ANALOGY AND ITS EFFECT UPON THE EVOLUTION OF THE GERMAN STRONG VERB

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LD3907 l8lp s 7 Mohr, Ernest, 1893* 1950 Analogy and its effect upon the .L'o evolution of the German strong verb, New York, 19f?0. ill,228,la-5a typewritten leaves, tables, 29cm. Thesis (Ph.D.) - New York Univer­ sity, Graduate School, 1950. Bibliography: p.iii. C50667

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T H IS D IS S E R T A T IO N HAS BEEN M IC R O F IL M E D E X A C T L Y AS R E C E IV E D .

LIBRARY OP HPW YORK UNIVERSITY UmiTERSITI HEIGHTS

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY

ANALOGY AND ITS EFFECT UPON THE EVOLUTION OF THE GERMAN STRONG VERB

ERNEST MOHR

A dissertation in the Department of German submitted to the faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Science in perttcutar fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Degree conferred in February 1950

I

Preface The following study was undertaken at the suggestion of Professor Murat Roberts to ascertain to what degree analogy has influenced the development of the strong verb in German. With each verb used as a paradigm, its principal parts are given, as a framing device, in Gothic, Old Saxon, and Old English (if available and illustrating special charac­ teristics).

In addition, the principal parts of every

verb are given in Old High German, Middle High German, and New High German.

The comment on each verb is made

complete under that verb, and. the arrangement is such that similar parts of different verbs may be easily compared. At the end of each chapter, a summary of the class of verbs dealt with is given;

it illustrates the characteristic

analogical changes of this group.

Statistical tables have

been added to indicate by number and by percentage the anal ogical changes found, in the various groups as well as in the whole body of strong verbs. I wish to acknowledge gratefully my debt to Professor Murat Roberts for his many helpful suggestions, his pain­ staking supervision, and his repeated reading.

Without

his help anf friendly encou^ragement this dissertation would hardly have been finished. I wish further to express my thanks to Professor J.Alexander Kerns under whom I studied Indo-European

id \o4^

II

verb forms and who was kind enough to grant me permission to use the notes collected from him during these semesters, and upon which my chapter on"Analysis of verb-formation" is mainly based.

In addition to this permission Professor

Kerns gave me numerous valuable suggestions, lent me many books not otherwise obtainable, and read and discussed with me each chapter. Furthermore, I am greatly indebted to Professor Robert Fowkes for his valuable suggestions and repeated reading. I likewise owe a word of thanks to Professor Ernst Rose for his never failing valuable help. Last but not least I wish to express my thanks to Professor Richard Parker for his careful and time-absorbing proof-re%ings.

Ill

Bibliography Behaghel, Otto

Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache, Strassburg 1911

Braune, VVilh.

Althochdeutsche Grammatik,

Halle,1936.

Braune, Wilh.

Althochdeutsches Lesebuch,

Halle ,1928

Brugmann,Karl.

Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg,1904

Dieter,F.

Laut-u.Formenlehre der altgerman.Dialekte Leipzig, 1900.

Duden

Rechtschreibung der deutschen Sprache Leipzig 1915

Graff

Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz

Holthausen,F.

Altsflcflisch.es Elemen tarbuch.Heidelberg 1921

Kluge, Friedr.

Etymologisches Wttrterbuch der deutschen Sprache Strassburg 1894

Berlin 1834

Lexers, Matthias Mittelhochdeutsches Taschenwttiserbuch Leipzig 1944 Loewe, Richard

Germanische Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin 1933

Naumann, Hans

Althochdeutsche Grammatik

Naumann, Hans

Althochdeutsches Elementarbuch Berlin 1937

Paul, Hermann

Principien der Sprachgeschichte, Halle 1886

Prokosch, E.

A Comparative ffermanic Grammar ,Philadelphia 1939

Sievers,Ed.

rjn -atian

Streitberg, Wilh

Berlin 1923

Paderborn 1892

Urgermanische Grammatik, Heidelberg 1896

Wright, Jos.

Grammar of the Gothic Language , Oxford 1910

Wright, Jos.

Old English Grammar

Oxford

Wright, Jos.

Old High-German Primar

Oxford 1888

1

Introduction Human language is a spontaneous product of mankind. Nature gave us only the ability to utter sounds.

Not

until these sounds formed words, and not until these words, arranged in a certain order, acquired special meanings can we say that language came to life.

Language

represents therefore a tacit agreement between a group of people to accept common symbolic values for certain arrangements of sounds.

Thus language is a social in­

stitution of communication. Like all other social institutions language is subject to changes.

The meaning of individual words may undergo

changes, as i.e., the German

word "Knecht" means today

something quite different from its English cognate "knight". On the other hand, the symbolic value of a word may be kept, while the sounds, representing this word, may shift, as the German word "Woche" and its English cognate "week". It is often difficult to give plausible explanations for these phonetic changes, the more so, since the extant documents are very limited; and in earlier times, of course, nobody cared to write a descriptive, let alone a historical grammar of his home dialect. In order to try at least to find explanations for these changes we must compare the various related languages.

But

£

which languages are related?

It is easy to recognize the

group of Germanic languages as related.

But do these form

a relatively small, isolated group, or may there be a correlation between this group and other languages or group of languages?

About a hundred years ago the belief

was general that the Germanic as well as the Latin and Greek languages had developed from Sanscrit.

Since then

it has been recognized that many more languages, indeed whole groups of languages, are likewise related to Greek, Latin, Sanscrit, and Germanic.

One is now convinced that

none of these four languages is the original one, that rather all are derived from one parent language, which is called the Indo-European language.

Unfortunately,

nothing of this Indo-European is left to us in inscriptions or manuscripts. What is known about this language has been merely painstakingly reconstructed during the last hundred years by comparing the given languages with one another. This was the more difficult, because a language lives only in the mouth of its speakers.

But two persons never

do speak exactly alike, and even between whole groups of persons real differences exist. It is to be regretted that all literary documents of the Germanic languages up to 700 A.D. (with the exception of the fragments of Wulfila1 ,s translation of the Bible

3

into Gothic about 380 A.D.) have been irreparably lost, for even the most painstaking efforts in reconstructing these languages by comparison will never completely close the gap that these so eventful centuries represent (period of the "Vttlkerwanderung"). The development of languages takes place in two ways: 1)

according to certain phonetic laws, which may be called

the normal way but which will often end in a deadlock; and 2)

by "analogy!! i.e., by adjustment to well known patterns.

1 do not believe that there has ever been any spoken language that does not show examples of analogy. The purpose of this dissertation is to show the effect of analogy on strong or originally strong verbs in Old High German (OHG), based primarily on the Tatian (T), written in the East Franconian dialect (EF).

We shall see if it

is possible to set up certain rules for analogical changes and to indicate probabilities for future developments.

On

the basis of the available material, I wish to show, how these verbs had come from the West Germanic mother tongue into Old High German, from there into Middle High German, and finally into the Modern High German.

Quite often I

shall have to go back further into Primitive Germanic (PG), if not into Indo-European (IE) itself. Since, unfortunately, nothing has been preserved from Indo-European, Primitive

4

Germanic or even West Germanic, I must try to reconstruct missing forms by comparison with related languages of that era, primarily with Latin.

It is further of great help to

use for comparison the Gothic language as the oldest record­ ed Germanic language; and quite often in Old English (OE) or Old Saxon (OS) a verb form may be found which cannot be traced in Old High German documents. In the same way, the Old High German recording of the famous "Hildebrandlied" stops short before the tragic end, which would remain un­ known to us, if we had not found its conclusion in a manuscript in Old Norse.

5

Chapter I

"Analogy”

In order to give a definition of the word "analogy” we quote: 1)

Webster's Dictionary: Analogy - agreement, resemblance,

or correspondence in relations between different objects, the inference as to general agreement which is derived from similarity in certain essential particulars; conformity of its parts to the general rules and structures of a language. 2)

Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th Ed.Vol.I p.912:

Analogy: (Greec, propoBtion), a term signifying (1) in general, resemblance which falls short of absolute similarity or iden­ tity. Thus by analogy, the word "loud”, originally applied to sounds, is used of garments which obtrude themselves on the attention, all metaphor is thus a kind of analogy. 2) Euclid used the term for proportional equality; but in mathe­ matics it is now obsolete except in the phrase "Napier's Ana­ logies" in spherical trigonometry. 3) in grammar, it signifies similarity in the dominant characteristics of a.language, derivation, orthography and so on. 4) In logic, it is used of arguments by inference from resemblances between known particulars to other particulars which are not observed. Under the name of "example" the process is explained by Aristotle (prior Anal.II.4) as an inference which differs from induction in having a particular, not a general conclus­ ion; i.e., if A is demonstrably like B in certain respects,

6

it may be assumed to be like it in another, though the latter is not demonstrated.

Kant and his followers state

the distinction otherwise, i.e., induction argues from the possession of an attribute by many members of a class that all members of the class possess it, while analogy argues that, because A has some of B's qualities, it must have them all.

J.S.Mill very properly rejects this artifi­

cial distinction, which is in practice no distinction at all; he regards induction and analogy as generically the same, though differing in the demonstrative validity of their evidence, i.e., induction proceeds on the basis of scientific, causal connection, while analogy, in absence of proof, temporarily accepts a probable hypothesis.

In

this sense, analogy may obviously have a universal conclus­ ion.

This type of Inference is of the greatest value In

physical science, which has frequently and quite legitimately used such conclusions until a negative instance has disproved or further evidence confirmed them.

The value of such in­

ferences depends on the nature of the resemblances on which they are based and on that of the differences which they disregard.

If the resemblances are small and unimportant

and the differences great and fundamental, the argument is known as "False Analogy".

Strictly the argument by analogy

is based on similarity of relations between things, not on the similarity of things, though it is, in general, extended

7

to cover the latter. The term was used In a special sense by Kant in his phrase

‘'Analogies of Experience", the third and most

important group in his classification of the a priori elements of knowledge.

By it he understood the fundament­

al laws of pure natural science under the three heads: substantiality, causality, reciprocity. 3)

Encyclopaedia Britannica

14th Ed.Vol.I p.864: Analogy:

originally the general term analogy appears to have been used in the sense of "proportion", and so confined to quantitative relationships.

Thus, for instance, the

relation between three and four would be described as analogous tte that between nine and twelfe, or, more gene­ rally, the relation x and y would be described as analogous to that between nx and ny.

Analogy in this sense could

obviously serve as a basis for reliable inferences. In the solutions of equations of many kinds it is usually possible to determine (that is, to infer) the value of an unknown quantity when its relation to a known quantity is given.

Hence the early vogue of the expression "infer­

ence" (as reasoning) from analogy.

In mathematics, how­

ever, the term analogy has been displaced by the term proportion. Side by side with this quantitative application of

8

the term analogy we find, already in Aristotle, a qualitative use of it.

In its quantitative sense of "proportion", ana­

logy designed similarity or identity of quantitative relation­ ship between two pairs of terms; in its qualitative use the term analogy Indicates similarity in any kind of (non-quantitative) relationship between two sets of terms.

In this

wider sense the term is very common, and the thought which it expresses is applied very extensively, especially in popular modes of thought and of expression.

This is evident

from the frequent use of metaphor, which is but one example of analogy.

For instance, the metaphorical use of the term

"sweet" in the phrase "a sweet melody" is an abridgment of the analogy that "this melody affects the ear in the same pleasing way as sweet things affect the palate'.1.

Similarly

the expression "Mother Country" implies the analogy that "the relation of a country to its colonies is like that of a mother to her children".

Another familiar group of analog­

ies may be seen in the way in which people inflect new terms (or terms which are new to them) on the model of the known inflections of other terms, e.g., "looped" ee to "loop" as looked" is to "look".

Or, again, the names of certain organs

of animals are often based on analogies: the so-called "wings" of butterflies are structurally very different from the "wings" of birds, but their function in relation to the butterfly (viz., in enabling it to fly) is essentially like that of the wings of birds, and so these otherwise different organs of butter­

9

flies and of birds are called "analogous organs".

Similarly,

all kinds of new inventions are frequently given names based on analogy: "airships" e.g.,are machines which do in the air what ships do in the water. And so on.

As appears already

from the case of metaphors, from the case of "analogous org­ ans" in biology, and analogous constructions in grammar, the similarity of relationships between pairs or sets of terms is apt to appear as a similarity between the terms or things themselves.

And so the term "analogy" has come to be extend­

ed to similarities generally, excepting that close similarity which exists between members of the same recognized class of objects in respect of those qualities which are regarded as characteristic of that class.

Thus, e.g., one would not

think of potatoes as being "analogous" to one another, they are ttto much like one another for that. apples.

Similarly with

But, as is evident from their French and German

names, potatoes are regarded as "analogous" to apples. The Psychology of Analogy: Psychologically or educationally the importance o f analogy lies in the fact that it is a very common form pf apperception, a way of assimilating new and strange objects to older and more familiar ones - a way of profiting from past experience for the proper apprehension and treatment of new situations. Any new thing or occurrence is apt to appear familiar,and so to become acceptable, as soon as it can be linked up in some way with the general store

10

of our already acquired ideas and beliefs.

The only safe­

guard against the evils of so-called "reasoning from analogy" or "analogical argument", is a correct insight into the real nature and function of analogy considered from a logical point of view. The Logic of Analogy: As we pointed out above, quantitative analogy is a basis of valid inferences. Qualitative analogy is also frequently made the ground of inference. In fact some thinkers regard analogical reasoning as one of the fundamental types of inference together with deductive and inductive inference.

Some, on the other hand, regard it as

a species of deductive inference, and others as a variety of inductive inference.

But at all events, analogy is common­

ly accepted as a legitimate ground of inference when due care is taken.

Now it is true that, as a matter of fact, people

commonly do draw inferences from analogy.

The real question,

however, is whether such inferences can be regarded as con­ clusive or cogent. In other words, can reasoning from analogy ever be regarded as more than tentative, as equivalent to proof? This question must be answered in the negative for the follow­ ing reasons. Reasoning from analogy usually assumes the following form:

A certain phenomenon or class of phenomena,

say S, resembles a certain other phenomenon or class of pheno­ mena, say Z, in some assignable respect, say M.. to be P as well as M.

Now Z is known

It is accordingly inferred that S which

11

resembles Z In respect of M also resembles it in respect of P; in other words, S is P.

Now,strictly speaking, this conclusion

could only be justified if it could be shown that M and P are connected by some law, either directly or indirectly.

For

unless M and P are so connected, the presence of M, in S or in anything else, may be entirely irrelevant to the question of the presence of P.

That is why it is usually insisted upon

that analogies or similarities must be "weighed", not merely counted.

For instance, the fact that light and sound resemble

each other in respect of being transmitted through considerable distances is in itself no evidence that they also resemble each other in respect of having the same medium, or in respect of polarization, or even in respect of an undulatory form of trans­ mission.

If there is any connection between transmissibility

and any of these other phenomena, it must be established indep­ endently.

Now the question whether there is any connection

between M and. P. and if so, what is it, can only be decided by the usual methods of induction, not by mere analogy.

The analogy

may suggest hypotheses for inductive investigation, but it cannot prove anything.

Analogy, in brief, is probably the most

fruitful source of suggestions, of hypotheses, that is of "tentati' e" inferences, but it is not a type of "proof" at all. If an analogical inference is proved at all it is proved by inductive methods; if it is not proved or verified by inductive methods, it is not proved at all and remains a mere suggestion,

12

which may Indeed be true, but is not yet established.

In so

far as an analogical suggestion proves fruitful it results in the inductive establishment of a connection between M and P, and so leads to the deductive application of this law of their connection to cases like S etc.

In other words, the

analogy may eventually lead to both inductive and deductive proofs; but the analogy itself is neither inductive nor deduc­ tive ,nor is it a proof at all; it is only an auxiliary to all these. Of the value of analogy as an auxiliary to inductive investigation there can be no reasonable doubt. of science affords abundant evidence of this.

The history A few illustra­

tions may be adduced here. Descartes' perdeption of the analogy between algebraic and geometrical relationships has led to many important discoveries in modern mathematics.

The obser­

vation of Jupiter and the Medlcean satellites or moons led by analogy to the suggestion of the modern conception of the solar system.

Newton's perception of the analogy between a

falling apple and the moon led to the establishment of celes­ tial gravitation. But analogy as such never goes beyond help­ ful "suggestion" - the actual results must be borne out by scientific methods.

That is why in the more advanced sciences ■v

analogy plays a relatively unimportat part.

The finished re­

sults are supported by inductive evidence; the analogies by which they may have been first suggested are no part of the evidence, and are of interest only as incidents in the mental

13

history of the discoverer, in the history of the builder rather than in the structure of the building.

On the other

hand, i$' the less developed sciences analogy may play a prominent role.

Much of so-called biological sociology

consists in the exploitation of the analogies between the structures and functions of animals and those of societies. The reason of the conspicuous part played by analogy in the less developed sciences, or stages of science, is this: The first problem to be attacked in the history of science is that of classification - the most helpful (intellectual) grouping of the phenomena to be investigated.

Now some

phenomena are obviously similar or obviously different (though not always really so). Others are not

so, and it may

require a keen eye for analogies to bring together things that really belong together but not obviously.

In this way

analogy may be an early stage in the recognition of a new and somewhat complex class of facts. The history of terms like "boycott” or "Hobson's choice" furnishes popular illustrations of this process.

Franklin's study of light­

ning and his careful enumeration of the analogies between lightning and electricity, may serve as a scientific illus­ tration of the help that may be rendered by analogy in the classificatory stage, as well as in the later stages, of a science. It should be noted, however, that Franklin did not stop at the analogies between lightning and electricity, but

14

proceeded to test the suggestion experimentally by means of his famous kite.

