Analysis and value judgment 9780918728203

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Introduction (Barclay Brown, page 1)
Chapter One The Art of Noises: Futurist Manifesto (page 23)
Chapter Two Polemics, Battles, and the First Performances of the Noise Instruments (page 31)
Chapter Three Physical Principles and Practical Possibilities (page 37)
Chapter Four The Noises of Nature and Life (Timbres and Rhythms) (page 41)
Chapter Five The Noises of War (page 49)
Chapter Six The Noises of Language (Consonants) (page 55)
Chapter Seven The Conquest of Enharmonicism (page 61)
Chapter Eight Enharmonic Notation (page 67)
Chapter Nine The Noise Instruments (page 75)
Chapter Ten The Orchestra of Noise Instruments (page 81)
Chapter Eleven The Art of Noises: New Acoustical Pleasures (page 85)

Citation preview

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were marked. The sound thus produced has been compared to a cross between a guitar and a mandolin. As one listener related, there

was a constant “crackling” sound, like “telephonic interference.” ' The slight personal recognition accorded Russolo by his contemporaries, and more importantly the almost complete lack of monetary reward, undoubtedly helped to cut short the career of one of the most ingenious inventors of this century. Had Russolo found the encouragement to continue his activities, he would surely have gone on to create still other new, startling, and unheard-of

'3Melos (VII/1) January 1928, p. 14. '4Painlevé, letter of January 23, 1975 (cited above). 'Russolo, “L’Archet enharmonique.” ‘Review by Pierre Mundru, Ruy Blas (Paris), July 1, 1927. 16

INTRODUCTION

instruments. Indeed, it seems to have been only the lack of funds that prevented him from doing so. Among the personal effects left by Russolo, for instance, is a

sketch for a patent of an organ pipe that could produce two different pitches simultaneously. Another patent for an “enharmonic piano” describes an instrument that is not a piano at all but rather an

instrument in which the sound is created by rosined belts rubbing

against metal springs. The' springs could be depressed, thus changing their pitch. Had he been financially able, it seems likely that Russolo would have continued to pour forth new ideas and to enrich the world with his unusual instruments.

The disappearance of Russolo’s instruments is a great loss. It would be interesting to hear what the instruments actually sounded like. It would be fascinating to recapture the sounds of those first noise-music concerts that so disturbed and intrigued their audiences.

Yet, even if the instruments had survived, it is unlikely that they would evoke the same kind of interest today. The sounds of new instrumental techniques and of electronic synthesis have become so familiar that Russolo’s instruments could hardly be expected to produce the same surprise and wonder that they once did. The idea of introducing the noises of automobiles and airplanes into music is by now well dated. Electronic instruments are capable of producing a far greater variety of timbre and dynamics. Still, Russolo’s creations served their purpose. They dramatized for an astonished world the emergence of a new musical aesthetic.

They fostered a new idea of musical creativity, in which the composer could create his own timbres and designate his own pitches (and not just those indicated by conventional music notation). If the instruments did not survive, these ideas did. More

than to any other individual, they owe their existence to the example of Russolo, which established the precedent, and thus eventually the intellectual atmosphere in which they could thrive. Russolo’s instruments grew out of the impetus of Marinetti’s poetical technique called “free words”; and it is logical that they took the form they did. It was no coincidence that Russolo’s first instrument was a burster, imitating the noise of an automobile. Had

not one of Marinetti’s earliest original poems been his “A mon Pégasse,” devoted to the praise of his beloved 100-horsepower Isotta Fraschini? Marinetti’s noise onomatopoeias were most frequently drawn from the machines of an industrial society and the machines of modern war. Thus, Russolo’s instruments evoked the 17

INTRODUCTION

noises of automobiles, dynamos, train whistles, and machine guns. The titles of his first noise-music compositions, such as “Meeting of

Automobiles and Airplanes” or “Skirmish at the Oasis” (never completed—but obviously suggested by Marinetti) plainly show the aesthetic origins of the instruments. Because of these beginnings, Russolo is often associated with the

so-called “machine music” that reached its heyday in the mid1920’s. Beyond doubt, his role in this trend is a vital one. His “Meeting of Automobiles and Airplanes” may be the very first piece

that incorporates the sound of the internal combustion engine in music, Pratella’s opera, Z’Aviatore Dro (1915) again used Russolo’s

burster to depict the noise of an airplane engine—some years before the proposed use of such an engine in the Satie-Cocteau ballet, Parade. Indeed, the entire concept of machine music may go back to the early futurist manifestos of Russolo and Pratella. Both Marinetti and Russolo, however, were painfully aware of the accusation that Russolo’s first noise pieces were essentially imitative

and associative in their musical concepts. In an announcement of the first noise-music concert at Marinetti’s house in August of 1913, Marinetti took care to repudiate these accusations: “The four noise

networks are not simple impressionistic reproductions of the life that surrounds us but moving hypotheses of noise music. By a knowledgeable variation of the whole, the noises lose their episodic, accidental, and imitative character to achieve the abstract elements

of art.”'" Russolo writes a similiar repudiation at the end of the present work. Marinetti later developed his free-words technique to the point of complete abstraction. Some of his poems use only invented “words,” apparently lacking entirely in any denotative meaning. Russolo, too, felt the need for music more appropriate for his instruments, and after the invention of the noise harmonium, turned increasingly to improvisation. It would be a mistake, however, to assume that the critics of the

early noise pieces were correct in condemning them for their imitative content. The pieces had no written program, only suggestive titles. The description furnished by the Pall Mall Gazette

correspondent seems to be personal fantasy. Unfortunately, it is _ impossible to appraise the music itself, since only two pages of the '"L’Herault Beliers (note 2). 18

