileges of kinphip were gradually limited, de-centralised and passed to different magistracies. 105 The sacred

100

OG/S 54, 16 (Ptolemy Ill). Solon, Diehl fr. I 0, 2. 102 Cf. A. Andrcwes, 77,e Grttlc Tyrants. Hutchinson 1956, pp. 20-30; J. Morrison, JHS 70, 1959, p. 76. 181 See R. Herzog, HG pp. 45-6; for Triops see Schol. in Th~r. vetera, XVII 68/69c. For Ncandros sec Diod. V, 81, 8. 164 See R. HerzCIIJ,ibid. ,., Cf Atlr. Pol. 3. 101

192

duties and extensive cult privileges of the monarchos are fully compatible with the office's derivation from and inheritance of the sacred duties of kingship. We can compare the development of the office of the archon-basileusat Athens, which retained the religious privileges of the old kinphip and was concerned with the general supervision of state religion. 106 It is unfortunate that a fmn conclusion on the date of origin of the monarchia in Cos is not attainable in the absence of further evidence. But the general considerations of the gentilicial association of the monarchia at Isthmus, its existence in this deme alone of Coan demes, and the implausibility of the post-archaic institution of an official called monarchos support the belief that the monarchia stemmed from archaic and not fourth century Cos. Although a complete account of the nature of the monarchia in the Hellenistic period can in no way be given from the various items of information provided by inscriptions, a description can usefulJy be given of some aspects of the duties of the monarchos, the length of tenure of the office, the basis of eligibility and the office's later development in the Roman period, which illuminate the character of the office. Coan public officials, for example the prostatai, held office for a six monthly term as inscriptional evidence shows.1°' In Cos, as in other Greek states including Rhodes and Thessaly, the civil year was divided into two parts each consisting of six months - XELµEpwdl~aµ11~ and {}epwa E!aµ71~. 108 But the monarchia differed from Coan state archai in that it was held for the full calendar year. The annual tenure of the monarchia is firmly attested by epigraphic evidence. In an unpublished inscription concerning the sale of the priesthood of Aphrodite Pandamos, provision was made for the payment for the priesthood in four instalments: KaTa ltJo>..d~ 6e fl'OtijocuTa~ TOV evpovrcx; Q./Y'fVPUN fl'OTiµe[p]!oc;Teaoapac:,TW µev trpa.TaPtµ ll'1"' 'A>..aeiwtI [T]wt 6f f>anepaviµ. l,lf111i repaOTiWl I [r)wc.µ.ET 1000, 31, 32. For the construction of two Coan oplrrdto in c. 201-200 see Ri'v. FU. NS ll, 1933, pp. 36Sff. n. Syl/. 1 567, 6ff. 221 Ibid. 216 Sec SyU.> 1000, 22, for the nttJ/koi (ship-haulcn), responsible for draggi• the warshipsdown and up the slips from the Mario; sec ibid. 11 for the kopoxy1111i. 22 ' for payments by the t11mloifor 11crifices see HG 15 (LSCG 159), 18; SylL > 398, 43ff.; ibid. 1000, 23, 25, 28. The tomiai disbursed funds for the construction of the thatn1ro1 of the Asclepieion (HG 14 (LSCG 155), 7) and for the cost of a stelc (PH 28

210

The tamiai, whose number is not attested, were an elective board u their description by the phrase [r ~ -r~ rgic:al span of Coan handles at Alexandria; see now, however, eadem, AM 89, 1974, pp. 193-200. '

240

statistics, Cos was the second largest supplier atnong the Greek states, though the figures for Cos are dwarfed by those for Rhodes. The requisite chronological data are not yet available for establishing whether the volume of imported Coan amphorae remained steady through this long period, or not. 111 In trying to estimate the relative importance of a state's wine trade on the basis of the volume of finds of amphorae handles, an important factor is the trade in empty amphorae, which has helped to explain the huge figures of amphorae distributed by centres such as Rhodes, Sinope and Cnidus. 112 It is clear that comparison of the statistics of the handles may be of only limited use in establishing the relative importance of the wine trade of different states. What is important in the case of Coan wine is that it enjoyed a high reputation in antiquity, and, as is clear from the ancient notices, was a familiar and well-liked product. Coan wine seems to have been a popular export in antiquity, although it was not exported in massive quantities. Only a little is known of the organization of the production of wine in Cos. the slaves who provided the skilled labour for the cultiTotaµ,reAooraTEVVTE~, vation of the wine, are mentioned in Sy/I. 3 l()(N).113 Their owners were liable to a tax, as has been seen. Taxes on Coan 'sea-water' wine and on a Calymnian wine are also indirectly attested in this inscription. 114 There is no reason to suppose that other varieties of Coan wine were free from tax. There may also have been laws regulating the production of wine on Cos, as there are known to have been at Thuos, but, if so, they have not survived.us The main wine-growing area of modem Cos is the inland village of Asphendiou (ancient Phyxa), described excellently by Rayet, who knew the island well.116 It is probable that Phyxa was an important area for the production of wine in antiquity too. The ancient deme of Hippia, which occupied the rich plain running along the north coast of Cos, is also known as a wine-growing district. Festus attests that Hippia gave its name to a special brand of Coan wine, Hippocoum. 117 Ancient Halasama, too, appears from the large number of amphorae handles found there to have been another area where wine was produced. 118

111

See P. M. Fruer, Ptol. Ala. I, pp. 164ff. for the increase of trade in Rhodian amphorae with Alexandria in the second century BC. •n See n. 75.

1.9. 11.S,7. 111 See J. Pouilloux, Rechn-chn ,ur l'hiJtoitt et In culte, de 11uuos, Paris 1954, p. 37 no 7 (v BC); JG XII Suppl. p. 3-17. i-il (iv BC), iii (ii AD). 1 .. Mimoire ,ur l'lle de Ko,, p. 21. Ill

114

111

/k verb. 1it(nif sv Hippocoum vinum.

111

NS, pp. 245-6.

16 Ancient Co, ( Hyp. SI)

241

4. The Coan Silk Trade119 Coan sericulture is first attested in the latter half of the fourth century by Aristotle who importantly provides the terminus ante quem. 110 The silk, locally produced from a species of wild silk moth, became famous and was especially sought after in Imperial Rome. 121 After the second century AD, however, the Coan silk industry is not mentioned in ancient sources; this silence probably marks the decline of Coan silk which appears finally to have lost ground to the superior Chinese silk imported by the Graeco-Roman world from the latter part of the first century BC onwards. We know very little about the organization of the production of silk in Cos, how far, for example, this was subject to public control, whether, as is probable, those involved in the industry were liable to taxation. 112 We know that the local dyeing industry became involved in the manufacture of Coan silk since the literary sources show that Coan silk was often dyed purple. The Augustan poets talked of conchylia Coa and Coae purpurae;comparison of Coan silk with Tyrian garments and of the silk's colour with concha Tyria implies the same; the dye-sellers and dyers of Cos appear in inscriptions of the Imperial period.113 The silk industry produced the most precious of Coan exports, finding the ready market that greets the rare product. Silk was a luxury in the ancient world as it is today; it was expensive and highly treasured for the distinctive qualities of its sheen, fineness and transparency. This industry must have been an important source of wealth on Cos. 5. Coan Perfumes

Perfumes were another luxury product for which Cos was famous. Athenaeus has preserved an excerpt from the flepi µvpwv of the medical writer Apollonius (i AD), which gives the Coan perfumes; 'The best orris-root occurs in Elis and 119

For studies concerning the Coan silk industry see the following works; L. Demaison, Ruherches ,w lei ,oie1 que lei anciem tiraient de l11e de Co,, Paris, 1884, to which I regret I have not had access;M. O. Rayet,op. cit. pp. 85-6;PH, pp. xlvi-xtviii; W. T. M. Forbes, CP 25, 1930, pp. 22ff; R. J. Forbes,Studin In Ancient Technoloo /JI (1956), pp. 49-58, esp. 49-54; J. P. Wild, Textile Manufacture in the Northt!nl Roman P,o. vlnce,, Cambridge 1970, pp. 11-13, 26-7, 33. See appendix 2 for discussion of the evidence upon which this summary is based. 1 HA 19, 551 b, 10. • 121 See appendix 2, pp. 382-3. 122 See p. 231 for the pos.,ible identification of 'YlJVCUKti'a awµa:ra (Syll. l 1000, 9), whose ownen were subject to tax, as skilled slave worken of the silk industry. m See, appendix 2, n. 31 for the literary sources; cf PH 309 (porphyropole1); NS 571

(konchyllabopho1).

242

Cyzicus; of the rose, good perfume is obtained in Phaselis, also from Neapolis and Capua; saffron crocus in Cilician Soli and in Rhodes; spikenard in Tarsus; drop-wort from Cyprus and Adramyttium; marjoram and quince from Cos.' 134

Theophrastus' Uepi boµ.w-,, reveals that quince-perfume was made from a preparation of olive oil and quinces, and marjoram from certain roots. 125 He also named the raw materials used for colouring marjoram-perfume, stating that for dµapdJum11,the root pc.tl.w, which contained vegetable purple, was used and imported for this purpose from Syria. 126 Since the Coans are attested as manufacturers of aµapdxwov, it is justifiable to assume that they were among the importen of p~ also. A pleasant indication of the impact of the local perfume industry on the Coan community is to be found in the occurrence of the rare name 'Apwµarivq in Cos. This is one of a group of Greek personal names based on and connected with the names of scents and aromatic products. 127

6. Direct and Local Trade A certain amount of Coan trade was indirect. The Coans also, however, traded directly overseas. The letter of Ziaelas of Bithynia to the Coans gives valuable evidence of the activity of Coan traders (242 BC); 'In the future, as you may request, we shall try for each one individually and for all in common to favour you as much as lies in our power, and as for your seafaring citizens to take thought for all those who happen to enter territory under our control, so that their safety may be assured, and in the same way also for those who are cast up on our coast because of an accident in the course of their voyage, we shall try to exercise every care that they are injured by no one.' 121 The Coan sea-farers, who visited the kingdom and possessions of Ziaelas, can hardly be other than traders. The letter implies the existence of a direct Coan trade in the Propontus. The Coans' participation in trade in the Black Sea is suggested by their friendship with the city of Sinope in the last quarter of the third century, and by the finds of Coan amphorae handles in Black Sea sites. 129 Further evidence of the Coans' overseas relations is furnished by Coan proxeny decrees for foreign nationals. 130 Fourteen Coan proxeny decrees have been 1st

xv

IH

26, 28. 31.

IM

688,e-r.

m PH 42S;cf L. Robert,Nom, indigln~,. pp. 177-86, at pp. 178-9. IU RC 2S (SylP 456; c. 242 BC). 129 For Cos and Sinope see p. 118; for the Coan amphoraehandles from the BlackSea ,ee the table facing p. 238. 1 See E. Ziebuth, KIio 26, 1933, pp. 244ff, on 1wo:nnoi as evidence for a state's • commercial relations.

243

published; they range from c. the end of the fourth century BC to the second century BC. 131 About half a dozen remain to be published. 131 The Coan proxeny decrees were surface finds and form, no doubt, only a small proportion of the original archive of Coan documents of this class. In most of the decrees the nature of the services performed by the honorand are not described at all. The decrees consist simply of the decision of the damos to confer proxenia, and accompanying privileges, on the honorand. In the decree for the Tyrian, Theron, we hear of the latter's good services to all Coans at all times. 133 Cos is known to have exported wine to the cities of Palestine. Finds of Coan coins in Syria add to the material evidence of Coan trade with the east. 134 Proxenia was conferred upon a citizen of Cius~ relations with the important city of Byzantium, which controlled access to the Black Sea, are indicated in the third century BC by a Coan proxeny decree for two Byzantians, named Pythion and, appositely, Bosporichus. 135 It is possible that in some cases the honorand's services to the Coans were connected with Coan trade, but, in the absence of further infonnation, this cannot be verified. The emporoi and naukleroiof Cos are mentioned in an unpublished Hellenistic !ex mcra from Cos. 136 These two familiar terms are regularly used in the Hel-

111

1) PH l (Theron, son of Boudastratus; of Tyre: iv/iii BC); 2) PH 2 ( Protomachus, son of Epinicus; Cian: iii BC); 3) PH 3 (neither name, nor ethnic is preserved: iii BC); 4) PH 4 (Eupolemus and Aristocles of Theangela: iii BC); S) KF 3 (Pythion and BosporichUJ, of Byi.antium: iii BC); 6) KF 4 (neither name, nor ethnic is preserved: iii BC); 7) KF S (Asclepiodotus; Macedonian: iii BC); 8) KF 187 (Charias. son of Aristocrates; Athenian: iii BC); 9) KF 188 (Eucles, son of Paeonius; ethnic not preserved: iii BC); 10) NS 432 (Callicles of Halicarnassus; iii-ii BC); 11) NS 43S (neither name, nor ethnic is preserved;iii BC); 12) NS 437 (Achaeus, son of Theudotus; ethnic not preserved: ii BC); 13) Hiitori,a 8, 1934, p. 429, f1g 1 (Dinnis, son of Dionysius; Alexandrian: ill BC); 14) ibid. f1g 2 (neither name, nor ethnic is preserved: ill BC). See PH 49-50 (c. iiiii BC), for partially preserved lists of foreignen, described by name, patfOnymic and ethnic. 112 About half a dozen unpublished Coan proxeny decrees of Hellenistic date are gathered in the Cutle Museum, Cos. 111 PH 1,2ff (c. 300). tM See O. M♦rkholm, Antlochus IV of Syria, Copenhagen 1966, p. 53 n 5, for finds of Coan coins in Syria. 111 C/. n 131 no S. 116 See eh. 8 n 128 for reference to this ineditum. The emporoi and naulcleroi have obligatory sacrifices in the cult of Aphrodite Pandamos. For an Athenian decree honourina a Coan for his help to 1t11ukleroiby facilitating the passage of corn see JG 11/111(1) 416 (c. 330-325 BC?). For the description of traden as Mulclm>i and emporoi see D. Van Berchem, BCH 86, 1962, pp. 30S-313, at 308-9.

244

lenistic period for the trading community in a city. The Coan trading community comes to life in Herodas' comic vignette of one of the foreign traders of Kos. In the PornoboslcosHerodas plays with conventional prejudice against sailors. 137 He makes his hero Battarus denounce a Phrygian trader's rootless life and his ignorance of how to behave in an urban and civilised community. The Phrygians's uncouthness is contrasted unfavourably with Battarus' virtues - civic spirit, keen regard for Coan institutions and regular payment of taxes. 138

7. The Population The population of Cos was made up of four main categories of people; the citizen body, the temporary visitors (xenol). the pennanent foreign residents (paroiko1) and the slaves. Most of the attention up to now has been focused upon the role of the citizen population. We may now tum to consider the evidence for the foreign population of Cos. The composition of the foreign population of Cos is to some extent illuminated by tombstones (and dedications). There are, however, considerable limitations to the general usefulness of this source of material because the volume of surviving funerary inscriptions varies greatly for different periods and is not complete for any one period. The Hellenistic necropoleis of Cos have not been excavated, and, in comparison with the Roman period, few Hellenistic funerary inscriptions have survived. A late Hellenistic and Roman necropolis is located near the village of Kenneti, which lies in the vicinity of the Asclepieion. It has not been excavated, but, on the other hand, many inscriptions from it have survived. 139 Recently excavations have begun on a necropolis of Roman date

1

"' Cf. I. C. Cunningham, Herodtu, Mimiambi, pp. 80-1. ,,. lL 55f.

'" See PH,_pp. 164-5. No classical, Hellenistic, or Roman cemetery has been excavated in the area of the ancient polis, Kos. The location of the city's cemeteries depends, therefore, on the provenance of the f unenry inscriptions. The largest collection of funerary inscriptions were those published by Paton and Hicks, PH 155-325. Paton was able, on this basis, to fix the probable location of two cemeteries of different dates. The earliest funerary inscriptions, which were of Hellenistic date (PH 218; 277, a tomb cut in rock which PH ascribed to the third century BC), were found on hills south of the town; their provenance was taken to indicate the location there of an Hellenistic cemetCiy. Of greater certainty, because better attested, is the location of the Roman necropolis of the po/is; this can be fixed at Ke:rmeti, west of the modern town on the road to the Asclepieion, 'The great mass of the sepulchral inscriptions, including Classes A (164-191), B (192197) and E (230-249), and the boundary stones nos 155-161, belong to the later necropolis on the west of the town, a large proportion coming from the village of Kenneti. Nearly all the stones from Kenneti are of late date (the first century BC and Imperial times). No 225 (third or fourth century BC), no 262 and no 267, are the only exceptions' (PH, p. 165). Sec eh. 4 n 54 for the figures available for the population of modern Cos.

245

in the deme of the Hippiotai. 140 At no point have we a complete cemetery on the basis of which such questions u the size of the population of Cos, or the relative proportion of citizens to foreigners, could begin to be estimated. Some useful information, however, can be extncted from the funerary monuments about the foreign community of Cos. The ethnics from Hellenistic tombstones and dedications attest the presence of foreigners from two particular areu, Carla and the east. Funerary inscriptions have been preserved of two Alexandrians and of a Sidonian, dated approximately to the second century BC. 141 Kasmaios, son of Abdaios, a visitor from Gerrha on the west coast of the Persian Gulf, dedicated an altar on Cos. 141 Kasmaios' names are simply transliterated from their semitic originals (Kasmaios, transcribed from Qasmaj, hypochoristic for the Nabataean Quasam'il, he decides or divides: Abdaios is a transcription of the semitic 'Abdaj, slave). 143 There is also an interesting bi-lingual, Greek-Nabataean dedication. This was offered by the Nabataean Awsallah (c. i BC).144 The growth of the power of Arabian tribes following the disintegration of their masters' empires, first the Ptolemies and then the Seleucids, gave an incentive to the commercial growth of Arabia Nabataeaand Gerrha which helps to account for the presence of Arabiantraders in the Aegeanfrom the second century BC.145 Nabataeans and Gerrhaeans are attested in the great Aegean trading islands such u Rhodes and Delos, as well as in lesser places which also lay on trading routes, such u Tenos, Chalke and Cos. 146 There is also evidence of foreign residents from Syria on Cos in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. 141 The reasons for the presence on Cos of visitors from Palestine and further east is not, however, automatically to be connected with trade. We may remember, for example, that Cos attracted the poet Meleager of Gadara for reasons per-

° For a brief report of the results of an excavation at a Roman cemetery in the deme of the Hippiotai tee AD 1975. Chron. p. 545. Six graves were dug. Finds were reported to include gold and g1us objects. See AD ibid, pt. SSS y for a fragmentary insaiption, 14

K.apwo- l.4&WIJC1o-. 141

PH 213 (NS SSO: cf eh. 3 n 84); PH 296; NS 526. PH 213 and NS 526 are both rectangularblocks; on the uncertainty of the character of this class of monument u funenry, or dedicatory, seep. 248. 142 See eh. 8 n 673. 14

See p. 370. See eh. 8 n 674. 141 See Rostovtzeff, SEHW II, pp. 702fT, et UI, pp. 1491-2 n 124, for a useful collection of evidence of orientals in Greece: Bact:rians,Nabataeam,Gerrhaeansand Minaeans. ,.., Cf L. Robert, RPh. 8, 1934, p. 283 n 2 (with bibliography). 14 ' For Meleqer's residence on Cos see p. 18. For tombstones, of Imperialdate, of citizens of Antioch, see PH 180; 194; 224; 255; KF 101; NS 504; 590; 620. For tombstones of Tyrians see PH 165 (Imp.); 341 (Imp.). for the dedication of a Palmyrene see p. 371. ' 144

246

haps associated with the past literary tradition of Cos. Berosus, too, the Babylonian mathematician, is reputed to have settled on Cos in the early third century BC. 148 The occurrence of Persian names in the Coan onoma&tikon of the Hellenistic period is worth citing here in the context of the settlement on Cos of semitic people from the east. The Persian names (Maidatas, Olophemes and Chrysantu) are attested in the Hellenistic period as the names of Coan citizens. 149 The choice of these names may simply have been detennined by the predilections of Coan name-givers and not constitute evidence of the racial composition of the community. It may be noted, for example, that there are no bilingual Greek-Aramaic, or Aramaic inscriptions from Cos. But in the case of Cos and of other of the Greek cities near to, or in, Asia Minor, the history of which was especially closely linked with that of the Penian empire, there is a good, though not decisive, case for accepting that the Persian name--bearen attested in Hellenistic inscriptions, for example at Samothrace, Chios, Rhodes, as well as Cos, and from western coastal satrapies such as Lycia and Caria, were borne by men of Persian descent. 150 Civic naturalization could adequately explain the process by which Persians were so completely integrated in the Greek cities. A decree from Amyzon, dated to 320 BC, granted citizenship to two Persians, Bapdates and his son Ariararnnes. 151 A similar procedure could have occurred elsewhere. Communications between Cos and the coast of Asia Minor opposite were easy. The sea gave access to nearby cities of Carla such as Myndus, Halicamassus and Cnidus. We have a useful measure of the relative frequency of visiton from Carla, which is not available for other periods, in the 'cube' monuments from Cos. This group of monuments forms a stylistically separate group among Coan inscriptions of a comparatively limited duration, lasting from c. the

... Seen. 44. •• See the o,wmonikon n,. For the name Chrysantu see Xen. Cy,op. II 2,17, cf. 6,1; see A. H. M. Stonecipher, Graeco-Pernan Name,, New York 1917, p. 70, on the name as a transliteration or the Younger Avesta word xvvisyant, meanina grim/bioodthirsty. See J. Tzetzes, Bibi. Hut. VII 950. for citation or an ancestor of Hippocrates named K.lcomuttades. On Iranian names in western Asia Minor tee also L Robert. BCH Suppl. I, 1973, p. 445 n 65; id. Lllodicle du Ly/co,, Paris 1969, pp. 333-4. I now feel doubtful about identifyi!ll this instance of the name Chrysantas as Penian. Both root (Chrys-) and termination (e.g. Mclantas) arc Greek. 11 • JG XII 8, 162,35 (Magedates; at Samothrace, ii BC); L. Robert, Noms indi,lne1, p. 368 (Babes,Chios); IL 382 b, 5 (Phamakes, son of Kratidas); Rhodes, i BC; SERod 12 (Pharnakes, 10nofCallistratus;Rhodes. i AD;/L 660 (Mapherncs; Rhodes, i BC). See P. Bernard,Syrla 41, 1964, pp. 195-212 at 210-12, for a collection of Persian names attested as those or citizens in Hellenistic and later inscriptions from Lycia. For Penians in Cuia, on the plateau or Tabai, see L. Robert, IA Ouie, 11, Paris 1954, p. 79. See L. Robert, CRAJ 1953, pp. 403-15, at 410-11, on Penian name-bearers in western Asia Minor as survivors of the old rulq aristocracy of the Achacmenids. m L. Robert, CRAI, 1953, pp. 410-11.

247

third to the second century BC.152 They are plain rectangular blocks. or cubes. inscribed on one side (occasionally more) with name, patronymic, and in the case of foreigners, ethnics. Block monuments of this type are characteristic, u funerary monuments. of the Aegean islands and of some Ionian cities from the fifth century BC onwards. 153 The sepulchral function of a number of the Coan examples is established by the use of conventional funerary epithets. 154 It is not, however, certain that all served the same purpose; some may have been dedicatory. though again there is no conclusive evidence. 155 Approximately seventy monuments of this type have been preserved on Cos. Of thete twentytwo belonged to foreigners from Cuia. They came from inland places such as Tralles, 156 Alabanda, 151 Caryanda, 151 Stratonicea. 159 Mylasa, 160 and also from coastal cities like Myndus, 161 Halicamassus, 162 Ceramus 163 and Cnidus. 164 There is no comparable preponderance of foreignen from any other area in the ethnic

1

See PH 207-217; 221; 223; 225; 227-9; 375; 311-9;NS 512-553; 613-15; 666-7; 689; Rh. 2, p. 224 no 82 (XF 181); PdelP 24, 1969, pp. 128-133, nos 3,20. Many or these stones ue built into the walls of the Castle of St John in Cos, their original location unknown. Full examination of the physical characteristics or these blocks is impossible. They appear generally to be without mouldinp, cornices, and any decoration. •n Sec P. Jacobstahl, AM 31, 1906, pp. 415-20; idem, in Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Nordionischt Steine, Berlin 1909, pp. 6-13 (block monuments from Samos, Chios and Erythrae, mainly of the fifth and fourth centuries BC). See also D. Evangelidcs, AE. 1924, p. 84, fag 17 (Samos); E. Buschor, AM S8, 1933, p. 24 (Samos): G. Bakalalds, AD, 1963, p. 164, pt. 72 (Samos); J. Keil, JOA/ 13, 1910, pp. 58ff nos 23,30,31 (Erythrae); Didyma II 560 (Didyma; iv BC), 566 (Didyma: iii BC); W. G. Forrest, BSA SS, 1963, pp. 63ft (Chios); G. I. Dcspinis, Ai· 1963, pp. 46-68, at p. 67, fta.14 {Thera). See D. C. Kurtz and J. Boardman, Gretk Burial Cu1tom,, pp. 235- 7, for a generalaccount of •cube' monuments, wruch arc rarely found in Mainland Greece, with the exception of Bocotia and North Greece . .... Sec NS S21 (b XPtJOTci);NS 530 (xaip•); NS 533 UCPtJOT4xclip•). cf. NS 516, Kw,ialo( I T4aWMX I K•pa,u.ot I M•AAarw, 1ra:rpl. 111 Paton and Hicks classified the Coan •cube' monuments u funerary inscriptions; Herzog, XF, pp. 79ff, suggested that they were dedications from the Asclepicion; Maiuri, NS pp. 99-100, inferred from the undecorated character of the stones their provenance from a monument, which he associated with a necropolis. The accumulation of material since these publications has certainly illuminated the funerary use of blocks of this type; the five •cubes' from Thera, for example, were found in 1itu, resting on a socklc base, as markers or funerary urns buried below (cf BCH 86, 1962, p. 870, fig. 1; AD 17, 1961-2, Citron. p. 269, pl. 325 y). 111 NS 668. 11 ' NS 551 (rev. ed. of PH 210). Ill NS 541. "

a

1

" PH 207. ,.. NS 551. 1 " NS 548. 113 PH 209; 215; 216;NS 518; 519; 523; 528; 529; 537; 543; 545; S46.

HI

IM

NS 516. PH 214.

248

distribution of the names from the eleven other cubes belonging to xenoi There are individuals from Samos, Myrina and Sidon; two people from Alexandria. 165 The remainder hailed from scattered places in the Mediterranean. 166 The incidence of Halicamassians is noteworthy. Thirteen of the twenty-four foreigners who are named on these stones were from Halicamassus. That the city of Halicamassus alone was the home of more than half of these foreigners is naturally to be explained by the proximity of Cos. There is little tangible evidence of Coan trade in the interior of Caria. While the small inland community of the Plataseis granted citizenship to a Coan in the fourth century, the nature of the Coan's services to the Plataseis is unknown. 167 No Coan amphorae handles have yet been reported from sites of inland cities. It seems in general likely that the main intercourse was between Cos and Halicamas.,us. The two most considerable single foreign communities on Cos were those of the Jews and the Romans. Both of these communities became established on the island in the course of the second century BC. Like many other Greek cities of Asia Minor, the Aegean islands and the Greek mainJand, Cos received Jewish settlers in the Hellenistic-Roman diaspora. The existence of a Jewish settlement in c. the mid-second century BC is attested 168 for Cos, as for various other Greek cities, in the first book of Maccabees. The Jews are next heard of in connection with Cos in the first century BC, when, in the First Mithridatic War, Mithridates confiscated Jewish funds, which were on Cos. 169 We then hear of friendly relations between Herod the Great and the Coarts at the end of this century. Chios, Rhodes, Samas, Pergarnum, the cities of the Ionian and Lycian leagues, and, in old Greece, Athens and Sparta, all benefited from Herod's generosity and from his desire for the prestige that such patronage brought. Herod's service to the Coans was an endowment to fund the gymnasium. a,o Coans seem to have established a close association with the court of Judaea at this time; in 8 BC a Coan named Euaratus was welcomed at Herod's court. Euaratus interceded in vain, but with impunity, on behalf Qf the king's sons, Aristobulus artd Alexander, in an attempt to

161

NS 549; for the Alexandrians see n 141; eh. 3 n 84. NS 520 (Olynthian); NS 547 (PH 211: Ambracian); NS 553 (Samothraeians); NS 613 (Lycian). 167 Sec J. Crampa. labr11UndaIll Part 2, The Greek /n1cription1 Part II: I 3- I 33, Lund 1972. pp. 42ff no 42 (e. 300 BC). 1 •• I, 15. For the Jewish dia1pora in the Greek cities see V. Tehcrikover, Hellenistic Ci11ilization and the Jews, Jewish Publ. Soc. America 1959, pp. 288ff. On the evidence fot the Jewish community of Cos see my uticle, ZPE 21 (2) 1976, pp. 183-8. 169 Seep. 138. i,o BJ I, 21,11. For Herod's patronage of the Greek cities see A. H. M. Jones, The Herod1of Juda~, Oxford 1938, pp. 97-101; L. Robert, 1:.·1.J::11.Phil .• pp. 136-8. 166

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save them from an accusation of treason. 111 Personal contact between Coans and the ruling family of Judaea is later attested by a Coan dedication in honoor of Herod's son, the tetrarch Herod Antipas (4 BC-AD 39); Herod Antipas is described as the philos and xeno, of the evidently high-ranking Coan, Philon, son of Aglaus, who made the dedication. in The organization of the Jewish settlement in Cos is not attested in Coan inscriptions, or in litenry sources. No reference has been preserved to characteristic Jewish institutions, such as the synagogue, which we must assume existed on Cos as elsewhere. The organization of a polileuma is not directly attested. A few dedications and funerary monuments are all that survive of the Jewish community of Cos. 173 In general we know extremely little about the history of the community, its size and memben' occupations. 'That it was a substantial community by 88 BC would seem to be suggested by the role of Cos as the location of Jewish funds. After the Romans had established their hegemony in Greece and Asia Minor in the opening decades of the second century BC, the number of Italian and Roman traden in the Aegean cities multiplied in contrast to their paucity in the third century BC. 1.,. When Rome decided to make Delos a free port under Athenian administration (167 BC), Romans and Italians were attracted to Delos in considerable volume. Delos became the main Aegean entrepot for the trade between Syria and Egypt in the east and Rome and Italy in the west. The community of 'Romans' on Cos had probably already formed by the end of the second century BC; at least when the Coans executed their famous service for Rome, in 88 BC, by protecting the Romans in the Asclepieion, 115 the Romaioi of Cos were numerous enough to be recognised as a separate community. None of the inscriptions, however, which relate to the presence of Italians, or Romans, can convincingly be attributed to the second century. A number of funerary inscriptions and dedications are datable to the tint century BC. 1'M

1 1 '

BJ I, 26, S. Euaratus wu identified by Herzog, SB Berl. Ak. 1901, p. 488, with Gaius Julius Euuatus, son of Euaratus, priest of Apollo at Halasama in 9 BC. Euaratus is, however, a common name in Cos: see the o,roma1tikon ,n,. m OG/S 416 (PH 1S; NS 456). ni See, with ZPE loc. cit. n 168, PH 63 (i/ii AD), 303 (i/ii AD); cf. also PH 278 (Imp.), with L. Robert, No,welles i111criplion1 de Sardes, Paris 1964, p. 44 n 8 (c/. Bull. Ep. 1952, p. 138 no 31). 1 .,,. For Roman and Italian trading activity in the Aegean during the third century BC see W. G. Forrest, JRS 46, 1956, pp. 169-71, at 170; P. M. Fraser, CR 13, 1959, pp. 64- 7, Ptol. Alu. I, pp. 155ff, II, p. 270 n l 87 (with bibliography). ns Sec pp. 138-9. ,,. R. Henog, KF, p. 87, ascribed the funerary inscription KF 96, Miufl I 'hnrcipxou I 'Pw$£aia. 'xaip~.to the second century BC. However, this inscription, which is engraved in ornamental and apicated style, seemed in my opinion, after examination of the stone

250

The Coans had come into contact with the Romans early in the second century BC, when they fought for Rome in the Milum Antiochicum. It seems improbable, however, that Italians and Romans had penetrated to Cos already by the end of the third century, or even had settled in any density in the early second century BC. Apart from the lack of early private monuments of Romaioi. the complete absence of Roman names in the three long lists of inhabitants of Cos (including citizens, foreigners and new citizens) of the end of the third, or beginning of the second century, in contrut to their presence in an epidosis(c.i BC) and in a list of priests (c. 27 BC-AD 106), provides a strong argwnent against the presence of Romans, or of Italians, in any number this early .•.,.,While a bilingual Greek-Latin dedication from Llndus of the mid-third century BC gives early evidence of a Roman resident in the Aegean, 118 serving to show that a few Romaioi might have resided on Cos early on, it seems probable that the main settlement of Italians and Romans in Cos postdated the opening decades of the second century BC. There is not at present the evidence to decide when exactly this community became established. Romans and Italians were attracted to Cos, as to Chios, 119 by the fertility of the island and by the possibility of exploiting the island's various products. Romans are attested in the Coan countryside at Haleis and Pele in Augustus' reign. They were among the privileged class of foreigners who enjoyed the right of ~ f1KTJ70'(;,the ability to own land. Thus they were included in the category of TOi.EIIEKfTl/JErot180. They evidently owned estates. Trade was also an irnpor-

on Cos, to be rather later, c. the first century BC. The names of the Campanian families of the Hordionii and Granii appear on the tribal list from Isthmus, ASA.A NS 25-6, 1963, p. 177 no XJ c, 2 and 4. These names were inscribed on the cornice of the stone and ue later additions to the main text, which is dated to c. 200 BC. The name of Map.KO.d.oa.T' Iv nMTai'(.) I Aftt• 6 • li,ra.c ~'16,-dc l11C.oc.,aoth1 Tf Bd.Moaa.) I xBwP (6' aaJ.uvfGf&tllO. •avoaT' l1rfVta,alJ1a(). 11 ' Cf. R. Herzog, loc. cit. .6.G#&(ITp(>(oel'l'lic

,cm

311

as aoteira;miraculously the thunder and earthquakes are stilled. The occasion of Aischron 's dedication to Demeter Soteira is the goddes' fulfillment of her prayen. Aischron's deep trust in Demeter is well depicted by this inscription. A lighter vein is encountered in Theocritus' description of another of Demetefs Coan festivals, the Thalysia. •• The festival is not a public festival but an informal private celebration of a rich harvest. Theocritus tells of its occurrence on the estate of friends, Phruidamus and Antigenes. 119The poet-narrator explains to the traveller the purpose of their journey, 'This journey is to a harvest-festival, for comrades of mine are holding a feast for fair-robed Demeter, giving fint-fruits of their abundance; for in full rich measure has the goddess piled their threshing-floor with barley.' 190 The Idyll draws to an end when the company reach their journey's close, 'I and Eucritus, and the fair Amyntas, turned towards Phrasi.damus' farm and laid ourselves down, rejoicing, on deep couches of sweet rush and on the fresh-stripped vine-leaves. All things were fragrant of rich harvest and of fruit-time.' 191 The guests celebrated with choice matured wine at an altar of Demeter, whose statue was decorated for the occasion with corn-ears and poppies, common attributes of the goddessof plenty. 192 Phrasidamus' and Antigenes' piety towards Demeter may have been due in part to the possibly hereditary character of Demeter's cult in their family.193 Demeter, a deity whose association with agriculture was traditional, was popular in the Coan country-side. There was a small sanctuary of the Eleusinian gods at Kyparissi, between the villages of Pyli and Asphendiou, to which reference has already been made. 194 This sanctuary was not a private shrine. It belonged to the deme of the Halentioi, and cannot for this reason be identified with that of Phrasidamus' family. A local cult of Demeter is also attested in the deme of Hippia during the Hellenistic period. 195

... Idyll Vil. 1 " Ibid. lff. IN 3lff. m 13lff. in 135-157. 1 "

Cf. Gow, Theocrihll II, p. 133; cf.

n 154. See p. 28 for description of this sanctuary and the statuary. For the dedications see Laurenzi, a. Rh. S (2), p. 162 (to Demeter: c. 350-300 BC); ibid. p. 169 (to Core: c. 350-300 BC); Ibid. p. 179 (to ~ore: early ill BC); ibid. pp. 186-9 (to Demeter: iii BC); cf p. 158 for reference to an altar of Demeter belofflllll to the deme of the Halentioi. 1 " Cf. Laurenzi, Rh. 9, p. 24, fig. 9 (iii-ii BC). Cf. ibid. p. 24, fig. 8 (plate 1), for a head from a statue of Core, also from Hippia. For the cult of Demeter at Antimachia seep. 306. IN

a.

312

Hermes was worshipped in various guises in Cos. The Arcadian cult of Hermes Kyllennios is attested in the late Hellenistic period. 196 Hermes' function in Cos as a pastoral deity is indirectly implied by another inscription, which is discuued below. He is perhaps most fully represented in his role as patron of music and as god of young men, two aspects in which Hennes was closely associated with the gymnasium. Gymnasiarchs made dedications to Hennes in the late Hellenistic period and a victor in an agon of the paides offered a cele• bratory dedication to Hennes and Heracles in the Imperial period. 197 The practice of a public cult of Hennes as Enagonios is established by an unpu~ lished lex sacra,which deals with provisions for the sale of the priesthood and details the priest's sacrificial obligations. 198 Hennes is represented with the Charites on a fragmentary Hellenistic votive relief, figuring here in his aspect as a god of music. 199 As god of traders he was the object of a dedication by grytopolai (sellers of small-wares).200 As the inscription is a bilingual LatinGreek dedication it is reasonable to posit their membership of the Roman community of Cos. 201 In the area of personal religion, Hennes' old connection with human fertility is found in a private cult of Hennes Probakchos (ill BC).202 Probakchos is an otherwise unattested epiklesis for Hermes, and appears to imply some degree of identification with Dionysus. whom Euripides calls 1rpo(Ja,c'X"iux. The epithet is believed to convey a mystic aspect compatible with Hermes' character as a god of fertility, and perhaps derived from the Orphic tradition of Dionysus' association with Hermes' birth. 103 The personal appeal of Hennes is perhaps attested in Cos by the comparatively high incidence of names derived from Hermes. though too much cannot be made of this since Hermes-names are generally common in ancient Greece. 104 The name Eumeliodorus, however. is of particular interest. 205 Eumeliodorus was the leader of a thiasos of Bakchiastai. The name is theophoric and has been shown to attest indirectly a Coan cult

'" HG p. 35 w (revised ed. of NS 452). For the wonhip of Humes see Niluon, GGR 12 , pp. SOlff. 191 KF IS; NS 448 . ... For reference to this unpublished lex 111cra see M. Segre,Anum 1935, p. 254. '" L. Laurenzi,ASA.ANS 17-8, 1955-6, p. 144 no 208 (fig 2). ,.. NS 466 (reign orAugustus). •• Cf, Maiuri, Ibid. _, G. Pugliese Carratelli, Mt,,c~llaMll di 1tudi in ~m. Augwto Ro1tapl, pp. 162-3, cf eh. 3 n 93. •• Cf. PualieseCarratelli, Ibid. .,. See the onomo1tikon w. See Steph. Byz. .rv, for an otherwise unattested and perhaps mistaken tradition of a Coan place called Hermoupolis. For the Hennaistai see p. 361. •• NS 492 (c. i BC-i AD), ·••Q&.1\10( I Eu"'1A&.o6Wp0( A&oKMikI Bidac,, Bcuc:xcacrru T'WPa( 1h.1)I Ev,i11M06wpc..x.