In comparatively simple cases the

transition from analogy to a new class concept is easy. After considering a few cases analogous to that of Captain Boycott, or to that of Hobson, one may readily get at the idea of social ostracism, or of apparent or without real choice, respectively.

But in more complex instances there

is the danger that some important feature may be overlooked in the general description or definition of the type as such. Hence probably the legal tendency to cite cases and follow precedents rather than formulate general laws or principles, flexible analogy is being regarded as safer than rigid for­ mulae in certain types of legal and similar problems. 4)

Ihe New International Encyclopaedia.II.Ed.Vol.1 p.580:

Analogy. (Greek analogia, equality of ratios). In general, an agreement or correspondence in certain respects between thinhs in other respects different.

Euclid employed it to

signify proportion or the equality of ratios, and it has retained this sense in mathematics; but it is a term little used in the exact sciences, and of very frequent use in every other department of knowledge and in human affairs.

In gram­

mar we speak of the analogy of language, i.e., the correspon­ dence of a word or phrase with the genius of the language, as learned from the manner in which its words and phrases are ordinarily formed.(see Phonetic laws).

In philosophy

analogy

presupposes a rule Inferred from observation of instances and

15

is the application of this rule to other instance® not precisely but somewhat similar.

We venture upon this applic­

ation with more or less confidence, according to the degree of ascertained similarity and according to the extent of ob­ servation from which our knowledge of the rule has been deriv­ ed.

John Stuart Mill, in his "Logic”, states the formula of

analogy in this way: "Two things resemble each other in one or more respects; a certain proposition is true of the one, therefore it is true of the other. "What makes analogical reasoning successful at all is the fact that superficial resemblances often point to fundamental identity in type. Analogical reasoning is the assumption of a deeper signific­ ance in similarities than our knowledge of the facts warrants. When this assumption is justified by the event, the analogy has been fruitfully suggestive; when it is not, the analogy has been misleading.

Even when the analogy leads to discovery,

it does this merely by suggestiviness; the final establishment of the truth analogically suggested is never accomplished by analogy, but by some stricter logical method.

Thus .reasoning

from analogy indeed warrants only probable conclusions; but the probability may become of a very high degree, and in the affairs of life we must often act upon conclusions thus at­ tained. Reasoning from analogy, however, requires much caution in the reasoner.

Yet even when its conclusions are very un­

certain, they often serve to guide inquiry and lead to dis­ covery.

Many of the most brilliant discoveries recently made

16

in natural science were the result of investigations thus directed.

In law, reasoning from analogy must often, to

a certain extent, be admitted in the application of statutes to particular cases.

Upon similar reasoning the practice

of medicine very much depends.

In literary criticism it

is also often necessary o£r purposes of interpretation, the sense of the author in a passage somewhat obscure being in some measure determined according to passages in which he has expressed himself more clearly.

The application of this

rule to the interpretation of Scripture is a point of differ­ ence between Protestants and Catholics, the latter insisting upon the interpretation of difficult passages by ecclesiasti­ cal tradition and authority.

The opposite of analogy is

"anomaly” (Greek irregularity); and this term is used not only in grammar, but with reference to objects of natural history which in any respect are exceptions to the ordinary rule of their class or kind.

In physiology analogy is simi­

larly of function between organs which are structurally or morphologically different.

17

Hermann Paul, Princinien der Sprachgeschichte. Halle,1886 p.161: Der symmetrle des formensystems 1st also im lautwandel ein unaufhaltsam. arbeitender feind und zerstflrer gegentiber gestellt.

Man kann sich schwer eine vorstellimg davon machen,

bis zu welchem grade der zusammenhanglosigkeit ,verworrenheit •und unverstdndlichkeit die sprache allmflhlig gelangen wflrde, wenn sie alle verheeruftgen des lautwandels geduldig ertragen mdsste,wenn keine reaction dagegen mdglich wfire.

Ein Mittel

zu solcher reaction ist nun aber in der analogiebildung gegeben.

Mit hdlfe derselben arbeitet sich die sprache all-

mflhlig immer wieder zu angemesseneren verhflltnissen durch, zu festerem zusammenhalt und zweckmfissigerer gruppierung in flexion und wortbildung.

So sehen wir denn in der sprachge-

schichte ein ewiges hin- und herwogen zweier entgegengesetzter strflmungen. tion.

Auf jede desorganisation folgt eine reorganisa­

Je stSLrker die gruppen durch den lautwandel angegrif-

fen werden, um so lebendiger ist die t&tigkeit der neuschfipfung. Wo durch den lautwandel eine unnfitige und unzweckmfisslge differenz entstanden ist, da kann dieselbe mit htilfe der analogie beseitigt werden,indem n&mlich eine so differenzierte form allmflhlich durch eine neubildung verdrflngt wird, welche die betreffende differenz nicht enthfllt. Wir kttnnen diesen Process als ausgleichung bezeichnen, mur mdssen wir uns klar dardber sein,dass mit diesem ausdruck nicht das eigentliche

18

wesen des vorganges bezeichnet 1st, dass derselbe sich vielmehr aus einer complieierten reihe von einzelvorgftngen zusammensetzt. Gehemmt wir^die ausglei chung durch die stofflich-lautlichen proportionen.

Ein noch lebendiger, durch solche pro-

portionen gesttitzter lautwandel entzieht sich ttfters der ausgleichung lange zeit,jedoch ohne dass er derselben ein unttberwindliches hinderniss in den weg stellte. Sind einmal die stofflich-lautlichen proportionen durchbrochen,so verliert der lautwechsel sehr an widerstandskraft. p.188:

Hat einmal eine klasse eine entschiedene flberlegen-

heit dber eine oder meheere andere gewonnen, mit welchen sie einige berflhrungspunkte hat, so sind die letzteren unfehlbar dem untergange geweiht.

Nur besondere hfiuflgkeit kann eini-

gen wfirtern kraft genug verleihen sich dem sonst ftbergewaltigen einflusse auf lange zeit zu entziehen.

Diese existie-

ren dann in ihrer vereinzelung als anomala weiter. Jede sprache ist unaufhdrlich damlt beschfiftigt alle unntttzen ungleichmfissigkeiten zu beseitigen,ftlr das functionell gleich^auch den gleichen lautlichen ausdruck zu schaffen. Nicht a'len gelingt es damit gleich gut.

Wir finden die ein-

zelnen sprachen und die einzelnen entwickelungsstufen dieser sprachen in sehr verschiedenem abstande von diesem ziele. Aber auch diejenigea darunter, die sich ihm am meisten nflhert, bleibt noch weit genug davon. Trotz alien umgestaltungen,die auf dieses ziel losarbeiten, bleibt es ewig unerreichbar.

19

Die ursachen dieser unerreichbarkeit ergeben sich leicht aus den vorangegangenen erfirterungen.

Erstens bleiben die auf

irgend welche weise isolierten formen -und wdrter von der normalisierung uribertthrt.

Es bleibt z.b. ein nach aiterer

weise gebildeter casus als adverbium oder als glied eines compositums ,oder ein nach aiterer weise gebildetes participium als reine nominalform.

Das tut allerdings der gleichmfissig-

keit der wirklich lebendigen bildungsweisen keinen abbruch. Zweitens aber ist es ganz vom zufalle abhfingig, ob eine teilweise tilgung der klassenunterschiede auf lautlichem wege, die so vielfach die vorbedingung fdr die gfinzliche ausgleichung ist, eintritt oder nicht.

Drittens ist die

widerstandsfflhigkeit der einzelnen gleicher bildungsweise folgenden wflrter eine sehr verschiedene nach dem grade der stflrke, mit dem sie dem gedachtnisse eingepragt sind, weshalb denn in der regel gerade die notwendigsten elemente der taglichen rede als anomalieen dbrig bleiben. Vierte3& ist auch die \mentbehrliche tlbergewalt einer einzelnen klasse immer erst resultat zufailig zusammentreffender umstande.

So lange

sie nicht besteht, kfinnen die einzelnen Wfirter bald nach dleser,bald nach jener seite gerissen werden, und so kann gerade durch das wirken der analogie erst recht eine chaotische verwirrung heirvorgerufen werden,bis eben das ttbermass derselben zur heilung der dbelstfinde ftthrt.

Bei so vielen erschwerenden

umstanden ist es nattirlich,dass der process auch im gtinstigsten

20

falle so langsam geht, dass, bevor er nur annflhernd zum abschluss gekommen 1st, schon wider neu entstandene lautdifferenzen der ausgleichung barren.

Die selbe ewige wandelbar-

keit der laute, welche als anstoss zum ausgleichungswerke unentbehrlich

wird auch die zerstttrerin des von ihr

angeregten werkes, bevor es vollendet ist. Leonard Bloomfield, An Introduction To The Study of Language. 1914,

p.234: If we had as complete records of the history of languages

as we could wish, it would thus be possible to see in detail not only how old forms changed phonetically, but also how new forms, whether inflectional or other, came by analogic change into the language.

Only a small minority of English,

German or French words and forms, for instance, could be traced back by merely observing phonetic changes, to the earliest known stage of these languages.

In by far the most

instances we should find that our word or form ("phoneme") had been created by analogic change.

21

For linguistics, the interpretation of "Analogy" would be that it is the magic word that plays havoc among the well established phonetic laws, but, on the other hand, puts new life into obsolete and otherwise petrified parts of our language.

Exactly as in modern technology stress is put

upon "streamlining", so analogy causes the streamlining of the language.

Exactly as the purpose of streamlining is

by no means merely to make something more appealing to the eye, but is in the main based upon physical laws to over­ come resistance, as , for example, the streamlining of birds and fish to overcome air- or water resistance respectively, so analogy does away with the results of phonetic laws that are no longer of use. Words and groups of words which we use in speech are only partly a mechanical reproduction in our memory, indeed, the greater part is basefif upon a combining activity of our intellect, working on proportions.

As in a mathematical pro­

portional equation C a:b = c:x ), so in a word-proportion set­ up (sing:sang = sinkix), the unknown factor is found by apply­ ing similar analogies to arrive at the unknown word of the combination.

This is called "Formation by Analogy".

Comparing the new analogical formation with the solving of a mathematical proportional equation, in precisely the same way there must be present for our new formation at least three familiar parts, that is, a verb-formation ca be influencthis ed analogically by another verb only if it agrees with/one in

22

at least one form. If now the question is asked: "Why do people coin new expressions?", the best and shortest answer would be: " On account of expediency".

In most cases the speak­

er is not even conscious of the fact that he has Just created a new word., it came to him spontaneously, unnoticed, out of expediency. However, through a new|analogical formation an earlier existing form is by no means displaced immediately.

It

is hardly imaginable that the picture of the latter should have faded out simultaneously in the mind of all the people so that the new analogical formation could take its place without hindrance.

Undoubtedly a certain percentage of

the group, especially elderly people, will cling to the old form, while others already make use of the new formation. As long, however, as an uninterrupted communication goes on between both groups, a compensation must take place. In other words, both forms will become familiar to both groups, though one group is preferably using the older form, and only after a long struggle (lasting perhaps several generations) can the new analogical formation become predominant and finally prevail.

23

Analysis of Verb-Formatlon Because analogy plays a role, not only in a great number of individual strong verbs, but, indeed, also in whole groups of verbs, it will be appropriate, in order to be able to differentiate between the regulai! development of the strong verb according to phonetic laws and between the deviations from these by analogy, to give a short analysis of the con­ struction of the strong verb and of its personal endings, as derived from Indo-European through Primitive Germanic and West-Germanic into Old High German. (Further developments through Middle High German into New High German will be shown afterwards). Of the five tenses, usually assumed for Indo-European (present, imperfect, perfect, aorist, and future), only two are preserved in Germanic, the present and the preterite. The strong preterite is a Germanic innovation in so far as it represents a combination of perfect and aorist forms, especially for classes I-V incl.

In general, the singular

of the strong preterite is based upon the Indo-European perfect, the plural upon the aorist. (The compound tenses with the auxiliaries "to have" and "to be" developed later). Since the functions of the subjunctive and optative, though used with a distinction in Indo-European, were closely re­ lated, they became merged in Germanic, preserving the old

24

optative endings; the subjunctive of the preterite was based upon the ^ndo-European aorist stem.

The medio-passive and

the dual forms, still preserved in Gothic, were given up in Old High German and in the other Germanic dialects. The distinction between strong and weak verbs is based on the formation of the preterite in such a way, that the xta strong verb forms its preterite by gradation of the vowel of the stem-syllable, the weak verb, however, by adding a dental suffix (a Germanic innovation). There were furthermore two large inflexional classes in Indo-European: a) the C or thematic inflexion which ended in sg.l.ind.prew. in o (fc.e., IE *bhero - I carry, Lat.fero, Go. baira)

and b)

the mi- or athematic inflexion which

ends in sg.l.ind.pres.in -mi (IE es-mi - I am, ai.asmi, Go. im, also Lat. sum).

There are only a few traces preserv­

ed of the mi-conjugation in the Germanic dialects, charac­ terized by the m in the sg.l.ind.pres.

25

l)

Simple and Characterized Verb-Stems:

"Simple" verb-stems are those that are incapable of further analysis, (so IE #bhere - bear = root -f thematic vowel). Stems capable of further analysis are "characterized", but are generally recognized as such only by comparison with at least one other stem (whether in the same or some other IE language) as a control. If comparison with an etymologically related stem reveals the presence of some element (apart from differences in stem-internal vocalism, separately treat­ ed later), not present in the other, this element is a "form­ ant", serving to characterize the stem in wich it appears. The control-stem need not itself be"simple", the comparison of two etymologically related but differently characterized stems will reveal the formant characterizing each.

Similarly,

comparison with one or more etymologically unrelated stems will sometime reveal a formant common to them all.

A stem

may be "doubly" or even "multiply" characterized, i.e., contain more than one forment. In Late Indo-European there were three general classes of formants: 1.

Reduplication: a repetition by means of a special prefix

(for forming the preterite)more or less closely resembling the initial sound sequence of the corresponding stem,(Lat. pello : pepull; tangb : tetigl; Go. haitan : haihait; letan : lailot).

26

2. Infixes: The only type that remained productive in Late Indo-European contained a nasal and was only found in certain presents

(Lat. pres, linquo : simple

perfect liqul;

"

"

frango :

"

"

fregl;

Go.

"

standan:

"

M

sto}? .

3. Suffixes •

These were rather numerous. Suffixal -ne (or

ablaut-variants thereof) appear in Lat.cerno: differently characterized crevi} Go. pres.inf. fraihnan : simple prt. frah.

27

2)

Tense-gystems In practically all the representative Indo-European

languages the forms of any particular verb fall into a number of groups, the so-called "Tense-Systems’1, each built from a particular stem. Some of these stems may be simple, others characterized.

Now when the wkle series of concurA

rent stems associated in the paradigm of one particular verb is compared with the corresponding series of function­ ally homologous stems belonging to another verb, often the structural relations between the members of each series are by no means parallel.

Even when the inflection of homolo­

gous stems is identical, these stem themselves may be quite differently formed; indeed, no definite rules can be given whereby, given one of the concurrent stems of a verb inherit­ ed from Indo-European, we can without fail determine all the others, hence the practice, common in descriptive grammars of most IE languages, of giving "principal parts" of verbs, i.e., a series of representative inflectional forms,each containing some one of the concurrent stems and representing the whole tense>system, built from that stem.. We are usually able to conjugate a strong verb in Old High German, when we know four stems, as found in 1) the infinitive, 2) sg.l.prt. ind., 3)

pi .1 .prt .ind. ,and 4) the past participle.

The

subjunctive of the preterite and the 2. sg. prt .ind. show the same stem vowel as the prt.pi.ind.

28

3)

Differences of Stem-Internal Vocal Ism between Concurrent Stems: The presence or absence of formants Is not the only

difference noticeable between the several concurrent stems of a typical series: differences of stem-internal vocalism occur also to a greater or less degree in all Indo-European languages, most frequently in Gothic and the other Germanic languages.

Often, of course, and especially so in Germanic,

these differences are based upon inherited IE ablaut..

To

some extent, ablaut-differences are Independent of the pre­ sence or absence of formants, and to some extent there is a Correlation between particular ablaut-grades and the presence of particular formants. (Lat. pres.linquo : pfr.llqul; Go. pres.inf. beidan : prt.sg.baii> : prt.pl.bidum bidans;

and past part,

Go. pres.inf. biugan : prt.sg. baug : prt.pl. bugum

and pp. bugans; Go. pres.inf. niman : prt.sg. nam : prt.pl. nemum : pp.numans. Still different are those cases in which later causes produce a change of stem-internal vocalism in some of the forms built from one particular stem.

Finally, although

Gothic has no stem-internal differences due wholy to later causes, the other Germanic languages have them to a great extent.

Thus Go.pi.prt. budum and pp.budans, both have

IE u, but in the corresponding Old Saxon forms budum : gibodan, the past participle shows the umlauting effect

£9

of u becoming o by the a of the past part.suffix.

Likewise

the corresponding Old High German butum : gibotan; Old Engl* budon : boden, although in OE the umlaut causing a of the part.suffix is no longer preserved as such. The umlaut (mutation), a term coined by Jacob Grimm, can be defined as the modification or assimilation of a vowel in the direction of the vowel of the next syllable, usually a suffix. The a-umlaut causes the change of u to o, if followed by an a in the following syllable, unless prot­ ected by a following nasal | consonant or an i or j;

the

i-umlaut causes the change of e to i and a to e, if follow­ ed by an i or j in the following syllable, unless prevented by a following h £ tht or consonant ■{• w. It is of interest to know that there is an inverse relat­ ion of the extent of consonant shifting to the extent of umlaut, i.e., that dialect that shows the highest amount of consonant shifting, namely Bavarian, has the least amount of umlaut.

