An Ethnography of the Parsees of India 1886–1936 9781032012070, 9781032047003, 9781003194323

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of figures
List of tables
Contributors
Preface
Introduction
Part I Birth and initiation
Chapter 1 Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees
Chapter 2 Parsee life in Parsee songs: Cradle songs
Chapter 3 The baby language among the Parsees
Chapter 4 The initiation ceremonies and customs of the Parsees
Marriage
Chapter 5 Marriage customs among the Parsees and their comparison with similar customs of other nations
Chapter 6 Some Parsee marriage customs: How far are they borrowed from the Hindus?
Chapter 7 A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part I
Chapter 8 A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part II
Death
Chapter 9 On the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees, their origin and explanation
Chapter 10 Notes on the Towers of Silence in India
Chapter 11 The first-year funeral expenses of a Parsee of the last century (1763)
Chapter 12 A vahi or register of the dead of some of the Parsees of Broach and a Parsee martyr mentioned in it
Chapter 13 Another Parsee martyr of Broach
Part II
Chapter 14 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1881–1890)
Chapter 15 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1891–1900)
Chapter 16 A Parsee deed of partition more than 150 years old: A form of slavery referred to therein
Folklore
Chapter 17 A few Parsee riddles—I
Chapter 18 A few Parsee riddles—II
Chapter 19 Omens among the Parsees
Chapter 20 Charms or amulets for some diseases of the eye
Glossary
Author and subject index

Citation preview

An Ethnography of the Parsees of India

This volume explores a wide spectrum of Parsee culture and society derived through essays from the Journal of Anthropological Society of Bombay (1886–1936). This journal documents intensive scholarship on the Parsee community by eminent anthropologists, Indologists, orientalogists, historians, linguists, and administrators in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Comprising 0.05% of India’s total population today, the Parsees (now spelled “Parsis”) have made signifcant contributions to modern India. Through contributions of Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, Bomanjee Byramjee Patell, and Rustamji Munshi, eminent Parsee scholars, the essays in this book discuss the social and cultural frameworks which constitute various key phases in the Parsee life nearly 100 years ago. They also focus on themes such as birth, childhood and initiation, marriage, and death. The volume also features works on Parsee folklore and oral literature. An important contribution to Parsi culture and living, this book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of sociology, social anthropology, ethnography, cultural studies, history, and South Asia studies. A. M. Shah was a former professor of sociology at the Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, and a national fellow of the Indian Council of Social Science Research, New Delhi, India. Lancy Lobo has been a professor and the director of the Centre for Social Studies, based in Surat, India. He holds a master’s degree in anthropology and a doctoral degree in sociology from the Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, India. He is the founder-director of the Centre for Culture and Development, at Vadodara.

An Ethnography of the Parsees of India 1886–1936

Edited by A. M. Shah and Lancy Lobo

First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 selection and editorial matter, A. M. Shah and Lancy Lobo; individual chapters, the contributors The right of A. M. Shah and Lancy Lobo to be identifed as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifcation and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-032-01207-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-04700-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-19432-3 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

Contents

List of fgures List of tables Contributors Preface Introduction

viii ix x xi xii

A. M. SHAH AND LANCY LOBO

PART I

Birth and initiation

1

1

3

Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

2

Parsee life in Parsee songs: Cradle songs

11

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

3

The baby language among the Parsees

26

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

4

The initiation ceremonies and customs of the Parsees

28

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

Marriage 5

Marriage customs among the Parsees and their comparison with similar customs of other nations

53 55

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

6

Some Parsee marriage customs: How far are they borrowed from the Hindus? JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

88

vi

Contents

7

A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part I

93

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

8

A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part II

100

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

Death 9

On the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees, their origin and explanation

111 113

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

10 Notes on the Towers of Silence in India

139

BOMANJEE BYRAMJEE PATELL

11 The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee of the last century (1763)

150

BOMANJEE BYRAMJEE PATELL

12 A vahi or register of the dead of some of the Parsees of Broach and a Parsee martyr mentioned in it

163

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

13 Another Parsee martyr of Broach

174

K. A. MUNSHI

PART II

175

14 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1881–1890)

177

BOMANJEE BYRAMJEE PATELL

15 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1891–1900)

185

BOMANJEE BYRAMJEE PATELL

16 A Parsee deed of partition more than 150 years old: A form of slavery referred to therein JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

194

Contents

vii

Folklore

199

17 A few Parsee riddles—I

201

RUSTAMJI NASARVANJI MUNSHI

18 A few Parsee riddles—II

206

RUSTAMJI NASARVANJI MUNSHI

19 Omens among the Parsees

219

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

20 Charms or amulets for some diseases of the eye

223

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI

Glossary Author and subject index

229 232

Figures

I.1 4.1 4.2 10.1 10.2 10.3

Parsee settlements in India The Bareshnum ceremony of a priest’s initiation The Yaaena ceremony of initiation of a Navar priest Tower of Silence: general layout and interior view Tower of Silence: ground plan Tower of Silence: interior view

xiii 42 45 145 146 147

Tables

3.1 10.1 11.1 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 14.6 14.7 14.8 15.1 15.2 15.3 15.4 15.5 15.6 15.7 15.8 15.9

Translation and transliteration of Gujarati words List of Towers of Silence in India Prices of certain articles in 1763 and 1893 Births among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Registered births and deaths among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Deaths among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Population, deaths, and mortality per 1,000 at ten different periods of ages, among the Parsees of Bombay, 1881–1890 Causes of mortality among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Annual deaths in the different localities as registered in the books of the Parsee panchayat, 1881–1890 Marriages among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Remarriages among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Births among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900 Average deaths according to age during 1891–1900 Average deaths according to age during 1891–1895 and 1986–1900 Registered births and deaths among the Parsees, 1891–1990 Deaths among the Parsees, 1891–1900 Causes of mortality among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900 Annual deaths in the different localities as registered in the books of the Parsee panchayat, 1891–1900 Marriages among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900 Remarriages among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900

27 140 151 179 179 180 181 181 182 183 184 187 187 188 188 189 190 191 192 193

Contributors

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi was an eminent scholar of the time. Born as the son of a Parsee panthaki (diocese) priest of Bombay in 1854, he received religious education at a Parsee madressa school, and secular primary education at a private school (see his biography by Bejan Desai, 1954). He went to Elphinstone High School and College and obtained B.A. of the University of Bombay in 1876. He then devoted himself to a life of scholarship. With a sound background of knowledge of classical Parsee literature, he contributed to the disciplines of indology, orientalogy, history, and linguistics and then branched out to anthropology. On account of his knowledge of classics, he often integrates textual and contextual views. He became a member of the ASB in 1886, worked as its secretary for 30 years (1902–1932), and as its president in 1914. He received many honours, including honorary doctorate from Heidelberg University, Shams-ul-Ulema and C.I.E. from the Government of India, and president of the Anthropology Section of Indian Science Congress. K. A. Munshi. One cannot fnd any information on this person. Rustamji N. Munshi. One cannot fnd any information on this person. Bomanjee Byramjee Patell (we have meagre information about his background) was a Parsee, with the title of Khan Bahadur given by the Government of Bombay. He was the auditor of ASB from 22 February 1905 and wrote many papers, mainly on the demography of Bombay city.

Preface

This book is part of a project undertaken at the Centre for Culture and Development, Vadodara, to study the contributions of the Anthropological Society of Bombay and its journal that commenced in 1886. It took about two years to collect all the issues of the journal for the period 1886–1936 from various places in India and abroad. We thank the Indian Council of Social Science Research for supporting the project. A. M. Shah has provided an overview of the Society and its journal in an essay, “Anthropology in Bombay, 1886–1936” (Sociological Bulletin, vol. 63, no. 3, 2014, pp. 355–367; reprinted in A. M. Shah, Sociology and History, Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2016). Our plan is to bring out collections of essays on various themes taken from the Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay. The frst volume, Essays on Suicide and Self-Immolation, was published in 2018. The second volume, Anthropological Explorations in East and South-East Asia, is published in 2021. This is the third volume, Ethnography of Parsees: 1886–1936. The fourth volume, Indian Anthropology: Anthropological Discourse in Bombay 1886–1936, is under preparation. Professor A. M. Shah and I have selected the papers and edited them, but sadly Professor Shah passed away on 7 September 2020, handing over the manuscript to me for further processing. I sorely miss him and his scholarship. We thank all friends and colleagues who have helped in collecting the issues of the journal. We thank Mr. Piruz Khambatta of Rasna Private Limited, Ahmedabad for giving a contribution to prepare this volume through the kind favour of Dr. Robert Arockiasamy. We also thank Dr. Ragini Shah for her assistance and Amba Gamit and her colleagues at the Centre for Culture and Development for their work in preparing the manuscript. We admire the effciency of Ms. Shoma Choudhury and her team at the Routledge. Lancy Lobo Vadodara

Introduction A. M. Shah and Lancy Lobo

I The Parsees (now spelled “Parsis”1) are one of the small religious minorities in India, with a total population of 57,264 at the Census of India, 2011, forming 0.05% of India’s total population (Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 2011). Though a small minority, the Parsees have played a major role in various walks of life in modern India. Some of them have become nationally and internationally eminent in their respective felds: to name a few, Dadabhoy Navroji in India’s independence movement; the Tatas in industrial development; Homi Bhabha in nuclear physics; Field Marshall General Manek Shaw in the Indian army; and A.R. Wadia in higher education which requires serious sociological and social anthropological attention. Historically, the Parsees are an ancient people, who lived originally in Persia centuries before Christ, with their language Pahlavi, and their religion Zoroastrian. Called Irano-Aryans, they and the Indo-Aryans are considered to be two branches of the Aryan people (see Witzel 2001: 3–10). Just as the Veda was the sacred scripture of the Indo-Aryans, the Avesta was the sacred scripture of the Irano-Aryans. Due to persecution by the Islamic forces, the Parsees migrated to India, in waves beginning in the 7th and ending in the 13th century AD (Shastri 1939). Initially, they settled on the island of Diu in the Gulf of Cambay (now Khambhat) in the Arabian Sea, but soon shifted to towns on South Gujarat coast, mainly Sanjan, Udwada, Valsad, Surat, Navsari, Bharuch, Ankleshwar, and Cambay, and to villages near these towns (see Map 1). They were engaged in agriculture, crafts, and small trade to begin with, but with the establishment of British rule in the city of Bombay (now Mumbai) in the 18th century, many of them migrated to Bombay to practise big business and industry and the modern professions (see Modi 1922). By 1881 the Parsees in Bombay had a population of nearly 49,000 (see this book, Chapter 14). As we shall see in Chapter 10, by the end of the 19th century, a considerable population of Parsees had also settled in other cities of India (including Karachi, now in Pakistan, and Aden,2 now in Yemen).

Introduction 

xiii

The Parsees brought with them elaborate language, religion, culture, and social organization. However, a great deal of transformation took place over time in all of these—except in religion—due to their interaction with the people of Gujarat. The most remarkable is the absorption of Gujarati as their home language. Some Parsees have made rich contributions even to creative literature and journalism in Gujarati. In this book also almost every chapter includes the usage of Gujarati words and phrases, and a few reproduce Gujarati folk poems, with transcription and translation.3 The Parsees became the subject of intensive scholarship initially by Indologists, orientalogists, historians, and linguists in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. These studies were based on literary sources, mainly in the Parsees’ ancient language. Anthropological studies of the Parsees seem to have begun with the establishment of the Anthropological Society of Bombay (hereafter ASB) in 1886. ASB was a learned society formed

Parsee Settlements in India Ahmedabad Khambhat

Jodhpur Gondal

Bhanvad

Dhoraji Ranvav

Porbandar Bhad

Jasdan

Jetpur

Chalala Dhari

Mangrol

Gadhada

Chital

Junagadh

Keshod

Botad

Kunda

Ankleshwar

Palitana Pah Mahuva

Kodinar Diu

Tadkeshwar Surat

Variyav

Navsari Gandevi Bilimora Udvada

Nargol Sanjan Bahrot Hill & Caves

Key: Zoroastrian settlements - one time Portuguese colonies Zoroastrian settlements that became part of Parsi names Zoroastrian Historical sites Main Zoroastrian Temple & Pilgrimage Site Modifications copyright K. E. Eduljee

Figure I.1 Parsee settlements in India.

Dabhoi Rajpipla

Bharuch

Una

Arabian Sea

Vadodara

Jambusar

Dhasa

Amreil Lilia

Rajula Godhra

Bravala

Thane Mumbai Bombay Chaul

Mandvi Vyara Ahwa

Dharampur Wapi Karad Bansda

Bhiwandi Kalyan

Nashik

xiv Introduction by the English-educated literati of Bombay, both European and Indian. It published the Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay (hereafter JASB) continuously from 1886 to 1936. (For an overview of ASB and JASB, see Shah, A.M. 2010b.) The ASB held a meeting of its members and other interested scholars every month, where one or two papers were presented and discussed, and then published in JASB, sometimes with a comment or two made at the meeting. The JASB is a valuable record of anthropology in South Asia during its formative period. It was a serious effort to promote anthropological scholarship by a voluntary association of interested scholars, as contrasted with the British government’s effort to cultivate anthropology through the offcial Census of India and Ethnographic Survey of India, the latter becoming the Anthropological Survey of India. Also, ASB was established long before the Indian universities established their departments of anthropology, and publication of JASB began long before the well-known anthropological journal, Man in India, began to be published in 1920. JASB contradicts the usual image of Indian anthropology as a discipline created by colonialism to study primitive tribes. JASB published papers on tribal as well as non-tribal communities in India and in many other societies in the world. It thus provides a new perspective of the history of anthropology as well as of sociology in India, offering insights into the creativity of indigenous scholarship. As pointed out in Shah’s essay (2010b), JASB has been ignored in India for more than a century. It also fnds no place in the global histories of anthropology and sociology. To say that JASB is practically an archival discovery would not be an exaggeration. The present book is an effort to use this archival material to help understand Parsee society and culture. Over a period of 50 years, the JASB published a total of 39 papers on the Parsees. Of these papers, 17 are based on literary sources, mainly Parsee scriptures, and 22 on observation of contemporary, i.e., late 19th and early 20th centuries, society and culture. In M.N. Srinivas’ terms, the former take the book view and the latter the feld view (1966: 168). In Milton Singer’s terms, the former take the textual view and the latter the contextual view (1972). In this book, we present 20 papers taking mainly the feld and contextual view, though some of them integrate the two views. Of the 20 papers, 14 are written by Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, an eminent scholar of the time. Born as the son of a Parsee panthaki (diocese) priest of Bombay in 1854, he received religious education at a Parsee madressa school, and secular primary education at a private school (see his biography by Bejan Desai, 1954). He went to Elphinstone High School and College and obtained B.A. from the University of Bombay in 1876. He then devoted himself to a life of scholarship. With a sound background knowledge of classical Parsee literature, he contributed to the disciplines of Indology, orientalogy, history, and linguistics, and then branched out to anthropology. On account of his knowledge of classics, he often integrates textual and contextual views. He became a member of the ASB in 1886, worked as its

Introduction

xv

secretary for 30 years (1902–1932), and as its president in 1914. He received many honours, including honorary doctorate from Heidelberg University, Shams-ul-Ulema and C.I.E. from the Government of India, and president of the Anthropology Section of Indian Science Congress. Four papers in this volume are written by Bomanjee Byramjee Patell. We have meagre information about his background. He was a Parsee, with the title of Khan Bahadur given by the Government of Bombay. He was the auditor of ASB from 22 February 1905 and wrote many papers, mainly on the demography of Bombay city. Two papers are written one each by Rustamji Munshi, and by K. A. Munshi.

II Life cycle ceremonies and rituals The 20 papers taking the feld view cover a wide spectrum of Parsee culture and society. Thirteen of them refer to various phases of the life cycle: four on birth, childhood, and initiation; four on marriage; fve on death. We have placed these chapters in Part I of the book. The rest comprise Part II. While describing customs and ceremonies concerning marriage, Sir Jivanji Modi tells us, “After the several vicissitudes of fortune that the community has passed through, it is diffcult to determine how many and which of these Parsee marriage customs are originally Zoroastrian or Persian, and how many and which are taken from the sister communities of India. But this much can be said, with well-nigh a certainty, that the strictly solemn or the religious part of the ceremony, wherein the priests take part, is more or less originally Persian” (Chapter 5, p. 67; repeated in Chapter 6, p. 106). This observation applies to customs and ceremonies concerning the entire life cycle. Birth, childhood, and initiation In Chapter 1 on birth, Modi narrates in detail customs and ceremonies concerning pregnancy, delivery, confnement, naming of the child, the frst birthday, and early childhood. This is followed by Chapter 2 on cradle songs, illustrated with a Gujarati song commonly sung by Parsee mothers, its English translation, and Modi’s comments as to how it refects certain traits of Parsee life, especially of their preceding generation. He concludes the chapter with a song in Gujarati (with translation) he himself composed on the birth of his frst child. A brief Chapter 3 on what is called “baby language” follows, which may interest linguists studying the origin of language. Chapter 4 on initiation deals with two kinds of initiation: (i) Naôjote, initiation of a Parsee child into Zoroastrian religion, and (ii) Navar and Martab, initiation into the two grades of priesthood. The Naôjote involves elaborate rituals of a young boy or girl putting on sudreh and kûsti, the

xvi

Introduction

sacred shirt and thread respectively, a Parsee is expected to wear throughout life. The sacred thread is comparable to the sacred thread janoi worn by Brahmins among Hindus. Of the two grades of priesthood, the Navar is meant to perform the rituals of domestic life, while the Martab is for the rituals of the inner circle of the Fire Temple. The chapter narrates the rituals for Naôjote and Navar at great length, following the scriptures, while those of Martab rather briefy. Marriage Among four chapters concerning marriage, in the lead Chapter 5, “Marriage Customs among the Parsees and Their Comparison with Similar Customs of Other Nations,” Modi includes frst the main text providing detailed narration of religious rituals and secular ceremonies among the Parsees concerning betrothal, the period from betrothal to wedding, and the wedding proper. This includes ten songs that are sung at various steps in the ceremonies—the songs are originally in Gujarati but are provided here only in English translation. This part of the chapter is followed by as many as 112 notes devoted mainly to the comparison of every Parsee ceremony, step-by-step, with a ceremony mainly in Persia, Greece, Rome, England, Scotland, and Wales. Chapter 6 deals specifcally with how far some Parsee marriage customs are borrowed, as Modi says, “from the Hindus.” The description shows they are all borrowed from the Hindus of Gujarat. This book offers rich material in comparison between Parsee and Hindu culture, including purity-pollution behaviour. In Chapters 7 and 8, Modi presents fve Parsee marriage songs in Gujarati (with English translation), collected from village Nargol in south Gujarat. He supplements them with comparative notes. Death Among fve chapters concerning death, in the lead Chapter 9, “On the Funeral Ceremonies of the Parsees, Their Origin and Explanation,” Modi divides these ceremonies into two parts. Those of the frst part relate to the disposal of the dead body. Here the main ceremony is to carry the dead body to what is called “dakhamu” in Gujarati (derived from Persian “dakhamah”), translated as “Tower of Silence,”4 and to place it there at a designated spot to be consumed by birds, particularly vultures. This custom distinguishes the Parsees from the custom of cremation among Hindus and of burial among Christians, Jews, and Muslims. The chapter describes in detail the numerous steps from the moment a person is found to be on the point of death in the home to the point of its exposure on the Tower of Silence. The chapter includes a brief description of the Tower of Silence, beginning with the identifcation of the site for its construction and ending at the point of its completion (see diagrams in Chapter 9).

Introduction

xvii

The ceremonies of the second part relate to the good of the soul. They begin to be performed soon after the body is left on the Tower of Silence and then continue on the third, fourth, tenth, and thirtieth day and on the anniversaries after death. The ceremonies of both parts are performed according to the injunctions laid down in Zoroastrian scriptures. Twentyfve of these injunctions are reproduced in the chapter in Persian with translation. The chapter on funeral ceremonies is followed by Chapter 10, “Notes on the Towers of Silence in India” by Bomanjee Patell. It provides frst the plan of a typical Tower, and then an exhaustive list of 115 Towers in India (including a few in Karachi, now in Pakistan, and Aden, now in Yemen), giving the name of the place, the name(s) of the donor(s), and the date of consecration. The earliest are two built in Broach (now Bharuch) around 1300 AD, though now in ruins. The existence of a Tower of Silence in a village or town indicates the existence of a sizeable population of Parsees there; more than one Tower indicates a larger population. Hence, the list of Towers of Silence provided in this chapter shows that by 1889 when the list was published, the Parsee population was spread in many parts of South Asia. Patell adds, “Besides the above Towers of Silence there are separate burial places for Parsees dead” at many places in India as well as in other countries far and wide—he provides a list of these places (p. 162). Presumably, in places where Parsees are settled in small numbers, they practise burial as the alternative mode of disposal of the dead. In Chapter 11, “The First Year Funeral Expenses of a Parsee of the Last Century,” Patell provides a list of a large number of articles, along with their prices, used in each of the various ceremonies performed during the frst year after the death of his grandfather, a leading Parsee of Bombay in 1763. The entire list, originally in Gujarati, is reproduced from a document preserved in the family. Patell has translated it into English. In the notes, he has commented on the nature of the ceremony, the number of participants in it, and the estimates of expenses. He has also added a table showing comparative prices of 14 selected items of food in 1763 and 1896, the latter information collected in a market in Bombay. The paper should interest social as well as economic historians. Chapter 12, “A Vahi or Register of the Dead of Some of the Parsees of Broach and a Parsee Martyr Mentioned In It” by Jivanji Modi, is divided into two parts. The frst part deals with large books called vahis, which are registers of deaths that occurred from time to time in families residing in a neighbourhood in Broach—Modi does not say whether these families belonged to a patri-lineage. Usually these vahis were kept by Parsee priests, but some were kept by families themselves. They remind us of the vahis kept by the Vahivancha Barots, a caste of genealogists and mythographers in Gujarat, studied by Shah and Shroff (1959). There was also another kind of death register, called nâm-grahan, which was maintained by every Parsee

xviii

Introduction

family. Both registers were used in the performance of rituals of ancestor worship. The second part of the chapter deals with a Parsee martyr, a priest named Kama Homa, in Broach in 1702. In a dispute the Kazi (Muslim judicial offcial) of Broach gave a verdict to convert Homa to Islam. As Homa refused to be converted, the Nawab of Broach killed him. There are notes on Homa’s life, the circumstances leading to his martyrdom, and the sources of information. Chapter 13 is a brief note by K. A. Munshi dealing with another Parsee martyr, named Ardeshir Hormusji Kamdin, a priest at the Fire Temple in Broach. He was killed during the Mutiny of 1857 when the Mahomedans attacked Parsee houses and Fire Temples in Broach. There is an essay on the “Suicides amongst the Parsees of Bombay during the Last Twelve Years” by Bomanjee Byramjee Patell (1895: 14–21), which has not been included in this volume as it has been published in another volume dealing with suicides in Bombay (Shah and Lobo 2018: 46–55).

III Demography of Parsees in Bombay Chapters 14 and 15 contributed by Bomanjee Patell deal with statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during two decades, 1881–1890 and 1891–1900. He has presented the data in eight tables for the former and nine tables for the latter. In both, in addition to the data derived from the offcial censuses, there is a table showing annual deaths in different localities in Bombay as registered in the books of the Parsee Panchayet. It is well known that while the population of India in general has been growing, that of Parsees has been declining. This contradiction has generated a great deal of debate among demographers as well as among the Parsees themselves (see Leela Visaria’s three-part paper 1974, and Unisa, Bhagat, Roy, and Upadhyay’s paper 2008). There is widespread fear that, if this trend continues, the Parsee community may be wiped out. Patell’s two papers on the Parsees of Bombay also show the same trend: their population declined from 48,597 in 1881 to 47,458 in 1891. We are unable to go into the complicated problems involved in explaining this population decline. We would like to draw attention only to what Patell has mentioned briefy about marriage. While the number of marriages increased from the 1881– 1890 decade to the 1891–1900 decade, the number of marriages during the years 1895 and 1896 was unusually high (see Tables 14.7 and 15.8). Patell attributes this increase to help provided by several “Marriage Benefcent Societies” the Parsees founded in 1895–1896. It appears that the anxiety about the trend of decline in Parsee population and the consequent attempts

Introduction

xix

to encourage the rate of marriages prevailed as early as in the last decades of the 19th century.

IV The Parsees and the larger social system As mentioned earlier, when the Parsees immigrated into Gujarat from Iran, many of them settled in villages and practiced agriculture. In Chapter 16, Jivanji Modi shows how Parsee landlords employed slaves, called golam (= gulam), in a village in South Gujarat during the early 18th century. The chapter is based on a deed of partition of property of a Parsee named Nowrojee. The entire deed, written in Gujarati in 1835 is reproduced in the chapter (without translation). Nowrojee had four sons, one of whom was dead. The property was divided between the three living sons and the widow and her three sons (see the genealogical chart). The division of land, jewellery, household utensils, etc. was easy. But, Nowrojee had employed, rather owned, a number of slaves, who belonged to the Koli community. (The Kolis in South Gujarat were an Adivasi tribe in the process of becoming a caste.) The deed deals mostly with the complicated division of these slaves. The chapter describes the nature of this slavery. Basically, a slave, man or woman, was considered as property, and could be divided into even two halves, i.e., he or she could have two masters. The distribution of Nowrojee’s property took place in the presence of a Parsee Desai, the local land revenue contractor (for an analysis of the revenue contract system in Gujarat, see Shah, A.M. 2010a). This indicates that the wealthy Parsees used to function as revenue contractors during the preBritish regimes. It is also worth noting how a large number of immigrant Parsees in villages lived as part of a feudal social structure. A small number of Parsees even now live in villages (for an account of Parsees in a village in the 1940s, see Shah, B.V. 1954).

V Folklore Rustamji Munshi collected about 150 Parsee riddles in response to a request from W. Schultz of the Solway Institute of Bruxelles to the Anthropological Society of Bombay in 1913. Schulz was collecting riddles in every country of the world. Of these riddles, 14 are included in Chapter 17 and 47 in Chapter 18. They are presented in colloquial Gujarati, with transliteration and translation. Munshi explains, “Apart from their intellectual or educative value, they serve as one of the innocent and instructive pastimes of the younger folks of the community” (p. 201).

xx

Introduction

In Chapter 19, “Omens among the Parsees,” Jivanji Modi deals with good and bad omens and auspicious and inauspicious acts of behaviour. Although he says that some of the omens are peculiar to the Parsees and some are common to other native communities of Bombay, he mentions only a couple of specifcally Parsee omens. Most seem to be common to Parsees and other communities in Gujarat. In Chapter 20, “Charms or Amulets for Some Diseases of the Eye,” Modi narrates frst how a Parsee family in the small town of Navasari in Gujarat prepares a charm or amulet from a medicinal plant for curing a disease of the eye. He then looks for evidence of such charms or amulets in old Parsee books. He mentions also a similar case of an amulet prepared from a dried fsh. We have provided, at the end of the book, brief notes on the Parsee scriptures, and a glossary of native words.

Notes 1 According to the general practice in the 19th and early 20th century, the spelling “Parsee” was used throughout the Journal of Anthropological Society of Bombay (1886–1936), from which all chapters in this book are reprinted. This spelling changed gradually to “Parsi,” which is used commonly now. However, we have retained the spelling “Parsee” in this book, to respect original ethnography. 2 Aden (now in Yemen) was a British colony under the jurisdiction of the Government of Bombay. This facilitated the Parsees of Bombay to migrate there. 3 The editors of this book, Shah and Lobo, are conversant with Gujarati language. 4 “Tower of Silence” is a neologism coined by an offcial translator of the British colonial government in the early 19th century. In Persian, “silence” is a euphemism for “death.” We thank Ramiyar Karanjia, a Parsee scholar of Bombay, for this information.

References Desai, Bejan Noshirvan. 1954. Dr. Sir Jivanji Jamshedji Modi—Ek Jivan Charitra. (In Gujarati). Bombay: K.R. Cama Oriental Institute. Modi, Jivanji Jamshedji. 1922. Article on ‘Parsi’, in R.E. Enthoven, Tribes and Castes of Bombay, Vol. III. Bombay: Government Central Press, pp. 179–221. Patell, Bomanjee Byramjee. 1895. “Suicides amongst the Parsees of Bombay during the Last Twelve Years”, Journal of Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. IV, No. 1, pp. 14–21. Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India. 2011. Census of India. New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Shah, A.M. 2010a. Exploring India’s Rural Past: A Gujarat Village in the Early Nineteenth Century. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Shah, A.M. 2010b. “Anthropology in Bombay”, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 63, No. 3, pp. 355–367. Reprinted In his, Sociology and History: Dialogues towards Integration. Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2016.

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Shah, A.M. and Lancy Lobo (eds.). 2018. Essays on Suicide and Self-Immolation. Delhi: Primus Books. Shah, A.M. and R.G. Shroff. 1959. “The Vahivancha Barots of Gujarat, a Caste of Genealogists and Mythographers”, in Milton Singer (ed.), Traditional India: Structure and Change. Philadelphia: American Folklore Society, pp. 40–70. Shah, B.V. 1954. The Godavara Parsis: A Socio-Economic Study of a Rural Community in South Gujarat. Surat: Godavara Parsi Anjuman Trust. Shastri, D.K. 1939/1937. Gujaratano Madhyakalin Rajput Itihas Part-I & Part II. Ahmedabad: Gujarat Vernacular Society. Singer, Milton. 1972. “Text and Context in the Study of Contemporary Hinduism”, in his, When a Great Tradition Modernizes, New York: Praeger, pp. 39–52. Srinivas, M.N. 1966. Social Change in Modern India. Berkeley: University of California Press. Unisa, Sayeed, R.B., Bhagat, T.K. Roy and R.B. Upadhyay. 2008. “Demographic Transition or Demographic Trepidation? The Case of Parsis in India”, Economic & Political Weekly, 5 January, pp. 61–65. Visaria, Leela. 1974a, b, c. “Demographic Transition among the Parsis: 1881– 1971”, Economic & Political Weekly, 9(41), pp. 1735–1741; 9(42), pp. 1789– 1792; 9(43), pp. 1828–1832. Witzel, Michael. 2001. “The Autochthonous Aryans? The Evidence from Old Indian and Iranian Texts”, Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies, 7–3 (EJVS), pp. 1–115.

Part I

Birth and initiation

1

Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees* 1

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Introduction At the instance of Rev. Dr. Hastings, the learned editor of the Dictionary of Religion and Ethics, I had the pleasure of studying, as a whole, the subject of all Parsee ceremonies, rites, and customs, and of preparing an exhaustive essay on the subject. But, as the nature of Dr. Hastings’ stupendous work required only some portions, here and there, as stray articles, and those even often compressed under different alphabetical heads, I propose placing before the [Anthropological] Society, the humble result of my study, in the form of papers. This is the frst paper of its kind. I have tried to provide a description of the different ceremonies, rites, and customs, giving, where possible and available, references to the religious or semi-religious Zoroastrian books. At times, I have attempted to explain the signifcation and symbolism without attempting any justifcation. All the Parsee ceremonies, rites, and customs may be divided under the following heads: I. Socio-Religious; II. Purifcatory; III. Initiation; IV. Consecration; V. Liturgical. The socio-religious ceremonies and customs, that fall under this head, may be subdivided, according to the three principal events of a man’s life, birth, marriage, and death, under the following heads: (i) Birth Ceremonies and Customs, (ii) Marriage Ceremonies and Customs, and (iii) Funeral Ceremonies and Customs.

Birth ceremonies and customs The birth of a child is a very auspicious event in a Parsee house. It was so also in ancient Persia. According to the Vendidad, [the ancient collection of Zoroastrian laws, customs, and traditions], Ahura Mazda says: “I prefer a person with children (puthrânê) to one without children (aputhrâi).”1 Even the very ground where a man lives with his children, is allegorically described as feeling happy.2 Cultivation and a good supply of food for the *

Reprinted from JASB, IX (8), November 1912: 568–578.

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people are recommended, because they make mankind healthy and able to produce a healthy progeny.3 To be the father of good children was a blessing from the Yazatas, like Tiahtrya,4 Mithra [Vedic god],5 Haoma,6 and Âtar,7 and from the Fravashis.8 To be childless was a curse from the Yazatas.9 Domestic animals, when ill-fed and ill-treated, cursed their master, that they may be childless.10 Childlessness was something like a punishment from heaven.11 Kingly splendour12 was associated with those who were blessed with children.13 A Zoroastrian woman often prayed for a good, healthy child.14 A Zoroastrian man and woman prayed before their sacred fre for a good virtuous child.15 A woman without a child was as sorry as a fertile piece of land that is not cultivated.16 She prayed for a husband who could make her a mother of children.17 Among the Achemenides, a wife who gave birth to many children was a favourite with her husband, who did not like to displease her in any way.18 Children being the choicest gift of God, their lives were, as it were, pledged by parents for the solemn performance of an act.19 We read in Herodotus: Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded as the greatest proof of manly excellence to be the father of many sons. Every year, the king sends rich gifts to the man who can show the largest number, for they hold that number is strength.20 Strabo also says similar things.21 We learn from the writings of the Christian Martyrs of Persia that the ancient Persians did not like, for the above reasons, the prohibition against marriage among the Christians in the case of holy young Christian girls.

Pregnancy In the Avesta itself, we fnd no references to any ceremony or rite during the state of pregnancy. The only allusion we fnd is this: Women on fnding themselves enciente prayed before Ardviҫura for an easy delivery,22 and then for a copious supply of milk at their breast for their children.23 The allusion to these prayers suggests that there must be some formal ceremonies accompanying those prayers, but we do not know what they were. Coming to later Pahlavi and Persian books, we fnd that the Shâyast lâ Shâyast directs, that when it is known that a lady of the family has become pregnant, a fre may be maintained most carefully in the house.24 The Saddar also gives this direction.25 We have the remnant of this injunction in the present custom of some of the modern Parsees, who, on the occasion of the completion of the ffth and seventh months of pregnancy, light a lamp of clarifed butter in their houses. The reason, assigned for this in the Pahlavi and Persian books, is that the fre, so kindled in the house, keeps out daevas, i.e., evil infuences, from the house. A fre or a lamp is even now taken to

Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees

5

be symbolical of the continuation of a line of offspring. For example, it is not rare to hear, even now, words like these, Tamâro cherâg roshan rahê, i.e., “May your lamp be always burning.” This benediction is meant to say: “May your son live long and may your line of descent continue.” According to the Avesta, in the state of pregnancy, a woman is to be looked after very carefully. It is wrong for the husband to have sexual intercourse with her in her advanced state of pregnancy, which, according to the Revâyets, commences with the ffth month.26 She is to abstain from coming into contact with any dead or decomposing matter, even with a thing like one’s tooth-pick, which may contain germs of one’s disease.27

The ffth and the seventh months of pregnancy observed as days of rejoicing During pregnancy, the modern Parsees have no religious ceremonies or rites. On the completion of the ffth month of pregnancy, one day is celebrated and known as Panch mâsiun, i.e., the day of the ffth month. Similarly, a day is observed on the completion of the seventh month, and is known as Agharni. These days are observed as auspicious days of rejoicement only in the case of the frst pregnancy. They are observed not in accordance with any religious injunction or with religious ceremonies or rites. The expectancy of a child being a joyful event as said above, these days, especially some day after the completion of the seventh month, are observed as joyous occasions, when the lady who is enceinte is presented with suits of clothes by her parents, relatives, and friends, and especially by the family of her husband. The husband is, in turn, presented with a suit of clothes by the wife’s family. Sweets are sent out as presents by the husband’s family to the bride’s house and to near relations and friends. In these sweets, one prepared in the form of a cocoanut,28 has a prominent place. A cocoanut typifes a man’s head29 and so it is a symbol of fecundity. Some of the customs observed on these occasions are more Indian in their origin and signifcation than originally Persian or Zoroastrian.

Place of delivery and its consecration In the case of the frst delivery, it generally takes place in the house of the wife’s parents. A room or a part of the room, generally on the down foor, is prepared and set apart for the purpose. As the Vendidâd says, the place for delivery must be very clean, dry, and least frequented by others.30 It appears that, in former times, such places were specially provided in Parsee houses on the down foors. Parsee houses in those times had generally spacious down foors that were used for all purposes. The upper foors were low and were rather like lofts. So, the down foors provided proper places for delivery, as enjoined in the Vendidâd. But, as with changed circumstances, Parsee houses of today are not what they were before, and as, at present, in

6

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

storied houses, the down foors in big towns are generally the worst part of the houses, places of delivery at the down foor are nowadays properly condemned as unhealthy. In the case of a house or a place where no delivery has taken place before, the religious-minded persons generally take care that a religious ceremony may be performed there before the delivery. In other words, they get it consecrated. A priest or two say and perform the Âfringân prayer and ceremony over the place. At times, even the Bâj prayer is recited.