313

of Hermes u Eumelios. 306 The cult appean to have originated from a primitive Coan cult of a god of flocks, Eumelus. As the name Eumeliodoros is based on an adjectival and not substantive root, it must be derived from an epiklais formed from the name Eumelos and not directly from the personal name. The name's form (Eumeliodoros) sugests that the cult of Eumelus was incorporated in that of another deity. Since the relationship between Eumelus and Hermes is established in the Coan myth of Eumelus, son of Merops, who was turned into a bird for refusing to sacrifice to Hennes as god of shepherds, the deity absorbing Eumelus' cult can safely be identified u Hennes.10'7Hennes' care for livestock wu an ancient function, appearingalready in Hesiod's Theofony. • This putoral cult was at home in rural Cos, where sheep were reared. 209 Dionysus was popular in Cos. The cult calendar of the late fourth century prescribed threeseparatesacrifices to Dionysus as Skyllites in the month of Batromios. 210 The epithet refen to Dionysus· role as a god of vegetation. The cult was appropriate for Cos becauseof the locally important viticulture and wine trade.211 The cult of Dionysus Thyllophoros is tint attested in c. the last quarter of the third century, when the Coans published a dillgrapharegulating the cult. 212 The epikleJi&again refers to Dionysus as god of vegetation and trees. We learn more about the cult from a later Hellenistic diagrapha regulating the sale of the priesthood. 213 There was a religious ceremony at the priestess' induction, a common feature of Greek cult practice, which was financed in Cos by the state. 214 The priestess' ability to appoint deputies from the citizen women for each deme establishes the universality of the cult in the island. 115 At the precise point at which the ritual of the cult is described. the document is irretrievably wom. 216 The legible part. however, concerns the organization of characteristic ceremonies for the initiation of the cult's adherents. 217 A procession 'to Dionysus' was celebrated in the second century BC in the month

,.. See L. Robert. Et. Ep. PlrU.pp. 214-7 for the elucidation of NS 492, which is followed hue. 10 " Cf. Robert, Ibid. For the myth of Eumelus, son of Merops, see p. 291. ,.. SyQ.• 1000, 8 (reference to a tax on wool). See p. 142 for the tyrant Niciu· possession of Rocks on Cos ,.. Hesiod, Thq. 444ff, cf Homeric Hym111IV, 567-71. Cf. Nilssora, GGR P, p. 506. 21 • HG 1 (PH 37; SyU.• 1025; LSCG 151 A), 44, 57, 62. 211

See pp. 2360'.

ni For extracts from this unpublished la •era aee M. Segre, Atti PAR 17, 19-il, pp. 29-34, quoted at eh. 3 n 169. 11 • LSCG 166 (revised ed. of PH 27 (Syll. • 1012), with critical apparatus: ii-I BC). 214 Ibid. 20-3. , .. 23-6. 11 • 40-58. 11 " S9ff.

314

of Artamitios. 218 This pompe appears to have been to either the altar of Dionysus, referred to in an inscription, or to a temple of Dionysus.219 The altar has been conjecturally identified with the site of a monumental altar in the ancient city .220 There is a temple site adjacent to that of the altar, which could, but need not, belong to Dionysus.221 Fragments remain of another monument probably to be associated with Dionysus. Six blocks of a sculptured frieze with dramatic masks, satyr heads and festoons are built into the wall above the outer gateway of the castle of the Knights of St. John, in the modem town of Cos.m On the outer wall, facing the sea, are fragments of a small fricze decorated with figures of satyrs and Bacchantes in procession.223 There is another fragment of a frieze, with a satyr's head, in the collection of sculpture in the castle.214 The friezes' original derivation from a building associated with Dionysus is suggested by their content. The celebration of at least two Coan festivals for Dionysus in the Hellenistic period is established by a reference to the 'first' Dionysia.225 Two lists of victors at the Coan Dionysia name the victors at the dramatic contests traditional to these festivals.226 There was a pompe of the boys, and competitions for dithyrambic and comic choruses.227 These were held in the Coan theatre. 228 Another connection of Dionysus with Cos, not directly concerned with cult, is afforded by the Dionysiac artists who were closely associated with Cos in the Hellenistic period. The Dionysia were not the only Coan festivals at which dramatic and musical competitions were held. The institution of the Great Asclepieia, in 242 BC, added to the Coan calendar an important festival which also included dramatic and musical competitions requiring actors and musicians.229 A Hellenistic decree of a lcoinon of the artists relates to the visit to Cos of its

21

HG 9 (PH 43; SyU.• 1028; LSCG 165, B, 14). The Coan calendar (HG, pp. 49-S0) contains two Dionysiac month-names, Agrianios and Theudaisios, cf Dibbelt, Qw,at. Coa •

Mythol. pp. 63-4. 21 • PH 10, 28-9. u. Cf. p. 25. 221 Cf. Ibid. 222 See L. Ross, Arch. Aut,4ne (2), Leipzig 1861, pp. 402-5; Newton, A ltinory of tire dlJCO•eria111HoliCt111111mu, Otldul and BrrmcltldN II, London 1863, p. 633. These frq;ments are stilJ in aitu. 22 • Cf. Newton, ibid. ,,. This fragment is not referred to by Ross and Newton, but is in the Castle Museum, Cos. 22 • PH 13,16 (iii/ii BC). u. PH 45 (ill BC); KF 13 (iii-ii BC). 221 PH 45,6ff. 221 PH 13, 16. 129 See pp. 111-2. For the Coans• election of klthorlstat for the festival of Nike see NS 441 (LSCG 163: ii BC), 24ff.

315

members, and honours a Coan for his helpfulness to the koinon. 230 The guild, simply described as the koinon of Dionysiac artists, is not further identified. Its non-local character is established both by the decree's inscription in koine, instead of Doric, and by a reference to the guild's dispatch of ambassadors to Cos to announce the honorific decree to the Coans.231 A fragment of another decree of a guild of Dionysiac artists survives.232 It is probably later than the former decree and can be dated to c. the second century BC.233 The use of the distinctive Coan eponymous monarchos for dating this decree indicates that it was issued on Cos. But again the use of lcoine demonstrates that the lcoinon was not a local Coan guild. In c. 82 BC Sulla wrote to the Coans, as dictator, enclosing at the request of a lyre-player from Laodicea a senatuscomultum in which were confirmed certain privileges given to the lonian-Hellespontine guild by the senate, magistrates and pro-magistrates of Rome. 134 The full title of the guild is given as the koinon of the artists of the lonian-Hellespontine guild and of the artists of Dionysus Kathegemon. The association of this guild with Dionysus Kathegemon occurred in the reign of Eumenes II of Pergamum (197-160), when the lonian--Hellespontine guild came under Attalid domination and became closely linked with the Attalid dynastic cult of Dionysus K.athegemon.235 The Coans' contact with the IonianHellespontine guild under its new guise raises the possibility of its identity as the koinon which issued the third century honorific decree for a Coan. This guild mewed from its headquarters at Teos in the mid-second century, after a series of disputes, and was subsequently based on a number of places before finally settling, in Strabo's time, at Lebedos. 236 The residence of this guild on Cos in the second century, after its departure from Teos, may be suggested by another fragmentary decree of a non.Coan koinon. which wu issued on Cos.237 This hypothesis would appearto be confinned by the occurrence of the partially preserved name of the lonian-Hellespontine guild in the fragment. 231 Sulla's letter to the Coans seems to illustrate the close links of Cos with the

2

"

•

1

PH 24. Ibid. 1Off.

m NS 439, with L. Robert, BCH 59, 1935, p. 199, 199 n l (ii BC), 'E,rl ,u,vapxou XPTJ41 Heracles, who is prominent in local legend, had great stature in Coan religious life. We have seen that Cos was one of the places that Heracles visited - in the full sense of the word - after his capture of Troy. 242 It is now clear that the legend of his arrival at Cos and seizure of Eurypylus' city is of great antiquity. Hesiod, in his Catalogue of Women, or Eoae, shows that the tradition of Heracles' confrontation with Eurypylus' sons, Antagoras and Chalcon, and his capture of Cos, was already formed in Hesiod's day. 243 The author of the Iliad appears to know the story too since he knows that Cos was once Eurypylus', yet at the time of the Trojan War is ruled by the Heraclid Thessalus, son of Heracles and Eurypylus' daughter .144 After describing Mestra's rape by Poseidon in seagirt Cos, Hesiod goes on to tell how Mestra bore a son to Poseidon, Eurypylus, a leader of cities. Two sons were then born to Eurypylus. But, Hesiod relates, 'Zeus' brave son sacked Antagoras' fine city over a trifling matter, and pillaged the villages of Cos.' 245 Local tradition, recorded by the recondite Plutarch, furnishes the details. Heracles was driven by a storm to Cos where he was cast up on Cape Lacetor in the last surviving ship. He came upon a flock of sheep and asked the man tending it for a ram. The man was Antagoras. He was in the prime of youth and challenged Heracles to a friendly wrestling

21

• Sherk, Hirtoria 15, 1966, pp. 211-16, RDGE pp. 264-6, relates the Sullan epiltulo only to the general background of the First Mithridatic Wu and the guild's desire to seek a reaffirmation of its status after Sulla's reorganization of Asia in 84. ,... NS 492, quoted above n 205. As the name of the leader of this thltao1 is given with patronymic and without ethnic, he can safely be regarded as a Coan: see p. 360. The auumption of Coans among the membership of this group of Bakchiastai seems fair. Mi See the onoma1tikonn. For the Athenian cult of Dionysus Limnaios see Pickard-Cambridge, op. cit. pp. 9ff. A variant tradition locates Dionysus' birth at Drakanon: Hom. Hynuul, 1. cf. Theocr./dyl/ XXVI, 33, Nonn. Dion. IX, 16,APVU 6S1, 3. For the Coan promontory Drekanon see Strabo 6S7. Allen and Halliday, The Homme Hymm, Oxford 1936, p. 101, identify Drakanon with the Coan Dtekanon. In view of the other places named Drakanon (Strabo 639, Pliny,NH IV, 23), this identification must be uncertain. 342 Cf. p. 307. Ms See n. 149. ""' lllod II, 676ff. 341 Sec n. 150.

317

match, offering the ram u prize if Heracles won. Confusion followed. The Meropes came to Antagoras' help and Heracles' surviving men helped Heracles. There was a great battle. Heracles wu worsted at first, but eventually overcame the Meropes, whereupon, as we have seen, he muried Eurypylus' daughter Chalciope, therebye in classic manner conciliating conquered and conquerors and founding a new dynasty. 246 The latter part of the story was embellished to provide an explanation of a curious feature of the Coan cult of Heracles at Antirnachia. After his initial defeat Heracles took refuge in the house of a Thracian woman, and escaped by disguising himself in her clothes. Then, after his victory over the Coans, he manied Chalciope, and at the wedding wore a flowered garment.:>47 The tradition held that Heracles' adoption of woman's clothing was the reason for the transvestism of Heracles' priest at Antimachia. Plutarch also coMected the ritual transvestism in Cos with that of bridegrooms at marriages, 141 but the correctness of his attribution of this custom to Coan wedding., is uncertain.'.M9The legend appears only to associate transvestism with the cult of Heracles. Transvestism was practised at weddings in Sparta, occurred at Argos in celebration of Hermes' festival, the Hybristika, and is attested elsewhere in the cult of Heracles, 250 whatever its significance. The Coan story seems to have been invented to explain an old and mysterious rite. the meaning of which had long been lost. The question of the crab's association with Heracles in Coan myth remains to be discussed. 251 The significance of the crab as the special parasemonof Cos and the question of its relation to Heracles is puzzling. The crab was the sole symbol used on the earliest archaic coins of Cos. 151 With the minting of the fifth century diJkoboloi, the first Coan coins to have badges on both sides, the crab is used for the reverses.153 When the Coan mint opened in the mid-fourth century, after its closure since the mid•fifth century in probable obedience to the Athenian coinage decree, 254 the head of bearded Heracles with lion•skin and a crab, now accompanied by Heracles' club, are used as the

~

(lullat.

Gr. 58.

'Ibid. Ibid. ,.. Plut. Lye. 15 (Sparta); idem. Mui. Vlrt. 245 F(Argos); .ee W. R. Halliday, BSA 16, 1909-10, pp. 212-219 at 215-6. 210 Plut. Mui. Vlrt. 245 E. See W. R. Halliday, Pluttudr, Greek Quatloru, Oxford 1928, pp. 212-9;c/. C. Gallini, Stud Mota. Storlll deli. Rei. 34, 1963, pp. 211-228, for instances of transvestism in the cult of Heracles and in other cults. 11 • For pneral discussions of Greek ,,.,,,.,,,. see Perdrizet, BCH 20, 1896, pp. 549-62; Lacroix,Et. Arch. Claar. I, 1955-6, pp. 91-115. us See pp. 74-5. 2A Ibid. ,,. See pp. 22-3. M7 Ml

318

badges of the obverse and reverse respectively. 155 The use of the crab by itself on Coan coins of the sixth century does not encourage belief that the crab was now associated with the Heracles' legend. 256 The introduction of Heracles' club to the reverse to join the crab need not imply the mythical connection of the two symbols, but simply demonstrates the greater importance now given to Heracles. For this reason the relevance of Heracles' battle with the Lemaean Hydra, whose ally, a crab, was smashed underfoot by Heracles, seems extremely doubtful. One Coan coin, however, hints at the crab's eventual absorption into a local legend. A coin of the early Imperial period has a badge of Heracles, bearded and naked, standing to the front, holding a child and a lion-skin in his left ann. A crab is depicted by his left foot. 157 As the crab and Heracles ue in no sense opponents in this representation, it looks as if Coan legend took the crab as Heracles' ally. 258 The reason for the original adoption of the crab is uncertain. Crabs are, however, common in Coan waters. 259 Local abundance, as so often, could have determined the choice of parasemon. Heracles' general popularity, from the foundation of Kos onwards, is emphasised by the Coans' choice of Heracles as the obverse badge of the coins of the new city. A survivingfragment of the cult calendar prescribes sacrifices to Heracles without epiklesis on the 28th day of an unidentified month.l60 There was a preliminary burnt sacrifice of a lamb followed by the sacrifice of an ox. The Herakleion is attested in the same document, and is the centre for sacrifices of the Dorian tribe of the Hylleis. 261 The particular association of the Hylleis with the Heralcleion may suggest that Heracles wu the patron of this tribe. 262 A public cult of Heracles as Kallinikos is attested in an un163 Heracles was also tutelary deity of the gymnasium with published /ex sacra. 264 Apollo. He is again linked with Apollo at Haluama, 265 but there is no indication that the association entailed more than Heracles' sharing Apollo's

211 2

•

21 ' 2

2

•

•

GCBMCarla,pp. 194ff. nos 10-26. Pace B. V. Head, GCBMCorio,p. XC. GCBMCarlo,p. 21S no 209 (pl. xxxiii, 4), cf Ibid 210 (pl. xxxiii, 5). Cf. B. V. Head, Ibid. p. XC. Cf. R. Henog, rev. ed or0. Clusius, Die Mindtirnbende, Heronda,, Leipzia 1926, p. 112

commenting on MltM IY, 43-4. For popular Greek beliefs about crabs see D'Arcy Went• worth Thompson,A Gloaary of Greek Fi,J,n, Oxford 1947, pp. 10S-6. "° HG 3 (PH 39;SyU. • 1027; LSCG 151 C), 8ff. -• Ibid. 3. _, Cf. PH p. 259. •• See M. Segre,Anum, 1935, p. 25 ... For the discovery ora small sanctuary orHeracles in the harbour area of ancient Kos ~ p. 304. :M4 NS«8. •• PH 367 (rev. ed. after Henos«pud G. PIJlliese Carratelli,ASAA NS 2S-6. 1963, pp. 183ff. no XXVI). 3ff.

319

sanctuuy. Heracles' cult at Haluama was, like that of Apollo, celebrated by the Coan tribes.* Archatonta, cult officials of the tribes, had sacrificial duties in the cult. 267 A separate festival for Heracles, called the HeratJeia, regularly took place.* But the cult of Apollo was dominant; the sanctuary and temple belonged to Apollo and the chief priesthood of the deme was that of Apollo. 169 Heracles' popularity in Cos found expression in the widespread practice of his cult in the dernes, at Haluama, Antimachiaand at Phyxa. i,o Heracles was also wonhipped in a private cult which is discussed below. 271 There are a number of references to Coan cults of Hecate. The city cult is mentioned in the early third century cult calendar from lsthmus. 2 n Hecate's infernal aspects are illustrated in a late fourth century 1ex sacra, which includes among prohibitions for certain public priesthoods a ban on participation in the cult of Hecate Megala and certain other chthonic cults. 2 TJ The epikle:si:s,which denotes Hecate's power, is elsewhere rare, but in the form mtgiste appears to be localised by the Imperial period in Carla, perhaps the original home of Hecate. 2" Heliod established Hecate's diverse character when he described the varied blessing., of which this goddess was capable in heaven, earth and at sea.275 On Cos, Hecate's association with the sea is found in the cult of Hecate Pontia. A Coan dedicated an altar to Hecate Pontia after office as priest of Apollo. 2" From Halasarna there are two dedications for Hecate Stratia by the priest of Apollo and college of hieropoioi. 277 Hecate is also attested as mteira at Halasama. A lochago:smade

_. Ibid. » 7 For I decree from Haluarna honourin& an IIT'Cheuon see R. Herzog, SB Bai. Ak. 1901, p. 478 no 2 (ill BC); see alao eh. 5 n 4S. •• PH 361, 46ff. _. Cf. n 265; see R. Herzog, KIio 2. 1902, p. 320, for reference to an unpublished decree from Haluama concerned with an qldo,u for building operations on Apollo's temple: cf.

n. 84. no For the cult of Heracles at Phyxa see R. Henog, HG, p. 20. :na Soe pp. 364ff. in PH401 (rev. ed. R. Henoa,opudASAA NS 25-6, 1963,p. 158 no l;LSCG 169 A). 5. 271

HG 5 (LSCG 156) A, 8. See B.Milller,Mqirr11'11«>1, Diss. inaug. Halis Saxonum 1913, p. 335, for the evidence of Hecate as me,ute. For the cult of Hecate see Nilsson, GGR pp. 722_.. 271 Th«JK. 411 ff. 2 " KF 217 (c. iii-ii BC). Maiuri restored NS 415, 12 as I·· - w.a..i. 'Ew.ci)nu; TIOPriat ~pi, ,cai :E,~a{Twv), but it is clear that 'A,wo5l}Tat is an equally posstble supplement, recommended too by the independent evidence of a public cult of Aphrodite Pontia in Cos. 2 "' PH 310, quoted on p. 218. Cf. PH 388; this inscription was found at Antimachiabut was rightly suspected by PH, p. 262 (wrongly given u PH 381 instead of 388) u beinga stray from Haluama (cf. R. Herzog, SB Berl. Ak. 1901. p. 480), where the institution of priest and college of hleropolol ii well attested in association with the sanctuary and cult of Apollo. 2 "'

320

r,

a dedication to Hecate with this epithet, which befitted the dedicator's military character. 1711The milituy connotation of the epiklesis Stratia, originally derived frcm the Carlan cult of Zeus Stratios, 119 and the commonneu of the epithet soteira in soldiers' dedications, suggest that this group of dedications was made in time of war.1• Those to Hecate Stratia are dated approximately to the end of the third century on the basis of prosopography .181 Between 205-201 Halasarna faced attack during both the Cretan War and the war against Philip V of 201-200. This period affords a suitable historical context for these dedications. They constitute the only evidence from Cos for the application to Hecate of the epithet Stratia. It looks as though this epiklesis was adopted especially for the crisis. 282 Hecate's darker role in popular religion is powerfully evoked in Theocritus' second Idyll which, as we have seen, very probably has a Coan setting. 183 There is little doubt that Theocritus is portraying contemporary practice and the probable Coan location of the poem leads to the pos.sibility that Idyll II, like Idyll VII, reflects Coan belief. A young woman, Simaitha, seeks to win back the athlete, Delphis of Myndus, by a nocturnal magic ritual. She had fallen deeply in love with Delphis at a festival for Artemis: 'O Moon, shine bright, for to thee goddess I will softly chant, and to Hecate of the world below, before whom even the dogs tremble as she comes over the graves of the dead and their dark blood. Hail, grim Hecate, and to the end attend me, and make these drugs of mine as potent as those of Circe or Medea or golden-haired Perimede! 284 Simaitha then executes a love-spell ritual with repeated magical invocations and necromantic acts. She voices her desire for revenge and retribution before the spell draws to a peaceful ending in confonnity with magical practice. 185 'Now with my love-ma,ic will I bind him, but if he vex me still, I swear by the Moirai he shall beat upon the gate of Hades, such evil drugs, I vow, I will heap for him in my box, lore that I learned, 0 Queen, from an Assyrian

2 "'

NS 676. Maitari, ibid. noted the homonym of PH 387, 3-4 (c. 200 BC), and connected the dedication with military activity at Haluuna at the end of the third century. His tran~pt, however, which gives heavily apicated letter forms and alpha with broken aoss-bar, sugests a considerably later date in either the second or rust century BC. I was unable to find this inscription at Halasarna to verify its date. 2 " Cf. Hofer, RL 4, 1542-3. no Cf Launey, RecllBChn mr In ID'ffliei hellinutique1 2, p. 924, who docs not, however, relate the dedications to a specific historical context. 281 ·see pp. 218ff. 282 1ne event promptin& the dedication (NS 676) to Hecate Soteira depends for its identification on the dedication's date, on which see n 2 78. 211 See n. 11 (bibliography). ,.. Idyll I/, IOff .. 111 See Gow, Th«>eritw II, pp. 35-6, on the close relation between Simaitha's magic and contemporuy

practice.

21 Anciient C'OllI Hyp. 5 I I

321

stranger.' 216 Simaitha invoked Hecate as goddess of the crossroads, traditionally the haunt of magical practices, and the goddess is stirred by the spell to manifest herself at the crossroads in the town. 287 It was probably the cult of Hecate at the crossroads, where offerinp were lain to be consumed by the goddess at night {'ElcaTaia. &i,n,a), that wu forbidden as unclean to the incumbent of the priesthood of ZeusPolieusin Cos.281 The moon is invoked with Hecate both as a natural ally for a nocturnal rituaJ and because Hecate's connection with nightly rites led to the popular identification of the moon as the celestial personality of Hecate. Also, Artemis was indirectly responsible for Simaitha's love for Delphis. Artemis' assimilation of characteristics of Hecate as goddea of witchcraft and sorcery is criticised in the Coan story Meropis, too. 219 It is easy to accept that these aspects of Artemis and Hecate commanded ready belief among Coans (as among other Greeks), whose deisidaimonia is well revealed by the inscriptions.290 On the other hand Hecate's power for good in popular belief is reflected in Cos by the high incidence of theophoric names derived from her name. 291 We tum now to the civic cult of Hestia.292 This goddess' traditional role as symbolical centre of public life and of civic authority is encountered in the lex sacrafor the festival of Zeus Polieus. After the elaborate procedure for the choice of an ox for Zeus Polieus is completed, the ritual is repeated for Hestia.293 294 The selected victim is sacrificed to Hestia by the gereaphorosof the basileis.. Then the ox selected for Zeus is led to the agora where the sacrifice for Hestia has taken place.295 In the agora either the oxen's owner, or a representative, makes the following proclamation, 'To the Coans I offer the ox; let the Coans pay the price to Hestia.' 296 The prostatai take an oath and value the ox at once. Their valuation is announced by the herald. The ox is then driven to the hearthaltar of Hestia and sacrificed with appropriate ceremony. 297 The tradition of

u. Idyll II, 159ff. 21 " Ibid. 35-6. na HG 5 (LSCG 156) A, 9;cf. R. Henoe:,HG p. 17. _, Anton. Lib. XV, 2, where criticism is made of Artemis as wuu,.dpcx:, or

1N1Cf'{41o,TCX

(LS' ff).

"° See further

pp. 37 lff. See the onomoltikon. We can compare the incidence at Argos; Mittos, op. clt. n 98, p. 74' (only one example). See Sittig, pp. 6lff. '" On the cult of Hestia see Suss,RE VUI, 125 7ff; Nilsson, Grnlc Pop,,,1111Relip,n, New York 1940 (republished as Grttk Folk Rellp,n, Torchbook 1961), pp. 72ff. •• HG 1 (PH 31;SyU. 1 1025; LSCG 151 A). The relevant parts of this text, accompanied by a translation, are given on pp. 158-9. ,.. HG 1, 19ff. HI Ibid. 22-3 . .. Ibid. 2Sff. •

1

291

26-35.

322

Hestia's priority in both public and private sacrifice is well attested, and was naturally observed in Coan religious ceremonies. The focal point of Hestia's cult was often set in the city's political centre, the prytaneion or bouleuterion. The location of the Coan ritual in the agora shows that Hestia's hearth•altar was set somewhere in the agora. It is notable that the sacrifice was offered not by the priest of Zeus Polieus but by the gereaphoros of the basileis,who received sacred perquisites. We learn from Aristotle that the cult officials who 'obtained their authority from the common hearth' included kinp, as well as archontes and prytaneis.291 The earlier discussion of the Coan monarchos showed that the gereaphorosbasileon may here designate the monarchos.299 It is possible that the cult role of the basileis' representative is a survival from the days of Coan kinphip as in lonia and Carla (and Rome). A mysterious feature of Hestia's function is her financial connection with the victim. The owner 'gives' the sacrificial ox to the Coans. His gift has been ex• plained in terms of the liturgical obligation of hestiasis.300 The oddity is that Hestia also claims the victim's monetary value. The duty of the prostatai to value the ox seemsto show that this is not meant symbolically, the Coans' saaifice of the ox to Hestia being taken u the payment of her dues. The community appean to have paid the cost of the ox to Hestia (i e. her treasury, or that of public funds). 301 The effect was a financial subsidy.• Hestia's role is illuminated by a fragment of a cult calendar from Isthmus. This inscription prescribes sacrifices for Hestia named as Tamias, an otherwise unattested epithet of the goddess. 303 Hestia appean to have enjoyed a special role in Cos as guardian of monies. Whether the goddea was believed to protect her own sacred treasures, or public funds in general, is a matter of uncertainty.

,,. Politic, 1285b, 16. "'p. 199. .. L. Gernet,Antllropoloiie de Ill GrluonJique, Paris 1968, pp. 397-8. •• Cf. Farnell, O,lt1 of tlle GrHk State, 5, pp. 349-350 . .. Farnell, loc. cit. n 301, also offered the explanation that the transference of the purchase-money to Hestia was intended to support the fiction that she was really the owner of the ox, and that it was thus sacrificed to Zeus~· la-rla.( by the divine embodiment of the city's life. - PH 401 (rev. ed. R. Hen01 apud ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, p. 158 no 1; LSCG 169 A), 9. Sokolowski noted the absence of parallels for this cult epllclnu of Hestia and raised the powbility of reading 4a.lliv-(cf /G Xll(S) 238). A reading of my squeeze of PH 401 (GIBM 338) and personal examination of the stone confirm the con-cctneu of the reading Ta,u'.cu. The reading of Hestia's eplklelb in HG 1,28, is another ,natter. Herzog read 'ET~~uw. rejecting Hick's Tapio,, as too short. Sokolowski, commentary to HG 1 (LSCG 151 A), sugests Tiw,G.ftiau, or Ad4U,GIJ.I found the stone too worn to be able confidently to coruum or reject Henoa's correction of Hicks.

323

Coan public religion included the cult of the Twelve Gods,* who had a sanctuary and an altar. 305 At the end of the fourth century the cult had its own priest who officiated at the festival of Zeus Machaneus. 306 Not long after, the administration of the cult appears to have been reorganized. The priesthood was amalgamated with that of the cult of Zeus Polieus and became the priesthood of Zeus Polieus and the Twelve Gods, 307 so that the cults were for practical convenience administered by the same priest. 308 A noteworthy aspect of this joint priesthood is that it was not originally open to any Coan of appropriate age and sex, but was restricted to a particular tribal division the Hippiadai - a limitation perhaps going back to an ancient cult prerogative of this old Coan kinship division. 309 There is no evidence of the particular identity of the Twelve Gods, who varied from state to state. 310 The persistence of the Coan cult through the HeJlenistic into the Imperial period 311 seems to reflect the Coans' respect for traditional Greek religion. The role of the cult in personal religion is attested in the family cult of Charmylus at modem Pyli (ancient Pele), where land, gardens and a heroon were dedicated to the Twelve Gods and to Charmylus as hero of his family. in the third century. 311 The remaining old Greek cults are not of much importance in Coan public cult (with the exception, of course, of Asclepius). The Dioscuri figure only in private religion in Hellenistic Cos. 313 However the Coans sent delegations of theoroi to attend the mysteries of the Great Gods at Samothrace in the Hellenistic period, where the Dioslcouroihad Jong been assimilated to the kabeiroi.314 Rhea, mother of Zeus, has a public cult and priesthood, as did

,.. See Weinreich, RL IV ZwiJl/,otter, 764-848 at 790. See PH 1,1S (iv/iii BC),cf NS 432, 19 (iii flC);HG 9 (PH 43;SyU.' 1028; LSCG 165) B, 7-8 (ii flC);HG 2 (PH 38;Syll.' 1026;LSCG 1S1 8), 16-8. See my article ZPE 24, 1977, pp. 205-217 at 208 n 12. 186 See HG 2, 16ff. ,.., HG 5 (LSCG 1S4) A . ... HG 5 A, 18. ... See pp. 155-6. 1 '° See my article, ZPE 24, 1977, p. 208 n 12. 111 See PH 125 (i BC-i AD), NS 460, 462 (Imp.). 112 PH 349. 1111 See G. Pugliese Carratelli, Mucelllln«1 di 1tudi in mem. Augu1to Ro1tapt, pp. 162-3, quoted at eh. 3 n 93. See L. Laurenzi, ASAA NS 17-8, 1955-6, p. 144-S no 207, fig. 207, for a Coan relief, dated to c. the second century BC, of Helen and the Dioscwi. 114 See IG Xll (8)171 b, 27ff (Coan theoroi and pro:unoi), 59ff. See also F. Salviat, BCH 86, 1962, pp. 275-8, for another list from Samothrace. See Salviat, ibid,. with L Robert's comments upon the penonal names, for the probable identification of the named individuals as Coan theorol, proxenoi or myuai. For the foundation of a cult of the Dioscuri at Calymnus in c. ii-i BC. when Calymnus was Coan, see TC 117 (SGDI 359S), plate LXX.

•s

324

the Great Mother, the Mother of the Gods. 315 But little of note is known beyond the bare fact of these cults' existence. A public cult of the Corybantes, Cybele's attendants, is attested in the Hellenistic period. 316 To what extent this cult was associated with that of the Mother of the Gods, or assimilated with a cult of the Samothracian kabeiroi, as commonly occurred, is at present uncertain. An earth-mother cult is also present in the Coan cult of Ge. We meet a curious reference to a kuklos Gds in a second or early first century Coan inscription. 317 The right to sell the revenues of the kuklos was auctioned off to tax-gatherers. Kuklos can be used simply to denote booths in the agora, or employed for a special round place sacred to a god. 318 The kuklos of Zeus Agoraios, for example, is attested for fourth century Erythrae. 319 It is perhaps to be identified as the place for hearing law-suits arising from a law published in the same inscription, and can probably be located in the agora from the epiklesis Agoraios. 310 Was the Coan kuklos Gas a round sanctuary, or was it a rotunda used for another purpose? 321 Whatever it was, the place was under the protection of Ge. This cult is otherwise attested for Cos in the legend Meropis,in which the hybris of Eumelus consisted of his exclusive worship of Ge. 322 In the Hellenistic period there was a joint cult of Adrasteia and Nemesis.323 These deities appear in Cos, and a few other places, as actual goddesses, not mere personifications. 3l4 They presided over manumissions, perhaps because of their concern with man's fate. As at Athens, the payment of

iu HG 2 (PH 38; SyU.• 1026; LSCG 151 B), 2. For the priest of Rhea see NS 450 (c. ii BC); NS 460,S (Imp.). For the Mother of the Gods see LSCG 169 B (rev. ed. of PH 402 by Herzog. apud ASA.A NS 25-6, 1963. p. 158 no II) 6 (early iii BC). "' For reference to this fragmentary lex ,ac,a about the cult of the Corybantes (Kyrbantes) see M. Segre, Anum 1935. p. 254. IU SyU.I 1000. 29. 111 For kukloi as booths in the agora see R. Martin, Recherchn sur l'Agora grecque, p. 337; cf Hesych. and Hupocration n. For a good discussion of the problems of the Coan kuk/01 see Vreeken. pp. 76-9, commentary on SyU.• 1000, 29. , .. SGDI IV, 880, 60b; cf A. Wilhelm, JOA/ 12, 1909, pp. 134-S. 120 Cf. Martin, op. dt. pp. l 78ff. 111 For an elaborate round building in the agora at Side see A. M. Mansel, Die Ruinen von Side, Berlin 1963, pp. 102-7, figs 78-83a. Mansel, p. 107, tentatively identifies the building as a temple on the basis of an Imperial coin (fig 83b) depicting the round building with Tyche inside. For a round building in the agora at Perge see Mansel, Arch. Anz. 1975, l, pp. 79-80, 83 (figs 46-7), who suggests a possible connection with cult. n 2 See p. 291. n, LSCG 160 (PH 29); LSCG 161 (KF 9;10). Sokolow!lki date!I both of these inscriptions to the third century BC, but the lettering of both looks later. They should probably be dated to the second century BC. 114 For the cults of Adrasteia and Nemesis see Farnell, Cu/r, of tire Greek Statn II, pp. 487 -SOO. See JG XII (5. 1) 720 for a cult of Adlasteia and Nemesis at Andros.

325

sacrif1ees was obligatory for the manumittor. 325 The cult had its own priesth~d and a full calendar of obliptory sacrifices by magistrates and those concerned with commerce and public works. Care wu taken to ensure regular sacrifices and revenue. The adjudicaton of contracts for public and sacred works, for example, only received the payments of architects for their contracts after the priest had corroborated that the value of the architects' sacrifices was proportionate to the sum they were to receive. 326 Another Coan cult concerned with human fate was that of the Moirai, the Fates. The public character of their cult is attested by two altar-plaques from the Asclepieion of Hellenistic date. The plaques are inscribed with the name of the Moirai and the citizen division to which they belonged. 321 The Moirai were also the object of private cult. The cult foundation of Diomedon included a prescription for sacrifices to the Moirai. 328 It is very probable too that oaths sworn by the Moirai were peculiarly Coan. The oath vai ~ is used, as has been seen, in an appropriate context in Theocritus' Idyll II. when their control of destiny is relevant to the Dorian Simaetha's spell.329 Herodas' use of this oath in three passages in Minu!sI and IV. where the Moirai have no relevance, in contrast to their usually special significance, has long been understood as Herodas' use of a familiar local oath. 330 Herodas' own links with Cos, where he set his second and probably fourth mime, and the probable Coan location of Idyll II, which also contains this rare oath, constitute a strong case for identifying oaths sworn by the Moirai as Coan practice. 331 The incidence in Hellenistic Cos of a number of personal names derived from Moira, which are not generally very common, perhaps reflects Coan predilections for the Moirai. m

Nike, who was personified as a separate goddess by the fourth century, wu wonhlpped in Coan public cult in Hellenistic times. 333 Athena Nike is attested in private cult. 334 The Gallic defeat of 279 was celebrated by a special festival

121

LSCG 160 (PH 29), 4ff. See F. Bleidentification u a rural sanctuary of the Charites is confirmed by excavation. The Nymphs occur in Coan cult in a common role as spirits of fountains and of springs.A third century lex sacra from the Asclepieion sought to preserve the purity of the springs on this site. 344 The area sacred to the Nymphs is described as a hieron and was the ref ore a delimited area in the sanctuary, though its identification with the various wells, or with the Hellenistic springhouse of the Asclepieion, is uncertain. 345 The prescription of sacrifices for the Nymphs in a fragmentary Hellenistic /ex sacraattests their public cult in

the scrawls arc advertisements of success•. Graffiti exactly of this form, known as acclamations and characteristic of gymnasia, ue familiar both in Carla (et at lasos and Halicarnassus), at Rhodes, Chios and at Priene; see L. Robert, Gnomon 1959, p. 670 (review of /mchr. Did.), who discusses their location in this south western corner of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands. As the Coan inacriptions are casual finds, their COMection with the gymnasium is not certain. For the occurrence of nlb-gnffiti out of the context of the gymnasium see /,uchr. Did. nos 509-11, 513-16 (esp. 515 and 516) and L. Robert, loc. cit. "' For the public cult of the MUies see HG 9, B, 16ff (ii BC); SyU.1 1000, 12; for private dedications to ApoUo and the Muses by victors at kltluuumoi and pmlmo, see PH S9, NS 445. '" HG 4 (LSCG 151 D)S, 11. For votive reliefs for the Charites see n 342. MO So Sokolowski, LSCG p. 261, commentary to LSCG 151 D, S, 11. For Asia see Hesiod, 'T'll«JK.359. Ml HG 4, 8, 13. Ms See eh. 2 n 59 (bibliography). Ml

ibid.

,._. M. Segre,Rt.-. /11. Arch. 6, 1938, pp. 191-8, photo ibid (LSCG 152). MS ibid. s. See p. 343.