30

4)

Summary of Germanic Consonantal Developments Extensive but highly systematic shiftings of the Indo-Eu­

ropean stop-sounds have been carried out in Germanic.

Apart

from certain points affecting the labiovelars, the outstanding older Germanic developments fall under the heads I

Grimm's Law

II Verner's Law Since Verner's Law and its effects are of fundamental importance for this work, it will be useful to define it at this point.

The placement of the accent, as it was in late

IE, namely completely arbitrary (it could be as well on the first as on the second or on any other syllable of the word), seems to have been retained through about the first half of the Primitive Germanic times.

Before it was given up, the

PG voiceless spirants f, b, x, xw, unless the next preceding vowel bore the inherited Late IE accent, became the voiced spirants Bj S,

w, thus falling together with the voiced

spirants coming from IE bh, dh, gh, guh.

At the same time

and under the same conditions, inherited IE s became z.

At

a later stage of Primitive Germanic, this inherited Late LE accent was given up in favor of a fixed accent on the stem syllable of most words (e.g. as between sg.and pi. of the active perfect) left behind in Late Prim.Germ.consonantal alternations as

f : b, £ : d, x

, s : z (Late PG

r.

31

In Gothic, in the case of paradigm and word-groups recognized as such, analogy generally restored the voice­ less spirant throughout, but in the earlier history of West Germanic there was little analogical interference with these consonantal alternations (conventionally, but irrationally termed "Grammatical Change").

32

Examples Germanic "Sorong Preterites"

IE "Perfects"

OE

OHG

Pr.Gmc. stage 1

stage 2

stage 3

sg.3 *qo$>e, (he lifted) pi.3 *qopnt

*xbf , *xofi!m

*x5f / *xbBun

*x5f, •wxoDun

sg.3 ‘K^.orte (become) pi.3 *urtnt

*warb / ■Kwuraun

4'ewarb / wearp "wT^raunfc )wurdon

ward (3) wurtun (4)

*taux *ti£?un

■ftt^ux teah *tu?un 1 tugon

zoh zugun

sg.3 ^soq^e, (see) pi.3 #sSqunt

*warj? , *wurpun / #taux *tuxun ✓ *saxw y ^saexwun

‘**sB5^wun

*saxw Qjseah (5) *sBe^wun sawon

sg.3 *uose, (be) pi.3 •KuSsnt n

#was / ^wSesun

*was / *wBSzun

«w^s «wa§zun

Late IE

hbf(2) hc5fon

t

sg.3 *douke (lead) pi .3 *d.uk£t

waes wS5 r on

was (6) warun

Notes: 1) The Go.pi.3 forms hofun, waurfcun, tauhun, sewun, we sun show analogical restoration of the voiceless spirants in lieu of the expected *hotyun, *waur3un, tftugun, *segun, wezun. However, there are isolated words in Go. in which such restoration has not taken place. 2) The OE orthography hOfon represents a pronunciation hobon, so that the consonantal alternation is really preserved, although orthographieally disguised. 3) Prim.Germc.b regularly becomes OHG d, as here. 4) Prim.Germc .o', after passing through a stage d (as in OE), regularIv became t in OHG, as here. 5) NE prt.saw (used for both sg.and pi.), of course derives from OE prt.pl.sawon by analogy, not from prt.sg.seah. 6) The r of NHG prt.sg. war is analogical, after prt.pl.waren. 7) The consonantal combinations sk, sp, st, ft, ht, ss were h o w ­ ever, not subject to Verner1s Law. kt, qt, pt became shifted to xt, ft respectively; tt became ss. §7 The combination gw became g before u, otherwise w; guttural n disappeared before h with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. Final m became n.

35

5)

Special West-Germanlc Modifications The most important feature of the W.Gmc.changes of the

P.Gmc.consonant system is the"Gemination", i.e., the doubling of consonants.

All single consonants, with the exception of

r, become doubled after a short and sometimes even after a long vowel before a j. in the following syllable.

This j.,

usually retained in Old Saxon, was generally dropped in Old English and Old High German, respectively,

k, ]), t

bj., d.1, g.1

became bb, dd, gg

became also doubled before a follow­

ing r and sometimes before a following 1.

Also a w

caused

occasionally gemination. After long vowels or consonants usually simplification took place.

34

6)

The High German Consonant Shift The consonant system of Late Prim.Germanic, as established

by Grimm's and Verner's Laws, continued during the early Middle Ages over most of the expanding Germanic speech-area with little further change, except that in West Germanic the Prim.Gemc. voiceless spirant ja tended to become voiced d (at a time, however, when the Prim.Gmc. voiced spirant ? had already become the stop d, so that the two sounds did not fall together). Note l): Consequently, the consonantism of cognates in Go, 0.Swedish, 0.Norse and indeed also in OE, 0.Fries., and OS is closely similar and in some cases identical. Note 2): In OE manuscripts the characters j) and d are used indiscriminately, denoting sometimes a voiceless spirant, sometimes a voiced one, according to specifically OE soundlaws; in either case, however, the underlying Late Pri,.Gmc. sound is voiceless £ (never Prim.Gmc.?, which became always OE stop d). In southern Germany, however, certain further shiftings took place between 400-600 A.D. (late enough to affect loan­ words form Latin etc. strata - straza) and spread gradually northward, with diminishing thoroughness and intensity -never, however,going much further north than the''Benrath Line" (Dttsseldorf a/Rhein - Frankfurt a/Oder).

The dialects which

participated in these shif tings were: A, Upper German, sub­

35

divided into 1) Alemannic and 2) Bavarian; and B

Franconian

German, subdivided into: 1) East Franconian, 2) Rhine-FrancGnian (subd. South Rhine-Franconian) and 3) Middle Franconian. These dialects are collectively termed Old High German (from about 650 - 1050 A.D.);

of all its dialects East Franconian

has a consonant ism most nearly Identical with that of "Stand­ ard" New Bigh German. Of the neighboring dialects unaffected by these shiftings (High German Sound Shifting), the most important are Old Saxon (underlying Middle Low German and the New Low German dialects) and Old Low Franconian (under­ lying Middle Dutch, New Dutch, and Flemish.

36

In the East Franconian dialect of Old High German (the dialect most nearly underlying "Standard" New High German and at the same time the dialect of the Tatian) these shiftings are as follows: 1.

Changes affecting Prim.Gmc. voiceless stops

£, t, k :

a)

Initially and postconsonantally these become affricates ( stop | spirant) i.e., Prim.Gmc. p became OHG pf,

Prim.

Gmc. t became OHG z (ts), later, OHG rpf became rf and OHG lpf became If. b)

Intervocalically these became long spirants (written dou­ ble), i.e., Prim.Gmc. p became OHG ff, Prm.Gmc. t became OHG zz (phonetic value somewhat doubtful; in MHG virtually ss); Prim.Gmc. k became OHG hh or alternative writing ch . After long vowels, these long spirants were sometimes shortened to f , z, h respectively.

c)

In postvocalic final position these became short spirants, i.e,,Prim.Gmc. p became OHG f, Prim.Gmc.t became OHG z, Prim.Gmc. k became OHG h.

2.

the Prim.Gmc .voiced spirant ^nemid(i)

(5) )

#nimid (6)

> nimit(6) regularly. Footnotes: l) The thematic stem (root j- thematic vowel) had its stem^final in e in sg.2,3 and pi.2; but for the sg.l and pi.1,3 the thematic vowel appeared in its ablaut variation o. In the l.sg.this ablaut variant o was lengthened to 5 and no ending added. Already in Prim.Gmc.final long vowels became shortened, lonjo became u. This u caused the umlauting of the stem vowel e to 1. 2)

s. became z through Verner's Law, when final, it was dropped.

3)

Final vowels dropped out.

4.

e became i when unstressed.

5.

£ became d through Verner's Law.

6.

d^d>t

in OHG.

38

IE

1 .pi.pres.ind.#nem-o-mes

should regularly have developed

totfnemam (as Go nimsitn); but in the oldest OHG docu­ ments we find nemamSs-nememes. For the sound-sequence es there is yet no satisfactory explanation. In later OHG, the endings em, en, originally belonging to the present subjunctive, were by analogy often used for tne indicative.. IE

2 ,pi.pres.ind. *nem-e-te •fcnimit

would regularly have become

like the 3.sg. through the intermediate

stages *neme]?i -*nemid(i) - *nimid - *nlmlt.

But

probably to make it anomaluos or dissimilar to the 3.sg. and after the analogy of the l.and 3.pi., the OHG form became nemet, that is, the umlaut became cancelled and the ending (though unstressed) appear­ ed with e . IE

3. pi.pres.ind. *nem-o-nti became regularly the intermediate stages *nemand - nemant.

nemant through

*nemon|>i - *nemand(i) -

39

Present Subjunctive

IE

(originally an optative)

l.sg.

*nemoi ) *-nemai > *nem§

> i OHG

it

2. "

■K-nemois Anemaiz XnemSs >

ii

nemes (1)

ii

3. «

*nemoit>^nemai> *neme >

ii

neme

ii

1. pi. *nemoim^*nemaim}*memSm >

ii

nemSm (-en, ernes)

ii

2. "

*nemoite>*nemait>*nemet >

ii

nemSt (regularly)

ii

3. "

*nemoint>*nemain>* nemen>

•i

nemsn

neme

(regularly)

ii

Notes: 1)

The 2.sg. keeps its

2)

With the subjunctive mood-sign i we have secondary endings;

s

after the analogy of 2.sg.pres.ind.

the thematic vowel is everywhere o. 3)

ai became

s.

which remained when protected by ai.'following

consonant, but was shortened to e when final. 4)

The final t was regularly dropped in Prim.Germc.

40

Imperative IE

2.sg.

IU

l.and 2.pi. became in OHG like the indicative.

Notes: l)

*neme > *nemi> -frnimi >

OHG

nlm (1)

Final vowels regularly were dropped after long

stems and then, after the analogy with these, also after short ones. 2)

Imper.2.sg. NHG

nimm

of 2.sg.pres.ind. nimmst.

is formed after the analogy

Preterite Indicative 1.sg. *noma > nam 2."

*nomt(h)a

(regularly)

would have become regularly

namda - *namd - *namt.

*nom£a

-

But this old ending is

onl^ preserved in the preterite-present verbs, as OHG scalt etc. The prt.2.sg. nami

is indeed

an old aorist deriving from Prim.Gmc.nasmez which should have become nBm (Germc.ae became a in OHG). Ngmi received its final i after the analogy with verbs with a short stem. 3."

*nome

would regularly have developed to nami.

But after the analogy of verbs with long stems, the i became dropped and pi.

nam

resulted.

We do not know exactly what the endings of the preterite plural were in IE, but we are sure that the 3.pi. ended in -nt which regularly became un in Prim.Gmc. Then, by analogy, this u became ex-

i-

temded to the l.pl. and 2.pi.

After the analogy

of the present, the pl.l endings were formed namflm (-un,umes). Likewise the endconsonant t of the pi.2. was formed in analogy with the present. So the plural forms werde: 1.pl. 2." 3."

namum (-un,umes) nSmut namun

Note: The preterite had in the singular in the main the endings of the IE perfect; the plural endings probably went back to the athematic aorist with analogical exten­ sion.

42

Preterite Subjunctive The preterite subjunctive was originally an optative of the aorist, with the endings -Jem, -.jis, - jit singular and

-Im, Ite, -int for the plural.

for the This I of

the plural became already in Prim.Gmc.extended to the singul­ ar by analogy. Thus we have the following forms: 1.sg.pret.subj.

nami (l)

2."

"

"

n§mls

3."

"

"

nami (l)

1.pl.

"

"

nSmlm (-In, imSs)

2."

"

"

riamlt

3."

"

"

namln

Note (l):

(-st)

The l.and 3.sg.should be nam, however, after the

analogy of the verbs with a short stem they became nami.

43

Chapter III Having seen in the preceding chapter, that the majority of the personal endings are not derived from Indo-European as changed according to definite phonetic laws, hut have assumed their shape by analogy with other forms, we shall now examine in detail every strong verb, arranged within its class, in order to find out to what degree it owes its OHG forms to analogy.

Furthermore, we shall follow the

same verb through Middle High German into New High German in order to see whether analogy keeps its strong grip on the formation of the verb.

44

Class I subdivided into la

with normal vowel change, thus

lb

with roots ending in h or w

IE ei : oi : i : i PG i : ai : 1 : i OHG I : ai : i : i

which cause prt.sg. ai> e,

thus

IE ei : oi : I : i PG I : ai : i : i OHG I : e : i : i

As already mentioned in Ch.II, the strong verbs formed from

IE on their different tenses by gradation of the

stem vowel.

This gradation or "ablaut" (a term coined

by Jacob Grimm) consists of an alternation between front /

and back vowels, called qulitative ablaut as in e/o. Furthermore, there exists a vowel gradation affecting the quantitative value of the vowel, as in o/o. the socalled quantitative ablaut.

The quantitative ablaut can

even take on the form e/zero. called zero-grade. These various qualitative and quantitative ablaut possibilities were systematically used in Germanic as structural patterns for the different tenses of the strong verb.

The e-grade characterizes primarily the singular and

plural of the present tense of thematic verbs with light bases; in the singular of the preterite the o-grade usually is found; in the preterite plural and in the past participle the original e of the stem has disappeared, causing zerograde .

45

Now it is possible to set up as a paradigm for this class the principal parts of the OHG verb stigan - to climb: IE PG

steighstl)-

stoighstai^-

stighsti^-

stighsti/-

Go OS

steigan stigan

staig steg

stigum stigun

stigans gi stigan

OHG MHG NHG

stigan stigen steigen

steig steic stieg

stigum stigen stiegen

gistigan gestigen ge stiegen

In OHG the stem vowel e is umlauted by the following 1 to i (ii written I); the o of the IE preterite becomes Ger­ manic a; the g h ^ . The a of the suffix of the past participle should change the short i of the stem to e ( a-umlaut); however,after the analogy of the preterite plural and by external analogy, the so-called "Systemzwang" (the influence of firmly established grammatical forms), the stem vowel i of the past participle was retained. This rule of analogy goes for all the verbs of this class. The MHG long I of the stem became ei in NHG, thus forming the infinitive steigen. The short i of the past participle became lengthened to ie (note) and then, by analogy, this was extended to both forms of the preterite. T.

pres.sg.l pret. " 3 " pi.3

stigu 80.7 steig 54.1 stigunl04.3

Note: The MHG short i became regularly lengthened to ie before NHG medial voiced consonants, but remained unchanged before medial voiceless consonants.

le_

46

In NHG the I of the present tense and of the infinitive became changed to ei, the short i of the preterite plural and

of the past participle becamelong

(written ie) and

then, by analogy, was extended to thepreterite OHG

(h)nigan -to bend

OHG MHG NHG

(h)nigan neig nigum nlgen neic nigen neigen weak vb.

singular.

goes like stigan ginlgan genigen

This verb became weak in NHG after the analogy of the MHG weak verb neigen (neigen,neigte,geneigt). T.

not extant.

OHG

sigan - to sink

OHG MHG NHG

sigan seig sigen seic *seigen

sigum sigen

gisigan gesigen

NHG *seigen became the weak verb seihen after the analogy of the MHG weak verb seihen.

47

OHG

bi-llban - to remain

Go

bl-leiban

bi-laif

OHG MHG NHG

bi-llban b(e)llben bleiben

bi-leib bi-libum bi-liban b(e)leip b(e)liben b(e)liben blieb blieben geblieben

bi-libum

bi-libans

The vowel in the prefix be- began to disappear before 1 already in MHG.

When the original prefix be- was no

longer felt as such in NHG, the verb takes in addition, by analogy with other verbs, the prefix ge-. thus NHG geblieben. (Verbs with an inseparable prefix, as a rule, do not have the pp. prefix ge-). T.

prt.sg.3 bileib 120.6 subj.pl.3 bilibin 211.1

OHG

(h)llban - to spare

OHG MHG NHG

(h)llban liben

(h)leib leip

(h)libum gi(h)liban liben geliben

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant. OHG

kllban - to adhere

OHG kllban MHG kllben NHG #kleiben

kleib kleip

klibum kliben

gikliban gekliben

After the analogy of the MHG transitive weak verb kleiben, this verb became the NHG weak verb kleben. The original strong verb is still preserved in the NHG noun Kleister. T. uses only the parallel weak verb clebSn. pres.sg.3 pret.sg.3

zuo-clebet 100.3 zuo-clebeta 97.2

48 OHG

riban - to rub

OHG MHG NHG

riban reib ribum giriban riben reip riben geriben reiben rieb rieben gerieben T. not extant.

OHG

scrlban - to write

OHG MHG NHG

scrlban screib scribum giscriban schrlben schreip schriben geschriben schreiben schrieb schrieben geschrieben T. imp.sg. scrib 108.3 prt.sg.3 screib 204.4 pp. giscribanll7.3

OHG

triban - to drive

OHG MHG NHG

triban treib triben treip treiben trieb

tribum gitriban triben getriben trieben getrieben

T. pret.subj.sg.3 tribi

53.8

OHG

lldan - to suffer and to go

OHG

lldan

Go OS

lei£an laij) lij)um lithan leth lidun

MHG NHG

llden leit liten geliten leiden litt litten gelitten

leid

litum

gilitan limans gilidan

In NHG the strong verb leiden means to suffer, its originally double meaning to go is extinct and is replaced by the NHG weak verb leiten, after the analogy of the MHG weak verb leiten - to guide. T. not extant.