A lamp lighted on the birth of a child On the birth of a child, a lamp is lighted and kept burning, for at least three days, in the room where the lady is confned. The Saddar speaks of three days. It says: When the child becomes separate from the mother, it is necessary to burn a lamp for three nights and days; if they burn a fre it would be better, so that the demons and fends may not be able to do any damage and harm; because when a child is born, it is exceedingly delicate for those three days.31 Some people keep the lamp burning for ten days and some for 40 days, which are generally observed as the period of confnement.

Period of confnement on delivery-40 days On delivery, the mother is enjoined to remain apart from others. She is not to come into contact with fre, water, and other furniture of the house.32 In the case of those that give birth to still-born children, it is enjoined in the Vendidâd that they must thus remain apart for 12 days.33 This period has been latterly extended, as described in the later Pahlavi and Persian books, to 40 days in all cases of delivery. Nowadays, a Parsee lady has generally 40 days of confnement after delivery. The Saddar says: During forty days it is not proper that they should leave the child alone; and it is also not proper that the mother of the infant should put her foot over a threshold in the dwelling (i.e., leave the house) or cast her eyes upon a hill, for it is bad for her menstruation.34 Some families, following the Hindu custom, observe the ffth day after birth known as pachory (i.e., the ffth day) and the tenth day known as dasori (i.e., the tenth day) as gala days, but these days have no religious signifcation whatever. During these 40 days, the lady is in a state of isolation. She is not to come into contact with anybody and with any part of the ordinary furniture of

Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees

7

the house, especially wooden furniture and linen articles. Her food is to be served to her on her plate by others. Those who have to come into contact with her, have to bathe before they mix with others. Even the medical attendant had to do so, but nowadays this sanitary rule is more honoured in the breach than in its observance. The original injunction seems to have been intended to observe “purity” in order to prevent the spread of puerperal fever and such other diseases to which women in this state are subject.35

Purifcation At the end of 40 days, which is the period of confnement, the lady has to purify herself by a bath before ordinarily mixing with others. At frst, she takes an ordinary bath and then goes through what is called nân, a contraction of the Sanskrit word snân, which is a sacred bath. A priest, generally the family priest, administers that bath with consecrated water. All the bedding and clothes of the woman used during the 40 days of her confnement after delivery are rejected from ordinary use. They are enjoined to be destroyed, lest they carry germs of disease among others. But nowadays that injunction is not strictly followed.

The frst drink after birth Formerly, a mother in child birth frst drank a few drops of the sacred Haoma juice, which was squeezed and consecrated in a fre temple. The newborn child also was made to drink a few drops of this juice. Anquetil Du Perron refers to this religious custom as prevalent in his time.36 In the Hom Yasht [kind of prayer], Haoma is said to give fne healthy children to women.37 Haoma was emblematical of immortality. But nowadays this custom is rarely observed, and in place of the Haoma juice, a sweet drink made of molasses or sugar is given to the child as a frst auspicious drink.

Naming the child Herodotus refers to the custom of naming the child among the ancient Persians.38 We infer from what he says, that the parents waited for some time after birth, and then watching the physical and mental characteristics of the child, gave them such names as indicated their characteristics. In the case of modern Parsees, many name the child after an immediate deceased ancestor. A Parsee name is made up of three names. The frst is his general name, the second is his father’s name, and the third is his surname or family name. Now, it is the frst of these three that is the proper name of the child, and in the case of that name, many prefer to call a child by an immediate ancestor’s name. Suppose a person named Jivanji had his father named Jamshedji, and his mother named Awabai. Then, on the birth of a child, if it is a male child and if his own father (Jamshedji) was dead, he would prefer

8

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

to name it Jamshedji. If it were a female child, he would like to name it Awabai after his deceased mother. Some resort to a so-called astrologer, and name the child as advised by him. This process of naming the child has one particular religious signifcation, and it is this: in all religious ceremonies, during life or after death, a person’s name is recited as he or she is named at the time of his or her birth. This name is called janam-nâm or birth name. In his or her Naôjote or sacred shirt and thread ceremony, marriage ceremony, or any other ceremony enjoined by him or her during lifetime (Zindah-ravân), the birth name is recited together with the father’s name. In all the ceremonies after death (Anôsheh-ravân), the name is similarly recited. In the case of a female, her personal name is recited together with that of her father as long as she is not betrothed. But after betrothal her name is recited together with that of her husband. As a lady’s name is recited with her husband’s in all ceremonies after betrothal, the ceremony of betrothal is known as Nâmzad shudan in Persian, or nâm pâdvun in Gujarati, meaning “to give a name.”

Birth-day The birth-day of a Parsee child, especially the frst birth-day, is an important day. No religious rites or ceremonies are enjoined as necessary. But the parents generally like to celebrate it in, what one may call, a religious way. After a bath and a new suit of clothes, the child is generally sent with some sandalwood to an adjoining Fire Temple. There the ashes of the sacred fre are attached to its forehead. Some of those, who can afford, get a religious ceremony known as Fareshtâ39 performed. That is generally done on the frst birth-day. This ceremony consists of the recital of prayers in honour of the different Yazatas or angels and indicates that God’s blessings are invoked upon the child, and wished that it may be blessed with all the physical characteristics and mental virtues over which God has directed these Yazatas to preside. According to Herodotus, “of all the days in the year, the one which the ancient Persians observed most was their birth-day.”40

Childhood From a religious point of view, there is nothing special to be remarked in the case of the childhood of a Parsee child. It is held to be innocent and not liable or subject to the performance of any religious duties or rites. If God forbid, the child dies before the Naôjote or the investiture of the sacred shirt and thread, its funeral ceremonies are on a lower scale. In the case of an adult male or female, if he or she belongs to the layman class, the appellation of Behedin is added before his or her name in the recital of ceremonies. If the person belongs to the priestly class, the appellation is Ervad if he is a male and has passed through the initiating ceremony of priesthood (Nâvar).

Birth customs and ceremonies of the Parsees

9

It is Oshtâ (Avestâ Hâvishta, i.e., a disciple) if he has not passed through that ceremony. In the case of a female of the priestly class, the appellation is Oshti (feminine of Oshtâ), but in the case of a child, whether belonging to the priestly or layman class, it is Khurd, i.e., small or young. This appellation signifes that the deceased person was too young and that it had no responsibility for duties or rites as a Zoroastrian. At or about the age of six, the child has to learn by heart a few religious prayers, especially those falling under the head of, and attached to, the Nirang-i-Kusti, i.e., the recital for putting on the sacred thread.41 These must be learned by heart for the coming occasion of its Naôjote, when it is to be invested with a sacred shirt and thread. After this investiture, the child’s name ceases to be recited as Khurd in the prayers accompanying religious ceremonies, but is recited as Behedin or Oshtâ, as the case may be, i.e., as it belongs to the layman or the priestly class.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

IV, 47. Vendidad, III 2. Vendidad III, 33. Yasht VIII, Tir 15. Yasht X Meher, 65. Yaҫna IX, Hom Yasht, 4, 7, 10, 13, 22. Yaҫna LXII; Âtash Nyâish, 10; Vendidâd XVIII, 27. Yasht X; Meher, 3; Yasht XIII, 134. Hom Yasht, Yaҫna Hâ XI, 3. Cf. The blessings and the curse of Cambyses (Herodotus III. 65). Cf. also those of Darius (Behistun Inscriptions IV. 10, 11). Yaҫna XI. 1-2. Yaҫna XI, 3; Yasht X, Meher, 38, 108, 110. Kavaêm khareno. Yasht XIX, Zamyâd, 75. Yaҫna IX. 22. Âtash Nyâish, Yaҫna LXII 5. Vend. III, 24. Yasht V (Abân), 87. Herodotus IX, 111. Herodotus IX, 10. I, 136. Bk. XV, 11. Yasht V (Abân). 87. Ardviҫura Niâyish, 3. Chap. X, 4; XII, 11. S. B. E. Vol. V, pp. 316, 343. S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277, Chap. XVI, 1. Four months, ten days. Vide Anquetil Du Perron, Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 563. Shâyast la Shâyast, chap, X, 20; XII. 13. (S.B.E. Vol. V, pp. 323, 344); Saddar, XVII, 2 (S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 278). Among the Rajputs of India, the acceptance of a cocoanut is a symbol of the acceptance of a proposal for marriage (Vide Tod’s Râjasthân). The following story connects the cocoanut with a man’s head. An astrologer once said to a king that whatever was sown or planted on such and such a

10

30 31 32 33 34 35

36 37 38 39 40 41

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi coming auspicious day, would grow well. The king said: “Suppose somebody sows a man’s head on a stony ground. Will that also grow up into a luxuriant tree?” “Yes” said the astrologer. The king, thereupon, cut off the head of the astrologer and sowed it in a stony ground. The cocoanut palm grew out of it (Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, January 1891). Chap. V, 46. Chap. XVI, 2; S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277. Vendidad, V. 45–49. Vendidad, V, 55–56. Chap. XVI. 4, S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277. Vide, the chapter on “Maternity and its Perils” in Mr. Havelock Ellis’s The Nationalization of Health (1892), pp. 123–143. It says that in England and Wales, where 4,500 women die every year in child birth, “about 70 per cent of this mortality is due to puerperal fever,” and that “almost the whole of this mortality might be avoided.” It is the careless medical practitioners and midwives that are responsible for this mortality, because they do not take sanitary care, and carry germs from one woman in confnement to another. The Midwifery writers of old said to their disciples, “Thine is a high and holy calling; see that thou exercise it with purity.” In the enjoined isolation of the Parsee women during their confnement, the original intention seems to be that of observing purity. Some of the later Pazand and Persian writers have not properly understood the original good object of the early writers, and so, have carried the rigour of isolation too far. But anyhow the original injunction of isolation is intended for the purity referred to by old midwifery writers. Zend Avesta II, p. 564. Yaҫna IX, p. 22. Bk. I. 139. Pers. i.e., angel. Bk. I, 133. Vide Ibid Bk. IX, 110–114, for the king’s birth-day feast “Tykta.” The king soaped his head and gave gifts on this day. He refused no demands of gifts on that day. Spiegel, translated by Bleeck, Vol. III, p. 4. “Le Zend Avesta,” for Darmesteter, Vol. II, p. 685.

2

Parsee life in Parsee songs*

1

Cradle songs Jivanji Jamshedji Modi The late Prof. James Darmesteter’s paper on “Afghan Life in Afghan Songs” has suggested to me the title and the subject of this paper. I well remember a morning of January 1887, when the late professor and I were examining in Surat the private library of the late Ervad Jamshedjee Manekjee Unwâlâ, an old learned priest, who was a fortunate possessor of many old manuscripts on Irânian subjects. A Parsee lady of Mr. Unwala’s family was then singing, in an adjoining room, a cradle song to lull her child to sleep. Prof. Darmesteter heard it with pleasure and interest and tried to understand its meaning. The incident and the above paper of Prof. Darmestater made me take an interest in the simple songs of simple country folks. One of the cradle songs given in this paper is the song which we had heard at Surat and which is very commonly sung in Parsee houses. It was that interest created in me by Prof. Darmesteter that made me collect, when in Paris in 1887, a few songs of the Parisians. In my paper on “The Dhangars and Dhâvars of Mâhâbleshwar,”1 read before our [Anthropological] Society on the 28th of November 1874, I have given a few of the nursery songs of these tribes. In my paper on “માતાનો રથ” (Mãtãno Rath; The Chariot of the Goddess), a “Supposed Remedy for Driving out an Epidemic,”2 read before our [Anthropological] Society on 30 June 1897, I have given a few songs of the simple folk of the village of Tithal, near Bulsar. I now propose giving in a few papers a few songs of my own community. I have already given the marriage songs in my paper on “Marriage Customs amongst the Parsees.”3 As Prof. Darmesteter says, The popular, unwritten poetry, though despised and ignored by the reading classes, is of quite a different character. It is the work of illiterate poets, but it represents their feelings; it has life in it, the life of the

*

Reprinted from JASB, V (8), November 1900: 427–443.

12

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi people; it is simple. It is true to Nature because it represents those ideas without any moral bias or literary after-thought. Sometimes, therefore, it is powerful and beautiful because it renders simply and truly powerful passions or beautiful feelings.4

Further on he says, “Women, however, have also their poetry and their poets, but that poetry goes hardly out of the walls of the harem.” This also appears to be true, to a certain extent, of the Parsee cradle songs. Though some of the old Parsee songs, sung by women on Naôjote, marriage, and such other gay occasions, have seen the light of public print,5 their old cradle songs have not as yet been published. In the case of marriage songs, new songs composed by better literary men seem to supersede the old songs. But as they have been already once printed, they will present opportunities for comparison in the future to any person taking an interest in them. But it is not so in the case of the cradle songs. They have never been published as yet. So our [Anthropological] Society will do some service by preserving some of them, at least in the columns of its journal. The Parsee cradle songs, which I beg to submit before the [Anthropological] Society, and of which I give today only one specimen in this paper, are not the compositions of any literary persons. I do not want to present them as specimens of literary productions but as specimens that represent Parsee life of the last and preceding generations. I repeat what I have said in my paper on the Dhangars and Dhâvars of Mahableshwar, “The cradle songs of all communities, whether educated or uneducated, are the simplest expressions of parental affections expressed in the most simple language.” I beg to present the Parsee cradle songs as such. Not having been put down in print or even in writing, they have come down to us from mother to daughter, and so they have undergone slight variations in different towns. For example, take the cradle song from which I have attempted to present in this paper a picture of Parsee life. I took it down as sung in my own family. I have a version of it from Navsari as it is sung there, kindly sent to me by Mr. Kharshedjee Bomonjee Framroz of that town, a gentleman who is well known there as a composer of songs. Both these versions vary a little. The songs are faulty in their construction and composition and faulty in their language and orthography. I had the pleasure of submitting them to Mr. Kaikhoshru N. Kabraji, who is well known to us all as an expert in Gujarati songs. He has kindly corrected the orthography of the songs but has made no other changes in their composition or other matters, as I particularly wished that the songs should appear in our [Anthropological Society] Journal as they are at present sung, with all their faults. Their faulty construction itself may present to some future students several points of anthropological interest for comparison. The cradle song, which is given in this paper, is the one that is most commonly sung by Parsee mothers.

Parsee life in Parsee songs

13

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Parsee life in Parsee songs

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16 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

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35

40

(Translation) I lull you to sleep; I lull you to sleep, dear one, for whom I am willing to sacrifce my life,6 Long live you dear one’s papa, maternal uncle, and brother. All good to your brother, baby, You dear one, I wish you long life and health. There is a gathering for a good and auspicious occasion, Let our married ladies join that gathering. In the gathering of all children, Invite my little ones to play. Play, my dear ones, in the daisy garden. Wherein the daisies are scattered, There is a welcome shade upon you, dear ones. The daisy has blossomed. I join the other married ladies in singing. The daisy plant has fowered. My daughter and daughter-in-law have pearl ear-rings. I will get the daisies plucked, I will get the heads of my daughter and daughter-in-law garlanded with fowers, I will get the heads of my son and son-in-law garlanded with fowers. The gardener plucks the daisy fowers. The gardener is in the garden, Darlings, you have come to my house. My house is the frst to welcome you, You have come in time inquiring about papa’s house. You are right welcome, dear ones. You have come and you have brought cradles with you. I will get carpenters from Surat, I will have cradles made for you, dear ones. I will get painters from Surat, I will have your cradles painted, dear ones. I will get an artist from Ahmedabad, And I will have choice pictures painted, dear ones. The swings are attached to the cradle, my dear ones, With the front in the east in the handsome front room of the house The cradle is placed in the east, my dear ones. I will lull my fond dear child to sleep in the cradle. The cradle swings up and down, And may that enable you to sleep with happiness and rest. May you rest in sleep, dear ones. Rest with me at even-tide, my innocent dear one. My lamps are lighted in the evening. May the son of the mother and mother-in-law live long.

Parsee life in Parsee songs

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

17

The lamp is fed with ghee [clarifed butter], and decorated with fowers, You are freed for ever from all the troubles of this life. The ghee with which the lamp is fed is that of cow. May the son of your maternal grandmother, paternal grandmother and mother live long. The ghee of the lamp is dense, May the womb of your paternal grandmother and maternal grandmother be cool (i.e., May their sons live long). The water of my well is cold, May you, the little ones of maternal uncle, maternal aunt, and paternal aunt play together. As cousins you are closely related, Play in the daisy garden, my dear ones, The play of all other children is not of the proper type. But that of yours, my little ones, is of the proper type. All play in an awkward and improper way. But my dear ones play in a proper way with rubies, pearls and corals. Play with your playthings, dear ones. Eat the eatables brought by your father and maternal uncle. Papa wants you, my dear ones, Holding you in the lap, he will give you eatables. What eatables do you expect on his lap? They will be such as you will like best, Your maternal uncle wants you, my dear ones. Holding you in the lap, he will caress you. May he reach good old age while caressing you. May you live long; we count upon you for help in our life, I have depended upon your long life, Dear ones, I have asked God’s blessings upon you, God’s blessings upon you dear ones. May God’s blessings increase the length of your life. Long live my long-lived darlings, May the lamp of your maternal and paternal grandfathers’ burn forever, May they be blessed with long life, May they adorn with their presence the house and the street. The street looks bright with my darling’s presence, The house looks beautiful with my darling’s cradle, The cradle is tied with green strings, You have come like gems to me. Merry bells are ringing on the cradle, You look pretty, in whatever dress you are clothed. The cradle has silk strings attached to it,

18

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

85

90

95

100 103

Arise after a good sleep, my dear little ones. May my elder dear ones live long. I will keep you under my own eyes and heart. The darling’s mama is an affectionate mother. May my son live and grow up. Grow up at the proper time, Grow up under the caresses of your father and maternal uncle. You are brought up with caresses, You have come under good auspices. Grow up (as big as the pillars of the house) my dear ones. I will have a frock and cap made for you, I will have a satin frock made for you. Move about in the dresses ordered out by your father. The cap shall be of real gold lace. Put that on, your papa has got it made. The cap is of fne workmanship, You will have it of real gold embroidery. There is a pattern on the cap, It is brought by my darling’s father. There is a silk lace on the cap, It is sewn and prepared by a tailor of Surat. The tailor’s workmanship is faulty. May your age grow long, my dear ones.

We will now see a few traits of Parsee life as presented by this cradle song which is most commonly sung. We must bear in mind that some of the traits may be said to be the traits of Parsee life of the past and preceding generations because the Parsee community, like all communities, has passed and still passes through a certain change of manners and customs. 1. The frst thing to be borne in mind in connection with the cradle song of the Parsees is this, that Parsee wives of modern times inherit, as it were, from their grandmothers of the Avesta times, a desire to be mothers of good children. The frst desire of an Iranian woman, according to the Avesta, was to have a good husband. Her second desire was to have good children. She prayed, “Grant us that we may fnd a husband, young and beautiful of body, who will treat us well all life long and give offspring; a wise, learned, ready-tongued husband” (S.B.E., Vol. XXIII. Yet, XV 40). She prayed to Haoma for handsome children and for a pious line of progeny.7 According to the Vendidad,8 a handsome maiden, who happened to remain without a good husband and without children, felt as unhappy as a fertile piece of land that remained untilled by a good husbandman. Ahura Mazda preferred a person with children to a childless person.9 Virtuous children

Parsee life in Parsee songs

19

were blessings from the Divine Powers.10 To be childless was, as it were, a curse11 for bad and cruel life. Parents prayed for children who possessed innate wisdom, who could adorn their country, who could take an active part in the deliberations of their community, who were handsome, of good reputation, ready to relieve the distress of others, strong, and who could add to the glory of their house, their street, their village, and their country.12 A modern Parsee wife inherits, to a certain extent, this desire for children, and hence it is that we fnd pervading through her cradle songs feelings of extreme joy and pleasure on the birth of children. 2. There is one word in the song which is often repeated and which draws our special attention. It is the word which signifes, “I die, I sacrifce myself.” It is an expression which a Parsee lady often uses in her conversation towards those for whom she entertains regard, respect, and affection, e.g., for her husband, father and children, and for other elders. It means that she is ready to do anything for them, even to sacrifce herself for them. This expression signifed the devotedness of a Parsee wife for her husband and children and for the whole family. 3. The next important point in the cradle songs—and let us take for a specimen the cradle song given in this paper—that strikes us is this, that it has a hidden tone of prayer running through the whole of it. It welcomes the birth of the child (તમે ભલે આયાં રે મર;ં Tamé bhalé ãyãn re marun) and prays to God for its long life (દાદારજીની દોઆરે મર.ં વધારે રે તમારાં લાબા ં આઈસ ઓવા. 68, 69). The prayer for long life is not for the child alone, but also for its father, its uncles and brothers, and other near relations (64, 71, 82). [Numbers in parenthesis indicate lines in the cradle song. Editors.] 4. We must bear in mind that a Parsee wife, even after marriage, looks to the household of her own parents with an eye of affection and for help in case of distress. Next to father, a brother is often looked to as the natural guardian of a Parsee lady. According to the Avesta,13 it was especially so among the ancient Irânians. So she specially names her brother (બાવા ને મામા, બપાઈ મમાઈના પેટ તાહડા,ં મમાવા બપાવાનો દીવો. 2, 47, 71). 5. The next important point that draws our attention is the family circle. In many a Parsee home, about 25 years ago, and even now to a small extent, it was not rare for a Parsee father to have under his roof, besides his own children, the children of other near relations, who may be poor. They all formed, as it were, a family circle, and so the housewife, when she lulled the child to sleep with a song full of feelings of prayers, hopes, and joys, remembered the children of those relations also (મામા માશી ફુઈનાં. 49). Among the other relations, sons-in-law were the nearest relations, and so they were named in the same line with sons (પુત ને જમાઈ.18). 6. There were several joyful occasions in a family when social gatherings of the near relatives were common. In these gatherings, children

20 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi were always included in the general invitations to the families. In the invitations to Parsee marriages, about 25 years ago, it was a general custom to invite the ladies with all their daughters, granddaughters, and daughters-in-law (વહ,ુ દીકરા), ં and the gentlemen with sons and grandsons (સાહેબજાદાઓ). Such general invitations are very rare now. The મેલો, i.e., a fair or an assembly of children referred to in the cradle song (નરાઈ ભલાઈનો મેલોરે મર,ં તેમાં હમારી સોવાસનને ભેલો. સઉ છોકરાનો ં મેલોરે મરં, તેમા ં મારા નાંધલાને રમવા તેડો. 5 to 8 is the family gathering of such a type). 7. We fnd a special reference in the song to the સોવાસન, i.e., the married women (નરાઈ ભલાઈનો મેલોરે મર,ં તેમે અમારી સોવાસણને ભેલો. 6). That is, there is a gathering for a good and auspicious occasion; let our married ladies join that gathering. In 13, સઘલી સોવાસણોસે ગીત ગાવા હુ ં મલી, i.e., I join the other married ladies in singing. Widows took no special or prominent part in such gay gatherings. It was considered a little inauspicious to have their association, especially in the performance of special ceremonies of welcoming the bride or bridegroom, of presenting suits of dress to them, of dressing the children on birthdays, of the investiture of sacred thread, and of such other gay occasions. A widowed mother generally left the performance of these ceremonies to a married or unmarried daughter or to a daughter-in-law. The Hindu dislike of a widow was common among the Parsees to a certain extent, but it is disappearing now. 8. Flower decorations played, and do still play, a prominent part among the Parsees. At the threshold of the house and at the doors of the inner rooms, were suspended તોરણ (toran) i.e., hanging strings of fowers. Again, the parties who were the principal persons, and in whose honour the gatherings took place, were decorated with garlands. One special kind of fower decoration, which has altogether died out in Bombay, but is still lingering to a small extent in the mofussil towns, was that known as વાડી ભરાવવી (vãdi bharãvavi), literally meaning, “preparing a garden.” A child, both male and female, had his or her whole head covered with various kinds of fragrant fowers by gardeners specially versed in their art. It was rather a painful operation for the children to go through because strings of fowers had to be interwoven with the long hair on the head. The strain on the hair at times caused great pain and brought on fever or headache. But the thing had to be gone through because the custom was looked to with an eye of, as it were, a religious vow. It is not rare for fond mothers to take a vow that, if their children grew up to such and such an age, they would get the ceremony of gardening (વાડી ભરાવવી) performed. I well remember that when I was a boy of about 8 or 9, I had to pass through that painful process. The child who went through that process was for the time considered an important personage and so was cherished and made much of. The Parsees have inherited a taste of fowers from their ancestors of

Parsee life in Parsee songs

21

ancient Persia.14 In their religious ceremonies fowers play an important part. As Mr. Beckman says in his “Contributions to the History of Inventions,” the modern taste of fowers in Europe came from Persia viâ Constantinople. But still the custom of વાડી ભરાવવી is foreign to them. It was a Hindu custom, and one sees it still prevalent among the Hindus, especially the Prabhus of Bombay. 9. Another kind of fower decorations on special merry occasions was the garlanding of the house well or the street well, known also as કુવાને વાડી ભરાવવી (kuvãne vãdi bharãvavi), i.e., literally, gardening the well. The ancient Iranians and their descendants, the modern Parsees, were asked to look with a special kind of respect to all kinds of reservoirs of fresh water, such as rivers, lakes, streams, and wells. To defle these sources of useful water, on which depended the health, not only of their families but of their communities, of their city and country, was a sin. Ardviçurã Anâhita [Old Persian form of the name of an Iranian goddess], Anaitis of the Greeks (compared by some with Greek Artemis and by other with Greek Aphrodite), the Mylitta of the Babylonians, the Astarte or Asteroth of the Syrians, and the Venus of the Romans, was the female deity that presided over waters. As water led to the fertility of the soil, and as women led to the fructifcation and increase of the human race, this deity Anâhita, like its prototypes of other nations, had to do something with the beauty of women and with their fructifying power. So a Parsee mother looked to wells or reservoirs of water with respect from a double motive: (i) its general usefulness as a means of health, referred to in the Vendidâd, and (ii) the community of ideas suggested by the fruitfulness of water and the fruitfulness and beauty of women, both being presided over by the same female deity. That may be one reason, but that was not the only reason that perhaps led a Parsee mother to the ceremony known as “the gardening of a well.” It appears that in India, as in Europe, some wells are believed to be haunted with spirits. So possibly, the idea of spirits presiding over wells of the house or the street may also have led to the above practice. The belief in the haunting of wells by spirits15 is common to India and Europe, and I think it would be a fascinating study if a member of our [Anthropological] Society were to take it up. The allusions to gardening in our cradle song are allusions to the above custom of gardening or garlanding (વાડી ભરાવવી).

22

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

10. Another Parsee idea or custom to which the cradle song draws our attention is that of considering the east to be an auspicious side. The mother in her cradle song speaks of placing the cradle in a position that would make the child face the east. In all the ceremonies of the Parsees, the east whence the fructifying sun rises is held to be auspicious. The children in the ceremony for the investiture of the sacred shirt and thread and the marrying couple at the time of the Âshirwâd or marriage-blessing ceremony face the east. Children when adorned with dresses, brides and bridegrooms, and others when presented with dresses, shawls, or such other presents, are made to face the east. The priests in all their religious ceremonies face the east or the south. The north is scrupulously avoided. The preference for the east by many nations in their ceremonies or rituals presents, before the Anthropological student, a question of very wide interest. It suggests the comparison of the above custom and similar other customs with the ancient use and signifcation of the cross, with the pointing of the four sides and corners by a Parsee priest in his Âfringân ceremony [kind of prayer and ceremony], and with the Swastika which is common in India, Japan, Scotland, Ireland, Rome and other countries. 11. The next important custom referred to in the cradle song is that of kindling a lamp (દીવો, divo), from the family hearth on gay occasions. Mark the words, રોશન રહે તમારા મમાવા બપાવાનો દીવો, i.e., May the lamp of your maternal and paternal grandfathers burn forever (71). It is equivalent to saying, “May the sons of your maternal and paternal grandfathers live long.” The Sons of the maternal and paternal grandfathers of the child are the maternal uncle and the father of the child, i.e., the brother and husband of the mother who sings the song. We see then that ચેરાગ (cherãg), a lamp, signifes fguratively, in Parsee songs, a lineal male descent in Parsee life. So, a lamp is an auspicious symbol of male progeny. It is therefore lighted on many gay occasions in a Parsee house. As I have pointed out in my paper on “The Marriage Customs amongst the Parsees,” one of the many ceremonial occasions of marriage is known as દીવો કરવો (divo karvo), i.e., kindling a lamp.16 Among the ancient Romans also there was the custom of lighting, on marriage occasions, the bridal torches. According to the Avesta,17 [primary collection of religious texts of Zoroastrianism] it is before the sacred fre of the family hearth or the temple that a Parsee prays for an offspring. The fre itself is fguratively called , the son of God. The oil used for the lamp kindled on such merry, and semi-sacred occasions is ghee or clarifed butter, as it is superior in quality to other ordinary oils. 12. Parsee parents counted much upon the support of their children in their old age. Hence we hear the mother singing in our cradle song, અમને

Parsee life in Parsee songs

23

ભવના ભરસા (amane bhavanã bharusã); i.e., May you live long, we count upon you for help in our life (65). 13. The dress of Parsee children has undergone and still undergoes, a good deal of change during the present generation. But the cradle songs, if preserved, will always remind future generations of their old forms of dress, જભલું તોપી (jabhalu topi). Perhaps 50 years hence, a suit of Parsee children’s dress of the last generation will be an object of curiosity in an Anthropological museum. In conclusion, I beg to submit a cradle song composed by myself about 21 years ago, to be sung in my family on the birth of my frst child. When I composed it, I had no idea of placing it before the public. I submit that song with a view that it affords opportunities to compare the views in the old cradle songs of the preceding generation with the views of Parsee parents above 20 years ago. I do not claim any literary merit for it, which it has none. I would not have dared to present it before this [Anthropological] Society, were it not for the fact that I had submitted it to the hands of Mr. Kaikhoshru N. Kabraji, who is an expert in this line. I submit it to give an idea of the sentiments and the parental feelings of Parsee parents to which it gives an expression.

24 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

5

10

15

20

25

28

(Translation) By refreshing sleep, rest thyself my dear son, By refreshing sleep, rest thyself. The night has advanced much, So, go to sleep in the cradle, my good boy. May the goddess of sleep be kind to thee, Thou, who are the life of thy parents, get up in the morning With a cheerful sweet face, May God avert all thy pains, May the Angels ever help thee. May the Almighty protect this house. May the Angel Sarosh always protect thee, May God make thee happy with food and drink, Together with good sense, honor and respect So that with good sense thou mayst perform good deeds, Taking God’s name always on thy lips. O! Thou the mainstay of the happiness of thy parents! Right welcome is thy birth in this house. Thou hast gladdened our heart and our life, Ahura Mazda has conferred upon us a great obligation, God has given us a great reward. Our tongue cannot suffciently thank Him for it. In the sacred precincts of our pure love You are a fruit as sweet as honey. Holding forth our hands, we pray to God Every morn and eve, That He may favour thee with good thoughts, good words and good deeds. With health of mind and health of body forever and ever I give my whole heart and life to thee. Keep unsullied the name and the fame of your ancestors.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5

Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. III, No. 8, p. 471. Ibid, Vol. IV, No. 8, p. 419. Ibid, Vol. V, No. 4, p. 242. The Contemporary Review of October 1887. The name Mr. Sorabjee Hormasjee is well known among Parsee ladies in this connection. He was not a person of literary attainments, but was, what Darmesteter calls, an illiterate poet, or if the word ‘poet’ is too sacred for such persons, a ‘composer’ of songs. He had published, for the frst time in the early sixties, a few old Parsee songs sung by women under the title of રમુજી ગરબાઓ (ramuji garbão), i.e., Pleasant Songs. 6 The word મરં (marun) in Gujarati does not admit of exact translation in English. The word occurs frequently. It is generally translated here as “dear ones.”

Parsee life in Parsee songs 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

25

Yacna IX., 22.

Ch. III, 24. Ibid. ch. IV, 47. Yacna IX, 13; Yasht X, 3, 108. Yaca XI, 3; Yasht X; 38. Yacna LXII, 5. Veldidad, XIV, 15. Ancient Persia was the original seat of gardening. Ethnology in Folklore, by G. L. Gomme. Academy of 12 August 1893. Athenœum of 26 August 1893; 10 August 1895. 16 “Marriage Customs among the Parsees,” etc., p. 247. Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, 1900, Vol. V, No. 4. 17 Yacna LXII.

3

The baby language among the Parsees1*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

The subject of this brief paper is suggested to me by an interesting monograph on the Lhota Nagas by Mr. J. P. Mills (I.C.S.), wherein the author gives at the end of the book, at the close of the chapter on the language of the tribes, a brief para, headed as “Baby Language.” He says: An English mother who says to her baby, ‘Didums wantums bottleums derrums?’ uses language suffciently like that in ordinary use to be intelligible to a mere bachelor, but the Lhotas have a curious custom, when addressing small children, of using words, which are in no way connected with the speech of everyday life. Mr. Mills then gives a few instances and adds: “The origin of this baby dialect is unknown but it is noticeable that the Aos use almost identical words in addressing their children.”2 Babies among all people seem to have two kinds of languages. The one is the kind of mute language which they utter both in their smiles and cries. It is this kind of language which Christ refers to in the New Testament (St. Mathew XXI, 16), when he says: “Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise.”3 But there is another kind of Babies’ Language spoken by the babies when they begin to prate. They learn it easily from their mother’s lips, and it is this language which, as it were, forms the groundwork of their attempts to speak. I give here a few words of the Baby Language of the Parsees. It will be interesting for the sake of comparison if members of other communities will collect words of the Baby Language of their people. I give the words in Gujarati with their transliteration and translation. As said by Mr. Mills in the case of the baby language of the Lhota Nagas, the origin of the Parsee baby language also cannot be well traced. But some of the words may be taken as onomatopoetic e.g., Tick-tick (watch), Ti-ti (hen), Mê-mê (goat).

*

Reprinted from JASB, XIII (5), January 1926: 410–411.

The baby language among the Parsees

27

Table 3.1 Translation and transliteration of Gujarati words Words

Pronunciation

Meaning

ગો ગો મામ–મામ તુ તુ મ્ાઉં બાઉ ભમ–ભમ તન–તન ચો–ચો તી–તી ચાઈ– ચાઈ પા–પા ટીક–ટીક મેં મેં જી–ઓ આખુ છી ભ–ુ ભુ અપપા હાટ–હસ ું ખાઉ–ખાઉ ે –માલી હલે ભમ

Go Go Mâm Mâm Tu tu Myâu Bâu Bham-bham Tan-tan Cho-cho Ti-ti Châi-châi Pâ-pâ Tick-tick Mê mê Ji-o Âkhu Chhi Bhu-bhu Appâ Hât-hus Khâu-khâu Hêlê-mâli Bham

Medicine Water Dog Cat Some frightening thing Drum Coins; Money Hen Toy or any fne thing Bread Watch Goat To sleep Call of nature Filth Bath To eat This word is used to remove away a thing Eatables Used to express some kind of movement Fall

Notes 1 This paper was read before the Anthropological Section of the Indian Science Congress held at Bangalore in January 1924. 2 The Lhota Nagas, by J. P. Mills (1922), p. 225. 3 “15. When the chief priests and scribes saw the wonderful things that he did, and the children crying in the temple, and saying, Hosanna to the son of David; they were sore displeased.” “16. And said unto him, ‘Hearest thou what these say?’ And Jesus saith unto them, ‘Yea; have ye never read: Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise?’ (Mathew XXI, 15, 16).

4

The initiation ceremonies and customs of the Parsees*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

By “initiation” we mean introduction into a certain religious organization, by the performance of certain rites and ceremonies. Of this kind of initiation, the Parsees have two: (i) The Naôjote, which is the initiation of a Parsee child into the fold of the Zoroastrian religion, and (ii) the Nâvar and the Martab, the two grades of initiation into priesthood. We will at frst speak of the Naôjote or the initiation of a child into the religion through investiture with a sacred shirt and thread.

I. The Naôjote, the initiation of a Zoroastrian child into the fold Meaning of the word Naôjote The ceremony of investing a child with a sacred shirt and thread is called Naôjote.1 A Zoroastrian may put on any dress he likes. He may dress as a European, Hindu, Mahomedan, or as a person of any nationality, but he must put on sudreh and kusti, i.e., the sacred shirt and thread as visible symbols of Zoroastrianism. The word Naôjote is made up of two words: (i) Pahlavi naô ; Avesta nava, ; Sanskrit नव; Persian ; Latin, novus; German, new; French, neuf “new”; and (ii) zôt (Avesta nom. ; Sanskrit होतई), i.e., one who offers prayers, from zu (Sanskrit “hu” हु) to offer prayers. The initiation is so named because it is after its performance that a Zoroastrian child is said to be responsible for the duty of offering prayers and observing religious customs and rules as a Zoroastrian.2 The ceremony of Naôjote among the Parsecs corresponds to that of confrmation3 among the Christians. The age for this investiture Seven is the age at which it is enjoined to initiate a child. According to Herodotus (I, 136) and Strabo (Bk. XV, chap. III, 18), the ancient Iranians commenced the education of their children at the age of fve. It seems that a part of that education was religious education which prepared them for this ceremony of investiture. Plato (First Alcibiades 37) gives the age of

*

Reprinted from JASB, XI (5), September 1918: 454–485.