328

Cos, 346 as does the celebration of 'traditional' sacrifices for the Nymphs by the Coan tribes. 347 The cult's attendant in the Imperial period is attested by his epitaph. 341 Theocritus associated the rustic cult of Demeter at Haleis with a spring sacred to the Nymphs. 349 The link between the Nymphs and Demeter in Cos may be of considerable antiquity since the archaic sanctuary of Demeter and Core was centred on a spring•house, as has been seen. 350 The high regard with which the Nymphs were viewed on Cos from an early date is also reflected in a tradition that the island's ancient name was Nymphaea. 351 Leucothea, too, was a nymph honoured in Coan cult. 351 As the daughter of lno and Athamas, she was driven over a cliff by her husband and transformed by Aphrodite, or Demeter, to Leucothea, a sea-nymph. 353 The story Meropis seems to show that Leucothea became a subject of local myth, since Eumelus' daughter, Byssa, was named Leucothea after her transformation into a bird. 354 One of the newer Greek cults to take root on Cos was that of Homonoia, the personification of concord. Homonoia represented the ideal condition for the political life of an ancient city. Although the cult appears to have originated in an atmosphere of political and social disintegration after the Second Pelo. ponnesian War, by the Hellenistic period Homonoia had a regular place in state religion, with annual processions, sacrifices and prescribed ritual. 355 This goddess was not worshipped onJy in times of stress. The ideal of honwnoia was also commonly invoked in circumstances where there is no reference to a particular situation of dvil unrest; for example the Coans requested their theoroi at Delphi to pray that Cos continued in the enjoyment of homonoia and democracy - a wish that does not presuppose an outbreak of stasis on Cos, but merely acknowledges the possibility and implicitly recognises civil strife as evil. 356 The decision of the Gelans in c. 242 to recognise the asylia of the Coan Asclepieion was made 'for the good fortune, health, preservation and honwnoia of the damos of the Gelans and Coans.' 357 There can be no question of hostility between Cos in the southern Sporades and a city in Sicily. As the

146

M. Segre,op. cit. p. 193 (LSCG 153: iii BC). Segre's fourth century date is too early for this typically HeUenistic hand. ,.., PH 44, 1ff. Ml KF 163. '" Idyll VII, 137, 154. HO Seep. 53. 111 Pliny NH V, 134. For a private cult of the Nymphs and other deities see p. 363. 151 10 114

HG 1. a. See Schirmer, RL II, sv, 2011-7. See p. 291.

Cf. E. Skard, Zwei r~lf6ios-pollti,che Begriffe: E.:uogde$ Concordia, Oslo 1932, pp. 67-105 at p. 67. SM Syll. 1 398, 20ff. in A,ylia,rkunden 13 (SEG 12 380), 24ff (cf Syll. s 434, 31 ft). 111

329

concept of homonoill is used in official documents to express the hope of inter-state togetherness and agreement, without reference back to the settlement of past enmity, the Greeks are likely to have come to regard the cultpersonification of Homonoia as an absolute good, bringing unity and cooperation, without immediate political reference. The continuing use of homonoia to denote an agreement is illustrated by the so-called homonoia coins of the Imperial period. 351 Joint coinages were issued by two or more states as a result of monetary agreements. The coins bore the legend Homonoia followed by the namesof the participating states. The public cult of Homonoia in Cos is first attested by the early third century cult calendar from Isthmus, which prescribed sacrifices to Homonoia. 359 The suggestion 360 of its institution there as a result of the stasisat Astypalaea (Hellenistic Isthmus) in 366 may be correct, though the cult, which is not attested until the early third century, need not have arisen because of a particular crisis. There are two dedications to Homonoia, one from Cos and one from Calymnua, which are buic to the question of the significance of Hornonoia. Both inscriptions can be dated between c. the first century BC and the first century AD on the basil of lettering. One of the dedications comes from Isthmus and wu dedicated to Homonoia by a Coan on behalf of his deme, the lsthmiotai, and the rest of the citizens. 361 A joint dedication of the Calymnians and lsthmiotai to Homonoia wu found at Calymnus. 361 These dedications have been undentood to presuppose ducord between Calymnus and Cos (in reality Isthmus). 363 But the assumption that dedications to Homonoia always imply stasis,or war, and are invariably political in origin, is dubious. The well-attested association of homonoia with a positive spirit of agreement and union in the Hellenistic period suggests that the dedications can u readily be undentood to imply a desire for continuing peace and co-operation. The Coans' incorporation of Calymnus at the end of the third century is not otherwise known to have caused strife at a later stage. The Theoi Patroioi have a special role in Coan religion. They are found, with~ out further identification, in dedications from the late first ventury BC and from the Imperial period for Niciu, for Gaius Stertinius Xenophon and for

111

See Magic,RR.AM I, pp. 638-9; II, pp. 1499-1501 n 23 (bibliography). '" PH 401, 3. '" Sokolowski, LSCG p. 297. ,., M. Sepe, Mmwrle Ill, p. 50, plate 36, ftg. 3, ZwffVpo( E~,11TOU dpx~uoa"

~,p

I 'Jo6µu..wci» K.aiTWI' 1IAA.wa, 1r0Amw I 'O,w"°'4l. Ibid. p. 49, plate 36, fig 2 (TC 137 8, plate 82), "Oµo,,oca( Ka>.uµviwu ,cai I 'lofµu.,wci.P (statue-base from Calymnus). See also PH 61 (TC XXVI: i BC/i AD). For a Coan dedication for Homonoia of Imperial date see R. Herzog, SB Bm. Ak. 1901. p. 493 no 4 (Halasarna). •• M. Segre, op. cit. p. SO (cf TC pp. 28-9), followed by G. Pugliese Carratelli, PdelP 24, 1969. pp. 372-4. 163

330

two otherwise unknown Coans. 364 These dedications, in the form either of altar plaques, or small altan, bore generally standard texts, as we have seen: the beneficiaries of the dedication, the lbeoi Patroioi, are in the dative case and head the inscription, followed by the i>trepformula, the name of the 'honorand' and a list of honorific titles in the genitive case. 365 As the name of the dedicator is never given, the interpretation of the dedications as domestic monuments, in so far as they were erected outside or inside private hwses, instead of in a public place, is probably correct. 366 The dedicator's name was unnecessary. These dedications form a virtually unique class of their own. They are not attested before Nicias and their inspiration by Nicias as vehicles for expressions of loyalty has already been suggested. 361 The cult of the Theoi Patroioi, however, antedated Nicias, being now attested in Hellenistic Cos. A late third or second century inscription from Isthmus re-cords inter alia the foundation of a private cult for Artemis, Zeus Hikesios and the Theoi Patroioi. 368 The cult was founded by the Coans Pythion, son of Stasilu, and a priestess, probably Pythion 's wife. 369 Dedications to Theoi Patroioi without further specification seem otherwise to be attested only at Carian Myndus, opposite Cos on the mainland of Asia Minor, where dedications of a similar type for Trajan's father have survived. :no The identity of these deities has long been problematic. The. foundation of a shrine to Artemis, Zeus and the Theoi Patroioi has been shown to establish that the fonnula Theoi Patroioi denoted particular deities, but not all the gods. 311 There is no evidence as to their actual identity. The identification of the Theoi Patroioi as 'the family gods of the dedicaton' in the case of the dedications can also apply to the private cult from Isthmus. 372 We can compare a reference to tlu!oi patroioi in another Hellenistic inscription from Isthmus. 313 A decree of the Isthmiotai honoun a Coan for his donation of money to the cults of the local tribes, and

... For the dedications see eh. 3 n 324 (Niciu), n 36S (Xenopho~. n 327 (M. Aelius Sabinianus and M. Spcdiua Rufinus Phaedrus).For discussion of the role in Cos of the Theoi Patroioi see P. M. Fruer, BSA Alu. 40, 1953, pp. 39-40. On these dedications see allo pp. 142-3. NI See pp, 142-3. ,.. See PH p. 126. Cf, P. M. Fruer, op. clt. p. 40. N, See pp. 142-3. 161 P. M. Fraser, BSA Alu. 40, 1953, pp. 35-61, photo p. 3 (SEG 14 S29; LSCG 171). Ne For the reading l;TaoiA4 (L3), instead E&P(W&Aa, see the onoma,tlkon note 9. For the probable identity of the priestess u Pythlon's wife see P. M. Fraser, op. clt. pp. SS-6. 10 • For a full collection of these texts see P. M. Fraser, op. dt. p. 39 n 6 . 1 .., Cf. P. M. Fraser,op. dt. p. 40 'At Cos, at least, our inscription indicates that these aocbwere specific deities, and that the term did not include oil gods; otherwise there would not be a dedication of a temple to Artemis, Zem and them.' '" ibid. p. 8 . ..,, G. Pqliese Carratelli,AS.AA NS 25-6, 1963, pp. 161-3 no VI (fig 3).

or

331

details rules for the cults' administration. These regulations included the prescription that misuse of the dedicator's money was to be penalised by a fine sacred to the theoi patroioi to whom the sacrifices were performed. 3 °"Theoi patroioi appear here as the ancestral, or traditional cults of the tribes of Isthmus. Their identity is not specified in the surviving decree. The Theoi Patroioi had a particular identity for Coan families (and tribes), but we do not at present know their names.375 The cult personification of Cos is first attested in the late second or early first century BC. when Kos and the nymph Rhodos are linked with Poseidon in a public cult. 316 Kos is the mythical daughter of Merops by Echemeia. 371 Her inclusion in Coan myth is attested by the first half of the third century when Herodas named Kos and Merops among famous characters of Coan legend. 378 The cult of Kos. which is associated with that of Rhodos, need not have originated under Rhodian influence, since it is not attested until earlier close relations between Cos and Rhodes had come to an end. 319 The cult of the personified demos was another Hellenistic development, and was especially favoured by Rhodes in her subject territory to foster allegiance. 380 The cult of the demos is not found in Cos, however, before the end of the Republic. 381 We have already seen the use of the legend Aiip.o( on Nicias' coins, hitherto unattested on Coan coins, and observed that it implies Nicias' desire to give the damos public prominence, though little is known of the realities behind his policy. 38l Nicias' use of this legend establishes that the personification of Damos was locally current. Of greater significance is Nicias' possession of the title 'son of the damos'. 383 This title was 1 '"

Ibid. a, 24ff. ,.,. Radefs identification, /me,. de Ko,, pp. 9,15, of the Theoi Patroioi at Cos and Myndus as Asclepius and Hygieia wu rightly rejected by PH, p. 126, because of ApolJo's probable role u the tutelary deity of Myndus. L. Robert, on the other hand, BCH 60, 1936, p. 201, suggested their identification simply as the ancestral gods of Myndus. ,.,. SyU.' 1000 (LSCG 168), 16ff. On the probably late second, or early first century date of this inscription see p. 230 . • ,, Steph. Byz. ,ni Kw~. 171 II, 95ff, quoted on p. 335. ,,. See G. E. Bean and P. M. Fraser, The Rhodilln Pnaea, p. 163. For the relations be· tween Cos and Rhodes sco pp. 118-21. ,_ P. M. Fraser and G. E. Bean, The Rhodilln P,:nzetz, pp. 132-7. Mi See n. 389. M2 Ch 3 n 316. •• See pp. 142-3, eh 3 n 324. See L Robert, Laodicie du Lykos. p. 317, 317 n 4 (with bibliography) on the personification of the Poli, and of the Demo, in the cue of the adoption of citizens by the state. For some examples of the occurrence of the fonnula To0 4~µoo t1ld~see /GRR IV 1568, 1570 (Teos: i AD), R. Munsterberg, Die B«zmtennomor aufden piechuchen Munzen, Vienna 1914, p.114 (Attouda: AntoninusPius);/GRR IV 1611 (Hypaepa: 2 BC+).

332

to reappear, in the abbreviated form 'son of damos'. without definite article, among the titles of later eminent Coans such u Gaius Stertinius Xenophon. 314 Paton and Hicks noted that the title 'son of the damos' always followed immediately after Nicias' personal name, whereas in the case of Xenophon the title (in the form &iµoo uuk) was added after other epithets. 315 They suggested that the phrase had a different meaning when applied to Nicias, in some sense replacing the patronymic, 'We may be sure that there were good reasons for not mentioning the name of Niciu' father.' 386 The phrase 'son of damol is the first title to be given after Xenophon's 'imperial' epithets (philokaisar, philoklaudios. philosebastos) and precedes 'local' epithets such as philopatris and euergetas: to this extent the displacement of &iµov uwc: to make way for the Imperial titles seems simply to reflect both the changed circumstances brought about by the establishment of the principate and Xenophon's own close relations with the Imperial house. Nicias' lack of a patronymic, and the use of the definite article, which make Nicias appear to have been adopted by a personified damos is another matter. Nicias is a common name in Cos. 387 We can make no identification at present to provide him with a father. Paton and Hicks implied that Nicias was a nothos. a suggestion that might be right, though an unpublished inscription now shows that Coan bastards were named, when possible, by personal name and patronymic. 388 But whether or not Nicias was of legitimate birth may well be irrelevant. The use of the definite article suggests that the formula should be read as Toii.6aµov vuk. By his filiation Nicias became the son of the penonified Damos, and perhaps of a deity if the cult of Damas was inaugurated under Nicias. Two private dedications from Cos consecrated jointly to a named deity and to the damos suggest by their form that the cult of Damos is perhaps involved, though this has not been generally recognised. 389 These inscriptions can only be dated approximately to the first century BC, so they do not help to establish more closely the beginning of the cult in Cos.

,.. See eh 3 nn 327, 365. SIi PH, p. 125. ,.. ibid. ,., See the onoffllUtikonn. ,.. See pp. 142-3. Cf. n 389. For parallels from Miletus for the description of nothol and nothtzi by personal name and patronymic ·see Mi/et /(3) nos 41-81. ,_ PH 57 (with KF, p. 137 n 57), f41,1Aunroc:Avror/>W.,,.o(c:f lro wpoAd-ywa, Tuxcu I 'A-yaBcu ,cal. 'A-yaBw, I Aa4,,,ol,t,cal. TciJ6dµw,. See P. M. Fraser, Ptol. Alex. II, p. 358 n 171, for the recognition of the connection between the concepts of Tyche Apthe, Agathos Daimon and the well-being of a city. PH's 6a,a..inJ( 6fuwt,·~>.wci-ydp,J( tlAB~ul( Kw, "44 iTux~.,.o,,• ioOaci rf)( ~ If dPdA11iJ,,( ,., iHU't) rfi frfdPfl,cal i~OIO( iopri,, W( ton, wcw,hup&( t,,ih, ,c.alwoµW1',iro>.dTd,it(i( ,cuwdpwow, flu ¥80( clM:l-y~u, Toi( Tc+J ,~c;, wpoCJ,t,covou,. °' Nilsson, Gr. Fm~. p. •O 1; Edelstein, A,clqhu 11, p. 196 n 7. a• See p. 356. .,. Cf. Edelstein, RE Suppl. VI IV Hippolcrttta, 1302. 41 1 ' HG 9 (PH 43: Syll. 1028;1.SCG 165) A, 10, 21, B 6.

4

• 421

339

where and foisted onto the Coan festival by the letter's author. 428 But how old was the rite and the festival? We can hardly hope to answer this question without independent evidence, which is lacking. But the ascription of a role in the procession not to the public doctors of Cos. whose koinon was the medical organization of Hellenistic and Imperial Cos, but to the Coan Asclepiadai, whose guild had disappeared by the close of the fourth century, 419 seems to argue for the author's transmission of a genuine tradition. It is also notable that the author regards the participation of the Asclepiadai in the 430If this is right, it follows proce~ion as a traditional act (ij11EOoc; dMi-yt,11). that the Asclepiadai enjoyed a customary role in the worship of Asclepius in the cypress grove already in Hippocrates' time. The validity of Ps. Hippocrates' chronology is, I think, supported by this attribution to the Asclepiadai of participation in Asclepius' cult, when we might have expected the letter's fabricator to name the group of doctors, the iatroi damosieuntes,with which he was familiar. Ps. Hippocrates' implicit affirmation of a pre-synoecism cult of Asclepius at the sacred cypress grove deserves credence, and is lent some support by the fact that the grove is already the home of Paean in the late fifth or early fourth century. Was it the Asclepiadai, or other Coans who introduced the cult, probably from Tricca? When did the cult first begin? These are questions which cannot yet be answered. The decisive phase in the cult's development was the construction of the Asclepieion. Hitherto the site had been one of the island's hallowed places, where cults had been celebrated in a primitive manner at open-air altars, apparently without temples. The practice of the cult of Apollo Pythios at the site is attested in the second half of the fifth century .431 It was no coincidence that the site's architectural development began after the foundation of Kos.-m The foundation of the new polis just over two kilometres distant was probably the direct cause of the site's emergence, in the second half of the fourth century, as the centre of some of the city's cults. Only a fraction of the area covered by the HeUenistic Asclepieion was employed for cult purposes in the latter part of the fourth century. The chief sacred precinct was the area which became the uppennost of the three terraces of which the third century sanctuary wascomposed. It was here that the cypress grove was situated. The location of the grove is fixed by the find-place of the two legessacraeconcerned with its protection. 433 They were found in situ on the upper terrace. The sacred enclosure was des-

411

On the probable significance of the ritual of the analepsi, of the rhabdo1 see p. 356 . •,, See pp. 261-3.

418

See n 423.

u, Cf n 91. The earliest fmds from the site of the Asclcpieion were Mycenean sherds, see L. Morricone, ASAA NS 23-4, 1961-2, p. 327. 411 Cf. F. Robert, op. clt. p. 92. "" HG 11-12 (LSCG 150 A-B).

340

434 cribed simply as hieronand temenos in the earliest of the surviving legessacrae. This inscription, of c. the last quarter of the fourth century, 435 dealt with the preservation of the sacred grove, a customary concern of sacred law. The hieron enjoyed sufficient use to merit custodians (epimeleta1), whose duty was the general supervision of the sanctuary and in particular the enforcement of the ancient mastric law. 436 The site was also a centre for cults of the Coan tribal divisions from the fourth century onwards. 431

One of the many fruitful results of the excavations of the Asclepieion was the discovery that the third century sanctuary had not been built up piecemeal over a long period, but had been planned and built as a unity. 438 This knowledge is instructive because it reveals the scope of the Coans' aims with regard to the cult's future. Their decision to create a sanctuary with a complex of buildings demonstrates their determination to develop the cult and set it upon a proper footing. As was customary, they sought the approval of an oracle first. 439 The absolutt date of the inception of the building is unknown. Herzog and Schaz• mann dated this, the first of four main building phases, between c. 300--250 on the basis of the architecture, building techniques and epigraphic evidence. 440 A terminus ante quem of 278 for at least the delimitation of the sanctuary as an Asclepieion is established by a provision for the display in the sanctuary of Asclepius of the Coan decree of c. 278, concerning the Greek victory over the Gallic invasion ;4'1 the year 242 can safely be taken as the terminus ante quem for the completion of the major construction of the sanctuary, since by that year the Coans had requested asylia for the Asclepieion and instituted the penteteric Asclepieia, probably to commemorate the sanctuary's completion. 442 The motives behind the Coans' religious policy are a matter for conjecture. The desire to win kudos for the city by public building, genuine religious enthusiasm and piety,no doubt played a part, as did the practical need to accomodate visitors to the precinct of Asclepius. The new Asclepieion included covered porticos, flanking the upper and lower terraces, for accomodation and shelter. 443 Such extensive facilities were not provided in an absence of interest in the cult.

434

HG 11 (LSCG 150 A), 2, 6.

•u HG 11 (LSCG 150 A). On the date of this inscription see eh. 2 n 132. "" HG l l,7ff. 417 HG. p. 35. b-d, g-h, k, r-s, cf e-f, i. m, o, q. The cults include those of Zeus Hikesios, Zeus Patroios, Zeus Machaneus, Zeus, Athena Phatria, ApoUo Karneios and

the Moirai. "" See Kor, pp. 1-2.

A1yliftnkund~n 6 (SEG 12 373) 36ff, Ko, pp. 73-4 . .. , Sy/I. 1 398, 51 . .. , See p. 111. ""' See Kor, pp. 14-21 (Terrace I); 61-7 (Terrace Ill). u,

440

341

They imply that the cult had already become populu before the Coans built their sanctuary for this healin& god. As there has been a tendency to miss the extent and complex character of the third century Asclepieion, ... and as the Asclepieion was one of the finest surviving uchitectural achievements of ancient Cos, it seems necessary at this point to describe the sanctuary and its facilities. The Asclepieion lay about two and a half miles 10uth-west of ancient Kos in low hills. The sanctuary wu situated on the side of a slope with a good water supply and looked out to the north, over the polls, to the sea and on the far side of the gulf of Cos to Halicamassus and Carla. The site was favourable and commanded an impressive view.445 It lies above sea-level and was free from the humid heat of the plain within which the ancient city lay. It was an ideal location for a healing cult.

Of the four main building phases into which the excavators divided the architectural development of the Asclepieion, the fmt, as has been seen, is dated to the first half of the third century, the second to the first half of the second, the third to the fust century AD and the fourth between the second and third centuries AD. 446 The precinct grew from simple beginnings and was in time transfonned into a magnificent sanctuary of monumental and baroque scale, echoed today in the modem anastelosis. The contours of the site were exploited and the sanctuary was built, from the beginning, on three related levels. In the fmt building phase the building., of each terrace were orientated in relation to the buildings of other levels and integrated into the overall scheme. The upper terrace (Terrace I), the site of the cypress grove, was surrounded on three sides, south, west and east, with a covered portico. 441 This construction balanced and faced the covered portico built on three sides (north, west and east) of the lowest terrace (Terrace Ill). The sanctuary was entered through a propylon, which was built in the centre of the north side of the portico of Terrace Ill. 441 A middle terrace (Terrace II) was sandwiched between the upper and lower terraces. The installations of Terrace II included the altar and temple of Asclepius, an oikos behind and to the south

..,. See, for example, E. V. Hansen, Tltt Atta1Jd1of h,pmon, Coinell 1947, p. 269; C. Havelock, HeUenbttc Art, Phaidon 1971, pp. 84-5, both or whom allocate the extension of the sanctuary over three terraces to the second century building phase. So too C. Roebuck, Corinth XIV, p. 56, tallts or the middle terrace as the oldest put of the sanctuary, without reference to the extensive porticos of Terraces I and 111,or to the other buildings which established the third century Asclepieion as a fully developed sanctuary. E. V. Hansen, 1'1,eA ttlllid1 of Pa,amon, 1 Cornell 1971, p. 291 . .. , Cf. Hen01, Ko,, p. 1. ... See Ko,, pp. 72-5 . .. ., Ko1, pp. 14-21. ... Ibid. pp. 42, 47-8.

342

of the temple, and a springhouse. The altar was of monumental character.'"' It was centrally placed within the terrace and was evidently intended as its chief focal point. The altar faced the entrance of a small Ionic temple (Temple B), which an inscription identifies as the naosof Asclepius. 450 The foundations of a second temple on this terrace were discovered underneath the Antonine temple (Temple C), lying west of the altar and facing the temple of Asclepius.451 This temple was contemporary with the structures of the first building phase. Its identification is unknown, but Apollo is a strong candidate for ownership because of his association in Coan cult with Asclepius. An oikos with two rooms. situated behind Temple B, has been conjecturally identified as an abaton.452 Its nearness to the temple of Asclepiu1 certainly indicates its use for sacred purposes, though whether it served as the abaton remains uncertain. South of the oikos, backing onto the retaining wall between the middle and upper terraces, and built up against the steps leading to the upper terrace, was a springhouse. 453 Draw.wells placed along the wall dividing Terrace II and Terrace Ill gave other facilities for the supply of water in the third century sanctuary. 454 The other monuments which belong to the third century building phase and were situated on Terrace II were an exedra455 and a building (E), 456 which lay below and to the left of the third century temple, at the site of Temple C. Building E wasa covered porch, open on its north side, looking out over the sanctuary. This building is known to have housed some of the sanctuary's statuary from the discovery of statue bases lining the rear wall. Although the temple of Asclepius itself was small, 457 the sanctuary was laid out spaciously as an architectural whole. It must already have been an impressive site in the third century. There is no evidence on the cost of the Asclepieion. No building accounts have been preserved for any stage of the building, either for the third century, or for the later phases. It is therefore pointless to speculate on the actual cost of

.., See Ko,, pp. 2S-31 (Abh. 19-23) for the architectural fragments of the altar; et also.C. G. Yavis, Greek Allan, Saint Louis 1949, p. 197. See M. Bieber, JDAI 28-9, 1923, pp. 242ff, for a reconstruction of the third century altar based upon Herodas' description of Asclepius• altar in Mime IV (cf p. 349). •• HG 14 (LSCG 155); cf Ko,. pp. 34-9. ••• Ko,, pp. 42, 47-8. •n Cf Ko,, p. 51, where comparison is made with building E at Epidaurus, which was also divided into two and identified as an abaton. 411 Ko,. pp. 49-S1 (Abh. 31; Taf. 28). For the Nymphs' hinon see M. Segre, Rtv. In. Arch. 6, 1938, p. 191 (LSCG 152) . ... Ko,, p. 60. 4 Ko,, pp. 31-3. " 416 ibkl. pp. 40-1. 41 " The stylobate of Temple B measured 8. 78 m. x 15.07 m .• considerably smaller than that of the small temple of Asclepius (iv BC) at Epidaurus (11.76 m. X 23.06 m.).

343

the third century sanctuary, or the total cost of the building accomplished in the course of the Hellenistic and Imperial periods. We can only note that expenditure was limited by the fact that the Coan Asclepieion never had its own gymnasium, theatre or stadium, unlike for example the Asclepieion of Epidaurus. The proximity of the polls. and the ease of access to the Asclepieion made this unnecessary. We are also ill-informed on how the building was financed. The cost of temple-building tended to be paid by a combination of public funds and private subscription. A Coan decree for financing work on the temple of Apollo at Halasama, in the third century, gives a concrete example of how the Coans paid for their temple building. State money. the funds of the sanctuary of Apollo and the wealth of private individuals were tapped in an effort of public and private co-operation to provide the necessary resources. 451 While poleis and Hellenistic kinp made contributions towards the institution of the Great Asclepieia. we have no explicit evidence of the contributions of any king, or foreign poliJ. to the original construction of the Asclepieion. This may be due merely to the haphazard way in which the inscriptions have survived, or else patronage remained on a local basis until the establishment of the panhellenic festival in 242 drew attention to the Coan sanctuary. After the completion of the first building phase, the Asclepieion appean to have remained unchanged until the second century, when building was renewed. 459 A new temple, Temple A, was built of marble (in contrast to the extensive use of limestone earlier) in a central position on the upper terrace, crowning the sanctuary. 460 Unlike the older temple, Temple B, Temple A was comparatively large, its stylobate (18.793 m. X 33.280 m.) comparable in size to that of the third century temple of Athena Polias at Priene (19.53 m. X 37.13 m.) and overshadowing the fourth century Epidaurian temple of Asclepius (11.76 m. X 23.06 m.). 461 A great monumental staircase was built from the middle to the upper terrace (Terrace I). 462 The other main additions to the sanctuary were two halls flanlcingthe entrance to the new temple, 463 and a new altar on the middle terrace, which was built on a larger scale than that of the third century. 464 It was this building phase that injected the sanctuary with a baroque quality.

411

See R. Herzog, Klio 2. 1902. p. 320. See Ko,, pp. 1-2. 72-5; I. D. Kondis, AI EAAHNIETIKAI 4IAMOP4>0I:EII: AI:KAHnJEIOT THI: Kn, Rhodes 1956. _. Cf. Ko,, pp. 3-13 (Taf. 1-6. 26; Abh. 3-14). 4 The flgUl'es arc taken from Gruben, Die Tempel do Griecl,en. " Cf. Ko,, pp. 22-4 (Taf. 10, 11. 38-40, 45-8, 54; Abh. 18). •• Ko1, pp. 14-21 (Taf. 6, 9, 22, 37-44; Abh. 15-7) . ..,. ibid. pp. 25-31. 73. 4

"

•:a

344

TOT

An iconographic reflection of the increased prestige of Asclepius in second century Cos is to be found in an innovation on the silver tetrobol coinage issues of c. 145-88. 465 For the first time in the history of Coan coinage the head of Asclepius is used as the badge of the coins' obverses, replacing the traditional head of Heracles. A coiled snake appears on the reverses, in place of the usual crab and club of Heracles. The introduction of Asclepius and his attributes to the badges of Coan coins of the mid-second century, coinciding approximately with the new building phase, must commemorate the contemporary and grandiose reconstruction of the sanctuary, though this has not been recognised hitherto. There appears to have been no wholesale enrichment of the Asclepieion on a comparable scale before the Imperial period. 466 But the prosperity of the Asclepieion appears to have been maintained until the end of the Hellenistic period, though marred by occasional crises. As we have seen, the Asclepieion was spared by Mithridates. 467 Turullius' destruction of part of the sacred cypress grove in 32, preserved unharmed by religious taboo for over four centuries, was a grievous loss. 468 But in general the material prosperity of the sanctuary appears to have been maintained. The public dedications of the fint century BC of statues for Roman and Coan benef acton set up in the Asclepieion469 show the sanctuary's continuing importance. Its general wealth is attested for the early Imperial period by Strabo's contemporary description of the riches and fame of the Coan Asclepieion. 410 Although Cos suffered extensively from the effects of earthquakes in the last quarter of the fint century BC, and in particular from a severe earthquake in 6 BC,471 there is no direct evi-dencc, literary or archaeological, that building., in the Asclepicion were destroyed or seriously damaged. The sanctuary was one of the Greek temples to have its status as asulon recognised by the Senate in AD 23.472 Gaius Ster• tinius Xenophon's patronage of the Asclepieion, which has already been discussed,473 was the next phase in the sanctuary's development. Aelius

15

See J. Kroll, A. Num. Soc. Mu,. Note1 11, 1964, pp. 77~117. Kroll does not discus., the innovations in iconography, or relate these to the history of the Coan Alclepieion. Cl p. 135 . ... Cf. Ko,, p. 75, for the attribution to the first century BC or the east sector of the wall dividina Terrace 11 from Terrace Ill . ..., See p. 138• .... Seep. 141. .... Seep. 359. 4 '!0 657. 411 Hieron. apud l::usebius, Quon. (ed. Schone) 2, 14S, in insu.la Coo terrae motu plwima c:onciderunt. Cf. /vOI 53, 22 (Augustan), 2Sff.; see eh. 3 n 357. If 'plwima c:onciderunt' is to be taken literally, and this seems doubtful, we must suppose extensive damage in the Asclepieion. 4 '72 See p. 149. "" See pp. 151, 283-S. •

345

Aristeides referred briefly to the Coan Asclepieion in the second century AD and to its location in the aiburbs of Kos. 4 .,. There was extensive rebuilding after a severe earthquake in c. AD 142. 475 A new temple (Temple C) wu built on top of the old third century temple. 471 At some point in the second or third century AD bathsand a latrine were added on the west of Terrace III. 477 A h01pitium was built below this terrace. 478 A hoard of coins of the fourth century AD, from the western hall of Terrace Ill. bears witness to the sanctuary's continued existence in late antiquity. 419 But in AD 469 an earthquake destroyed a great part of Cos and Cnidus. 480 The catastrophic earthquake of c. AD 554, described by Agathias, must have caused serious devastation in the sanctuary. 481 How soon Christianity finally conquered the cult is uncertain. The correspondence from Patmos of 1258-1331 is the earliest evidence yet published for the existence of the monastery of the Panagia of the Alsos on the site of the Asclepieion. 482 The continued building in the Asclepieion in the first three centuries AD reflects, in a general way, the continuing popularity and importance of this pagan cult, though the sanctuary was not developed on the same lavish scale u at Pergamum. There is one respect, in particular, in which the influence of the Coan cult of Asclepius was never exercised. There is no evidence of subsidiary foundations of the Coan cult. In this respect the authority of the Coan sanctuary appears to be lacking. Moving from the history of the Aaclepieion to considention of the practice of the cult, its ritual and organization in Cos. the penonality of Asclepius and his attributes can be considered first. The earliest evidence for the public cult of Hellenistic Cos is provided by the early third century cult calendar from lsthmus 483 and by third century legessacrae.484 We find that the sacred grove of the Asclepieion was sacred to both Aaclepius and his father Apollo. 415 In this partnership Apollo has the topognphic epithet Kyparissios, unique in his cult. The cult association of Asclepius and Apollo, both of whom were healing deities and also related, is common, occurring for example at both Tricca and Epidaurus. As Asclepius' cult developed in importance, that of Apollo ,.,. VII 43 (ed. Dind.). '' Paua. VIII 43, 4, Script. hist. Aug. Anton. Pi. 9,1. .,. Ko,, pp. 42-8. 4 '" Ibid. pp. 68-9, 74. 4 ,. Ibid. pp. 70-1. "" Cf. Ko,, p. 17. This hoard is still unpublished . ... Pritcus, fr. 43 M (Eu&lrius,Hut. eccla. II, 14). 1 • See p. 285. O( 'A"YPu:woO,et'· ,rap' IJ ic4i ba,-(t~.v ir, aUTft ,dXPt IIOP'l-no,cpa.n, (/,f}ai n>&kKWOU(. 116 ibid. 21. MO

Ml

355

cult, or cults. Diomedon's institution of a cult for Heracles Diomedonteios (c. 32S-300) is the earliest attested instance of the development towards individual heroization in Cos. 541 But parallels for Coan public cults of outstanding men (or women) are not available until the third century, when cults for Hellenistic rulers are first attested in Cos. 541 The public heroization of prominent Coans is not attested until c. the late fint century or the early Imperial period. 549 Hippocrates' receipt of public cult in Cos may have developed only within this period. We have already seen that it was in the first century AD that Hippocrates' head is first attested as a badge for Coan coins, 550 a phenomenon that could be related to the development of his cult. Medieval folktales of Cos equated the physician with Asclepius, while Hipp, ocrates' daughter, in the character of a snake lady, is assimilated to Asclepius' sacred animal. 551 But there is no ancient evidence to sugest that Hippocrates became syncretised with Asclepius in Coan cult, and the Coan celebration of a genesiafor Hippocrates sugests that in the early Imperial period Hippocrates and Aaclepius were as yet distinct in Coan belief. The equation of the famous Coan doctor with the chief Coan healing god, Asclepius, appears to have been of post-classical origin, when local memory of the two Coan healers had become blurred.

An integral part of the public Coan cult of Asclepius was its festivals. The main witness for an ancient, pre-Hellenistic festival of Asclepius is the Ps. Hippocratic letter to the people of Abdera. This letter documents the festiva1·s annual character and attests the perfonnance of a rich procession to the Coan cypress grove,in which the Asclepiadai participated. 552 A curious aspect of the festival was the ritual of the analepsisof the rhabdos whose unique character guarantees the truthfulness of the deacription. The analepsis,or renewal of Asclepius' staff, appears to have been a ceremony in which a new staff was taken to the sanctuary and given to the god - that is to the cult statue. 553 The annual repetition of this ritual strongly sugests its character as a rite de panage, in so far as the rhabdos, a symbol of the god's power, had

•..., Cf. pp. 363fl' . ... Seep. 367. 149 Seep. 366. HO See p. 285. m See Dawkins, Forty-five 1tork1 from the Dodeuneie, nos 34,34 a. 112 See p. 339. "' RE I A 18. n 'Pclp6oud»dATJtll&(, followed by F. J. M. de Waele, Tht ""'6ic ita/f or rod in Graeco-Roman antiquity, Gent 1927. p. 180. Nilsson, Gr. Fate, p. 411, followed by Edelstein, A1cl•piu1 II, p. 196 n 7, believed that the ceremony commemonted the annual reception of a staff, as symbol of his new office, by a new priest. The fact that the Coan priest of Alclepius held his priesthood for life is a decisive argument against this interpretation.

356

to be renewed each year. This ceremony obviously implies a cult statue of Asclepius with a staff. We have already seen this to be independently attested by the representation on a Coan coin of a cult statue of Asclepius, leaning on a staff, in the Hellenistic period. 554 Although the details are missing of the reorganization of the old annual festival in the development of the cult in the late fourth and early third century. the continuation of a local festival is implied by the title, Great Asclepieia, of the new penteteric festival of 242, which presupposesthe celebration of interim festivals for Asclepius. 555 The Coans9 institution of a panhellenic and pentetertc festival, and their request for, and receipt of, asylia for the Asclepieion in 242, marked a keypoint in the history of sanctuary and state. The local basis of the cult was transfonned and the prestige of the polls enhanced in the eyes of the Greek world. Thereis no reason to doubt that the first celebration of the festival was held soon after the Coans' project had been accepted by the kings and city-states, u the latter gave contributions to the Coan theoroi for a forthcoming celebration of the festival. 556 This festival consisted of sacrifices, 557 a procession 551 and three competitions: musical, athletic and equestrian. 559 The pageantry of one of the Hellenistic festivals for Asclepius, either the annual panegyris, or the Great Asclepieia, is reflected in a fragmentary Coan lex sacra.Costly oxen with gilded horns were sacrificed to Asclepius and Apollo Kyparissios, and two heifers were sacrificed to Hygieia and Epione. 560 The document regulates the sacrificial obligations of the monarchos, hieropoioi and priest. 561 The demes

,... See p. :W8. 151 In the victory lists of the Great Asclepieia, which demonstrate Coan usage, the rubric introducing the list of winning competitors vuied in its desaiption of the festival between f'Q 'Aod.atrkUl, b d-ywv f'WII 'Ao,c).aw~iwv and b cl-ywv f'WII ~70AWV 'Aod.a•~lw11: et Gymn. A,one, I 0, 23; II B, 70: II C, S,73; n B, 4, 37. The a1yli,a decrees and letters dcsaibe the penteteric festival as -rd 'Ao,cAatrkui: cf A,yllftll'kunden 2 (SEG 12 369), 13; 6 (SEG 12 373). Foreign decrees of the late third and second century BC refer both to f'ci •Aad.TJtriua, and abo to •Ao,cATJwkta f'4 ~a).a, cf PH 13, 17 (Halicarnassus, iii/ii BC); PH 14,7 (iii/il BC). This fluidity of usage affects our knowledge of the history of the local festival since references to .,.ci'AaKATJWi~ui,without additional epithet, are clearly not necessarily references to the local festival, and in the cue of foreign states, certainly not. •• OG/S 42 (KF l);A,yllftll'kundm 13 (SEG 12 380), 30-3, cf A.1ylieurkundm 11 (SEG 12 378), 10. sn Cf. A,ylieurkunden 1-16, paalm. sa A,ylin,rkundm 13 (SEG 12 380). 31. •• A,ylieur/cunden 12 (SEG 12 379), 13. The a-yw11l,nruuk is attested by references in the victory lists to victors of the ltipplon: see Gymn. A,one, I A, 21, B, 10; II B, 21, 86, 88; II C, 44. See Aryltftll'kundm S A, 15 (SEG 12 372) . .. HG lS (LSCG 1S9). •• Ibid. 11-6.