49

like lldan are conjugated:

/

OHG

gi-lidan - to go

OHG MHG NHG

gi-lidan gileid gilitum gilitan weak verb gelieten weak verb geleiten geleitete geleitet T. uses weak and strong forms: imp.pl. prt.pl.2 pp. inf. prt.sg.3

gileitet gileittut gileitit gileitan gileita

OHG

mldan - to avoid

OHG MHG NHG

mldan meid mlden meit meiden mied

116.1 129.8 15.1 109.1 109.1

mi turn glmitan miten gemlten mieden gemieden

NHG meiden shows no gram.change; after the analogy of the present, the d has been extended to all the other forms, probably after the analogy of its cognate scheiden (scheiden und meiden). (Already Otfried (0) shows this level­ ing in pret.pl.midun). T.

pp.bimitan 60.8

OHG

nidan - to envy

OHG MHG NHG

nidan neid ^nitum *ginitan niden neit niten geniten neiden weak vb.

NHG

neiden became weak after the analogy of the NHG weak

verb neigen. T. not extant.

50

OHG

ridan - to turn

OHG MHG NHG

ridan rlden ---

only pp. giridan preserved no forms preserved

Of this verb only a past participle giridan is extant, showing no gram.change. This verb does not exist in NHG, however, a noun das Ried - reed is preserved. T. not extant. OHG

snidan - to cut

OHG MHG NHG

snidan sneid snitum gisnitan snlden sneit snlten gesniten schneiden schnitt schnitten geschnitten T. aba-snidan - to cut off lmp.sg.3 abasnit 95.4 pres.pi.2 bisnidet 104.6 pp. bisnitan 7.1

OHG

swidan - to burn

OHG MHG NHG

swidan no forms extant swlden " " " does not exist. T. not extant.

OHG

grlfan- to grasp

OHG MHG NHG

grlfan greif grifum gigrifan grlfen greif grifen gegrifen greifen griff griffen gegriffen T. bigrlfan - to understand pret.pl.3 bigriffun 1.4

OHG

siIfan - to grind

OHG MHG NHG

sllfan sleif slifum gislifan sllfen sleif slifen geslifen schleifen schliff schliffen geschliffen T. not extant.

51 OHG

wif an - to wind

OHG MHG NHG

wif an weif wifum wifen weif wifen weifen weak vb.

giwifan gewifen

This verb became weak in NHG after the analogy of the MHG parallel weak verb weifen. T. not extant. OHG gi-rlman - to befit no forms extant MHG gi-rimen " " " NHG supplanted by the weak verb gereimen. T. not extant. OHG

grinan - to weep

OHG MHG NHG

grlnan grein grinum grinen grein grinen greinen weak vb.

gigrinan gegrinen

The NHG form greinen became weak after the analogy of its cognate weak verb weinen. T. not extant. OHG

kinan - to sprout

OHG MHG NHG

kinan kein kinum kinen kein kinen keimen weak vb.

gikinan gekinen

The NHG verb keimen became weak after the analogy of £ e the weak verb reimen. The change of n to m after the noun Keim. T. not extant. OHG

(h)rlnan. - to touch

OHG MHG NHG

rlnan rein rlnum girlnan supplanted by its weak parallel form reinen This verb does not exist in NHG. T. pret.sg.3

rein

185.6

52

OHG

sclnan - to shine

OHG MHG NHG

sclnan scein scinum giscinan schlnen schein schinen geschinen scheinen schien schienen geschienen T. pres.pi.3 pret.sg.3 pret.sg.3

skinent 76.5 skein 91.1 bischein 6.1

OHG

swinan - to disappear

OHG MHG NHG

swinan swinen ---

swein swein

swinum swinen

giswinan geswinen

This verb does not exist in OHG, it is supplanted by its cognate schwinden. T . not extant. OHG

bitan - to wait

OHG MHG NHG

bitan beit bitum gibitan biten beit biten gebiten --This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant.

OHG

gnitan - to rub

OHG MHG NHG

gnitan gneit gnitum gignitan gnlten gneit gniten gegniten -This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant.

OHG

rltan - to ride

OHG MHG NHG

rltan reit rlten reit reiten ritt

ritum giritan riten geriten ritten geritten

T. not extant.

OHG

scrltan - to stride

OHG MHG NH§

scrltan screit scritum giscritan schrlten schreit schriten geschriten schreiten schritt schritten geschritten T. not extant.

OHG

stritan - to quarrel

OHG MHG NHG

stritan streit stritum striten streit striten streiten stritt stritten T. pres.sg.5 pret.pl.3

gistritan gestriten gestritten

stritit 69.9 stritun 82.11

OHG

bizan- to bite

OHG MHG NHG

bizan beiz biz(z)um gibiz(z)an bizen beiz bizzen gebizzen beissen biss bissen gebissen T. not extant. fl^zan - to endeavor

OHG MHG NHG

flizan vlizen --

fleiz vleiz

fliz(z)um vlizzen

gifliz(z)an gevlizzen

Only the weak verb sich befleissigen is extant in NHG, however, Goethe write in his "Hermann und Dorothea" ,line 58 befliss. T. imp.pl. flizet 113.1 OHG

glizan - to glitter

OHG MHG NHG

glizan gleiz gliz(z)um glizen gleiz glizzen gleissen gliss glissen T. not extant.

geglizzen geglissen

54 OHG

rlzan

- to tear

OHG MHG NHG

rlzan reiz riz(z)um rlzen reiz rizzen reissen riss rissen

giriz(z)an gerizzen gerissen

T. not extant. OHG

seizan - to defecate

OHG MHG NHG

sclzan sceiz sciz(z)um sclzen sceiz scizzen scheissen schiss schissen

gisciz(z)an gescizzen geschissen

T. not extant. OHG

slizan

- to slit

OHG MHG NH^

slizan sleiz sliz(z)um gisliz(z)an sllzen sleiz slizzen geslizzen schleissen schliss schlissen geschlissen T. pres.sg.3 slizzit 133.11 subj.pl.l slizenmes 203.3 pret.sg.3 sleiz 191.1 pp. gislizzan 237.3

OHG

smlzan - to smite

OHG MHG NHG

smlzan smeiz smiz(z)um gismiz(z)an smizen smeiz smizzen gesmizzen schmeissen schmiss schmissen geschmissen T. not extant.

OHG

wlzan - to punish

OHG MHG NHG

wlzan wizen —

weiz weiz

wiz(z)um wiz(z)en

giwiz(z)an gewiz(z)en

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. pres.sg.3 pret.sg.3 subj.sg.3 imp.pi.

arunizit 92.2 eraueiz 244.2 aruueizi 22.4 aruuizet' 42.3

55 OHG

strlchan - to move

OHG MHG NHG

strlchan streich strichen streich streichen strich

striefrum gistrichan strichen gestrichen strichen gestrichen

T. not extant. OHG

slichan - to sneak

OHG MHG NHG

slichan sleich slichum gislichan sllchen sleich slichen geslichen schleichen schlich schlichen geschlichen T. not extant.

OHG OHG MHG NHG

blichan - to glitter blichan bleich bllchen bleich bleichen blich

blichum giblichan blichen geblichen blichen geblichen

NHG bleichen - to whiten (MHG weak verb bleichen), after the analogy of the strong verb blichan, took its place and became strong beside the transitive weak verb bleichen - to bleach. T. not extant. OHG

wlchan

- to give way

OHG MHG NHG

wlchan weich wichum giwichan wichen weich wichen gewichen weichen wich wichen gewichen T. not extant.

OHG

swlchan - to abandon

OHG MHG NHG

swlchan swichen --

sweich sweich

swichum swichen

giswichan geswichen

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. pres.sg.3

bi-suuichit

94.4

56

T. sub;j.sg.3 bisuihhe pp. bi suihhan " bisuihan " bisuuihan

28.2 64.3 78.3 84.7

OHG

weak verb

ge-lihhen - to be alike

OHG MHG NHa

ge-llhhen weak vb. g(e)llchen gleich glichen geglichen gleichen glich glichen geglichen This verb was originally weak in OHG, but, after

the analogy of strlchan, became strong in MHG and remained strong in NHG. T. pret.sg.3 pp. OHG

gilehheta gilehhet

35.3 67.7

risan - to fall

OHG risan MH'-f risen NHG --

reis reis

rirum giriran riren geriren

This verb does not exist in NH^. T. not extant. OHG

gi-rlsan - to be fitting

OHG MHG NHG

gi-rlsan gerlsen —

gi-reis gereis

gi-rirum gi-riran geriren geriren

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant. OHG

wisan - to avoid

OHG MHG NHG

wisan no forms extant wisan " " " -This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant.

57 As a paradigm for subdivision lb is presented: OHG

dlhan - to prosper

PG Go OS

Jplhan jpaih beihan baih thlhan theh

OHG MHG NHG

dlhan deh digum gidigan dihen dSch digen gedigen gedeihen gedieh gediehen gediehen

jpi^um J>aih-um thi gum

(gi)bi^anaz baihans githi gan- gi thungan

According to its etymology, this verb belonged origin­ ally to Cl.Ill (nasal -j- consonant), as still shown in the OE and OS isolated participial adjectives ge-bungen and gi-thungan resp. By the change of the stem vowel e to i before nasal f consonant, and by compensatory lengthening of this i to I for the dropping of the nasal before h it became analogous to the stem vowel of Cl.I and then, after the analogy of this class, it formed its principal parts after it. The OHG past participle gidigan is still preserved in NHG in the isolated adjectival form gediegen. In those verb forms which, according to Verner's Law, show in OHG and in MHG the gram.change h/g. the latter has been changed in NHG, after the analogy of the infinitive and present, back to h. pret.sg.l and 3 (ai

B

Furthermore, the stem vowel of the

before r, h, w ) , after the analogy

of the preterite plural and the past participle, has been changed in NHG to ie. Footnote: Gothic has retained or, more probably, restored the voiceless spirants in its strong verbs, since there are a few remnants of gram.change (standen : sto£ ; ]?arf : baurbum).

58

T.

pres.pi.1 pret.sg.3

dihemes theh

137.3 12.9

exactly like dihan goes OHG

zihan - to accuse

Go OS

telhan tlhan

taih teh

taihum tigun

taihans gitigan

OHG MHG NHG

zihan zlhen zeihen

zSh zSch zieh

zigum zigen ziehen

gizigan gezigen geziehen

In M G , the stem consonant of thepresent and

preterite

singular, by analogy, have been extended to thepreterite plural and the past participle; erite singular 1 and 3

the stem vowelof the pret­

has been simplifiedaftertheanalogy

of the preterite plural and past participle. T . not extant. OHG

rlhan - to file

OHG MHG NHG

rlhan reh rigum rihen rech rigen reihen weak vb.

girigan gerigen

This verb became weak in NHG, however, its strong forms are still preserved in the nouns der Reigen, die Riege. T. not extant. OHG

intrihhen - intrlhan - to reveal

OHG MHG MG

intrlhan entrlhen ---

intreh entrSch

intrigum intrigan entrigen entrigen

The original hh of the infinitive indicates gemination by

JL

(so-called j-present verb), then, by analogy, simplific­

ation took place. The verb is extinct in M G . T.

inf. intrlhan 67.8 pret.sg.2 intrigi 67.7

V

59

OHG

lihan - to lend

Go 'OS

leihwan lihan

laihw leh

laihwum liwun

lalhwans (far)liwan

OHG MHG NHG

lihan lihen leihen

leh ISch lieh

liwum lihen liehen

giliwan (gelihan) gelihen geliehen

According to Verner’s Law, the consonantal stem ending hw- had to alternate with w . However, beside the regular past participle giliwan, OHG had already, after the analogy of the present and infinitive, the leveled past participle gilihan.

MHG had dropped the w everywhere, and after the

analogy of the infinitive had restored the h in all tenses. Lihan, like dlhan and wihan - to fight belonged origi­ nally to Cl.Ill ( nasal i consonant), see Lat.linquO, but after the Germanic development of e to 1 before nasal i consonant and corresponding compensatory lengthening of the stem vowel for the loss of the n, these verbs by analogy of the stem vowel joined Cl.I T. pres.pi.3 Imp.sg.

intlihent intlih

32.6 40.1

Footnote: Otfried (p.47) has firllche for the usual firlihe, being a remnant of gemination through the w which £S mostly leveled out after the analogy of those forms without w.

60

OHG

sihan - to strain

Go

seihwan

OHG MHG NHg

slhan seh siwum gisiwan slhen-slgen seic sigen gesigen seihen OHG has in addition to the past participle gisiwan the

pp.bisigen and bisihen. MHG, by analogy with dihen and zihen, has as past participle only ge- and besigen. In NHG, after the analogy of reihen, the verb became weak. T. pres.part, sihenti OHG

wihan-wigan - to fight

OHG MHG NHG

wihan wihen ---

■Kweh *wigum wSch wigen

141.18

giwigan gewigen

This verb does not exist in NHG. This verb is very rarely represented in OHG documents; however, past participles show giwigan, irwigan:OHG wigantfighter.

There were probably two IE forms, namely *wei(n)k-

and #wi(n)k- vrtiich wculd explain the two OHG infinitives (Verner's Law); see Go weihan,Lat.vinco, OE wigan. Like lihan and dlhan, wihan was originally a member of Cl.III which by analogy entered Cl.I T. not extant.

61

OHG

spiwan (spian) -

OHG MHG NHG

splwan-splan (l) spi(w)en spelen

speo-spe(2)spiwum gispiwan spei (3)-spS spiwen gespiwen spie spie(e)n gespie(e)n

Go

speiwan

spaiw

spiwum

spiwans

The NHG forms are of steigen. T.

pret.sg.3 pret.pl. 3

speo 132.4 spuuun 192.1

Footnotes: (1) After a long vowel medial w is often dropped, especially in Alemannlc. (2) Final £ for w is often dropped after a long vowel. (3) spei after the analogy of steig. 4 In Notker pret.sg.3 is speh after the analogy of leh - liwum. 5 Tatian has pret.pl. spuuun after the analogy of bluwun,pret.of bliuwan of Cl.II 6 Otfriedhas pret.pi.spiun (with drop of w). 7 gespuen Denkm.91.49 in analogy with gibluen. 8 Only in very late OHG (11.-12.cent.) appeared the past participle spiren for spiwen in analogy with gisciran,(paspiren Denkm.90.23). 9 Sometimes a g appears instead of w, thus uzspiget Derikm.30.162.

62

OHG

salwan - to snow

OHG MHG NHG

snlwan no forms are extant except versniegun Gl.2.435 snlwen-snien no prt.forms extant weak v b.schnelen This verb became weak in NHG. T . not extant.

OHG

scrian - to scream

OHG MHG NHG

scrian screi scrirum gescriran schrlen schrei-schre schrirn geschrirn schreien schrie schrie(e)n geschrie(e)n After the analogy of the pret.sg.of spiwan (which

regularly was spe) scrian took up schre in MHG and also w-forms, of which we find already in OHG an example in erscriuun (Gl.1.713). The second r which appears so mysteriously in the pret.plural and past participle (in scrian as well as in spiwan), Braune (l) explains as a possible infix to ease the passing over from one vowel to another.

The author

considers it more probable due to the analogy with birum. The NHG preterite plural and past participle are new formations after the analogy of other verbs of this group. T. not extant.

Footnote: (D Wilhelm Braune, Althochdeutsche Grammatik.1936 P.101 A.3.

63

Summary of Cl.I A short review of Cl.I will show to what extent the strong verb has been influenced by analogy: a) a)

in OHG;

b)

in MHG;

c)

in NHG.

In OHG the stem vowel i of the past participle is not

umlanted to e by the a of the suffix, but is retained by external analogy (Systemzwang). The lengthened stem vowel of the past participle is extended by analogy to the preterite. b)

MHG changed the inf.- and past participle suffix endings

from an to en after the analogy of the weak verbs. c)

NHG, by analogy with the other sg.2 pers., changed the

ending of the pret.sg.2 to at after the analogy of the preterite presents and of the weak verbs. By analogy with group la, the stem vowel of the preterite of group lb was changed from e to ie in NHG. By analogy, the vowel of the preterite plural has been extended or leveled out into the preterite singular to distinguish the preterite from the present. Four originally weak verbs joined this class after the analogy of the present: preisen-to praise, schweigen-to keep quiet, weisen -to show, beweisen - to prove. Of those strong verbs that on account of Verner's Law should show gram.change only 12 do so in OHG; of these 12 only two (leiden and schneiden) survived with gram.change, the others, leveled out after the analogy of the infinitive and present, became weak or dropped out altogether.

64

In the following a list is presented of all the verbs of Cl.I originally strong in OHG, alphabetically arranged, with indications of their farther developments in MHG and NHG. Class I No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

meaning OHG to wait bitan bite blzan glitter blichan thrive dlhan endeavor fllzan glltan glide glitter gllzan rub gnitan grffan grasp grinan weep sprout kinan adhere kllban llban spare remain bi-liban suffer lldan gi-lidan go lend lihan midan avoid nidan envy (h)nigan bend rub riban turn ridan string rlhan reign gi-rlhhan befit gi-rlman touch rinan risan fall be fitting gi-rlsan rltan ride tear rizan sink sigan sihan strain shine sclnan sclzan defecate scrian scream scrlban write scrltan stride slichan sneak sllfan grind slit slizan

_ MHG biten blzen blichen dihen vlizen gliten glizen gniten grlfen grinen kinen kliben liben b(i)llben llden geleiten wk. lihen mi den niden nigen riben rlden rlhen rlchen

NHG ———

beissen bleichen -whiten gedeihen befleissigen wk gleiten gleissen ---

greifen greinen keimen kleiben

wk. wk.