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education as seven. This then must be the age of the regular commencement of secular education after the religious investiture with the sacred shirt and thread. The Vendidâd (XV, 45) and the Dînkard (Vol. IV, chap. 170)4 [a ninth-century Pahlavi text, comprising a major survey of the religion] support Plato’s statement. In case a child is not suffciently intelligent to understand the ceremony and to know its responsibilities, it is permitted that the ceremony can be postponed to any age up to 15, at which age the investiture must take place. If the ceremony is not performed and if the child is not invested with the sacred shirt and thread at or before the age of 15, the child is said to be claimed by the Druj5 as her own. The Vendidâd (XVIII 31, 54) represents the evil Druj as claiming four kinds of men as her own. Among these, the fourth kind is that of persons who, having past the age of 15, go about without the sacred shirt and thread. The Druj says: “He assuredly is the fourth of my those (i.e., above the class of) men; he, an ill behaved man who, after (the age of) ffteen years, moves about without the sacred thread and shirt.”6 The Sad-dar (Chap. X, 1) says that “it is incumbent on all Behedins,7 (whether) males or females, who attain the age of ffteen years, to wear the sacred thread, because the sacred thread is the waist-belt of humility and the symbol for preserving obedience to God; may He be honoured and respected.”8 If one moves about without the sacred shirt and thread after the age of 15, he is said to commit the sin of vashâd dobârishnih or kushâd davârashni.9 With the age of the child at which it is to be invested with the sacred shirt and thread begins the responsibility of the parents to give a good religious and moral education to their children. It is enjoined that good religious and moral education should be given to a child at an early age. According to the Pahlavi Ganj-i Shâyagân and Shâyast lâ Shayast, the parents are held responsible if they fail in this duty and if the child, in consequence, commits a bad action. On the other hand, the parents are believed to take a share in the meritoriousness, if the child, by virtue of the religious and moral education given to it, does a religious act.10 Sudreh, i.e., the sacred shirt: meaning of the word, its structure, and symbolism The ceremony of Naôjote consists of the investiture of the child with sacred shirt and thread. Before speaking of the investiture itself, I will frst speak of this shirt and thread and of their symbolism. The shirt is called Sadreh or Sudreh. Anquetil Du Perron says that the word sadreh comes from Zend selehr paéschenghé, which means “useful clothing.”11 Dastur Edalji Darabji Sanjana also derives the word similarly12 and says that the word sud-reh means “an advantageous path.” Dr. West13 takes the word to be Persian sud-reh, meaning an advantageous path. Some derive the word from Avesta vastra, meaning “clothing,” and say that the word sadreh is formed by dropping the frst letter “v.”14 Mr. K.E. Kanga

30 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi thinks that the word is Arabic sutrat, i.e., anything which covers or defends (the body).15 The Dâdistân-i16 Dini speaks of it as pirâhan ( , Persian ( , shirt). The Pahlavi Vendidâd17 speaks of it as shapik ( ). It also speaks of it as tashkuk ( ).18 A Persian gloss of the word is given as sudreh.19 The sacred shirt and thread are symbolic in their structure. The symbolism is explained not in the Avesta but in later Pahlavi and Persian books. Some of the symbolism is explained in the Dâdistân-i Dini (Ques. 39, Chap. XL). The Persian Sar-nâmeh-i-râz-i-Yazdâni also refers to it. The shirt is made up of white cambric, the white colour being symbolic of innocence and, as such, the symbol of the Mâzdayacnân religion.20 The Dâdistân-i Dini enjoins that the shirt should be pure white21 and of only one fold,22 not double. The reason for the shirt to be of only one fold is said to be that Vohuman (Bahman) is “one creation” which is the frst (ayôk dâm i fartûm).23 The word Vohû-mana being variously used, the signifcation is not clear, but what is meant seems to be this, that the whiteness of the shirt is supposed to infuence for good one’s mind. Again, the shirt must not be made up of one continuous piece of cloth but of two pieces sewn together on the sides, so that one piece may be on the right-hand side, and the other on the left-hand side, thus dividing the shirt into two parts, the front and the back part. These two parts, the front and the back, are said to be symbolic of the past and the future, both being related with each other through the present. It has a hole for the head and reaches down to the knees. The most important part of the shirt is the gireh-bân (lit., that which preserves the knot), which signifes loyalty to, or faith in, the religion. The Gireh-bân is known as the kisseh-i-kerfeh, i.e., “the purse or the bag of righteousness.”24 It is made in the form of a bag or purse, which rests a little below the throat. It indicates symbolically that a man has to be industrious, and has not only to fll his purse or bag with money but also with kerfeh (righteousness). The Shâyast-la-Shâyast [middle-Persian religious text] enjoins25 that the sacred shirt should be put next to the skin; i.e., there should be no other garment under it.26 Thus, the sudreh is a symbol that reminds one of the purity of life and righteousness. Kûsti or the sacred thread: meaning of the word, its structure and symbolism The Avesta word for the sacred thread is aiwyâonghana, lit., to gird round about the body. Kûsti is its Pahlavi rendering. The word Kûsti is variously derived. (i) It may be derived from Pahlavi kust ( P. ) meaning “direction or side.” Thus, the word kûsti may mean “that which points out the proper direction or path.” Sudreh (the sacred shirt) indicates the advantageous path, and kûsti (the sacred thread) indicates the proper direction to proceed on that path. Taking the same derivation, kûsti may mean, “a badge distinguishing those who are on the side (kust) of (i.e., who believe

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in) Zoroastrianism.” (ii) Some derive the word from kosht ( , waist), and say that it is so called because it is put on the waist.27 (iii) Again, kosht also means “limit or boundary”; so, kûsti may mean “that which keeps us, or reminds us to keep ourselves, within proper limits or bounds.” The Sudreh being, as said above, “the advantageous path of righteousness,” the kusti, which is put over it, is “that which confnes us or keeps us within the limits of that path of righteousness.” The Avesta word for kûsti, viz., aiwyâonyhana, which literally means “to sit round or to limit,” renders this derivation probable. (iv) Again, some take this word kûsti to be kishti, i.e., a ship, and say that it signifes that, like a ship, it carries us to the safe haven of righteousness. Whatever derivation we take, the kûsti symbolizes and indicates a direction in the path of righteousness. The kusti is made up of lamb’s wool. The wool is at frst combed and then spun into fne thread on a hand-spindle called châtri. Two such long threads are prepared on two spindles or châtris, and are then twisted into one. This thread is then woven into the kusti on a hand-loom called jantar ( ; Sanskrit, यंत्र), the ends of which are movable, so that they can be adjusted to the length required. The twisted thread is passed round the loom 72 times; so the kusti consists of 72 threads, divided into 6 strands, each of 12 threads. A continuous thread is made to pass, in the process of weaving, through each of the six strands. When the weaving is almost fnished, and when about a foot of the threads remain to be woven, the whole thread is removed from the loom and handed to a priest to be cut and consecrated. It is the privilege of the women of the priestly class to weave and prepare a sacred thread, and it is the privilege of a priest to cut and consecrate it. To consecrate the thread, the priest frst performs the pâdyâb kûsti. He then recites the Sraôsh bâj28 [“Hearkening” the name of a yazad—a spirit being who guards the soul for three days after death] as far as the word Ashahê. He next recites the nirang (the liturgical formula) for cutting and consecrating the thread, followed by the Ashem29 Vohû and Yathâ ahû Vairyô.30 While reciting the latter, he cuts the kûsti into two parts as he utters the word shyaothnanâm. On fnishing the Yathâ ahû vairyô, he utters in bâj (i.e., in a suppressed tone) the brief Pazend formula of sraosh ashô tagi tan farman31 and then fnishes the baj. The women, who prepare the kûsti, generally get it cut and consecrated by the male priest members of their own families. When they have no such members and have therefore to get it consecrated by other priests, they have to pay a small fee for it. After this consecration, the kûsti is returned by the priest to the owner, who now completes its weaving. First, by means of a needle, she turns the kûsti, which is hollow, inside out, and then knits by hand the remaining part of the thread. Three tassels (lari),32 each of 14 threads, are formed at each end of the woven thread. The kûsti is then fnally washed before being used. The kûsti, being prepared from the wool of a lamb, which is considered to be an emblem of innocence and purity, is held to remind a Zoroastrian of the purity of life which he always has to observe. The 72 threads

32 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi composing the kûsti symbolize the 72 hâs or chapters of the Yaҫna. The 24 threads which make up each of the three tassels at each end of the kûsti symbolize the 24 Kardahs or sections of the Visparad, a part of the liturgical prayer; the 6 strands, each of 12 threads into which the 72 threads of the kûsti are divided at the time of weaving, are said to symbolize the six religious duties33 of a Zoroastrian; the 12 threads in each of the 6 strands symbolize the 12 months of the year; the 6 tassels symbolize the 6 season festivals (Gâhambârs) of a Zoroastrian year; the hollow of the thread symbolizes the space between this world and the next; the doubling of the thread in the beginning symbolizes the connection between the present corporeal world and the future spiritual world; the turning of the kûsti, inside out, symbolizes the passage of the soul from the corporeal to the spiritual world; the fnal uniting of all the threads into one symbolizes universal brotherhood or union. Though we do not have the authority of Avesta books for an explanation of the symbolism of all the parts of the kûsti, there is no doubt that its structure had some symbolic signifcation from very ancient times. It symbolizes some moral precepts or ideas, just as the Janôi or the sacred thread of the Brahmins and the cord worn by the Franciscan fathers round their waists do. The Sudreh and Kusti of the Parsees may remind one of the white garment and girdle of the Essenes, a Jewish sect.34 Just as the cross is said to have existed as a symbol from times anterior to Christ, though Christ’s crucifxion added to its signifcation, so the kûsti is said to have existed as a symbol before Zoroaster. It was Jamshed of the Peshdâdian dynasty who is said to have introduced it.35 Zoroaster is said to have confrmed this previous custom of putting on the kûsti, and also directed that it may be put on over a sacred shirt (vahumanich vastarg) and with a recital of religious formulae (dînîk niranghâ).36 He held it to be a symbol of the necessity of (i) obedience to God, (ii) closing up the door against sin, and (iii) breaking up the power of destruction. It is enjoined that, excepting the time of bathing, a Zoroastrian must always bear the sacred shirt and thread. The thread is to be untied and retied during the day on the following occasions: (i) immediately after leaving bed in the morning;37 (ii) every time after answering a call of nature; (iii) before saying prayers; (iv) at the time of bathing; (v) before meals. A modern Parsee sometimes neglects to do so on the frst and ffth occasions, but he generally does so on the second, third, and fourth occasions. The Dâdistân-i-Dînî38 says that from times immemorial, men turn towards light at the time of performing the kûsti ceremony as it is connected with a form of prayer. The frst thing that one has to do on these occasions (except the frst) is to perform what is called pâdyâb39 or ablution. It consists of washing the face and other uncovered parts of the body like hands and feet with pure water and after reciting a short prayer formula.40 Then he has to face the sun. If he is within the house and if the sun is not visible, he has to stand facing the east in the morning up to 12 o’clock noon, and facing the west

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from 12 o’clock to night-fall. At night, he has to face a lamp or the moon. If there is no moon or lamp, he may face the stars. We will, later on, while speaking of the investiture by the priest, describe in detail the process of putting on the kûsti. As to its symbolism, the kûsti is a kind of belt. Now, kamar-bastan, i.e., “to tie the waist” or “to put on the belt” is a phrase which has come to mean “to be ready to serve, to be prepared for a work.” So, the Dâdistân says that the putting on of the kûsti on the waist41 symbolizes one’s readiness to serve God. The knots of a kûsti While putting on the kûsti, one has to fasten it with two knots, one in the front and the other on the back. Knots, which signify frmness and resolution, symbolize here resolutions about certain religious and moral thoughts. While forming the frst half of the frst knot in the front on the second round of the thread, a Zoroastrian has to think that Ahura Mazda exists, that He is one, holy, and matchless. While forming the second half of this frst knot, he has to remember that the Mazdayaҫnian religion is the word of God, and that he must have full faith in it. In the third round of the thread, while forming the frst half of the second knot on the back, one has to remember that Zoroaster is the Prophet of God, that he is our guide to show us the proper path of worship. While forming the second half of the second knot, he is to bear in mind that he has always to attend to “good thoughts, good words and good deeds.”42 Symbolic signifcation of the kûsti, as given in the Pahlavi Dâdistân-i-Dînî The Dâdistân-i-Dînî (Chap. XXXIX, Pursishna XXXVIII) dwells at some length on the symbolic signifcation of the kûsti, the purport of what is as follows: 1. God wishes that man should serve Him and should follow His path. Now, there are certain conventional ways in which a man shows his service or obedience to God. For example, he falls on his knees in his prayers; he lowers his head, and bows; he raises his hands towards Heaven. All these ways or rites, which symbolize service or obedience or homage to God, are done occasionally. But the kûsti is a standing symbol to signify permanently a man’s readiness to serve God. As a kind of kamar-band or belt, put on in a solemn way with religious meditation and prayer, it reminds a person of his perpetual obligation to stand in the service of God. Whenever a Zoroastrian sees this kûsti, this band ( ) or belt on his waist, he has to consider it as a badge of service and to say to himself, “I am the servant (bandah, ) of God.”

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2. A person puts on a badge or belt of service and stands before his superior to receive his orders. Thus, the sacred belt or kûsti reminds a man of humiliation before God, and of his readiness to receive His orders. 3. The kûsti is a kind of a band, i.e., a kind of a shutter. A shutter shuts up a thing, so that neither outside infuence may affect that thing, nor that thing’s infuence may affect an outside thing. So, by putting the band of a kûsti, a Zoroastrian, while reciting the words manashni, gavashni, and kunashni, i.e., thoughts, words, and deeds, and putting on the knots on the thread, resolves to let no outside evil infuence enter into his mind and affect the purity of his thoughts, words, and deeds, and not to let that purity of thoughts, words, and deeds leave his mind. 4. We learn from the Dâdistân-i-Dînî that the kûsti reminds one to have a high ideal of character before his mind. The waist over which the kûsti is fastened divides our physical body into three parts, the higher, the middle, and the lower. The upper or the higher part of our body is the seat of the heart and brain which typify higher characteristics. The lower part, which contains organs like the stomach which always requires something to feed it, typifes lower characteristics of appetite, thirst, lust, etc. So, the kûsti being tied on the middle portion of the body, viz., the waist, and acting as a band or stopper, must remind us, not to let the lower passions rise above and suppress our higher characteristics.43 Naòjote ceremony Having described the preparation and the consecration of the shirt and thread, and having explained their symbolism, we will now describe the Naôjote ceremony itself, wherein a priest puts over the child the sacred shirt and thread. Preparation before the investiture proper; sacred bath; ceremonial requisites As a qualifcation of ftness to go through this ceremony, the child is expected to know a few short prayers. Of these, the knowledge by heart of the Nirang-i-kusti (i.e., the prayer for the sacred thread) is indispensably necessary, because it is required to be recited whenever the sacred thread is to be untied and fastened again on certain occasions during the day, of which we have spoken above. This Nirang-i-kusti is made up of the following three prayers: (i) Kem-nâ-Mazdâ;44 (ii) Nirang-i-kusti or Ahura Mazda Khodâe;45 (iii) Jass me avanghê Mazda, Mazda-yaҫnô ahmi.46 Besides this prayer of Nirang-i-kusti, the prayers known as Nirang-i-âb-i Zar or Nirang-i Gaômez, Srosh-bâj, and Patet were at one time expected from a Zoroastrian child to be known by heart for the Naôjote ceremony. But nowadays, they are not deemed absolutely necessary.

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On the day fxed for the investiture, a little before the time of the ceremony, the child is made to go through a sacred bath or a kind of purifcation known as nân.47 Up to a few years ago, it was customary that the child should abstain from any kind of food in the morning until after the investiture. This was considered as a little sacrifce on the part of the child to testify its faith in the importance and value of the ceremony. Up to a few years ago, the ceremony was always performed in the morning, but now it is performed in the evening also, according to the convenience of the parties. The very fact that it was enjoined that during the course of the ceremony the offciating priest must recite the dawn (Aush-bâm)48 prayer,49 shows that it was thought necessary that the ceremony should be performed in the morning. After the sacred bath, the child is taken to a room where the parents and their relations and friends, and the offciating priest with one or more other priests, have assembled. The upper part of its body, which is to be covered with the sacred shirt at the hands of the offciating priest, is covered over with a sheet of white cloth that can be easily removed. The child is made to sit on a low wooden stool covered over with a sheet of white cloth, in front of the offciating priest, who sits on a carpet on the foor. The child is made to sit facing the East. The following requisite things are placed on the carpet: (i) a tray containing a new set of clothes for the child, including a new sacred shirt and thread; (ii) a tray of rice known as akhiana, which, at the end of the ceremony, is presented to the family priest; it is a remnant of the old system, when there was a payment in kind as well; (iii) a tray of fowers which are presented at the end to the assembled priests, friends and relations; (iv) a lamp, generally a lamp fed with clarifed butter (there may be additional candle-sticks burning); (v) fre, burning on a censer with fragrant sandalwood and frankincense; (vi) a tray containing a mixture of rice, pomegranate grains, raisins, almonds, and a few slices of cocoanut, to be sprinkled later on by the priest over the child as a symbol of prosperity. The frst tray, containing the suit of clothes, also contains some betel leaves and areca nuts,50 a few pieces of sugar candy, a few grains of rice, a cocoanut, a garland of fowers, a metallic cup containing kûmkûm (a kind of red powder), and a few rupees. All these things have nothing to do with the religious part of the ceremony, but they are considered in India as emblems of good luck. All these are presented by the priest later on to the child. The sum of rupees is at the end of the ceremony taken by the family priest as a part of his fee, and is spoken of as the fee for the giryân or girehbân. The investiture proper When all the priests have taken their respective seats, the head offciating priest, who is seated face to face with the child, gives in the hand of the child a new sacred shirt. They all then recite the Patet, or the atonement prayer. The child also recites the prayer or its special sections, if it knows these by heart; but generally, it recites the Yathâ Ahu Vairyô prayers in its

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stead. In some families, recently, instead of the Patet, the Hormazd Yasht is recited. Having fnished this, the offciating priest gets up from his seat, and the child stands before him. Then follows the investiture proper which is made up of the following four parts: (i) the recital of the Confession of Faith by the child, followed immediately by the putting on of the sacred shirt by the priest; (ii) the recital of the Nirang-i-kusti with a preliminary introduction from the introductory part of the Hormazd Yasht (Yasht 1) upto the words vâdhvâo mraotû, accompanied with the girdling of the kûsti or sacred thread by the priest over the sacred shirt; (iii) the fnal recital of the Mazdayaҫnô Ahmî (Yacna XII, 8–9) formula of the Articles of Faith; (iv) the recital of the Tan-daruҫti or the fnal benediction. 1. The recital of the Confession of Faith, and the investiture with the sacred shirt The frst part of the investiture consists of presenting to the child the sacred shirt, after making it recite the Confession of Faith. This prayer of the Confession of Faith is made up of two parts: (i) The Avesta khshnuman [dedication] of the Yazata Din, who presides over Religion (Din Yasht; Yasht XVI),51 and (ii) a Pazend formula of the Confession of Faith.52 The confession made up of these two parts runs as follows: Praised be the most righteous, the wisest, the most holy and the best Mazdayaҫnian Law, which is the gift of Mazda. The good, true and perfect religion, which God has sent to this world, is that which Zoroaster has brought. That religion is the religion of Zoroaster, the religion of Ahura Mazda communicated to holy Zoroaster. It ends with the recital of an Ashem Vohû prayer. On the child making this public declaration of its faith in the Zoroastrian Mszdayaҫnian religion, the priest clothes it with the sacred shirt. While putting it on, he recites the sacred formula of Yathâ Ahû Vairyô, and the other priests join him in the recital. 2. The recital of the Nirang-i-Kusti and the investiture with the sacred thread Then the offciating priest stands at the back of the child, and both face the east if it is morning, and the west if it is evening. He at frst recites the introductory part of the Ormazd Yasht [the frst hymn in Yasht] (Yasht I)53 and then the Nirang-i-kusti.54 The substance of this prayer of Nirang-i-kusti runs thus: “The Omniscient God is the greatest Lord. Ȃhriman is the evil spirit that keeps back the advancement of the world. May that Evil Spirit with all his accomplices remain fallen and dejected. O Omniscient Lord! I repent of all my sins; I repent of all the evil thoughts that I may have entertained in my

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mind, of all the evil words that I may have spoken, of all the evil deeds that I may have done. May Ahura Mazda be praised. May the Evil Spirit Ȃhriman be condemned. The will of the Righteous is the most praiseworthy.” The process of putting on the kûsti over the body is as follows: The priest holds the kûsti from its middle or central part in his left hand. Then he holds in his right hand a part of the two strings of the thread so formed. A part of the double strings is thus held horizontally between the two hands and the remainder hangs down vertically. This posture continues upto the recital of the words “manashni, gavashni, kumashmi” in the Nirang-ikusti. With the recital of these words a part of the string is then formed into circular curves in both the hands. Then, on reciting the words Khshnaôthra Ahurahê Mazdaô, the curves are let loose, and with the recital of Ashem Vohû, the thread is passed round the child’s waist. With the recital of the frst Yathâ Ahû Vairyô, the second round is completed, the frst knot in the front being tied with the recital of the word shyothananâm. With the recital of the same word in the second recital of the Yathâ Ahû Vairyô, the second knot in the front is tied, and then, with the recital of another Ashem Vohû, the thread is passed round the waist for the third time, and the fnal two knots at the back are tied. This completes the investiture of the sacred thread. During this investiture, the child recites with the offciating priest the Nirang-i-kûsti. 3. The recital of the formula of the Articles of Faith The child, after being thus invested with the sacred shirt and thread, announces the last and the most important part of the Articles of Faith, given in the 12th chapter of the Yacna. It runs thus: O Almighty! Come to my help. I am a worshipper of God. I am a Zoroastrian worshipper of God. I agree to praise the Zoroastrian religion, and to believe in that religion. I praise good thoughts, good words and good deeds. I praise the good Mazdayaҫinan religion which curtails discussions and quarrels, which brings about kinship or brotherhood, which is holy, and which, of all the religions that have yet fourished, and are likely to fourish in the future, is the greatest, the best and the most excellent, and which is the religion given by God to Zoroaster. I believe that all good things proceed from God. May the Mazdayaҫinan religion be thus praised. The most important part of these short prayers is that wherein the child is made to believe in the effcacy of one’s own good thoughts, words, and actions. A Parsee has to believe that, for the salvation of his soul, he has to look to himself. For his salvation, he has to look to the purity of his thoughts, the purity of his words, and the purity of his deeds. The pivot on which the whole of the moral structure of Zoroastrianism turns, rests upon

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this triad of thought, word, and deed. Think of nothing but the truth; speak nothing but the truth; do nothing but what is proper; and you are saved. 4. The fnal benediction The putting on of the sacred shirt and thread and the declaration of the Articles of Faith complete the ceremony proper. The offciating priest now makes a red kumkum mark on the child’s forehead—a long vertical mark if the child is male, a round mark if female —and then gives in its hands the cocoanut, fowers, betel leaves, areca nuts, etc., referred to above. There only remains now the recital of the Tandaruҫti or benedictions by the offciating priest, invoking the blessings of God upon the new initiate. He says: May you enjoy health, long life, and splendour of piety. May the good Angels and the Immortal spirits (Ameshâspands) come to your help. May the religion of Zoroaster fourish. O Almighty God! May you bestow long life, joy and health upon the ruler of our land, upon the whole community, and upon this.55 May the child live long to help the virtuous. May this day be auspicious, this month be auspicious, this year be auspicious. May you live for a good number of years to lead a holy, charitable and religious life. May you perform righteous deeds. May health, virtue and goodness be your lot. May all your good wishes be fulflled like those of the immortal angels. Amen! Amen! While reciting this, the priest showers over the head of the child the mixture of rice, pomegranate seed, almonds, raisins, etc., referred to above. In the end, all the assembled priests again recite together the above tan-daruҫti (benedictions). The priests are then paid their fees. They and the assembled friends and relations are presented with fowers. The priests then depart, and the child and the parents are presented with sums of money by friends and relations. The assembled guests generally disperse after a dinner where Jarthoshti siccani salâmati, i.e., the prosperity of the Zoroastrian fold (lit., the safety or prosperity of Zoroastrian coinage) is the toast of the occasion.

II. The Nâvar and the Martab: the initiation into Zoroastrian priesthood It is the son of a priest only who can become a priest. This seems to be a very old custom of ancient Irân. We fnd it alluded to in the institutions of Ardashîr Bâbakân, the founder of the Sâssânian dynasty, in whose reign commenced the Irânian Renaissance of the period. One of the innovations said to have been introduced by him, or rather one of the old customs, more honoured in their breach than in their observance at his time, reintroduced by him with the aid of his Dastur Taôsar or Tansar, was that the members of different professions and trades, and their descendants, should adhere

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to their old professions and trades and not change them for others, except with the special permission of the king or the government authorities. The division of the people into different professions and trades, and the regulations to restrict them to their respective lines of business, were thought to be necessary for the good of society. “Cette répartition,” says Tansar, des hommes en quatre classes est pour le monde une garantie durable de bon ordre. Le passage dune caste à l‘autre est interdit, sauf le cas où l‘un de nous montre un talent particulier. Alors on porte le cas devant le roi. Après une épreuve et une enquête prolongée faite par les Mobeds et les Herbeds, s’ils reconnaissent le mérite du candidat ils se transfèrent dans une autre caste. Le Shâhanshâh, par sa pure intelligence et la vertu de son génie, a reconstitué ces membres disjoints. Il a remis chacun à sa place distincte, l’a fait redescendre à son rang et a arrangé que personne n’exercerait un autre métier que celui pour lequel Dieu l’avait créé. Par ses mains la Providence divine a ouvert aux habitants de ce monde une porte inconnue meme aux âge antiques.56 [Translation: “This division,” says Tansar, of men/people into four classes is a lasting guarantee to maintain good order. The passage/movement from one caste to the other is forbidden except in the case where one of us shows a particular talent. Then, in this case the case is before the king. After a test and a prolonged inquiry/investigation by the “Mobeds” and the “Herbeds,” if they recognize the merit of the candidate they place him in another caste. By his pure intelligence and by virtue of his genius, the “Shahanshah” (emperor) reconstitutes/brings together the split up members. He restores each one to his distinctive place, returns him to his rank and makes sure that no one exercises any other profession than the one that God ordained/created him for. By his hands divine providence has opened an unknown door to the inhabitants even in ancient times. Editors]. The division of the people into different professions and trades referred to by Tansar, as having been made by Ardashîr, was not quite unknown to the ancient Persians before his time. According to the Shâh-nâmeh, it was made by King Jamshîd of the Peshdâdian dynasty. Il (Djemschid) assigna a chaeun la place qui lui convenait, et leur indiqua leur voie, pour que taus comprissent leur position et reconnussent ce qui était audessus et au-dessous d’eux.57 Tabari says the same thing: Djemschîd partagea toutes les créatures du monde en quatre classes. et il dit: Que chacun tasse son travail at ne s’occupe pas d’autre chose. Si quelqu’un s’écartait des reglements qu’il avait établ is, il le faisait mettre á mort.58 [Translation: “He (Djemschid) accords/assigns a place to each person that suits him, and shows them their path so that all should understand

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi their position and should recognize those who are above and beneath them.” Tabari says the same thing: “Djemschid shares/divides all creatures of the world into four classes. And he says that each one occupies himself with his work and does not take care of anything else. If some moved away/separated himself from these laws that he has established, then he was put to death.” Editors].

We thus fnd that the rules introduced by Ardashîr were rather old, and that he re-established them, and declared that people must restrict themselves to their own hereditary professions. The priesthood was especially such a profession. But we fnd, further, from Tansar’s letter, that Ardashîr had intended to make certain exceptions. For example, a man by special qualifcations or examinations can qualify himself for a profession other than that of his fore fathers. We fnd such an exception in the case of priesthood made in Persia even so late as the 17th century. One Dastur Rûstam Gushtâsp Ardashîr “is said to have sprung from the laity and not from a priestly family.”59 It is said that in the time of this Rûstam Gushtâsp, the then ruling Mahomedan King of Persia ordered a general massacre of the Persian Zoroastrians, unless they proved that they were monotheists and not idol worshippers. It was this layman Rûstam Gushtâsp who proved this to the satisfaction of the king, and he was made a Dastur. He was a good scholar. The copy of the Dïnkard in the Mulla Firoze Library, a copy of the Mîno-Kherad in Mr. Tehmuras Dinshaw’s possession, and a Persian Revâyet in Mr. Manekji Unwâlâ’s possession are by his pen. In India, no exception seems to have been made, and it is only the sons of priests or of the members of the priestly families, who can become priests. The right can be revived by any male member of the priestly family, though his immediate ancestors may not actually have been priests. For example, A may be a priest, and his son B, grandson C, greatgrandson D may not have entered into priesthood, but still E, the son of D, can, if he chooses to become a priest. The right can thus be revived by a descendant up to the ffth generation. It then dies and can no longer be exercised. In order to be a thoroughly qualifed priest, one has to go through two grades of initiations and their ceremonies. They are (i) the Nâvar and (ii) the Martab. 1. The Nâvar60 The frst initiatory ceremony for the priesthood is that of Nâvar. The word is written and read in different ways. It is also written and read as Nâbar, Nâîbar, or Nâghar [the frst initiatory ceremony for priesthood].61 Darmesteter says of this word: “L’origine et le sens exact du mot nābar obscures.”62

Pahlvi nâpar et náivar, sont

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[Translation: The origin and the exact meaning of the word “nabar,” Pahlavi “nãpar” and “naivar,” are obscure. Editors]. I think the word means “a new carrier of offerings or rites”. It can be derived from Avesta , new (Pahlvi , Sanskrit नव, Persian Latin novus, Fr. neuf, German neu, English new, same as in Naôjôte), and to carry (Pahlvi , Persian , Sanskrit Latin, French, English bear). In the Avesta words hû-béréti, ushta-béréti, vanta-bérétî (Y. LXII, 7), the word bérétî (like the Sanskrit भृति bhriti, nourishment, food, service, capital) which is derived from the above V bar, to carry, is used for presents, offerings. So Nâvar, which is originally naô-bar (i.e., a new carrier of presents and offerings), means “one who is newly initiated in the work of offering prayers, rites and sacred things to the Deity.” The fact that it can be thus explained in the same way as the word Naôjôte, the frst important initiatory Zoroastrian ceremony, is a proof in support of this interpretation. The different stages of the ceremony of initiating a priest To initiate a person into priesthood, several stages of ceremonies have to be gone through. They are the following: (i) the Bareshnûm; (ii) the Gewrâ; (iii) the initiation proper. (a) I give here an illustration which shows the initiate taking his Bareshnûm. The candidate for initiation into priesthood has frst to go through two Bareshnûm purifcations.63 The frst Bareshnûm [ceremony of purifcation] is said to be for his own an-pâk, i.e., for the purifcation of his own body; the second is for the nîyat64 of the person in whose memory he becomes a Nâvar. Between the frst Bareshnûm and the second, there may be an interval of a few days if it is so desired, or otherwise the candidate may begin the second Bareshnûm on the same day when he fnishes the frst. In that case, both the Bareshnûms take 19 days in all. During these Bareshnûm days, the candidate is to say his prayers fve times during the day. He is expected to pass his time in a religious or pious mood. If during any of the days he is in the Bareshnûms, he has a pollutis nocturna [male’s involuntary ejection during night] that vitiates his Bareshnûm. In that case, he must begin the Bareshnûm again. If the case happens in the second Bareshnûm, he has to repeat only the second Bareshnûm and not the frst. To avoid this risk, nowadays, the candidate for priesthood goes through the initiation at a very early age, before 15 or 16, when he is likely to be free from such risk. The second Bareshnûm is, as said above, for the niyat of somebody. If that somebody is a lady, he must take care that he goes through the second Bareshnûm and the subsequent ceremonies of gewrâ [ceremony which qualifes priests to initiate a a candidate into the priesthood] and initiation at a time when there

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Figure 4.1 The Bareshnum ceremony of a priest’s initiation.

is no chance of that lady’s passing through her monthly course. If during these ceremonies, the lady, in whose niyat he goes through the ceremony, has her monthly course, that vitiates the ceremony, which must be begun again when the lady has passed through her course and purifed herself. If the person, male or female, dies during the period of these ceremonies, that event also vitiates the whole thing. (b) On the candidate completing the Bareshnûm, two qualifed priests (i.e., two priests who “hold the Bareshnûm”), who have to initiate the candidate, perform what is known as the gewrâ ceremony, which lasts for six days. This gewrâ ceremony, which qualifed them to initiate the candidate, consists of reciting the Yaҫna with its ritual for six consecutive days. The word gewrâ comes from the Avesta root garew, Sanskrit grah, German engreifer, Persian gīraftan, [which means] to acquire, to take hold of. Both the priests perform the Yaҫna ceremony, i.e., recite

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the whole of the Yaҫna with the necessary ritual. One of the two priests who recites the whole Yaҫna is called Joti (Zaota), i.e., lit., the performer of ceremonies or the offerer of offerings. The other priest who assists him in going through the ceremony is called Rathwi.65 The priest who performs the ceremony as the Joti is technically said to have taken the Gewrâ, i.e., to have acquired the qualifcation of continuing the ceremony. The priest who takes the gewrâ on the frst day is said to have taken the frst gewrâ. He is to pass a night of vigil and watchfulness. If he has nocturnal pollution, he is said to have lost the effcacy or the qualifcation of his gewrâ. In that case, the gewrâ must be repeated the next day. If the effcacy continues, on the next day, in the morning, he “gives the second gewrâ” to his colleague. In this case, the other priest recites the Yaҫna as Joti, and the priest who gives the gewrâ acts as a Râthwi. He, now, in his turn has to pass the night in vigil. Thus each of the two priests has to “take the gewrâ” on an alternate day. These gewrâ ceremonies are to be performed for six days. To avoid the chance of the gewrâs being vitiated by the failure of the vigil of the priest holding the gewrâ for the particular day or by some other cause, at times, three priests are made to take part in the gewrâ ceremonies. Instead of one priest taking the gewrâ, two perform the ceremony so that, in case one fails to observe the required vigil and is disqualifed for some cause, the other may serve, and the candidate may not be disappointed and the initiation delayed. During these six days, the candidate has to pass his time in prayers during the fve Gâhs and to observe all the observances of saying the grace at meals, etc. He is not to come in contact with any non-Zoroastrian. (c) On the sixth day of the gewrâ ceremony, the priest who has taken the sixth gewrâ, i.e., has recited the Yaҫna with its ritual as the Joti on the sixth day, initiates the candidate. The candidate takes his bath in the morning with all its formalities and puts on a new set of white clothes. He puts on a white turban which is a symbol or insignia of the priesthood. The parents of the candidate invite a few friends, both male and female, to witness the ceremony. In mofussil towns like Navsari [in South Gujarat], a general invitation to males is passed round, through a crier, in the whole town. So, any Zoroastrian who chooses may attend. At the appointed hour at about nine o’clock in the morning, a procession is formed to take the candidate to the temple for initiation. At Navsari, the headquarters of the priesthood, the assembly gathers at the house of the candidate. Gentlemen gather outside the house, and the ladies inside, and they all then go to the temple in a procession. The candidate walks in the front with the head priest of the town, or, in his absence, with his deputy, on his right. Other elders of the community follow. The ladies follow last. In Persia, the ladies throw dry fruits and silver coins over the candidate. In Bombay, the Parsees not having quite separate quarters, and the city being

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too thickly populated to arrange for the ceremonial procession, the candidate stays in the Fire Temple itself for the six days of the gewrâ. So the gathering assembles at the temple itself and the procession also is formed there. It formally moves from one part of the temple to another. The candidate is dressed in his full dress consisting of Jama (Persian ), which is a loose gown-like dress of white linen, and pichori, a kind of linen belt put around the waist. All the male members of the gathering are similarly dressed in their full dress. The candidate carries a shawl in his left hand, it being an insignia of an offce or function which a person holds for the time being. The gurz or the mace The candidate carries in his right hand a gurz or mace. Gurz is the Avesta a mace or club. It symbolizes that the candidate is now vazra, Sanskrit going to be a member of the church militant and undertakes to fght against all evils, physical or moral. In the Khorshed Nyâish, Meher Yazad or the Angel Mithra, the God of Light, Justice, and Truthfulness is represented as carrying a vazra or mace to strike it over the heads of the Daêvas or the evil powers (Yazâi vazrem hunivikhtem kamêrêdhé paiti daêvanâm).66 The Fire Temple where the candidate is going to be initiated is called Dar-i-Meher, i.e., the Port or the Gate of Meher (Mithra). So, he carries the gurz with him as the insignia of his coming offce, in which he has to fght against the enemies of Light, Justice, and Truthfulness, and has to make his way for the church triumphant in Heaven.67 Preparation in the temple On the procession arriving at the Fire Temple, the candidate goes to the Yazashna-gâh where he is to perform the Yaҫna ceremony. The assembled priests are generally seated on carpets spread on the foor. The candidate removes his upper garments which form his full dress, performs the pâdyâbkusti, and puts on the padân (mouth-veil).68 Thus prepared, he is brought before the assembly by one of the two priests, who asks for permission to initiate him. He asks: “Gentlemen of this gathering (Anjuman, Avesta Hanjamana), doth it please you that this candidate may be initiated?” The head priest present, after the interval of a few seconds, takes the silence of the assembly for its assent and nods his head, or puts forward hãth, his hands, to signify the acquiescence of the gathering. The candidate must be free from leprosy69 or any wound from which blood oozes; otherwise he would be rejected and the necessary permission refused. It is to give the assembly an opportunity to see or examine him well, that he is presented before it after the removal of the upper garments.70 The candidate then returns to the Yazashna-gâh to go through the ceremonies of his initiation and to recite the Yaҫna with its ritual. The visitors disperse after fowers and rose water have been presented to them. If the father or

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the guardian of the candidate is well off, he distributes money among the assembled priesthood. Relations and friends are, at times, feasted at noon and even at night if parents can afford to do so. On retiring to the Yazashna-gâh, the candidate recites the Mînô-Nâvar Yaҫna (Yaҫna without the Visparad)71 with its ritual, he acting as the jôtî, and the priest who initiates him acting as the râspi. In the afternoon, he performs the bâj72 ceremony and takes his meals, after which he performs the âfringân ceremony. I give here an illustration which shows the Nâvar initiate performing the Yaҫna ceremony (Figure 4.2). On the second and the third day, the candidate is permitted to have only one meal. The above three ceremonies are repeated in honour of Sraosh on the second day, and the bâj is performed in the morning instead of in the afternoon as on the frst day. On the third day, the above three ceremonies are again repeated in honour of Sirouza, the Yazatas presiding over the 30 (si) days (rouz) of the month. On the fourth day, the Yaҫna is recited with the Vîsperad, the bâj and âfringân being in honour of Ahura Mazda. Thus

Figure 4.2 The Yaaena ceremony of initiation of a Navar priest.