357

were represented at the festival and so fully incorporated in the celebration. 562 The cost of the new festival was met from public and private resources. The Coan decree endorsing the foundation of the thesauros in the Asclepieion provides for the withdrawal of revenues from the thesauros to finance the festival. 56.1 These sacred monies were accumulated from visitors' gifts and from the income of the sacred t~ne in the sanctuary. 564 An q,idolil was instituted in the mid-third century to help finance the festival. 565 We can infer from the a.,y/ia-decrees authorising gifts of money, or sacrifices, that the Coans had invited cities and kings to contribute materially to the festival. Ptolemy III is one of the Coans' friends who is known to have sent tlteoroi, headed by the Coan Caphisophon, with 'sacrifices for Asclepius and the other gods'. 566 Two opisthographic Jtelai containing victory lists from thirteen of the Asclepieia, beginning with the first celebration, 567 testify to the occurrence of the festival from c. 240-i:. 170 BC. Other inscriptions of second century date refer to the Great Asclepieia. 568 The continuance of the Asclepieia is next attested in the first century AD. The festival was then described both u Asklapieia megala, u in the Hellenistic period, and by Claudius' re~ also as sebasta A sklapieia mega/a.569 The epithet sebastos wascommonly applied to festivals in the Imperial period and even to ephebic organizations, often meaning little more than 'imperial'. 5 But the adoption of this epithet in Cos may have particular significance, being due to the practice of the Imperial cult in the Asclepieion, and, in Claudius' reign, to the possible syncretism of the cult of the emperor with that of Asclepius. 571 The celebration of the Great Asclepieia in the Imperial period marks the cult's continuing prosperity.

"°

Direct evidence for the patrons of the Asclepieion, with the exception of Xenophon, is lacking. It is possible that some of the many inscribed statue 1

Provision wu made for the election of eptmenlol for each of the demes (lb«L 16ft). In the context it seems most probable that their function was to offer sacrifices on the demes• behalf in the Asclepieion at the festival. •• HG 14 (LSCG 155), A, 18-23, cf. B, lff, refened to the revenues to be withdrawn from the tteaswy of Asclepius for use on the Asclepieia. The sacred money was constituted from visitors' gifu, from aporch4iand from the income of sacredtemeM (HG 14, ibid.) . ... ibid. 18-23 . •• Cf. p. 215. • OG/S 42 (XF 1), 6ff . • , Gymn. A,one, I A, 3 (A,ywllita.r,rol'f" Tei( trf.,,..J."1Pi60( ,rpWT'ia(Ta.() • .. Seen SSS. ... PH 104, 8 ('Aad.d,rfca f'4 ,wydAa), c. early i AD: NS 462, 12-3 (:i;flfa.o-rc\ 'Aad,atru-Ul ,wyclM), reign of Claudius, or Nero. no Cf. A. D. Nock, HSCP 41, 1930, p. 58,58 n 250 (E,-y1 on Rellp:,n ad the Ancient World I, p. 248). ni Cf. PH 92 (/GRR IV 1053); Bull. Mu,. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932, p. 22 no 19 (AEp. 1934 no 93): cf. PH 130,4. •

3S8

bases found in the sanctuary, dating from the first century BC and later, should be connected with patronage of the cult. 572 The bases were found in mu.They were placed in line in front of the covered porticos of the lower terrace (Terrace III) and outside the temple of Asclepius (Temple 8). 573 Their positioning wasevidently designed to be ornamental. The statues and bases, set up by the Coan damoJ, honoured individuals, Romans and Coans, for their areta and eunoia to the polb. The inscriptions, which are brief and conventional, do not record what the honorand had done for the state. Since the Hellenistic period public inscriptions and honorific dedications had been set up in the Asclepieion, not always because of their connection with the cult, but because the sanctuary had become one of the regular showplaces for public and private monuments. Some of the individuals honoured in these dedications may have served the damos in other ways, but a number may well have acted as benefactors of the sanctuary in which their services to the state were given public recognition. A record of the remarkably generous patronage of the Coan cult of Asclepius has survived from the first century AD. This beneficence is attested in a copy of a testamentary foundation inscribed on stone. s'MThe author, whose name is not preserved in the surviving inscription, donated 20,000 denarii for the cults of Asclepius, the Imperial gods (otrf1 vide the earliest evidence of Coan practice of eastern cults, are dilcuaed later. 597 The koinon of the adherents of Zeus Hyetios is the only religious association from Cos whose organization and cult practice is known in any detail. 591 The koinon was centred on the deme of AntimachiaJ thous:h, not restricted to demesmen. 599 The decree reveals two Coans' revivalist activities, and shows how much the maintenance of the traditional chuacter of Coan religion owed to individual initiative. 600 •

PH 156 (Imp.).

90

NS 496 (c. i BC - i AD), "0.PO( 9,J(,c}la)iwa, Br.cia(ou)l&oc; Ewrl',(poJlc; ,ca.i 'AOTci(p)l(T)tJc;~ bpx(e-)l(pGMO)-rd.c;lb 6e-i'PO.)(cf. Wilhelm, AM St, 1926, p. 10).

'" NS 49S (Imp.). '" NS 494 (Imp.). 111 NS 492 (i BC - i AD), quoted at n 20S. tM See G. Pugliese Carratelli, NS 25-6, 1963, p. 182 no XXIV (iii-ii BC); ibid. no XXV(ili-ii BC). For thlalitai, attested without further specification in the Imperial period, see PH 401; NS 680. •• PH 54 . .. See P. M. Fraser,Op. Ath. 3, 1960, p. 28 n 6, for observation of the 'good Greek, often Doric names' of PH S4 . .. , Cf. p. 370. •• PH 382. '" ibid. 13-S . ... ibid. tff.

361

The decree was to be inscribed, and then erected at an open air altar of Zeus, which was the cult centre. 601 Zeus is here worshipped in connection with one of his primary functions as a weather god. This rustic cult was of greater antiquity, as its 'revival', in unknown circumstances, in the late third century proves. The cult is celebrated in primitive manner at an open air altar. The cult of l.eus as god of rain belongs to the ancient rural religion of Cos. The pattern of Coan private cult does not differ greatly from that of Coan public religion as regards its largely traditional character. Many private de• dications of Hellenistic and Imperial date have survived from Cos. They are consecrated to the following deities; Zeus and Athena in various guises, 602 Apollo and the Muses, 603 Hera Ourania, 604 Hennes and Heracles, 605 Demeter and Core, 606 Hecate, 60'1 and Bacchus.608 A popular pair of cult personifications is attested by a private dedication of a horologion to Agatha Tycha, Agathos Daimon and the Damos (c. i BC-i AD).'°' The growth of the independent cult of the Damos is securely attested by the early first century AD, as we have seen, and may have been introduced by the late first century BC.610 The association of Agatha Tycha and Agathos Daimon with the Damos has been recognised to show that Agatha Tycha and Agathos Daimon here per• sonify the city's good fortune. 611 The more traditional aspect of Agathos Daimon and Agatha Tycha as household cults is represented on a private dedication of Hellenistic date. 612 The altar was shared by Agathos Daimon, Agatha Tycha, Halios and Hamera. 613 The cult association of Halios and Hamera, which recurs at Cos and appears to be unattested elsewhere, in• eluding Rhodes where Halios had especial importance, seems to be a Coan coinage. Another document, also of Hellenistic date, provides a good ex• ample of the variety of private religion. This is an altar sacred to the fol• lowing deities, who are arranged in four groups of synbomoi according to

... .., ... ..,.

25ff . See pp. 293-6 with notes. Seen 112 . PH 62 (Imp.). "' Seen 197; KF IS (Imp.) . ... See pp. 311-2. For a fine Hellenistic altu dedicated to Core see L. Shoe, He1puia 19, 1950, p. 355 no 11 (pL 7,4); ~ BlhJakis. AD 18, 1963, p. 165, for the dedicatory inscription (hitherto unpublished) .

.. ., See nn 276-8 . .. , Seen 111. .., PH S1 (with KF p. 137), quoted at n 389. 1 • •

See p. 332 (with n. 381). See P. M. Fraser,Ptol. Alex. 11, p. 358 n 171. See Nilslon, GGR, 112 , pp. 211-18. See G. Pugliese Carratelli, Muc~t.nm di 1tudi in ~m . .A.u,ulto Rottlllfti, p. 163, for this dedication from the Asclepieion. 11 • For the association of Apthos Daimon and Agatha Tyche with the seasons and weather see L. Robert, HeUenlco 9, p. 57 B (pl. IV,1: ii-iii AD, Byzantium). 11 ' 112

362

their several functions and powers: 1) Apollo, Asclepius, Heracles and the Dioscuri; 2) Halios, Hamera, Horai, Charites, Nymphs and the gods of fertility and sex, Priapus and Pan; 3) Zeus Philios, Hermes Probakchos, Peitho and Theoi Soteres, gods of hospitality and friendship; 4) the synbomoi Zeus Nemeios, Poseidon lsthmios and Athena Nike. 614 In the first group the Dioscuri share with Apollo, Heracles and Asclepius their chu• acter as benificent gods. 615 In the second, gods of nature are appropriately associated with gods of fertility. 616 The connection of the third group of synbomoi appean in the case of l.eus Philios and Peitho, deities of hospitality and symposia, to lie in their chuacter as domestic cults, while Theoi Soteres provides an all-embracing fonnula for beneficial gods. The choice as synbomoi of Zeus Nemeios, Poseidon lsthmios and Athena Nike, furnishes autobiographical information about the owners of the altar, who can be infened to have enjoyed victories in the Nemean and Isthmian games.617 This is an absorbing monument of private religion, which shows a coherent selection of deities reflecting its authors' successes in human activity. Personal in• vention is vouchsafed by the coinage of two hitherto unattested epikleseis: Hermes Probalcchos and Peitho Nikeros. Probakchos perhaps refers to the Orphic legend of Hennes' birth from Dionysus and Aphrodite, 618 while Nikeros may ref er to the legend of Peitho as consort of Eros and mother of Hygieia. 619 At a more overt level the epithet Nikeros clearly relates to Persuasion's role in love and sex. The development of family cult foundations in Cos introduced a new element into Coan private religion. In exploring the origin and belief system of the cult foundations we are fortunate to be able to ref er to the fundamental article by Kamps.6JO It is convenient to summarise some of the main points of his long and detailed discussion. Private cult foundations develop at the end of the fowth centwy BC and are apparently located in the Greek islands of the 110uth and south-east Aegean (Then, Amorgos and Cos) and, near to Cos, at Halicamassus. 631 They are thouaht to develop as ancient clan solidarity and the primacy of the clan in kinship orpnization is weakened, giving way to the olkia, or family. 11te emphasis of put ancestral cult practice, which laid on each

1 • "

See G. Pugliese CarrateUi. op. ell. above. pp. 162-5. quoted at eh. 3 n 93. Pugliese Carntelli, Ibid. p. 163. 11 • For the Coan cave of Aspripetra at Isthmus, sacred to Pan and to the Nymphs, see D. Levi, ASAA NS 8/9, 1925-6, pp. 235ff. 11 ' See G. Pugliese Carratelli, op. ell. p. 164. •aa So Pugliese Canatelli, op. cit. pp. 163-4, citing Orplt. Hymn. 57,3. 11 • Cf. Pugliese Carratelli, Ibid. quoting Proclus, in Plat. Tim. 33a (Kern, Orpltie. fr. 202). ,,. W. Kamps, Arel,. Dr. Or. I, 1937, pp. 145-79. On the family cult in COflsee also my article, VE 24, 1977, pp. 207-217. 11 • HG 10 (PH 36; SyU.1 1106; LSCG 177: Cos); JG Xl1(3) 330 (LSCG 135, Then. Hi BC); JG XIl(7)515 (Amorgos, il BC); SyU.1 1044 (Halicarnassus, iii BC). •

11

363

aucceuive aene:ration duties of wneration for immediate forl>ean of a ,-01, ii tnmfonned 10 that the cult·• individual rounder and certain Fneration• are aepanted from put and successive ,enerations. This practice natunlly evolves in time into actual heroization of the cult's founder and memben of his family. The development of these cult foundations ii not an artificial device invented to assure to their founders the receipt of due ritual veneration after death, in a time when prevalent religious scepticism led to mistrust of their descendants• fulfillment of these dues, since the founden entrwt the cult to their de. cendants. Rather the development of private cult foundations follows the development in the social history of the Greek family and evolved from traditional anceatral cult practice.

On the relevanceof this historical background to Cos it is worth adding that the mid-fourth century had teen a formal reorganization of the social structure of Cos, u a result of which the genos and phatry had no place in the political or social organization of post-synoecismCos. The foundation of Diomedon of Cos is to be dated approximately to the last quarter of the fourth century.m It ii the earliest of the foundations yet attested and bridges the development from traditional ancestral cult to individual heroization of a specific individual, or family group.

Diomedon did not envisagein his foundation an individual cult of himself, or of his daimon, and did not in the subsequent additions to his foundation become a direct object of cult. However the future role of cult beneficiaries as heroized divinities is foreshadowed in Diomedon•suse, in the original foundation document, of the personal q,iklesis Diornedonteios, merging,if not identifying his personality with that of Heracles.623 In confonnity with past ancestral cultpractice, Diomedon and his forebears are placed under a deity's protection Heracles, whose local prominence has already been described, and the Moirai, who are often associated with ancestral cult, and preside over prime occasions in the human life cycle - birth. marriage and death. 6:J4 There is a two day festival in the month of Petapitnyos of sacrifices for Heracleswith a ritual feut in the male guest-rooms.Al in ancestor cults, the cult continues to be paid by deteendants grouped under the aapervision of the eldest son of the detcendanta in the male line.615 Diomedon's testamentary provisions for this family cult comprised the bestowal of land. a garden, paipatos. temenos, accomodation and appropriate sacred and secular equipment - utensils, statues, crowns, all listed in the inventory accomna HG 10. A I - B. SS, is the earliest part or the text. inscribed in lettering datable to c. the lut quuter of the fourth century. Herzog recopised two hands at work in the rest of the inscription: 1, B 56 - 68 and 2, B 69 - D. B 56-68 can be dated to c. 300 on lettering, and B 69 - D to the early third century, c. 280. 121 Ibid. A, 2. Cf. the cult of Philip II of Macedon u Zeus Philippios at Eresus. Lesbos (GH/ 191 (OG/S 8 a. cf /G XII Suppl. pp. 65fl): c. 332ff BC), on which see C. Habicht. Gottmeruclrmtum, p. 14; see also Sokolowski, GRBSt 13, 1972. p. 174 n 11. ,,.. For Coan cults of the Moirai see, apart from HG 10, A, 33ff, D, 1S2ff, p. 326. See SyU.1 1044 for the Moirai in the cult foundation from Halicatnassus. IH Cf. Kamps, p. 16).

364

panying the terms of the foundation. 626 The cult was financed from the revenues of the estate, which wu rented out and not available, except at the festival, or in war, for the uae of Diomedon's descendants. 621 The guarantee of Diomedon's arrangements was simply conditional manumission of the slave Llbys,628 who wu responsible for the administration of the sacred property. 629 Although the cult was limited to the descendants of Diomedon in the male line, 630 the requirement of legitimacy was waived to the extent that bastards were permitted to participate in the cult, but were not eligible for the priesthood. 63t To the same stage of the cult foundation belongs a private cult at Isthmus. This cult was founded in the late third or second century BC, for Artemis, Zeus Hilcesios and the Theoi Patroioi. 632 Like Diomedon, Pythion and the priestess, who was probably Pythion's wife, placed the cult in the cue of a slave, who was manumitted on the condition of his supervision of the shrine and of its staff. There is no suggestion in the inscription, which records the foundation and the cult's sacred law, that ancestral cult was involved, as it was in Diomedon's cult, m or that the founders were objects of cult. But the cult was founded as a pennanent cult, like that of Diomedon. 634 The developed cult foundation in which the founder is also divinized 635 is attested in third century Cos, as at Thera and Halicarnassus. The record of the shrine's foundation and accompanying regulations have not survived, but the stele recording its dedication has. 636 Land, buildings and gardens are consecrated to the Twelve Gods and to Charmylus, hero of the Channyleioi. The analogy of Diomedon's foundation suggests that Charmylus is not the original eponymous founder of the genos of the Chumyleioi, but, like Diomedon, the cult's founder. A significant new departure is the heroization of Chumylus. The survival of the 'Charmyleion' at Pyli gives an idea of the setting of these family cults. 637 Charmylus' heroon consisted of a subterranean

621

HG 10, D. 120ff. Ibid. 80ff. UI Ibid. D. 130ff. 129 See C, 86ff, for the sociaJ function of the foundation in helping poor members of the family celebrate their marriage. 0 " A, 9ff; D, l36ff. Ill D, 146ff. Cf. ZPE 24, 1977, pp. 210ff. P. M. Fraser, BSA Alex. 40, 1953, pp. 35-61 (SEG 14 529; LSCG 171). 111 HG 10, D, 130ff. See W. Kamps, op. dt. p. 1S1. 127

••'ll 114

See n 632. See the inscriptions cited at n. 621, with the exception of HG 10. '" PH 349 (Michel, Rm.,eQ 798; cf. KF. p. 139; ZPB 24, 1977, pp. 207ft) . .,., For the heroon see P. Schazmann, JDAI 49, 1934, pp. 110-27 (figs 1-11); for a general account see D. C. Kurtz and J. Boudman, Greek Burlol Cultom,, Thames and Hudson 1971, pp. 300-302 (fig 72). 111

365

tomkhamber and a two-storied building set upon a platfonn. Two rooms aver the tomb, sunnounted by a facade,provided facilities for the cult of the Twelve Gods and hero Charmylus. The whole elaborate construction was set in gardens, probably on the family estate of the Channyleioi. 631 Heroization among less wealthy families in Cos is also implied, as elsewhere in the Greek world, in Coan funerary reliefs of the Hellenistic period, which portray death• banquet scenes. 639 The public heroization of outstanding men was practiaed continuously from the chmical period in ancient Greece, and continued to be common in the Imperial period. 6'0 The earliest Coan evidence of the official attribution of the epithet ifPt.AXto a famous individual does not occur until the second half of the first century BC, when rjp~ occurs among the various titles of the tyrant Nicias. 641 Later Gaius Stertinius Xenophon was named rjpw~.642 Tiberius Claudius Alcidamus Julianus, son of Tiberius Claudius Nicanor, is described as rjpc,.xin an official dedication in his honour. 643 He is related to Claudius Nicagoras Julianus, whose daughter, Claudia Rufeina Juliana, was also honoured by the boula and damos as herois. 644 The question naturally arises of whether in any of these cases we have instances of individuals being heroised by the community and as a result receiving appropriate veneration in cult acts, or whether the title has come simply to be used as an honorific epithet, denoting the person's valour. It seems clear that in some of these cases riPewebaq.t.OlleOTaTtx: R. Herzog's laconic characterization of Coan religious life is fully borne out by this scrutiny of the surviving evidence for the Hellenistic and early Imperial period. 618 Numerous documents reveal the careful organization and variety of public religion during these centuries; concern for ritual purity is reflected in the lcatharmoi for the cult of Demeter and in the application of purity regulations to priests and priestesses in other public and private cults through the Hellenistic period. 619 The Coans actively participated in cult life both as individuals and in the various social groupings of Cos - tribes, tribal subdivisions and thiasoi. Their civic piety is attested, as is their personal belief in the efficacy of rites and in the ability of the gods to reveal their power, and will, by dreams, oracles, and even by epiphany. ..All8pw1r0&

ii BC). For Kasmaios·origin from Gettha see H. Seyrig,Syrill 42, 196S, pp. 25-34 at 26 n 2. ,.,. G. Levi Della Vida, Cl. Rh. 9, pp. 139--48 (fia. 1), dedication of the Nabetaean Awsal.lah,dated to the 18th year of An:tu, either Aretu Ill (87-62 BC), or Aretu IV (9 BC - AD 40), to judae from the monumental and ornate hand which would fit either the first century BC, or the fint centwy AD. '" G. Levi Della Vida, Melange, Syrleru offttrtl d Monsit'W' Reni Duuaud II, Paris 1939, pp. 883-6, UM bill1fll,le pico-palmy,inienM 6 Cos. "' Seep. 138; ,ee abo my article, ZPE 21, 1976, pp. 183-8, for a collection of the sunmna evidence on the Jewish community of Cos, includin, four inscriptions of Jews, or Judaizers of Cos. ,.,., See PH 68 El< Bflw(c) l11olupa,,c;, (l'H 68, dated Ibid u 'Christian but of early date,' is now lost);KF 166-7;NS 653. The fifth century Byzantine Church of Aa. loannis at Mastichariand the euly basilica of A,. Stephanos at Kanwis (near KephaJos) have never been properly published. ,.,. KF, p. 170. See Acts 17, 22, for ddsidllimonia at Athens. '" Seep. 306 (cult of Demeter); P. M. Fraser, BSA Alu. 40, 1953, pp. 53ff (SEG 14 529; LSCG 171). For the application of purity regulations in all Coan public cults see NS 441 (LSCG 163), 12ff.

371

There are two chief areas of religious activity - traditional Greek religion and the royal cults, i.e. the cults instituted, often spontaneously, for the Hellenistic kings, whether as benefactors or saviours. The latter trend of Hellenistic religion is first certainly attested on Cos in the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelphus, a king with whom the Coans had good relations. The recognition of the divinity of rulers in the Hellenistic period later made it easy for the Coans, like other Greeks, to worship the emperors as theoi in the Imperial period. We have seen that the Coan cult calendars of the last quarter of the fourth and of the early third century BC make possible a comparison of the character of Coan public religion in its early post-synoecism form with the pattern of the cults through the Hellenistic and early Imperial period. The early Imperial period gives the terminal date of the enquiry because there is very little evidence on Coan religion after c. the second century AD, with the exception of the cult of Asclepius. The general picture of Coan religion (i.e. cult and ritual) is of the remarkable persistence of traditional Greek religion in spite of the great changes in thought and religion of the HelJenistic period. We have seen that there is little evidence for Coan religion before the synoecism. While it is probable that many cults continued after the synoecism, they can be pinpointed only in a few cases. In some instances new Greek cults (e.g. Homonoia) were introduced and old cults re-organized and developed. The popularity of the cults ebbed and flowed depending on such factors as local patronage, perhaps royal benefaction, and of course religious feeling. The cult of Asclepius, for example, remained only of local importance until the midthird century BC, when the institution of the pan-Hellenic Great Asclepieia, crowning the completion of the third century Asclepieion, attracted Yisiton from throughout the Greek world. From now on the Coan cult and sanctuary was the main focus of religion in pagan Cos. The cult of Asclepius is one of the few Greek cults which could meet the ancient Greek tradition of civic homage and, at the same time, allow personal religious experience. This happy combination was surely an important factor in the continuing vitality of this cult. The one possible exception to this picture of the continuity of Coan cult life from the synoecism to the early Imperial period is the first century BC. Evidence of first century date is scarce for Coan religion, as it is for other aspects of Coan life. Strabo's account of Cos, however, together with the archaeology of the Asclepieion and the evidence of inscriptions, shows that this sanctuary prospered in the early Imperial period, as it was to continue to do; furthermore, inscriptions of the late first century BC and of the first century AD attest the continuance of many of the old cults. 680 In view of this later evidence it seems probable that Coan religion in the first century BC was closely linked with that of the earlier Hellenistic period.

HO

See p. 359,

372

The traditional character of Coan religion can hardly be explained as a mere survival, fostered on1y by the generosity and persistence of individual Coans of conservative taste endowing and reviving the ancestral cults. Firstly, not only was the public adoption of foreign cults admitted on1y in the Imperial period, but the private cults favoured by Coans in the Hellenistic period, which are comparatively well documented, were predominantly Greek in character in spite of Coan contacts, public and private, with Ptolemaic Egypt. Secondly, the Greek deities appear as part of a living tradition, believed by those Coans who practised the rites to have the powers and qualities they were held to possess. What were the reasons for the conservative aspect of Coan religious life? As no ancient text exists explaining the Coans' beliefs, any account must be tentative. The Coans' history as a people undoubtedly contributed to their conservatism to the extent that Cos never became one of the great cosmopolitan trading cities open to the influence of different peoples' thought and religion. The economy of the island was always predominantly, though not exclusively, agricultural. In the Coan countryside the age-long deities believed to control the natural cycle of winter, summer, seed-time and harvest, birth and death, remained important, as we have seen. Part of the explanation must also lie in the temper and bent of the Coans - their lasting belief in the value of the old Greek gods. It was characteristic perhaps that the theoi patroioi occupied a special place in Coan religion in the Hellenistic and early Imperial period.

373

Epilogue The history of Cos is rewuding for many reasons. Firstly the lesser Greek fX}/eiJ which did not enjoy an often merely temporary greatness, show the general continuity of life in the ancient Greek city. Coan civic institutions preserved a mixture of old and new after the foundation of Kos in 366 BC. In religion the Coans were tied closely to traditional practice and ancient custom in spite of ties with Ptolemaic Egypt. Secondly, an intellectual stratum in Coan society developed to make a profound contribution in the field of medicine and, perhaps to a lesser extent, in that of literature, be. tween the fifth and the third century BC.The traditional practice of medicine continued on Cos into the Imperial period, although Coan doctors were drawn to AJexandria for purposes of research through the Hellenistic period. The evidence of literary life on Cos, on the other hand, seems to come to an end after Meleager's residence there. Finally, Cos stands as one Greek {X}lis that flourished in the Hellenistic period, while closely attached to the Ptolernaic kingdom, and survived the upheavals of the Civil Wars to enjoy a revival in the Imperial period.

374

APPENDIX1

A Coan Revolt between 446/S and 443/2? It is possible, but not certain, that the Coans revolted from the Athenians between 446/5 and 443/2, when no tribute payments are recorded. During these yean eight other of the Carlan states, with which Cos usually appears on the Quota Lists, are missing, either because of revolt, or because of the record's incompleteness. Because a Coan revolt is of little lasting importance for Coan history, while of more significance for the history of the Athenian empire, discussion of this thorny question has been reserved for an appendix. Historically the 440s was a time ripe for a Coan secession. It was a decade in which Athens had to face widespread discontent within the empire after peace with Penia, established in c. 450, had annulled the original anti-Penian purpose of the Delian Confederacy, giving the allies good reason for dissatisfaction with the continued financial and military obligations entailed by the continuance of the Confederacy.

It is unfortunate that the only other potential sources of evidence on Coan behaviour are controvenial and unhelpful in establishing the fact of a revolt. They are the dis/coboloi and the fragment of the Athenian coinage decree, found in the modem town of Cos.1 In c. 448, the coinage decree was passed, enjoining the use of Athenian currency, weights and measures, in the poleis of the Confederacy and the closing of their mints. 2 Many of the cities appear to have ceased to mint by c. 450. The question of the date of the closing of the Coan mint is important in this context. After the dislcoboloi no coins were minted on Cos until the middle of the fourth century, when the foundation of the new polis. Kos, was the occasion for the production of coinage once more. The correctness of the interpretation of the minting of the dis• lcoboloi as an act of disobedience towards the Athenians, symptomatic of revolt, depends upon their duration. No firm tennini are available for the diskoboloi, which can be dated only by stylistic criteria. J. P. Barron•s re-examination of the stylistic parallels for their iconography ha established the end of the Persian Wars as the approximate date for the beginning, of the series and c. 450 as the terminus ante quem. As has been seen, the upper date fits well with Coan history since the Coans' l 2

See pp. 22-3, 34-5, 45-6.

Meiggsand Lewis 4S.

375

adoption of the Persian standard is likely to have been a by-product of the island's alignment with Persia. The duration of the series is not certain in the absence of die links and over• strikes. The coins are divided on stylistic grounds into three groups of which one (A) is earlier than the other two (B and C). The absolute dates of each group are not fixed. It has been suggested that one, or both, of the later groups could be as late u the 440s and could have been minted after, and in opposition to, the coinage decree~ alternatively the whole issue could fall before 450. The lower terminal date is uncertain. It cannot be brought into exact chronological relationship with a possible revolt of the Coans in the 440s. But if the Coans did continue to mint in the 440s, their neglect of the Athenian coinage decree can reasonably be cOMected with Coan disaffection with Athens. The fragment of the Athenian coinage decree provides a further piece of the puzzle of Coan relations with Athens. 4 The fragment is inscribed in Attic lettering. with three bar-sigma, but otherwise developed letter-fonns; it is in the Attic dialect. Considerable importance attaches to the identification of the marble. Since the fragment was initially believed to be of Pentelic marble, it was assumed that the decree had been inscribed at Athens and set up on Cos in accordance with the terms of the decree, which laid down that, in cases of the failure of the polei1 to erect a copy, the Athenians would do so.5 The fragment was, in consequence, widely taken as an example of the Coans' disaffection. Subsequent scientific analysis of the stone showed that the marl>le was not Pentelic, nor one of the known local Coan marbles; the marble has not been positively identified, though Parian is a possible candidate.6 It seems impossible to find sound grounds for deciding which of Athens and Cos was the more likely to have imported marble. There is little sign of any measure which can indubitably be linked with Athenian reprisals against Cos as a revolted ally, which would serve as evidence of the revolt itself. The Coans• tribute remained the same in the years after 443/2. In spite of the widespread presence of Athenian magistrates in the cities of the Athenian empire by the 420s, Cos may not have had an Athenian archon until the latter part of the fifth century. Alcibiades' establish• ment of an archon on the island in 411, when Coan sympathies were suspect after the secession from Athens of the island of Rhodes, indicates that an archon was not then in residence.

, Barron, op. cit. pp. 73-89; S. Jameson, NC 1969, p. 336. Seep. 50. 1 M. Scgrc, Q, Rh. 9, pp. 1S2-78. 1 A. Georgiades, BCH 89, 196S, pp. 400-409.

4

376

There is a possible indication of Athenian punishment of Cos in Thucydides' description of a city on Cos as being unwalled in 412. Thucydides made the general remark that lonia was unwalled at the time of the Peloponnesian War, and, by the specific instances which he gave,showed that cities outside lonia were also unwalled. The cities included Cyzicus, Teos, Clazomenae, Lampsacus, and Dorian Cnidus, Camirus and Cos. 7 Since it was Athenian policy to pull down the walls of the city of a revolted ally, as wu exemplified in the cue of the revolts of Thasos and Samos, it is clearly possible that the unwalled condition of a Coan city may have been the result of Athenian treatment of Cos after a revolt. The inference of the Co811S'dissatisfaction with Athens is based upon the duration of the dWcoboloi and the significance of the Coan copy of the coinage decree, questions which cannot as yet be resolved with any certainty; the Coans' absence from the Quota Lists between 446/5 and 443/2 can be taken to indicate revolt, as can the fact of the unwalled polu, and the pieces of circumstantial data fitted into a pattern. The framework, however, is fragile. Although this reconstruction of events may be the correct interpretation of the different pieces of evidence, its tenuous character deserves proper emphasis. 8

7

Ill. 33. 2; VIII. 107. 1: 16. 3:31, 3:62, 2:35. 3:44, 2. The updatirg of GHI 110 (/G X11(1)977; /GP Tit. Attki utra Attieam nperti no 2, forthcoming) on the basis of lettering and content to c. 445-430 BC, attests the role of the Coan, as continuing allie~ of Athens at that date: see eh. 2 n. 63. 1

377

APPENDIX2

The Silk Trade of Ancient Cos By the early Imperial period C01 wasthe most of the ancient Greek cities. 1 The earlier history however, is often obscure; basic questions such of the Coana' manufacture of silk, the duration and orpnization of production, raise problems tion to even if they cannot always be resolved.

famous centre for silk cloth of Coan silk production, u the date of the beginning of the industry, the manner which are worth drawing atten•

Coan silk production is fint attested in the latter half of the fourth century BC by Aristotle. Giving the earliest surviving description of the lif e,-cycle of a silk•moth, he describes how the filament spun by the silk•worm was unwound from the cocoon, reeled and spun on Cos, 'From •. certain large $CO/ex, which has thinp like horns and differs from the othen, there is produced, by transformation of the scolex, a caterpillar, then a cocoon, and from this a n~kydalo!I; and it transfonnJ through all these forms in six months. And some of the women loosen (the threads from) the cocoons by reeling them up and then spin them, and they say that Pamphile, the daughter of Plates, in Cos was the first to weave (the resulting fibre).' 2 There are two primary sources for the production of natural silk; the domesticated mulberry silk-worm (Bombyx mori L. ), native to China and not imported to the Graeco-Roman world until the sixth century AD, and various species of silk-moths found in India, Persia and in the central and east Mediterranean. 3 • For studies on the Coan silk industry see the following; L. Demaison, Reclrerche1 ,ur le, IDie, que le, Aru:lmn tnlmt de l'n~de Co.r, Paris 1884 (IIOn vidl); M. 0. Rayet. Memolre .rur l'Qe de Ko,, Paris 1876. pp. 8S-6; Paton and Hieb, /n,crlption1 of Co,, pp. xlvi-xlviii; W. T. M. Forbes, CP 25, 1930, pp. 22ff; R. J. Forbes. Sn,dia in Andott Technology IV. 1956, pp. 49-54; J. P. Wild, Textile Manufacture In the Northun Roman Prorince,, Cambridge 1970, pp. ll-3, 26-7, 33 1 HA V 19,SS1b, '"' 6i TWO( Oft.W).rJ,CO( ~'l'4MU, lk fXEt olw KiP4f'G rt.al6.~, f'WV ltA.Awa,,-y{'l'PfTCU flPW'rtw µe11 ~~Oll'r'O(' Toti a1t.wArJ1CO( 1t.d,i11"1, ftrnra fJofl#u).lc;, l1t. 6i TOUT'OU ~"'~ · IP ~t 6' ~rJai. ~Ta4'4llt, f'CWTCIC:TGC:""""'4c; trdaa(. '" 6' f'OUTOU f'OU te+>OU ,ca.iTG~0,4Juft.Ul, (I) dvoAuouo, TWII' "YUIICUICWII TUlt(" lwci1")Kt6~PpLwv,PH 54, 3 (s • .tiwpCwv:ii-i),

guild of 0siriastae. 435

- ib. (f. &a>p~wv,'A•oAAwVLos).

- SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 14(r. 'A•oAAWV~6ns:14?). Awpoala, NS 495 (TEpT~a (A)u6~a &a>poaia: Imp.), leader of thiasos of Eu::lie Aphrodite. Awa,a£oS, NS 596 (f. ELµn: Imp.). 'ESLxdpxLo~ PH 276 (s. 'Ayaa&1ous: Imp.). Elpavatos, PH 10, c, 55 (s. 'Iaowv: c. 200), contrib. to epid. Elpnvato 3 , PH 125 (s. EodpaTos: i BC);id. SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 26 (2 BC?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna. - PH 134 (c. 1 BC/i AD). - PH 365 (f. 'A•oAAWVLOS: c. ii-i). - PH N 236 (c. 40-32), ep. - KF 175, 27 (f. ['A]pT£µLa,a: i). - SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 42 (s. 3£v&6aµos: AD 15?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna. - IG XII (5,1) 676 (Imp.). - NS 457 (date uncertain). Elpryva~$, PH 422 (d. 'E•a,qd6£LTos: Imp.). Elp~vn, PH 363 ( Aup. Elp~vn: Imp.). - KF 91 (Hellenistic). - PH 278 (er. L. Robert, Paris 1964, 44 n. 8). 'ExaTa,a, PH 251 (Imp.).

Nouvelles inscriptions

- PH 398, 3 (d. 'ExaTd6wpos: Imp.). - KF 12, 11 {d. ~LALKtos: early ii),

contrib.

de Sardes,

to epid.;

eadem, ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 196 no. XXVIB, V, 79{c.200). - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 165 no. IX a, 18, 19, 59(d. 'Aµ,Lµ~6ns: c. 200). - ib. IX a, 69 (d. IlAdTwv). - ib. c, 21 (d. EoTux,6as: c. 200), cf. ib. XXVIB, VI, 44. 436

'ExaTatos,

PH 10, a, 43 (s.

- ib. b, 75, contrib.

[ZJwCAos: c. 200),contrib.

epid.

to epid.

c, 32 ('ExaTatos I, s. 1 ExaT&6wpos,f. 'ExaTatos II). - ib. ('ExaTatos II, s. 'ExaTatos I), contrib. to epid. to epid. - ib. d, 42 (s. 8Ed6oTos: c. 200), contrib. - PH 327 (f. 'EAwLs: Imp.). - ib.

- PH 348 (c.

ii-i).

- PH 387, 20 (r. ELµCas: c. 200). - PH 388, 2 (s. 'ExaT&6wpos: c. 250-200), (f. 'ExaT&6wpos).

priest;cf.

ib.7

- BCH59, 1935, 421-5 at 421, 6 (s. ELµLas: c. 200), contrib.

to library.

Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 50 (f. 'ExaT&6wpos:AD23). - ib. 126(s. 'Aya~dvyEAo~: AD 99?), priest of Apollo at - SB Berl.

Halasarna. - ASAA NS

25-6,

1963, 195 no. XXVI B, V, 27(f. 'Av6poo~lvns:

c. 200). - ib. VII, 65 (f. ACn: c. 200). - Kroll 32 (c. 145-c. 88). 'ExaT&6wpo ➔, PH 10, a, 41 {s. NLxoµ~6ns: c. 200),

contrib.

to ep!d.

'ExaT&6wpos: c. 200), ditto. 'ExaT&6wpos).

- ib. b, 52 {s. - ib.

(f.

- ib.

c, 33 {f. 'ExaTatos:

- ib.

41 (f. TIAdTwv:c. 200).

- ib.

d, 5 (s.

- ib.

17 (s.

c. 200).

XaLploTpaTos: c. 200),contrib. Eu-:

c. 200),

contrib.

to epid.

to epid.

43 (f. KCpaTJl6as: c. 200). to epid. - ib. 79 (c. 200), contrib. - PH 388, 2 (f. 'ExaTatos: c. 250-200). - ib.

- ib.

7 (s.

'ExaTatos). 437

- PH 404, a, 3 (e.

'Aµ,~xA~s: c. 200), contrib.

to epid.

- PH 406, l (iii/ii), monarchos at Istbmos. - ib. 7 (s. KAtaydpas: iii/ii], hieropoios, cf. ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, 169 IX a, 58. - PH 424 (s. IltpLylvns: i BC/i AD), rev. ed. PdelP 24, 1969,

132 no. 17. - PH N 138 (c. 200-88). - SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 481 no. 3, 14 (t. Ndaowv: c. 200). - ib. 484 no. 4, 50 (s. 'ExaTatos: .AD 23?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna.

- ib. 61 (f.

'I11las: AD 34?), cf. ib. 52 (AD25?). - Gymn. Agone, 6 I, C, 15 (f. t~ALaxos: 220?). - ib. 14 II, C, 16 (f. 'Av6poµlvns: 172?). - ib. 15 II,

-

-

C, 72 (168?), agonothetas. ID 428, 8 (f. Xo.LplaTpaTos: c. 185). TC 88, III, 88, cf. 90 B, 10 (c. 180) 1 :monarchos. ABAANS 25-6, 1963, 167 no. IX a, 33, 37(f.'ApLaTwvuµC5as, 'AvopoTlAns: c. 200). ib. 41 (t. Zc,,,1upLs). ib. 53, 62 (f. 6aµdaTpaTos, Eu6Lxos). ib. 57 (s. 'ApLaTwvuµl6as). ib. 58 (e. 10.taydpas). ib. 65 (·s. 'ApLataydpas).