----

bleiben leiden geleiten leihen meiden neiden neigen reiben reihen

wk. wk. wk. wk.

----

—

gereimen

reinen wk. risen gerlsen rlten rizen sigen slhen schlnen schlzen schrlen schrlben schrlten sllchen sllfen sllzen

.... _ __ ---

reiten reissen —

seihen scheinen scheissen schreien schreiben schreiten schleichen schleifen schleissen

wk.

65

Class I No. 41 48 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 58 53 54 55 56 57

OHG smlzan to snidan snlwan spiwan stigan strlchan stritan swidan swlchan swinan triban wif an wihan-wigan wlchan wisan wlzan zihan

meaning smite cut snow spit ascend strike quarrel burn abandon disappear drive wind fight give way avoid punish accuse

part 8. MHG smlzen snlden snlwen spiwen-splen stigen strichen striten

MG schmeissen schneiden schneien speien steigen streichen streiten

--—

-

- -

_

_

swichen swinen triben wifen wlhen-wlgen wichen wlsen wizen zlhen

—

treiben weifen -------

weichen -- (weisei —

— -

zeihen

i

66

Class II Class II is, parallel to Cl.I, divided into two subgroups: Ila, ending in a dental or Germanic h and having the ablaut series

io : o, u : o

lib, ending in a labial or velar consonant (with the exception of Germanic h) and having the ablaut series io : ou, u Upper German iu

:

o

The Germanic diphtong au (IE ou) had been contracted in OHG to a long o before all dentals (d, t, z,

s

, n, r, l)

and before Germanic ]a; however, Germanic au remained au in OHG before all other consonants and, at the beginning of the 9.cent., changed to ou. 'Aie original IE ablaut series for Cl.II is the same as for Cl.I, namely e : o : zero As a paradigm for subgroup Ila is presented: OHG

ziohan - to pull

IE

deuk-

douk-

duk-

duk-

PG Go OE OS

teuhtiuhan tSon tiohan

tauhtauh t£ah tbh

tu tauhum tugon tugun

tu tauhans togen gitogan

OHG MHG NHG

ziohan ziehen ziehen

zoh(zog) zugum zugen zSch zogen zog

gizogan gezogen gezogen

The zero grade of the preterite plural past participle indicates that in IE the stress must have been on the end syllable,(not on the stem).

Then Verner's

Law comms into effect and the voiceless h must become the

67

voiced^.

Already in MHG the u of the preterite plural

was often written o after the analogy of the past participle and then, after the analogy of the preterite singular, became lengthened in NHG, if followed by a voiced consonant; or vice versa, the long vowel of the preterite singular became shor­ tened after the analogy of the preterite plural and past participle -when followed by a voiceless consonant. In NHS all verbs of this class, after the analogy of the corresponding form, are leveled out in their preterites, as described above. Furthermore, by analogy, the NHG stem vowel ie of the present plural is extended to the present singular. iu

MHG

would have become eu in NHG, thus Luther writes the

present singular ind.still with eu

(kreucht, fleugt etc.).

Of the 21 strong verbs of subgroup Ila there are only six verbs subject to gram.change on account of Verner's Law. Five of these, including ziohan (though there are al­ ready isolated cases of z5g in OHG) show regular gram, changes. The sixth one, fliohan,shows the h leveled out, after the analogy of the infinitive and preterite singular, into the preterite plural and past participle (fliohan, floh, fluhum, giflohan). This is probably done to differentiate fliohan from fliogan, with which it was originally identic­ al, as can be seen in OE preterite plural flugon - they fled. On the other hand, for the same reason, OHG fliogan carries

68

the g in all its tenses. (That the h in OHG pret.sg.floh was pronounced like Modern German ch can still be seen in the NHG noun Flucht). The other four verbs of subgroup Ila, showing gram, change are: OHG

friosan - to freeze

OE

freosan frias

fruron

froren

OHG MHG NHG

friosan fros vriesen vros frieren fror

frurun vrurn froren

gifroran gevrorn gefroren

T. mentions only the noun frost OHG

flr-llosan - to lose

OE OS

far-leosan far-liosan

OHG MHG NHG

fir-liosan -los verliesen-vliesen verlieren verlor

-leas -10s

186.5

-luron -loren lurun -loren -lurum -loran verlos verlurn verlorn verloren verloren

In MHG there existed beside the form verliesen a shortened form vliesen, caused by syncope before 1; however, the fuller form is the more regular one. In Modern High German the two verbs frieren and verlieren, after the analogy of the preterite plural and past participle, have leveled out the r to the preterite singular and to the infinitive; however, the original s. of the infinitive has been preserved in the two nouns Frost and Verlust. T. pres,sg.3 furliusit 44.24 subj.sg.3 furliose 82.7 pret.sg.l uorlos 96.5 inf. furliosan 69.4 " fliosan 44.19 pret.subj.pi.3 fTurin 199.6

69

OHG

kiosan - to choose

OE OS

ceosan kiosan

ceas kos

curon kurun

coren gikoran

OHG MHG MG

kiosan kiesen kiesen

kos kos mor

kurum kurn koren

gikoran gekorn gekoren

In M G the r of the preterite by analogy, to the preterite singular; however, the original s of the infinitive is preserved in the Modern German kiesen, probably on account of the fact that this wford is very rarely used in Modern High German. T . pret .sg.l 11 " 1 II pi.2 II " 3

ercos 16913 gicoos 18.12 gicurut 168.4 gicurun 110.3

OHG

siodan •

OE

seofran

seas

sudon

OHG IMG MG

siodan sieden sieden

s5d sot sott

sutum gisotan suten gesoten sotten gesotten

tO

!seethe

soden

In NHG this verb has, after the analogy of weak verbs, also a weak preterite and past participle. T. not extant. OHG

fliohan - to flee

Go OE

£liuhan flSon

frlauh flSah

jplauhum flugon

£lauhans flogen

OHG MHG MG

fliohan vliehen fliehen

floh vloch floh

flu&um vluhen flohen

giflohan gevlohen geflohen

T. pres.sg.3 " pi.2 imp.sg. pret.sg.3 " pi.3

fliuhit 133.11 fliohet 141.28 fliuh 92. pi.fliohet 44.15 floh 80.8 fluhun 53.11

70

OHG

niosan - to bid

OHG MHGKHG

niosan *nbs *nurum ^ginoran niesen-niusen weak vb. niesen weak vb. This probably had gram.change in OHG; however, it

becam weak in MHG and remained so in MiG. T. not extant. OHG

biotan - to bid

OHG MHG MiG

biotan bieten bieten

bot butum bot buten bot boten

T. pres.sg.l " " 5 snb^.sg.3 imp.sg. pret.sg.l " " 2 " " 3 " " 3 subj.sg.3

gibotan geboten geboten

gibiutu 92.6 gibintit 52.7 gibiote 15.4 gibiut 215.3 gibot 242.2 gibuti 125.10 gibot 52.6 giboot 89.4 90.3 gibuti 53.8

OHG

ar-leotan - to grow up

OHG MHG MiG

arleotan — --

-lot

-lutum

-lotan

This verb does not exist in MHG and MiG. T. not extant. OHG

dlozan - to roar

OHG MHG MiG

diozan diezen —

doz duzzum doz duzzen

gidozzan gedozzen

MiG has only a weak cognate tosen. T. not extant.

71

OHG

drlozan - to vex

OHG MHG NHG

driozan droz druzzum gidrozzan driezen droz druzzen gedrozzen (ver)drlessen &dross -drossen verdrossen T. not extant.

OHG

fliozan - to flow

OHG MHG NHG

fliozan floz fluzzum vliezen vloz vluzzen fliessen floss flossen

giflozzan gevlozzen geflossen

T. pres.pi.5

129.5

fliozent

OHG

glozan - to pour

OHG MHG NHG

giozan goz giezen goz giessen goss

guzzum gigozzan guzzen gegozzen gossen gegossen

T. pret.sg.3

goz

OHG

griozan - to grind

OHG MHG NHG

griozan griezen --

128.9

groz gruzzum groz gruzzen

gigrozzan gegrozzen

This verb does not exist in NHG; however, it is still preserved in the NHG noun Grtitze. T. not extant. OHG

(h)liozan - to draw lots

OHG MHG NHG

liozan loz luzzum lozen weak vb. losen weak vb.

gilozzan

This verb became weak in MHG and remained so in NHG. T. pres.subj.pi.1

liozemes

203.3

72

OHG

nlozan - to enjoy

OHG MHG NHG

nlozan noz nuzzum ginozzan niez(z)en nbz nuzzen genozzen geniessen genoss genossen genossen T. not extant.

OHG

rlozan - to weep

OHG MHG NHG

riozan riezen -—

rbz rOz

ruzzum ruzzen

girozzan gerozzen

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. pres.pi.2 pret.pl.2 " pi.3

riocet 25.3 ruzut 64.12 ruzzun 201.1

OHG

(h)ruzzan - to snor

OHG MHG NHG

ruzzan ruzen --

rbz ruzzum rbz ruzzen

girozzan gerozzen

This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant. OHG

skiozan - to shoot

OHG MHG NHG

skiozan skbz skuzzum giskozzan schiezen schbz schuzzen geschozzen schiessen schoss schossen geschossen T. not extant.

OHG

sllozan - to close

OHG MHG NHG

sliozan sloz sluzzum glslozzan sliezen sloz sluzzen geslozzen schliessen schloss schlossen geschlossen T. pres.sg.3 " pi.2 pret.pl.3 pp.

bisliuzit bisliozet bisluzun bislozzan

113.1 141.11 74.6 230.1

73

As a paradigm fur subgroup lib is presented: OHG

biegen ■ - to bend

IE

bheugh-

bhough-

bhugh—

bhugh-

PG Go

beu biugan

bau baug

bu bugum

bu bugans

OHG OHG MHG NHG

biogan biogan biegen biegen

(Upper German biugan) boug bugum gibogan bouc bugen gebogen bog bogen gebogen

It must be observed that there occurs eo.io in the present tense only in the Franconian dialects; Upper German has only lu, because only dental consonants or Germanic h cause this change eu

eo.io.

Of the 22 strong verbs of group lib non was subject to Verner's Law, except hiofan, which probably had gram, change; howeve^, only present tense forms are preserved. T. pp.

Gibogan(emo) 46.2

OHG

fliogan - to fly

OHG MHG NHG

fliogan floug vliegen vlouc fliegen flog

flugum giflogan vlugen feevlogen flogen geflogen

T. not extant. OHG

hiofan - to wail

OHG MHG NHG

hiofan *houf *hubum *gihoban — "JHHr This verb does not exist in MHG and NHG. T. not extant.

74

OHG

kriochan- to crawl

OHG MHG NHG

kriochan krouh kruchrn gikrochan kriechen krouch kruchen gekrochen kriechen kroch krochen gekrochen T. not extant.

OHG

liochan - to pluck

OHG MHG NHG

liochan louh luchum gilochan liechen-luchen louch luchen gelochen --This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant.

OHG

riochan - to smell

OHG MHG NHG

riochan rouh ruchum girochan riechen rouch ruchen gerochen riechen roch rochen gerochen T.. pres.part.riohhento

OHG

skioban - to push,shove

OHG MHG NHG

ski oban skoub skubum schieben schoup schuben schieben schob schoben

69.9

giskoban geschoben geschoben

T. not extant. OHG

stloban - to disperse

OHG MHG NHG

stioban stoub stubum gistoban stieben-stiubenstoup stuben gestoben stieben stob stoben gestoben A NHG derivative is the noun Staub - dust. T. not extant.

75

OHG

klloban - to split

OHG MHG NHG

klioban kloub klieben kloup klieben klob

klubum gikloban kluben gekloben kloben gekloben

T. not extant. OHG

triofan - to drip

OHG MHG NHG

trio fan trouf triefen trouf triefen troff

truffum truffen troffen

gitroffan getroffen getroffen

T. not extant. OHG

liogan -to tell a lie

OHG MHG NHG

liogan loug lugum gilogan liegen-liugen louc lugen gelogen Itigen log logen gelogen The NHG infinitive liigen is a new formation after

the analogy of the NHG noun Ldge. T. pres.part, liogente OHG

trlogan - to deceive

OHG MHG NHG

triogan troug triegen trouc trttgen trog

22.16

trugum gitrogan trugen getrogen trogen getrogen

NHG trtlgen is a new formation after the analogy of ltigen. T. pp.bitrogan 10.1

76

OHG

sliofan - to slip

OHG MHG NHG

sliofan slouf slufum gisiofan sliefen slouf slufen geslofen schliefen schioff schloffen geschloffen T . not extant.

OHG

bruchan - to need

OHG MHG MG

bruchan appears only in the present tense brtlchen weak vb. brauchen weak vb. This verb has become weak in MHG and remained so in NHG. T. pres.pi.3

(eban)bruchent

87.2

OHG

Inch an - to close

OHG MHG NHG

luchan louh luhhum gilohhan liechen-lhchen louch lucfcen gelochen -This verb does not exist in M G . T. not extant.

OHG

tuchan - to dive

OHG MHG NHG

tuchan touh tuchum tuchen weak vb. tauchen weak vb.

gitochan

This verb became weak in MHG and M G . T. not extant. OHG

sufan - to drink

OHG MHG MG

shf an souf suffum gisoffan sufen-saufen souf suffen &esoffen saufen soff soffen gesoffen T. pret.pl.3

suffun

19.7

77

OHG

sugan - to suck

OHG MHG NHG

sugan song stigen souc saugen so

sugum sugen sogen

T. pret.sg.2

sugi

gisogan gesogen gesogen 58.1

Of sugan, MHG saugen, there exists in Modern German also a weak preterite and Past participle. These four aorist presents luchan, sufan, sugan, and tuchan have in the whole present tense the long vowel u. Since, by analogy, they agree in all other forms with the verbs of this group, they are added to it. OHG

bliuwan - to beat

OHG MHG NHG

bliuwan bliuwan blfiuen

blou bluwum blou blttwen weak vb.

gibltlwan gebltlwen

This verb became weak in NHG; after the analogy of blau, NHG changed the stem vowel to flu. T. subj.pl.2

bliuuet

13.18

OHG

niuwan - to smash

OHG MHG NHG

niuwan nou nuwum ginuwan niuwen-nuwen nou nttwen genuwen --This verb does not exist in NHG. T. not extant.

OHG

(h)riuwan - to repent

OHG MHG NHG

riuwan rou r u ™ ™ g^rllwan riuwen-riwen rou m w e n gertlwen (be)reuen weak vb. This verb became weak in NHG. T. not extant.

78

OHG

kiuwan - to chew

OHG MHG NHG

kiuwan kou ktlwum gikuwan kiuwen-kttwen kou khwen gekuwen kauen weak vb. This verb became weak in NHG. T. not extant. These verbs ending in w (bliuwan,kiuwanf riuwan, niuwan)

had become weak in NHG, probably after the analogy of NHG freuen. They haji the stem vowel iu not only in Upper German but also in Franconian ( e became i in OHG before w) These verbs are often found without the w in the pret­ erite and past participle (blttun, gibluan as was found with splan instead of splwan); however, the forms with w were more frequent.

79

Summary of Class II A short review of Cl.II will show to what extent the strong verb of this class has been influenced by analogy: a) a)

in OHG;

b)

in MHG;

c)

in NHG.

Practically all verbs which on account of Verner's Law

should show gram, change do so.

One verb, ziohan, by analogy,

extended even the £ of the preterite plural and past participle into the preterite singular. b)

There are no general analogical changes in MHG, except

that a few verbs became weak after the analogy of weak verbs. c)

NHG leveled the peculiar umlauted stem vowel of the pret.

sg.2 after the analogy of the other persons of the preterite. All those verbs with gram.change s/r extended, by analogy, the r of the preterite plural and of the past participle into the preterite singular and Infinitive. The stem vowel iu of the present singular has been supplan­ ted by ie after the analogy of the present plural. The regular development of MHG iu would be eu in NHG.

Luther is still

differentiating the stem vowels of the preterite singular and plural (kreucht and fleugt). The NHG preterite (always alike in singular and plural) is a new formation after the analogy of the past participle and preterite plural. The o of the preterite singular and plural and of the past participle is long when followed by a voiced consonant, and short when followed by a voiceless

80

consonant; voiceless consonants are usually doubled in NHG.. Thus the stem vowel differences in the preterite singular between subgroups Ila and lib have been abolished by analogy. For both groups of Cl.II the preterite subjunctive would have had d in NHG; however, after the analogy of the o in the preterite indie.., it was changed to fl (zttge, bttte etc). The NHG verbs schnauben (MHG snuben) and schrauben (MHG schrttben) are weak, but have, after the analogy of saugen, a strong parallel preterite and past participle. On account of these various analogical levellings it can be positively stated that every one of the strong verbs of Cl.II, just as those of Cl.I, shows the influence of analogy.

81

In the following a list is presented of all the verbs of Class II, originally strong in OHG and alphabetically arrang­ ed, with indications of their further developments in MHG and NHG. Class II No.