46 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi qualifed, the priest now called hêrbad (Avesta, aêthrapaiti, teacher) can perform the âfringân, Naôjote, marriage and such other ceremonies, but not the Yaҫna, the Vendidâd or the bâj ceremonies. It appears that the Nâvar has been, from the frst, a ceremony of trial, of self-abnegation, self-denial, and self-renunciation. The following facts point to that inference: (i) The candidate is expected to pass his days during the continuation of the whole ceremony, which lasts about a month, in a kind of retreat, in order to be free from worldly thoughts and to be engaged in pious thoughts; he must sleep on the foor and not on a cot, and take his meals at stated hours after prayers. According to the present custom, if the candidate has a pollutis nocturna during the two Bareshnûm, he is disqualifed and has to go through the Bareshnûm again, because the untoward occurrence is held to show that he was not passing his time in pure divine meditation, which he was expected to do, as a would-be priest, but that he thought of worldly matters.73 (ii) During the last four days, when he is regularly being initiated and performs the Yaҫna ceremony himself as jôti, he has to take only one meal on the second and third days to prove that he has control over hunger and thirst and hence over other passions. A good deal of the original lofty ideal seems to be losing its ground now. In order to avoid the risk of failure in the test of pious meditation, selfabnegation, or control of passions, candidates are made to go through the initiatory ceremony in their early boyhood before the age of 15 or 16, when according to the course of nature, they are expected to be free from pollutis nocturna. Again nowadays, it is not only those boys who are really intended to be priests in the future that go through the initiation, but also many others who are intended by their parents for other walks of life. The latter are made to go through it with the idea that it is a religious ceremony worthy to be gone through. There are many medical men, lawyers, and merchants of the priestly class who have been made to go through it by their parents in their boyhood. That being the case, the whole of the Yaҫna is not learned and not recited but only a part. One would not object, and must not object, to this procedure, if even in these cases, the original lofty ideal was kept in mind. The salutary effect would not be lost if a boy were to be made to go through the discipline of the initiation in an intelligible manner. A doctor, a lawyer, or a merchant, if trained in early boyhood to a little discipline, pious meditation, self-control, and self-abnegation, would be a better man in his profession by that kind of discipline, trial, and training. What is wanted is that the original high ideal must always be kept in view. 2. The Martab The second degree for priesthood is known as Martab.74 The degree of Nâvar does not entitle a priest to perform, what may be called, the ceremonies of the inner circle of the Fire Temple. He cannot perform the Yaҫna, the Vendidâd, and the Bâj ceremonies. He cannot offciate at the purifcation

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ceremonies of nân and Bareshnûm. In order to qualify himself to do so, he must go through the Martab ceremony. Besides the Yaҫna and the Visparad, which he had to read for his Nâvarhood, he has now to read the Vendidâd. For this ceremony, the candidate has to go through one Bareshnûm of ten days. On the 11th day, he, in company with a qualifed priest, performs the khûb ceremony75 and recites for it the Mîno Nâvar Yaҫna with its ritual. On the second day in the morning, he has to recite another Yaҫna in honour of Sraosh, and at midnight he recites the Vendidâd. This completes the Martab ceremony, and he is now entitled to perform and recite any of the Zoroastrian ritual and prayer. The Zoroastrian Nâvarhood, in some of its features, reminds us of the Christian Knighthood of olden times, when Knighthood was a kind of religious order. The following passage presents many points of similarity between an Irânian Nãvar and an ancient Christian Knight: The young man, the squire, aspiring to knighthood, was frst of all stripped of his garment and put into a bath, the symbol of purifcation. On his coming out of the bath, they clad him in a white tunic, the symbol of purity, a red robe, emblematic of the blood he was to shed in the cause of the faith, and a black doublet, in token of the dissolution which awaited him as well as all mankind. Thus purifed and clothed, the novice kept a rigorous fast for twenty-four hours. When evening came, he entered the church and passed the night in prayer, sometimes alone, sometimes with a priest and with sponsors who prayed in company with him. When the sermon was over, the novice advanced towards the altar with the sword of knighthood, suspended from his neck; the priest took it off, blessed it and attached it to his neck again. The novice then went and knelt before the lord, who was to knight him. “To what end,” the lord then asked him, “do you desire to enter into this order? If it is that you may be rich, repose yourself, and be honoured without doing honour to knighthood, then you are unworthy of it.” The points of similarity are the following: (i) Both the Iranian Nâvar and the Christian Knight had to go through purifcatory baths. (ii) Both had a white dress as a symbol of purity. (iii) The knighthood had its fasts. The Nâvarhood had no fasts but a kind of abstention or temperance. (iv) Both had some weapons to serve as symbols. The Knights had swords; the Nâval’s had gurzs or maces. (v) Both the orders signifed poverty and a desire to serve and work against evil.

Notes 1 The modern Zoroastrians of Persia call this ceremony Shiv-Kusti. 2 Some take the word Naôjote to be another form of Naôzâd, i.e., a new birth, meaning thereby, a spiritual birth. After going through the ceremony, the child

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3

4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

26 27 28 29 30

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi undertakes some moral or spiritual responsibility. Hence the word (West S.B.E. XXIV, chap. V, n. 1, p. 262). The Shâyast lâ Shayast speaks of it as navid zâdih (Dr. M.B. Davar’s ed., p. 72, 1. 1, Chap. XIII, 2) or new birth. “The word ‘confrm’ is found frequently in both the Old and the New Testaments in various shades of meaning, but with the general sense of strengthening and establishing” (Hasting’s Dictionary of the Bible). It is worth noting in connection with this meaning, that one meaning of zu, the Avesta root of the word zaotar, is “to be strong” (Sans. जु P. ). Dastur Dr. Peshotan’s edition. Av. , Sans. द्रुह, Lit. one who does harm, deceives, speaks lies. This is personifed as a female evil power. Vend. XVIII, 54. i.e., Zoroastrians. Lit., members of the good religion. Sad-dar Nasar (Chap. X, 1), edition of Mr. B.N. Dhabhar, p. 9. According to the 46th chapter of this book, the period of 15 years includes the nine months of the child being in the womb of the mother. Thus, the latest permissible age for the initiation is 14 years, 3 months. Vide also the Shâyast lâ Shayast, Chap. X, 13. It also gives the age as 14 years and 3 months (Dr. M. B. Davar’s ed., p. 51). S. B. E. Vol. V. (1880) p. 321. Minokherad II, 35. Vide Ervad Tehmuras’s Edition with my Introduction. p. 12, 1. 9 (S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 11); Virâf-nâmeh XXV, 6; Patet 10. Ganj-i Shâyagân, Dastur Peshotan’s edition, pp. 25.26; Shâyast lâ Shâyaat, chaps. X 22, XII, 15, Dr. M. B. Davar’s ed., pp. 53, 65. “Tapis (etoffe) utile.” Zend Avesta, Tome II, p. 529. ફાએદે મદ ં રાહ (Mojejâti Zarthoshti, p. 10). S.B.E. Vol. V, p. 286. The Zend Avesta par Darmesteter II, p. 243 n. 13. As an instance of a similar dropping of “v” “we have the case of Sanskrit विद, Lat. vir, which has given us the Pers. yal i.e., hero.” He wrote of this in a letter to me. Question XXXIX 1. Ervad Tehmuras’s Text, p. 125, 1. 2. Chap. XVIII, 7. Dastur Hoshang’s Text, p. 566. Dastur Dr. Hoshang says that it is the same as Pers. a night shirt (ibid, Vol. II Glossarial Index, p. 209). Anquetil Du Perron (Tome II, p. 529) takes the word to be Chev. In that case, it is the same as Pers. below, i.e., the garment below the kusti. Pahl. Vend. XVII, 1. Dasrur Dr. Hoshang’s Text, p. 561, 1. 12. Ibid, note 17. “Spaêta Daênayâo Mâzdayaҫnoîsh upamanem” (Meher Yasht. Yt. X. 126). “Darûst sapit” (Ervad Tehmuras’s Text, p. 125, 11. 5-6). Ques. 39 S.B.E. XVIII, chap. XL, p. 133. Ayôtâk, ayôkardeh. Ibid. Ibid. Chap. IV. 7, 8. Amat shâpîk do patmukht îkvîmûnet va kustik madam zak i avpar yidruniyen adinash … vanâҫ (Dr. Davar’s ed., p. 30). Cf. Jeremiah XIII, 11 where the waist-cloth or the girdle of linen is enjoined always to “cleave to the loins,” i.e., to be “worn next the skin,” which process of wearing signifed “righteousness and faithfulness” (Isaiah XI, 5). The sudreh, to a certain extent, corresponds to “the linen ephod” of the priest (I Samuel II, 18.) Haug and West. Glossary and Index of the Virâf-nâmeh, pp. 202–203. Vide Darmesteter. Le Zend Avesta II, pp. 686–688. Yaҫna XXVII, 14. Ibid, 13. Srosh yasht, Yt. XI, o (Darmesteter. Le Zend Avesta II, p. 482. “Vienne Srôsh … Ormazd”).

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31 Pers. lar thin. 32 The enumeration of these duties differ in different Pahlavi and Pâzend books. The Shâyast lâ Shâyasht (Chap. XII 31, Dr. Davar’s ed. p. 71, S.B.E.V, p. 351) gives the following list: (i) the celebration of the Gâsânbârs (Gâhambârs) or the season festivals; (ii) the celebration of the Rapitavin or the setting in of summer; (iii) Sadôsh (Sraosh) or the performance of the funeral ceremonies for the frst three days after the death of one’s dear departed ones; (iv) Farvardegân, i.e., the religious observances during the last 10 days of a Parsee year in honour of the dear departed ones; (v) the recital of the Kurshed Niâyish in honour of the sun (three times a day); (vi) the recital of the Mâh-Niayish in honour of the moon (three times a month). 33 The Sad-dar (Mr. B.N. Dhabhar’s ed. p. 6, Chap. VI 2; S.B.E. XXIV, p. 264), and the Mînôkherad (Chap. IV, S.B.E. XXIV, p. 26, Ervad Tehmuras’s Text, p. 36 Ques. III) give a slightly different list. The Sarnâmeh-i-râz-I Yazdâni, a much later Persian book, gives a slightly different enumeration. (Vide the PersianGujarati edition of 1255 Yazdazardi, by Mr. Pallonji Jivanji L. Hâtariâ, Persian text, pp. 38–40). 34 Josephus. The Antiquity of the Jews, translated by W. Whiston (1811) Vol. III, p. 444. Bk. II, Ch. VIII, 7. 35 Dâdistân-i-Dînî, Chap. XXXIX, 19, Tehmuras’s edition, p. 120. Ques. XXXVIII, 22; Sad-dar Ch. X, 3. Mr. B.N. Dhabhar’s ed., p. 9. A passage in the Pahlavi Vendidâd also seems to allude to the fact. In the second chapter, while speaking of Jamshed, it says: (Vend. II. 5, Spiegel’s Pahlavi Vend. p. 9, 1. 15), i.e., he had given (lit., done) a symbol to men on their body. 36 Dâdistân-i-Dînî, Chap. XXXIX, 19, Tehmuras’s Text, p. 120, Ques. XXXVIII, 22. 37 Sad-dar, Chap. LXXXII. 38 Chap. XXXIX. 39 Vide Purifcatory Ceremonies. JASB, Vol. XI, No. II, pp. 169–179. 40 Khshnaôthra Ahurahê Mazdâo Ashem Vohu, i.e., May God be pleased. Piety is the best good and happiness. Happiness to him who is pious for the best piety. 41 The kûsti of the Zoroastrian scriptures reminds one of the “girdle” of the Christian scriptures which varied from that of sack cloth (Isaiah III, 24) to that of gold (Revelation I, 13). The Avesta also speaks of the kûsti or belt being golden (zaranyô-aiwyâônghanem, Yt. XV, 57). Among the Israelites and the early Christians also, the operation of girding signifed energetic action. 42 Sad-dar, Chap. X. 43 This statement of the Dâdistân reminds us of what Dr. Drummond, in his “Stones Rolled Away,” speaks as the three stories of our body, the upper, the middle, and the lower. 44 This short prayer is a part of what is known as Khordeh Avesta, i.e., the smaller Avesta. It is made up of the following passages of the larger Avesta, (a) Yaҫna Chap. XLVI, 7; (b) Yaҫna Chap. XLIV 16; (c) Vendidad VIII, 21; (d) Yaҫna. Chap. XLIX, 10. The prayer consists of an invocation to God for help and an expression of desire to throw off physical and moral evils. 45 This is a prayer in the Pazend language. For the texts of this prayer in the Avesta character, vide “Khurdeh Avesta in Zend Characters,” by Ervad Tehmuras Dinshaw Anklesaria (1887) pp. 23–26, and “Khurdeh Avesta” by Mr. Framjee Minocherji Dastur (1881) pp. 5–7. For its translation, vide S.B.E. Vol. XVIII, p. 384; Le Zend Avesta, par Darmesteter, Tome II, p. 685; and Spiegel, Bleeck’s Translation, Vol. of Khordeh Avesta, p. 4. 46 This short prayer, which forms, as it were, a short statement of the Zoroastrian Articles of Faith or Confession of Faith, is taken from Yaҫna XII, 9. The frst four

50

47 48 49 50

51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi words meaning “Oh God, come to my help” are added as an invocation, from Ormazd Yasht, Yt. I, 27. Vide JASB, Vol. XI, No. II, “The Purifcation Ceremonies.” Pahl. , Av. , Sans. उषस, Lat. aurora, and Av. p. brilliant. For the prayer, vide Spiegel (Bleeck’s Translation), Khordeh Avesta, p. 5; Darmesteter, Le Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 688. The betel-vine gives leaves all the year round. The vine gives no fruit or fower but simply leaves which are eaten with betel-nuts. So the leaves are held as symbols of simplicity and prosperity. Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. XI, No. III, pp. 317–18. “The areca-nut is symbolic of festivity and is, therefore, always used as an offering for the gods (in India). It is also essential requisite for the ceremony of betrothal.” (Ibid, p. 329). S.B.E. Vol. XXIII (1883) “To the most right Chista, etc.,” p. 264. Spiegel, translated by Bleeck, Khordeh Avesta, p. 147. Darmesteter, Le Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 302. Spiegel, translated by Bleeck. Khordeh Avesta, p. 191. Spiegel translated by Bleeck. Khordeh Avesta, p. 21. From “In the name of God, satisfaction, etc.” Ibid, p. 4. Here the name of the child is mentioned. Lettre de Tanser au Roi de Tabaristan (Journal Asiatique, Tome III Neuvième Serie, pp. 518–520) par Darmesteter. LeLivre des Rois, M. Mohl, Vol. I, pp. 49–50. Tabari, par Zotenberg, Tome I, p. 103. S.B.E., Vol. V, Introduction, p. XXXIII, West. For “Nâvar in Irân,” vide Prof. Khodayar’s article in the Sir J. J. Z. Madresa Jubilee Volume, pp. 435, et seq. S.B.E., Vol. XVIII, Pahl. Texts II, Chap. LXXIX, 4 n. 1-West. It is written in an old manuscript of the Dâdistân belonging to Mr. Tehmuras Dinshaw. Le Zend Avesta, “Introduction”, p. LIV, n. 2. Vide “Purifcation Ceremonies”. In Persia, at present, they go through 10 Bareshnûms, four of which are said to be “for his soul” (“Nâvar in Irân” by Prof. Khodayar Dastur Sheheryâr, in the Sir J. J. Zarthoshti Madresa Jubilee Volume, edited by me, p. 435). “Nîyat” literally means purpose, intention. Among the Parsees, many charitable deeds are said to be performed by a person in the nîyat of a deceased relative or friend. A may build a Fire Temple, or a Tower of Silence, or such other religious edifce in the nîyat of B, his father or relative or friend. It is something like what we call “in memory of” in ordinary language, in case of ordinary charitable institutions, such as schools, dispensaries, asylums, or hospitals. In the case of religious buildings, when they are consecrated, or even in the case of religious buildings, when they are opened with the religious ceremony of a Jashan, the name of the particular person, in whose nîyat, honour or memory the building or institution is founded, is mentioned in the prayers. (For the form in which the name is mentioned, see my paper on “The Funeral Ceremonies of the Parsees, their Origin and Explanation.”) These religious or charitable buildings may be in the nîyat of living persons as well. In that case, the names of the living persons are recited in the prayers with a slight alteration. Instead of the words Anûsheh Ravân, i.e., “of the dead (lit, immortal) soul,” the words Zindeh Ravân, i.e., “of the living soul,” are affxed to the name of the person in whose honour the buildings or institutions are founded. The name of the donor also is recited as farmâyashna, i.e., one at whose direction the building of institution is founded. As in the case of the jashans for religious buildings or charitable institutions, so

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68

69

70 71 72 73 74

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in the case of religious ceremonies, the name of the person in whose nîyat, i.e., purpose, honour, or memory, they are performed, is mentioned in the recital of the prayer. Râthwi or Râspi, Av. lit., one who arranges the religious requisites at their proper (rathwya) places (Gâh Uzîran, 5). Khorshed Nyâish, 15. For further particulars about the gurz, vide my paper, “The Gurz as a Symbol among the Zoroastrians” (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. VIII. No.7, pp. 478–496). My Anthropological Papers, Part I, pp. 313 et. seq. In Persia, the Podân hangs from a crown or a turban, decorated with gold and silver coins. Mr. Khodâyâr’s article in Sir J. J. Z. Madresa Jubilee Volume (pp. 435–438) gives an interesting account of what is called, the “Vers” and “Verd” ceremonies in the Nâvar initiation. On the Irânian horror of leprosy, cf. Vendidâd II. 29, 37; Âbân Yasht, Yt. V, 92. Herodotus I, 138, “Whoever of the citizens has the leprosy or scrofula is not permitted to stay within a town, nor to have communication with other Persians.” According to Ctesius, Megabyzu escaped from the hands of his captors, on pretending that he had leprosy. It is said that, in Persia, the candidate is taken to an adjoining room and there made stark naked and examined (vide Mr. Khodâyâr’s article, Sir J. J. Z. Madresa Jubilee Volume, p. 437). Vide Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, Vol. I., p. LXVII. Ibid, Vol. II., pp. 152–153. If this occurs during the past four days, the candidate is called nâbûd (‘ nonexistent’) and is absolutely rejected as unft for the priesthood. The word is Arabic murattab lit., prepared, classifed. It seems to be connected with the word martaba a step, dignity. It may thus mean, “one who has risen to a higher step or grade or dignity.” Some speak of this initiation as Marâtib. In that case, it is Arabic marâtib, i.e., grades and gradations of rank. The sense then would be “one who has passed through more than one grade or rank.” The khub is of two grades; for the major, the recital of the whole of the Yaҫna with the full ritual is requisite; for the minor, the recital of a few hâs or sections (III to VII) are requisite.

Marriage

5

Marriage customs among the Parsees and their comparison with similar customs of other nations*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

William Tegg, in his excellent book on marriage ceremonies,1 says that Marriage may with propriety be called the chief concern of human life. When we refect that from it arises the nearest and most endearing relationships which go to form the comfort and happiness of existence in this world – husband and wife, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and many others – the importance of the institution, in all its bearings on the welfare of society, will at once be recognized. In a word, marriage may be designated the hinge of all kindred, or the strongest link in the chain that binds mankind together. The Parsee religion takes a similar view of marriage. Marriage is considered an institution that fnds favour with the Almighty God. Ahura Mazda says: Oh Spitama Zarathustra! Indeed, I thus recommend hereunto thee, a man with a wife above a Magava (i.e., an unmarried man) who grows up (unmarried); a man with a family above one without any family; a man with children above one who is without children. (Vendid iv, 47) The very ground where a married man lives is said to feel happy. Zarathustra asks: “Oh Creator of the physical world! Which is the second place on the earth that feels happy?” Ahura Mazda replies, “That (place is happy) over which a holy man builds a house with fre, cattle, wife, children and good followers” (Vend. iii. 2). The reason why marriage is especially recommended in the Avesta is that a married person is more able to withstand physical and mental affictions, and more likely to lead a religious and virtuous life than an unmarried person (Vend. iv. 48, 49). We read the following in the Gatha on this point, I say (these) words to you, marrying brides and bridegrooms! Impress them in your mind. May you two enjoy the life of good mind by *

Reprinted from JASB, V (4), August 1818: 242–282.

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi following the laws of religion. Let each one of you clothe the other with righteousness. Then assuredly there will be a happy life for you. (Yaçna liii. 5)

Marriage being thus considered a good institution, and being thus recommended by the religious scriptures, it is considered a very meritorious act for a Parsee to help his co-religionists to marry.2 We read the following on this point in the Vendid. (iv: 44): “If a co-religionist – be he brother or friend – comes to thee with desire for a wife, get him married to a wife.” As an act of atonement for sin, it is considered meritorious to bring about the marriage of a maiden, who has reached her puberty,3 with a good righteous man.4 Thus, we see that marriage is considered among the Parsees to be the most important event in one’s life. “In all ages and in all countries a halo of interest attaches to the marriage ceremony;”5 that is more so among the Parsees, whose religious books attach so great an importance to marriage as an institution. Now, the object of this paper is to describe the marriage customs and ceremonies of the Parsees and to compare them with similar customs and ceremonies of other nations. After the several vicissitudes of fortune that the community has passed through, it is diffcult to determine how many and which of these Parsee marriage customs are originally Zoroastrian or Persian, and how many and which are taken from the sister communities of India. But this much can be said, with well-nigh a certainty, that the strictly solemn or the religious part of the ceremony, wherein the priests take part, is more or less originally Persian. M. Harlez seems to be correct when he says on this point that: Nous ne trouvous pas non plus, dans ce qui nous reste des livres avestiques, de ceremonies particulities pour le marriage; il est. probable dependant que l’origine, de celles qu’ observant encore lea Parses modernes remonte aux temps les plus recules.6 [Translation: From what remains with us from the Avestic books, we no longer fnd ceremonies specifc for marriage; however, it is possible/ probable that the origin of these that the modern Parsees still observe goes back to ancient times. Editors]. In the very commencement of the Paevand-nameh, now recited at the marriage ceremony, the offciating head priest says that the ceremony is “according to the rules and customs of the Mazdayacnan religion.”7 We learn from Herodotus8 also, that there was some regular ritual, though he does not say what it was. While speaking of the marriage of Darius, the son of Xerxes, with Artayntes, the daughter of Masistes, the brother of Xerxes, he says that it was performed with “usual ceremonies.” Now we come to the subject proper of our paper.

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Betrothal The nuptial ceremonies of the marriage day are preceded by several other ceremonies. When the match is arranged, an auspicious day is fxed for the betrothal. Matches are generally arranged by the parents with the consent of the children.9 When the marrying parties make their own choice, they generally consult the parents. Mutual friends of the two families generally carry messages and bring about the arrangement.10 Up to late, and even now to a certain extent, professional match-makers are not unknown.11 On the day fxed for the betrothal, the ladies of the bridegroom’s family go to the house of the bride and make her a money present in silver coins. Then the ladies of the bride’s family go to the house of the bridegroom and make him a similar present. These reciprocal presents of silver coins12 are the only important part of the ceremony. The ladies return to their houses, after a little refreshment, mostly consisting of fsh, sweets, curd, plantains, and sugar. The modern Parsee term for this ceremony is Adrâvvûṇ (અદરાવવ)ું but the olderl3 term is Nâm Pâdvûṅ (નામ પાડવુ), ં which is derived from the Persian term ‘Nâm Zad Kardan’, i.e., to name. It is so-called from the fact that after the betrothal the brides took the names of the bridegrooms.13 According to the Parsee custom, a girl’s name is always connected with her husband’s in religious ceremonies after the betrothal, even if, by some chance or accident, marriage does not take place. This shows that betrothal14 was considered to be a solemn ceremony for a marriage contract. Nuptial songs are generally sung on this occasion.15 The following is a translation of two such songs: Song sung by the bridegroom’s party on the occasion of a betrothal Playing by the side of the fountain, my Sôrâbjî16 saw her. Home he came and continued repeating, “Father, have me married.” If I marry at all I shall marry none but Farâmjî’s17 daughter, or shall go unmarried through life. Mêharwânji18 asked a question or two. Farâmjî joined his hands together (in compliance). Mêharwânji sent some pân leaves.19 Farâmjî accepted them with pleasure. Mêherbâi20 sent some fowers. Ratanbai21 accepted them thankfully. (The two parties then said): “We were only as brothers before, (but) now we are vêhâîs” [groom’s or wife’s father]. “We were only as sisters before, but now we are vêhâns” [groom’s or bride’s mother].22

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Song sung on a like occasion by the bride’s party On a golden chair studded with rubies, sits my Sîrînbâi23 and prays to her father. “Father, fnd me such a husband as will grant me all I wish for.” (And to her mother) “Mother, fnd me such a husband as will bring bracelets and bangles for me.” The Mêhêtâ24 encounters the bridegroom (who says to him): “Mêhêtâ, on what errand are you bound? Turn back, Mêhêtâ, (for) I have (already) brought bangles and bracelets.”

The next ceremonial occasion is that of Divô, i.e., a lamp. It is so-called because early in the morning of a day fxed for the occasion, a light is lit in a glass lamp in the house of each party.25 The ladies of each of the two families go in turn to the house of the other, and place a silver coin in the lamp there. This occasion is considered more important than that of the betrothal, because on it formal presents of clothes and rings are made. When the matches are arranged, the betrothal is hastily determined upon, to give a formal stamp, as it were, to the arrangement. The parties then have no time to prepare mutual presents and gifts, so, this second occasion, the day for which is fxed leisurely, is more important than the betrothal for the formal present of gifts. The frst wedding rings are generally presented by both the parties on that day. The next important occasion is that of Ādarni. It is the occasion on which the dowry given by the bride’s father is presented to the bridegroom’s family. On several other occasions of holidays between the betrothal day and the marriage day, several presents are sent to each other’s family, mostly from the family of the bride to that of the bridegroom. The marriage occasion is one when the mothers of the bride and the bridegroom expect presents of clothes from their own parents. If the parents are dead, it is considered to be the duty of the brother or brothers to present a suit or suit of clothes to the sister. The following nuptial song is generally sung on such an occasion. Song sung when a brother sends presents to his sister on the occasion of her children’s marriage26 Amadâbâd27 is in an uproar today; Amadâbâd is full of people today. My mother’s son sends (me) his presents. My (maternal) grandmother’s son sends (me) his presents. “Wherefore these presents, brother?” “Sister, because thy son is to be married.”

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The mosâlûṅ [Gifts brought by mother’s brother’s family for bride or groom] makes the house look grand. There is no end of people in the train (of those who bring it). Sister mine, go under the mâṇḍav [pavilion]28 and put on the (marriage) dress.29 The advent of the mosâlûṅ makes the yard resound with music. I knew that my brother would furnish the mosâlûṅ, And that my good-luck-bearing sister-in-law would bring it down. The mosâlûn makes the house look grand. The banker comes with the rupees, and the goldsmith brings the gold coins. The whole street looks gorgeous with the splendour of the mosâlûn. The goldsmith brings necklaces and chains, and the jeweller comes with his diamonds. The mosâlûṅ makes the house look grand. The forist brings garlands of fowers. The pân-leaf seller brings packet (bidâṅ) of pân leaves. At sight of the mosâlûṅ the sister’s heart rejoices. The embroiderer comes with gold embroidered sâḍîs [saris], and the shawl dealer brings shawls and plaids. The mosâlûṅ makes the house look grand. Present the bridegroom’s father with a shawl30 and scarf, and present the bridegroom’s uncle with a scarf and turban. Dress the bridegroom in gold embroidered robes, and dress the bridegroom’s mother in a gold embroidered sâḍî. So many presents does the mosâlûṅ consist of. An auspicious day is fxed for the marriage. In some families, even now, it is the astrologer who determines which day is auspicious for the marriage.31 The new moon day and the full moon days are auspicious.32 Tuesdays and Wednesdays are inauspicious. The following nuptial song is generally sung on the days immediately preceding the marriage: Song sung when a wedding is near A wedding is to be celebrated in our house. How do we know? The trades people throng our yard. That’s how we know! A wedding is to be celebrated in our house. How do we know? The merchants crowd in our doorway. That’s how we know! There are rejoicings in our house.

60 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi How do we know? The sweet strains of music regale our ears. That’s how we know! Ours is the bridegroom’s house. How do we know? The horses are standing under the mândav.33 That’s how we know! Ours is the bridegroom’s father’s house, How do we know? The wedding guests are sitting under the mândav. That’s how we know! Coming to the ceremonies of the day of marriage itself, the bride and the bridegroom take, in the morning or the afternoon, a sacred bath with consecrated water.34 Now in order to follow me in my description of the various rites and observances observed on the marriage day, imagine yourself to be attending a Parsee marriage. Suppose that, one fne evening, you are going to the All Bless Bâg [in Bombay] to attend the wedding of a Parsee friend. The Parsee marriages are generally performed in the evening, the time for performing the religious ceremony being just a little after sunset.35 Suppose you get down at 5 p.m. at the All Bless Bâg,36 where you are invited by the family of the bridegroom. You see the bridegroom sitting in the compound in a promiscuous place in the midst of a company of several male friends and relations. The lady guests are accommodated with seats within the building. Marriage is considered to be an event that must be celebrated not quietly but with some éclat. It must be celebrated in the presence of an assembly (Anjuman),37 who can bear witness to the event. According to the Dinkard, marriages were performed in ancient Irân with éclat. It says that the drums and ffes which played at marriage gatherings announced the marriage to the people of the town or village. The assembly of males that gathers on marriage occasions is called Shâhjan (i.e., the assembly for the royal bride). On entering the compound, you will fnd that the bridegroom has put on the usual ceremonial dress—Jâmâ-pichori—of the Parsees, which is a loose fowing dress, full of folds and curls.38 The fowing dress is always white in colour.39 He holds a shawl in his hand, a shawl being considered in India a symbol of respect and greatness.40 He has the mark of kumkum41 (red pigment) on his forehead. The red pigment mark on the forehead of a female is always round and that on the forehead of a male always vertical and long. The reason is this: the long vertical mark of the male symbolizes a ray of the sun, and the round mark of the female symbolizes the moon. A handsome man is compared by Oriental writers to the sun, but the beauty of a woman is always compared to that of the moon. The sun is always represented in ancient pictures as a round disc with shooting rays. Again, the sun, through its rays, is a fructifying agent, but the moon is represented as a conceiving

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agent. She absorbs the rays of the sun. Just as the sun is a fructifying agent and the moon a conceiving agent, so is a man in his relation to the woman. Hence, it is, for this reason, the mark on a man’s forehead is long and vertical like the rays of the sun, and that on a woman’s forehead round like the moon. The bridegroom has a garland of fowers around his neck.42 The bridegroom is called var-râjâ, i.e., husband-king. For the particular occasion, his position is taken to be elevated.43 Some of the assembled friends and relations then make their presents to the bridegroom and his father. The presents mostly consist of shawls or rings, or money in cash. The bride and her parents receive similar presents from their friends. Upto a few years ago these presents, especially those in cash, were very common. Small presents of cash upto Rs. 5 were not necessarily paid into the hands of the parties, but they were given into the hands of a friend or relation, who acted as a receiver or collector for the occasion. He put down in a book the name of the donors and the amount of their sums. Such money presents used to pay off a part of the marriage expenses.44 The memo kept by the receiver proved to be of use to the parties when, on similar occasions of marriages in the family of their friends, they had to do a similar thing in return. During this time, an hour or two before the celebration of the marriage, the ladies of the bride’s family and the bride’s friends form themselves in a procession, and carry for the bridegroom presents of clothes and some other valuables. A nuptial song is again sung on such an occasion. Song sung when the mother-in-law welcomes her son-in-law Be ready mother-in-law with (your) presents. The son-in-law who comes to your door is a merchant. Be ready mother-in-law with (your) presents. The son-in-law who comes to your door is a great man. Be ready mother-in-law with (your) trays. The son-in-law who comes to your door is a petted one. Sing songs some of you; let everyone get acquainted (with him). Inform Meharwanji the celebrator of the wedding (of his coming).45 Some great man’s son is coming! Some gentleman’s son is coming! Some nobleman’s son is coming! Some (great) merchant’s son is coming! With a number of merchants in his train, Some Rãni’s son is coming! Or one born of a Thãkuran is coming! Every street is being swept clean! The father-in-law orders the foor of the mandav to be sprinkled with water.

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi (And) the mother-in-law gets fgures in pearls made upon the door sill.46 The father-in-law gets rose-water sprinkled in the yard, and orders carpets to be spread along every street (leading up to his house). And the mother-in-law has every door decorated with festoons (of fowers). Music is being played in every street. The mother-in-law comes out to see the bridegroom’s face, with her hands full of silver coins. Brother, thy mother-in-law has brought thee pearls; and my Sirinbai is a luck-bringing girl.47 We have got such a very handsome son-in-law, and we have made him sit in our palace.

After these presentations, the assembly forms itself into a procession headed by the offciating priests and followed by the ladies who carry with them what is called varni, i.e., a present from the var (i.e., the bridegroom) to the bride. The procession is sometimes preceded by a band of music.48 The procession goes to the house of the bride, in the case of the All Bless Bag to the adjoining building, where the marriage generally takes place. A nuptial song is generally sung on this occasion. Song sung when the wedding presents are carried for the bride or the bridegroom. Five sets of presents for the bride and fve for the bride-groom. (Even) the king has admired them from the balcony (of his palace). Five sets of presents for the bride and fve for the bridegroom. The wedding guests have been brought from the country of Jasâ.49 Their praises have been sung in good words. Joy, joy to him by whose side the pipes are being played. Let us make an ovation with a tray full of pearls. Come forth, mother of the bridegroom, his aunts, and his sisters all. The petted bridegroom will now mount his horse, and he will have a splendid following. Graceful fower girl, tripping gracefully along, who will buy thy daisies? His father Mêherwânji will be sure to buy them;50 for he is in pressing need of them. His father is overjoyed and spends money (freely), in order to keep up his prestige. The bridegroom’s mother has caused a beautiful sãdi to be woven for herself, and a bodice of cloth of gold. Father, what shall we admire most in this procession? I bring my procession (of guests) from the city of Bombay (Mumbâi).