- ib.

(f.

'ApCoTn).

tLALatos). - ib. 67 (s. Xaptvos). - ib. (r. Adµ1Lov). - ib. 66 (e.

- ib. 190 no. XXVIB, II,

49 (f. - ib. VI, 43 (f. KaAAL11Coas). - ib. VIII, 10 (s. TLµQvat). - ib. 12 (f. ttµov). 438

KAnvw:c. 200).

•ExaT~vu~O§, PH 377 (f.

tLALOTos: c. ii-i).

- KF ll, 2 (ii-i). - Cl. Rb. 5(2}, 179ff. (f. AcLpLm:iii).

- ASAABS 25-6, 1963, 188 no. XXVIB, I, 5O(f.'A•oAAd6wpos: c. 200). 1

Ex,avTC6a,, ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 174 no. IX c, 73(s.•Ex,avTOS: c.

200).

- IG XII (8) 260, 13 (f. [A]aµ&xpLTos: c. 82). •ExtaVTO§, ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 174 no. IX c, 74 (f. 1 Ex,avtC6as: c. 200). 'EAAdVLXO§, PB 398, 2 (f. 'Ayd~wv: Imp.). - PH N 93 (c. 300-200), ep. •EAEVOS,PH 54, 4 (ii-i), guild of Osiriastae. - SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 68(s. ALovdaLos:AD41?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna; Synteleia, 818, 25 (f •• EAEV0S:reign of Claudius).

- Synteleia, 818, 25 (s •• EAEVOS). EAcuelpLv, KF 89(d. 'E,nBLx&s: Imp.). EAXLS,PH 232 {f. Evo6Ca: c. iii-ii}. - KF 162 (f. AXLAAE~S:c. ii-iii AD). 1 EA•LS, PH 327 {d. 'Exatatos: Imp.). 1 - NS 652 (XcpnvCa EA•Cs: Imp.). 'EµµcvC6as, PH 10, b, 57 (f. •EpµCas, 8cd6wpos: c. 200), contrib. to epid.(cf. PH 404, b, 3-4); id. PH 404, a, 6 {f. ApLatoyivns: c. 200); cf. ICr. IV, 230 no. 168;ICr. I, VIII, 62 no. 7. - PH N 230 (c. 200-88), ep. - Bull. Mus. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932(Bull. Com. Arch. Rom. 60, 1933) 26 no. 22(ii/i}. 'Eµxplwv, PH 54, 5 (s. 'Avt~oxos:ii-1), guild of 0sirias1

9

1

1

ae. 439

- PH N 29, 54 (c. 300-200), ep. •Eva).os, NS 512 (f. ZJpC6as:c. 200), contrib. - ib. (f. Eu6wp{6as). Eo&a>po,,PH N 47 (c. 300-200), ep. EulA~wv, PH 10, c, 56 (s. twfLAOS: c. 200), contrib. to epid. 446

- ID 439, a, 30 (181), architheoros. 1

Eu&nvCa, NS 601 (d. ATECµnTos:Imp.). Eu-&~0LXO,, ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 190 no. XXVIB, II, (f. 8Eo&aJp~s:c. 200). - ib. III, 55 (f. IlapµEvlaxos). E~Cos, PH 259 (Imp.). Eoxapxos, PH 27, 4 (f. Eu[apaTJos: ii/i). - PH N 132 (c. 200-88), ep. - PH N 237 (c. 40-32), ep.

28

10, 7 (ii). - SB Berl • .Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 24(s. 9£d6oTos: 4?),priest - KF

of Apollo at Halasarna. - IG XII (8) 260, 6 (f.

KA~4VLXOS: c.

82).

88, 54 (c. 180), monarchos. architheoros. EuxA£Coas, IG XI (2) 287, B, 44 (iii), EuxA£C6ns, IG XII (8) 170, d, 60 (s. 'AvTLyovos: after 150). EuxAELTL6a5,KF 199 (f. TLµ0~Evos: c. iii-ii). - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 197 no. XXVIB, VI, 49(f.Zwxup~s: - TC

c. 200).

EoxAELTOS,PH 10, d, 52 (c. 200). - PH 124 (f. KdvvLs: c. i BC/1 AD). - PH 346 (s. tCAwv: Imp.). EuxA\'is, PH 10, b, 67 (a. IlpatL6oµas: c. 200), contrib. epid.;

id.

to

NS 675, l0(iii/ii).

- PH 10, b, 73 (c. 200). - SB Berl. Alt. 1901, 484 no. 4, 72 (s. EuxA~s: AD 45?), priest of Apollo at H&lasarna. - i b • ( f.

EUMAYis) •

88 (f. KaAALVLXOS: AD 61?). - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 167 no. IX a, 28(f. IlapµEvLs:c.200). - ib.

- ib.

63 (a. tLALoTns: c. 200). 447

Eux&putos, KF 175, 12 (i). EuxpaTns; PH 10, c, 5(c. 200). - PH 388,9 (s. •ApxcaC~AasJ: c. 250-200), hieropoios. - PH N 207, 208, 217, 23l(c. 200-88), ep. - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 195 no. XXVIB, V, 23, VI, 56(r.c·Ap~] -aTapxos,

A~xaL~os: c. 200).

EuxpLTOS,Theocr.

Idyll VII, 1. - Asylieurkunden 14, cf, Herzog and Klaffenbach, (f. 'IxK&Tas: 242).

ib.

29

EuxT~µwv, NS 695 (c. ii-i).

EuµnAL&6wpos,NS 492 (s. AL0XA~S:c. i BC - i AD), leader of guild

of Bacchiastae.

E~VOLa,NS 597 (c. i BC/1 AD). Euvoµos, BCH59, 1935, 421-5 at 421, 18(s. IlLOLMA~s: c. 200), contrib.

to library.

E~vous, Synteleia, 818, 9(f. 'AvouBCwv:reign of Claudius). EutC~EHL$,TC 88, 107 (c. 180), monarchos. - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 169 no. IX a, 56(s. 'I1woxpdTns: c. 200).

(f. ♦ LALT~S). EutCµapoTOS,PH 10, b, 41 (s. 8cdC6Jwpos: c. 200), contrib. - ib.

to epid. EvtLtdvn ➔, ASAA NS

25-6, 1963, 175 no. X, 18(c. - ib. 20 (f. CAcpJxdAAa).

200).

9

Euo6Ca, PH 232 (d. EAKLS:c. iii-ii). Eu&6LOV,PH 263 (Imp.). E~o6os, PH 329 (f. [Il£JLO~OTPaTos:c. i BC/i AD), cf. ib. (s.

Il£LO~OTpaTos).

- PH 392, 11 (Aup. E~ooos, s.Aup. gymnasiarch. - PH 419 (s. 448

Ilooc~6Lnnos: ii/i).

'ApCoTaLxvos: Imp.),

Eu'lopl!a, PH 270 {_c. iii-ii). EuwdpLOTOt,KF 204 (s. Tpd,wv). E~•opos, PH 54, 7 (s. Mp6avos: ii-i),guild of Osiriastae. - KF 172 ( Imp. ) • Euwpatl!a, KF 59, b (Imp.). £upd1UAOS,Anonymus, Acad.Phil.Ind.Herc,Pap.Herc.1021 col.16. 33-4, pupil of the Academician Crates. EupL'IL6ns, PH 373, 8 (f. •ATTaAos: AD 54-68),cf. SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 75 (AD 48). - SR Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 70(s.NLx,as: AD 43?),priest of Apollo at Halasarna; cf. ib. 75(f •• ATTaAos). E~p&aLs, PH 234 (d. ~LovdoLos: Imp.). Euta~,a, PH 417 (d. tTpatwv: c. 1 BC/i AD). EUt£AL6as, PH 10, b, 40 (f. tlALOtos: c. 200). - ib. c, 35 (s. NLxaydpas: c. 200), contrib. to epid. - PH 404, a, 1 (s. 'ApLOtL••C6as: c. 200),ditto; cf. ASAA

NS 25-6, 1963, 169 no. IX a, 61. - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 165 no. IX a, 13(f.

c'AJpLatL'l'IL6as:

c. 200). 0

Eut&ALOtpdtn, PH 10 c, 89 (d. Apx€Aas: c. 200),contrib. to epid.; cf. KF 12, 6. EutnpL6as, PH 10, c, 26 (f. NLxdCvwJp:c. 200). - PH 10, c, 75 (t. fLAtvos: c. 200). - ib. d, 63(f. 'ACpJLotoµlvns: c. 200). - PH 56, 2 (c. ii), hieropoios. - BCH59, 1935, 421-5 at 421, 17 (f. A£wvC6as: c. 200). Eutdxns, NS 628 ('o,lAALOS Eutdxns,s. ·o,lAALOS 'E•a,p5s: (Imp.}.

EutuxLa, NS 651 ('AAALa EutuxLa: Imp.). EutuxC6as, PH 46 (c. ii-iii AD). - NS 608 (f. 'E•a,pd6LtOS: Imp.}. 29 Ancient Cos (Hyp. SI)

449

- NS 675, 28 (f.

'AyiwoALs: iii/ii).

- ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 172 no. IX c, 19(s. Aaµ~Las:c. 200). - ib. 21 (f. 'Exa-ra~a). - Bull. Mus. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932(Bull. Com. Arch. Rom.60,1933} 11 no. 8 (s. ~nµoa~ivns: reign of Augustus, victor in laudatio; id. ib. no. 9 (s. (ad.)Mp6avos: reign of Augustus). - ib. 34 no. 30 (s. Kdpos, f. Kdpos: i). - TC 88, 64,Bo,86;100, cf. 89 A,17,19(c.180),ZPE 25, 1977, 270 no. 2, 1 (iii/ii), monal"Cbos. - ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 190 no. XXVIB, II, 55, III, 2l(f. 'Aynals: c. 200). - ib.

VI, 45(f.

['EJxaTa~a).

Eutux~s, KF 117 ('IouALa Eutux~s: Imp.). EuTuxos. PH 47, 12 (s. ~aµd-rpLos: ii-1). - PH 155 (Imp.), leader ot thiasos of Aphrodisiastae;cf.id. KF 40. - SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 485 no. 4, 9l(s. EuTuxos: AD 64?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna. - ib. (f. Eutuxos). - PH 303 (c. 1-11 AD). - NS 583 (s. Il£pt..ylvns: Imp.). - Synteleia, 818, 10 (Map(xos) 'IyvaTt..OS Eutuxos: reign of Claudius).

- PdelP 24, 1969, 130 no. 7(f. ruvly6ntµJos). Eutdvns, SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 483 no. 4, 3(s. LWTLwv:25?), priest of Apollo at Ha.lasarna. - NS 694, 3 (f. 'Apxe6dµas: Imp.). - ABAANS 25-6, 1963, 172 no. ·IX c, 66 (s.

EwTLwv:c.200).

EUf~AnTo ➔;

PH N 209 (c. 200-88), ep. - PH 10, d, 12 (s. rAa~xL••os: c. 200), contrib.

- SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 481 no. 3, 15(f. 450

to epid.

♦ LA&~pwv:iii),cf.

ib.

27.

- Memorie III,

50 (r. Zp: i AD).

- .ASAARS 25-6, 1963, 169 no. IX a, 64

{s. IlapµEvCaxos:

c. 200).

- ib.

c, 13(s.

- ib.

(f.

rr~-&wv).

'ApCaTn).

Eufpoa~vn, PH 360 (K>.. Eu,poa~vn: late Imp.). Eufp&auvos, PH 129, 9 (Aup. Eutp&auvos, s. Eu,p&auvos: AD 212+). - ib. (f. Aup. Eutp&auvos). E~tpwv, IG XII (8) 170 d, 61 (f. tAynoLxpdTns: aner 150). EuxdpLOTO~,PH 169 (s. EuxdpLOTOS:early Imp.).

{f. EuxdpLOTos). 'EtavTC6as, PH 10, a, 50 (c. 200), contrib. - ib. 63 (c. 200). 'E,nSLx&s, KF 89 (f. EA£U~ipLV: Imp.). - NS 5n b (M. ITOµl~LOS'E,nSLxds: Imp.). - ib.

to epid.

1

'Ex£xpaTL6DS, IG XII (8) 260, 17(f. ;£v&6oxo~: c. 82). Znws, ASAANS 23-4, 1961-2, 593 no. 24{Imp.).

Zqv&6oTos,ICF217 {f. EwtL>.os: c. iv/iii), Berl.

cf.

Herzog, SB

Ak. 1901, 482 n. 2.

Z~vwv, PH 389, 4 (f.

0voµdqTn: c. i BC/i AD).

- PH N 232 (c. 200-88),

ep. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4, 27(s.8£u6wpC6as:i

- SB Berl. priest - ib.

BC?),

of Apollo at Halasarna.

47(s.

'ovnaC,opos: AD 20?),priest

of Apollo at Hal451

asarna.

- IG XII (3) 69 (Imp.). - NS 501 (f. 'AvT~oxos: Imp.). - NS 559 (s. 'AAl~av6pos: Imp.). - NS 679 (f. 'AvTwVLa:Imp.). ~dgLµos, NS 685 (f. 'A6oxnT9~). Zµ{v6pwv, PH 10, d, 14 (s. 6Loµ{6wv: c. 200),contrib. to epid. cf. ID 442 B, 109 (f. 6Loµl6wv: 119). - PH 10, d, 80 (c. 200), contrib. to epid. - Gymn. Agone, 10, II, B, 55(f.'Iwx&xpLTOS: 184?). - TC 88, 93 (c. 180), monarchos. - Asylieurkunden no. 4, 3, 22 (f. 'ApLOTOAOXOS: 242), cf. ib. 5-7. ZwBLTTLov,KF 12, 10 (d. rlpaOTLS: early ii), contrib. epid. ZwBLn, KF 12, 12 (d. ['AJyAdCwxos: early ii), contrib. to epid., cf. ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 175 no. X, 22(c. 200). ~CAo ➔, PH 10, a, 44 (f. 'ExaTatos: c. 200). - ib. b, 20 (f. fopyos: c. 200). - ib. 47 (f. Aaµ~Cas: c. 200). - ib. 50 (f. XdpµLxxos: c. 200). - ib. d, 20 (c. 200). - ib. c, 62 (s. l.>.&-

- ib. 110 (d. KAEUµ~6ns). 1

H>.L&6wpo ➔,

PH 177 (c. i BC - i AD).

29 (c. 145-c. 88). 'Hpay&pas, IG XII (8) 260, 16 (s. - Kroll

Tipa~C,avTos: c. 82),epib-

ates.

'Hpatos, BCH 86, 1962, 275ff. no. 4,9(s.'A>.€tav6pos: ii). C"HJpax>.&s,PH 245 (s. C'ExJL~~µnTos: Imp.). 1 Hpax>.E~6as, PH 10, c, 79 Cs. 'Axo).).~vt.os:c. 200),contrib.

to

epid. 1

Hpax>.EC6ns,Suda s.v.

'InnoxpaTns(f.

'Iw~oxpaTnS II,s.

"Iwwo-

v ).

xpa"rnS I:

'HpdxAELTOS,PH 10, a, 40 (f. Adp6avos: c. 200). - ib. b, 63 (c. 200), contrib. to epid. naa~as), ditto. ib. 39 (f. ALay&pas). to epid. ib. 72 (s. NLx&aTpa"ros), contrib. ib. d, 16 (s. 'Ap€Twv), ditto. PH 12, 34 (iii/ii). PH 44, 29 (f. TElaapxos: c. 200).

- ib. -

-

c, 37 (s.

- PH 46, 12 (i AD).

56, 4 (f. Alax~>.os: c. ii). - PH 84-91, 94, exempli gratia (f. r. ~TEPT~VLOS2Evo,wv,Tt.B.

- PH

10..

KAEWVUµos: reign of Claudius).

- PH 185 (f. MovapxtCs: Imp.). - PH 195 (s. - ib.

(f.

1

HpaXAELTos:Imp.).

'Hpdx>.tt.TOS)

•.

455

- PH 342 (s. loL6Lxov ul&s('I110xpdtns I,s.rvwaL6Lxos, t. 'HpaxAtL6ns),doctor and Asclepiad. - RE Suppl. 8taoaA&s, - Suda s.v. - Suda s.v. - Suda s.v. - Suda s. v.

VI, 12290ft. ('I110xpdtns II,s.'HpaxAEL6ns, t. dpdxwv: c. 460-370), the great Coan doctor. 1 I11oxpdtns 8toaaAoU (s.8tooaA&s III),doctor. 'I11oxpdtns tltaptos (s.Apdxwv: died 310),doctor. 'I110xpdtns t'( s.npat~dvat), doctor. •l1C1oxpdtat; 61-10( s. 8uµBpcxtos-), doctors.

- PH 10, a, 51 (s. 8C£ooaJA&s: c.200),contrib. 468

to epid.;id.

ZPE 25, 1977, 272 no. 3 (s. 8£aaaAos), doctor. - PH 10, a, 56 (f. Ilo&CoJ6oTos). - ib. c, 86(.s. T~µwv), contrib. to epid. - NS 544 (f.

IloAoopxos: iii-ii}.

- TC 79 B, 7,15,22(f. IU£Uµ~6ns: c.301-286). - TC 88, 57 (c. 180), monarchos.

- ASAANS 25-6, 1963, 169 no. IX a, 56(t.Eu(L&£µLs:c.200). - ib. 202 no. XXVII,8 (s. nauaCµaxos: 111/ii). - Kroll 5 (c. 145-88). '11:1:oxpLtos;,Polyb. XXX 7,9-10:

supporter

of Perseus of Mac-

edon. - ID 439, a, 36 (181), dedicand at Delos. - Gymn. Agone, 10, II, B, 54(s.ZµiCv6pJwv: 184?), victor the Great Asklepieia.

at

'I1:1:0Aox05, PH N 57 (c. - HC IX (ed. Littr~),p.

300-200), ep. 416,ancestor of Hippocratee. 'I1:1:ota5, Asylieurkunden 14,ct. Herzog and Klatfenbacb,ib.p. 29(s. E~xPLtos: 242), a.rchitheoros. 1 Ipnvato5, SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484 no. 4,82 (s. AD 55?), priest of Apollo at Halasarna.

'Ipnvatos:

- ib. (t. 'Ipnwtos). 'IaLyiv£La, PH 251 (d. IltOA£µatos: Imp.). 1

1

IaC6oto&, PH 54,2 (s. A1:oAA~vLos:ii-i),guild ot Osiriastae. 'IaC6wpo~, PH 344, 9(s. N£~xapxos: reign o~ Augustus), hon.

as doctor at Haleis. 1 IOLfopo5, PH 203 (Imp.). 'IaLwv, NS 590 (Imp.). 'Iaoxpdtns, TC XXVII (c. i BC/i AD), sculptor. 'IatLatos;, PH 404, a, 9(f. KaAACµaxos: c.200),cf. ib.10 (s. T£Caapxos), contrib. to epid. 'IatL£Cos, ASAANS 25-6,1963,173 no. IX c,4l(f.'Aµ~LXA~s: 469

c.200). C'IJaxdAas, ASAANS 25-6, 1963,171 no. IX a,102 (s.l10 TELµaydpa,,PH 9,18(s.'ExaT:11-i). TcLµoylvn,,Pa 328(s.tLA£tvo,:early Imp.). Tt~aapxo,,PH lO,d,67(s.rlpaaTLS:c.200),contrib. epid.,cf.PH 387,24(c.200),contrib. to epid. - PH 44,28(s.'HpdxA£LTO&,t. tLAOXA"':c.200),cf.id. PB 404,b,6. - PH 404,a,lO(t. 'IaTLaCos,Z~1upos:c.200),cf.ib.b, 6(f.tLAOXA~S),

- PH N 213(c.200-88),ep. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,192 no.XXVI B,III,3l(f.'ApLOTala:c.200). - ib.199 no.XXVI B,VII,39(s.T£LOLXpdTn,:c.200). TcLala, 1 PH lO,a,47{f.AaµdxpLto,,ALoylvns:c.200). TELO~a,,PH N 100 b(c,300-200),ep. 526

to

- IG XI(2)287

B,35-6(250),architheoros.

- TC 79 A,6,8,cf.B,3(301-286),epitropos. T£~a~xpdt~s,ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,199

no.XXVI

B,VII,40

(t.TE~aapxo,:c.200). T£,a~ov

1

ASAA NS 25-6,1963,187

no.XXVI

B,I,lO(d.'Ap~-

at,wv:c.200). T£,awv,Cl.Rh.9,24(r.nua~ds:c.200). T£A£ylv£~a,KF T£Alaav6pos,PH

11

87(Imp.). 10,c,29(s.t,Awv:c.200),contrib.epid.

- PH 404,a,9(f.T£Ala~••os:c.200). T£A£O~xpdtns,IG

XII(8)260,14(c.82).

T£Ala~11os,PH 65(t.'Ap~atay&pas:i AD). - PH 44,12(s.Ilapµ£v,axos:c.200),hon.as tribal archeuon. - ib.24(s. 'Ap,at~~•os),hon.as tribal archeuon. - PH 4o4,a,9(s.TcAlaav6pos:c.200),contrib. to epid. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,165 no.IX a,16(f.Nna,ov:c.200). - ib.lOl(t.C'IJJ1~as). - ib.199 no.XXVI B,VII,35(s.N~xdvwp:c.200). - ib.46(s. 'Ap~atdxp~tos). - ib.48(f. 'Ap~atdv6pa). TcAla,opos,PH N 85(c.300-200),ep. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169 no.IX a,73(f.KAnv~:c.200). TEAlawv,NS 675,16(t.'Ap~atoxAt,6as:iii/ii). TEAEOT,as,PH 10,d,45(f.8td6wpo,:c.200). Iasos;cf. - BCH ll,1887,76ff. (s.8£~6wpos:ii),hon.by (?) AP VII,4?6,epigram for Teleutias son of Theudorus. - PH 387,13(s.'Hp&6oTos:c.200),contrib. to epid. - PH 404,a,2(f. 'Apx~xlns:c.200). - IG XI(2)287 B,45(s.8paadxp~tos:iii),architheoros. 527

Tlat.ov,NS 539(iii). Tlxvn,PH 366(c.i BC/i AD). Tlxvwv,NS 572(a.C~Jt.ovJot.ossimp.). Tn(A)laav6pos,PdelP 24,1969,129 T~AEfOS,Suda-Life(Kuchenmuller (f.tt.1.tfTas;:

no.5. T 2l)tt.A~Tas

K~t.OS

iv).

- PH N 40(c.300-200),ep. - NS 513(s.Xapµevos:c.ii). T~µtvo,,PH 10,c,45(f.Ka[).J).t.dvat:c.200). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,197 no.XXVI B,VI,19(f.8eµt.oTox).f\s;:c.200). - ib.VII,52(s.Z~~CAoJs). - Inschr.von den dorischen Inseln,46 no.97,III,4 6-7 (r.nc ....... Js;: mid-iii. ) Tt.µay&pa,,PH 4o6,8(f.'Apt.OTt.••~5as:111-ii),cf.ib. l0(f.Ka).).t,xpdTns). TLµat.-&os,PH 404,b,l(f.r&pyos:c.200). - NS 532(r.N,xwv:c.iii-ii). - EE III,p.33 B,13(f.d£,vapxos:c.280). - Asylieurkunden no.4,23(f. Hpdx1.£t.To~:242),cf. ib.no.5. Tt.µa,vtTos,KF 12,B(f.'Apt.oTdvOqq:early ii),cf.id. ASAA NS 25-6,1963,192 no.XXVI B,III,40(f. Apt.aTdv6pa:c.200). - ib.VII,16(s. 'Apt.aToylvns;). T~¥av6pos;,NS 68l(f.Eaµ~as;:i BC/1 AD). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169 no.IX a,8l(f.8paodav6pos: C • 200) • - ib.92(f.9paa~av6pos;). Tt.µav-&ns,SB Berl.Ak.1901,481 no.3,19(c.200). TLµapxos,PH 44,23(s.'Apt.aToylvns:c.200). 1

1

528

- PH 387,2T(s. 'Atnvay&pas:c.200),contrib.to epid. 3 569,2(s.'HpdxA<O~:c.201-200), Tt.µaat.xAns,Syll. napoias at Halasarna. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,190 no.XXVI B,II,20(f.KA£t.To6ln:c.200). no.ll(f.tt.µ,as:242). Tt.µaat.1wv 1 Asylieurkunden Tt.µax,6as,KF 184(s.Ilauaav,as:ii?),cf.ASAA NS 25-6, 1963,198 no.XXVI B,VII,29(s.nauaav,as). TLµlas,GJ1Dn.Agone,15,II,C,75(s.Xapµ~AOS:168?), victor at the Gt. Asklepieia. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,198 no.XXVI B,VII,14(s.T~µlas c.200). - ib.(f.Tt.µlas). - ib.ll{s.XpnaT~wv). - ib.42(s.'Apt.aToylvns). Tt.µoylvns,PH lO,b,36(t.'Ap~aTapxos:c.200). - i b. c, 8 o( f. -y& pas). - Kroll 30(c.145-c.88). NS Tt.µ&6aµo,,PH 404,a,3(f.Aaµo,rav:c.200),cf.ASAA 25-6,1963,169 no.IX a,52(f.Aaµo,wv:c.200). - ASAA NB 25-6,1963,195 no.XXVI B,V,46(t.rladxt.110s:c.200),cf.ib.VII,64. Tt.µd6nµos,T.B.Mitford,Op.Ath.I,1953,154(r.•Apt.aTos: 11).

Tt.µd6t.CxJos,NS 43T,2{c.ii). Tt.µ&6£0$,PH 10,c,63{s.Nt.xoµ~ons:c.200),contrib. epid. - IG XII{8)260,15(s.Tt.µ&~~os:c.82),epibates. - ib.{f.Tt.µ&6&os). Apt.0To[,Jwv:c.200),contrT~µoxA£,6a,,PH 10,a,50(s. ib. to epid.

to

1

34 Ancient Cos (Hyp. SI)

529

- PB 430(s.M£ACayxJp,6a,:Imp.). - KF 76(s.Aaµ1,a,:ii). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,198 no.XXVI B,VI,66(f.Alax,vas: c.200). TLµoxAni,PH 10,c,2l(t.K&vwv:c.200). - PH 387,6(f.'A10AA66wpo,:c.200). - SB Berl.Ak.1901,481 no.3,17(t.KA£tvos:c.200). - IG VII 1765,2l(t.6aµoxpdTns:ii-1). - IG XII(8)260,18{f.N~oawv:c.82). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,192 no.XXVI B,III,52(f.nu&&VLXOS:c.200).

- ib.V,28{f.TLµ~). - 1b.VII,55{t.CTLJµwvat). - ib.58(s.TLµwvat). TLµoxpdTns,IG XII(8)260,16(t.:£v6~CoJ,os:c.82). I,t. TLµdxpLTos,PH 370,5(TLµdxpLTo, I,s.ETpdTL110, ETpdTL1•0s II(l.8),nu&dvLxos (l.9):c.200),hieropoios. TLµdAaLos,SB Berl.Ak.1901,485 no.4,98{s.Z~1upos: AD 71?),priest of Apollo at Halasarna. TLµdAuxo,,PH N 23(c.300-200),ep. - NS 515{f.Mvaa,µaxos:ii}. - NS 538(s.Mvao,µaxos:c.111-11). - HG p.38{t.tuAdTLµos:c.260),1neditum. - Riv.Fil.NS 11,1933,365 I,l(c.205-201),prostatas. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,177 no.XI c,12(t.AlqtxJyA,vn: c.200). TLµov,6a,,Ns 675,29(f.TLµwvat:iii/ii). TLµdt£vo,,PB 5,l(f.EcvdTLµos:111-11). - PH lO,b,66(s.cnapJµtv,oxos:c.200),contrib.eptd. -

530

ib.c,18{t. ♦ ,ALIIO,).

- PH 12,16(iii/ii). - PH 4o4,a,8{s.8paauxA£,6as:c.200),contrib.epid. - PH 4o6,3{s.TLµdt£vo,:11i-11),hieropoios,cf.ib. 9(f.MlAaveos). - ib.{f.TLµdt£vos). - PH N 244(f.Io,oxA"s:reign of Augustus),ct.N 245 (f.nuedvLxos:reign of Augustus). - KF 199(s.EuxA£LT,oas:c.iii-ii). - NS 683(s.CMJEv£aelvns:c.i BC/i AD). - CR 43,1929,121,l.3(s.TLµdt£vo~:end iii). - ib.(f.TLµdt&vos). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,171 no.IX a,105(f.KaAALXA~s: c.200). - ib.190 no.XXVI B,II,14(f.KaAALaTpdTn:c.200). - ib.VII,32(s.XpnaT,wv). - Kroll 32{c.145-c.88). TLµdaTpaTos.PH 10,a,60(f.NLXO,Gv:c.200). TLµ~,ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169 no.IX a,80(d.Ewaav6p(6as:c.200). - ib.90(d.8td6wpos). - ib.9l(d.8£d6oTos). -

ib.100(d.9£µLOTOXA"s).

- ~b.187 no.XXVI B,I,7(d.tLAwv,6as:c.200),cf.1b. VII,9. - ib.V,28(d.TLµoxA"s). - ib.63(d.6aµdaTpaTos). - ib.V,47(d.rA«dxL11os). - ib.VI,54(d.t,ALIIOS).

T,µwv,PH 10,c,86(r.roCpJyCa~,•I•1oxpdTns:c.200). TLµwvat,PH 10,a,60(c.200). - NS 675,29(s.TLµovl6as:iii/ii). 531

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,199

no.XXVI B,VII,55(s.Tt,µo-

xAfl,:c.200). - ib.58(t.CTLµJoxAft,). - ib.VIII,10,32(t.'ExaT&6wpos,Nlxapxos). - ib.13,35(s.Nlxapxos),ct.ib.48. TLo~a,.PH 10,a,47(s.~Loylvn,:c.200),contr1b. - ib.191 no.XXVI B,III,7(f.NLX01&A,s:c.200). - ib.V,34(t.Auxovpy~,).

epid.

- ib.VII,49(s.'Ap,q[Ta,J¥µo,).

r,al,OV,ib.5l(d.Z~C[Aol,). TlTo,,Tc 158,2(1 AD),monarchos. Tpl.oLAos(?),PH R lOl(c.300-200),ep. Tp~,~µos,PH 392,7(Aup.Tpd,Lµo,,s.Aup.'Ap,oTal.xvos: Imp.),gymnasiarch.

Tpdtal.va,PH 252(d.tl.Ad,p~v). Tpu,lpa,KF 175,29(d.'A1£l(A)a,:i),contrib. epid. Tpd1wv,KF 48(Imp.). - KF 204Cr.Eo1&pt,0To,>. - NS 605(s.'A,po6£,0l,Os:Imp.). TdAAo, 1 PH 135(TdlAos 'IovALav&, t1. 1 AAAl.av&,,s. Tt,a.Kl. 'AAx,6aµos:1 AD). Tdxn,PH 243(d.Mivav6pos:Imp.). - PH 389,6(d. Ap,aTwv:c.i BC/1 AD). - RS 653(Tdxn EuTdxns: 'Yµtvato,,Rs 567('0xTatos 'Yµ£vaco,:Imp.). •yµvo,,Rs 643(r.'1o~ALos •yµvos:Imp.). Y4t,xlns,ASAA RS 25-6,1963,188 no.XXVI B,I,15(s. 1

1

'Y ♦ l.>elft,:

c. 200).

- ib.(f. 'Y•l.xlfls). tdcvvo$ 1 ASAA NS 25-6,1963,179 tal6po, 1 PH 98(M4vLo, I1i6Lo, 532

no.XIII,9(11}. 'Pou,£Cvo, tat6pos:

i AD),cf.Historia(Milan)8,1934,446

no.12.

- PH 404,b,6(s.8£dfaVTos:c.200),contrib.

epid.

taLvaplTn,Hipp.Ep.ii(m.IlpatLela:v

ta,vLxxos,PH 7( 8

• •

BC).

lO,b,23(f.'OvaaLxA~s:c.200),cf.PH

Ovaa

L XA"': C.

370,

200).

- PH 370,7(s.'OvaaLXA"s). - PH 384,1(111-ii),monarchos. - IG XII(8)171

b,28(s.AnµoxpdTtnsJ:c.lOO),proxenos.

- SB Berl.Ak.1901,481 contrib.

to

no.3,22(s.ta,VLXXOS:c.200),

epid.

- ib.(f.ta,vLxxos). - NS 675,17(f.NLxaydpas:111/ii).

taLv,s,GVI

474(11-i).

tatvL,,Asylieurkunden taLv,wv,PH

no.2,4(242),architheoros.

lO,d,47(f.tNLJx&µaxos:c.200).

taLv&xpLTOS,ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,173

no.IX

c,50(f.

ItLJµµ,as:c.200). taLV~Aos,PH

lO,c,22(s.tIJtµos:c.200),contrib.

to

epid.

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,195

no.XXVI

B,V,16,55(f.'Ayna-

~xAfls,rlpaaTLS:c.200).

ASAA NS 25-6,1963,199

no.XXVI

B,VII,68

(f.XapµuA,s:c.200). tav,as,ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,171

no.IX

a,96(f.'AaxAnx-

Lds:c.200). - NS 671(f.ALOV~OLos:Imp.). tav&6nµos,NS

619(f.'Ex,yovos:c.i

tav&xpLTOS,ASAA NS25-6,1963,173 inedi

BC/i

AD).

N 124(f.ILµ~as),

tum.

tav&µaxos,HG

p.45(s.8£aaaA&s:

1 11i

BC'),ineditum.

- PH 10,c,47(f.KA£~µaxos,tav&µaxos:c.200),cf.

533

Gymn.Agone,8,II,B,1,3(f.KA£~µaxo,,tav&µaxos: 184?). - PH 10,c,48(s.tav&µaxos:c.200),contrib.epid.cf. Gymn.Agone,8,II,B,l(a.tav&µaxos),agonothetas. - TC 89,A,32(c.200-150),monarchos. - PH 10,c,54(s.Xa~plas: c.200). 3 585,36(s.tavTay&pas:194/3),proxtavTay&pa,,Sy11. enos. - {b.(f.tavTay&pas). tavJ,KF 12,2(d.KpdTn,:early ii),contrib. to epid. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,189 no.XXVI B,I,8l(d.Xdpµ"""os: c. 200). - ib.III,18(d.•Apl,OTOS). ta Oa To s., KF 1 7 5 , l.0 ( t. t.:AO: 1 ) • ot Claudius). - Synteleia,818,6(s.E~BouAos:reign f£l,A.:va,KF 90(Hellenistic?). t.:Aa,KF 175,lO(d.taOaTos:i),contrib. to epid. fl,Aa"v.:§,ASAA NS 25-6,1963,165 no.IX a,8,43(d. 'Ap.:aTl,'l'l6os)or'Ap"aT"••C.:6as):c.200). - ib.57,79(d.'Aynal,XA"s). - ib.92(d.N"x&atpaTos). - ib.189 no.XXVI B,I,7l(d.Nl,M~paTos:c.200). - ib.III,59(d.Ilut&Vl,XOS). - Pdel.P 24,1969,129 no.6{d.C HJqdxCAJEl,Tos). -qaL'l'IOS:c.i BC/1 AD). - ib.131. no.ll(d. fl,Advwp,ASAA NS 25-6,1963,167 no.IX a,20{f.ITLOLµa X &!°S: c • 200) • - ib.61.(f.'E'ILOLµaxts). fLAla,,Ns 675,8(s.t.:Al,'l'IOS:111/11). t"Attvos,PH 328(f.TcLµoylvns:early Imp.). - PH 421(s. AwoAA&6wpos:ii/i). 1

1

534

- KF 175,ll(c.i). t~Alpw&,KF 149(f.Euo6~:Imp.). tLAiTaLpo,,PB 237(s.'AaxAn•Ld6wpos:Imp.). - PB 35l(f.'EILTVYXdvouaa:c.1 BC/i AD). tLA£wv,6a§, PB I 4(c.366-300),ep. - PdelP 12,1957,335 n.3{iv). t'An,PH 46 a(c.ii-iii AD). - ID 1417 B II,25(156/5),dedicand at Delos. tLA~µwv,KF 20l(c.iii-ii). tLADT&s,PH 310(Imp.),oikonomos. tLALds,KF 175,lT(d •• ApLaTo,:i),contrib. to epid. - ASAA IS 25-6,1963,165 no.IX a,17(d.KA£Uµ~6ns: c.200). - ib.39(d.'Apx£a,Aas). - ib.54,93(d.8t~6wpos). - 1b.72(d.KaAALdvat). - ib.89(d.DLa,6aµos). - 1b.c,12(d •• HpdxA£LTos),cf.ib.27,42. - ib.c,59{d.tLAtvos). - ib.179 no.XIII,4(d. 'Ayna,as:11). - ib.188 no.XXVI B,I,39,V,15(d.MoaxCwv:c.200). - ib.I,45,II,58{d.8paadav6pos). - ib.IV,25(d.~a). - ib.V,4(d.'A•oAAd6wpos). - ib.45(d.8£uyivns). - ib.VII,15(d.tLA~axos).

- ib.VIII,19,27(d.'AAx,6aµos). tLA~n,KF 136(d.'Ap~aTwv:Hellenistic). •~ALVVa,PH 336(d.EwOLXA~s:c.i BC/i AD). - KF 179,2(Imp.). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,188 no.XXVI B,I,20(d.NLX~p-

535

aTos:c.2OO).

tLA,vvLov,ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,195

no.XXVI

B,V,17(d.

'Ayna~xA"s:c.2OO),ct.ib.56.

t~A~vv,,,ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,6O,lO6-7(d.

•~A,axos:c.2OO). ILAtvos,Paus.VI,17,2(s.'Hyi10AL,),Ol.victor 260 and

on three

- RE XIX 2193 the

other

occasions.Cf.ch.3

s.v.Philinos

Empiric

School

in

264,

n.134.

9(c.25O-2OO),doctor

at

of

Alexandria.

- PH 1O,b,13(s.t,ALIWO,:c.2OO),contrib.

to

epid.

- ib.b,48(t.nu&,a,). - 1b.c,36(f.AlAtLS), - 1b.c,75(s.EuTnp,6as),contrib. - 1b.c,7O(s.C

to

- JpaT~6as),contrib.

epid.

to

epid.

- ib.c,83(f.I~a&ivns). - PH 45,9(111/11). - PH 174(f.'A&nvoxA"s:c.