OHG

1 biogan to 2 biotan 3 bliuwan 4 brtlchan 5 ' diozan 6 driozan 7 fliogan 8 fliohan o fliozan 10 friosan 11 giozan 12 griozan 13 hiofan 14 kiosan 15 kiuwan 16 kT ioban 17 kriochan 18 ar-leotan 19 liochan 20 liogan 21 fir-liosan (h)liozan 22 lttchan 23 24 (h)neatan 25 niosan 26 niozan 87v- raniuwan 28 riochan 29 (h)riuwan 30 riozan 31 ruzzan 32 siodan 33 skioban 34 skiozan 35 sliofan 36 sliozan 37 stioban 38 sufan 39 sugan 40 triofan 41 triogan 42 tuchen 43 ziohan

meaning bend bid beat need roar vex fly flee flow freeze pour grind wail choose chew split crawl grow up pluck tell a lie lose draw lots close knot sneeze enjoy smash smell repent weep snore seethe shove shoot slip close disperse drink suck drip deceive dive draw

MHG

NHG

biegen biegen bieten-buten bieten bliuwen blfluen wk. bruchen brauchen wk diezen tosen wk driezen verdriessen vliegen fliegen vliehen-vlien fliehen vliezen fliessen vriesen-vrieren frieren giezen giessen ----------griezen ----------

kiesen kiuwen klieben kriechen

_ ——

kiesen kauen wk• klieben kriechen —

_

liechen-luchen ----------liegen-liugen Itigen verliesen-vliesen verlieren 13zen wk. losen wk. luchen-liechen — — _ nieten wk. nieten wk. niesen-niusen wk. niesen wk, niez(z)en (ge)niessen ------niuwen-nuwen riechen riechen riuwen-riwen reuen wk. ----------riezen -- — rtlzen sieden sieden schieben schieben schiezen sdhiessen schliefen sliefen sliezen schliessen stieben-stiuben stieben sufen-souf en saufen sugen saugen triefen triefen triegen trftgen tuchen w k. tauchen w k. ziehen ziehen.

88

Class III Here is again, as in Classes I and II, a division into two subgroups: Ilia, ending

in a nasal i consonant (also nasal inasal)

Illb, ending

in liquid consonant (also liquid i liquid).

As in classes I and II, the ablaut series is again e : o : zero. However, verbs with nasal i consonant had changed already in PG the e of the stem to i in the infinitive and throughout the present tense; furthermore, since the zero grade leaves

no vowel in the preterite plural and

participle, the

past past

nasal or liquid becomes syllabic, and in PG

a u developed in the zero grades before the nasal or liquid which did not change to o before an a in the following syllable, because it was protected by the nasal or liquid

consonant.

Thus, for subgroup Ilia the ablaut series in OHG i s: i : a :u :u OHG IE PG Go OE OS

bindan - to bind is offered as a paradigm for *bhendh-

*bindbindan bindan bindan V OHG bint'an MHG binden NHG binden

•Kbhomdh*bandband band-bond band bant bant band

*bhndh-

*bhndh-

*bundbundum bundon bundun

■Kbundbundans bunden gibundan

buntum bunden banden

gibuntan gebunden gebunden

Footnote: In OE an a became o before nasal (preserved in the modern English noun bond).

83

Already in late MHG leveling in the preterites took place in both directions, i.e., after the analogy of the preterite singular as well as after the analogy of..the pret­ erite plural, so that there are parallel constructions like band : banden and also bund : bunden till late into modern times, though Luther made a rather consistant differentiation between singular and plural (band : bunden).

In NHG the

preterite plural is leveled out after the analogy of the preterite singular (band : banden). T. pres.sg.2 " pi.2 subj.sg.3 imp.pl. pret.sg.3 " pi. 3 pp.

(gi)bintis 90.3 (gi)bintet 98.3 (gi)binte 62.6 (gi)bintet 72.6 bant 128.9 buntun 185.10 gibuntan 90.3

OHG

slintan - to swallow

OHG MHG NHG

slintan slant slinten slant --

sluntum gisluntan slunten geslunten

Ir: NHG this verb has merged with OHG slingan; however, the noun Schlund is still preserved in NHG. T. pres.pi.2 (for)slintet

141.12

OHG

swintan - to vanish

OHG MHG NHG

swintan swant swuhtum giswuntan swinden swant swunden geswunden schwinden schwand schwunden geschwunden T. not extant.

,

84

OHG

wintan - to wind

OHG MHG NHG

wintan want wuntum giwuntam winten-winden want wunden gewunden winden wand wanden gewunden T.

pret.sg.3 (bi)uuant

OHG

findan- to find

OHG MHG NHG

findan fand vinden vant finden fand

funtum vunden fanden

5.13

funtan vunden gefunden

This verb preserved the gram, change in OHG; however, T. writes the preterite plural and past participle usually with d, but transfers occasionally an.-etymologically wrong t into the present tense (fintis,fintit) and into the preterite singular (fant).

Gram.change was especially

preserved in 0. and other Upper German documents.

But

the softening of the combination nt to nd in late OHG eliminates each differentiation also in Upper German. pres •sg .1 it

II

2

If 3 11 3 11 It 3 If pi .1 II

ii

t!

II

II

It

2

3 subj •Sg .3 n pi .3 pret •sg .1 II ii 1 ii II E it II 3 II ii 3 ii .1 pi ii It 3 subj .sg .3 II pi .3 PP.

fintu 102.2 fintis 93.3 findit 44.24 uintit 90.5 fintit 96.2 findemes 1E9.4 findet 6.2 findent 40.10 147.7 finde 80.1 finden fand 47.6 fant 96.5 fundi 3.4 17.1 fand uant 88.5 fundumus 16.4 fundun 6.4 122.3 fundi fundi n 69.2 5.7 fundan

85

Perfective verbs (findan, queman, bringan, werdan) formed their past participle in OHG regularly without the perfective suffix gi-.

Tatian, however, after the analogy of other

strong verbs, usually writes giwortan; Isidor writes tv/ice chiuuordan. In modern German, after the analogy of the great majority pf past participles of the other strong verbs with gi-. the pp. of findan bejsame gefunden. E.Prokosch in his Comparative Germanic Grammar.p.145, considers it probable that findan is related to Latin peto.

In that case it belonged originally to Cl.V and, by

analogy (nasal infix consonant), it was transferred to

Cl.III. Prokosch,loc.cit., believes that OHG klimban is a cognate of OHG kllban, with a nasal infix, that also slhkan has a nasal infix and that both verbs originally belonged to Cl.I and then, by analogy, joined Cl.III. Conversely, sfhan of Cl.I belonged originally to Cl.Ill Cslh ^sinhw wog(h)]OwOgon gijpwagen thwahan thuog thuogun githwagan dwahan twahen ---

dwuog twuok

dwuogum twuogen

gidwagan getwagen

There are no forms preserved in NHG. In the OHG preterite sometimes forms are found without the w (duag).

This w is occasionally dropped before u,

becomes, however, reinstated after the analogy of those verb forms which regularly had the w.

The initial consonant

compound dw- shifted the d to t in MHG. T. inf. thuuahan 155.2 imp.sg. thuah 35.2 subj.pl.3 (gi)thuahen 84.4 pp. githuuagan 83.1 OHG

lahan- to blame

OS

lahan

15g(h) logun

gilagan

OHG MHG NHG

lahan -— --

luog

gilagan

luogum

Ko forms are preserved in MHG and NHG. T. not extant.

157

OHG

sl ah an - to slay

Go OE OS

si ahan slean slahan

OHG MHG NHG

slahan sluog-sluoh sluogum gislagan slahen (;slSLn) sluoc sluogen geslagen schlagen schlug schlugen geschlagen

slob slohum slahans slog-sloh slogon slagen-slaegen slog slogum geslagan

In Upper German stands slahit beside slehit, since old h prevented umlaut. Occasionally in OHG ski.scl instead of si appeared (skluog Ludw.l.52),(piscluoc Ra) which is considered an assimilation of _s to 1.

In MHG, after the analogy of

stan and gan, there appeared also sian. T.

pres.sg.l slahu 151.2 " " 2 slehis 137.5 " " 3 slehit 192.2 pret.sg.3 sluog 118.3 " " 3 sluoc 185.2 pp. (ar)slagan 9.4

OHG

glwahan - to mention

OHG MHG NHG

giwahan giwuog giwuogum giwagan gewehenen weak inf. gewuoc gwuogen erwfihnen weak vb.

gewagen

There existed also in OHG a weak infinitive and present giwahinen which became the MHG gewehenen and the NHG weak verb erwfihnen, while the original strong forms disappeared. In the NHG form erw&hnen, the original h is preserved and not, after the analogy of the other verb forms, changed to £ ( as in slahan-schlagen), in order not to confuse the verb with erw&gen. T . not extant.

158

As in Class V, there were also in Cl.VI a group of verbs which had a j.-infix in the infinitive and present tense, and thus were conjugated in the present like group I of the weak verbs.

Though this j. had disappeared already

in pre-OHG, its effect (umlaut and gemination) is still perceptible. OHG

heffen - to heave

Go OE OS

haf jan hc5f hdfum hafans hebban hof hofon hafen-haefen heffian-hebbian hbf hbbun gihaben

OHG MHG NHG

heffen-hevan huob heben huop heben hob

huobum huoben hoben

gihaben gehaben gehoben

The original j. (Go. haf jan), still shown in OS, caused umlaut of the a to e and gemination of the h , the ending jan became en, thus heffen.

However, no gemination took

place for the 2.and 3.sg.pres., since the original i of their ending supplanted the j. (hevis, hevit).

After the

analogy of the 2.and 3.sg.pres. there appeared already in OHG an infinitive hevan-heban; furthermore, after the ana­ logy of the preterite plural and past participle, the b became leveled out to the preterite singular (huob). Then analogous leveling in both directions took place between the v of the infinitive and the h of the preterites and past participle.

N. has the past participle erhaven, T.

has b in the imperative. In MHG, the b takes over all verb forms.

159

The NHG

preterites hob, hoben and past participle

gehoben are new formations after the analogy of wob, woben, gewoben.

The original past participle has been preserved in

the isolated adjectival form erhaben. T. inf.heuan 118.5 " (ar)heven 119.8 pres.sg.2 (ar)heuistu 65.4 " " 3 hefit 156.5 " " 3 (ar)heuit 110.3 " pi.2 (ar)heuet 131.11 subj.sg.3 (uf)heue 69.6 imp.pl. hebet 87.8 pret.sg.3 (ar)huob 4.7 " pi.3 (ar)huobun 111.1 pp. (ar)haban 118.3 OHG

intseffan - to notice

OHG

intseffan intsuab

OS

intsuabum

af-seffian-af sebbian

MHG

entseben entsuop

NHG

--

afsof

entsuoben

^intsaban afsobun

*afsaben

entsaben

This verb is only found in 0. in the preteriteforms. From the forms at hand the conclusion can be drawnthat

this

verb is inflected after the analogy of heben. T. not extant. OHG

(h)lahhan - to laugh

Go OS

hiaftjan hlahhian

OHG MHG NHp.

hlahhan #hluoh(g) -^htuogum lachen weak vb. lachen weak vb.

hlbh --

hlShum hi ogun

hlahans (bi)hlagan *gihlagan

There is only one case documented in OHG of a strong preterite (hloc Gl.1,39) which shows a £ (c) after the analogy of the preterite plural.

Later in OHG, a weak verb lachSn

160

developed form the strong form which has supplanted the latter entirely. MHG and M G have only weak forms. T. uses the verb only in the 2.pi.pres, lahhet, so it can not be determined whether he uses the strong form lahhen or the weak form lahhen. T. pres.pi.2

lahhet

OHG

skephen - to create

OHG

skephen

Go OS

skapjan skop skeppian skop

MHG MG

schephen schuoph schttpfen-schaffen

skuof

23.3

skuofum sk.Spum skhpum

giskaffan skapans giskapan

schuophen geschaffen schuf schufen geschaffen

After the analogy of the past participle geskaffan a new infinitive and present tense was formed in OHG (skaffan). In the Alemannic dialect of MHG an e often became changed to ft, especially in the neighborhood of labials and thus, after the analogy of this Alemannic writing, a new infinit­ ive and present tense developed (schdpfen) which has been carried over into M G .

Thus there are two parallel strong

verbs in M G : schdpfen - to create schaffen "

schuf schuf

schufen schufen

geschaffen geschaffen

Beside the strong verb skephen there was also a weak verb skephen in OHG (skephen, skafta, giskaft), meaning to draw, which is preserved in NHG.

Pdrthermore, there is also

a weak verb schaffen, schaffte,geschafft in MHG, meaning to work. T.

inf. sceffen 87.2 subj.sg.2 scefes 37.3 imp.pl. skephet 45.6 pret.sg.3 scuof 22.6 " pi.3 scuo fun 45.7

161

OHG

swerian -swerren - to swear

PG Go OS

swerjah swaran swerian

sw5r swor swor

swhrum giswaran-gisworan sworum giswaran sworun gisworan

OHG MHG NHG

swerian s(w)uor s(w)uorum fisworan (giswaran) swern swuor swuorum gesworn schwdren schwur-schwor sc h v m r e n -schworen geschworen Already in PG, there was $•: parallel past participle

gisworan with the stem vowel o after the analogy of the preterites.

Although Go has the stem vowel a in the past

participle, the Westgermanic dialects have all stem vowel o in their past participle. Already in prehistoric OHG, the w had disappeared before u, however, it was mostly reinstated after the analogy of the more frequent forms where the w was regu­ lar.

In MHG, the unaccented e disappeared after 1 and r

in dissyllabic verbs with a short stem (swern), however, in NHG, this e was reinstated after the analogy of those verbs where the e was regular. The NHG preterite forms schwor-schworen beside schwurschwuren have their o after the analogy of the past parti­ ciple. The NHG

6

of the infinitive and present tense came

about after the analogy of the Alemannic dialect where e often rounded to 0, especially in the neighborhood of 1 and r. T. inf. sueren 188.5 pres.sg.3 suerit 141.14 subj.sg.3 suere 30.2 pret.sg.3 suor 4.15

162

OHG

Stephen - to step

OE OS

staeppan steppian

OHG MHG NHG

Stephen Stephen

stop stop

stopon stopun

gistapen gistapen

weak vb. vb. weak vb.

weak

stapfen

Of the original strong verb Stephen of Cl.VI, there is only one strong preterite form found.: stopun (Hildebr.65). Already in OHG, this verb, after the analogy of the weak verb skephen - skafte, has likewise become weak. The NHG form stapfen with a after the analogy of the past participle is weak.

The old strong form is still

preserved in the NHG noun Stufe. T. not extant. OHG

watan - to wade

OHG MHG NHG

watan waten waten

wuot wuotum wuot wuoten weak vb.

giwatan gewaten

This verb became weak in NHG after the analogy of baden. T. not extant.

163

Summary of Class VI A short review of Cl.VI will show to what extent the strong verb has been influenced by analogy in: a) a)

OHG;

b)

MHG;

c)

NHG.

The verbs ending in h show not only gram.change h/g.

but, after the analogy of the preterite plural and. past participle, leveled out the g to the preterite singular; this process was undoubtedly promoted by the fact that the stem vowels of the preterite singular and of the preterite plural were alike. b)

A few verbs became weak after the analogy of other weak

verbs or became merged with parallel weak verbs.

In some

cases, analogical leveling of consonantal endings has taken place which werd subject to gram.change. c)

MHG monosyllabic verbs became dissyllabic again by

analogy with other verbs of this class. Umlaut, in some verbs formerly prevented by consonantal combinations, has been gene­ ralized by analogy with other verbs of this class which had the regularly umlauted forms.

Furthermore, a simplification

of the umlaut-writing took place by changing the e to A number of originally strong verbs became weak after the analogy of parallel weak verbs: others have been dropped entirly, since more frequently used synonyms were available.

164

In the following a list is presented of all the verbs of Class VI, originally strong in OHG, arranged alphabetical­ ly, with indications of their further development in MH§ and NHG. Class VI No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

OHG

meaning

bachan to bake dwahan wash faran fare gal an sing gnagan gnaw graban dig heffen heave (h)ladan load lick laffan lahan blame (h)lahhan laugh malan grind sachan quarrel intseffan notice skaban shave skephan create si ah an slay sneak snachan spanan entice stantan stand stephan step swear swerian tragen drag (gi Twahan mention wahsan grow waskan wash wade watan

MHG bachen-backen twahen varn gellen wk. nagen graben heben laden laffen-leffen

NHG backen ---

fahren gellen nagen graben heben laden ---

_ _

_

lachen wk. malen sachen wk intseben schaben schephen slahen

lachen mahlen -

—

—

—

wk. wk.

-

-------

schaben schttpfen schlagen

-------

-------

sparer

-------

standen Stephen swern tragen gewehenen wahsen wasken waten

wk. wk.

stehen stapfen schwttren tragen erw&hnen wachsen waschen waten

wk.

wk. wk. wk.

165

Class VII This class includes those verbs which originally had reduplicated preterites as still preserved in Gothic, but which became "ablautend" in the other Westgermanic dialects, including Old High German.

It is divided into two su-divis-

ions according as the preterite had ia or io in OHG, which fell together in ie in late OHG.

Most scholars assume that

this original reduplication has undergone contraction with the root syllable.

Since reduplication took place only in

the preterite (IE perfect), there are also in this class certain ablaut series which are differentiated in five groups according to the vowel of the infinitive.

Tt is

characteristic of this class that the preterite singular and oreterite plural have the sam stem vowel in all periods of the language, and usually the past participle has the same stem vowel as the infinitive. The verbs of the first three subgroups had in the oldest OHG documents in the- preterite the vowel § which at the end of the 8th.cent, became diphthongized into ea and which changed in the 9th cent.into ia,

ie.