INTRODUCTION

scores appear to have survived. Even though Russolo was not trained as a composer—or perhaps because of it—it is entirely possible that the music had more value than his contemporaries recognized. The London correspondent’s description of the music, in fact, gives the impression that its formal organization was similar to that of many avant-garde compositions today. If these first pieces had dwelt on the futurist themes of technology and modern life, Russolo had assumed a broader outlook from the very beginning. His opening manifesto, with its six families of noises,

embraces not just the noises of the modern world but all noises. Indeed, a number of his instruments produced noises reminiscent of natural phenomena, such as wind, rain, and thunder. Other instruments like the crackler or the rubber created sounds for which Russolo himself could find no analogy in existing noises. The very act of constructing the instruments brought forth a new awareness of the nature of noises and of their complexity. Whether by chance or intent, the mechanism that Russolo selected to vary the pitch of his noises produced a continuous change of tension rather than discrete steps or stages. As a result, Russolo was forced to take account of microtones in his new music. Although his chapters on

enharmonicism and its notation say little of the compositional potentialities of the new resource, they do make it clear that he actually employed microtones in these first pieces. Thus, Russolo

was among the earliest musicians to put the often-discussed microtone to regular practical use. Russolo’s concerns, then, eventually came to take in much more than futurist doctrine. After the original noise music concerts, he seldom returned to the themes of technology and modernism in the music that he performed. The music written for him by his brother and others is almost entirely free of imitative usages. He himself turned increasingly to the technical and mechanical elements of his art; and it is in this that the real significance of his efforts lies. Russolo’s views looked forward to the time when composers would exercise an absolute choice and control of the sounds that their music employed: He was the precursor of electronic music before electronics had come of age. In this, he was virtually unique.

No other musician of his time could have envisioned such a sweeping renovation of the materials of music.

There is no direct link between Russolo and the so-called “experimental music” that burst forth at the end of the second

World War. Yet, there can be no doubt that Russolo’s efforts exerted 19

INTRODUCTION

a strong influence both in the turbulent cultural events that preceded the war and in those that followed. Such composers as Leo Ornstein and George Antheil owed more to Russolo’s example than they cared to admit. In the 1920's, the many mechanistic ballets and other instances of machine music could trace their ancestry directly

back to the ideas that Russolo had advanced in 1913. There are other cases of Russolo’s influence: the chorus of frogs near the end of Ravel's opera L’Enfant et les sortileges was the direct result of his

hearing Russolo’s croaker. Such diverse composers as Arthur Honegger, Serge Prokofief, and Frederick Converse were eventually

drawn into this circle of influence.

Russolo’s ideas also produced a more subtle influence that derived from his association with Marinetti. The chief source of this influence lay in the affinity of noise music and noise poetry. During the closing years of the first World War, the nascent Dada movement

in Zurich showed a special attraction to the Italian futurist movement. Tristan Tzara kept up a long correspondence with Marinetti, gradually introducing into Dada “concepts from Futurism which were to become central to the Dada canon, concepts such as ‘simultaneity and ‘bruitism’ or noise-music.”'* The early years of

Dada were marked by its own version of noise music, which accompanied the many recitations and improvisations that nightly regaled the clientele of the Cabaret Voltaire. These years left their imprint on Dada as it spread abroad. As Dada established itself, first in Paris and then in New York and

Germany, it carried with it the kernels of the ideas that it had inherited from futurism. Such artists as Duchamps and Picabia painted mechanistic themes reminiscent of the early futurist shows in Paris. Others like Kurt Schwitters created long noise poems that

had clearly found their impetus in the poems of Marinetti. And everywhere that Dada went, it carried with it the legend of noise music. Certainly, Dada eventually transformed the original futurist ideas into something quite distinct and individual (and it was

Marinetti’s failure to recognize this that caused the final rift between him and Tzara). At the same time, however, noise poetry and noise music had found a rebirth in Dada. It was through the agency of Dada and related movements that the

ideas of Russolo were transmitted to the future. However indirect

'8Kenneth Coutts-Smith, Dada (London, 1970). 20

INTRODUCTION

this link may have been, it helped to create the intellectual atmosphere that was to make possible such diverse phenomena as musique concréte, happenings, and electronic synthesizers. Russolo, in the meantime, had been forgotten. His part in helping to bring

about this new world had been condensed to a few sentences in

some books on 20th-Century music. His role was a vital one, , nevertheless, and perhaps the revival of this volume will help to restore him to his rightful place in the history of present-day music.

The first chapter of the volume is a reprint of Russolo’s 1913 manifesto. Chapters Seven and Eight are slightly revised versions of

articles that Russolo had published in the Florentine magazine, Lacerba. Otherwise, the book seems to have been especially written

for this 1916 edition. It has been out of print too long. In making this translation, I have tried to follow Russolo’s Italian as Closely as possible. At times the difference between Russolo’s

long and flowing sentences and my own crabbed academese became too great, however, so that his sentences have been broken up into shorter ones simply for the sake of readability. For the most

part, though, it is Russolo and not I who is responsible for the literary style. Barclay Brown August 12, 1983

21

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