1 BC-1 AD).

- PH N 67,86(c.3OO-2OO),ep. - SB Berl.Ak.19O1,481 bieropoios

and

no.3,13(s.KpaTl09s:c.2OO), contrib.

- SB Berl.Ak.19O1,481

to

epid.

no.3,18(t.

M- ).

- SB Berl.Ak.19O5,979ff.,l(c.2OO,cf.Wilhelm,Anz. Wien,61,1924,139ff.no.18;A.Rehm,D1d.II p.278),monarchos.Cf.TC

Inschr.

88,9O(c.18O),monarchos.

- Gymn.Agone,4,I,A,22(t.•Ap~aT,~v:c.24O). - Sy11. 3 ao6(TLB,KA.tLAtvos,s.Ecvo,wv,f.TL8,Kl. Ecvo,wv(AEp.1934

no.92):reign

of

- TC 79,B,35(s.ALoxA~,:c.3O1-286),advocate

arbitration

with

Calymnus;id.Syll.

Claudiusi in the 3 398,l(f.ALo-

xA"s:c.278),ct.M.Segre,TC,1O2. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,165 536

no.IX

a,9(f.'ApLOTd6aµos:

Q.200). - ib.38(t.•ApLaT&eouAos). - ib.68(f.Z~•upos). - ib.c,58(s.NLxdaTpaTos). - ib.60(f.tLALds). - ib.70(t.KA£LToµaxLs). - ib.196 no.XXVI B,V,74(t.Aaµoa6lvns:c.200). - ib.VIII,22,54(t.'Ay~aLOV). - 1b.5l(s.Adp6avos). - ib.57(s.twx,wv). - ib.63(t.twx~wv). - ib.66(f.tLi,axos). - 1b.69(s.tLALaxos). - ib.201 no.XXVII,6(t.:dv6L••os:iii/ii). - Synteleia,818,30(f.ALdtaVTos:reign of Claudius). - Inschr.von den dorischen Inseln,46 no.97,III,3 5-6 {r.oc ••...• J:c.200-150. ) - Ch.5 n.242(a.'Ax~paTos,f.tLACvos:ii),ineditum. - ib.(s.tLAtvos),agoranomos. tLAL••'6a,,PH 387,28{t.'ApLaTL••os:c.200). - ASAA RS 25-6,1963,187 no.XXVI B,I,9(t.'ApLOTLCwJy:c.200). tLAL••'6n$,IG XII(8)171 b,29(f.KaAALxpdTns:c.100). - EE III,33,B,12(s.twx,wv:c.280),hon.as dikastes. tLAL••os,P.Mich.Zen.no.55.cf.AP XII 150(f.Ka,LOO,mv:240),doctor in Alexandria.Cf.ch.3 n.105. - PH 10,a,41(c.200). - ib.a,42(s.C - JL••os),contrib. to epid. - ib.b,l(t.8tvxAffs). - ib.14(f.tLCAtJvos). - ib.45(s.A[vJTo,~v),contrib. to epid.,cf.ASAA NS 537

-

-

25-6,1963,188 no.XXVI B,I,53(f.Ay10,sv:c.200). ib.c,18(s.T~µ&t&vos),contrib. to epid. ib.19(t.A£0VT~6£d$). ib.85(s.'Axa~&s),contrib. to epid. ib.90(s.'Ap~aT&Aoxo,),contrib. to epid. ib.d,48(t.Adxwv). PH 57(s.AUTo,mv:c.1 BC-i AD). PH 383,4(s.t~A,aTns:iii/ii),bierotamias. PH 229(f.6aµo,sv:c.1 BC/1 AD). PH N 145(c.200-88},ep.

- KF 12,ll(f.C

1

ElxaTa,a:early

11),ct.ASAA

6,1963,196 no.XXVI B,V,80(t.'ExaTa,a~c.200). - SB Berl.Ak.1901,485 no.4,114(s.Moax,wv:AD priest ot Apollo at Halasarna. - Gymn.Agone,6,I,24(s.ttA~110,:220?),victor

NS 25-

87?), at the

Gt.Asklepieia.

-

ib.(t.ttAL110,). NB 450(f.Rapµ&vtaxos:c.11). NS 588(Imp.). NS 624(s.'E1LxpdTn,:c.i BC/1 AD). NS 675,S(f.t~Alas:iii/ii). Cl.Rh.10,37 no.4(s.ttALIIOS(ct.IG XI(4)1078); 111/11),doctor hon.at Delos;ct.(?)ID 1417 B,II, 163(s.t,A~11os:157-6),guarantor.

- ib.{t.t,ALIIOS). - ASAA NB 25-6,1963,165

-

no.IX

CKaAl?J~11t6as:c.200). ib.29(t.'Ayna,as). ib.189 no.XXVI B,II,6{c.200). 1b.III,5(t.N~x&aTpaTos). ib.VI,55(f.T~µ~).

538

a,7,114(t.

'Ap~aTwv,

- ib.VII,69(s.t,l~v).

- ib.7l{t.t,loov). ILA,axo,,PH

10,d,46(c.200).

- PH 34,13(s.NLxdµaxos:c.250-200),monarchos. - PH 4o4,a,12(f.E~6LXO,:c.200). - PH N B{c.366-300),ep. - PH R 102{c.300-200),ep. - KF 210(t.tdµaxxo,:c.iii-ii). - Gymn.Agone,6,I,C,15(s.'ExaTd6~pos:220?),monarchos. - SB Berl.Ak.1901,484

no.4,16(t.EodpaTos:12?).

- GVI 1729(s.Klcuµax,s:i1),poet.

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,167

no.IX

a,2l(f.MLvxul,s:

c.200). - ib.35(t.

'ApLaToylvns).

- ib.53(f.Mcv,axn).

- ib.60,l07(t.tLlLVV,S). - ib.198

no.XXVI B,VII,15(f.tLALds:c.200).

- ib.VIII,66(s.tLltvos). - ib.69(t.tLltvos). - Inschr.von (s.MoaxLtLl,aTn§,PH

den

dorischen

Inseln,46

no.97,III,15

:c.200-150). lO,c,58(s.NLxdAas:c.200),contrib.

epid.

- PH 383,4(t.t,ALIIOS:iii/ii).

- KF 12,12(early

ii).

- SB Berl.Ak.1901,481

no.3,ll(t.t'ApL]oT&µBpoTos:

c.200).

- ASAA RS 25-6,1963,165

no.IX

a,6(f.

1

Ayd~av6pos:

c.200). - ib.63(t.~oxA~s). t,ALaTos,PH

9,16(f.C'AJvTay&pas:ii-i). 539

- PH 10,b,7(s.Moox,wv:c.200),contrib.

epid.;id.

3 538 A,14(s.Moox,wv:c.215-205),doctor

Syll. at

to

hon.

Delphi.

- PH 382,5,387,18(r.t,l~0Tos,Moaxlwv:c.200). - ib.(s.,,l~otos),contrib.

to

epid.

- PH 10,b,35(s.'Ilpwv),contrib.

to

- ib.b,40(s.Eo[tJElt6as),contrib. - PH 304(s.NLxoxl~s:i

epid. to

epid.

BC-1 AD).

- PH 377(s. 'ExatJvuµos:c.11-i). - PH 379(s.I,µalos:111). - PH 388,5(s.'ApLOTOXl£t6a,:c.200),hieropoios.Cf. ASAA NS 25-6,1963,202

no.XXVII,22.

- PH N 4l(c.300-200),ep. - Arch.Anz.1901,198#ZPE

25,1977,265ff.no.l(s.N,x-

apxo,:c.242-200),doctor von

den

dorischen

hon.by Inseln,46

Iasos;cf.Inschr.

no.97,III,lO(s.Ntx-

apxos:c.200-150}.

- HG 8,A,2(f.tLlwv,6as:c.mid-iii). - HG 12,l(s.Alox,vas:iv/iii),ct.Riv.I.Arch.1938, 194. - EE III,33,B,12(s.'ApEta,d[vnsJ:c.280),hon. Baxos -

NS

as

by

dikast.

572(t.'A~oll~v~o&:Imp.).

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,66,85(f.'Exat~-

6wpos,8&d6wpos:c.200). - ib.201

no.XXVI

- ib.202

no.XXVII,12(f.,~CxJdvwp:iii/ii).

- Inschr.von

den

B,VIII,Tl(f.MLXOTlpn:c.200). dorischen

Inseln,46

no.97,III,8

(t.'Ax~patos:c.200-150). ·~AEtTO§,Synteleia,818,29(1LAEtTOS reign 540

of

Claudius).

I,f.tLAECTOS

IL

- ib.(t~A£tto&

II,f.t~A£tTO&

- ib.(t~AECTOS

III,s.t~A&CTOS

t~A,Tas,RE late

III). II).

l(s.T~A£to,:

XIX 2165-70,s.v.Philitas iv

- early

111),poet

and

grammaticus.

- PH lO,b,54(s.Mo~p~xos:c.200),contrib. •~A~T~ov,ib.b,37(d.'A10AA~v~o,),contrib. - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,179

t,A~T~t,PH

to

epid.

to

epid.

no.XII,19(d.~~oxAff,:c.200).

47,15(d.'Et£VXAij,:ii-1).

'

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,56(d.EutL~£µ~s:

c.200). •~A,wv,PH

10,d,55(s.Aaµ1,a,:c.200),contrib.epid.

- NS 456(s.(ad.)'AyAa4s,s.(natJNlxwv:4 xenos

and

1901,494 - Kroll

philos

of

Herod

BC- AD 39t Antipas;id.SB

Berl.Ak.

no.7(f.NCxwv,Auxa,e~ov). 3(c.145-c,88).

t~Aoy£vns,PH

47,11(11-1).

·~AOXA£L6as,Riv.Fil.NS

11,1933,365,I,7(f.Maxap£ds:

c.205-201),cf.PdelP •~AoxAijs,PH

12,1957,442(f.Maxapeds:11i).

44,28(s.Te,aapxos:c.200),bon.as

archeuon;id.PH

tribal

4o4,b,6(s.Te,aapxot),contrib.

to

epid. - PH 345,19(f.'AplaTwv:reign

or

Claudius).

- PH N 103,113(c.300-200),ep. - SB Berl.Ak.1901,481

no.3,23(c.200).

- Gymn.Agone,4,I,A,15(f.Zw1op,wv:c.240}. - NS 448(s.nu3oxA~s:Imp.). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,78,99(f.'H6,aTn:

c.200). - PdelP

24,1969,131

no.14(s.(N)lapxos:

t~Aoµd3ns,KF

48(s.ElAtuxos:Imp.).

•~A&tcvos,SB

Berl.Ak.1901,484

no.4,28(s.t~A&tevos: 541

AD l?),prieat of Apollo at Halasarna. ET£p~Co, Do.ulo, •~Adt£vo,:AD - ib.120(no. priest of Apollo at Halasarna. t~AdaTopyos,PH 46,a(c.ii-iii AD). •~AdaTpaTo,,PB l0,c,13(f.Bot6a,:c.200). t~Aouµlvn,ID 2119(d.IlpiTo,:c.167-88). t~AOfp~wv,PH 46,10(1 AD). t~Adtpwv,PH 252(f.Tpd,a~va). 1

93?),

- PH 331(Imp.).

- SB Berl.Ak.1901,484 no.3,15(s.Ev,,AnTo,:c.200), contrib. to epid. •~14,- ib.485 no.4,125(Aou.oul~Tdv~o, Aou.ulb, pwv:AD 98!),monarchos,priest ot Apollo at Halasarna.

- Asylieurkunden no.2,5(242),theoros. - Aayl1eurkunden no.ll(s.A4p6avo,:242),theoros. - ASAA IS 25-6,1963,183 no.XXVI A,8(f.llapµev,axos: c.200),ib.B,III,65. - ib.III,76(f.llapµevlaxo,). - Kroll 26(c.145-c.88). 1,ATaTo, 1 PH 47,14(f.~lovCT~J,:ii-i). t~ATdt£vos,SB Berl.Ak.1901,483 no.4,9(t.'Ap,aTwv: 19?),cf.1b.13(f.(ad.)M,xwv). t,Awv,PH lO,c,30(t.TtAloav6po,:c.200). - PH 45,10(111/11). 12 - PH 47,4(11-1). - NS 456(s.(ad.).AyAa&,,s.(nat.)N,xwv:4 BC-AD 39). - PH 346,l(f.E~x1£~To,:Imp.),ct.ib.7(t.CrJ£pOVT~fdvns). - PH I 42(c.300-200),ep. - KF 98(s.KTiTos:Hellenist1c). 542

- IG XI(2)287

1

B 1 39(c.251)

- SB Berl.Ak.1901,483 of

Apollo

at

architheoros.

1

no.4,2(s.tlAwv:26?),priest

Halasarna.

- ib.(t.t,Awv). - HG 8,A,3(f.

'EILMpaTns:c.mid-111).

- NS 617(Imp.

).

-

ASAA NS 25-6,1963,199

no.XXVI

B,VII,69(f.tCA-

L11os:c.200).

- ib.7l(s.t,ALIIOS). tLAWV,6a,,PH 10,d,24(s.nv-

:c.200).

- PH 127(1

BC/1

AD).

- PH 168(f.

'AIOAA,VLos:early

Imp.).

- PH N 114(c.300-200),ep. - Gymn.Agone,7,I,D the

Gt.

1

l6(s.KA£L11,6as:208?),victor

at

Asklepieia.

- BG 8,A,2(r.t,ALOTOS:c.mid-iii),prostatas. - HG p.23(c.260},contrib. - Synteleia

1

to

the

Asklepieia.

818,2(s.tLAwv,6as:reign

of

Claudius).

- 1b.(f.tLAwv,6as).

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,187

no.XXVI

B,I,8,VII,lO(f.

TLµ~:c.200). - ib.VI,38(f.

'Aenvaydpas). 1

tLAwv,6ns,NS 556(f. A10AAwv~6ns:Imp.}. tLAwTlpa,KF 13l(Imp.). tLAWTL$ 1 P.Eleph.I,l-18(311). to'@n,PH

94,ct.KF

53(KAau6,a

to,sn:reign

of

Claudius).

tpaa,6aµos,Theocr.Idyll,II,3(e.Auxw1e~,).

tpaa~µ~6ns,PH

10,c,13(f.

'OvaTop,6as:c.200).

- PH N 115(c.300-200),ep. tp&vnaL$,PH

tuAdTLµo,

389,l(d.'AyaeoxA~s:c.i 1

BC/1

AD}.

RE XX(l)s.v.Phylotimos,1030-2(c.300-250), 543

doctor;cf.HG

14,l(c.mid-iii),monarchos;ib.p.38

(s.TLµ&Auxos:c.260),contrib.

to

- PH 387,24(s.B~Twv:c.200),contrib. twx,wv,EE

Aeklepieia. to

epid.

III,33,B,12(f.[tLAJ~••'6ns:c.280).

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,201

no.XXVI

B,VIII,57(f.tLAC-

vo,:c.200). - ib.62(s.tLACvo,). twxo,

1

PH 10,b,63(f.'Ilpwv:c.200).

XaLpla,,PH

lO,c,52(s.XaLpdAos,f.

contrib.

to

epid. 1

- ib.c,60(s.

tavt&µaJxo,:c.200),

Ap~aTOXA£,6a,),contrib.

to

epid.

- PH 12,24(111/11). - PH 333(f.8tu6wp~s:Imp.). XaLpl6aµos,PH

lO,b,32(s.8tµ~aToxAft,:c.200),contrib.

epid.,cf.ASAA

NS 25-6,1963,193

(s.8£µLOTOX[A~,J:c.200);1d.

no.XXVI

B,IV,20

ch.5,n.242(c.ii),

agoranomos. - PH 404,b,2(s.XapµdAo,:c.200),contrib.

to

ep1d.

no.4,18(t.'A•oAA&6wpo,:10?).

- SB Berl.Ak.1901,484 - HG,pp.50-1(11),monarcbos.

- ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,54,93(f.~aµo,mv,

8£d6wpos:c.200). - ib.c,80(f.ECµov). - ib.190

no.XXVI

XaLplotpaTos,PH

B,II,41(f.8£µLOTOXAfts:c.200).

lO,d,6(t.'ECxatJ46wpos:c.200);cf.

ID 428,8(s.'Exat46wpos:c.185),arcbitheoros. - PH ll,l(c.200),contrib.

to

epid.

- ID 428,8(s.'ExaT&6wpos:c.185),arcbitheoros.

XaLptfdvns,PB to

epid.

Xa~pL••o,,Pa 544

lO,b,lO(f.IlpwTo,dvns:c.200),contrib. lO,c,65(s.NLx~µaxos:c.200),

contrib.to

epid. - PH N 104(c.300-200),ep. - SB Berl.Ak.1901,484

no.4,2(f.'ApLaT,wv:AD

21?),

i b. 38.

c f.

- Gymn.Agone,15,II,C,65(s. the

Gt.

'Ap,aTwv:172?),victor

at

Asklepieia.

Xa1.pdAos,PH

lO,c,49(f.XapµdAos:c.200).

- ib.52(f.Xa1.pla,). - PH 55(s.NLx&µaxos:c.i

BC/i

AD),paidonomos.

- PH 59,l(s.CXJapµdAos:c.ii-i),prize-winning

kith-

arist. - Gymn.Agone,6,I,C,16(f.AEwv~6as:c.220?). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

a,58(f.BL't'l',S:c.200).

- ib.108(f.Kp4Twv).

- ib.lll-2(f.[KJt£d,aVTOS,CKA£Jay&pas). - ib.198

no.XXVI

Xdpns,PH

54,7(f.

Xap,6aµos,PH

B,VII,5(c.200). N1.x~,opos:ii-i).

44,14(f.IlapµEv~axos:c.200).

- PH N 43(c.300-200),ep. - PH N 198(c.200-88),ep.

- TC 184,l(i -

ASAA C.

AD),monarchos.

NS 25-6,1963,167

no.IX

a,24(f.AlaxuA,oas:

200) •

- ib.192

no.XXVI

B,III,63(f.MEv,axn:c.200),cf.ib.IV

16.

9,19(11-i).

Xap~6as,PH

Xap~XAEl.TOi,PH Xap1.xAn§, to

13

124(f.'Ovaa1.xA~s:c.i

BC/1 AD).

PH 404 a,4(s.KaA[AJLXAffs:c.200),contrib.

epid.

- KF 213(f.'Atpo61,a- Cl.Rh.2,169 35 Ancient Cos (Hrp. Sl)

:Imp.).

no.l,15(iv-iii). 545

Xaptvos

1

PH l0

1

b 1 29(c.200}

1

prostatas.

- PH 4o4 1 a 1 12(f.Aaµo,wv:c.200). -

ASAA NS 25-6

1

1963 1 169 no.IX

a,67(f.'ExaTd6wpos:

c.200}. - ib.103(f.KA£WVUµ~6as). - ib.(f.Zw1up~s). XdpL••o ➔ 1 Asylieurkunden 1 29 1 VII(242} 1 theoros.

XapLoelvns,PH

404,b,l(t.8£d6wpos:c.200).

Xap~oT[Lo,J,IG XdpLTOS,PH

XII(8)260,20(f.K[alAALXpdTns:c.82). 244(Aup.XdpLTOS,s.XdpLTOS:Imp.).

- ib.(f.Aup.XdpLTos). XapLT~.NS

56o(c.i

XapLfQv,PH XdpµEvos

1

BC/1 AD).

346,4(f.'4PLOT&e£µL~:Imp.). PH 10,d,3l(t.Auoav~a,:c.200).

- TC 88,70(c.180),monarchoa. - NS 513{t.T~Ac,os:c.1i). - NS 694,l(f.BpdxuAAOS:Imp.}. Xapµ~6as

1

PH 44,9(s.Alvno~a,:c.200),hon.as

tribal

archeuon. - SB Berl.Ak.1901,485

no.4,93(f.ALoaxoup~6ns:AD

66?). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,167

no.IX

a,25(f.Alax~Aos:c.

200). -

ib.26(t.'Ap~OTWV).

- ib.70(f.MEV~oxn). - ib.80(f.8£~6wpos). Xapµtvos,PH

10,b,6l(c.200).

- PH 12,13(f.AlaT~6a,:iii/ii). - CIG 2919 b(s. XdpµL••o,,PH

8cCuJ,aµ~6as).

lO,b,50(s.Z~CAos:c.200),contrib.epid.

- ib.d,37(s.XapCµJdAos),contrib.

546

to

epid.

- PH 44,5(e.XapµoxA"s:c.200),cf.ib.30(f.XapµoxA~,l - PH 44,26(e.Ilapµ&v(oxos),hon.as id.,PH

tribal

archeuon;

382,4. 1

- PH 4o4,a,7(s. cf.ASAA

E1lynpLs:c.200),contrib.to

NS 25-6,1963,169

no.IX

epid., 1

a,60(f.

E1,ynpLsl

- 1b.404,a,ll(f.'Apx~6aµos:c.200). - PH N 44(c.300-200),ep. - Sy11. 3 569,2(r.Nlxapxos:c.201-200). - SB Berl.Ak.1901,483

no.4,8(t.'ApLoTwvuµos:20?).

- NS 534(s.'ApLOT&xpLTOS:c.ii1-ii). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,165

no.I

Xa,17(f.

'ApLaTlwv:c.

200). - ib.60,107(f.

·~1lynPLS,KA£tTos).

- ib.28(t.AlaxuAtvos). - ib.98(f.8£UXA"S).

- ib.llO(f.K~µapxos). - ib.189

no.XXVI

B,I,73,76,II,69(f.6Lay&pas,6aµ&-

XaPLS,KAEtTos:c.200). - 1b.I,8l(f.tavw). - 1b.V,72(f.6opxds). XdpµLs,AAA

3,1970,250-l(f.Il&L~dvwp:v/iv).

XapµoxA"S,PH

44,5{f.XdpµLIIOS:c.200),cf.ib.30(s.

XdpµLIIOS). Xapµoadva,ASAA Xapµoa~vn,KF

NS 17-8,1957,162

no.9.

214(d.'OvnaLµos).

Xapµ&,avTos,PH

lO,b,27(f.'OvdµaCvJ6pos:c.200).

XapµUA~S,ASAA NS 25-6,1963,199

no.XXVI

B,VII,67(d.

taLvdAos:c.200). XapµdAo,,PH

lO,b,3l(s.8&uTLµL6as:c.200),contrib.to

epid. - ib.c,49(s.XaLpdAos),contrib.

to

epid. 547

-

ib.d 1 37(f.Xdpµ~••o,). PH 45,5{s.Da:iii/ii). PH 46,lO(i AD). PH 59,2{c.ii/i). PH 115(s.Xapµ~Ao,:i BC/1 AD). ib.(f.Xapµ~Ao,).

-

PH PH PH PH PH

349(iii). 387,17{s.AEKT~va,:c.200) 4o4 1 b 1 2(f.Xa~pl6aµo,:c.200). N 135(c.200-88),ep. N 240(reign of Nicias:40s - PH N 243(reign of Augustus). - SB Berl.Ak.1901

1

1

contrib.

to epid.

- c.30).

481 no.3,9(f.K&vwv:c.200).

-

Gymn.Agone,14,II,C 1 6(f.A£Kt~va,:172?). ib.75(f.T~µla,:168?). ASAA 8-9,1925-6,253 fr.l,A,l(c.ii). NS 578{f.8£o[AJUT~6a,:cf.A.Wilhelm,AM 51,1926,6: c.i BC/i AD). - Cl.Rh,5(2),162(t.M&Aayxp~6a,:c.350-300). - ASAA NS 25-6,1963,167 no.IX a 1 45(f.N~xaaaydpn: c.200).

- ib.102(f.8£o6oo~n). - ib.189 no.XXVI B,I,67(f.rtpaaT~fdvns:c.200).

- ib.IV,17(s.~yt). Xapµ~ 1 ASAA NS 25-6,1963,165

no.IX

a,7,114(d.Ilapµ-

µtv~oxo~:c.200).

XA~6wv,KF 78(1 BC/i AD). XopoxAn,, PH 52,4 cf.KF p.136(c.i). Xpnat~wv,NS 439 1 l(c.ii),monarchos. - ASAA NB 25-6,1963,177 no.XI 1 c 1 18(c.200). - ib.190 no.XXVI B,II,36(c.200). 548

- ib.VII,ll,32(f.T~µlas,T~µ&t£vos). XpuadvTas,PH

10,d,72(c.200).

Xpuadp~v,KF

132(Imp.).

Xpuadwp,PH

66(s.•ATTaAos:i

Xpuatpµos,KF

124(H.ttµ•pwv~os

Xpua&yovos.KF

163(Imp.).

Xpua&•oA~~.KF

118('IouA~a

Xpuow,PH

AD). XpuaEpµos:Imp.). Xpua&woA~,:Imp.).

273(Imp.).

'opoµ{6wv,BCH 'OfEA~wv,NS

86,1962,175ff.no.4,4(s.ta~vwv:ii). 584(Imp.).

NOTES 1.

See R. Herzog,loc.cit.for

whether ized 2.

this

Phoenician

Phoenician,

or

The initial

52.

Alpha

3.

Bechtel,

altered

the

follows

name belonged

to

alpha

a Greek

is

pi,

uncertainty named

visible

not

to

as

Hannibal.

squeeze

in

name to

be accepted.

8tdpnTot

8ta~TnTos, is

but

attested

the

of

PH

PH.

Nachr.Gott.Ges.Wiss.1908,571-80,at

the

to

an Hellen-

after

on the

lambda

as

578, text

should

independently

as

Coan name.

4. PH restored

CTtAEuTJ~as;many

5. The MSS read KAE~v~as. Cos,

appears

other

examples

6. Pugliese of are

the

vertical

visible

KAt~v~os,corrected

KAE~v~as

as the

names

Carratelli and on the

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184; IG VII 3055.J ADDENDA 1

1

AYDOLXAn$,C~.S n.242{f.rEVOXA~s:c.ii). AAltav6pa,ID 1443 B 1 II 1 18{c.146/5-141/0),dedicand

at

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no.XXVI

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1

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B ii(s.n,xava~s:

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also

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uments(see

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grec,Paris

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mon-

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Coan origin

of

name-bearers.]

551

I . General Index Achaea Phthiotis: 113 Adrasteia: 203 n. 177, 325-6 Afranii: 252 n. 182 Ag. Georgios Lcizos: 60 n. 156 Agatha Tycha: 362 Agathias, on Coan earthquake: 285-6; epigram of on Callignotus: 286-7 Agathodaimoniastai: 361 Agathos Daimon: 362 Agetoridas, son of Antagoras: 34 Aglaus, ,on of Theucles, officer of Ptolemy VI; 136-7, 195,216 'Aglibol: 371 Agonothesia: see liturgies Agonothetas: 188,197,217 Agoranomos: 169, 212-3 Agretai: 291, 299 Agriculture and farmina: 227ff. Agron, son of Eumelus: 291 Acelioi: 60-1 Acelos: 60, 266, 272 Aineios/ Aineas, mnema of: 25 8 n. 12 Aischron: 311-2 Aithon: 307 Albii: 252 n. 182 Ale1oiades: 36, 38, SS, 376 Ti. Cl. Alcidamus: 49 n. 104 Alexander: 77-9, 85, 278 Alexandria: 172, 226, 263, 281, 282, 295; trade with: 83, 131, 240-1; Coans in: 99, 102-4, 105, 131 Alexandrians, at Cos: 99 n. 84, 246, 249 Alli: 252 n. 162 Amorginon: 379 n. S, 381 Amorgos: 363, 381 Amphora handles: 22, 236ff; Coan eponym on: 189, 196 n. 122; with Latin names on: 252 Amphorae: 226 with n. 19, 232-3, 381 n. 17; Italian imitation of: 237 Anagnostes, of gerousia: 223 Analepsis, of rhabdos: 339, 356- 7 Anaxippus, son of Alexander, doctor: 60 n. 163, 265 n. 51, 266, 272, 273 Audetii: 252 n. 182 Anoubis: 370 n. 667 Antagoras, son of Eurypylus: 307, 317-8 Antigenes: 312 Antigoneion: 115 Antigonus I: 82, 83, 85-8, 98 n. 79, 116, 367

Antigonus II: 93 n. 58, 96 n. 68, 108110, 112, 116 Antigonus Ill, Coan cult of: 101, 369; statue of: 113 n. 153, 114-5, 116-18; relations with Cos: 114-8, 134 Antimachia: 60; cult of Heracles at: 318, 320 Antimachidai: 60-1 Antimachus: 61 n. 164, 165 n. 59 Antiochw Ill: 129 n. 249, 131-2, 133, 369 Antiochus VIII: 138, 276, 282, 283, 353 Antipater of Sidon: 219 Antipater, son of Dioscuridas, doctor: 266,270 Antonii: 252 Antony: 141, 145, 148, 227 Apamea, peace of: 132, 139 Apeleutheroi: 173-4 Apeleutherosis: 174 Apelleas, as theophoric name: 303 Apelles: 95 n. 60, 98, 145, 227, 349 n. 508,350 Aphrodision: 304; at Antimachia: 217, 219 Aphrodite: 195, 293, 304-5, 363, 364; temple of: 181; statue of by Praxiteles: 15, 35; Aphrodite Anadyomene: 98, 145,227; cult titles of: Pandamos: 193, 202, 304; Pontia: 202, 304, 320 n. 276, 360; Hypakoos: 305; Aphrodite Ba 'Ii: 371 Aphrodisiastai: 360 Apokatastasis: 125, 126-8 Apollo: 98, 197, 293, 302, 328 n. 338, 350, 360, 361, 363, 368; as deity of gymnasium: 319, and Muses: 362; tribal cult of at Halasarna:62, 194, 320, 344, 360; cult titles of: Dalios: 62 n. 174, 89, 132, 194, 292, 299301, 360; Karneios: 161, 294, 302, 341 n. 437, 360; Kyparissios: 302, 338 357, 346-7; Oromedon (at Phyxa): 59, 302; OUlios (at Isthmus): 302; Phyxios (at Phyxa): 59, 302; Pythios: 53, 107, 292, 294, 301-2, 327, 340; Sminthios (at Phyxa): 302; Soter: 148 Apolloniastai: 360 Apollonides, doctor: 258, 279 Apollonius, doctor: 262, 279

553

Apollophanes, adherent of Antiochw Ill: 132 Aptera: 267 Archeia: 24 Archeuontes: 159, 170, 320 Archiadai: 60-1 Archiatroi: 281, 282 Argolid: 29, 49 n. 99, 335 Argos: 114, 149, 163, 295, 318 Ariarathes IV: 133, 295, 369 Arilrathes V: 133 Army: 208 ArsinoeII: 76 n. 241, 100-101, 368 ArtaxerxesI: 104 Artemis: 291, 303-4, 322, 331, 365; cult titles of: Hyakinthotrophos: 130 n. 254; Lochia: 303; Perpia: 303; Toxitis: 303 Artemwa 0), of Halic:unuaus: 34 Artemisia (II), of Halicarnauus:76 n. 241 Asander: 77, 82 Asklapieia mep)a: 358; aee also Great Asclepieia Asclapiodotw, of Macedon: 99 n. 84 Asclepiadai: surv~ 1ene of: 49, 151, 158; at Delphi: 53, 75, 301; in poll• ties: 74-5; as guild: 257-63, 287, 340; and cult of Asclepius: 277ff., 339-40, 352-5; descent of: 339 Asclepieion: 98, 173, 334ff. esp. 340-6; building phases of: 342-6; buildqs of: 342-6; and doctors: 275fT.; Hellenistic altar of: 335; altar at of Hallos, Hamera, Mact11on and Hecate: 3 35; library of: 15 1; monastery of Panagiaof tho AlJOs on site of: 346; patrons of: 358-9; tribal cults at: 170, 341 Asclepius: 108, 132, 196-7, 202,293, 334-59 esp. 346ff., 360, 363, 372-3; at Halasama: 338; at Halels: 338; at Isthmus: 339, 346; and Apollo Kyparisaios:302; cult of and doctors: 275-8, 352-5; as eponym of Asclepiadai: 75 n. 237, 166; festivals for: 356ff. (see also Grat Asclepieia); as prokathe1emon and a,to-: 348; and ,erpentstaff: 348, treasury of: 178, 351-2, 358 Asw,nymph: 293,328 Asphendiou: 59; Mt. Christou at: 228 Aspripetra, cave of Pan and nymphs at: 28, 363 n. 616 Astute, thkl101 for: 294 n. 31, 361, 370 Astyochus: 36, 52 Astypalaea, Caria: 121 n. 211 Astypalaea, island: 109, 337

554

A.stypalaea,Cos: 27-8, 31, 44, 45, 49 n. 99, 52, 56, 63, 65. 11ffl. Asteros, of the Meropes: 48 n. 96 Asylia, of Asclepieion: 11 lff., 138-9, 149, 150, 284, 329, 341, 345, 357 Athanaistai: 360 Athena: 48, 194, 291, 360, 362; cult titles of: Abeia: 294-5; Lindia: 299; Machanis: 294; Nike: 363; Phatria: 158, 168, 341 n. 437; Polias: 293, 360; Sotein: 294; Queen of Athens: 37, 43, 54 Athenaistai: 360 Athens: 32, 33, 36, 71, 123 n. 217 Attaleia: 132, 369 Attalu1 I: 114, 120, 123, 132-3, 138, 369 Attalus II: 133, 138, 369 Audii: 252 Augustus: 144, 145-6, 148 Avidii: 252 n. 182 Avillii: 252 n. 182 Awallah, Nabataean: 246, 371 Babylonia: 114 Bacchantes, frieze of in procession: 31S Bacchus: 302, 362 Bakchiastai: 317, 361 Bakchios, u theophoric name: 317 Balaneion, at Halasuna: 305 Basileis: 192 Bel, of Palmyra: 371 Bellum Antiochicum: 131, 132, 139 Berenice I: 76 n. 241, 84, 368 Berosus, Babylonian mathematician: 229. 247 Bilellii: 252 n. 182 Black Sea, Coan trade in: 236ff., 243 Blosaii:252 h. 182 Boula, role of: l 76ff., 185ff., 203-S, 221-2, 223,273,359 Bouleuterion: 24,186 Bourina: 283; PhiUtas on: 16; s~hou,e at: 17; no Mycenean finds at: 17 n. 32 Bryaxis: 348 Byssa, daughter of Eumelus: 291, 329 Byzantium: 36, 42, 64, 72, 76, 118,244

Cadmus: 33, 34 Caecilii: 252 n. 182 Caesar:140-1 Caesii: 252 n. 182 Cacsilli: fb. Calendar: 5 n. 2; months of Coan: Agria• nios: 194 n. 110, 31S n. 218; Alseios:

185 n. 64, 193. 194, 295; Artamitios: 111 n. 146, 194 n. 110, 298. 303, 315; Batromios: 185 n. 66, 293, 30S, 314; Dalios: 185 n. 64, 299-300; Gerastios: 185 n. 63, 193, 194, 298; Hyakinthios: 185 n. 64; Kameios: 293; Panamos: 107 , 185 n. 64, 298; Petageitnuos: 194 n. 110, 327, 364; Theudaisios: 185 n. 64, 194 n. 110; cult calendus: 292ff., 3lS n. 218; of gymnasium: 298 Callignotus, doctor: 286-7 Callimachus:84,97-8, 306-11, 368 Callippus, son of Aristoaates. doctor: 267 Calymnus: 30, 32, 34, 42, 69, 70 n. 212, 330;a1phabet 72,107,174,201,207, of: 29 n. 3; Coan inoorporation of: 124ff .• 155ff •• 212 Camarina: 114 Camerii: 252 n. 182 Caphoophon: 103,279,358 Carla, foreigners from in Cos: 248 Cunabcus, as theophoric name: 303 Cutricil: 252 n. 182 Cemeteries: Proto-geometric and Geometric at Serraglio: 29; of gerousia: 223; Hellenistic graves at Pyli: 59 n. 1SS; Roman at Hippia: 233 n. 78, 245-6; of Kos: 245-6 with n. 139 Ccus: SO Chalkeis: 232 Chalkiope, daughter of Ewypylus: 98, 318 Chalk.on, king of Cos and son of Eury• pylus: 49, 192, 307, 317 Charites: 39, 293, 313, 328, 363 Charmyleioi: 229 Charmylus: eponym of Channyleioi: 365-6; family cult of u hero: 324, 365-6; heroon of: 365-6 Charondas, laws of: 175 n. 2 Chiliastys: l S 8ff ., 168ff., 208 China, silk of: 378, 379, 383 Chios: 42, 64, 68, 71, 72, 76, 78, 114, 139, 252 Choregia: see liturgies Chremonidean War: 108, 117, 123 n. 217 Chreophylakes: 213 Christianity: 371 Chrysantas, as ? Persian name: 247 with n. 149 Chrysus: 167 n. 76 Cimmerian Bosporos: 113 n. 153 Citizenship, basis of: l 53ff. Cius: 114, 120, 244 Civitas boera: 131, 139-40, 141 Civitas stipend.aria: 222

Class, office-holding and liturgical: 215-221 Claudia, sister of Ti. Cl Philinus: 151 Claudii: 252 n. 182 Claudius: 149-50, 283 Ti. a. Cleonymus, brother of Gaius Stertinius Xenophon: 150 Cleinias, mercenary: 73 Cleopatra 11: 137 Cleopatra II]; 137. 138 Cleumachus, 90n of Aristander: 86 Clodii: 252 n. 182 Clytia, daughter of Merops: 49, 166 Clytius: 166 Cnidus: 17, 30, 40, 52, 89, 93 with n. 55, 107 n. 126, 130, 132, 139, 140, 162, 240; school of medicine of: 257ff., 263, 280, 287 Cnossos: 68, 130 n. 254, 267 Coeus: 149 Coins: archaic: 35; badges of: 35. 70-1, 76 n. 241, 285, 318, 319 {crab), 135, 345, 348 {head and coiled snake of Asclepius), 348, 357 (Asclepius and ,erpent-stafl), 135, 345 {head of Heracles and club); diskoboloi: 22-3, 34-5, 39,45-6, 318, 376-6:eponyms of: 188-9, 196 n. 122; legends of: 35, 45-6, 70-1; of Nicias: 144; under Augustus: 144 n. 336; portraits on: of Heracles-Mausolus: 70, 367; of Hippoaates: 285; of Nicias: 144; of Gaius StertinJus Xenophon: 151, 284; reopening of mint: 23, 318, 375; tetroboloi: 23, 135, 140, 200-1, 203-5, 23 n. 57 (purely oonventional terminal date of tetroboloi) Conon: 40 G. Domttius Corbulo: 146, lb. n. 346, 147 Core: 28 (at Kyparissi), 305, 307, 311, 362; as badlda: 311, 312 nn. 194-5 Com: imports of: 79, 110 n. 141, 228 n. 38 Comelii: 252 n. 182 Coronis: 350 Corybantes: 325 Cos, topography and sites of: 23-8, 58-64 Cossinii: 252 n. 182 Cossutii: lb. Crab, as Coan paruemon: 35, 318-9 Crinagoras: 143-4, 145 Crisamis, king of Cos: 192 Critobulus, doctor of Philip II: 79, 262, 279 Critobulus, trlerarch of Alexander: 79 Critodemus, doctor: 79, 104, 262, 278, 279