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Send for jewellers from Surat; send for boxes full of jhâl and Jhumrân.51 And adorn the bride and the bridegroom with them. Brother, what shall we admire most in this procession? I bring my procession (of guests) from the city of Surat; send for goldsmiths from Surat, and get boxes full of bangles and bracelets. Indulge every desire of the marrying couple. Now, father, you who are a man of infuence, get together good wedding guests. The fower girl enters the narrow street, and brings garlands of buds. Flower girl, we shall buy what you bring. We married women shall unite in buying (your fowers). Get married women to sing songs, and indulge every desire of the marrying couple. Sôrâbjî will now ride his horse, and by his side (will walk) his brother who is a dêsâi.52 Let me scatter mustard seeds under the horse’s feet, and wish the rider every blessing. Let me sprinkle some jiran53 under the horse’s feet: I would not entrust any one with the rider even for a moment. Let me place (some) damnô54 under the horse’s feet. Sôrâbjî will mount his horse with his face to the East. Let me sprinkle some salt55 under the horse’s feet. This is the frst time in my life that I do such a (meritorious) thing. Let me break (some) eggs56 under the horse’s feet. May the rider be as (prosperous as) his ancestors. Now my Sôrâbjî has mounted his horse, and has bowed his head to Dâdâr-Hôrmajda. The procession goes to the place of the bride, and its members are accommodated with seats, the males in the compound and the females within the house. The door of the house of the bride is decorated with a hanging string of fowers, and the side posts which support the doors are marked with haradh (turmeric) mixture.57 This kind of decoration is observed on the door of the bridegroom’s house also. The following nuptial song is sung on this occasion. Song sung when the bridegroom leaves his house to go to the bride’s, where the wedding ceremony takes place. Put your foot in the stirrup, Brother Sôrâbjî, to mount your horse. Your mother holds you by the hem of your garment.58 Let go, mother, let go your hold, and I shall give you your due. How can I forget the claims of her, who reared me, and loved me as her own life?

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi I have got a beautiful sâḍî woven for my mother, and a bodice of cloth of gold. Put your foot in the stirrup, Brother Sôrâbji, to mount your horse. Your aunt holds you by the hem of your garment. Let go aunt, let go your hold. Your claims shall have due recognition. How can I forget what is due to her, who sang the lullaby at my cradle? I have ordered a gold embroidered sâḍî for my aunt, and a bodice of green silk. Put your foot in the stirrup, brother Sôrâbjî, and mount your horse. Your aunt (father’s sister) holds you by the hem of your garment. Let go, aunt, let go your hold, and I shall give you your due. How can I forget the claims of her who took me in her lap, when my name was given me?59 Let us send a hundî (on some frm) in Gujarât and get a good patôrî (for my aunt). The bridegroom looks as bright as the Sun, and as pure as the Moon. The bridegroom stands under the festoons of fowers (that adorn the doorway), smelling the fowers, and looks as beautiful as the fowers themselves. The bridegroom stands under the festoons of fowers (that adorn the doorway) chewing pân, And looks as delicate as a pân leaf.

After the assembly is seated, the bridegroom enters the bride’s house. He is welcomed at the door by the mother of the bride. He is made to stand at the threshold where several ceremonies are performed to welcome him and to wish him good luck. A fresh kumkum mark is made upon his forehead, and a little rice is stuck upon the moist kumkum mark and thrown over his head. Rice is considered to be the symbol of plenty and prosperity. Hence the sprinkling of rice plays a prominent part on many occasions of joy in wishing good luck. The offciating priests also, in performing the religious ceremony, and in invoking the blessings of God upon the couple, sprinkle rice over them.60 Before the recital of the marriage blessings, the bride and the bridegroom also throw upon one another a handful of rice. Some fond mothers make the bride and the bridegroom eat a few grains of the rice thus sprinkled over them in the marriage ceremony. An egg is then passed around the bridegroom’s head three times, and then thrown down upon the ground and broken. This seems to be the remnant of the old custom of animal sacrifce.61 It signifes that if there be any evil destined for the person, it may pass off in the egg. A coconut is then similarly passed round over the head three times, and then broken down.62 A little water is then poured in a tray, which is passed around the head three times and then the water is thrown at the feet of the bridegroom. Once in

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the evening, the ladies of the bride’s family present before the bridegroom a water-pot called var-béhedoo (વરબેહડુ), i.e., a pot presented to the husband (var) as a part of the dowry, and make him dip his hand in it. While doing so, he drops a silver coin into it as a return gift, and as an appreciation of the gift on his part.63 At one time it was customary that the feet of the couple were washed with water just after the performance of the marriage ceremony. When the Parsees began to put on English-fashioned boots, it being a little troublesome to remove the boots, the custom was to wash the tip of the boots with a little water.64 After the welcoming ceremonies on the threshold, the bridegroom is made to cross the threshold without placing his foot upon it. The bride also, when she goes to her husband’s, is made to cross the threshold.65 The threshold is crossed with the right foot, which is always considered auspicious.66 When the bridegroom enters into the house to be married, he is further welcomed with a song. A song sung when the mother-in-law welcomes her son-in-law. The mother-in-law welcomes her son-in-law, ornaments adorning her head; Seizing upon an auspicious moment, she welcomes the bridegroom and adorns his neck with a garland (of fowers). With an oblation of fowers and cocoanuts and rings67 is the bridegroom received, and is made to sit under the maṇḍav. Sirinbai, thy husband has come, and wants some place to put up at. Give him an orchard to put up at, and his mother’s heart will rejoice. Give him a garden to put up at, and his father’s heart will rejoice. Give him a palace to put up in, and his sister’s heart will rejoice. Give him (a place near) a small well to put up at, and his paternal aunt’s heart will rejoice. Give him (a place near) a sacred river to put up at, and his maternal aunt’s heart will rejoice. Give him a yard to put up in, and his paternal uncle’s heart will rejoice. Give him a mango plantation to put up at, and his maternal uncle will rejoice. Let us bestow upon the bridegroom mango and tamarind plantations, and let us bestow towns and villages on him. Let us give him eighty-four market places, and let us give him extensive forests. (But the bridegroom says) “I care not for your mango and tamarind plantations, nor do I wish to have your towns and villages; I need not your eighty-four market places or your extensive forests; I have come only to take away Frâmji’s daughter, for then only will my life be worth living.”68

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi The bridegroom is being decorated with twist,69 and has been brought down to marry a virgin. Sprinkle showers of rose-water and hand packets of pâṇ round (to the guests). Sprinkle showers of saffron on, and hand bouquets of fowers round (to the guests). The guests are welcome, guests of her who have been waiting (for them).

Having entered the house, the bridegroom takes his seat on one of the two chairs arranged for the couple in the middle of the room. The bridegroom takes his seat frst, and waits for the bride who comes in, after a short time, to take her seat.70 The bridegroom sits on the right-hand side of the bride. The right-hand side is a place of respect, and so it is occupied by the husband who is considered to be the leader of the bride.71 Now let us follow the bridegroom into the hall where the marriage takes place. You will see the bridegroom taking his seat on one of the two chairs arranged in the middle of the hall. There are two handsome stands on one side of each of the chairs. On these you will fnd two metallic trays full of rice, which is to be thrown by the offciating priests over the couple while reciting their marriage benedictions. On the stand by the side of the chair on which the bride is to take her seat, you will see a small metallic pot containing ghee (clarifed butter) and molasses.72 A servant is standing there holding a sensor with burning fre in one hand, and a little frankincense in the other.73 On the two stands also you see fre in the shape of two burning candles, one by the side of the bridegroom and the other by the side of the bride.74 Again you will fnd there two persons, one standing by the side of the bridegroom and the other by that of the bride. These are the marriage witnesses.75 The nearest relations generally stand as witnesses. It is usually married persons, not bachelors, that stand as marriage witnesses.76 Before being seated by each other’s side, the bride and the bridegroom are frst made to seat opposite each other, separated by a piece of cloth held between them as a curtain. Now begins what we may call the religious ceremonies. Two priests present themselves for the performance of these ceremonies. The senior offciating priest gives the right hand of one into the right hand of the other. Then a piece of cloth is passed round the chairs of both so as to enclose them in a circle. The ends of the cloth are tied together. This is, as it was strictly speaking, the tying of the marriage knot. This is done with the recital of the sacred formula of Yatha Ahu Vairyo.77 After tying the knot of the ends of the cloth, which, as it were, encloses them into a circle of unity, the priest fastens with raw twist their right hands which are grasped by each other. This rite is called Hãthévãro (હાથેવારો), i.e., hand-fastening.78 The above sacred formula is recited during this rite

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also. It is the family priests who are entitled to the fee of hand fastening, even if the ceremony is performed by other priests.79 In the ceremony of hand-fastening, the raw twist is put around the hands seven times; after fastening the hands, the raw twist is passed round the pair seven times; and then fnally it is passed seven times round the knot of the cloth originally described. During all this process the sacred prayer of Yathâ Ahu Vairyo is recited.80 Just at the end of this ceremony, at a signal given by the senior priest, the servant who holds the fre-vase places frankincense on the fre. At this signal, the curtain of cloth, which is held between the couple, is dropped, and the couple throw on each other a few grains of rice which they hold in their left hands. This throwing of rice is accompanied by a clapping of hands by the friends and relations who have assembled there. The above ceremony of holding the cloth curtain, between the bride and the bridegroom, and then dropping it after the fastening of the hands, signifes that the separation that hitherto existed between them no longer exists now, and that they are now united into the bond of matrimony.81As long as the curtain was held, they sat opposite each other, but on its removal they are made to sit by the side of each other. This also signifes that they, who were up to now separate, are now united together. The putting on of raw twist round the couple seven times also indicates union. The raw twist itself can be easily broken, but when several threads are twined into one, they cannot easily be broken. So the tie or unity into which the couple is now bound may not easily be broken. The throwing of the rice by the marrying couple upon each other is watched with great interest by their friends, especially by the ladies, who urge their respective friends, the bridegroom or the bride, to look sharp and throw the rice frst when the signal is given. The one that throws rice frst over the other is said to win. This is, as it were, a race of love. “Who won, the bridegroom or the bride?” is a question often heard in the assembly.82 This is to signify that one who throws rice frst, thereby indicates that he or she will be the foremost in loving and respecting the other. The clapping of hands expresses the approval and goodwill of the assembly for the union.83 Then follows the most important or the solemn part, or what can be called the strictly religious part of the ceremony. Two offciating priests stand before the couple. The senior priest at frst blesses the couple in the following few words: “May the Creator, the omniscient Lord grant you a progeny of sons and grandsons, plenty of means to provide yourselves, heart-ravishing friendship, bodily strength, long life, and an existence of 150 years.” Then he puts the following question to the person who stands by the side of the bridegroom as a witness to the marriage, on behalf of the bridegroom’s family: In the presence of this company that has met together in Bombay84 on … day of .... month of the year . . .85 of Emperor Yezdegird of the

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Sassanian dynasty of auspicious Irân, say whether you have agreed to take this maiden…(by name)86 in marriage for this bridegroom, in accordance with the rites and rules of the Mazdayaçnanss, promising to pay her 2,000 dirams of pure white silver and two dinars of real gold of Nishapore coinage.87

The witness replies: “I have agreed.” Then the following question is put to the witness on the side of the bride: “Have you and your family with righteous mind, truthful thoughts, words and actions, and for the increase of righteousness, agreed to give forever this bride in marriage to …?”88 Reply: “We have agreed.” Then the priest asks the mutual consent of the couple in the following words: “Have you preferred to enter into this contract of marriage up to the end of your life with righteous mind?” Reply: “We have preferred.” To make the matter doubly or trebly sure, the questions are repeated three times.89 Then follows the recital, by both the offciating priests, of the Paêvandnâmeh or Ãshirwâd (i.e., benediction), which is an address made up of admonition, benediction, and prayers. I give here the translation of the address.90 The frst part of the address consisting of admonitions to the marrying couple, is as follows: By the helping name of Ahura Mazda, may your happiness increase. May you be brilliant. Try to do good deeds. Be increasing. Be victorious. Learn to do deeds of piety. Be worthy to do good deeds. Think of nothing but the truth. Speak nothing but the truth. Do nothing but what is proper. Shun all bad thoughts. Shun all bad words. Shun all bad actions. Praise deeds of piety. Commit no acts opposed to piety. Praise the Mazdayasnân religion. Do nothing without mature consideration. Acquire wealth by good means. Say what is true before your superiors, and act according to their orders. Be courteous, sweet-tongued, and kind towards your friends. Do not indulge in scandals. Avoid being angry. Do not commit sins for the sake of avoiding shame. Do not be ambitious. Do not torment others. Do not entertain wicked jealousy. Do not be haughty. Avoid evil thoughts. Avoid evil passions. Deprive not others of their property. Keep yourself away from the wives of others. Be industrious in following good professions. Do good to the pious and to the virtuous. Do not quarrel with the revengeful. Never be a partner with an ambitious man. Do not become a companion of a backbiter or a scandal-monger. Do not join the company of persons of ill fame. Do not co-operate with the ill-informed. Fight with your enemies only by fair means. Treat your friends in a way agreeable to them. Do not enter into any discussion with persons of ill fame.

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Speak in an assembly after great consideration. Speak with moderation in the presence of kings. Be more glorious than your father. In no way annoy your mother. Keep yourselves pure by means of truth. Be immortal like Kaikhosru. Be well informed like Kans. Be as brilliant as the Sun. Be as pure as the Moon. Be as illustrious as Zarathustra. Be as strong as Rustam. Be as fertile as the Earth. As soul is united with body, so may you be united and friendly with your friends, brothers, wife, and children. Always keep good faith, and preserve a good character. Recognise only Ahura Mazda, the Omniscient Lord, as your God. Praise Zoroaster as your spiritual leader. Treat Âhriman, the evil spirit, with contempt. After the above admonitions, follow a few benedictions, in the frst part of which the priests pray to God to confer upon the couple certain moral and social virtues which are said to be the characteristics of the Yazatas (angels) who give their names to the 30 days of the month. May Ahura Mazda bestow upon you good thoughts through Behman, good words through Ardibehesht, good actions through Shehrivar, perfect thought through Spendârmad, sweetness through Khordad, fruitfulness through Amerdâd. May God bestow upon you increasing luster through Âdar, purity through Âbân, exalted position through Khurshed, increase through the cow-like Mohor, liberality through Tir, temperate habits through Gosh. May God bestow upon you pure justice through Mehr, obedience through Srosh, fruitfulness through Rashnu, increase of strength through Farvardin, victory through Behrâm, constant delight through Râm, strong power through Govad. May God bestow upon you knowledge through Din, collection of wealth through Arshisang, a number of good talents through Âshtâd, great activity through Âsmân, frmness of place through Jamyad, good sight through Mârespand, and nourishment of body through Anerân. Oh, you good men! May that come to you which is still better for you than the good, since you fnd yourself worthy as a Zaota (a pious and virtuous man). May you receive the reward which is earned by the Zaota as one who thinks, speaks, and does much good. May that come to you which is better than the good. May that not come to you which is worse than the evil. Oh good men! May that accrue to you which is better than the good. May your relations be worthy of goodness. May you get that reward of which you have made yourself worthy. May good accrue to you as the result of perfect good thought, perfect good words, and perfect good actions. May that piety come to you which is better than the good. May not that sinful life, which is worse than the evil, come to you. May it be so as I pray. May the much desired Ayriaman come for joy to the good mind of Zoroastrian men and women. May he grant the reward to be desired according to

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi the law of all purities. I prefer that purity which is considered the best by Ahura Mazda. Righteousness is the best gift and happiness. Happiness to him who is righteous for the sake of best righteousness. May the party (i.e., the marrying couple) have light and glory, in physical strength, physical health and physical victory, wealth that may give a good deal of happiness, children blessed with innate wisdom, a very long life, and the brilliant happy paradise, which is due to the pious. May it be so as I wish it.

Then are recited a few benedictions in which certain departed worthies of ancient Iran are mentioned by name, and it is wished that the pair may be blessed with the virtues and characteristics which had made them famous. Certain grand objects of nature are mentioned, and it is wished that the couple may be blessed with the physical qualities manifested by them. The following is a free translation of these benedictions: By the name of God, I bless you in the City of Bombay91 as was the wont of our forefathers in Irân. May all your desires be fulflled as were those of God in the creation of the world. May you be as great in dignity as King Kaikhosrû.92 May you be as friendly as angel Meher, as victorious over your enemies as Zarir, as handsome as Siâvakhsh, as splendid as Bejan, as pious as King Gushtâsp, as strong as Sâm Nariman, as powerful as Rûstam, as good a lancer as Aspandiâr, as good a helper of religion, and far-seeing as Jâmâsp, as holy as the Holy Spirits, as generous as Tshtar, as sweet as rain-water, as brilliant as the Sun, as righteous as Zoroaster, endowed with a life as long as Time that rules over the world, as fertile as the Earth, as united as a river united with a sea, as full of joy as Winter, as gay as Spring, as fragrant as musk, as well-known as gold, as current (i.e., favourite) as a coin, as good a doer of virtuous deeds as God in his creation. May these good wishes be fulflled. May you be as useful as the Sun, the Moon, Water, Fire, Wine, Myrtle, Jasamine, Rose and the sweet Marjoram. May… and …93 with their children and their progeny live for a thousand years. Be fragrant and good as the basil and the amber. May you have such pious children as may be illustrious and victorious over enemies and as may add to the glory of the family. May it be so as I wish it. A part of the address is then repeated in Sanskrit. They say that when the Parsees frst immigrated to India, in order to make it intelligible to the Hindu Râjâ and his courtiers who had given them a home on the Indian soil, they repeated the address in Sanskrit, which was then the language of the Court. That practice they have continued up to now, though there is no longer any necessity to do so at present. Then follow another set of benedictions in the Pazend language known as Tandaructi. The following is a free translation of these benedictions:

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By the name of bountiful, merciful and kind God, who is a kind and just Lord. May … 94 have health and a long life. May they be worthy of piety and splendour. O Omniscient Lord! Let joy and pleasure, ease and plenty reach them and let Divine light and royal justice reach them. May they have courage and victory. May they be frm in their knowledge of the good Mazdayacnan religion by means of honest Endeavour and good demeanor. May good relationship, the birth of children and long happy life be their lot. May their body be blessed with happiness and their soul with good government. O Omniscient Creator! May the religion of Zoroaster prosper. Amen. O Great God! May you grant long life, happiness and health to the ruler of our land, to the community and to . . .95 Grant them all these for many years to enable them to help the worthy. Give them a long life for many generations. May there be thousands of blessings upon them. May the year be happy, the month auspicious and the day propitious. Grant that for several years, several days and several months, they may be found worthy and ft to perform religious rites and deeds of charity. Keep them pure for works of righteousness. May health, virtue and goodness be their share. May it be so, may it be more so, as is the wish of God and His Archangels. The marriage ritual is also repeated at midnight. It appears from Anquetil du Perron that it is a remnant of the old custom of Persia when in the town of Kerman the marriage ceremony was performed at midnight. In some families, the practice of repeating the ceremony at midnight and the address in Sanskrit is not resorted to now. The performance of the above ceremonies and the recital of the address complete, what we should call, the solemn part of the celebration of marriage. But there are certain other customs and observances, which, though very rare in Bombay, are observed to a certain extent in the mofussil towns. It is the ladies who observe them. Moreover, they are now rather looked at with an idea of fun than that of any solemnity. The frst observance of that kind is that of uniting chhédâ chhédi (છે ડાછે ડી બાંધવા), i.e., of fastening the skirts of the garments of the couple.96 The nearest friend or relation of the couple ties the skirt of the jâmâ (the fowing dress) of the bridegroom with that of the bride. Thus united, the bride goes to the house of the bridegroom. The process of fastening the skirts is accompanied by a song. This custom also signifes the act of uniting the two into the bond of marriage. The next rite is that of “washing the feet” of the couple with water.97 That was more practicable about 40 years ago, when almost all Parsees put on native shoes without stockings. But now, owing to the inconvenience of taking off English shoes and stockings, only the front tip of the shoes is washed with a little water. The signifcation of the custom seems to be that of washing away all past mistakes and driving away all evils and misfortunes.

72 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi The next rite was that of making the couple partake of food from the same dish.98 In doing so, each gave to the other, morsels of food prepared by one or the other. This rite signifed that, now being united in the bond of marriage, they had to board together and to share each other’s happiness and grief. This repast is known as Dahi Koomro from the fact that dahi (curd), which is considered an auspicious substance of food on gay occasions, formed the essential part of the dish. Another peculiar custom, now almost obsolete, is that of making the couple play Eki Beki (એકી બેકી), which is a form of gambling. Both have several rupees in their hands. One, without letting the other know, takes a certain number in the right hand and asks the other whether the number is eki (odd) or beki (even). If the other guesses the number right, he or she is said to win. Perhaps the signifcation is the same as that in the rite of throwing the rice referred to above, wherein the one who won, guaranteed, as it were, his or her desire to love the other more ardently than she or he would do. The following nuptial song is sung at the close of the wedding ceremony. Song sung at the close of the wedding ceremony All hail this (blessed) day! (On such a day) I would get my (other) sons married, if I had the means.99 I would not make a moment’s delay. All hail this (blessed) day! The Sun has risen auspiciously over my Mêhêrwânjî’s head. We have celebrated the marriage of our Sôrâbjî. All hail this (blessed) day! Brothers, have your little sons married, (as) I have married my Sôrâbjî and brought (the couple) home. All hail this (blessed) day! My Mêhêrwânjî dotes on his son and daughter-in-law. My Ratanbâî’s daughter and son-in-law are her petted children. All hail this (blessed) day! We hail with delight the rising of the Sun and the Moon. We rejoice that my Sôrâbjî’s mother gave birth to a son like him. All hail this (blessed) day! I gave thee an order, goldsmith: I told thee to make an armlet for my Sorabji’s arm, and a nine-stringed necklace for my Sirinbai. I gave thee an order, mercer: I told thee to bring a plaid for my Sorabji, and a pair of patôrîs for my Sîrînbâî. I gave thee an order, jeweller:

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I told thee to bring rings for my Sôrâbjî, and a pair of bracelets for my Sîrînbâî. Father-in-law, make your court-yard (gates) a little higher, so that my Sôrâbjî may enter on horse-back. All hail this (blessed) day! My procession of wedding guests is too large to be accommodated (in your yard). All hail this (blessed) day! My Sôrâbjî has won his bride in person, and he has brought the Ránî Laksmanî100 for a wife. All hail this (blessed) day! After the celebration of the marriage, the bride accompanies the husband to his house. A nuptial song is sung by the ladies, when the bride is taken to her husband’s house. Song sung when the bride is being sent to the house of her parents-inlaw after the wedding The pipes (that are being played) are made of green bamboo Sisters, our Sîrînbâî is going to the house of her parents-in-law. Sîrînbâî, the fortunate grand-child of her (maternal) grand-father,101 is married, and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. How they will rejoice to see our Sîrînbâî! Sisters, our Sîrînbâî is married, and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. Her father has performed the meritorious act of giving his daughter in marriage, and has acquired the blessings of Heaven. It was fortunate that her father thought of this matter, and gave Sîrînbâî to good parents-in-law. Her father has given her a chest full of treasure, with which Sîrînbâî sits in her room. Her father has given Sîrînbâî a milch cow, so that she may have plenty of milk and curds (to eat). Mother-in-law, (pray) do not use the cane102 on Sîrînbâî. Or she will smart under it and will weep, and long for her paternal abode. Mother-in-law, (pray) treat our Sîrînbâî with kindness, and serve her with enough of food at her meals. Sîrînbâî is the (pet) daughter of her father. Sîrînbâî is the eldest daughter-in-law in the family of her parents-in-law. Mother-in-law, (pray) treat our Sîrînbâî with magnanimity, and refrain from giving her stale food.

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Mother-in-law, you must not think that our Sîrînbâî is as advanced in years as she appears: (It is only because) she has been brought up on curds and milk; (It is only because) we have brought her up on lumps of butter. Sîrînbâî, why have you forgotten to take with you your marriage portion? Fifteen strings of pearls comprise her marriage portion, which have been purchased for her by her good brother.103 Thy husband has come, Sîrînbâî the Ṭhakrânî. The husband has been attracted by the graceful carriage of Sîrînbâî. Her father has presented her with a valuable lâhê, (dressed) in which she goes to the house of her parents-in-law. Sîrînbâî, the beloved daughter of her father, is married and is going to the house of her parents-in-law. Sîrînbâî, you wear a necklace round your neck, and the hearts of your father-in-law and your husband will rejoice.

After the celebration of the solemn part of the marriage ceremony, most of the guests are entertained at a marriage feast. The following are the toasts generally proposed at Parsee marriage feasts: 1. Yazdân-ni Yâd, i.e., in remembrance of God. 2. The married couple. 3. The sacred Fire Temples. May their sacred fre burn forever. May they be the means of helping all. 4. The guests. 5. The host. 6. Her Majesty the Queen. All or some of these are proposed according to the directions of the host, and someone among the guests proposes that of the host. At some marriage feast, a piously inclined host adds to the above list that of the dear departed ones as Ashô Farôhar ni yâd, i.e., “the remembrance of the pious departed ones.” While proposing this toast, and the frst on the list, viz., that in remembrance of the sacred name of God, fragrant frankincense is ordered to be placed on the family hearth. No speeches are made while proposing them. At large gatherings, there are professional health-proposers; loud and clear voice is their only qualifcation for the work. They simply give out the toast with a loud voice, and at times, when the dining parties are very large, they go round the tables, repeating the words for giving the toasts several times, so that all may hear. These toasts are drunk generally while dining, not at the end of the dinner. As to the menu, fsh, which is considered a symbol of good omen and luck, is essential. No marriage feast can be complete without it. Again, a course of some kind of sweets is essential. Meat is not eaten in marriage

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feasts. It appears from Aquatic that the reason why meat was prohibited in India was that formerly, at Surat which was at frst the headquarters of the Parsees, a large number of Hindu guests were invited. As Hindus consider it irreligious to slaughter animals for food, to spare their feelings meat was prohibited. But from an account of the proceedings of a meeting of the community, held in Bombay on 18 of October 1823, and convened to consider some steps to regulate funeral and marriage expenses, it appears that meat was prohibited on marriage occasions from the point of view of the economy.104 Meat courses were thought to be expensive. The following nuptial song is sung when the bride enters the house of her husband. In the frst part of the song, it is the bridegroom who is made to speak. He introduces, as it were, his wife to the elders of his family. In the latter part of the song, it is the other ladies of the house who are made to sing. Song sung when the bridegroom brings home his bride Father, O father (mine), I am come home married, And have brought (with me) a wife worth a lakh and a quarter.105 Brother, O brother (mine), I am come home married, And have brought a daughter from a magnifcent house. Kâkâ,106 O Kâkâ (mine), I am come home married, And have brought a wife from a noble family. Mâmâ, O Mâmâ107 (mine), I have come home married, And have brought the daughter of a good father. Mâsâ, O Mâsâ108 (mine), I have come home married, And have brought the sister of a powerful brother. Phuvã, O Phuvã109 (mine), I have come home married, And have brought home a wife of noble birth. Brother gate-keeper, open wide your gate; For (Sôrâbjî) is waiting at the gate with his bride. Sister Mêhêrbãi, decorate your house, Because your son has come home with his bride. Sister Sûnâbâî, sprinkle your door way with milk,110 Your brother has come with his bride. Sister Meherbai, decorate your threshold with fgures in pearls,111 Your son has come home with his bride. Sister Sunabai, fll your lamps with ghi.112 Your brother has come home with his bride. It is Meherbai’s son who is married, He has come home with a bride worth lakhs (of rupees). According to the Parsee Matrimonial Act, a Parsee marriage has to be registered at the offce of the Registrar of Parsee Marriages. The registration fee is Rs. 2.

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Notes 1 The knot tied, p. 4. 2 One of the charities enjoined by the frst Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy and administered by the Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy Parsee Benevolent Institution, is that of helping poor Parsees in the marriage of their unmarried daughters. Rs. 75 in Bombay, and Rs. 50 in the mofussil towns of Surat, Navsari, Broach, Gandevi, Billimora, and Odwara (Udwada), are paid to poor parents or guardians on the occasion of the marriage of their daughters. It is not unusual for Parsees to enjoin by their will or trust that a certain sum of their money be spent in charity in helping poor brides to marry. Again, when parents lose by death a young son of marriageable age, they take a consolation in this special kind of charity on the day of the anniversary of his death or his daughter. This custom can be compared to that of the funeral doles of the ancient Christians wherein pious Christians provided for the marriage of poor unmarried girls. As late as in the year 1477, one Richard Fowler had directed in his testament, that £10 be spent for that purpose. In ancient Greece the State thought it its duty to provide dowries for the marriage of the poor maidens of the country. 3 Vend. xiv 15. The maximum age of puberty for girls, spoken of in the Avesta, is 15 years. (Ibid). The minimum marriageable age for males also is 15 years (Yasht. viii. 13, 14; xiv, 17). 4 We learn from Herodotus (Bk I, 136) that in ancient Persia, the State also encouraged married life. “Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded as the greatest proof of manly excellence to be the father of many sons. Every year the king sends rich gifts to the man who can show the largest number, for they hold that number is strength.” We fnd that among the ancient Romans also, the State encouraged married life. The Caesars imposed a fne upon those who, though of marriageable age, did not marry. Caesar exempted from certain taxes those fathers who had three children. That was the case in Rome. In other parts of Italy, the number of children for exemption was four, and in the provinces it was fve. According to the Agrarian law, lots of grounds in Campania were allotted to those who had more than three children. Again, it was ruled that, of the two consuls, the one who was married, had precedence over the other that was unmarried. If both were married, the one who had a larger number of children had the precedence. A tax known as “uxorium” was imposed upon those between 20 and 60 years of age who had remained unmarried. The bachelors were exempted from the right of having certain legacies. Among the ancient Hebrews, celibacy and sterility were considered great affictions (Judges xi. 37; 1 Samuel i. 11). Large families were held to be blessings from God (Proverbs xvii. 6). 5 Contemporary Reviews, Dec. 1993. 6 Harlez. Avesta. Introduction, p. CIXXI. 7 Dâd ô âin-i-din-i-Mâzdayaçni. 8 Bk. IX, 108. Rawlinson’s Herodotus, Vol. IV, p. 471. 9 It may be observed here that, though infant marriages among the Parsees were known in India up to a late time, they were against the spirit of their religious books and against their Old Persian traditions. According to the Avestâ (Yasht v 87, xv, 40 Yacna ix, 23), a Zoroastrian maiden herself prayed for a good husband. The following prayer gives us an idea of what kind of husband she prayed for. She prayed: “Grant us that we may fnd a husband young and beautiful of body who will treat us well all life long, and give us offspring; a wise, learned, ready-tongued husband” (S.B.E., Vol. XXIII. Darmesteter. Yt. XV, 40). Again, the very fact that according to the marriage ritual, the marrying couple’s own personal consent to the marriage is asked, shows that infant marriages that were at one time prevalent in India were foreign to the teaching and

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tradition of the Zoroastrian religion. We learn from Zenophon (Cyropaedia, Bk. VIII, ch. V, 26) and Firdousi (the episodes, of Zâl and Roudâbeh, and Kâus and Soudâbeh) that when the marrying couple made their own choice, they generally consulted their parents. This was the case in old Persia also. Âdarbâd Mârespand advises young men to make use of the services of respectable men in arranging matrimonial matches (Pand-nâmeh, s. 42). According to Firdousi, Rustam sends a mobed to the father of his spouse Tehminâ. Faridun sends Jandal to the king of Arabia to arrange for the marriage of his sons. Among the ancient Greeks, “arrangements were made by a woman (προμυηατρια) acquainted with the circumstances of the citizens’ families, who made a kind of business of arranging marriages” (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, p. 135). Among the ancient Jews, the present of a silver coin was the essential thing in the betrothal. An unbetrothed girl was said to be “unnamed” , c.f. Firdausi’s statement about the daughters of the king of Yemen, . According to Anquetil du Perron, the marriage ceremonies of the Parsees in Surat, at the time of his residence there (A.D. 1760), were of two kinds: (1) Nâmzâd (betrothal), and (2) Nekâh (marriage). Nowadays, the priests do not take any active part in the frst ceremony, but it appears from Anquetil that they did so in former times. The intended bridegroom and the bride, and their families met together, and the family priest of the bridegroom’s family said that “That was the will of God.” He then recited the “Tandarusti prayer” and gave the hand of one into that of another. Betrothal is so-called because in it a “troth” or a promise of truthful adherence to a marriage contract is given. (cf., the promise of Mithro viromazo, ( Vendidad, ch. iv, 2), which is considered by the Revayets to be a marriage promise, to break which is considered to be a great sin. For the Parsee nuptial songs given in this paper and their notes, I am indebted to the Indian Antiquary, in which journal they were contributed by the pen of an educated and intelligent Parsee lady, Miss Putlibai Dhunjibhoy Wadia (now Mrs. Jehangier K. N. Kabrajee). The bridegroom; any other name might be substituted. The bride’s father. The bridegroom’s father. The pân leaves and fowers may be supposed to convey a formal offer of marriage. Among the Parsees, curds and fresh fsh are the frst presents sent from the bridegroom’s house to the bride’s. The offer of marriage, however, does not always come from the bridegroom; it might come from either party. The bridegroom’s mother. The bride’s mother. The parties whose children intermarry are the vêhvâî (masculine) and vêhvân (feminine) of each other. The bride; any other name might be substituted. “The Mêhêtâ is a sort of secretary and accountant in a wealthy family. His duty is to keep all the accounts, write letters for the master and mistress, and do such other jobs for the family. It is generally the Meheta, or the family priest, who is entrusted with the match-making. Cf. the custom among the ancient Greeks, according to which the bride’s mother carried in her hand the bridal torches kindled at the family hearth, and the bridegroom’s mother also carried torches and awaited the procession from the bride’s house (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Bulmer, pp. 139–140.)