Ie is the form which

became predominant at the end of the 9th cent. the only form in MHG and as such (T. uses only the form ie).

This

was

waspreserved in NHG.

166

Sub-group I The verbs of this subgroup had the stem vowel a with 1 , n & consonant or with 11, nn. umlaut ( a

The pres.sg.2 and 3 had

e ) unless prevented by certain consonant combi­

nations, especially in Upper German. OHG

haltan - to hold is presented as a paradigm.

PG Go m

haldan haldan haldan

hehald haihald held

0E OS

healdan haldan

held-heold held

OHG MHG NHG

haltan halten halten

hi alt hielt hielt

hehaldum haldans haihaldum haldans heldum (gi)haldan heldon-heoldon healdan heldun gihaldan

hialtum hielten hielten

gihaltan gehalten gehalten

When the stem ended in a dental, syncope of the e and loss of the final t in the 3.sg.pres. began to take place already in MHG in those verbs which have umlaut or which have preserved the old interchange between i and e in the present.

This became general in NHG (hfllt).

MHG ie has become l (written ie) in NHG.

This explains

why the I which arose from old short i in open syllables is written ie as in the preterite of the old reduplicated verbs (hielt). OHG medial and final It form Germanic Id have remained in all periods of HG (halten). T. pres.sg.3 " " 3 pret.sg.3 " pi.3

heltit 143.4 hiltit 165.3 hielt 79.3 hieltun 170.2

167

OHG

faldan-faltan - to fold

Go OS

fal£>an faldan

OHG MHG NHG

faldan-faltan fialt valden-valten vielt falten weak vb.

faifal]? feld

faifalj>um feldun

faljpans gif al dan

fialtum vielten

gifaldan-gifaltan gevalden-gevalten

OHG faldan shows traces of original gram.change, having as past participle gifaldan as well as gifaltan; by analogy, the t of the past participle has also repeated­ ly entered the present. After the analogy of waltan which had weak beside strong forms already in MHG, likewise faldan had both weak and strong forms in the present and preterite of the MHG period; the NHG verb forms are weak; however, in the past participle there is a strong beside a weak form. After the analogy of the other verbs of this group with 1 i t, the infinitive is falten in NHG. OHG

spaltan - to split

OHG MHG NHG

spaltan spalten spalten

spialt spialtum spielt spielten weak vb.

gispaltan gespalten

After the analogy of faltan,spaltan also has become weak in the present and preterite of NHG, but in the past participle both verbs have strong beside weak forms. No forms of these two verbs are preserved in Tatian.

168

OHG

waitan - to rule

OS

waldan

OHG MHG NHG

waltan wialt wlaltum giwaltan walden-walten wielt wlelten gewalten walten weak vb.

weld

weldun

giwaldan

Already in MHG there was a parallel weak verb form walten; thus, after the analogy of this weak verb, the NHG has only weak forms. T. pres.pi.5

uualtent

112.3

OHG

scaltan - to push

OHG MHG NHG

scaltan scialt scialtum giscaltan schalden-schalten schielt schielten schalten weak vb.

geschalten

After the analogy of the weak verb walten, the NHG schalten is likewise weak. T. imp.sg. scalt

19.6

OHG

walkan - to roll

OHG MHG NHG

walkan wialk wialkum walken wielk wielken walken weak vb.

giwalkan gewalken

After the analogy of the weak verb walten, the NHG verb walken has only weak forms. T. not extant. OHG

walzan - to roll

OHG MHG NHG

walzan wialz wialzum walzen wielz wielzen walzen weak vb.

giwalzan gewalzen

After the analogy of walken, walzen also became weak in NHG. T. not extant.

169

OHG

blantan - to mix

OS

blandan

OHG MHG NHG

blantan bliant bliantum giblantan blanden blient blienden geblanden weak vb .

blend

blendun

giblandan

In NHG, this verb became confused with MHG weak verb blenden; after the analogy of this weak verb, the NHG forms are weak. T. not extant. OHG

salzan - to salt

OHG MHG NHG

salzan salzen salzen

*sialz ^sialzum sielz sielzen weak vb.

gisalzan gesalzen

After the analogy of walzen, this verb likewise became weak in NHG; however, it preserved the strong past participle gesalzen. T. pres.sg.3 selzit 24.2 past part, gisalzan 95.5 " " gisalzen 95.5

\

170

OHG

gangan - to go

Go OE OS

gaggan gangan gangan

OHG MHG NHG

gangan giang gELn-gSn gienc gehen ging

OHG

g&n-gen (gen after the analogy of theoriginaloptative)

(tfgaigagg) iddja gaggans geong geongon gangen geng gengun gi gangan giangum giengen gingen

gigangan gegangen gegangen

In OHG, the forms with a are Alemannic, thosewith

e

are •usually Bavarian and Franconian (Rhine-Franc.has also a). In MHG, the present was always formed from gan-gen, hence the NHG form gehen.

The h serves, after the analogy

of sehen, as a tension h to indicate that the preceding vov/el is long.

The dissyllabic forms of the NHG sbjunctive

are after the analo gy of strong verbs like neman.

The shor­

tening of the MHG gienc to ging tokk place in Middle German in the MHG period. T. uses both verb forms indiscriminately: pres.sg.l ih gan 123.5 " " 1 gangu 125.4 " " 2 ges 27.3 " 3 gengit 77.7 " pl.l gemes 135.8 " " 2 geet 94.2 imp.sg. gang 34.2 " pi. get 242.2 pret.sg.l gieng 149.6 " » 3 gieng 60.16 " " 3 geng 99.3 " pi.3 giengun 82.12 pres.subj.sg.3 gange 28.3 " " " 2 gest 31.5 imp.pi. get 64.3 inf. gan 46.5 11 gangen 10.2

171

In late OHG appeared a short preterite sg. 1 and 3 gie after the infinitive gan, which was rather common in MHG. (Merigarto). These short forms of gangan probably arose after the analogy of its antonym standan - stan - sten.

Again, af­

ter the analogy of sten - NHG stehen, gen - gehen also became dissyllabic and took up the h as assign of vowel length. OHG gan, which apparently has no etymological connec­ tions with the longer form gangan, is one of the very rare remnants of the athematic mi-verbs, preserved in the sg.l pres, gam-gem. A short e is repeatedly found before the consonantal combination ng in the preterite in Is. and in T.: geng.

It

is conceivable that this short e changed again to i before nasal

-

consonant after the analogy of findan, bindan etc.

From this shortened form originates NHG ging - gingen. 0. writes after the analogy of pres.sg.2 and 3 steist, steit mostly pres.sg.2 and 3 geist, geit, which forms are still preserved in Modern Low German.

172

OHG

fahan - to catch

IE fcpankPG *fanhan WG fahan Go fahan OE fon OS fahen

*-fefanh f ef ah^fSh, *fefangum fengum f eng fgngum faifah faifahum feng fengun feng fengum

OHG fahan fiang MHG vahen vienc NHG fangen fing

fiangum viengen fingen

(gi)fangan (gi)fangan fahans fangen fangen

gifangan gevangen gefangen

This verb, on account of its long a, should belong to the next group; however, the long a derives from the con­ traction of original PG *fanhan

fahan (loss of nasal before

h with compensatory lengthening of the stem vowel). Instead of the regular pret.sg. *fSh we find fSng because the h has been supplanted by the £ of the gram.change after the analogy of the preterite plural and the n has oeen taken up again after the analogy of the preterite plural. NHG fangen is a new formation after the analogy of the past participle which originated in Middle German (Meissner Kanzlei).

From here and at the same time came the shortening

of the preterite to fing-fingen.

Luther still wrote fieng

beside fing. After the analogy of the present, there appeared in OHG a few times a preterite without the n (T. prt.pl.3 intflegun 109.2). T. pres.sg.2 " " 3 pret.sg.3 " pi.2 " " 3 subj.pl.3 " sg.3 imp.sg. " pi. pret.pl.3

fahistu 1919 fahit 92.2 fieng 60.15 fiengut 185.8 fiengun 185.10 fiengin 80.8 bifahe 139.10 intfah 108.3 intfahet!60.l intfiegun 109.2

173

OHG IE Go OE OS

hah an - to hang konkhahan hon hahan

hanh- hshhaihah heng hengon heng hengun

OHG hahan hiang MHG hShen hienc NHG hangen hing

hiangum hiengen hingen

hahans hangen gihangan gihangan gehangen gehangen

OHG hahan goes exactly like OHG fahan and shows the same analogical changes.

Undoubtedly these two verbs influenced

one another to a large extent. In NHG, the infinitive h&ngen, after the analogy of the weak causative verb hflngen, is more frequently used than hangen.

Derivetives: Henkel, Haken, Hang.

E.Prokosch claims in his "Comparative Germanic Grammar. 1939, p.157, that the h of fahan and hahan is analogical for g, since verbs with nasal infixes as a rule have suffix ac­ cent.

The present forms with h instead of g must have with­

drawn the accent to the root before the time of the operation of Verner's Law, in analogy with the great majority of strong verbs which ahd originally root accent. T. pres.sg.l hahu 198.4 " pi.2 hahet 141.29 subj.sg.3 hahe 199.9 imp.sg. hah 197.4 sub;).pret.pl.3 hiengin 200.4

1

174

OHG

fallan - to fall

WG OE OS

fallan fel felum (gi)fallan feallan fsoll fSollon feallen fallan fell fellun gefallen

OHG MHG NHG

fallan vallen fallen

fial viel fiel

T. pres.sg.3 " pi.3 oret.sg.3 " pi.3

fialum vielen fielen

gifallan gevallen gefallen

fellit 44.20 fallent 145.19 fiel 43.12 fielun 71.2

Once, after the analogy of the 11 of the present and past participle, T. wrote for the pret.pl. fielrun 91.3 OHG

erien- erren

- to plow

Go OE

ar jan erian

OHG MHG NHG

erien iariarun gi-aran ern-eren-erren weak vb. --

weak v b .I weak vb.I

In OHG, this verb inflects in the present after the analogy of weak verbs I; it became weak in MHG and dis­ appeared entirely in NHG. There was a strong preterite uor in OH.Upper German after the analogy of the strong verb swerian, pret. s(w)uor. T. not extant.

175

OHG

snannan - to clasp

OHG

spannan spannen spannen

M H &

NHG

spian spianum spien spienen weak vb.

gispannan gespannen

In MHG spannen became confused with the weak verb spannen-spennen and, after the analogy of this verb, the NHG forms are weak, T. pret.sg.3

gispieii

100.3

OHG

wallan~ - to boil

OHG MHG NHG

wallen wial wialum wallen wiel wielen wallen weak vb.

giwallan gewallen

OS

wallan well

giwallan

wellen

In MHG, wallen became confused with the weak verb wallen-wellen and,after the analogy of this verb, the NHG forms are weak. T. not extant. OHG

bannan - to summon

OHG MHG NHG

bannan bannen bannen

bian biannum bien bienen weak vb.

gibannan gebannen

In NHG, after the analogy of spannen, only weak forms are found. T. not extant. With the exception of fallan (probably onaccount of its frequent use) all the verbs of this sub-group with stem vowel a * 11 or nn have become weak by analogy.

1

176

Sub-group II The verbs, belonging to this group, have the stem vowel a. OHG lazan - to PG WG Go OE OS

let

*letan *lelet *lel5tum *letans letan let letum (gi)latan IStan lailot lailotum letans lS.5tan l§t leton laeten latan let-liet letun-lietun gilatan

OHG MHG

lazan liaz liazum gilazan lazen liez liezen gelazen ISLn lie gel5n,lSn InIHG lassen liess liessen gelassen After the analogy of gan and stan, short present forms

of lan are found in late OHG. which are the more common forms in MHG.

N.uses for the imp.sg.usually the short form

la; also pres.sg.3 lat and pret.sg.3 lie for liez are met occasionally. In OHG, consonants became shortened medially after long vowels and consonants, so the more common form was lazan beside lazzan. In the 14th.cent, the spirant began to be written sz, whence the MHG

s z

T. pres.sg.l " " 1 " " 2 " " 3 " " 3 " " 2 " " 2 imp.sg. " pi. subj.sg.l pret.sg.3 inf. pp. "

and, in Latin characters.ss. forlazu 175.6 forlazzu 197.3 forlazzis 198.1 forlazit 116.1 forlazzit 100.5 lazet 141.11 forlazzet 190.2 laz 51.3 lazzet 184.5 forlazze 199.3 liez 14.2 forlazzan 199.3 forlazan 103.2 forlazzan 62.8

177

OHG

ratan - to advise

Go WG OE OS

ga-rSdan ga-rairob ga-redans ratan rSt rStum (gi)ratan rS.Sdan rBd redon r§.§den radan red-ried redun-riedun giradan

OHG MHG NHG

ratan raten raten T,

riat riet riet

riatum rieten rieten

pres.sg.l " pi.3 pret.sg.3

intratu 122.2 intratent 124.3 intriet 122.1

OHG

bagan - to quarrel

OHG MHG NHG

bagan bagen

biag biec

giratan geraten geraten

biagum biegen

gibagan gebagen

This verb is not preserved in NHG. T. uses only the weak verb b§g£n (infin.31.4) OHG

blasan - to blow

OHG MHG NHG

blasan biasen blasen

blias blies blies

T. pres.sg.3 pret.pl.3

bliasum bliesen bliesen

blasit 11914 bliesun 43.1

OHG

bratan - to fry

OHG MHG NHG

bratan braten braten

briat briet briet

giblasan geblSsen geblasen

briatum brieten brieten

gibratan gebraten gebraten

The NHG braten has a weak beside the strong present. T.

No forms preserved.

178

OHG

slafan-slaffan

-

to sleep

PG Go WG OE OS

*slepan *seslep ^seslepim ^slepans slepan saislep saislepum slepans slapan slep slepum (gi)slapan slSSpan slSp slepon slSSpen slapan slep-sliep slepun-sliepun gislapan

OHG MiG NHG

slafan-slaffan sliaf sliafum gislSfan slafen slief sliefen geslafen schlafen schlief schliefen geschlafen OHG consonants became simplified medially after long

vowels (slaffan

slafan).

In the 14.cent, s became sh (written sch) initially before 1 (slafen T.

pres.sg.3 subj.sg.3 imp.pl. pret.pl.3

Schlafen). slafit 60.13 slafe 76.1 slafet 182.7 siiefun 148.3

179

Of those verbs with the stem ending in a (verba pura), originally belonging to this sub-group of Cl.VII, only those are mentioned of which forms are preserved in Go, OE, or OS.

Already in OHG practically all these verbs

have become weak. In many cases an h-infix has been added between the stem vowel and the ending (T. sahit; however, forms with j.-infix (usually written i, sSian) also occurred after a long vowel or a diphthong. In East Franconian sometimes forms with a w-infix can be found (T.sawen), still preserved in Modern English. There existed in MHG an abundance of parallel forms, all of which, however, became uniformed in NHG. With the exception of sSLen, (probably to avoid con­ fusion with sehen), all these verbs are written with an h in NHG, after the analogy of those verbs with an original h, and most of them show umlaut.

180

OHG

saan-salan-sahan

- to sow

Go. OE OS

saian s&wan saian

OHG MHG NHG

sSan-saian-sahan weak vb. saejen- saewen-saehen-saen weak vb, s&en weak vb.

saiso saians sSow _s5owon s&wen sen(saida)

T. pres.sg.3 sauuit 71.8 " " 3 sahit 87.8 " " 3 sait 87.8 pret.sg.1 sata 151.8 " " 3 sata 71.2 pp. gisaunit 75.1 OHG naen - to sew MHG .nae jen-naen NHG nShen T. pres.sg.3 nauuit

56.7

OHG

blaan -blaian - to blow

OE

blawan

OHG MHG NHG

blaan-blaian weak vb. blaejen-blaegen-blaewen-blaen-biagen blflhen weak vb.

bleow

bleowon

blawen weak vb.

T. not extant. OHG

knaen - to know

OE

cn&wen

MHG NHG

— ---

cnSow

cnSowon

cn&wen

This verb does not exist in MHG and NHO. T.rtot extent.

181

OHG

krSen - to crow

OE

cr&wan

OHG MHG NHG

kraen weak vb. ktaejen-kraen weak vb. kr&hen

crSow

creowon

crawen

T. not extant. OHG OE OHG MHG NHG

maen - to mow mawan

meow

meowon

maen weak vb. maejen-maeden-maegen-maewen-maen mfihen T.

waen - to blow

Go OE

walan waiwomn (pi) wawan weow weowon

OHG

waen weak vb. wae jen-waegen-waen wehen

NHG

T.

weak vb,

not extant.

OHG

MHO

mawen

walans wawen

not extant.

OHG

draen - to turn

OE

£rawan

OHG MHG NHG

drSLen weak vb. draejen-draegen-draehen-draen drehen weak vb.

fcreow

jpreowon

£rawen weak vb.

( the a is still preserved in NHG Draht). T. not extant.

182

sub-group 5 This sub-group has the stem vowel ei. OHG

helzan-heizzan - to be called

PG Go

haitan hehait hehaitum haitans haitan haihait haihaitum haitans

vVG OE OS

haitan het hatan het hStanh§t-hiet

OHG MHG NHG

heizan hiaz hiazum heizen hiez hiezen heissen hiess hiessen

hetum (gi)haitan heton haten h§tun-hietun gihetan giheizan geheizen geheissen

zz was simplified in OHG to z medially after long vowels and diphthongs and finally. Germanic ai (OS e, OE a, Go ai) became close 5 (through the Intermediate stage of open 55) before r, old h, w, and when final; in all other cases Germanic ai MHG ei

ei.

ai (written mostly ei) in NHG.