555

Cronw: 311 Croton, school of medicine of: 256 Cynno: 349ft'. Cyprus, Coan domain in: 149 n. 361, 235 n. 89 Cyrene: 79, 256 with n. 2

Daidala,Platean fentval: 297 Daliades: 299 Daliocles, u theophoric name: 303 Dalios: 300 Damarchos: 182-3 Damatrion, at Eitea: 305 Damocha.resofCos: 19 Damokratia: 176 Damos, role of Coan: 176ff., 221-2, 272ff., 359 Damos, cult of: 332-3, 359, 362; legend of on Nicias' coins: 141-2 n. 316, 332; ,on of the: 142-3, 332-3, 366 Decimii: 252 n. 182 Deisidaimonia: 101, 322, 368 DeHan Confederacy: 34, 375ff. Delos: 91-2, 97-8, 12S, 135, 226, 240, 250, 252, 264, 269 Delphi: 53, 71, 101 n. 89, 107-8, 114, 264 Demes: S8ff., 181ff., 202; doctors in: 272ff. Demeter: 263, 293, 305-12, 362; archaic cult of: 305; cult titles of: Karpophoros: 305 n. 142; Korotrophos: 306; Olympia: 156,197,305; Soteira: 311-2; in deme of Halenttoi: 312; at Hippia: 312; at Kyparissi: 28; at Kos Meropis: S3 Demetrius I: 85, 367; and Calymnus: 72, 88, 124 Democedes, of Croton: 256, 264 Democracy: 65-6, 71, 85, 126, l 76tT. Dexippus, doctor: 41, 262, 278-9 J>iaaoras,son of Philinus: 107 Diagraphai:126, 201, 203, 207, 314 Diakitharismos: 214 n. 2S3 Dia.lcontisia: 208 Diapsalmos: 214 n. 253 Diatoxeusis: 208 Dikasteria: 184 Dikeo Bouni: 302 Dimitroula: 308 Diocles, ,on of Dion: 82 Diocles, ,on of Leodamas: 120ff ., 178ff •• 216, 270-1 Diomedon, testamentary foundation of: 260, 356, 364-5 Diomedon, anti-Roman: 117, 134

556

Diomedon, ,on of Diodotw: 116 Dionysia: 170, 213, 315 Dionysiac artists: 315-7; deaee of koinon of: 315-6; koinon of lonian--Hellespontine guild of and of the artists of Dionysus Katheiaemon: 316 Dionysus: 293, 313, 314-7, 361, 363; altarof: 315, cult titles of: Kathqemon: 316; Limnaios: 317; Skyllites: 314: Thyllophoros: 115, 116 n. 174, 186 n. 69: 207, 314-5; Dionysiac frieze: 315 Oioscuri: 324, 363 Dorian tribes: ICC Oymanes. Hylleis, Pamphyloi Dracon, 10n of Hippocrates: 262 Dracon, 10n of Stnton: 85-6 Drekanon, promontory: 317 n. 241 Dyeina: 242, 383 n. 31 Dymanes: 155f., 151 n. 26, 1S9, 170 Earthquakes: 24, 36, 63, 117 n. 178, 129 n. 251, 148, 275, 285-6, 311-2, 34S, 3% Egypt. Coans in: 106- 7, 114, 226, 229, 240 F.gyptian cults: 370, 371, 373 Eitea: 305 Ekklesia: 180, 181, 222, 268, 271, 273, 359 Etea, Italy: 114, 251 Elpile: 31 Emporoi: 244 Enata: 159ff. Enektemenoi: 173, 251-2 Epameinondas: 64-5 Epicharmus: 81 n. 280 Epidaurus: 29, 275, 301, 331, 335, 336, 337, 346, 353 Epidaurus Limera: 336-8 Epidosn: 214-20,268,270, 300,320 n. 269, 344; for Asclepieia: 215, 358; Athenian use of: 180, Coan procedure for: 179-80; from Hippiotai: 251 n. 176; for warfunds: 179ff. Epimeletai, of hieron: 341 Epimeneia: see liturgies Epimenioi: 358 n. 562 Epio: 350, 3S1 Epione: 132, 197 n. 130, 284, 346, 35 7, 360; u daughter of Merops: 347 n. 489; u daughter of Heracles: 0,. Eros: 363 Erysichthon, 10n of Triopas: 298, 306ff. Erythrae: 68 Euaratus, Coan at Herod's court: 249 Eudie Aphrodite, thiasos for: 361 Euios, as per,onal name: 317

Eumeliodorus, as theophoric name: 313-4 Eumelus, son of Merops: 48 n. 96, 290-1, 314, 325 Eumenes JI: 116 n. 176, 132-3, 138, 139, 219, 316, 369 Eurypylus, king of Thessaly: 18 Eurypylus, king of Cos: 48, 49, 166, 192, 233, 298, 306ff., 317 Family cult foundation: 363-6; of Charmylus: 324, 365-6; of Diomedon: 326; see also testamentary foundations

C. FaMius: 221 First Cretan Wu: l 19ff., 128 First Mithridatic Wu: 138, 249, 253 First Saaed Wu: 167 n. 76 Fortifications: at Halasarna: 22S; at Isthmus: 225 T. Quinctius Flarnininus: 131 Fleet, of Cos: 131, 208-210 Furii: 252 n. 182 Furniture, marble: 22S

Gauls: 107-8, 177, 294 Ge: 291, 325; kuklos of: 325 Gelans: 114, 329 Gelon, tyrant of Gela: 80-1 Genos: 364 Gere: 1S6 Gereaphoros basileon: 199, 322, 323 Gerillani: 252 n. 182 Gerousia: 223 Gerrha: 246 Gortyn: 130 n. 254, 267, 268 Grammateus, of boula: t 85; of damos:

222 Granii: 251 n. 176, 252 Great Asclepieia: 96, 100, 103-4 n. 107, 172 ·n. 123, 197, 217, 341, 344, 357-8, 372; agones of: 357; date of first: 104 n. 107; institution of: 111-4; nomenclature of: 357 n. SSS; victory lists of: 187-8, 357, 3S8 Great Mother, cult of: 297 Grytopolai: 231, 2S3

Gymnasiarchia: see liturgies Gymnasium: 170-1, 214,295; royal patronage of: 133 n. 267, 135-6, 138, 170-1, 369-70; see al~ s.v. Kos

H. Theologos: sec l~hmus Hades, at Kyparissi: 28 Hagios Phokas: 108 n. 136 Halasarna: 28, 61-3: aaopolis of: 28,

61; amphora handles at: 241; fasti from: 141, 147-8, 253ff., 300; peripolion at: 62 n. 169; Perseus' estate at: 134; polisma at: 122, 123 n. 220; temple of Apollo at: 62, 182, 300; theatre at: 28; tribal cults of Heracles and Apollo at: 125, 15 3ff ., 300-1; tribes of: 157 n. 26 Haleis: 59; Romaioi at: 2S1 Halentioi: 59 Haliastai: 360 Halicamassus: 18, 29, 30, 46, 77, 83, 94

n. 59, 97, 130 n. 2S4, 132,247,249,268,303 268, 303, 342, 363, 365; Lygdamid rule of: 33; and Ptolemies: 94 with

n. 59 Hallos: 33S, 361, 362, 363 Hamera: 335, 362, 363 Hannibal: 132 Hubows: at Halasuna: S2; at Kamares: 52; in Kos: 24, 68, 225 Hearth-altar, of Hestia: 322, 323 Hecate: 291, 293, 320-2, 335, 362; cult titles of: Megala:320; Pontia: 320; as soteira: 321; Stratia: 220, 320-1 Hecatomnus: 41, 279 Helios, and synbomoi: 370 Helvii: 252 n. 182 Hera: 293, 295, 296-8, 368: cult titles of: Argeia Heleia Basileia: 296, 360; Ourania: 362; dendrokopion of: 60, 297-8 Heracleia-Latmus: 68, 70 n. 212, 76 n. 241 Heracleides, father of Hippoaates: 258 Heracles: 47, 48, ib. n. 96, 293, 307, 313, 317-20, 363; at Antimachia: 318, 320; cult titles of: Diomedonteios: 356, 364; Kallinikos: 185 n. 68,197,200 n. 151, 202, 304, 319; as deity of gymnasium: 319,362; landing of at Lacetor: 317; as parasemon: 75; at Phyxa: 320; tribal cult of at Halasarna: 60, 62, 320 Herakleion: 319 Herakleia, at Halasarna: 320 Heraklidai: l S8 Hermaistai: 361 Hermes: 313-4, 361, 362: cult titles of: Enagonios: 197, 203, 313; Eumelios: 291, 313-4; Kyllenios: 313; Probakchos: 313, 363 Hermias, son of Emmenidas, doctor: 130 n. 254, 219, 267-8 Hennoupolis: 313 n. 204 Herod Antipas: 250 Herod the Great: 249-50 Herod.as: 229; Mime I of: 94 n. 60, 106-7; Mime 2 of: 16, 94-5, lb.

n. 60, 245, 326, 335-6; Mime 4 of: 349-352

557

Herois, Claudia Rufeina Juliana u: 366, 367 Heroization: 366- 7; of Hippocrates: 355-6, 367; of Charmylus: 365 Heroon. of Charmylus: 59, 225 Herophilus: 102. 229 Heros: 151: cult of Charmylus u: 365; as honorific epithet of Nicias: 366; Gaius Sta:tinius Xenophon u: 366; Ti. Cl. Alcidamw Julianut u: 367 Hmta: 159, 293, 322-3; u Tamias at Isthmus: 323 Hestiuis: 1ee liturgies Hetereii: 252 Hexapolb: 30 Hierapytna: 113, 119 Hieron, son of Si.mos, tutor under Ptolemy VII Eueraetes II: 84, 137 Hierophylakes: 159 Hieropoioi: 159, 195, 197, 218, 320, 327, 357 Hippia: viticulture at: 241; cemetery at: 245-6 Hippiotai: 59; Romans in: 251 n. 176 Hlppion, at Great Aldepieia: 357 n. 559 Hippocrates, the Coan doctor: 38, 285-6, 288; and cult of Asclepius: 354-5, 356; cult of: 355-6; date of birth of: 189-91; and school of medicine: 257, 260-2; xenia of with kiJWt of Ma~ don: 278 Hippocrates, plousios of Cos: 72, 215, 229 Hippocrates, 10n of Thessalus. doctor and descendant of Hippocntes: 262 n. 33, 265 n. 51, 271 Hippocrates, son of Dracon, Asclepiad: 104 Hippoaates, anti--Roman: 134 Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela: 80-1 Hippoooum vinum: 241 Hippotrophia: 1ee Uturps Homolion: 113 homonoia: 310, 329-330 Homonoia: 129 n. 251, 195, 293, 32930, 369, 372 Homopoliteia: 125, 126, 128ff., 155, 184 Homosexuality: 39

Boni: 363 Hordionii: 251 n. 176,252 n. 182 Horkotai: 126 Horoi: 37-8 Horologion, dedication of: 362 Hybristika, at Argos: 318 Hydrotherapy: 284, 354 Hygieia: 132, 196, 284, .339, 346, 350, 351, 357, 360, 363; as wife of Asel~ pius: 351

558

Hyllcis: 155ff., 157 n. 26, 159, 170, 319 Hyperctai: 209 Hypogymnasiarcrua: 1ee liturgiet lamata: 275-6, 349, 352, 354, 355 Iuo: 347 la,os: 70 n. 212, 84. 114 latric tax: 274 n. 96 latrocles, as theophoric name: 303 latroi: 263 latroi damosieuntes: 263ff., 281, 282, 340 leso: 350, 351 lgnatil: 252 n. 182 llion: probable Coan arbitration at: 88 n. 41 lmmunitas: 146, 149 Imperial cult: 359, 370; see abo Theoi Sebastoi Inscriptions: bilingual: Greek-Latin: 152 n 384, 252 n. 181, 313; GreekNabataean: 246, 371; Greek-Palmyrone: 371; Greek-temitic: 370; 'cube' monuments: 247-9; horr;: 37-8; stray at Cos: 37, 37 n. 46, 54; survival of: 19-21; not previously published: 158 n. 28 (2), 167 D, 81, 167 n. 83, 195 n. 120, 212 n. 242 Isiastai: 360, 370 lsidorus, son of Nicarchus, doctor: 272. 274, 281, 282 Isis: 361; IS IOteln: 370 Isthmian games: 363 lsthmiotai: S9, 330 Isthmus: 59 n. 147, 62: local t.ribet of: 156 n. 24; 157 n. 26; mini.na at: 228; H. TheoloBos: 228; 1ee 1110Kamares htron: 113 tulii: 252 n. 182 lus exllli: 149 Jewish community: 138, 249-50.

371

Kabeiroi:324-5 Kakisc;:ala: 28 Kamares, Roman villa at: 28 Karls: 167 n. 86 Karpologeuntes: 211-2 Kumaios. ,on Abdaios, of Genha: 246, 370 Katharmoi: 263, 305, 371 Kephalos: 222 Kerameis: 232 Kermeti, cemeteries at: 245, lb. n. 139 Kitharismos: 328 n. 338 Kitharistai: 315 n. 229 Hippocrates: Kleomuttades, ancestor 247 n. 149 Koios: 301

or

or

Koios, Titan: 301 Konchyliabaphos: 242 n. 123 Kopoxystai: 210 n. 226, 232 Kos, daughter of Merops and Echemeia: 332, 335 Kos, cult of: 211,231,298,332 Kos: no demes of: 154; sites of: aaora; 24, 224; cemeteries of at Kermeti: 245, fb. n. 139; Christian basilica: 27; forica: 27; gymnasium: 27, 133 n. 267; harbour uea of: 24, 319 n. 263; Hellenistic temple and altar of Dionysus: 25; Hellenistic villa: 26; 'House of Europa': 26; Odeon: 26; Roman baths: 26; Roman villa: 26; •nctuary of Demeter: 5 3; sanctuaries of Heracles: 319 n. 263; Serraglio: 29, 45, 48, 49: stadium: 26 n. 77, lb. (aphesis oO; thermal building: 27; walls of: 25, lb. n. 70 (obelisk.oi oO, lb. (polygonal tower oO; Western Excavations: 26- 7; Kos Meropis: 36, 44, 47-58, 292 Kuklos Gas: 325 Ktiltas.. Augustus u: 148 Kuniadai: 1S6 n. 24, 157 n. 26, 191 Kurosis: 183 Kyparissi. Euleusinian gods at: 28, 312 Lac:etor: 32 n. 16, 60, 119, 317 Lade. battle of: 122, 128 Laelii: 2S2 n. 182 Lampadarchia: see liturgies Latrona: 149 Lawcode, of Cos: 8S, 175 Lebedos: 8S, 88. 90, 17S, 316 Lebena, Crete: 353 Leibant: 278-80 Lelegians: 63, 69 Leto: 98, 132, 300-1, 368 Leucolla: l 08 with n. 136 Leucothea: 108 n. 136, 291, 293, 329 Leuctra, battle or: 64 Lex Antonia: 141 Libanopolai: 231 Libertas: 149 n. 360; loss of: 14S-8; restoration of: 152 Library, subscription for: 220. 215; at Asklepieion: 151, 284 Libys, slave: 365 Limnaios, as theophoric Name: 317 Liturgies: 198 n. 139, 20S, 215ff.; agonothesia: 213-4; choregia: 214; epimeneia: 214, 218, 219, 220; l)'mnasiarchia: 213-4, 220; hestiasis: 214, 323; hippotrophia: 208, 214: hYJ>OIYmnasiarchia:214, 220; la.mpa-

darchia: 170, 214; paidonomia:213-4; phylarchia: 214,217,218, 220;trieruchia: 209, 214 Lochagos: 207. 218, 320 Lucullus: 139. 140 63 Lygdamids of Halic:arnassu.s: Ly•nder, naval officer of Calymnus: 125, 127 Lysimachus. doctor: 10S, 281

Macareus:author of Kwwcli: 13; Coan uchitheoros at Delos: 13 n. l Macareus, son of Philocleidas: 301 Machaon, Asclepiad: 166, 335, 338, 350 Maidatas, as Persian name: 247 Mandris, as penonal name: 349 n. 508 Manumission: 173-4, 325-6: saaal: 173 n. 128, 365 Marble: local dark grey, use of: 19 n. 47; local white, ,ource and u,e of: 20 n. 47 Marcii: 252 n. 182

Maril:

°'·

Mastichari: 59 Mastroi, at Cos: 55, 212 Mastric law: 55 Mau90lus: 42, 43, 64, 68- 73, 367 Medical instruments, in Asclepieion: 275 n. 103, 281 with n. 146 Melainadai: 156 n. 24, 157 n. 26, 191, 219 Meleager:18, 229, 246- 7, 368 Melos: 166 Meropes:47, 48, n. 96, 318 Meropis,daughterof Eumelus: 291 Meropis,Antoninus LiberaUs, M~tomorph. XV, 48 n. 96, 290-2, 303-4, 322, 325. 329 Merops,king of Cos: 49, 166, 192, 331, 332, 335; cult of: 334 Mesaria: 328 Mestra,daughterof Erysichthon: 306ff., 317 MetaJwork: 233 Metic, or slave thiuoi: 360-2 Metoikos: 172 n. 124, 255 Miletus: 52, 68, 96, 129, 132 Mining: 228 Misthodosia: 208 Misthophora: 6S n. 188, 184 with n. 61 Mithridates II of Pontus: 118 Mithridates VI of Pontus: J.4, 138-9, 227. 249, 282, 345 Moirai: 326, 341 n. 437, 351, 364; oath by: 106 n. 122, 321, 326, 351 Monarchos: 187-99, 204-5, 222, 323, 327, 357; as eponym: 71; at Isthmus: 183, 219; not priest of Asclepius: 74-5 Moni of the Altos: 29S with n. 32

559

Mosaics: 26, 225 Mother of the Gods: 293, 32S Muses: 303, 328; and Apollo: 362 Mylasa: 69, 11S Myndus: 69, 70 n. 212, 132, 247 Myrmidon, father of Erysichtbon: 306 308 • Myrmidonia: 308

Nabataea: 246 Nailkos, of Gaius Stertinius Xenophon: 151, 284 Napoai, at Halasama: 182-3, 220 Nauarchos: 209 Naukleroi: 244 Naxos: 92, 93 n. 35 Naxos. battle of: 6S Navy, of Cos: 208-210 Neandros, Kinaof Cos: 192 Nea.polis: 114, 251 Nebridai: 75 n. 237 Nectanebos II: 73 Negotiatores: 139, 140, 252, 25 3 Nemean games: 363 Nemesis: 203 n. 177, 325-6 Neolkoi: 210 n. 226, 232 Nicandei: 78 Nicanor of Cos: author of hypomnemata on Philitas: 19; soura: for Coan history: 19, 65 Nicias of Miletus,doctor: 278 Nici.u, tyrant: 141-5, 147-8 n. 353, 188 n. 82. 227, 330-1; u ',on of the Damos': 142-3, 332-3 Nioomedes, ,on of Aristander, adherent of Antia:onus I: 86-8, 122 n. 217 Nioomedes I: 137 Nioomedes II: 137, 369

Nicomedes 10: 0,. Nicostratus, son of Nioostratus, naval officer: 122 n. 212 Nike: 108, 132 n. 265, 197, 202, 294, 315 n. 229, 326-7 nike-inscriptions: 327-8 n. 337 Nikeros, as epiklesis of Peitho: 363 Nisyrus: 29, 32, 34, 40, 42, 69, 70 n. 212, 124, 127, 300 Nomoi: 147-8, 175; apeleutherotikoi nomoi: 174; hieroi nomoi: 147 Nothoi: 172, 179, 333, 365 Nymphaea, ancient name of Cos: 329 Nymphs: 328-9, 363; cave of Pan and, at Aspripetra: 363 n. 616; hieron of in Asclepieion: 328

Octavian: 141 Oibalus, hero of Sparta: 167

560

Oikonomos: of the polls: 222; of the gerousia: 223 Gn. Octavius Gn. f., praetor: 134 Ofellii: 252 n. 182 65-6, 73, 75 Oliprchy/oliprchs: Olophernes, as Persian name: 247 Olympia: 72; Coan dedication at: 72; Coan public dedication at: 108; Coan decree at: 148 Onasander, son of Onasimus, doctor: 266 n. 51, 268-9, 272, 273, 274 Onesicritus: 51 Oromedon, as theophoric name: 303 Orontobates: 77 Oseiriastai, synodos of: 361 Os:his: 370 Outiades,as theophoric name: 303 Paoonil: 252 Paeon: 388,340,350 Paidonomia: see liturgies Paidonomoi: 295 Palaia Pyli: 59 Palestine: 244, 246 Pamphyle, dauahter of Plates: 378, 379, 380, 382 Pamphyloi: 155ff., 159, 170, 305 Pan: 363; cult of at Asprlpetra: 363 n. 616 Panacea: 347, 350, 351 Paroikoi: 172ff., 179, 24S Pausanias, Spartan regent: xenia of with

Coan: 34 Pausimachus, plousios of Cos: 72, 21 S 2~ • Peitho, as Nikeros: 363 Pelanos: 35 l Pele: 59; Romaioi at: 251 Peleiatai. not Coan: 61 n. 163 Pentapolis: 30, 35, 44, 47, 98 Pentekostyes: 15Sff., 168ff., 208 Peraea, non~xistena: of: 31-2 Perfumes. production of and trade in: 242-3 Pergamum: 275, 288, 353; medical school at: 105 Peripollon, at Halasama: 121 n. 207, 123 n. 220 Perseus of Macedon: 134 Persia: 33, 34, 36, 40, 258 Persian name-bearen: 24 7 Phaestus: 113 Phatry: 158, 364 Philinus, empiricist: 103 Philinus. son of Diagoras: 107 Philinus, son of Hegepolis: 108 Ti. Cl. Philinus, uncle of Gaius Stertinius Xenophon: 150

Philip of Amphipolis, author of Kwuucci: 14 Philip II: 76, 79; we of Coan doctors: 104, 262 Philip V: 119ff., 127-8, 134,369 Philippus, son of Philippus, doctor: 269 Philippus, Coan doctor at Alexandria: 103, 104 n. 108, 269 n. 73, 279 Philitu: 16, 17, 84, 102, 229,233,261, 288, 308-9 Philistus, son of Moschion, doctor: 265 n. 51, 269-70 Philistus, son of Nic::uchus, doctor: 270 Philokaiar: 144 with n. 338, 152, 221 n. 287, 333 Philoklaudios: 144 with n. 338, 152, 333 Philon, son of Aglaus, friend or Herod Antipas: 2S0 Philoromaios: 152 Philosebastos: 144 with n. 338, 152, 333 Phoenicia: 114 Phrasidamus: 312 Phrasidamus, son of Lycopeus: 49, 228 Phygela: 68 Phylai, local: 156 n. 24, 157 n. 26; see also Dorian tribes Phylarchia: see liturgies Phylotimus, doctor: 10S, 195, 280 Phyxa: 59; Apolline cults at: 302; cult of Zeus Horios at: 296; mining at: 228; viticulture at: 241 Phyxeotai: 59 Pixodarus: 68, 76, 82 n. 5 Plataseis:82 Pleistias, naval commander: 85 n. 22, 86 Plotii: 2S2 Podaleirius, son of Asclepius: 228, 259, 338 n. 417, 339, 347 n. 493, 350 Polernaeus: 83 Poletai: 126, 179, 180, 207, 211 Polisma, at Halasarna:122, 123 n. 220 Polybotes: 32 n. 16, 298 Polybus, son-in-law of Hippoaates, doctor: 262 Pompeii: 252 n. 182 Pompey: 140, 142 Popillli: 252 n. 182 Population, size of: 164, 245-6; foreign: 245-5S Porcii: 2S2 n. 182 Porphyropolai: 231, 242 Poseidon: 32 n. 16, 211, 230, 293, 29S, 298, 311, 317; cult titles of: Gerastios: 298; lsthmios: 363; as father of Eurypylus: 306 Poseidonia: 298 Praxagoras, son of Nicarchus, doctor: 102, 105,216,229,262,270,280,288 36 Ancient C01 {HyP. 5 l)

Praxiteles: 15, 35, 95 n. 60, 348, 349 n. S08, 350 Presbytika palaistra:133 n. 267, 171, 2S3ff. Priapus: 363 Probakchos, as epiklesis of Hermes: 363 Proxeny decrees: 243-4 Prosodoi damosiai: 225 Prostatai: 126, 169, 176ff., 185, 187, 188,193, 199-202, 206,221,323, 327 Prytaneion: 24, 186 n. 70 Psalmos: 328 n. 338 Ps. Thessalus, Pnsbeutikos of: 15, 58 n. 145, 167 n. 76, 277 Ptolemy I: 82-5, 88, 92, 101, 288, 367, 368 Ptolemy II: 9S n. 60,367, 368; birth of on Cos: 84; and Calymnus: 124 n. 227; and Cos: 92-102; patronage of for Pentapolis: 30, ib. n. 6 Ptolemy Ill: 93 n. S8, 94 n. 60, 99, 103, 108, 3S8 Ptolemy IV: 96, 129, 130, 136 Ptolemy V: 96, 128, 130, 136 Ptolemy VJ; 135, 136 Ptolemy VII: 137 Ptolemy VIII: 84 Ptoelmy IX: 138 Pyli: cist graves at: S9; heroon of Charmylus at: 28, 324 Pythocles: 111, 294, 359 n. S7S Pythodoris, ruler of Lesser Armenia, dedication of: 359 n. 572 Pythokleia: 111, 132 n. 264 Pythokleioi: 221 n. 287, 294 Rabbel, of Palmyra: 371

Rhabdos, analepsis of: 339, 356- 7 Rhea: 324-S, 360 Rhodes: 36, 38, 40, 42, 47, SS, 64, 67-8, 71, 76, 78, 89, 118ff., 129, 131-2, 138, 139, 168, 171, 172, 181-2, 184, 200,212, 226-7, 240,253,287,332, 376 Rhodos, cult of: 211, 230, 298, 332 Roma: 134 n. 278 Romaia: ib. Romaioi. on Cos: 139, 173, 2S0-5, 383 Rome: l 31ff. Royal cults: 367- 70 Roxane: 104, 279 Rupilii: 252 n. 182 Samos: 33, 36, 37, 42, 67, 71, 97, l09, 120, 127-8, 132, I 39, 149 n. 359, 162

561

Samothrace: 324 Satyrs: 315 Satyrus, ,on of Themistocles, doctor: 281 School of medicine: 38, 97, 256-89 Scythes: 33 Sautarei: 253 Sebalta Asklapieia mcpla: 358 Sebastos Zeus Stntios: 296 Second Athenian Confederacy: 64; Coan not members of: 41, 66-7 Second Macedonian Wu: 130, 131 Seil: 252 n. 182 Seleucus I: 82, 88. 104 Serapiastai: 360, 370 Serapis: 361, 370 Shi1Helief: 131 n. 258 Sicily, Coan ,ettlement in: at Zancle: 33, 80; at Gela: 80-1; at Camuina: lb. Sidon: 249 Sigla, of Dorian tribes: 170, 206 n. 193 Silk. bepnning of manufacture of: 380-1; Coan trade in and production of: 139, 242, 254-5,378-83 Simon/Simos, doctor of Seleucus I:

104-5 Sinope: 118,243 Sisyphus, Coan author: 19 Sitonai: 213, 222 Slaves: 174,231,241,242 n. 122, 382 Slave. or metic thiuoi: 360-2 Social War: 67, 68, 70 Socrates of Cos: author of 'E1nd.t\a1m: EHwv: 19

Sparta: 36, 113, 117 n. 178, 163,164,318 Spedii: 252 Stasis: 64, 6S-6, 73, 223, 329, 330 State bank: 212 Stratagoi: 126, 169, 170, 201. 202, 205-8, 221 Stratagia: 120 n. 196; repeated tenure of: 180 Stratonioea: 97 n. 71 Subscriptions: see epidoseis Sulla: 140, 222, 316-7 Syennesis, doctor from Cyprus: 262 n. 30 Syme: 17 Sympas damos: 125 with n. 231 Syncretism: of Auaustus with Apollo Soter: 148; perhaps of Claudius with Asclepius: 358 Synodos, of Oseiriutai: 361 Synoecism: 43ff., 154, 187tT., 292ff., 304 Syria: 114, 244 Syrians, in Cos: 246 Syma, Cari&: 339 Tamiai: 201, 207, 210-11 Taxes: 23lff., 24S

562

Telesphoros: 347 Teletai: 311 Teleutias, IOn of Theudorus: 219 Telos: 40, 42, 69, 85 n. 25, 88-9, 300 Teos: 85, 88, 90, 175, 316 Terentil: 252 n. 182 Terracottas: 232 Tenacotta school: 63 Testamentary cult foundation: 260, 359, 364-5 Tbalysia: 312 Thuos: 168, 211, 241 Thea Aninoa Phila.delpbos:100, 101, 368 Theadai: 156 n. 24, 157 n. 26, 191 Tbeangela: 69, 70 n. 212 Thearodokoi. Coan at Epidaurus: 337 Theatre, of Kos: 25, 225; at Astypalaea/ Isthmus: 27; at Halasama: 28 Thebes: 64-5, 90 n. 47 Theoaitus: Idyll II of: 84, 229, 291-2, 303-4, 321-2, 326; Idyll VII of: 102, 228-9, 312, 329; Idyll XVII of: 97-8, 368; Ep. VII of: 277-8 Theoi Patroioi: 142-3, 151, 303, 330-2, 365, 373 Theoi sebastoi: 370 Theoi Sote.m: 363 Theomnestus, opponent of N icias: 141, 142 G. Julius Theopompus: 141 Thera: 363, 365 The•uros: 201-2; of Nike: 327; of temple of Asclepius: 351-2, 358 Thesmophoria: 311 The111lus, son of Heracles: 18, 317 Thessalus, son of Hippocrates, doctor: 262,278 Thessalus, as personal name in Cos: 18 n. 36 Thessaly: assimilation of Eumelus, king of Pherae.in Coan myth: 18; Coan doctors in: 110 n. 142; and Cos: 338; cult of lthonian Athena of: 309; colonization from of Cos, Cnidus, Syme: 17, 307; and Erysichthon: 306tT.; Eurypylus, king of: 18; koinon of: ll0, 114; place-names of in Cos: 18 n. 36, 307: see abo s.v. Tricca Theudes son of Aglaus: 120ff., 207, 216 Thiasoi: 360-2 Third Macedonian Wu: 117, 118, 134, 135, 138 Throne, empty in Ptolemaic cult: 135, 369 Transvestism: 13, 60. 318 Triakades: 155ff., 168ff., 208 Tribal and social groupings; names of: Alkeidai: 165, 166, 30S; Amphiareidai: 165, 166; Andromnestoridai: 165,

Wine, of Cos: 236ff.; importation of Coan 166; Astyklidai: 16S, 166; Etymobouto Italy: 252; Coan trade in: 139, 226, siadai: 16S. 167; Euryanaktidai: 165, 236-41, 244; taxes on: 231, 241 166; Hippiadai: 156, 165, 166, 168, 324; K.allindai: 165, 167; Karindai: 165, 167; Laistrapidai: 165, 167; Nebridai: 165, 166, 168; Nestoridai: 156, Xenocritus, grammaticus: 102 165, 166, 168; Nisyriadai: 32, 165, 167; Xenodicus, Olympic victor: 72 Nostidai: 159, 161-2, 165, 166, 168; Xenoi: l 72ff ., 245ff. Orphikidai: 165, 167; Otobalidai: 165, Xenombrotus, Olympic victor: 72 166; Pasthemidai Protoi: 159, 161-2, Xenophon, Gaius Stertinius: and Asclep-169; Pasthemidai: 165, 168; Pdaxidai: ius: 283-5; as Leibarzt: 283-4; 165, 167; Phyleomachidai: 156, 16S, local patronage by: 21, 144, 149-52, 166; Pothelidai: 165, 167; PoUondai: 195,227, 278,279,281,283-4, 296, 156, 16S, 167, 168; Simondai: 165, 330-1, 333, 345ff., 352-3 168; Symmachidai: 156 n. 19 Xenotimus, son of Timoxenus, doctor: Tribute, payments of to Athens: 35 178, 265, 270 Tricca: 275, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 346, 350, 353 Trierarchoi: 209 Yarhibol: 371 Trierarchia: see liturgies Triopas: as colonizer of Syme and Cnidus: 17; eponym of Triopium: 17; father of Erysichthon: 306 Zeus: 297, 341 n. 437. 362, 368; cult Triopium: 17, 98 titles of: Abeios: 294-5; Boulaios: Triops, king of Cos: 17, 192 295, 369; Hikesios: 296, 303, Turullius: 141, 310, 345, 352 331, 341 n. 437, 36S; Horios: 296; Tyre: 83, 244 Hyetios, koinon of cult of: 218-9, Twelve Gods: 194, 293, 324, 360, 365-6 220. 361-2, 362; Linclios: 299; Machaneus: 156. 293, 294, 296. 324, 341 n. 437; Megistos: 294, 369; Nemeios: 363; Olympios: 296; Umbricil: 252 n. 182 Patroios: 296, 341 n. 437; Phatrios: 1S8; Philios: 363; Polieus: 156, 159ff., 170, 194,198,263, 293, Vettii: lb. 294, 322-3, 324, 360; Soter: 108, Vibil: 252 111,294, 327,361,370 (thiasos for Vipstanil: 252 n. 182 with Astute); Stratios: 321 Viticulture: 174, 241; taxes on vineZiaelas, king of Bithynia: 96,112,137, workers: 231; vin~worken: 382 243 Volksdek.ret: 177ff. Zipari: 60 Vourina: see Bourina

563

II. Index of Inscriptions AAA 3. 1970. 249 -51: see AD 2 3, 1968, Chron. 449 Abbott and Johnson. MARE no. 36: see Syll.' 780 2 no. 90: see /G 11/111 1100 AD 1 l, 1931, parar. 31 no. 4: 100 n. 87 16, 1960, 94-7 no. A: 89 n. 44 18, 1963, 165: 362 n. 606 20, 1965, 119ff.: 136 n. 287 23, 1968, Chron. 449: 39 n. 59 30, 1975, Chron. 54S: 246 n. 140 AEp. 1928 no. 94: see JOA/ 13, 1926, B. 163ff. 1934 no. 19: see Bull. Mu,. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932, 17 no. 13 no. 86: see HG p. 45 no. 89: see Bull. Mui. Imp. Rom. 3. 1932, 14 no. 11 no. 92: see lb. 21 no. 18 no. 93: see lb. 22 no. 19 1947 no. 55: see Cl. Rh. 10, 203-8 no. 1 1952 no. 107: 222 n. 295 A.JPh.56, 1934, 361: 85 n. 26 AM 23, 1899, 447ff. no 1: see OG/S 42 30, 1905, 173-82: see RC 25 44. 1919, 4fT. no. 5 F: 67 n. 194 no. 5 H: 67 n. 194, 86 n. 28 16 no. 7: 86 n. 28 2lff. no. 9: 94 n. 59 24 no. 11: 93 n. 58 72, 1957, 152ff. nos. 2-4. 13, 20-9: 67 n. 194 169 no. 3: 86 n. 30. 87 nn. 32-3 186fT. no. 21: see AM 44, 1919, 4ff. no. 5 H 233 no. 64: 127 n. 240, 128 n. 241 75, 1960, 90-3 no. S: 149 n. 359 Anat. St. 21, 1971, 167-72: 94 n. 59 Ant. Cl. 4 (1), 1935, 157ff.: 235 n. 87 Anz. Wien. 1970, 94-8 no. 1: 132 n. 260 Arch. Anz. 1901, 134ff.: 53 n. 120 191: 334 n. 395 1903, 193-4: 151 n. 372 Archi11 ReL 10, 1907, 211: 181 n. 35, 201 n. 161, 202 n. 162, 212 n. 236 ASAA 2, 1916, 139-40 no. 10: 166 n. 74 NS l, 1942, 165 no. 19: see ASAA 2, 1916, 139-40 no. 10 NS 17-18, 1957, 147 no. 219: 208 n. 207 155 no 241: 131 n. 258 NS 25-6, 1963, 151: 49 n. 104 158 no. I: see PH 401 no. 11: see PH 402 159 no. 111:see PH 403 no. IV: 302 n. 109 16lff. no. VI: 182 n. 45, 191, n. 97, 196 n. 124, 331 n. 373, 332 n. 374 165 no. IX: 59 n. 147, 157 n. 26,191 nn. 97, 99, 194 n. 114, 2S1 n. 177 176 no Xl: 137 n. 289,251 nn. 176-7

564

182 no. XXII: 30S n. 142 no. XXIII: 30S n. 137 no. XXIV: 361 n. 594 no. XXV: lb. 183ff. no. XXVI A: 32 n. 16, 153 nn. 3-4, 1S4 n. S, 181 n. 38, 182 n. 47, 194 n. 112, 25S n. 19S, 300 n. 82, ib. n. 86, 319 n. 26S, 320 n. 268 no. XXVI B: 125 n. 232, 157 n. 26, 167 n. 84, 212 n. 242, 213 n. 246,251 n. 177 201 no. XXVII: 157 n. 24, 170 n. 107 344 no. 48: see HG p. 3S p 29-30, 1967-8, 437-9 no. 1: 84 n. 20 Asyli~kunden no. 1: 100 n. 85 no. 2: 112 nn. 149, 152, 113 n. 153, 222 n. 294, 357 n. 555 no. 3: 112 n. 152, 113 n. 1S3 no. 4: 113 n. 15S no. 5: 113 n. 1S4, 357 n. S59 no. 6: 94 n. S8, 96 n. 68, 341 n. 439 no. 7: 94 n. S8 no. 8: 93 n. S8, ll 1 n. 14S no. 9: 93 n. 58 no. 10: 114 n. 158 no. 11: 104 n. 107, 114 n. 161, 357 n. 556 no. 12: 80 nn. 273-4, 114 n. 159, 2S1 n. 179, 357 n. S59 no. 13: 80 nn. 273-4, 104 n. 107, 114 n. 160, 329 n. 357, 3S7 nn. 556, S58 no. 14: 114 n. 162 no. IS: 114 n. 162, 357 nn. S60-1 Athena 20, 1908, 163 no. 3: see Gr. Mauerb. I no. SI ATL II D 14 V: SO n. 10S, 37S n. 2 Attl PAR. 17, 1941, 21-4: see TC 74 28-34: 115 nn. 169, 171, 181 n. 30 37-8: 134 n. 274