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26 “On the occasion of a wedding, presents, chiefy of clothes, are made to the bride and bridegroom and also to both their parents by all their relatives, but by far the best presents are expected by both the bride’s and the bridegroom’s mothers from their respective brothers.” These presents are called collectively, mosâlûṅ (lit., “coming from the mother’s side”). 27 i.e., Aḥmedâbâd. The name of any other place where the wedding takes place might be substituted here. 28 The mâṇdav is a canopy under which the marriage festivities are held. 29 “All the presents, which chiefy consist of suits of wearing apparel and jewellery, are arranged in a tray, with a large conical packet of sugar, a cocoanut, a few pân leaves and betel nuts, some dry dates, a garland of fowers, a handful of rice, some curds, and some kumkum. The recipient of the presents is made to stand on a small stool, and is then either dressed in or only presented with the clothes; the garland of fowers is placed round her neck; the auspicious red mark in kumkum made on her forehead, the cocoanut, pân leaves, betelnuts, and dates placed in her lap, and fnally some curds and sugar are placed in her mouth. This done, the recipient of the presents bows down, and touching the feet of the woman who represents the donor, makes an obeisance, while the latter in her turn sprinkles some rice over the recipient’s head, and waving her hands over it, cracks her fnger joints against her own temples, at the same time uttering many good wishes while the women around all join in singing auspicious songs.” 30 “A shawl is generally presented as a mark of honour to him who does some great or meritorious thing, and among the Pârsees and Hindus none can have a better claim to such distinction than ‘the celebrator of a wedding.’” 31 In some families an astrologer’s services are engaged before the marriage also. When matches are being arranged by the intercession of mutual friends, the horoscopes of the intended bride and bridegroom are submitted to him to observe whether there was or not any râg, between the two, i.e., whether the stars predicted or not that there would be harmony between the two. If that harmony is declared not to exist, nothing further is done. 32 According to Strabo, the vernal equinox was considered to be the best season for marriages among the ancient Persians, because it was, as it were, the birthday of Nature. Among the ancient Greeks, weddings took place in the winter. “A favourite time was the month Gamelion (the end of January and beginning of February) which hence received its name. Certain days regarded as auspicious were generally chosen, and the waning moon was specially avoided” (Blümner, p. 136). “The Athenians preferred the time of the new moon, while some of the Greeks considered the period of full moon as the most favourable” (W. Tegg, p. 63). Among the ancient Jews, “the fourth day of the week, i.e., Wednesday, was an auspicious day for the marriage of virgins, and Thursday for that of widows” (W. Tegg, p. 53). Among the ancient Romans, “certain days were reckoned unfortunate for the marriage as the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, and the days which followed them, particularly the whole month of May. But widows might marry on these days. The most fortunate time was the middle of the month of June” (Ibid, p. 174). 33 “Up to a very recent period the Pârsee boy bridegroom used to ride to the house of his bride attended by all his playmates on horseback, dressed in fancy costumes. The custom is still in vogue among the Hindus.” 34 We learn from Firdousi that this seems to be an old custom; King Beharâm Gour (Beharâm V.) took his Indian wife Sepinoud to the Fire Temple of Ade Goushasp for the purpose. Among the ancient Greeks, “among the ceremonies bearing religious character which preceded the wedding, an important part was played by the bath. Both bride and bridegroom took a bath either

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in the morning of the wedding day, or the day before, for which the water was brought from a river or from some spring regarded as specially sacred, as at Athens the spring Callirhoe (or Enneacrunos), at Thebes the Is menus” (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Prof. Blümners, translated by Alice Zimmern, p. 137). It is just the time when day and night unite together. So perhaps that hour is chosen to indicate that just as day and night, light and darkness unite together, and melt into one another, so the marrying couple may unite together, in prosperity and adversity, in happiness and grief, in danger and safety. The ancient Romans also performed their marriages at nightfall, because, they said, it was the time when Venus, the goddess of beauty which personifed beauty in the marrying bride, shone at that time. The All Bless Bâg is a charitable building in Bombay built by the well-known All-Blesses family for the use of the Parsees. In ancient Rome and Greece also, a similar view was held about marriage. But the assemblies began to be very large, and consequently extravagance in marriage expenses crept in. Hence it was found necessary to limit the number of guests invited. Plato allowed 10 guests to each side, i.e., in all, 20 guests were allowed at the marriage gatherings. A law of the 4th century fxed that number to be 30. A censor had the right of going into a house where the marriage took place, and he removed out of the house any number that exceeded 30. A loose fowing dress is, in all ages, considered to be necessary for solemn and state occasions; in courts, churches and universities the gowns and robes, which were similar fowing dresses, played an important part. The folds of such dresses carried the idea of a kind of mystery, modesty, respect, and rank. Women, therefore, generally put on such fowing dresses. White colour is generally the symbol of purity, innocence, and faithfulness. The Roman bride used to wear a white gown on the occasion of her marriage. The ribbon knots, which the guests put on among the Romans on marriage occasions, were also white in colour. Up to 50 years ago, they say, the chief leaders of the Parsee community used to carry shawls over their shoulders. The head priests of the community still carry shawls, as the insignia of their offce. The presentation of shawls to friends on important occasions, such as marriages, is still common to a certain extent. Kumkum, or the red pigment, plays an important part on marriage and such other gay occasions in India. Various explanations are given about its use. Some say that this red pigment is the symbol or the substitute of blood, and that its use is the remnant of the custom of using blood on such occasions. They say that formerly they used to sacrifce animals on gay occasions like marriage, to avert evil from the married life of the couple. The blood of such sacrifced animals was applied to the forehead of the marrying couple. The application of the red pigment is considered to be a remnant and substitute of that custom. I have heard a story of a Dewân of a native State, that recently on the coronation of his prince, he made a slight cut on his thumb, and with the blood oozing from the wound, made the usual mark on the prince’s forehead. Garlands play a prominent part in the marriage customs of many nations. They were common among the ancient Greeks, Romans and Jews. In old AngloSaxon churches, the priest blessed the pair, and put garlands of fowers round their necks. They say that in ancient times, among several nations, the marrying couple put on crowns. Among the ancient Greeks, the priest put crowns on the heads of bridegrooms. In Athens, the friends of the bride carried a crown for her. In Egypt also, the bride put on a crown. Among the Hebrews the marrying couples were made to walk under a canopy resembling a crown. In Norway

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi the bride put on a jewel resembling a crown. In ancient churches they kept a metallic crown, which was lent to the marrying couple for the occasion. This custom reminds one of the “marriages of contributions” in ancient Wales and the “penny weddings” of ancient Scotland. In Wales, a herald went round in the town, announcing the marriage, and saying that presents would be received very thankfully and returned on similar occasions. Individual givers of small cash presents did not feel the burden of the small payment; and to the marrying couple and their parents, the total amount of these individual small presents was most welcome, as it enabled them to pay off the wedding expenses, and to put up a new house. In the case of the penny weddings of Scotland, at times, the people of the whole village paid in their small contributions, and took part in the wedding festivals. In some cases, the neighbours collected among themselves and presented to the marrying couple suffcient corn that would last during the whole of the frst year of their married life. In old England, they say, the noblemen in possession of the adjoining estates presented meat, and the milkmen milk, cheese, eggs, etc., for the wedding feasts. The schoolmasters and the priests generally lent their cooking utensils. The parties receiving these presents kept a note of such presents, and were generally ready to give similar presents on the occasion of marriages in the families of those who had given them those presents. In Cumberland they placed a plate in a prominent place at the place of marriage, and the assembled friends put into it their mite. In ancient Europe, on the marriage day, the bride used to sell ale to her friends and to her husband’s friends at fancy prices. The money so acquired helped them in putting up a new house. In ancient Egypt, the bride held in her hand a soft substance called henâ in her hand, and the friends put in silver coins in that substance. The bride’s father. “These fgures are daily made with a kind of powdered chunam on the door sills of the Parsee and Hindu house with the object of inviting good luck to them. Making them in pearls is nothing but allegory.” The bride. Such marriage processions played an important part in many nations. In the Isle of Man, the marriage processions entered into the church after going round three times. In ancient Greece, marriage processions were generally accompanied with musical bands and torches. The whole procession went on foot to the house of the bride, but the marrying couple were seated in a carriage. Up to about 50 years ago in Bombay, and about 25 years ago in Navsari, and such other mofussil stations, it was common to see the husbands, generally boy husbands, riding on horses. In Navsari some marriage processions were accompanied by men carrying guns which were fred at intervals. It is said that this is the case even now in some parts of Scotland. This seems to be a remnant of the ancient custom of marrying by capture when tribes attacked other tribes, and carried off marriageable girls. “It is not plain what country is meant.” “The bridegroom’s.” “Ornaments for the ear.” “The headman of a community invested with certain magisterial powers.” “Seeds resembling fennel seeds.” “Mustard seeds, damno and jiran are not, so far as I know, considered, but salt is believed to carry prosperity with it.” “Damno is a sweet smelling herb.” “Eggs play an important part in Parsee festive ceremonies. Whenever a person is to be welcomed, a tray is prepared with a good many thing, which are

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believed to be auspicious. These are a cocoanut, an egg, a handful of rice, a little water, and some sugar made up into little cakes. As soon as the guest steps up to the door, the mistress of the house, or if she happens to be a widow, some relatives of her, goes forth with the tray in her hand, and frst taking up the egg waves it over the head of her guest, and breaks it against the steps or the pavement; then she does the same with the cocoanut, and fnally sprinkles the rice and sugarcakes over the favored head. This done, she waves her hands over her guest’s head, and uttering some blessings cracks her fnger joints against her own temples and bids the guest to step in with the right foot foremost. The cocoanut, egg, etc., are believed to carry off all evil with them; and they make it a point to break the egg and the cocoanut from which it appears that some sacrifce is meant, and the egg does duty for a live offering.” Among the ancient Romans, the door or the house of the bridegroom was similarly decorated with fowers when the bride frst went to her husband’s house. She herself applied oil to the door posts, oil being considered a symbol of prosperity. The custom of applying haradh (turmeric) to the door-posts is common in India. The word haradh comes from the Sanskrit root “har” (હર) which means “to be yellow, to shine.” Its colour is like that of the sunlight. So turmeric and other drugs of its colour are taken to be the symbols of sun’s light, and also of the prosperity and plenty brought about by his fertilizing power. Hence the marks made with turmeric are considered auspicious. Instead of the red pigment Kunku (કુ ંકુ) some use turmeric for the auspicious marks on their foreheads. It is for its being a symbol of plenty and prosperity that the new account books commenced to be used on the Diwali holidays by the Hindus are marked with turmeric marks. According to Dr. Dymock, one of the different Indian words for turmeric is rajni (રજની), i.e., night. They say that in ancient times young wives decorated their foreheads with auspicious marks of turmeric a little before sunset, when they expected their husbands to return to their homes from outdoor work. This was intended as an auspicious thing. Signifying that, as sun, whose symbol the turmeric was, fructifed the creation, so they may be fructifed and blessed with children at the hand of their husbands. This custom is said to prevail even now in some of the Indian villages. Even young ladies, when visiting lady friends in the evening, have their bodies marked with turmeric. These visitors are then allowed to return to their husband’s house after sunset, which is considered to be the auspicious occasion for the coming of the goddess Laxmi, which presides over wealth and prosperity. According to the Iliad, Juno in order to entice Jove, had her bed prepared of turmeric coloured saffron. By way of asserting her claims. It is the privilege of the father’s sister to hold the baby in her arms, while the astrologer tends out a name for it. In Poland the father of the bridegroom, after the nuptial benediction, welcomes the married couple into his house by throwing over them grains of barley corn. The grains so thrown are picked up again and sown, and if they grow well, that is considered very auspicious. Among the Hebrews also grains of barley were thrown in the front of the couple, and that was meant “to denote their wishes for a numerous progeny” of children. In Nottinghamshire and Sussex, the sprinkling of rice on the couple was a prevalent custom. In ancient Spain, not only the parents of the couple but other passersby in the streets also sprinkled corn. According to Dalton’s Ethnology (p. 148), among the Bunyas, the bride and the bridegroom threw over each other seven handfuls of rice, and moved seven times round a pole buried in the midst of a hut.

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61 Among the ancient Romans, on similar occasions, “a hog was sacrifced. The gall of the victim was always taken out, and thrown away, to signify the removal of all bitterness from the marriage.” 62 In Scotland, they used to break a cake over the head of the bride at the threshold of her husband’s house, when after marriage she entered it for the frst time. Among the Hebrews, after the marriage ceremony, they present before the bridegroom a wine glass, which he breaks as a sign of good omen. All present then shout out “mazzletown, mazzletown,” which means “good luck, good luck.” This ceremony among the Hebrews is variously explained. Some say it is to remind the Hebrews that their people are all scattered in different countries, just as the pieces of the glass lie scattered over the ground. Others say that it is to remind the marrying couple of the transitory state of this life, which may be as easily broken as the glass. 63 Water is considered as a symbol of prosperity and also of humility. According to Herodotus, the ancient Persians, when they went to conquer foreign countries, they asked for dust and water from those countries as tokens of submission. The fact of the Athenians and Spartans throwing the Persian messengers into a pit and into a well respectively, to receive with their own hands therefrom the desired water and earth, was one of the immediate causes of the Persian invasion of Greece, which led to the famous battle of Marathon. In one of the tribes of Bengal they give earthen pots full of water and rice to the marrying couple, and sprinkle water over them from those pots. A person going out on an important business considers it a good omen if he meets one with a pot full of water. 64 In Scotland, in the last century, the unmarried friends of the bride washed her feet on the evening preceding the marriage. The custom is still known in some parts of Scotland as that of “feet-washing.” It was known among the ancient Hebrews and is known among the modern Hindus. Among the ancient Romans also they washed the feet of the couple. Among the Persian Zoroastrians they still wash the feet of the couple, and make them dip their hands in earthen water pots. 65 According to Plutarch (Life of Romulus), among the ancient Romans, the bride, when she frst went to her husband’s house, was lifted up over the threshold. A similar custom is said to prevail in Lincolnshire. They say that in old England, when the couple frst left the house after marriage, the house servant washed the threshold with hot water “to keep the door-stem warm.” This was to indicate a wish that another marriage may soon take place in the family. 66 In some countries of Europe, the bride, while entering the church to be married, is asked to put her right foot frst into the building, and then to leave it also with the same foot. In former times when some royal marriages took place by proxy, the nobleman representing the royal bridegroom, placed his right foot on the bed of the royal bride. The right-hand side is always considered auspicious. Among the Dhanker tribe of Mahableshwar, to determine whether the time for marriage is auspicious or not, a calf in the hut is let loose to be fed by the cow which is kept outside the hut. If the calf, while going to the cow, passes by the right-hand side of the marrying couple sitting in the compound, the time is auspicious. If it passes by the left-hand side it is inauspicious, and the marriage is postponed for some time. 67 The mother-in-law receives her son-in-law when he comes down to marry her daughter in the following manner: She goes forth with a tray in her hand, in which is placed a diamond or any other kind of ring, or some other ornament, for the bridegroom, along with kaṅkû, some grains of rice, some dry dates and almonds, cocoanuts, and a cone shaped packet of sugar. The mother-in-law makes a mark with the kuṅkû on the bridegroom’s forehead and presses some

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grains of rice on to it. Then she puts a garland of fowers round his neck, and puts the ring on his fnger. This done, she throws a few grains of rice over his head, and passing her hands over his face or his head, cracks her fnger joint against her temples. 68 Compare the following lines of Moliére (Misanthrope, Act I, Sec, II.): Si le roi m’avait Donné,’ (If the king gave me) Paris, as grand ville (Paris has big city) Et qu’ il me fallut quitter. (And if he made me leave)L’amour de ma mie (The love of my life), Je dirais au roi Henri (I shall say to king Henry) Reprenes vôtre Paris (Take back your Paris) J’aime mieux ma mie, ôguê! (I love my life better)J’aime mieux ma mie. (I love my life better). Also compare the following lines of Hâfz: Agar ân turki-i-Shirazi ba dast ârad del-i-mârâ. Ba khâl-i-hinduyash bakksham Samarcand-o-Bakhârârâ.

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[Translation: That is, if the beautiful girl of Shiraz will conquer my heart, I will give the cities of Samarcand and Bokhârâ for the black mole of beauty on her face.] “During the marriage ceremony the bride and bridegroom are made to sit opposite each other, and twist is wrapped round and round their persons by the priests, who continue repeating prayers and burning incense on a fre. This practice is now being gradually dropped by the Pârsees.” To make the bridegroom wait for the bride for some time, seems to be a custom prevalent among many people. Among the Zoroastrians of Persia, when at the marriage time the members of the bridegroom’s family go to ask her to be present for the marriage, the bride does not go at once. They keep her away, and say that “She has gone to the garden for picking fowers,” or that “She has gone to her brothers.” When the match is arranged, a few members of the bridegroom’s family go to the bride’s house to have her fnal consent. When they ask her, “Are you willing to marry such and such a person?” she is not expected to reply at once. The question is repeated several times, and then fnally she replies in the affrmative in a low voice. In some tribes, when the bridegroom’s party goes to the brides’, the latter’s house is kept closed for some time and they open it after some knocking. Such customs and evasive answers are intended to signify that it is the husband who seeks the wife and is anxious to have her, and not the wife. In Christian marriages also the bridegroom stands on the right-hand side of the bride. Ghee, being a soft, slippery substance made out of milk, is considered to be a symbol of gentility, courtesy, and obedience. The ancient Roman bride, for similar reasons, applied oil on the threshold of her house when welcoming the bridegroom into her house. Even now some fond Parsee mothers, while giving a bath to their children on their birthdays, apply milk to their bodies. “દુ ધે નાહજો ને પુતે વીઆજો.” (“Have a bath with milk, and be the parent of many sons”). This is a common form of benediction among Parsee ladies on marriage occasions. Curd, which is a kind of milk production, also plays a prominent part on joyous occasions like birthdays and marriages. Molasses being a sweet substance is a symbol of sweetness and good temper. So these two substances are produced by the family of the bride as symbols of good omen, wishing gentleness, peace, and contentment to the couple. After the ceremony, the pot

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi containing these substances and the remaining rice are presented to the family priest. Fire is held as a sacred and most important symbol among the Parsees. So it is present in most of the Parsee rituals. It is a symbol of purity and plenty. Among the ancient Greeks, fre and water were held as symbols of purifcation, and the bridegroom himself held them in his hand while welcoming his bride in his house. According to some, the Roman bridegroom held fre and water before his bride as “necessaries of life,” signifying thereby that he would supply her with all necessaries of life. Among the Romans, the marriage ceremony was performed before the altar of their Atrium where their sacred fre was burning. In some parts of Australasia the brides carry fre to the houses of their bridegrooms. These burning candles remind us of the “bridal torches” of the ancient Greeks, among whom the mother of the bride carried these torches in marriage processions. They were kindled from their family hearths. It is the custom of many nations to have witnesses to testify to the event of marriage. The ancient Hebrews also had two witnesses. The Christians also have two. Among the Romans, the Pontifex Maximus performed the marriage ceremony before ten witnesses. In ancient Persia the nearest relations stood as witnesses. According to Firdousi, in the marriage of Siâvash with Firangiz, Afrasiâb, the father of Firangiz, stood as a witness for his daughter. In the Greek Church of Russia, it is only married priests that can perform the marriage ceremony. A knot is the symbol of love, friendship, and faithfulness. In old England, the bride carried, on her gown, a number ribbon knots which the guests plucked off from her body and carried them with them as tokens of the event. That the custom of tying marriage knots among the Parsees is very ancient appears from Firdousi’s Shâhnâmeh where Zâl’s marriage with Roudabeh is said to have been celebrated by tying marriage knots. . Up to the 18th century, there was a custom in England that the marrying couple went to the river adjoining their town, washed their hands, and, each grasping the other’s hand, took the oath of marriage. This was known as “hand fastening.” Among the Christians also, it is the priest who joins the hands of the couple. Among the ancient Greeks, the ceremony of hand fastening was considered as the ratifying agreement of marriage. Among the ancient Romans, the priest made the marrying couple sit on chairs which were put together, and on which wool was spread, and then fastened their hands. The modern Hindus also unite the hands of the couple. In Finland it is the father of the bride who fastened the hand. Among some tribes slight cuts are made on the hands before their being fastened, so that the blood of one may follow into that of another. It is the right hand of each that is fastened, because the right hand is considered to be the witness of one’s faith. Among the Assyrians it was the father of the bridegroom who fastened the hands of the couple with a woollen thread. This reminds us of the custom among ancient Christians that the marriages generally took place in the parishes in which the couple lived. But when they were performed in other parishes, it was the priest of the parish in which they lived, that took the marriage fee. The number 7 plays a prominent part in this ritual of hand-fastening. Seven was a sacred number among the ancient Persians. There were seven Ameshaspentas, i.e., the archangels, seven heavens, and seven Keshvars, i.e., the zones or regions. Among the Hebrews, the bride at frst put on a veil which was removed immediately after they were united in marriage. Among the ancient Christians when the couple was kneeling in the sanctum, four of the assistant clergy held over

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their hands a poll or care-cloth which was afterwards removed. Among the Russians of the Greek Church “a curtain of crimson prefect supported by two young gentlemen, now parts the lovers, and prevents them from stealing any anxious glances from each other’s eyes” (W. Tegge, p. 106). In some parts of Wales, the friends of both parties went after marriage at the church to an adjoining inn to partake of the marriage repast. A few members of both parties ran to the inn. There was a kind of running race between them. The party who ran frst and reached the inn frst guaranteed, as it were, that the bride or bridegroom, whom they represented, would be the frst to show all love and respect to the other. In some parts of the south of France when the couple is kneeling at the altar after the marriage, a lady goes before them, and pricks them with a pin. Both try to bear that as much as they can. The one that bawls out or expresses the feeling of pain frst, is believed to be the one that would turn out less patient than the other in suffering the troubles, if any, of married life, and of this world in general. This corresponds to the custom of saying “Amen, Amen” in some of the village churches of England when, after the third reading of the banns, the clerk of the church says, “God speed them all.” Here the name of the town where the marriage takes place is mentioned. Here the particular Parsee day, month, and the year on which the marriage is performed are mentioned. Here the name of the bride is mentioned. This sum seems to have been fxed in ancient Persia as the sum to be presented by the family of the bridegroom to the bride. Here the name of the bridegroom is mentioned. Among the Christians the banns are proclaimed three times. Among the modern Greeks, the priest, after putting on the blessed ring, declares the marriage three times. He repeats the benediction three times. In some of the tribes of Central Asia, e.g., in Dardisian, the priest asks the marrying couple and the assembled company three times, whether they all consented. In the Greek Church in Russia also, the priest puts a similar question to the couple three times. His question is, “Whether they sincerely consent to and approve their marriage, and whether they will love each other for the future as is their bounden duty so to do?” (W. Tegge, p. 107). I had the pleasure and honour of contributing the translation of a large part of this address to Mr. Dossabhoy Framji Karaka’s very excellent book, The History of the Parsees” (Vol. I, p. 182). So, I quote that part from that work. The rest I have translated specially for this paper. Or any other city where the marriage is performed may be mentioned. Kavi Husrava of the Avesta. For this and other proper names mentioned here, vide my Dictionary of Avesta Proper Names. Here are mentioned the names of the bride and bridegroom. Here are mentioned the names of the marrying couple. Here the names of the marrying couple are mentioned. Among the Hebrews, the bride and the bridegroom were made to walk under a canopy or a sheet of cloth. This signifed unity of protection. This custom seems to be another form of fastening the skirts of each other’s garments. The Hebrew spouse in the above custom said, “His banner over me was love” (W. Tegg, p. 55). A Hebrew bridegroom in one part of the ceremony also spread the skirt of his garment over the head of his bride. That was meant to signify that the bride was now under his protection. The old Azlee priest used to ask the consent of the bride for the marriage. Having received it, he fastened the end of a part of her long veil to the skirt of the bridegroom’s coat, and thus united, the bride went to the house of the bridegroom. This custom prevails also in

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Nicaragua. In some tribes the offciating priest gently knocked the head of the bridegroom against that of the bride. This also had the same signifcation of unity. According to Dalton (Ethnography, p. 148), among the Buniyers, on the appearance of the stars at nightfall, the skirts of the garment of the couple were joined together and they passed the night alone in this way. The next morning both were taken to an adjoining tank for a bath, and the knot was untied there. On their return home they stood at the threshold of their house with pots of water over their heads. A part of the water was then poured over their heads. In Scotland, in the 18th century, according to an old custom, the maids of the bride washed the feet of the bride on the eve preceding the marriage. Among the ancient Romans, “both she and her husband touched fre and water, because all things were supposed to be produced from these two elements; with the water they bathed their feet” (W. Tegg, p. 75). The custom of washing the feet is prevalent among the Zoroastrians of Persia also. This custom of feet washing prevailed among the ancient Hebrews also. It is now prevalent among the Hindus. Among the ancient Romans, one of the forms of marriage was confarreatio, which was “a ceremony in which the bridegroom and bride tasted a cake made of four with salt and water in the presence of the high priest and at least ten witnesses. This rite was said to symbolize the community of life, of property, of family worship, that henceforth united them.” Among the Roman Patricians many generally resorted to this form of marriage, and the couple was made to sit on one and the same piece of leather prepared from the skin of a sheep killed for the marriage sacrifce. The bridal cake of Christian marriages seems to be a relic of the ancient Roman custom. Colonel Dalton in his Ethnography gives several instances of tribes that have still prevalent among them this custom of making the couple eat together. As the Romans sat on one and the same piece of leather in their confarreatio, so some of the tribes sit together on one and the same piece of cloth among the ancient Hebrews. The couples were made to drink from one and the same cup of wine which was consecrated and blessed by the Rabi (W. Tegg, p. 54). In Russia and Scandinavia also, the couples are required to drink wine from the same cup. In Hesse, the couple eat from the same plate and drink from the same cup. According to a writer of the Asiatic Quarterly Review, in old Lombardy, the only marriage rite was this, that the marriage couple drank from the same cup and kissed each other. Latterly, when the clergy protested against this simple rite without any religious element in it, the benedictions from the priest and a sermon were added to it. Among the Melanasians the couple gave each other three morsels from a dish called sago mash. The bride then gave a little tobacco to the bridegroom who, in his turn, gave a betelnut to the bride (Featherman, p. 32). The bridegroom’s mother is supposed to repeat these lines. An allegory. The names of many other relatives besides the maternal grandfather are used in succession. It may be assumed that the bride is a child. “The father or brother may give any presents, or settle any amount of money on the bride, but he is by no means bound to do so. It is the duty of the bride’s parents, however, to give presents of wearing apparel to the bridegroom’s relatives, and rings and some other presents to the bridegroom, as tokens of their regard, whereas it is the duty of the bridegroom’s father to settle a certain amount, generally in the shape of ornaments, on the bride, and give her many suits of clothing besides, to which she has an exclusive right.” Parsee Prakash, by Khan Bahadur Bomanji B. Patel, Vol. I, p. 172. A fgurative expression of the bride’s value.

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The father’s brother. The mother’s brother. The husband of the mother’s sister. The husband of the father’s sister. As a mark of rejoicing. An allegory. Also as a mark of rejoicing, it is the custom, however, to light at least one lamp fed by ghee in the daytime, when the bride is being dressed in the suit of clothing, jewellery, etc., sent to her by her parents-in-law on the occasion of the betrothal, and on all subsequent occasions when presents are given to her.

6

Some Parsee marriage customs*1 How far are they borrowed from the Hindus? Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

In a paper titled “Marriage Customs among the Parsees: Their Comparison with Similar Customs of Other Nations,” read by me before this [Anthropological] Society at its sittings of 22 February and 26 July 1899,1 I said, After the several vicissitudes of fortune that the community has passed through, it is diffcult to determine how many and which of these Parsee marriage customs are originally Zoroastrian or Persian, and how many and which are taken from the sister communities of India. But this much can be said, with well-nigh a certainty, that the strictly solemn or the religious part of the ceremony, wherein the priests take part, is more or less originally Persian. M. Harlez seems to be correct when he says on this point that: Nous ne trouvons pas non plus, dans ce qui nous reste des livres avestiques, de cérémonies particulières pour le marriage; il est probable cependant que l’origine de celles qu’ observent encore les Parses modernes remonte nux temps les plus reculés.2 [Translation: “In the Avestic books that remain with us now, we can no longer fnd particulars/specifcs for marriage; however, it is possible that the origins of these, that the modern Parsees observe, still go back to ancient times.” Editors] In the very commencement of the Paêvand-nâmeh, now recited at the marriage ceremony, the offciating head priest says that the ceremony is “according to the rules and customs of the Mazdayaҫnân religion.”3 We learn from Herodotus also that there was some regular ritual, though he does not say what it was. While speaking of the marriage of Darius, the son of Xerxes with Artaӱntes, the daughter of Masistes, the brother of Xerxes, he says that it was performed with “usual ceremonies.”4

*

Reprinted from JASB, VIII (6), August 1888: 425–430.

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That the strictly solemn part is originally Persian is proved from the fact that the coinage mentioned in the commencement of the Paêvand-nâmeh, which can be compared with the Kanyâdânam ceremony of the Hindus, is not Indian but Persian, viz., that of Nishapur in Khorasan. While studying, this month [August 1888], for a lecture on “Symbolism in the Marriage Ceremonies of Different Nations,” delivered on the 21st of this month, before the Ladies’ Branch of the National Indian Association, I noted several points showing a marked similarity between the Parsee and Hindu marriage customs. This study has shown me that I can say more confdently now that some of the Parsee marriage ceremonies that precede and follow “the strictly solemn or the religious part of the ceremony, wherein the priests take part” are borrowed from the Hindus. The following is a list of such ceremonies: (i) putting on of the mangalasutram by the Hindus and the rehâl by the Parsees; (ii) the details of the hand-fastening ceremony among the Hindus and the hâthêwârâ ceremony among the Parsees; (iii) skirt-fastening among both; (iv) holding of curtains between the pair; (v) throwing of rice; (vi) feet washing; (vii) eating together. In this chapter, I propose to describe briefy these ceremonies with a view to show their similarity and to show how far the Parsee ceremonies are borrowed from the Hindus. My authority for the description of the Hindu ceremonies is The Hindu at Home, Being Sketches of Hindu Daily Life, by Rev. J. E. Padfeld, B.D. (1886).

The mangalasutram (मंगलसूत्रम) and the rehâl Among the Hindus, there is a ceremony known as that of tying on the bride the mangalasutram, i.e., an auspicious thread or cord. “This is a saffron coloured thread or cord to which is attached a small gold ornament; it is fastened round the neck and hangs down in front, like a locket.” It is the bridegroom who puts round the neck of the bride the managlasutram with an appropriate declaration. Among the Parsees, the bride puts on, round her neck, at the time of the marriage ceremony a large silver coin known as rehâl. This coin is previously sent to the bride, about two days before the marriage, by the family of the bridegroom. It is put on without any particular ceremony. The mangalasutram cord is put on a beautiful cloth given to the bride by her father. A Parsee bride also puts on a cloth of silk, called soreni kânchli (સોરની કાંચલી), and then the rehâl over it.

Hand-fastening Among the Hindus, after the second declaration by the bridegroom, of “his willingness to accept the bride,” and after her father’s “declaration of his willingness to give her,” and after the subsequent ceremony of washing the

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feet of the bridegroom, the father of the bride “takes the right hand of the bride, and placing it underneath the curtain, in the right hand of the bridegroom, pours over the clasped hands some water from the vessel.”5 The Parsees have a similar custom which is known as hãthê-vãro (હાથે વારો), i.e., hand-fastening, with this difference, that instead of the father of the bride, it is the offciating priest who gives the right hand of one into the right hand of the other, and instead of pouring water over the clasped hands, he passes raw twist round them. The hand-fastening ceremony itself is originally Persian, but the detailed way in which it is done is Indian.

Tying the bridal knots (છેડા છેડી) Among the Hindus, on the bridegroom answering in the affrmative a question put to him by the family priest, whether he was “willing to take so and so to wife,” the ends of the upper garments of the pair are tied together in what is called “Brahma knot.” The priest, on tying this knot, says, “Vishvêth trâtet”; that is, “you both must trust and be a prop to each other.” This tying of the cloths, which is an important part of the marriage ceremony, is repeated at various stages of the proceedings.6 Among the Parsees, a similar ceremony is performed at the end of the strictly religious part of the ceremony, and it is known as chhedâ chhedi (છે ડા છે ડી), i.e., (tying) the skirts of each other’s clothes. It is not the priest who does this but a near friend or relation of the couple. Thus united, the bride generally goes to the house of the bridegroom. The process of fastening the knots is accompanied by a song.

Holding of curtains Among the Hindus, on the evening of the frst day of the marriage ceremonies, after the sacred bath known as mangala-snânam (i.e., blessed or fortunate bathing), the couple is made to sit opposite one another, separated by a curtain, so that they cannot see each other. This curtain is removed later on. Among the Parsees also, such a ceremony exists and is known as that of âdâ-antar, i.e., a separation. This ceremony commences the marriage ceremonies properly. The bride and the bridegroom are frst made to sit opposite each other, separated by a piece of cloth held between them like a curtain. Later on, this curtain is dropped. This ceremony of holding the curtain in the beginning and then of dropping it later on signifes that the separation that hitherto existed between them no longer exists now and that they are now united into the bond of matrimony. As long as the curtain is held, they sit opposite each other, but on its removal they are made to sit side by side. This also signifes that they, who were up to now separate, are now united together.

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Throwing the rice Among the Hindus, “some rice which has been steeped in milk, is brought, and the bridegroom places a portion of these into the hand of the bride.” The bridegroom then takes some of the rice from her hand and puts it on her head. She then takes some of it and puts it upon his head. This is done several times, after which they both do it at the same time, putting some of the rice upon each other’s head.7 The priest also gives some of the coloured rice in the hands of those present, who also throw it on the heads of the couple. Among the Parsees, it is the couple who throws rice upon each other. The priests also throw rice while reciting the benedictions. Rev. Padfeld seems to think that “the modern English custom of throwing rice after a newly married couple arose from this Indian rite.” He adds that “there are many similar ways in which English customs have originated” from Englishmen’s connection with India. The use of rice in marriage ceremonies is common among many nations. It is likely that it was used in Persia also. But the way in which it is thrown by the couple over each other does not seem to be originally Persian.

Washing of the feet Among the Hindus, when the bride and bridegroom return home from some of the several marriage processions, their feet are washed by some attendants.8 Up to a few years ago, the Parsees also had a similar ceremony. It is altogether extinct in Bombay, though still performed at times in some mofussil towns.

Eating together Among the Hindus, the last ceremony during the frst day’s marriage ceremonies is that of pointing out to the bride and bridegroom a small star called Arundhati, which is a star “near the middle one in the tail of Ursa Major and is named after Arundhati, the wife of Vasishtha, one of the seven Rishis.”9 After this ceremony, “the bride and bridegroom are made to take food together, eating from the same leaf.”10 I think it is this Hindu custom that was followed by the Parsees in their custom, now well-nigh extinct, at least in Bombay, known as that of dahi kumro (i.e., the virgin curd). In that ceremony, the bride and bridegroom were made to give to one another one or more morsels of food prepared from a mixture of curd and rice.

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Notes 1 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. V, Nos. 4 and 5. Vide my “Marriage Customs among the Parsees,” p. 5. This book, Chapter 5. 2 Harlez, Avesta, Introduction, p. CLXXI. 3 Dâd-o-âin-i-din-i-Mâzdayaҫni. 4 Bk. IX, Chap. 108. Rawlinson’s Herodotus, Vol. IV, p. 472. 5 “The Hindu at Home”, by Rev. Padfeld, pp. (1886), 121–125. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid, p. 128. 8 Ibid, p. 133. 9 Ibid, p. 132. 10 Ibid, p. 133.

7

A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part I*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Introduction I had the pleasure of passing a few days of the hot season of 1907 at Umbergaon near Dehviêr in the seashore house of Mr. Kavasji Gorewalla. From there, I visited the village of Nargol, which is situated on the other side of the Umbergaon creek. There was a wedding there in the house of the Wadia brothers, Messrs. Ruttonji Sorabji and Bapuji Navroji, and I was a guest there for two days. I enjoyed my stay there because a Parsee marriage in the mofussil villages has several enjoyable features of its own. Though the strictly religious ritual is well-nigh the same in all Parsee marriages, there is some difference in the social functions related to marriage. In the case of the religious ceremonies I observed one additional function, which is absent from Bombay Parsee marriages. It is this that while in Bombay the ãshirwãd or benedictions are recited on the marrying couple only, there, in Nargol, a few benedictions, known as those of the tandarusti were recited also over the two persons who were to stand as witnesses in the marriage ritual proper. I remember with grateful pleasure the two days I passed at Nargol, not only for the hospitality but also for the insight I had into the life of my co-religionists there from the social point of view. The marriage songs, like other folk songs, are often interesting and even instructive. They are not always composed by men of letters. At times they are composed by very illiterate persons. However, they generally give expression to the simple inmost thoughts and feelings of the people. It is, as it were, not the composers who speak but the simple folk of the place who speak, and they speak from their heart of hearts. So, in my wanderings out of Bombay, I have tried to hear and understand such songs. So, what drew my special attention at the marriage festivities of Nargol were the marriage songs. On leaving Nargol, I had requested our genial host, Mr. Bapuji Navroji Wadia, to kindly send me a copy of all the songs as sung by the Parsee ladies of the village on various occasions pertaining to marriage. He kindly did so, with his letter dated roz 5 Spendarmad, mah I Farrokh Farvardin 1277 Yazdazardi (18 September 1907).

*

Reprinted from JASB, XIII (6), October 1926: 629–658.

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I propose placing before the [Anthropological] Society the [titles of] songs [in Gujarati], with my translations and notes, as they give a view of Parsee life in the mofussil, on the occasion of a marriage.1 The songs sung at Nargol on the different occasions attending marriage festivities are the following: ૧. ઢોલી આવવા અગાઉ ગાવાન.ુ ં ૨. ઢોલી આવ્ા પછી ગાવાન.ુ ં ૩. મુહરત બેર રોપણી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ુ ૪. હાથ સુપડા ં ધરે તે વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૫. પાપડ કરે ત્ારે પડી પાડતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૬. પીઠી ચોરે ત્ારે ગાવાન.ુ ં ે ૭. પીઠી ચોરીને ઘરમાં લાવીને ગલામાં ગલસુતર પહરાવતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૮. સણગાર લઈ જતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ે ૯. વહને વખતે ગાવાન.ંુ ુ ઘરમાં સણગારનાં કપડાં પહરાવતી ૧૦. લગનને દિવસે સહવારે કુવા પર વરધીઆ ભરવા જા્ ત્ાં ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૧. વરધીઆ ભરી કુવા ઉપરથી ઘેરે આવતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૨. છોકરાને અગી્ારીમાં નાહાંન નવરાવા જતા ં ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૩. છોકરો નાહાંન નહા્ અથવા નહી ઉઠે તેન ુ ં ગાવાન ુ ં (અગી્ારીમાં બેઠાં બેઠાં ગાએ છે ). ૧૪. ઉપલુજ ં ગા્ન બીજી ઢપે ફેરવી ગાવાનુ.ં ૧૫. નહાંન નવરાવી અગી્ારીમાથી ં ઘેરે લાવતાં ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૬. નવજોત બેસતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૭. સોપાલો ફેરવતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૮. સાંજે વરણી વરઘોડો (સહાજન) ફરે ત્ારે ગાવાન.ુ ં ૧૯. ચોરી સરા્ા પછી છોકરો તરફનાએ ગાવાન.ુ ં ૨૦. પરણી ઉઠ્ા પછી વરને ઘરે લાવતી વખતે ગાવાન.ુ ં I render into English the titles of the above 20 songs: 1. The song to be sung before the arrival of the drummers. 2. To be sung after the arrival of the drummers. 3. To be sung on planting the ber, i.e., willow or bamboo, for the moorat or good auspices. 4. To be sung when the suprãn, i.e., the winnowing fans, are taken into hands. 5. To be sung when they strike the padis2 for pâpads [a kind of thin snack]. 6. To be sung when they apply the pithee. 7. To be sung when the couple enters the house and when gal-sutar is put around the neck. 8. To be sung when the sangâr (lit., decorations, i.e., dresses, ornaments, etc.) are carried (from the house of one party to that of another). 9. To be sung when the bride is adorned with a new set of dresses in the house. 10. To be sung on the marriage day when they go to the well to fll up the varadhiâ pots.