Germanic 5

(not IE § which became JL in OHG) remained in

the oldest

period of OHG, in theeighth century there came

ea beside 5, about 850 A.D. ea

ia, later ie ( hez, heaz,

hiaz, hiez). In NHG,z is written sz after long vowels, diphthongs, and finally, but .ss after short vowels. sz

ss. T.

pres.sg.5 heizit 118.4 " pi.2 heizet 156.2 pret.sg.3 hiez 22.6 " pi.3 hiezun 44.16 subj.pl.3 hiezzin 22.6 pp. heizan 13.1 " giheizzan 11.4 " gihezzan 7.4

In Latin script

183

OHG

sweifan - to swing

OE OS

swapan sweop swSopon swapen sv/epanswep .swe pun giswepan

OHG MHG NHG

sweifan swiaf swiafum sweifen swief swiefen schweifen weak vb.

gisweifan gesweifen

This verb became weak in NHG after the analogy of verbs like reifen. T. not extant. OHG

zeisan - to pick

OHG MHG NHG

zeisan zias zeisen zies —

ziasum ziesen

gizeisan gezeisen

This verh does not exist in NHG. T. not extant. OHG

meizan - to cut

Go

maitan

OHG MHG NHG

meizan miaz meizen miez —

maimait miazum miezen

maitans gimeizan gemeizen

This verb is non-existant in NHG. the NHG nouns Meissel and Messer. T. not extant.

Derivetives are

184

OHG

sceidan - to separate

Go OE OS

skaidan skaiskai]? skaiskaidum skaidans scSdan-sceSdan scT=d-scead scaden-sceadan skedan sked skedun giskedan

OHG MHG NHG

sceidan sciad seiadum gisceidan scheiden schiet schieden gescheiden scheiden schied schieden geschieden There are remnants of an earlier gram.change in the

past participles zasceitan M . , kisceitan K 201,35 and in the modern German noun Scheitel. After the analogy of meiden, this verb shifted to Cl.I in NHG; however, the original past participle is still pre­ served in the isolated adjectival form bescheiden. Since the past participle and infinitive of Cl.VII have the same stem diphthong, it is obvious why the past participle does not follow Verner's Law but preserves the d after the analogy of the infinitive; in NHG there would be no voiceless stop after a long vowel or a diphthong. That may explain too why NHG meiden which is often placed in juxtaposition to scheiden (scheiden und meiden) shows no longer any gram.change in M G . T. pres.ol.3 " sg.3

(ar)skeident 77.4 (zi)sceidii 152.2

185

Sub-Division II sub-group 4 To this group belong those verbs which had as stem a) ou, from the 8 .cent, on au or b) 0 before all dentals or germanic h. OHG

(h)laufan. 1ouffan-1oufan

PG Go

hlaupan hehlaup hehlaupum hlaupans hlaupan haihlaup haihlaupum hlaupans

WG OE OS

hlaupan hleop-hliup hleapan hleop hlSpan hlSop

OHG MHG NHG

laufan loufen laufen

liof lief lief

- to leap

hleopum-hliupum hleopon hlSopun

liofum liefen liefen

(gi)hlaupan hleapen gihlbpan

giloufan gel ouf en gelaufen

Initial h disappeared before 1 , n, r, w cent.

in the ninth

In NHG, the 2.and 3.sg.pres.ind. have umlaut after

the analogy of sub-group 1 and 2 o f this class. T.

pres.sg.3 pret.pl.3 " sg.3

1oufit liofun liof

157.2 55.6 53.6

OHG

houwan - to hew

Go OE OS

haggwan hSawan hSow hSowon hauwan heu heuwun

OHG MHG NHG

houwan hio hiowum gihouwan houwen hiu-hie-hiew hiewen-hiuwen hauen hieb hieben gehauen

hSawen gihauwan gehouen

A w, introduced by analogy into a final position, as in MHG hiew, formed after the analogy of the pret.pl. hiewen, becomes a b in NHG.

Then again, after the analogy

186

of the pret.sg., the M G pret.pl.becomes hieben.Cf. the noun Hieb.

The intervocalic w disappeared in M G , when

the stem vowel was u or the diphthong ou; thus MHG houwen became hauen in M G

(IMG ou became au in MG).

After the analogy of bauen which has become weak, the present of hauen has become weak too in M G , i.e., it has no umlaut in the present tense,

though in early M G there

was a strong present beside the weak form, (er heut). A derivative is the M G noun Heu. T.

imo.sg. hou 102.2 " hau 102.2. pret.sg.3 hio 53.3 " pi.3 hieuun 116.4

OHG

stSzan

- to push

Go WG OS

stautan staistaut stautan steot steotum stotan steot steotum

OHG MHG MG

stozan stSzen stossen

stioz stiozum stiez stiezen stiess stiessen

stautans (gi)stantan gistotan gistozan gestSzen gestossen

There are a few forms in OHG with a medial r which are considered to be analogical modifications of originally reduplicated preterites, e.g., pret.sg.steroz and pret.pl. sterozun (Gl.1,282). assumed: PG

The following development may be

^ste-stautun

dissimilation)

^ste-sautun (loss of t by

*ste-zautun

T . not extant.

OHG sterozun.

187

OHG

scrotan - to cut

OHG MHG NHG

scrbtan scriot scriotum giscrotan schroten schriet schrieten geschroten schroten weak vb. This verb has become weak in NHG, though there is a

strong past participle beside the weak one. T. not extant. After the analogy of stOzan, there is also of scrotan a preterite singular 5 with a medial r (kiscrerot Gl.1,281), which is likewise considered to be an analogical modification of an originally reduplicated preterite (PG OHG

bozan - to push

OHG MHG

bSzan bozen

bioz biez

biozum biezen

ske-skraut).

gibozan gebozen

Already in MHG there was a weak form beside the strong one.

This verb is not preserved in NHG. T . not extant.

188

sub-group 5 To this group belong those verbs which have the stem vowel uo . OHG PG WG OE OS

(h)ruofan - to call hrCpan hehrbp hehrSpum hra po.kunb

kunnum kanst

kanst

kunnun pret.konsta

kunnen-ktbmen kan kanst kan pi .kunnen pret. kunde-konde, subj .kunde-kfinde kflnnen kann

kannst

kann, kttnnen oret. konnte pp. gekonnt.

The o in OHG pret. konda (inspite of the nasal- cons.) is after the analogy of other preterites with o (mohta, scolta, wolta). In the NHG infinitive k-5nnen and MHG kfinnen, the double nasal could no longer prevent in NHG the umlaut of u to o, thus tt became

6.

The NHG pp. gekonnt is formed after the analogy of the pret. T. not extant.

199

OHG

(g)unnan - to grant

MHG

gunnen- gtirmen

NHG

gtinnen

gan

(g)an

(g)imnun

pret.(g)onda

gunnen

weak vb.

The o in onda-gonda, inspite of the nasal combination, is formed after the analogy of other preterite presents with 0 (mohta, scolta, konda etc). In addition to unnan, OHG had also gunnan, gi-unnan. The verb gurman probably influenced analogically OHG strong verb biginnan of Cl.Ill to form weak parallel preterites bigonda, MHG begonde-begunde. NHG formed a weak verb gttnnen after the analogy of kennen. T. not extant. OHG

durfan - to need

Go

jpaurban

|>arf barft Jjarf, pl.jaaurbum

OS

thurban

tharf tbarft

MHG

durf en-dtlrfen

NHG

dttrfen

dard

dard

darft

darf, durfum

tharf, thurbum

prt.dorfta

pret. paurfta pp. ]?aurfts pret. thorfta

pret .dorf te-ddrfte darfst darf, pl.dtirfen; pret.durfte pp. gedurft

There was no gram, change in OHG. NHG dtirfen has a nreterite durfte after the analogy of verbs which showed originally "Rilckumlaut" (brennen -branjan : branta). T.

pres.sg.3 bitharf 40.3 " pl.l thurfun 191.2 " " 2 bithurfut 38.6 " " 3 bithurfun 96.3

200

OHG giturran -to dare Go iuHG MiG

ga-daursan turren

gitargiturrun

gadars p.gadaursum

pret. gitorsta with

s

oret. gitorsta pret.ga-daursta

after the analogy of weisst

---

This verb is extinct in NHG, T. pret.sg.o

gidorsta

237.4

ablaut-series IV OHG

scolan - to

Go OS MHG

have to seal sal

scalt seal, sculun prt.scolta " solta

sfeal skalt skal,skulum pret.siculda skulen suln-stSln

skal skalt skal,skulun pret.skolda sol-sal

solt-salt,pl.suln-siJln prt.soltesolde-sttlte

Already T. shows a few times forms without c what W.Braune cals in his Althochdeutsche Grammatik.1936.p .300. "Consonantenerleichterung an unbetonter Stelle’'.

The forms

with o instead of a derived after the analogy of the infini­ tive and preterite.

The NRG pp.gesollt is formed after the

analogy of the preterite. T. pres.sg.l " « 2 " " 2 " " 3 " " 3 " pl.l " " 2 pret.sg.3 " " 3

seal 14.2 scalt 99.3 scalttu 108.3 seal 141.14 sal 197.6 sculun 13.16 sulut 156.2 scolta 99.3 solta 138.9

I

201

ablaut-series V OHG

magan-mugan - to be able

Go

magan

OS

mugan

MHG

mugen-miigen

NHG

mtigen

mag

magun

mag maht mag, magun-mugun pret.mahta-mohta

pret. mahta

mag maht mag

mugun

pp. mahts

pret .mahta-mohta

mac maht mac pi .magen-mugen-milgen pret.mahte-mohte

mag magst mag- mdgen;

prt.mochte, pp.gemocht

The OHG forms with a are the older (see Go), the forms with u are constructed after the analogy of kunnan,scolan. The preterite mahta was Upper German, the preterite mohta Franconian after the analogy of konda,solta etc. E.Prokosch, A Comparative Germanic Grammar.o.192.places this verb into Cl.VI:"Regular strong verbs of Cl.VI do not show any genuine perfect forms.

We may assume that the pl.magum

was the starting point for this preterite present and. that the singular, theoretically perhaps *mog, was replaced by mag under the influence of kann,skal etc." NHG sg.2 pres, magst (with g after the analogy of sg.l and 3) and with st is formed after the analogy of the strong verbs. The infinitive mfigen is formed after the analogy of MHG mligen, or maybe represents a compromise between magan-mugan (a:o:u); the pp. gemocht is formed after the analogy of MHG.prt.mohte. T.

inf. magan 240.2 and pres.sg.l mag 40.2 " " 2 maht 2 .S " " 2 mahtu 108.1 " " 3 mac 133.16 " " 3 meg-iz 134.5

inf .mugan 189.3 pres.pi.1 mugumes 112.2 " " 1 mugun 152.2 " " 2 magut 37.2 " " 3 mugun 44.19 subj." 3 mohtin 120.4

802

T. subj.sg.l raugi 61.2 pret.pi.1 mohtumes 92 ..8 " " 2 mugis 92.4 " " 2 mohtut 181.4 " " 3 mohtl 132.19 " " 3 raohtun 74.2 " " 3 megi 831.1subj.pi.3 mohtin 120.4 OHG ginah - enough Go

nauhan

HUG

There exists merely a weak form gentigen. T.

ga-nah.

not extant.

ablaut-series VI OHG

no inf.

muoz muost muosun

prt.ipuosa -mossa

MHG

mttezen

muoz mtiezen

prt .muose-muoste

NHG

mtissen

muss musst

pl.nriissen

prt.musste pp.gemusst

The NHG infinitive mttssen comes from MHG mttesen, the pp.gemusst from MHG pret. muoste.

The stem vowel underwent

shortening in NHG on account of the ss. T. not extant.

203

The athematic verbs in -ml OHG

tuon - to do

tuom-tuon tuomes-tuon

prt.teta tati tatum pp. gitan

Go

taujan

OS

don-duon-doan-duan-duoan; prt.deda dadi dadun-dedun pp. gidon-gidan

MHG

tuon

NHG

tun

we ate vb.

tuon-tuo tuost tuon tuont

prt.tete taete taten pp. getan

tat taten getan.

The pres.sg.l of OHG tuo, soon changes the m to n . OHG pret. teta shows reduplication in the l.and 3.sg;

the

other parts are formed after the analogy of strong verbs of Cl.V.

The OHG pp. gitan is likewise formed after the analogy

of Cl.V of the strong verbs. M G pres.sg.l tuo would regularly become ttt in NHG, tue is a new formation after the analogy of pres.sg.l of other verbs.

The pres.subj.sg.l was in MHG tuo which would have

become tti in NHG, tue has the e after the analogy of the pres.subj.of the other verbs. After the analogy of strong verbs appear often forms with inflectional e already in OHG (T). After the analogy of the strong verbs T. writes sometimes for the pres.sg.2 tuis. OHG has in pret.sg.2 the vowel of the pret.pi.and the ending of pret.sg.2 of the strong verbs. T.

pres.sg.l tuon 64.12 " ” 2 duost 134.7 " " 2 tuost 104.1 prSt.sg.3 tetta 100.3 pres.part, tuanti 88.6 pp.gidan 88.3 gitan 125.1

pres.subj.sg.l " '* " 2 « " " 3 " " ” 3 " " " 3 pres.sg.2

tue tues tuoe tuo tuoa tuis

115.2 110.4 102.2 33.3 98.1 117.4

204

OHG

wellen - to intend

Go

wiljan

OS

willien-wellien

MHG

wellen

wil

NHG

wollen

will

wiljau

willu wili wellin

prt.wolta-welta

prt. wilda williu-willi

prt.wolte-wolde wollen

prt.walda-welda-wolda pp.gewellet-gewellt

pret. wollte

pp. gewollt

The present tense of this verb was originally a sub­ junctive (ootative) of a verb in mi unsed for the indicative; a new subjunctive was formed in OHG. OHG pres.sg.l willu was a new formation after the analogy of the strong verbs; however, 0.writes also wille, T. willa. After the analogy of pres.sg.3 T. writes repeatedly wili for sg.l and wilis for sg.2 Already in OHG (Franconian) the present plural shows a stem vowel o for e after the analogy of the pret. wolta. T.writes wollen,wollet,wollent: subj.wolle, however, occasionally wellet. MHG has frequently pres.sg.2 wilt after the analogy of the preterite presents; it shows sometimes for pres.sg.3 wilit after the analogy of the strong verbs. In NHG the pres.sg.2 willst has st after the analogy of the preterite presents and of the strong verbs. NHG pp.gewollt is formed after the analogy of the preterite. T. pres.sg.l " " 1 " " 2 " " 2 " " 1 " " 1 " " 2 " 1)1.2 " " 3 subj.sg.3

uuilla 46.3 uuilli 123.4 uuili 46.2 uuilis 238.4 uuillu 108.7 uuil 89.1 uuil 88.2 uuellet 132.16 uuollentl07.3 uuolla 90.5

oret.sg.2 uuoltos 142.1 " " 2 uuoltas 238.4 " » 3 uuolta 22.5 subj.pi.2 uuollet 138.5 Pres.pi.1 uuollemes 139.1 " " 1 uuollen 57.b " " 2 uuollet 64.11 " " 2 uuollent 88.13 » '» 3 uuolent 141.2

1

205

The verbum substantivum sin - to be OHG

sin

pres.ind. bim(n) bis(t) ist " subj. si sls(t) si

birum(n) birut sint slm(n) sit sin

Go wisan

ind. subj.

OS wesan

ind. bium subj. si

MHG sin

ind. bin bist ist birn-sint birt-sit sint subj. sl-sle slst-slest si-sle sin-slen sit-siet sln-sien

NHG

ind. bin subj. sei

im is ist sijum siju|) sind sijau sijais sijai sijaima sijaifc sijaina bis(t) is(t)sind(un) sis si sin sin

bist ist sind seiest sei seien

sint sin

seid sind seiet seien

The various parts of this verb are formed in all germanic dialects from three different IE roots *bheu- *-es-, and

-nvres-

OHG pres.ind,and subj. were formed from the roots *b'neu- and •-es-

IE sg.l " 3 pl.l " 2 " 3

es-mi PG immi im esi es-si " is es-ti " ist s-mes(-smos)"esmen izum irun s-te sthe PG este izu£ irud s-enti " sind

OHG— ist sind-sindun

izud and sindun are new formations after the analogy of the preterite presents. The OHG forms with b (bim,bist,birum,birut) arose from a combination of the root^bheu- and the root *es-. The OHG pres.subj.is formed from the root *s- (Schwundstufe of es-) with the optative suffix I and secundary endings. After the analogy of these OHG pres.subj.forms developed a new infinitive sin. Already in OHG the pres.sg.l changed the m of bim to bin and added a t to sg.2 (bist) after the analogy of the preterite presents weist, kanst; however, T. writes sometimes bis.

1

206

The OHG imperat., preterite ind. and subj. are formed by the strong verb wesan (see chapter on Cl.V); the MHG past parti­ ciple gewesen is a new formation after the analogy of the infinitive wesan. Already in OHG the imp.form sit (from subj.) appeared oeside weset and supplanted it in MHG, whence NHG seid.

The MiG

imp.sg. sei is a new formation after the subjunctive. In late MHG the present subjunctive began to add an e after the analogy of the other verbs; these dissyllabic forms are preserved in MHG if they are followed by an con­ sonant, thus sei, but seiest,seien. nret •sg .3 uuas 231.3 bim 131.25 II bin 19.8 Pi .2 uuarut 108.1 it II 2 bis 82.12 3 uuarun 207.1