BCH 5, 1881, 211: see PH 13

221 no. 9: see PH 35 12, 1888, 282 no. 7: see TC 2S0 17. 1893, 208 no. 10: see PdelP 13, 1958, 418-9 46, 1922, 307-19: 235 n. 87 SO. 1926, S18-9: 88 n. 41 59, 193S, 199: see NS 439 421-5: 215 n. 264, 220 n. 284 80, 1956, 579ff. no 7: 53 n. 124, 75 nn. 236- 7, 257 nn. 7, 9, 259 n. 18, 301 n. 93 86, 1962, 27S-8: 324 n. 314 Berger, Das bas/er Artznllef. 155ff.: see JG 12 1019 Blinkenberg, Drc1n11M. P. Nlluon, 97 no. 1: 61 n. 165 Diss. Zurich 1908, 28: 110 n. 141 P. Boesch, 8ewpdt, BSA S1, 1962, 147 no. 66: see /G 12 1019 BSA Alex. 31, 1937, 286ff.: 100 nn. 88-9, 101 n. 90 40, 1953, 35ff.: 173 n. 128,303 nn. 11S, 119-21, 331 nn. 368-9, 365, 371 n. 679 Bull. Mus. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932, 6 no. 3: see HG p. 45 1t no. 9: 145 n. 338 12-4 no. 10: 148 n. 357 14 no. 11: 145 n. 338, 147 n. 353 17 no. 13: 141 n. 309 21 no. 18: 145 n. 338

S6S

22 no. 19: 150 n. 365, 151 nn. 373, 376, 284 n. 1S7. 358 n. 571 26 no. 22: ,ee HG p. 30 26-7 no. 23: tee Arclr. Anr. 1901, p. 191 28 no. 15: 133 n. 266, 300 n. 88, 347 n. 488 30 no. 26: 268 n. 68 31 no. 27: 347 n. 491 Cl,""'4 Clrronilca 1975, 14-27:

134 n. 278, 251 n. 179

Cltobc 13: see /G Xl (4) 1036 45: see JG XI (4) 1052 51: see JG Xl (4) 1097 OBR 40: tee /OSPE 2, 36 CJG 1§91: see SylJ.I 538 B 2654: 206 n. 194 3598: see BCH SO, 1926, 518-9 3671: see TC XVI OL Ill l 460: 152 n. 384 12266: 253 n. 188 8905: 283 n. 146 Clairmont, G,wvntone and Epifrllm, no. 3: see JG 12 1019 0. Rh. 2, 55-6: 62 n. 171 212 no. 50: 37 n. 46 5 (2) 162: 312 n. 194 169: lb. 179: lb. 186-9: lb. 9, 139-48: 371 n. 674 177: 5 3 n. 122 10, 27ff. no. 1: 109 n. 138, 252 n. 181 34ff. no. 3: see J. Cnt. IV, 168 no. 168 37 no. 4: 177 n. 8, 186 n. 70, 214 n. 254, 269 n. 72 203-8 no. 1: 140 n. 308: 383 n. 33 CR 16, 1902, 102: see GV 946 18, 1904, 190: 9Ce Arch. An:r. 1901, p. 191 CR.Al 1904, 164-173: see SyU.• 398 1953, 410-1: 247 n. 151 1974, 89-93, 115-2S, 132-49: 68 n. 202 DGE 248: see KF 36

679: see O. Masson, Jn,cr. chypriote1 ,yllabiques, no. 217

EE Ill, 33-7: see PH 16 Ehrenbeig and fones 318: see PH 2S 0. Eiufeldt, Kl. Schriften II, 1963, 309-12: 370 n. 673 Ephe.,, II, 171 no. 55: 1S2 n. 383 Et. Ep. Phil. 114: 93 n. 58 126-8: 134 n. 278

FIRA. (2) l 55: 141 n. 311 3 18~: see SyU.111 780 GHI 24: see Syll. 1 45

ll0: 377 n. 8

566

112: see IG XII (2) 1 123: see IG 112 43 138: 69 n. 208 142: see IG 111 111 155: 68 n. 203 191: 364 n. 623 192: see Sy/I.' 283 196: see G. Oliverio, DAAI ii 1 GIBM 247: see re 74 259: see Syll.' 561 260: see TC 78 261: see re 17 299: see TC 19 336: SA:A!Rt.. FR. NS 20, 1942. 13-8 no. 6 B 338: see PH 401 339: see PH 402 343: see PH 10 786: 177 n. 12 797: 115 n. 170 897: see OGIS 46 Gr. Mauerb. I no. 46: see Syll. • 569 no. 51: 123 n. 219 GV 37: see PH 350 57: see IG I' 1019 864: 48 n. 96 946: 129 n. 250 11S8: 48 n. 96, 311 n. 184 Gymn. Agone, 3fT. I-II: 74 n. 233, 99 n. 84, 114 n. 164, 172 n. 123,213 n. 2S0, 214 n. 254, 266 n. SS, 357 n. 555, ib. n. 5S9, 358 n. S61

n. 20 102ff. at 104: 106 n. 176, 132 n. 26S, 177 n. 8, 222 n. 294 9, 57 B: 362 n. 613 Htnne1 65. 1930, 463ff: seeRC 21 HG p. 30: 116 M. 17S-6 p. 3S a: 168 n. 88, 296 n. 42 b: 167 n. 80, 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 c: 166 n. 70, 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 d: 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 e: 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 f: 0,, g: 167 n. 79, 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 h: lb. i: 294 n. 25, 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 k: 167 n. 82, 296 n. 42, 341 n. 437 I: 296 n. 42 m: 341 n. 437 n: 1S8 n. 28, 166 n. 64, 296 n. 42 o: 1S8 n. 28, 341 n. 437 p: 161 n. 38, 302 n. 102 q: 341 n. 437 r: 166 n. 63, 326 n. 327, 341 n. 437 s: 326 n. 327, 341 n. 437 t: 166 n. 63,167 n. 84 u: 296 n. 42 v: 302 n. 102 Hellenlcll S, 6: 179

567

w: 313 n.196 x: 303 n. 117 p. 44: tee ZPE 25, 1911, 210 no. 2 p. 45: 149 n. 361, 235 n. 89

HG 1: 90 n. 45, 108 n. 136, 156 n. 22, 159-61, 166 n. 60, lb. n. 70, 197 n. 128, 199 M. 142, 145, 202 n. 168, 214 n. 256, 232 n. 72, 263 n. 43, 292 n. 17, 293 n. 22. 305 n. 141, 314 n. 210, 322 nn. 293-7, 323 n. 303, 329 n. 352 2: 90 n. 45, 156 n. 21, 166 n. 66, 292 n. 17,294 n. 24,296 n. 46, 302 n. 101, 324 nn. 305-6, 325 n. 315 3: 90 n. 45, 157 n. 26, 292 n. 17, 305 n. 141, 319 M. 260-1 4: 90 n. 45, 292 n. 17, 328 n. 339, lb. n. 341 5: 53 n. 124, 62 n. 174, 89 n. 45, 156 n. 19, 166 n. 61, 187 n. 74, 198 n. 138, 292 n. 18,299 M. 76-7, 79, 300 n. 88,301 n. 92, 320 n. 273, 322 n. 288, 324 M. 307-8 8: 62 n. 175, 147 n. 351, 156 n. 20, 169 n. 103, 187 n. 77, 197 n. 133, 213 n. 248, 263 n. 44, 303 n. 116, 304 n. 125, 305 n. 142, 306 n. 143 9: 111 n. 146, 132 n. 264, 133 n. 267, 135 M. 282-3, 214 n. 252, 298 n. 61, 300 n. 81, 315 n. 218, 324 n. 305, 327 n. 336, 328 n. 338, 339 n. 427 10: 173 n. 128, 260 n. 22, 304 n. 133, 326 n. 328, 363 n. 621, 364-5 11: 55 n. 132, 141 n. 313, 184 n. 56, 212 n. 238, 310 n. 174, 335 n. 398, 340 n. 433, 341 nn. 434-6 12: 141 n. 313, 181 n. 31, 302 n. 99, 310 n. 174, 33S nn. 397-8, 340 n. 433, 346 M.484-5 13: 346 n. 484 14: 10S n. 116, 178 n. 18, 18S n. 64, 187 n. 75, 202 nn. 162, 164-5, 210 n. 227, 211 M. 228-9, 343 n. 450, 346 n. 484, 352 n. 522, 358 nn. 563-4 15: 61 n. 163, 197 n. 136, 202 n. 169, 210 n. 227, 346 n. 484, 347 M. 486,488 17: 306 n. 144-6 Hut. Zelt. 125 (3) 29, 1922, 217 n. 1: 148 n. 357 Hutorla 8 (Milan), 1934, 429-30 no. 1: 99 n. 84, 177 n. 8,244 n. 131 no. 2: 177 n. 8 437ff. no. S: 150 n. 365 no. 6: ib. 444ff. no. 10: lb.

I. Oet. I, VIII, 62 no. 7: 130 n. 254, 267 nn. 57, 61 xvn. 17-9: 275 n. 105, 276 n. 108, 353 n. 529 249 no. 4: 268 n. 63 II, 16 no. 3: 267 n. 56, 268 n. 64 m, 112 no. 14: see OGIS 119 115 no. 18: 93 n. 58 IV, 168 no. 168: 130 n. 254, 267 nn. 57-60 195 no. 195: 93 n. 58 ID 298: 91 n. SO 300: 91 n. 50 310: lb. 313: lb. 314: 0,, 371: lb. 372: lb. 379: 380: lb. 385: 396: lb. 399: 91 n. SO,269 n. 73 401: 240 n. 109

°'· °'·

568

421: 13 n. l. 91 n. SO 423: 91 n. SO 428: ib. 439: ib. 440: 240 n. I 09 442: 91 n. SO 443: ib. 444: ib. 445: 240 n. 109 455: 91 n. SO 461: lb. 465: ib. 468: ib. 1184: OJ. 1417: 269 n. 73 1517: 136 n. 287 /G 11 110 a: 46 n. 92 1019: 258 n. 12 11 Til. Attic. extra Attlc4m rq,ntl 2: see /G XII (l) 977 111 43: 42 n. 68, 67 n. 197 111: SOn. 106 754: 381 n. 18 ll/1Il1 416: 244 n. 136 1100: 147 n. 348 IV 950: 337 n. 411 IV1 48: 337 n. 413 96: 337 n. 412 126: 353 n. 529 616: see SEG 11 435 IX1 (l) 98: 295 n. 39 XI (2) 115: 251 n. 178 158: 91 n. 50 161: 91 n. SO, 107 n. 128, 125 n. 228 164: 91 n. 50 199: lb. 203: ib. 220: ib. 251: lb. 275: ib. 287: 62 n. 174, 91 n. SO, 125 n. 228 X1 (4) 1.036: 88 n. 40 1052: 109 n. 140 1078: 269 n. 73 1097: 118 n. 181 XII (I) 66: 303 n. 121 784: 303 n. 121 977: 40 n. 63 (2) 1: 46 n. 88 484: 353 n. S30 (3) 29: 89 n. 42 34: lb. 38: 89 n. 42 87: 145 n. 340. 200 n. 149 91: !lee Sy/L' 512 I 03: 127 n. 239 172: 177 n. 12 174: see Syll 1 780 201: 210 n. 222

S69

330: 363 n. 621 1103: 166 n. 64 1143: 166 n. 65 1171: 1216: 0,, XII (5) 38: 230 n. S 1 238: 323 n. 303 570: 109 n. 140 720: 325 n. 324 893: 302 n. 105 1310: see PH 16 (7) 62: 212 n. 241 245: 230 n. Sl 506: see SyQ.• 390 515: 363 n. 621 (8) 162: 247 n. 150 171: 324 n. 314 260: 139 n. 302, 209 n. 213, OJ.n. 260, 281 n. 137 SuppL 168: 110 n. 140 347 I i-iii: 241 ft. 115 XIV 966: 353 n. 529 IGAA. 66: see IG 12 1019 IGRR I 843: see /G XII (8) 260 ID 732: 353 n. 530 733: 353 n. 530 IV 943: see SylL • 785 1031: see Syll. • 780 1042: seePH 25 1044: see PH 26 1049: see PH 128 1053: see PH 92 1087: see PH 344 1276: 367 n. 647 l 568: 332 n. 383 1570: 1611: lb. /JR I, 158: see TC 19

°'·

°'·

IL 2: IS n. 18

26: see Blinkenbcq, Drema M. P. Niu,on, 91 no. l 92: 251 n. 178 169: 131 n. 258 382 b: 247 n. 1S0 384: 303 n. 14 391: 168 n. 98 392: 0,, 615: lb. n. 97 660: 247 n. 150 I. Ma,. 18: see RC 31 22: see RC 34 23: see RC 33 36: 179 n. 20 42: 0,. 100: 143 n. 326, 182 n. 41 10S: 230 n. 52 /n,chr. Erytlual: 68 n. 203 /OSPE 1, 76: see SyU.1 1039 77: 177 n. 8 2, 36: 144 n. 338

570

J-,OL S3: 146 n. 34S, 148 n. 357, 207 n. 198, 222 n. 297 144: 57 n. 141 170: 0,. ll'h. 14: 177 n. 12 18: 177 n. 12, 235 n. 87 114: 230 n. S2 174: 208 n. 211 P. Jacobsthal, Dllkol, 26 no. 4; see CIG 2654 JHS 6, 188S, 256 no. 12: JOA.I 11, 1908, 53 no. 1: 56 no. 2: 23, 1926, B. 163ft':

see PH 8 see OGIS 46 94 n. S9 282 n. 14S

KF pp. 130-1: 276 n. 109 198: 151 M. 375-6. 1S2 n. 379. 173 n. 127 1: see OGIS 42 3: 185 n. 6S, 244 n. 131 4: 244 n. 131 5: 99 n. 84, 244 n. 131 9: see LSCG 160 10: see LSCG 161 12: 215 D. 263 13: 170 n. 104, 214 n. 254, 315 n. 226 15: 214 n. 254. 313 n. 197, 362 n. 605 31: 212 n. 243 36: S3 n. 123, 301 n. 91 40: 360 n. 582 46: 223 n. 304 96: 250 n. 176 101: 246 n. 147 115: 281 n. 141 129: 223 n. 301 133: 366 n. 639 162: 163: 329 n. 348 166: 371 n. 677 167: OJ. 169: see GV 1158 175: 215 n. 266, 251 n. 176 186: 176 n. 6 187:244n.131 188: 177 n. 8, 244 n. 131 190: 181 n. 33 210: 182 n. 39 212: 144 n. 338, 366 n. 643, 367 n. 647 217: 320 n. 276 KIio 2, 1902, 318-9: see Syll. 1 567 320: seeSyll. • 568 321ff.: see SylL 1 569 37, 1959, 63ff.: 86 n. 30, 87 n. 33 Ko,, p. 26: see Arch. Anr. 1901, 191

°'·

IAbraunda Ill 2, Th~ Gr~ek /n1cr. Pt. II 39, no. 40: 68 n. 204 42ff. no 42: 82 n. 5, 249 n. 167 48ff. no 43: 97 n. 71

571

LGS 13: see HG 9 I 37: see Syll. 1 1000 138: see PH 369 139: see LSCG 160 143: see SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484ff. no. 4 LSAG 276 no. 18: see SEG 4, 30 276 no. 19: see SEG 4, 29 LSAM 33: see/. Mc. 100 37: see Jr,Pr. 174 58: 153 n. 2 73: see SylL • 101S LSCG 65: see Syll. • 736 88: 201 n. 161 96: see SylL' 1024 135: 1ee IG XII (3) 330 150 A: seeHG 11 150 B: see HG 12 151 A: see HG 1 151 B: seeHG 2 151 C: see HG 3 151 D: see HG 4 152: 178 n. 18, 328 nn. 344-5, 335 n. 397, 343 n. 453 153: 329 n. 346 154: see HG 8 155: see HG 14 156: see HG 5 158: 346 n. 484 159: see HG 1S 160: 17 3 n. 128, 325 n. 323, 326 n. 325 161: 193 n. 108,203 n. 177,234 n. 81, 325 n. 323, 326 n. 326 162: see PH 30 163: seeNS 441 164: see NS 442 165: see HG 9 166: 115 n. 171, 185 n. 63, 186 n. 69, 201 n. 159, 206 n. 193, 211 n. 227, 298 n. 64, 313nn.213-7 167: see PH 28 168: see Syll. 1 1000 169 A: see PH 401 169 B: see PH 402 169 C: see PH 403 170: see ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, 159 no. IV 171: see BSA Ala. 40, 1953, 35ff. 172: see PH 369 173: see ASA.ANS 25-6, 1963, 183ff. no. XXVJ A 174: see SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 484ft'. no. 4 175: see HG 11 177: seeHG 10 LSCG SuppL 89: see Blinkenbeq, DragmaM. P. Nilaon. 91 no. I

0. Masson,1'ucr. chyprlote1 ,yllablque1, 1961, no. 217: 264 n. 46 MD.Al 3, 1950, 99ff: see Helll!nlca5, 104ff.

Meta, and Lewis 32: see Syll. • 4S 45: seeATL Il D 14 V Mlmotre1 Actlll. lnicr. 41, 1787, 326ff.: see XF pp. 130-1 Memorle Ill, p. 49: 330 n. 362 p. 50: 330 n. 361

572

Mi/et 1 (3) 137: SS n. 132, 179 n. 20 139: 96 n. 70, 179 n. 20 149: 235 n. 87 203: 230 n. 52 Muce/ltlneadi 1tudl In mem. A.uguno Rosten( 202-3, 326 n. 334, 362-3

1963, 162-3: 101 n. 93, 313 nn.

NDRC, 815-9: 133 n. 267, 145 n. 338, 196 n. 122, 252 n. 182, 254, ib. n. 193 NS 432: 177 n. 8, 244 n. 131, 324 n. 305 433: 99 n. 82, 228 n. 38 434: 133 n. 267 435: 244 n. 131 436: 177 n. 8 437: 176 n. 6, 244 n. 131 438: 130 n. 2S4 439 (+ BCH 59, 193S, 199): 316 n. 232 440: 24 n. 65 441: 132 n. 265, 197 n. 134,201 n. 161,202 nn. 162,165,315 n. 229, 326 n. 333, 327 n. 336, 371 n. 679 442: 201 n. 161, 211 n. 227 443: 333 n. 389, 3S9, n. 574, 370 n. 666 445: 214 n. 253, 302 n. 112, 328 n. 338 447: 295 n. 36 448: 313 n. 197, 319 n. 265 449: 370 n. 669 4SO: 325 n. 315 456: see OGIS 416 459: ISO n. 36S, 1S1 n. 369 460: 45 n. 338, 324 n. 311, 325 n. 315, 347 n. 488, 360 n. 579 461: 49 n. 104, 366 n. 644 462: 145 n. 338, 146 n. 345, 214 nn. 251, 254, 221 n. 287, 252 n. 191, 294 n. 30, 324 n. 311, 333 n. 389, 3S8 n. S69 465: 221 n. 289 466: 144 n. 337, 232 n. 64, 2S2 n. 181, 253 n. 18S, 313 n. 200 475: 150 n. 363, lb. nn. 365-6, 283 n. 147, 296 n. 51, 320 n. 276, 334 n. 290, 347 n. 488, 360 n. 579, 370 nn. 666-7 476: 150 n. 365 477: lb. 478: lb. 486: 37 n. 49 489: 360 n. 586 490: 360 n. 5 85 491: 360 n. 584 492: 313 n. 205, 314 n. 206, 317 n. 240, 361 n. 593 493: 360 n. 587 494: 361 n. 592 495: 361 n. 591 496: 294 n. 31, 361 n. 590 503: 99 n. 84, 172 n. 124 504: 246 n. 147 516: 248 n. 163 518: 248 n. 162 S19: lb. 520: 249 n. 166 521: 248 n.154 S23: 248 n. 162 526: 246 n. 141

S73

528: 248 n. 162 529: 0,. 530: 248 n. 154 537: 248 n. 162 541: 248 n. 158 543: 248 n. 162 545: a,. 546: a,. 547: 249 n. 166 S48: 248 n. 161 549: 249 n. 165 550: teePH213 551: 248 nn. 157, 160 553: 249 n. 166 562: 152 n. 384 571: 242 n. 123, 383 n. 31 586: 209 n. 221, 232 n. 65 590: 246 n. 147 613: 249 n. 166 620: 246 n. 147 653: 371 n. 677 662: 370 n. 666 665: 294 n. 31 668: 248 n. 156 615: 119 n. 192, 207 n. 202, 208 D. 203, 305 n. 135 676: 207 n. 202, 321 D. 278, lb. n. 282 680: 361 n. 594

OGIS S: tee RC l 6: 85 n. 26 8 a: 1ee GHJ 191 16: 94 n. 59 41: 93 n. 56 42: 103 M. 105,107, 112 n. 152,357 n. 556,358 n. 566 43: seePH 16 45: 93 n. 55 46: 94 n. 59 54: 111 n. 145, 192 n. 100 56: 93 n. 58 59: 93 n. 58, 94 n. 59 79: 93 n. SS 90: lb. n. 58 102: 93 n. 58 104: 282 n. 144 119: 93 n. S8 141: 84 n.16, 137 n. 289 215: see/11Pr.18 218: 145 n. 340, 148 D. 353 219: 143 n. 326 223: tee RC 15 229: 112 n. 150,143 n. 326, 177 n. 12 256: 282 n. 143 267: see RC 23 308: 136 n. 285 374: 282 n. 143 416: 250 n. 172 419: 144 n. 338

574

420: 0,, 458: 140 n. 306 515: 146 n. 344 G. Oliverio, DA.AI ii 1: 79 n. 267, 228 n. 38, 2S6 n. 1

n. 3: 188 n. 79 442: 101 n. 89, 301 n. 96 418-9: 60 n. 157,297 n. 52 24, 1969, 128 no. 1: 327 n. 337 132 no. 18: 122 o. 212 27, 1972, 183ff.: 133 nn. 268,270,186 n. 70,295 n. 37,303 nn. 122-3. 369 M. 664-5 30, 1975, 102-4: 146 n. 346 Peek,Jn,chr. A.,klq,. Epldaurv,. Berl. 1969, no. 42: 337 n. 412 lmcltr. ,on den dorucllm /1ueln, 46 no. 97: 106 n. 122, 136 n. 288, 270 n. 79 PH l: 83 n. 12, 176 n. 6, 187 n. 76,211 n. 229,244 nn. 131,133,324 n. 305 2: 177 n. 8,244 n. 131 3: 177 n. 8,244 n.131 4: 244 n. 131 5: 181 n. 37, 265 n. SO 7: teeRlv. FR. NS 20, 1942, 13-8 no. 6 B 8= 135 n. 283, 136 n. 285 9: 182 nn. 39, 45, 184 n. 55 10: 25 nn. 69, 73, 116 n. 174, 119 n. 192, 121 nn. 204-S, 125 n. 232, 130 n. 254, 171, 172 n. 121, 179 nn. 21-2, 180 n. 28, 195 n. 120,200 n. 150,208 n. 210,211 n. 229,212 n. 242,214 n. 257,217 n. 277,251 n.177, 262 n. 33,266 n. 53,268 n. 66,269 n. 74, 270 n. 76,271 n. 83, 315 n. 219 11: 214 n. 258 12: 21S n. 261 13 (+ NS 438): 130 n. 254, 177 n. 8,268 n. 65, 315 nn. 225,228, 357 n. 555 14: 357 n. SSS 16 (+ EE III, 33-7): 92 nn. S1-2 17: 86 n. 30, 87 nn. 32-3 24: 316 nn. 230-1 25: 149 n. 359, 222 n. 293 26 (+PdelP 30, 1975, 102-5): 146 n. 346, lb. n. 347 27: see LSCG 166 28: 203 n. 177, 210 n. 227, 211 n. 229 29: see LSCG 160 30: 197 n. 130, 202 n. 170, 203 n. 177, 211 n. 229, 346 n. 484, 34 7 n. 488 31: 59 n. 151 32: 198 n. 139, 207 n. 197 34: 111 n. 146,214 n. 254, 294 n. 28 35: 137 n. 291,347 n. 491 36: see HG 10 37: see HG l 38: seeHG 2 39: seeHG 3 40: see HG 5 43: seeHG 9 44: 116 n. 174,170 nn.107-110, 329 n. 347 45: 170 n. 104, 31S nn. 226-7 49: 244 n. 131 50: 244 n. 131 54: 361 nn. 595-6 SS: 29S n. 36 57: 333 n. 389, 362 n. 609 PdelP 12, 1957, 335

57S

S8: S9: 61: 62: 63: 64:

65: 66: 67: 68: 69: 70:

302 n. 111 214 n. 2S3, 302 n. 112, 328 n. 338 330 n. 362 362 n. 604 250 n. 173 see Eissfeldt, Kl. Sehrt/ten 11. 309-12 144 n. 338,170 n. 112,206 nn. 192-3 144 n. 338,206 nn. 192-3 206 nn. 192-3 371 n. 677 327 n. 337

a,_

°'·

71: tee OG/S 141 73: 74: 37 n. 46 75: seeOG/S 416 80: 142 n. 324 84: 144 n. 338, 151 n. 375 86: 151 n. 37S 92: 284 n. 158, 358 n. 571 93: 151 n. 370, 151 n. 375 94: 150 n. 367,198 n. 140 97: 223 n. 305 98: 103: 194n.113 104: 358 n. 569 105: 134 n. 278 106: 366 n. 643 107: 214 n. 254 108: 170 n.113, 212 n. 243,213 n. 244 109: 214 n. 254 118: 212 n. 243, 213 n. 244 119: 212 n. 243,214 n. 251,214 n. 254 120: 223 n. 302 121: 223 n. 303 125: 195 n. 115,294 n. 23,324 n. 311,360 n. 578 128: 131 n. 259 129: 196 n. 123 130: 144 n. 338, 358 n. 571 137: 224 n. 2 148: 37 nn. 42, 49, 38 n. 50 149: tee HG p. 3Sa 151: seeHG p. 3St 152: 173 n. 127 1S5: 360 n. 582 156: 361 n. 589 157: 360 n. 583 158: 360 n. 585 165: 246 n. 147 167: 99 n. 84 171: u,_ 180: 246 n. 147 187: 252 n. 181 188: a,, 194: 246 n. 147 207: 248 n. 159 209: 248 n. 162 210: teeNS 551

°'·

576

211: seeNS 547 213: 99 n. 84. 246 n. 141 214: 248 n. 164 215: 248 n. 162 216: 0,. 218: 245 n. 139 221: 87 n. 3S 224: 246 JL 147 225: 245 n. 139 227: 87 n. 36 238: 223 n. 302 25S: 246 n. 147 2S6: 252 n. 181 262: 24S n. 139 267: 0,. 277: lb. 278: 2S0 n. 173 282: 281 n. 141 296: 99 n. 84, 246 n. 141 308: 222 n. 298 309: 232 n. 65,242 n. 123. 253 n. 185. 383 n. 31 337; 366 n. 639 341: 246 n. 147 344: 59 nn. 151-2, 172 n. 124,173 n. 127,182 n. 45, 196 n. 122,251 n. 180,272 n. 88 345: ISO n. 363, DJ.nn. 365-6, 283 nn 147-9, 370 n. 666 347: 182 n. 45, 296 n. 40, 360 n. S79 348: 338 n. 418 349: 324 n. 312, 365 n. 636 350: 73 n. 224 362: 144 n. 338, 333 n. 389 367: seeASAA NS 25-6, 1963, 183-7 no. XXVI A 368: see OJkl.187ff. no. XXVI B 369: 61 n. 168,300 n. 83,305 nn. 134, 137 370: 218 n. 278, 320 n. 277 371: 214 n. 254, 338 n. 418,360 n. 588 372: 303 n. 118, 327 n. 337 373: 182 n. 46 382: 182 n. 45,219 n. 279,220 n. 285, 361-2 383: 183 n. S4 384: 168 n. 94, 170 n. 107 386: see HG 17 387: 214 n. 2S9, 217 n. 276, 304 n. 125, 321 n. 278 388: 320 n. 277 393: 60 n. 162, 156 n. 24 394: 60 n. 162, 156 n. 24 n. 272,323 n. 303,330 n. 3S9, 401: 59 n. 147,293 n. 21,298 n. 60,304,129,320 339 n. 419, 346 n. 483, 347 n. 491 402: 196 n. 127,293 n. 21,325 n. 315 403: 191 n. 98,293 n. 21 404: 215 n. 260, 219 n. 283, 268 n. 67 406: 347 n. 491 407: 361 n. 594 408: 348 n. 495, lb. n. 496 409: 281 n. 139 411: see ASAA NS 25-6, 1963, 182 no. XXII 425: 243 n. 127 PhlloL 85, 1930, 160: see OG/S 16 87, 1932, 235-7 no. 14: !ee KF 169 37 Ancient Cos (Hyp. 51)

577

PltB. Wodr. 1932 no. 52, 1011-7: 311 nn. 185-6 Pouilloux, Reclao-clln Tltuo,, 1954, 37 no. 7: 241 n. 115 RC 1: 85 n. 26 3-4: 85 nn. 23-5 15: 85 n. 26, 96 n. 69 23: 126 n. 235 25: 96 n. 68, 110 n. 144, 112 n. 152, 137 n. 292,243 n. 128 26: 112 n. 152 27: 93 n. S8, 112 n. 153 30: 96 n. 65 31: 93 n. 58, 112 n. 150 33: 112 n. 150 34: 93 n. S8, 112 n. 150 RDGE 32: see AM 15, 1960, 90-3 no. 5 34: tee SylL • 601 35: see SylL9 618 36: 222 n. 29S 49: see Rt,, FQ. NS 16, 1938, 253-63 65: see OG/S 458 67: see SylL • 780 Recud 34: tee SylL • 344 417: see TC XVI 720: 1ee SylL • 1000 798: seePH 349 Ribezzo, RIG/ VIII, 1924, 83ff.: see SEG 4 29 86ff.: see lb. 30 Rt,. FI. NS 11, 1933, 365: 119 n. 192, ib. n. 194, 123 n. 217, 177 n. 11,200 n. 150, 209 n. 217, 210n. 223 12, 1934, 169ff.: 87 n. 30, 110 n. 141, 125 n. 217, 228 n. 38 16,.1938, 253-63: 140 n. 306, 230 n. 52, 316 n. 234 20, 1942, 1 no. 1: see TC 19 5 no. 2: 32 n. 17, 88 n. 38, 89 n. 42, 96 n. 67, 123 n. 217, 125 n. 233, 126 n. 234, 128 n. 246, 155 nn. 14, 17, 176 n. 4, 181 n. 34, 184 n. 59, 295 n. 38 8-9 no. 3: 269 n. 75 9-10 no. 4a: 266 n. 54 12 no 6 A: see PH 17 13ff. no 6 B: 62 n. 169, 110 n. 142, 122 M. 214-17, 123 n. 220 18 no. 6 C a: 87 n. 30, 87 n. 34 no. 6 C b: see PH 221 19 no. 6 C c: see PH 221 10-11: see GV 946 15: 88 n. 41, 89 n. 42 16: 119 n. 192 Rfl. lit. Arch. 6, 1938, 191-8: see LSCG 152 193: see LSCG 153 SB Berl. Ak. 1901, 472: see Syll. 1 568 478 no. 2: 184 n. 55, 320 n. 267 481 no. 3: 125 n. 232, 215 n. 262 484ff. no. 4: 88 n. 37, 141 n. 312, 147 nn. 349,352, 353, 148 n. 356. 154 n. 8, 253 n. 191, 300 n. 87, 366 n. 644, 383 n. 33

493 no. 5: 145 n. 338, 330 n. 362 (5 not 4) 1905, 979ff.: see SylP 590

578

see Archt, Rei. 10, 1907, 211 see AM 44, 1919, 4ff. no. 5 F see lb. no. S H see lb. 16 no. 7, 7 .ee lb. 21ff. no. 9 tee lb. 24 no. 11 «o: 222 n. 295 2 579: see BCH 46, 1922, 307-19 3 S87: tee LSCG 88 740: see Bull. Mu,. Imp. Rom. 3, 1932, 22 no. 19 4 29: 81 n. 279 30: 81 n. 279 S21: see JOA.I 23, 1926, B. 163ff. 9 2: tee G. Oliverio, DAAI ii 1 8 111: 140 n. 306 63: 256 n. 2 11 414: 337 n. 412 435: 48 n. 96 12 368: see A.qlia,rkunden no. 1 369: see lb. no. 2 370: see lb. no. 3 371: see lb. no. 4 372: see 0. no. S 373: see 0,. no. 6 374: see 0,. no. 7 375: see 0,. no. 8 376: see 0,. no. 9 377: see lb. no. 10 378: see lb. no. 11 379: see lb. no. 12 380: see lb. no. 13 381: see lb. no. 14 383: see lb. no. 16 14 529: see BSA Alu. 40. 1953 35ff. 16 326: see BCH 80, 1956 579ff. no. 7 418: 367 n. 647 18 328: see ASA.ANS 25-6, 1963 159 no. IV SERod. 72: 247 n. JSO SGDI 880: 325 n. 319 3500: see GJBM 186 3505: 183 n. 54 3585: see TC XVI 3592: see TC 79 3595: 324 n. 314 3611: see TC 74 3621: see RIP. FU. NS 20, 1942, 13-8 no. 6 B 3624: seePH 10 3630: see PH 30 3632: see SyU.1 1000 3635: see PH 35 3656: see PH 128 5666: 299 n. 72 3698: see PH 344 3707: see PH 369 5773: 53 n. 123 Smallwood, Doc. Gabll, C'llludiu1 and Nero, no. 379: see PH 26 Die Stoatw~ 228: see JG XII (2) 1 257: see JG 1111 43 SEG 1 344: 350: 354: 362: 363: 364:

579

260: see TAM ll (3) 1183 492: see OGJS 229 545: see RIP. FU. NS 20, 1942, 5 no. 2 561: see AD 16, 1960. 94-7, no. A Sy/J.I 4: 235 ft, 87 45: 46 n. 92 129: see JG XII (1) 977 147: see JG 112 43 167: see GH/ 138 168: 68 n. 203 173: see /G ff 1 111 258: 179 n. 20 279: lb. 283: 78 n. 260 322: 85 n. 26 323: 97 n. 70 337: 90 n. 47 344: see RC 3-4 390: 91 n. 49 398: 107 nn. 125. 126. 127, 111 n. 146, 171. 176 n. 4, 178 n. 15,202 n. 167, 203 n. 176, 210 n. 227. 294 n. 27, 301 n. 93, 310 n. 178, 326 n. 333, 327 n. 335, 329 n. 356, 341 n. 441 434: 329 n. 357 456: see RC 25 518: see /G XI (4) 1097 538 B: 128 n. 247, 269 n. 75, 270 n. 78 567: 119 n. 191, 125 nn. 230-1, 177 n. 13, 182 n. 39,209 n. 213,210 nn. 223-4 568: 119 n. 192,120 nn. 195-7, 121 n. 207,122 n. 212,123 n.217, 182 n. 4S, ib. n. 46, 183 nn. 49, 53 569: 62 n. 169, 119 nn. 192-4, 120 nn. 195-7, 121 nn. 206-10, 123 n. 217, 126 n. 235, 182 n. 39, 183 nn. 49, 53, 208 nn. 205, 210-1, 225 n. 10 572: 127 n. 238 S90: 130 n. 254, 181 n. 33, 185 n. 64 601: 222 n. 295 618: lb.

672: 212 n. 239 673: see /G XII (3)103 695: see /. Ma,. 100 736: 212 n. 239 780: 140 n. 306 785: 139 n. 300 793: see SB B~rl. Ak. 1901, 483ff. no. 4 805: see PH 94 806: 150 n. 363, OJ.n. 368, 283 n. 146 922: see HG p. 35 n 928: see lb. p. 929: see OJ.I 943: see PH 5 953: see TC 19 1000: 129 n. 249,209 nn. 213, 216,220,210 nn. 223, 226-7, 211 M. 230, 233-4, 228 n. 36, 229-235, 242 n. 122, 274 n. 96, 298 n. 62-3, 304 n. 125, 314 n. 208, 325 nn. 317-8, 328 n. 338, 332 n. 376, 381 n. 19, 382 n. 23 1003: see J,Pr. 174 1006: see HG 17 1012: see lSCG 166 1015: 201 n. 161, 202 n. 166, 303 n. 121 1023: see ASAA NS 2S-6, 1963, 183-7 no. XXV1 A

580

1024: 1025: 1026: 1027: 1028: 1039: 1044: 1066: 1106:

293 n. 19 1 2 3 9 201 n. 161, 202 n. 166 363 n. 621, 364 n. 624 see PH 105 see HG 10

see HG see HG see HG see HG

TAM II (3) 1183: 68 n. 201 TC XII: see Rtv. Fll. NS 20, 1942, 5 no. 2 XIV: see w. 8-9 no. 3 XVI: 124 n. 227 XXII: see Syll. • 5 38 B

XXVI: see PH 61 XXXIII: 129 n. 251 8: 157 n. 25 17: 124 n. 227 18: 124 n. 227, 157 n. 25 28: 124 n. 227,157 ~ 25 29: 124 n. 227 30: 124 n. 227 31:157n.2S 34: 124 n. 227, 157 n. 25 36: 157 n. 25 39: ib. S3: 124 n. 227, 157 n. 25 57: 124 n. 227 58: 124 n. 227,256 ~ 2 61: 124 n. 227 64: see Syll. • 567 74: 109 nn. 137,140,117 nn. 179-80, 118 n. 181, 155 n. 15, 176 n. 6,201, n. 160 78: 200 n. 153, 266 n. 54 79: 72 n. 220, 107 n. 126, 201 n. 158 85: 106 n. 122, 125 n. 232 88: 125 n. 232, 157 n. 25, 136 n. 288 98: 157 n. 25 117: 324 n. 314 119: 347 n. 493 137 B: see Memork Ill, 49 153: 174 n. 130 158: 102 n. 96 161: 102 n. 96 164:174n.130 167: 174 n. 132 169: 102 n. 96, 174 n. 132 171 : I 74 n. 130 175: 102 n. 96 176: 174 n. 132 177: 174 n. 130 189: 174n.132 190: lb. 192: 102 n. 96 196: 174 n. 196 219: see GV 946

581

250: 125 n. 230, 196 n. 121 Dulltllld 11, 883-6: 371 n. 675 G. Levi Della Vida,

M,ta.,

ZPE 2S, 1977, 265 no. 1: 265 n. 51,270 n. 78

270 no. 2: 60 n. 163, 265 n. 51, 266 n. 52 272-4 no. 3: 262 n. 33, 265 n. 51 274 no. 4: 265 n. 51 275 no. 5: lb.

582