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11. To be sung when they return from the well to the house with the varadhiâ pots flled with water. 12. To be sung when the bridegroom is taken to the Agiâri (i.e., Fire Temple) for the nâhn3 bath. 13. To be sung when the bridegroom takes the (sacred) nâhn bath and when he fnishes the bath. (This is to be sung in the Fire Temple.) 14. The same song to be sung in another way. 15. To be sung when the bridegroom is returning to the house from the Fire Temple after taking the sacred bath. 16. To be sung when the Naojote4 ceremony is performed. 17. To be sung when the sopalo is taken round. 18. To be sung in the evening when the varni and varghodo (shâhjan) go round. 19. To be sung by the ladies on the side of the bridegroom after the chori, i.e., the marriage ceremony. 20. To be sung after the marriage ceremony when the bridegroom is taken to his house. Now, I give the frst two songs which are named after the Dholi or drummer. I. ઢોલી આવવા અગાઉ ગાવાનુ ં ગીત ુ , ૧. હજી ઓ નહીં આવીઓ ઢોલીડાનો પત ે ે ૨. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . ે ૩. હજી ઓ નહીં આવી ચોક ચાંિણ બહન, ે ે ૪. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . ે , ૫. હજી ઓ નહીં આવી ગીિ ગા્ણ બહન ે ે ૬. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . ુ , ૭. હજી ઓ નહીં આવ્ો એવરિ જા્ો પત ે ે ૮. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . ે ૯. હજી ઓ નહીં આવી રાંધણ સીંધણ બહન, ે ે ૧૦. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . ે ૧૧. હજી ઓ નહીં આવી સંજોગ વાજોગ ં બહન, ે ે ૧૨. મેં તો કોડેર પગડાંણ માડીઆંર ં . (Translation)

The song to be sung before the arrival of the dholi5 1. O! still the son of the drummer has not arrived. 2. I have fondly6 made all the arrangements.7 3. O! still the sister (who does the work) of chok8 chândan, i.e., decoration, etc., has not arrived. 4. I have fondly made all the arrangements.

96 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

O! still the sister who sings songs has not arrived. I have fondly made all the arrangements. O! still the son born of an Ervad9 (priest) has not arrived. I have fondly made all the arrangements. O! still the sister (who has to do the work) of cooking10 has not arrived. I have fondly made all the arrangements. O! still the sister who has to see the good and bad conjunction has not arrived.11 12. I have fondly made all the arrangements. II. ઢોલી આવીઆ પછી ગાવાનંુ ગીત ુ ૧. આવેઓરે આવઓ ે ઢોલીડાનો પત, ૨. આજે માહરો માંડવડો હસી ં રહીઓર.ે ે ૩. આવીરે આવી ચોક ચાિણ ં બેહન, ૪. આજે માહરી ઓસરી હંસી રહીર.ે ે , ૫. આવીરે આવી ગીિ ગા્ણ બેહન ે ૬. આજે માહરી ખડકી હંસી રહીર. ુ , ૭. આવીઓ રે આવીઓ એવરિ જા્ો પત ે ૮. આજે માહરો ઉભરડો હંસી રહીઓર. ે ૯. આવીરે આવી રાધણ ં સીંધણ બેહન, ૧૦. આજે માહરી રાંધણી ઓસરી હસી ં રહીર.ે ે ૧૧. આવીરે આવી સજોગ ં વાજોગ ં બેહન, ે ૧૨. આજે માહરો ઓરડો હંસી રહીઓર. (Translation)

The song to be sung after the arrival of the dholi or drummer 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

O! the son of the drummer has come, (he) has come (after all). (So) today my bower12 (or pavilion) is all cheerful (lit., feels laughing). O! the sister of chok chândan (i.e., decorations) has come, has come. Today my steps of the front door13 are all cheerful. O! the sister who sings songs has come, has come. Today my verdandah14 is all cheerful. O! the son born of a priest has come, has come. Today my thresholds15 are all cheerful. O! the sister of cooking has arrived, has arrived. Today my cook-room is all cheerful. O! the sister of good and bad conjunctions has come, has come. Today my room is all cheerful.

These two songs refer to the beginning of the marriage festival in a house. The frst song represents the lady of the house ready to begin the festivities.

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She had been making all preparations for days together. She was now ready with everything and is waiting for the following persons. (a) The drummer. (b) The woman who is to attend to decorations of the front doors for the wedding. (c) The family songstress and her party. (d) The family priest. (e) The cook maid. (f) The woman who prescribed the proper auspicious times for the functions. She had not to wait long. They all come in turn and she is overjoyed. So in the second song she gives an expression to her joy that all the necessary parties have come and that the festivities have begun in right earnest. Now, I will say a few words about the functions of the above six persons for whom the landlady waited and whose arrival she welcomes. (a) The drummer The frst person, who announces to the street and to the village the occasion of marriage in a house, is the drummer. He is generally accompanied by one or two other drummers and one or two pipers. They form, as it were, necessary functionaries in marriage festivities among the Parsees. It seems that, even in old Iran, a marriage was announced to the people by music at the door of the marrying couple. We read in the Dinkârd.16

Amat Shaur-i17 duhulak18, va surnâi19 bârâ hama-j-shatra âgâsyend âigh hanâ anshutâân khvitÔdas yehvunet. Translation: When the sound (shaur) of the drum and trumpet inform the whole city that such and such persons get united in marriage. (b) The woman decorating the house front with chok The decoration of the front of the house forms a necessary requisite on a marriage occasion. Flowers and chok, a kind of wedding sand, play a very important part in a Parsee marriage. I have spoken at some length upon this subject in my paper read before this [Anthropological] Society on 26 June 1912 under the title of “The Wedding Sand in Knutsford (Cheshire, England) and the Wedding Sand (ચોક) in India.”20

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(c) The songstress The gâyans (ગા્ણ) or songstresses played in Bombay up to a few years ago, and play even now in mofussil towns, an important part of marriage and other similar gay occasions. They form a party of three, four, or more women. They know by heart all the songs to be sung on happy social occasions like birth, Naojote, marriage, etc. There are professional songstresses of that class who are engaged for the occasions on the payment of certain fees. Most of the joyful occasions have their proper songs, and the party of songstresses sings them on particular occasions. In case of certain songs which are considered to be semi-religious or semi-sacred, they begin the songs in a solemn way after performing the padyâb21 and Kusti. The song known as “આરતાનુ ં ગીત,” i.e., “Song in honour of Fire,” is one which is sung with all religious solemnity. It lasts for three or four hours. It serves as a kind of historical record in later times, as it gives the names of the Fire Temples of the frst grade and gives some description about their foundation, etc. (d) The family priest In a great centre like Bombay, on marriage occasions, the personal services of the family priest are required only during the marriage ritual. They are required to give the sacred bath to the couples.22 But, as mentioned in the song, in the Mofussil towns, his presence is required from the beginning. He is present at the moorat, i.e., the auspicious ritual of the beginning of the festivities. (e) The cook maid The cook maid does not require any long mention, as her function and services are well-known. (f) The woman who gives interdiction for the proper times of conjunction A number of Parsees attend to the question of planetary conjunction, etc., for all functions of the marriage.23

Notes 1 I beg to draw the attention of those who take an interest in Parsee songs to my previous paper titled, “Parsee Life in Parsee Songs: Cradle Songs” (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. V, No. 8, pp. 429–443). Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part I, pp. 140–157. This book, Chapter 2. 2 I will explain the words at their proper places when I will translate the songs. 3 Vide for the word my “Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees,” p. 95. This book, Chapter 4.

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4 Ibid, p. 178. 5 Dhol is Persian duhul ( drum). Dholi is a drummer. The proper Persian word for a drummer is duhul-baz ( ). The word dholidâ (ઢોલીડા) used in the frst line of the song is a slang or pet form for dholi. 6 કોડે from કોડ, “holding admiringly or fondly.” 7 પગડાણ ં seems to be a corrupted form of પગડાં (from પગ, foot), i.e., marks or પગલાં (steps). What is meant is: I have been fondly ready with all arrangements for marriage. 8 ચોક (chok) are “the fgures drawn by women on the threshold” with a white powder on holidays, etc. (Gujarati and English Dictionary, by Shapurji Edalji, 1863). The word chândan (ચાંિણ) may be another form of chandalo (ચાિલો) ં “an ornamental and painted patch made by females on the forehead” or “the present of money on a marriage occasion.” The word seems to come from chând (ચાંિ, moon), because the patch or mark on the forehead of women is made in the form of “moon.” (Vide my paper, “The Marriage Customs of Parsees,” read before the Anthropological Society of Bombay on 22 February and 26 July 1899. Vide my “Symbolism in the Marriage Ceremonies of Different Nations,” a Lecture delivered before the Ladies’ Branch of the National Indian Association at Seth Minar on 21 January 1909, p. 15). Or, the word may be derived from Châdu (ચાડુ )ં , “A small earthen vessel for holding light,” because on such occasions a lamp is kindled. 9 “Ervad” is the later form of Pahlavi “Haêrbad,” Avesta, “Aêthra-paiti,” meaning one who is “master of learning,” i.e., a priest. 10 “Râdhan sidhan” comes from ‘રાધવ ં ું સીંધવ,’ું i.e., to cook. The second word “સીંધવ”ું seems to be a corruption of sijavavun (સીજવવુ), ં “to purboil, to poach.” 11 Sanjog (સંજોગ) means “coincidence, conjunction; meeting, opportunity.” The word is made up of સ and જોગ, i.e., good conjunction or combination (of stars). Vâjog (વાજોગ) is opposed to sanjog (સંજોગ). “Va” (વા) means “without.” What is meant here is “good or bad,” i.e., auspicious or inauspicious. 12 “Mãndavdo” (માડવડો) ં is a slang or pet form of માડવ, ં which is another form of મંડપ (a bower, an arbour, a way). A temporary pavilion of branches of trees, bundles of grass, and such other products is known by that name. 13 “Osari” (ઓસરી) means “Steps leading up to the front door.” 14 “Khadaki” (ખડકી) is the verandah of a house. It also means the front frst room next to the verandah. The word also means a street. As the preceding couplet speaks of the front steps (osari), the meaning here seems to be the next place, the verandah. 15 ઊભરડાં is another form of ઉંબર or ઉંબરો, “threshold.” 16 Bk. Chap. 80 S. 15. Dastur Pershotan’s Dinkârd, Vol. II Text, p. 87 II 2–4. Translation p. 97. 17 Or it may be Persian (nuptials); “banquet.” It may be shũr, a brazen trumpet. 18 drum, ઢોલક. Dastur Peshotan reads the word as surai ( ), vide his transliteration in Avesta characters, p. 94, 1.4, but translates it in English as “drums.” So it seems that, on second consideration, he has read the word properly as duhul (ઢોલ) (English Translation, p. 97). In his Gujarati translation (p. 95. I, 1) he has translated the word as vajãn (વાજાં), i.e., musical instrument. 19 sũa-nâi, a trumpet, a clarion blown on feast days. 20 Read on 26 June 1913, vide my Anthropological Papers, Part II, pp. 31–39. 21 Vide my book, The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, p. 92. 22 Vide my book, Religious Ceremonies and Customs of Parsees, p. 191. 23 Ibid, p. 20.

8

A few marriage songs of the Parsees at Nargol, Part II*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Introduction This is the fourth of my papers1 in which I have been speaking of some Parsee songs. My previous papers are the following: (i) “The Marriage Customs among the Parsees,”2 in which I have given the translation of ten Parsee marriage songs. (ii) “Parsee Life in Parsee Songs. Cradle Songs.”3 (iii) “A Few Marriage Songs of the Parsees at Nargol.”4 This day I propose to speak for the second time on some Parsee marriage songs, sung at the Parsee town of Nargol. But, before I do so, I will at frst say a few words on the subject of marriage songs in general. Songs are prevalent among all kinds of people, whether savage or civilized. There are songs of pleasure and songs of sorrow. Songs sung on occasions of pleasure give a kind of amusement; those sung on occasions of grief give consolation. So both give a kind of delight. We have devotional religious songs, panegyrical songs, satirical songs, marriage songs, funeral songs, etc. Such songs need not be composed by great literary men. They are, at times, composed even by illiterate persons. They are intended to give vent to feelings and passions working in the breast of men. Among all the songs of various kinds, on marriage occasions only, a Parsee Gujarati proverb says: “લગનના ગીત લગન પર જ સોભે,” i.e., “The marriage songs seem best only on marriage occasion.”

Epithalamiums or marriage songs Among the ancient Greeks, a marriage song was spoken of as epithalamium or epithalamy, from epi, “a song,” and thalmos, “a bridal chamber, a bridal bed, a marriage.” It was so called because, among them, the best marriage songs were those sung by boys and girls at the bedchamber, just before the couple retired to their bedchamber, and in the early morning, just before they came out of their bedchamber. These songs5 “consisted of invocations of blessings and predictions of happiness, interrupted from time to time by the ancient chorus, Hymen Hymenre.”6 Among the Romans, the marriage songs were mostly sung by girls alone after the departure of the marriage guests. They “contained much more of what modern morality would *

Reprinted from JASB, XIV (2), October 1928: 244–256.

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condemn as obscene.”7 Among some of the well-known epithalamiums are those of Zoroaster and Solomon among the ancients and that of the poet Spenser among the moderns. Solomon’s marriage song The Song of Solomon, spoken of, at times, as “Canticle” (from “canare,” to sing) or the “song of songs” and which forms the 22nd book of the Old Testament, is taken to be an epithalamium or marriage song. There is a great difference of views among scholars about the function of this book. Some deny the canonicity of this book, on the ground that a religious book, like the Old Testament, cannot contain a book which speaks of physical love and marriage and which is a kind of amatory poem.8 This objection or doubt has been explained away by some, that it is “an allegory indicating the love of Jehovah to his chosen people.” The Christians adopted the allegorical view, and maintained that it symbolized the love of Christ for His Church. This reminds us of the poems of Hafz, known as the Diwan-iHafz, where also Hafz’s praise of wine and wife is taken to be allegorical. In the song of Solomon, the author, now and then, appeals to the womankind of Jerusalem in general as “O daughter of Jerusalem” (Chapter I, 5; II, 7; III, 5; V, 8; VIII, 4). Zoroaster’s marriage song It seems that the ancient Iranians also had their marriage songs. The country, whose later national poet Firdousi often speaks of songster’s songstresses (râmashgar), cannot be without its marriage songs. The 53rd chapter of the Gathas is taken as a marriage song of Iran’s prophet Zoroaster, composed by him for the marriage of his daughter Pouruchishti. His song is addressed to his marrying daughter (tu Pouruchista, i.e., Thou Pouruchista!),9 to the marrying brides (vazyamnabyo10 kainibyo) and bridegrooms (khshmaibyacha vademno,11 you bridegrooms),12 and to all men and women (narô athá zenyô).13 Dr. Mills speaks of this as “a marriage song, but one of a politically religious character.”14 Spenser’s epithalamion Edmund Spenser, the well-known English poet of the 16th century, has written a poem titled “Epithalamion.” It is taken to be a marriage song for his own marriage in November 1594. Appeal to womanhood in general in these epithalamiums These epithalamiums, though specially celebrating, or referring to some particular marriages, make a general appeal to womanhood. We saw above

102 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi that Zoroaster appealed to all marrying brides and bridegrooms, to all men and women. Solomon appeals to all “daughters of Jerusalem.” So, Spenser appeals to “Ye learned sisters.” In the very beginning, he says, “Ye learned sisters, which have often times Beene to me ayding, others to adorne, * * * * * Now lay those sorrowful complaints aside; And, having all your heads with garlands crowned, Helpe me mine owne loves prayses to resound.”15 This appeal to “Ye learned sisters” reminds us of a similar appeal to sing “to mothers and ladies” in a recent Parsee marriage song, which says: ચાલોરે ુ લગનનાં ચાલોરે માઈઓ ચાલોરે બાઈઓ, ચાલોરે ગીતડા ગાએજી … બેનનાં શભ ગીતડા; i.e., “Come on O Mothers! Come on O Ladies! Let us sing the songs. Let us sing the songs of the auspicious marriage of …”16 These epithalamiums show that their composers have intended them not only for the ears of the then brides and bridegrooms but also for the ears of all future brides and bridegrooms, for the ears of all who attend the marriage gatherings. They were to hear them, understand them, and take lessons from them.

Various matters referred to in the epithalamiums: Parsee songs Spenser’s epithalamion treats of “various matters of the marriage day – of his love’s waking, of the merry music of the minstrels, of her coming forth in all the pride of her visible loveliness, … of her standing before the altar … of the bringing her home, of the rising of the evening star, and the fair face of the moon looking down on his bliss not unfavourably.”17 In Parsee marriage songs, we see a similar variety. They begin singing about marriage events prior to the marriage day. They begin, for example, with a day long previous to the marriage day—at times a fortnight or a month before the marriage day—when the ladies of the family begin pounding the adad (અરડ) (black gram)18 for the pâpad (પાપડ).19 In the frst two marriage songs of Nargol described in my previous paper, we saw that the songs referred to occasions before the marriage, occasions when the house lady began the marriage preparations. In this paper, I give two more songs. Mâdavsarâ song This song is spoken of in Gujarati as that of murat (મુરત20), i.e., the ft time, the auspicious moment or season. The Gujarati heading of the song speaks ુ ં i.e., to be sung at the auspicious time of it as “મુરત બેર રોપતી વખતે ગાવાન,”

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of planting the bêr.21 On this occasion, the branch of a tree is planted. The tree on the Bombay side is generally a mango tree. In Bombay, the occasion is spoken of by the Parsees as Mâdavsarô (માંડવસરો), i.e., the erection of a pavilion (mândav; Sanskrit मं डप, mandap).22 I had the pleasure of seeing this ceremony of planting a branch at Navsari on the occasion of the marriage of a relative.23 The ceremony is as follows. A post is put up in a pit in the ground near the house of the bride or bridegroom, generally on the right-hand side of the house while entering. Betel leaves, betelnuts, dry date, curd, ghee or clarifed butter, a sugar cake (બતાસો), a silver coin, and a copper coin are frst put into the pit. Generally, some principal male members and four principal female members, none of whom should be a widow, touch the post when it is lowered into the ground. If there is no suffcient place for all the eight persons to touch the post, one or two may touch the post and the others may touch with their hands the body or bodies of a person or persons in the front. The post, before being put into the ground, is decorated with kanku, kharaftu, and some leaves of plants like âsâpâlô. The family priest recites an Ahunavar or Yatha Ahu Vairyo.24 On the completion of this ceremony of putting in the post, which is, as it were, the foundation laying ceremony for the pavilion, the pit is flled up, and incense is burned over the fre which is produced there on a vase. The lady guests are then presented with sugar cakes (batâsâ) and the male guests with fowers and cocoanuts. In some Parsee villages, the post is not of dry wood but of a green branch of a tree. Even when a wooden post is put in, a fresh branch or a cluster of fresh leaves of a tree are attached to the post. A Gujarati document of 1631 A.C. mentions the fee of the priest who offciated such a marriage murat ceremony at Rs. 1.25 In many cases, though the necessity of the observance of a peculiar custom ceases, people stick to the custom in a lesser or abbreviated or symbolic form. We fnd an instance of this in our present case. Formerly, in Parsee villages, the people generally celebrated all the marriage festivities near their houses and in their own streets. So a pavilion and the above accompanying ceremonies or customs for laying the foundation of the pavilion were necessary. Nowadays, public places, like the All-Bless Bãg in Bombay, are provided for all marriage celebrations. But still, some people, though they do not erect pavilions, perform this mandap planting ceremony. The following song is sung at Nargol on this occasion. I give the text as received by me from Nargol. મુહરત બેર રોપતી વખતે ગાવ.ું ુ ે 1. માહર સનાના ધારણા રોફી આંર,ે માહરે રૂપઈઆના જડેઆ વળોટ માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 2. માહરે સાગનાં સાગટારે નાખીઆ, ં માહરે પાટલીઆના જડેઆ પકવાસા માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે .

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi ૂ 3. માહરે કાચના ં ં તે નલીઆં ચહડાવીઆં, દધલીઆના વરસીઆ મેઘરે માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 4. માહરે કુંકાના ં કારા નાખે ં આર,ે દહી થરે ચડે આ પીંડોર માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 5. કાચી તે ઈટનાં આંગણાર ં ે , ઓસરીએ થાલેઆ કાચરે માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 6. ઉંબર પર વારે ઓ આંછીઓ,26 બરસાકે લાગે આંસ27 માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 7. માહરા ખડકીએ મોતીના સાતીઆ,28 ઉભે પાટે વારે આ પાટ, માડવડો મોતીએ રચીઓરે . 8. માહરા કોણજી આવેઆ રે , કોણજી આવસેરે - માહરા કોણજીની જોવરુંે લગીવાટ - છે ડારે છંટી પાઘડી રે . 9. માહરા ઘેર ધણી જી આવેઆરે , ભાઈ અથવા સગો જી આવસેરે, ત્ીજો ભાઈ અથવા સગો જીની જોવરુંે લગીવાટ, છે ડારે છટી પાઘડીરે : એવીજ રીતે આગલ બીજં નામો હોય તે લેવા.ં (Translation) 1. I have planted golden props.29 I have put up silver ropes (પલોટ).30 I have decorated the pavilion31 (or the bower or arbour) with pearls. 2. I put up rafters32 of timber. I fxed lathes of planks.33 I have decorated the pavilion with pearls. 3. I put up glass tiles over it. There rained the rain of milk. I have decorated the pavilion with pearls. 4. I put up the mixture for plaster34 with turmeric powder. I put up the layers35 with curdle. I decorated the pavilion with pearls. 5. The courtyards are (made) of raw bricks. Steps are (made) of glass (or crystal). I have decorated the pavilion with pearls, 6. I performed the ãchoo minchu36(આછું મીછું) on the threshold. On the door frame37 are put up the besmearing marks.38 My pavilion is decorated with pearls. 7. In the frst front room of my house,39 there are auspicious marks40 made of pearls (i.e., pearl powder). There seats41 are arranged in a proper sitting42 position. My pavilion is decorated with pearls. 8. My “so and so43 has come. My “so and so” will come. I am waiting for my “so and so.” Skirts and turbans44 are coming in a loose line.45 9. My so and so has come; my so and so will come. I am waiting for so and so.46

A few marriage songs of the Parsees, Part II

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The Song for the Winnowing of Wheat The next song is that sung at the time of cleaning the wheat in winnowing fans. The song is spoken of as for that of holding the winnowing fans into ે One of the processes for the marriage celebration the hand (હાથ સુપડા ં ધર). is to prepare four, some days before the marriage, for the marriage feasts. The house lady sings in the song that (i) she went to the market and bought wheat; (ii) brought it to the house in carts; (iii) emptied the carts in the front of the house; (iv) cleaned the wheat in winnowing fans; (v) collected it in round wicker baskets; (vi) then, taking it little by little in trays, removed pebbles or dirt from it; and (vii) collected the wheat, so cleaned, in earthen vessels, and then grinded it, while singing in the company of her neighbour friends. The winnowing fans must be quite new. They are decorated with turmeric (હલદના ખરપટા). Strings of fowers (તોરણ) are hanging at the two ends of the front side. They contain dry date, betelnut, a turmeric piece (હલદનો ગાંઠીઓ), and a piece of the kernel of a cocoanut. Four ladies hold in their hands the winnowing fans, and, while singing the song, winnow the above articles and exchange the fans from one’s hands to another’s. They exchange the winnowing fans fve times. The frst part of the song is rather diffcult to understand well. I give below this song sung during the winnowing of the wheat. હાથ સુપડા ં ધરે તે વખતે ગાવ.ું ુ સેરી સાંધ સપડાર ુ ે, 1. હંુ ગઈતી હાટડા ુ રે મને લાધો ગહલાનો છોડ-માદરીઆ જો ધમે ુ ુ ે ત ું સાધરણીઆ 2. ધમર ં રાત, માહરે ઘેરે સોહરે લોરે 47 ... ... 3. સોહર ુ ે લો એને ઘેરેબાર, (પરણતી ક્નયા) બાઈએ આણેઓરે ... 4. ગાડે ઘાલી,48 ગહુ ં આણેઆ, રે ડીઆ ઓસરી બાહરરે ... ુ ુ ે 5. સપડે ગહંુ સોયર49 સાંનસવડાર, ે ે ... ... રે ડીઆ ટોપલાં માહર ુ ઘહંુ ચટીઆ ું 6. થાલીએ મકી ે ે ... ... રે ડીઆ માટલાં માહર 7. પડોસણ માડીઓ ં ઘટાનો ં રાગ, મેં માડીઓ ઘંટીનો રાગ ... ... 8. પડોસણે પાડી ભરકડીરે , મેં પાડી મેં દોલા કણકરે ... (Translation) 1. I went to the market50 of the street51 for the purchase52 of winnowing fans. I found53 a plant of wheat like54 colour. There move55 the madaryas.56

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2. You wander for the (whole) night, you wanderers.57 I have Sohrelo58 in my house. There move the madaryas. 3. Sohrelo is at his proper house. He is brought (i.e., won) by. …59 There move the madaryas. 4. I brought (from the market) wheat in carts and emptied them on the outside of the steps.60 There move the madaryas. 5. The wheat is put into61 the winnowing fans. It is. …62 It (i.e., the wheat) is then put into round baskets. There move about the madaryas. 6. The wheat are put into trays and the stony particles are removed.63 They are then emptied into earthen pots. The madaryas are wandering. 7. My neighbour64 began the song of a bell.65 I began the song of a handmill. The madaryas are wandering. 8. My neighbour produced (by her grinding) coarse four66 and I produced fne wheaten four.67 The madaryas are wandering.

Notes 1 They are the following: (a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (j)

Bridegroom’s betrothal. A brother sending presents to a sister on the occasion of her children’s marriage. Song sung just before the marriage. Song of a mother-in-law welcoming her son-in-law. Song sung when the wedding presents are carried. Song sung when the bridegroom leaves for the bride’s house.

2 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. V, pp. 242–282. Vide my “Marriage Customs among the Parsees.” This book, Chapter 5. 3 Ibid, Vol. V, pp. 427–443. (Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part I, pp. 140–157). 4 Ibid, Vol. XIII, pp. 629–638. 5 Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition, Vol. 8, p. 496. 6 Hymen was supposed to be the son of Bacchus and Venus, or, according to others, of Apollo and one of the Muses. Having fallen in love with a girl, he followed her in the disguise of a woman, and, having once saved the girl and her party from the hands of pirates, was able to secure her love and her hand. His was a very happy married life, and so, he was often invoked in marriage blessings and songs. Another version of his story represents him as a very unfortunate man having died on his marriage day, and so, he is supposed to have been propitiated on marriage occasions to escape ill luck. 7 Ibid. 8 Vide Beeton’s Dictionary of Ancient Art and Literature, Vol. 1, p. 428. 9 Yasna LIII, 3. 10 to wed. 11 to wed. 12 Yasna LIII, 5. 13 Ibid, 6. 14 Mill’s Gathas, S.B.E. Vol. XXXI, p. 187. 15 Epithalamion, lines 1–14, p. 587. The Globe Edition of the Complete Works of Edmund Spenser, by R. Morris, with a Memoir by J. W. Hales (1873).

A few marriage songs of the Parsees, Part II 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

37 38

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Here name of the bride is mentioned in the song. Ibid, pp. XLIX–L. અરડ, “a kind of Vetch (Dalichos Pilesus), a kind of pulse” (Belsare’s Dictionary). “A thin crisp cake made of four with spices, a sort of wafer-cake,” Gujarati and English Dictionary of Shapurji Edulji, 1863, p. 503. Sanskrit मुहत्, “a period, time (auspicious or otherwise). The period is generally that of the 1/30th part of a day of 24 hours; so it comes to 48 minutes.” The word may be another form of બીલ, “a leaf of a tree sacred to Shiva.” Or, it may be Persian bed willow, rattan. The second part of the word may be Persian sarâi, i.e., house, because the pavilion becomes for the time being a kind of house. On 12 May 1918, on the marriage of Mr. Ardeshir Kekobad Modi, at present the agent and managing director of the Navsari Electric Supply Company, Limited. For this prayer formula, vide my “Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees,” pp. 341–348. The Pahlavi Shayast la-Shayast enjoins the recital of the Ahunavar when one goes to desire a wife (mun val nishman bavîhûnastan vazlûnêt; Dr. M. B. Davar’s Text p. 99. S.B.E., Vol. V, p. 392). The Rivâyets also speak of this recital on marriage occasions (vide M. R. Unwalla’s Rivayat of Darab Hormuzdyar, with my Introduction, pp. 13, 118. . For this fee and other payments to priests on various social and domestic occasions, vide my article on “The Parsees,” in Mr. R. E. Enthoven’s Tribes and Castes of Bombay, Vol. III, p. 213. આંછીઓ=આંછં મીછં કીધ.ું આંસ=ખરપટા. સાતીઆ=ચોક. ધારણ, a prop or support of a house. વલોટ. I think the word is the same as વરોત, “a large rope.” માંડવ, મંડપ, an open building, a bower. સાકત=rafters. Another form of પાટલાં, a plank. ગારા or ગાર (cf. ચુનાનો ગાર) A mixture to be used as mortar or plaster. પીંડોર. It seems to be another form of પીડલ, “a kind of white earth used to cover the walls of houses.” આછં, મીછ:ં “a ceremony performed on the occasion of admitting the bride and the bridegroom into his or her house, on the day of betrothal, marriage, or any other occasion” (Gujarati-English Dictionary, by Nowrojee Furdoonjee). Here, the word is not explained. Other Gujarati dictionaries do not give the word. I venture to derive the word as follows: આછં is “little,” another form of ઓછ.ં મીછં is from Sanskrit मच, to hinder, obstruct, annoy. So, આછં મીછં is the ceremony which symbolizes or signifes “the lessening or removing the hindrances or obstructions in married life.” In this ceremony, the lady, who welcomes, at the threshold of the house, the bride or the bridegroom on marriage occasions, or a child or adult on any other joyful occasion, places a few grains of rice, betel nuts, and water in a tray, and passing the tray three times round the head of the person welcomed, throws the articles on the ground near his feet, to signify that all evil or misfortunes in life, if any, may pass off. બારસાક or બારસાખ = a door frame. આંસ. In the copy of the marriage song supplied to me, the word આંસ is explained in a footnote as ખરપટુ, i.e., the besmearing marks on the door frame. On many occasions, the door frames are besmeared with turmeric powder and another red powder known as kankun (કુ ંકું) कु कू , “a powder prepared from turmeric coloured with lemon juice, alum, etc. for marking the forehead” (Nowrojee Furdoonjee’s Gujarati-English Dictionary). In this case, the word આંસ may be Sanskrit आस, a

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39 40

41 42 43 44

45

46

47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56

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seat. The besmearing or decorating marks are made with four fngers and are in the form of simple seats, one over another. Khadaki (ખડકી) is the verandah of a house. It also means the frst front room next to the verandah. સાતવીઓ or સાથીઓ is “an auspicious mark or sign made or painted on doors, etc.” Here, the reference is to the chok (ચોક); vide my frst paper on the Nargol Songs (Journal Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. XIII, 634. Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part IV, p.140). પાટ, પાટલો, a bench, or a form, a seat. ઉભે પાટે, i.e., in an erect position. The pâts or pâtlâs, when not used, are put aside in an inverse or upside down (ઉંધા) position. કોનજી (konji), lit., “who.” The singer means, “Mr. so and so.” The turbans are put on by various persons in various fashions. I do not understand what particular fashion is referred to. The last two couplets of the song seem to be a later addition by somebody, other than the original author, because all the seven preceding couplets ended with the repeated chorus line, માંડવરો મોતીડે રચીઓરે , while this and the next couplet—the last two coulpets—have a different ending. The signifcation is not clear. The word છટી, i.e., “got loose,” is often used in an idiomatic way, e.g., one speaks as માણસોની હાર છટી, i.e., “the row of men has got loose,” meaning, there is a long string of men coming one after another. Here the singer seems to say that guests with skirts (a kind of loose garment like pichodi, પીછોડી, put on by Hindus in Gujarat across their shoulders) and turbans have begun coming. The word turban also is used fguratively for a male, e.g., formerly one spoke as આજે ૧૦૦ પાગડી હાજર હતી; i.e., “Today there were present 100 turbans, meaning thereby that there were one hundred males present. Here the names are recited. The meaning is well-nigh the same as that of the preceding couplet. It seems that, in the preceding couplet, the singer speaks of the houselord and other relatives who are ready to receive the guests; and in this couplet, the singer speaks of some principal guests, naming them individually. If there are a number of such guests, the lines of the song are repeated. The line, મદરીઆનો ઘુમેરે , is repeated. ઘાલી=ભરી. સોયા=વહીઆ. Hât (હાટ) is “market.” Hãtdi (હાટડી) or hãtdu (હાટડુ )ં is “small market.” Seri (સેરી), a lane, a street. Sanskrit साध “to complete,” “to recover,” “to make perfect.” The word may be શોધ, search; the idea seems to be of “purchasing.” લાધવ,ું “to load,” “to be found,” “to accrue.” ગહલ ુ ો, “of a wheat like colour; brown.” ુ ,ું “to linger or hang on,” also “to blow.” ધુમવ,ું to plow, or ધમવ I do not clearly understand these words which are repeated at the end of every couplet. I submit the following notes. The word may be madavyâ je (માડવવયા જે) instead of માડરીઆ. In that case madaviyo is “a man of the bride’s party.” (M. B. Belsara’s Pronouncing and Etymological Gujarati-English Dictionary, 1895, p. 602). So the meaning would be: “The persons in the bride’s party enjoy the fun (ઘુમવ,ું to enjoy perfectly).” Or probably, the word is માદળળય,ું an amulet. The winnowing fans are decorated, and the reference is to the sound made by the decorative articles attached to the winnowing fans. I consulted Mr. Wadia of Nargol on the subject of the meaning of this line, and he is not in a position to give any satisfactory explanation. Perhaps from सं गहणी, “disorder,” i.e., “wanderers,” “loafers.” Name of the bridegroom. The author of the song has assumed this name. Other singers may mention the name of a particular bridegroom.

A few marriage songs of the Parsees, Part II 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

66 67

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Here the name of the bride is mentioned. ઓસરી, “the steps at the entrance of a dwelling house.” Sanskrit सु, “to go,” “to move.” I do not understand this part. ું The ordinary word is ચટવા , i.e., “to pick out (with the hand) stony particles from corn.” પડોસણ is “female neighbour.” ઘંટા, “bell.” The word is not to be taken here in its literal sense, because a bell is never used while grinding corn. What is meant seems to be: “My neighbour began, while grinding the corn, to sing with a loud (bell-like) voice and I began to sing in a lower tone.” We know that in India ladies generally sing while grinding corn with a hand mill. ભરકડી, from ભરડવ,ું “to grind coarsely,” what seems to have been meant is “coarse four.” મેંદોલા, from મેદો, “fne wheaten four.”

Death

9

On the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees, their origin and explanation*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Introduction Though a long period, of at least 3,000 years, has elapsed since the time when most of the religious commandments of the Parsees were frst issued, and though the community has, during that interval, seen many vicissitudes of fortune, they have adhered well-nigh faithfully to many of their ancient religious customs. Among these is their custom of the disposal of the dead, which, however peculiar it may appear to the followers of other religions, appears to them to be the most natural and acceptable, supported as it is even now by the best scientifc test of advanced sanitary science. At the bottom of their custom of disposing of the dead, and at the bottom of all the strict religious ceremonies enjoined therewith, lies the one main principle, viz., that preserving all possible respect for the dead, the body, after its separation from the immortal soul, should be disposed of in a way the least harmful and the least injurious to the living. The object of this paper is to give a brief description of the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees, a description that may interest not only the ordinary seekers after oriental knowledge but also the students who strive to fnd for most of the present custom an origin in the commandments of the original Avesta scriptures. The ceremonies and observances can be divided into two parts: (i) those that relate to the disposal of the body, and (ii) those that relate to the good of the soul. For a proper appreciation of the ceremonies of the frst kind, one has to look to the Zoroastrian or Parsee ideas of sanitation, segregation, purifcation, and cleanliness, as expressed in the Vendidad, one of their Avesta scriptures. To these must be added the idea of simplicity observed in these ceremonies which inculcates a lesson in the mind of the survivors, that, as the Persian poet sings:

Death levels everybody, whether he dies as a king on the throne or as a poor man without a bed on the ground. *

Reprinted from JASB, II (7), September 1891: 405–440.

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To understand clearly the funeral ceremonies pertaining to the soul, one must look to the notions of the Zoroastrian belief about the future of the soul. These ideas and notions will be explained in this paper in their proper places. We will frst speak of the ceremonies and observances that relate to the disposal of the body.

The disposal of the body From the moment that a man’s case is given up as hopeless, and he is found to be on the point of death, preparations are made for the disposal of the body. The apartment in the house where it is intended to place the body before its removal to its last resting place is washed clean with water. The shroud or the dress in which the body is to be clothed is also washed beforehand in the house. When a man is on the point of death, his relations send for two or more priests, who assemble round the sickbed of the dying person and say for his beneft the Patet,1 which is a prayer for the repentance of one’s sins. The priests are paid in money and corn for their attendance. If the person dying is able to join the priest in saying his last repentance prayer, or if he is able to say it himself alone, so much the better. A person who has said his repentance prayer a short time before his death is considered happier in his death than one who has not been so able. If not the whole Patet, at least the recital of the short formula of Ashem Vohû,2 short time before death, is considered very meritorious.

(Yasht, fragment XXI, 14, 15)

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Which is the one recital of Ashem, which in greatness, goodness and excellence, is equal in value to the whole of the region of Khanirath with its cattle and its leading men? Ahura Mazda replied to him, O Holy Zarathustra, truly that Ashem, which a man recites at the very end of his life, praising good thoughts, good words, and good deeds, and condemning bad thoughts, bad words, and bad deeds. In the Vendidad (Chapter XII) a longer period of mourning is enjoined to the surviving relations of a Tanu-peretha (i.e., the sinful) than to those of a Dahma (i.e., the righteous). According to tradition, the Tanu-peretha in this case is one who has not at the time of his death said his Patet prayer or has not recited the Ashem-Vohû. The Dahma is one who has said his repentance prayer or recited the Ashem Vohu. A short time before death, the dying person is sometimes made to drink a few drops of the consecrated Haôma water. Haôma being a plant emblematic of immortality, a few drops of the water prepared with its juice by the priests performing the Haôma ceremony in the Fire Temples are gently thrown into the mouth of the dying person.3 Sometimes the juice of a few grains of pomegranate, which is considered essential in some of the Parsee ceremonies, is dropped into the mouth of the dying person.4 A short time after death, the body of the deceased is washed whole throughout with water, and a white clean suit of cotton clothes is put over him. This suit of clothes is not washed by the washerman but is, as we said above, generally washed beforehand at home by some members of the family when it is seen that death is imminent. It is destroyed afterwards and never used again for any other purpose. The Kusti or sacred thread is then girded around the body by some relative reciting the Ahura-Mazda Khodâi prayer. The deceased is then placed on a white clean sheet of cotton cloth spread over the ground. Then two persons keeping themselves in touch with him sit by his side, and somebody recites an Ashem Vohû—very important prayer in Zoroastrianism—very close to his ear. The relations of the deceased now meet him for the last time. After this time, nobody is allowed to touch or come into contact with the body, which, it is supposed, now begins to fall under the infuence of a Druj-i-Nasush, i.e., the evil infuence of decomposition. It is considered unsafe to touch the body, which now begins to be decomposed, lest the touch may spread contagion and disease among the living. Only those who cover the body with a Kadan, i.e., a shroud, and the corpse bearers are allowed to come into contact with the body. If somebody happens to touch by mistake the dead body, he is prohibited from touching other persons, lest he spread contagion, before he purifes himself by the process of Rimani, which consists of washing himself by a particular method.

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The body is then entrusted to two persons who are generally trained to do this work. These two persons wash themselves, put on clean suits of clothes, perform the Kusti,5 and say the Sraosh-bâj prayer up to the word Ashahé, and then holding a Paiwand6 between them they enter into the room where the body is placed on the ground on the white sheet of cloth. The two relations who are sitting by the side of the body now leave their places and entrust it to these two persons who now proceed to cover the whole body with cloth. The only portion kept uncovered is the face. In some parts of Gujarat, even the face is covered with a Padan.7 The body is then lifted from its place by these two persons and put on slabs of stone placed in a corner of the room. The hands are arranged upon the chest crosswise. The body is never placed with its head towards the North.8 In some of the towns of Gujarat, the old Avestic method of placing the dead body on the ground is still in practice. The ground is dug out a few inches in depth and a layer of sand is spread over it. The dead body is then placed on the spot thus prepared (Vendidad v.11. VIII. 8). After placing the body on the slabs of stone or on the ground dug and prepared as above, one of the two persons draws with a metallic bar or nail three kasha or deep circles. This is intended to show that the ground within the circle is the ground temporarily set apart for the dead body and that nobody was to go to that part of the ground lest he catches contagion.9 After having thus placed the body on one side of the “room,”10 the two persons leave the house still holding the paiwand and fnish the rest of the Sraosh-baj. The next process is that of making the “Sag deed” (lit., the seeing of the dog). This consists of making a “sag” or a dog see the dead body. A four-eyed dog is spoken of in the Avesta in connection with the ceremonies of the dead. By four-eyed dog is meant a dog with two-eyes like “room,” spots just above the two eyes.11 The two persons leave the house still holding the paiwand and finish the rest of the Sraosh-baj. The Sag deed is repeated in every Guh12 as long as the body is in the house. It is performed just as the new Guh begins.13 It is enjoined that, in case a dog is not procurable, the “Sag deed” of fesh-devouring birds like the crows and vultures should be allowed; that is to say, it will do if a fesh-eating bird happens to pass and see the corpse from above

. The fesh-

eating birds fy in the direction (Vend. VII. 3). After the Sag deed, fre is brought into the room and is kept burning in a vase with fragrant sandal and frankincense. It is believed that the burning of fragrant wood over the fre destroys the invisible germs of disease in the direction in which the wind carries the fragrance.

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O holy Zarathushtra! If one carries with purity (for the fre) the Aesma (i.e., the wood) of the plant Urvâsana or Vôhugaona or Vôhukereti or Hadhânaipata14 or any other fragrant tree, the fre of Ahura-Mazda goes to fght a thousand times against the invisible evil daêvas15 in all the directions in which the wind spreads the fragrance of the fre. A priest sits before the fre and recites the Zend Avesta till the time of the removal of the body to the Tower of Silence. It is enjoined that the priest and all other persons should sit at a distance of at least three paces from the dead body. This is to ensure the health and safety of the living survivors in case the deceased had died of an infectious malady.

O Creator of the material world, at what distance from the holy man (should the place for the dead body be)?” Ahura-Mazda replied: “Three paces from the holy man. (Vend, VIII. 6. 7)

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The body is removed to the Tower of Silence any time during the day. As it is essential that the body should be exposed to the sun, it is strictly forbidden to carry it at night. The Mazdayasnâns should expose the body to the sun (Vend. V. 13).

If death takes place early at night the body is removed the next morning, but if it takes place late at night or early in the morning it is removed in the evening. In the case of an accidental death a long interval is generally allowed. The Vendidad says that in such a case the decomposition commences after one Gah (V II. 45), and therefore it is not detrimental to the health of the living to keep the body some time longer. About an hour before the time fxed for the removal of the body to the Tower of Silence, two Nasasâlârs i.e., corpse-bearers,16 clothed in perfect white, enter into the house, having performed the kusti beforehand. They have all parts of their body well covered; on even their hands they put on what is called dastânâ, i.e., a cover for the hand. The only part of their body left uncovered is their face. This is to ensure their safety against catching any infection through the uncovered part of their body, should the deceased have died of an infectious disease. They enter into the house holding a paiwand between them and carry an iron bier called gehân on which to remove the body. Wood being porous, and therefore likely to carry and spread germs of disease and infection, its use is strictly prohibited in funeral ceremonies. The corpse-bearers must be at least two, even if the deceased were a mere infant that could be carried by one man. It is strictly prohibited that the body be removed by one man. The body must be carried by two, four, six, or any such even number of men according to the weight of the deceased.

Nobody should carry the dead alone. (Vend. III. 14) A pair or the number two plays a prominent part in all the ceremonies for the disposal of the dead body, and again that pair always holds a paiwand between them. Immediately after death the body must never be left alone or accompanied by only one person. After washing it, there must be always two persons sitting by its side. Again, the persons who put on the clothes and place it on the slabs of stone must be two. Just as the corpsebearers must be two, we will see further on that the priests who say the last funeral prayers are also two in number. The persons who attend the funeral

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procession to the Tower of Silence also go in pairs holding a paiwand in the form of a handkerchief between them. A single individual can never attend the funeral procession. The injunction of having pairs in all these funeral ceremonies is intended to create a view of sympathy and mutual assistance. The corpse-bearers place the bier by the side of the dead body and take the bâj.17 They then recite the following in a suppressed tone: Be dasturii-dadar Ahura-Mazda, be dasturi-i-Amsahaspandan, be dasturi-i-Sraosh asho, be dasturi-i-Aderbad Marespand, be dasturi-i Dasturi-i in Zumune, i.e., “(We do this) according to the dictates of Ahura-Mazda, the dictates of the Ameshaspands, of the holy Sraosh, of Aderbad Marespand, and the dictates of the Dastur of the age.” Then they sit silently by the side of the dead body. If they have at all any occasion to speak, they speak with a kind of suppressed tone without opening the lips, which is said to be speaking in bâj. , i.e., the Then follows the Geh Sârnâ, recital of gâthâs, which is intended to give moral courage to the survivors to bear up with fortitude the misfortune of the loss of the deceased.

Zarathushtra asked Ahura-Mazda: O Ahura-Mazda! Most benefcent Spirit! Holy Creator of the material world! How are we to stand against the druj (evil infuence), which runs from the dead to the living? How are we to stand against the nasu (evil infuence) which carries infection from the dead to the living? Then Ahura Mazda replied, “Recite those words which are spoken twice in the gâthâs.” (Vend. X., 1, 2)

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The passage referred to is a passage at the beginning of the Ahunavaiti Gatha. Two priests perform the kusti and, after reciting the prayers for the particular gâh, go to the chamber where the dead body is placed, and standing at the door or at some distance from the body and holding a paiwand— “connection,” ritual contact between persons serving as a shield against pollution—between them, put on the padân over their face, take the bâj, and recite the Ahunaraiti gatha (Yas, eh. 28–34) which treats of Ahura Mazda, his Ameshaspentas or immortal archangels, the future life, resurrection, and similar other subjects. When they recite nearly half of the gâthâ up to Ha XXXI. 4, they cease reciting for some time. Then the Nasasalars lift the body from the slabs of stone and place it over the iron bier. Then the two priests turn to the bier and commence to recite the remaining half of the gâthâ. When the recital of the gáthâ is fnished, a Sag deed is performed once more, and then the relations and friends of the deceased, who have by this time assembled at the house, have a last look of the deceased. They, out of respect, bow before the body, which process is called sejdo. When all have had their last look and paid their respects, the corpse bearers cover up with a piece of cloth the face of the deceased which was open up to now, and with a few straps of cloth secure the body to the bier so that it may not fall down while being lifted or carried. Then they lift up the bier, and getting out of the house entrust it to other corpse bearers who wait outside the house. The number of these carriers varies according to the weight of the body to be lifted up. Before lifting up the body, they also take the Baj and arrange themselves in pairs of two, holding the paiwand between them. Immediately after the body is removed from the house, the Nirang (urine of the cow) is besprinkled over the slabs of stone on which the body was placed and over the way by which the corpse bearers carried the body out of the house. It is believed that the Nirang possesses some disinfecting properties and that therefore it destroys the germs of impurity and disease, if any, at the place where the decomposing body was placed so long.18 For this reason, the Nirang plays a prominent part in cleaning impurities attached to things that have come into contact with the decomposing body of men and animals. These things are asked to be frst purifed or washed with the Nirang and then with water (Vend. VII. 74–75). Utensils or articles of furniture made of wood, clay, or porcelain, that have come into contact with a decomposing body, are condemned altogether. Being porous they are held to have caught the germs of impurity from the dead body and are therefore unsafe for domestic purposes (Vend. VII. 75). When the bier leaves the house, out of respect for the deceased, the whole assembly, or generally the elders, follows the bier for some distance from the house or up to the end of the street. There they make a last bow to the deceased and stand by the side of the road. Those relatives and friends who wish to accompany the funeral procession to the Tower of Silence follow the bier at a distance of at least 30 paces, and the rest return to the house.

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Immediately the family priest and other priests and sometimes the head of the family make salutations to the assembly which then disperses. All those who follow the bier to the Tower of Silence are clothed in white full-dress. They arrange themselves in pairs of two, hold a paiwand between them, take the Bâj, and silently march to the Tower. The procession is headed by two priests.

“Oh Holy Creator of the material world, how does the road from which a dead man or a dead dog is carried become passable for cattle, etc.?” “First the Athravan (i.e., the priest) should pass by the road reciting the victorious words (of Yathâ-Ahu Vairyo and Kemna Mazda).” (Vend. VIII., 14, 19–21) When the bier reaches the Tower, it is put on the ground, and the Nasasalars uncover the face of the body. Those who have accompanied the funeral procession pay their last respects and have a last look from a distance of at least three paces. Then the Sag deed is once more performed. In the meantime the gate of the Tower, which is closed with an iron lock, is opened. The two Nasasalars, who had at frst brought out the bier from the house, now lift up the bier and carry it into the Tower. They remove the body from the bier and place it on one of the pavis.19 They then remove the clothes from the body of the deceased and leave the person stark naked there (Vend. VIII. 10).

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Two powerful persons may carry him and place him naked without any clothes on this earth, on clay, bricks, stone and mortar.

The body must be so exposed and left naked that it may draw towards it the eye of the fesh-devouring birds and may fall easy prey to them so that the sooner it is devoured the lesser the chance of further decomposition, and the greater the sanitary good and safety. The clothes thus removed are never used for any purpose whatever but are thrown in a pit outside the Tower where they are destroyed by the continued action of heat, air, and rain. In Bombay they are also destroyed by sulphuric acid. The corpse-bearers are not allowed to remove the clothes from the body of the deceased with their hands, lest they may catch contagion from the decomposing body and be the means of spreading in the town. They are enjoined to do so by means of metallic hooks and instruments with which they are provided. We may as well say here that the Nasasalars, who come into contact with the dead body and carry it into the Tower, are generally provided with separate buildings to stay in (Vend. III. 19). They are not allowed to go to the Atash-Beherams, i.e., the chief Fire Temples which are frequented by a large number, until they purify themselves by a Barashnum which requires several washings and segregation, and retreat for nine days and nights. In public feasts they are not allowed to take their meals with the rest. When the Nasasalars have done their work in the Tower, they get out and lock the gate which is always made of iron. On a notice being given to all those who have accompanied the funeral procession, and who have by this time taken their seats at some distance from the Tower, that the Nasasalars have fnished their work, all get up from their seats and fnish the bâj, i.e., recite the rest of the Sraosh-bâj, which, while taking the bâj, they had recited only up to the word “Ashahe.” The pairs now leave off the paiwands and recite a short prayer, which says:

We repent of all our sins. Our respects to the souls of the departed. We remember here the spirits of the holy. They then take the Nirang, wash their faces and the exposed portion of their body, perform the Kusti, and say the Patet or the repentance prayer, mentioning the name of the deceased in the last portion of the prayer, and thus

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ask the forgiveness of God upon the deceased. This being done, all return home and take a bath before following their ordinary avocations.

Tower of Silence The Towers of Silence are generally built on tops of hills or on an elevated ground.

“O Holy Creator of the material world! Where are we to carry the bodies of the dead? O Ahura Mazda? Where are we to place them?” Ahura Mazda replied, “O Spitama Zarathustra, on the most elevated place.” (Vend VI. 44, 45) On such an elevated place a spot apart from human dwellings is chosen for the Tower. Its construction all along is just in accord with the view held in the performance of the ceremonies for the disposal of the dead, viz., the sanitary view which enjoins that while disposing of the dead body with all respect due to the deceased, no injury or harm should be done to the living. The Tower is a round massive structure built throughout of solid stone. A few steps from the ground lead to an iron gate which opens in a circular platform of solid stone, with a circular well in the centre. [Modi reproduces here a description of the tower as given in Bomanjee Byramjee Patell’s paper, “Notes on the Towers of Silence in India,” published in JASB in June 1889; chapter 10 in this book, pp. 139–149. Editors]. The construction of a Tower is accompanied by religious ceremonies which are performed at different times during the progress of the structure, and are therefore divided into three classes: (i) the ceremony of digging the ground; (ii) the Tãnã ceremony, or the ceremony of laying the foundation; and (iii) the consecration ceremony, after which the Tower is laid open for public use. (1) In the centre of the spot chosen for a Tower a priest encloses a certain place with a pavi20 and thereon performs the Baj ceremonies: in honour

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of Sraosha the guardian angel guiding the souls of the deceased, in honour of Ahura-Mazda; of Spenta-Armaiti the Archangel presiding over land, a portion of which is now being enclosed for the construction of the Tower; of Ardafrosh, i.e., all the departed souls; and of Haft Ameshas-pands, i.e., the seven archangels. Having performed the prayers and ceremonies the priest digs with his own hand a part of the ground required for the tower. (2) A few days later, when the whole of the necessary spot of ground is excavated by the labourers, two priests perform in the morning the Tânâ ceremony for laying the foundation of the Tower. The ceremony is so called from the fact of Tânâ, a very fne thread, being used to mark out the circumference of the Tower for the laying of the foundation. One hundred and one21 fne threads are woven into one strong thread or string. The thread so prepared should be as long as would suffce to go round the circumference three times.22 Some time before its use this thread is made pâv,23 i.e., washed, purifed, and dried. To hold this thread, the priests have to fx in the excavated ground 301 nails of different sizes. After saying the Sraosh bâj prayer up to Ashahê, they proceed to fx the 301 nails, reciting the Yatha Ahu Vairyo while fxing each nail. These nails are placed in different directions and lines pointing to the position of the underground drains and wells of the Tower referred to in the construction of the Tower. The thread is then passed around these nails, and is not allowed to touch the ground. All this is intended to mark out the ground for the Tower and for the different parts of its construction. (3) The consecration ceremony lasts for four days. The Tower is surrounded by a Pavi, and in the central well of the Tower called the Bhandâr, two priests perform the Yasna ceremonies during the day in the Hâvan Gâh, and the Vendidad ceremonies at night in the Ushahin Gâh for three consecutive days. These ceremonies are in honour of the angel Sraosha, who is guiding the soul of a deceased person for three days and nights after death. On the morning of the fourth day or the opening day of the Tower, a Yasna ceremony is performed in honour of Ahura Mazda. Then the Bâj and Afringân ceremonies are performed in honour of Ahura Mazda, of Ardafarosh, i.e., the departed souls, of Spendarmad, i.e., the Yazata presiding over mother-earth, a portion of which is now occupied for laying the dead upon, and of Sraosha. In the Afringan ceremony, known as the Jashan24 ceremony, which is performed in the presence of a large number of the community assembled to witness it, the name of the donor at whose expense the Tower is built is mentioned and the blessings of God invoked upon him. If the Tower is constructed by the donor in honour of, or to commemorate the memory of, a deceased relation, the name of that relation is publicly mentioned. When the ceremony is over, the Parsees assembled to go into the Tower

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to see it, and throw into the central well, gold, silver, or copper coins, as their mite, in the expenses of the construction of the Tower. Some throw even their rings and ornaments. These go to make up the sum necessary for building the Tower, if it is built at the expense of the Anjuman or the whole community. If it is built at the expense of a generous donor, the amount thus collected goes to the head priest of the district in whose ecclesiastical jurisdiction the town lies.

After the disposal of the body We have described at great length the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees up to the time of the disposal of the body in the Tower. We have also described at length the construction of the Tower of Silence and the ceremonies accompanying it. It appears that at the bottom of good many of them lies a great solicitude, on the part of the great lawgiver who framed the rules and dictated the ceremonies, to attend to the sanitary welfare of the survivors. At frst sight, the details may appear irksome, but from the standpoint of sanitation and health, most of them, though enjoined about 3,000 years ago, appear essential and indispensable. Every precaution is enjoined, so that in disposing of the dead body no contamination or injury may result to the surviving public. After a certain time after death, no man, except the offcial corpse-bearers, is allowed to touch the dead body or to come into any contact with it. If somebody accidentally or unavoidably does touch the body, he is enjoined to keep himself aloof from others and not to touch them before he bathes and undergoes a prescribed ceremonial of different washings. Not only should a man not come into contact with the dead body, but even utensils and other articles of furniture should be kept away from the corpse. If the wearing clothes have been defled by the sweat, vomit, etc., of the dead, they should be altogether rejected and destroyed (Vend. VII. 13). If not defled, they may be purifed by the Gaomez25 (cow’s urine) and water. If the clothes are made of leather, they must be washed thrice with Gaomez, rubbed with dry earth thrice, washed with water thrice, and exposed for three months in the air before being used again. If they are made of woven cloth, which is more porous than leather and therefore likely to carry more germs of disease and infection, the above process of cleaning and washing must be repeated six times, and they must be exposed to air for a period of six months (Vend. VII. 14, 15). The clothes thus purifed cannot be used again even for religious purposes or for ordinary domestic purposes, but they can be used for other petty purposes (Vend. VII. 18, 19). Utensils for domestic purposes, if they have come into contact with a dead body, require to be washed several times according to the specifc gravity of the metal of which they are made. If the utensil is made of gold it requires one washing with Gaomez and water and a rubbing with dry earth. A utensil of silver, which is more porous than gold and therefore likely to

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carry more contagion, requires two similar cleanings and washings. An iron one requires three, a zinc one four, and a stone one six washings. A utensil of porcelain, wood, or clay is to be condemned altogether. In the same way, if accidentally a dead body happens to come into contact with stores of grain or of drinking water, it is enjoined to reject and condemn a certain quantity in the approximate vicinity of the body. Thus, at the bottom of all religious injunctions and restrictions in connection with the funeral ceremonies and the disposal of the dead body lies the sanitary principle of segregation and prevention of contamination and infection and the idea of observing simplicity and equality. We will now speak of some of the observances attended to in the house even after the removal of the corpse. They also point to the same end. After the removal of the body to the Tower all the members of the family are required to bathe. Fire is kept burning for three days at the spot where the body was placed before removal. Fragrant sandal and incense are burnt over it. We have spoken above about the good attributed to the fre in destroying the germs or the disease lurking at the spot where the decomposing body was placed. Again, the spot where the body was placed before removal is set apart and not used for some time. Nobody is allowed to go to the spot for a period of ten days, if the season at the time is winter, and for a period of thirty days, if the season is summer when the decomposition and contamination are generally more rapid. Near the spot where the body was placed, a lamp is kept burning for a period of nine days or thirty days accordingly as it is winter or summer. In a small pot full of water fresh fowers are kept and changed every morning and evening. On the expiry of the above period the chamber is washed throughout. For three days after death, the family abstains from every kind of meat, and takes food chiefy consisting of vegetables and fsh, which is called parhizi ( , i.e., abstinence). Not only do the family but even nearest and dearest friends abstain from meat diet. The abstinence is observed as a sign of mourning. Up to recently in Bombay, and even now in some of the mofussil towns, no food is cooked in the house where death has taken place. The nearest relations of the family prepare the food for the bereaved family and send it over to their place.

Ceremonies for the good of the soul We will now speak of the funeral ceremonies performed for the good of the soul after the disposal of the body. According to Parsee scriptures, the soul of a dead person remains within the precincts of this world for three days. In this state it sees before itself a picture of its past deeds. If it is the soul of a pious person, it sees a beautiful picture of its deeds in the past life and feels happy and joyful. If it is the soul

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of a wicked person, it sees a horrible picture of its past deeds and shudders and feels unhappy at the sight and feels at a loss where to go.

(Yasht Fragment XXII. Had. Nusk. 1–6) Zarathushtra asked Ahura-Mazda, “O Ahura Mazda, Benefcent Spirit, Holy Creator of the material world! When a pious man dies, where dwells his soul for that night? Where for the second night? Where for the third night?” Then Ahura Mazda replied, “It remains at the place of his body singing the Ustavaiti Gâthâ (song of congratulation) asking for blessedness thus: ‘Blessedness to him to whom Ahura Mazda of his own will grant blessedness.’” “If it is the soul of a wicked man it remains within the precincts of this world for three nights, remembering all the wickedness of its past life and feeling at a loss where to go.” (Had. Nusk. 20)

“Oh Ahura Mazda! To what land shall I turn, where shall I go?”

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The soul of a man thus remains within the precinct of this world for three days. The number three is a sacred number, because it reminds one of the three principal precepts of the Mazdayasnan religion upon which the whole of its moral structure rests. Humata, Hukhta, and Huarashta, i.e., good thoughts, good words, and good deeds form as it were a pivot upon which the moral philosophy of the Zoroastrian religion turns. Think of nothing but the truth; speak nothing but the truth, and do nothing but what is right; and you are saved. Your good thoughts, good words, and good deeds will be your saviours in the next world. Therefore, it is that three days after death the soul of a man directs itself towards paradise with three steps of Humata, Hukhtu, and Huarashta. On the other hand, the soul of a wicked man directs itself to hell with three steps of Daslmata, Duzukhta, and Duzvarshta, i.e., evil thoughts, evil words, and evil actions.

The frst step which the soul of a pious man advanced, he placed in Humata (good thoughts). The second step which the soul of a pious man advanced, he placed in Hukhta (good words). The third step which the soul of a pious man advanced, he placed in Huarashta (good deeds). (Yasht fragment XXII. 15) Now for the three days and nights that a soul is believed to remain within the precincts of this world, it is under the special protection of Sraosha Yazata. The angel Sraosh is a guardian deity over the souls of men. He is a guardian angel whom the Almighty has appointed to guide the souls of men while living and even when dead.

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O beautiful, holy Sraosh! Protect us here in these two lives, in these two worlds, in this world which is material, in that which is spiritual. (Yasna LVII. 25). As Sraosh is the protector of the soul in this world, all the prayers of a Zoroastrian begin with a Sraosh-baj, which is a prayer for the Khshnuman of Sraosh. It is for this reason that Sraosh Yasht (Yasna LVII) is generally recited by a Parsee at night before going to bed, praying that his soul be under the protection of the angel when he is asleep. As the soul is under the protection of Sraosh for three days after death, when it is still within the precincts of this world. The religious ceremonies for the soul of the dead during the frst three days are performed in honour of or for the Khshnuman of Sraosh. This angel is specially implored by the relations of the deceased to protect his soul. We will now describe these ceremonies in honour of Sraosh performed for the frst three days. At the commencement of every Gâh, two or more priests and the relatives of the dead say the Sraosh-bâj and the prayers of the particular Gâh, and in the end the Patet (prayer of penance) or the repentance prayer which is also with the Khshnuman of Sraosh, asking the forgiveness of God upon the shortcomings of the deceased. At night at the commencement of the Aiwisruthrem Gâh two priests perform the Afringân ceremony in honour of Sraosh. They sit on a carpet face to face with a vase or fre and a metallic tray between them. The senior priest who has the tray before him is from =Sanscrit हु, to called Zaoti, performer of ceremonies ( perform a ceremony). The other who has a vase of fre before him is called the Atravakhshi (fre-priest). The metallic tray contains a pot of pure water and a few fowers, eight of which are arranged in a particular order. Two of them point to the fre, and the remaining six are arranged in two rows of three each, pointing to one another and in a line at right angles to the line in which the frst two are arranged. The Zaota begins the Afringân with what is called a Dibâchê i.e., introduction, which is a prayer in the Pazend language, wherein he invokes the protection of the angel Sraosh upon the soul of the deceased, whom he names in the prayer. When the Dibâchê is recited, both the priests recite together the seventh Kardê or section of the Sraosh Yasht (LVII. 15–19), which sings the praise of the angel for the protection it affords. Besides these prayers and ceremonies, which are performed for three days and nights at the house of the deceased, the Yasna prayers, and sometimes the Vendidad with the Khshnuman of Sraosh, are recited at the adjoining Fire Temples for three successive mornings. These Yasna prayers and the Baj ceremonies with the Khshnuman of Sraosh can be performed only at the Fire Temples. In the Uziran Gah of the third day a ceremony is

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performed, which is called the Oothãmnã (ઉઠામણા). The friends and relatives of the deceased and a few priests meet together in an assembly . The particular prayers of the Gah, the Sraosh Hadokht (Yasht XI), and the Patet are recited. A Pazend prayer with the Khshuuman of Sraosh is recited, wherein the name of the deceased is announced and the protection of Sraosh is implored for him. This ceremony and assembly are very important because at the end of the ceremony the relations and friends of the deceased generally announce liberal donations to charity funds for the nayat (ન્ાત, o) the deceased and to commemorate his name. During the fve years, 1884 to 1889, the Parsee community of India has given about 40 lakhs of rupees to a public charity. Of this sum, about more than half was announced at these funeral gatherings of the third day after death. The Parsees have another custom of commemorating the name of its deceased person if he is a great public benefactor. At the conclusion of the above Oothãmnã ceremony on the third day, the head priest generally, or i.e., a leader of the community, proposes in his absence an akabar before the assembled Anjuman i.e., the public assembly, that the name of the deceased public benefactor, whose benefaction or good deeds he enumerates, be commemorated by the community consenting to remember the name of the deceased in all the public Oothãmnã religious ceremonies. This proposal is sometimes seconded by somebody, or very often it is just placed before the assembly without any formal seconding. When nobody opposes that proposal, silence is taken as consent, and henceforth the name of the deceased is recited and his soul is remembered in all public religious ceremonies. If the deceased public benefactor has done benevolent acts for the good of the whole Parsee community, in whatever part of the world they are, his name is recited and remembered by the whole community. If the deceased has done good and benevolent acts for the good of the community of his own particular town or district, the Anjuman of that town or district alone begins to invoke his name in the religious ceremonies. For example, the name of Sir Jamshedji Jeejeebhoy, the frst Parsee Baronet, who rose from very poor circumstances to be a merchant prince of India, and who gave large sums of money in charity, not only for his own co-religionists but for all sections of the mixed community of India, is remembered in the religious ceremonies by the whole Parsee community in India. This custom26 is a very old one. It had its origin in the old Avesta times. The Fravardin Yasht contains a long list of the departed worthies of old Iran who had, before the time that the Yasht was written, done some benevolent acts for the good of the Mazdayasnan community. The Afrin-iRapithvan, written later on in the Pazend language, contains a few names of such illustrious departed worthies. The formulae used for this purpose have varied at different times. The formula used in the Fravardin Yasht is

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; i.e., we invoke the Fravashi of the holy Yima of Vivanghana. The formula used in the Pazend Afrin is ; i.e., may the holy spirit of the Emperor Kae-Vaslasp be one with us in the ceremony. The formula used now in the Pazend Dibâchê or the Afringan is i.e., may Behedin,27 Jamshed Behedin Rustom28 of a pious soul, be remembered here. The honour of thus remembering the name of a deceased person in public religious ceremonies was considered the greatest honour that a grateful community could bestow upon a person after his death for the good that he had conferred upon his fellow brothers. If the deceased is of the age of 15 and has left no son, it is necessary that a son should be given to him in adoption. The adopted son generally belongs to a nearly related family. The name of the son thus adopted is declared publicly before the assembly. The dawn after the third night after death is considered a great and solemn occasion. As we said above, the soul of a man remains within the precincts of this world for three days. On the dawn after the third night it goes to the other world. The soul passes over a bridge called Chinvat.

The soul goes to the holy Chinvat Bridge created by Mazda, which is an old path of times immemorial, and which is for the wicked as well as for the holy. There they ask the soul (to account) for its deeds done in this material world. (Vend. XIX. 29)

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The bridge is guarded by the angel Mithra.

(When) the third night ends and the dawn shines, the well armed Mithra appears at the suffciently happy mountain. This angel who is known in the later books as Meher Daver; i.e., Meher the Judge, is assisted by Rashne, the angel of Justice, and Astâd, the angel of Truth. They judge the actions of the man done in the past life. If his good deeds overweigh, even by a small particle, his misdeeds, his soul is allowed to pass over the bridge to paradise.29 If his good deeds are equal to his misdeeds the soul goes to a place called Hameshta-gehan30 (Vend. XIX. 36). If his misdeeds outweigh his good deeds, even by a particle, he is cast down into hell. Thus the dawn after the third night after death is the occasion when the soul of the man is judged by the Meher Daver, the Judge, assisted by Rashne Rast, the angel of Justice, and Astâd, the angel of Truth. Therefore, it is considered a very important and solemn occasion for the performance of religious ceremonies for the good of the soul of the deceased. The ceremonies performed in the Uziran Gâh on the previous day are repeated, and the Afringân and Bâj prayers and ceremonies are performed in addition. This being the time of the judgement of the man’s deeds, his relations and friends pray for God’s mercy on the soul of the deceased. Man is liable to err, and therefore they implore the blessings and mercy of the Almighty on this particular occasion when his deeds are judged by the angel Meher assisted by Rashne and Astâd. The Bâj ceremonies on this occasion are recited in honour of the angels who have an important share in connection with this occasion. The frst Bâj is in honour of the angels Rashnê and Astâd together who help the Meher. The second is in honour of Râm-Khâstra, who is the angel presiding on the rarifed atmosphere or ether. This is because, when a man dies, the soul of a good pious man passes away to the higher regions in the form of, or with the help of, this Râm-Khâstra. The third Bâj is in honour of Ardâfarosh, i.e., in honour of the spirits of all the departed souls, whose rank the particular deceased for whom the ceremony is performed, has joined. The fourth Bâj is in honour of Sraosh who has guided and guarded the soul of the deceased in its sojourn to the other world after death. When

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the Bâj of Ardâfarosh is recited, a suit of white clothes, together with the sacred bread and other sacrifcial articles, is placed before the priest. This suit of clothes is called “Shiav.” It is the Vastra in the word VastraVata of the Fravardin Yasht.

Who will praise us with clothes in hand? (Frav. Yasht. XIII. 49). This suit of clothes is generally given to the priest or to the poor. The other principal occasions on which the Afringân Bâj ceremonies are enjoined to be performed in honour of the dead are the Cheharum, Dehum, Siroz, and Shalroz, i.e., the fourth day, the tenth day, the thirtieth day, and a year after the death, respectively. According to the Zoroastrian belief, the relation between a pious deceased and his surviving relations does not altogether cease after death. His holy spirit continues to take some interest in his dear living ones. If the surviving relatives cherish his memory, remember him with gratefulness, try to please him with pious thoughts, pious words, and pious deeds, it is likely that these invisible departed spirits will take an interest in their welfare and assist them with an invisible helping hand. The most essential requisite by which a surviving relative can please the holy spirits of his departed dear ones is this, that he should be pious in thoughts, words, and deeds, and that he should perform meritorious charitable deeds. We read in Yasna (Ha. XVI. 7):

We praise the brilliant deeds of piety in which the souls of the deceased delight. For this reason, it is not unusual among the Parsees that on the abovementioned occasions of the third, fourth, tenth, and thirtieth day, and on the anniversaries after death, they give food and clothing to the poor of their community, and sometimes give various sums in charity. These occasions are, further, the occasions on which the surviving relatives remember the deceased with feelings of gratitude, respect, and love and pray to God that his soul may rest in peace and tranquility.

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It appears from all this description that the funeral ceremonies of the Parsees produce in the minds of the survivors a great solicitude for the health of the living, respect for the dead, feelings of gratitude and love towards the deceased, and ideas of morality and virtue inculcated by the thoughts that death levels everybody, and that one should always be prepared for death which may overtake him at any moment.

Notes 1 Patet is Z. from and to go; lit., going back, hence, repentance. 2 As Dr. West says, it is like the Pater Noster of some Christians. It may be thus translated, “Piety is the best good and happiness. Happiness to him who is pious for the best piety.” 3 A plant called Haôma-i-Sephid, i.e., white Haôma is held to be the emblem of the immortality of the soul. This plant reminds one of the “Tree of Life” of the Christian scriptures in the garden of Eden and of the Sidra or Lotus of the Mahomedan scriptures in heaven near the seat of the Almighty (The Qur’an LIII., 14–20, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. IX, p. 152). As the “Tree of Life” is guarded by the Cherubim and the Sidra by 70,000 angels, so is the plant of Haôma-i-Sephid guarded by 99,999 Fravashis or the guardian spirits. 4 Nowadays these ceremonies before death are not performed by all. 5 The ceremony of performing the kusti consists of three processes: (i) to wash with water the uncovered portions of the body such as face and hands, and the feet if uncovered; (ii) to ungird the Kusti or the sacred thread from the waist after the recital of a prayer called Kem nâ Mazdâ (Yasna Ha. 46, s.7 Ha. 44, s. 16; Vendidad VIII, 2l and Ha. 49, s. 10); and then (iii) to put it on again, with the recital of prayers, Ahura-Mazda Khodâi and Jasamê avanghaê Mazda is no ahmi (Ha. XII. 8 and 9). It is essential to perform the kusti before saying a prayer, before meals, and after answering the calls of nature. 6 To hold a paiwand means to be in close contact or touch. This is done by holding a piece of cloth or cotton tape between two persons, to show that they are associated or joint in doing a thing. 7 Padân is Z. paitidâna. It is a piece of white cotton cloth which the Parsee priests put on over the face when they go before the sacred fre, or when they say their prayers before the fre or other sacred things. This is intended to prevent the small particles of saliva of the mouth defling the sacred things before them. 8 In all the ceremonies of the Parsees the north side is as a rule generally avoided. The children in the initiating Naôjôt ceremony (i.e., the ceremony for the investiture of the sacred shirt and thread), the marrying couple at the time of the Âsirvad or marriage-blessing ceremony, and the priests in all their religious ceremonies, never sit with their faces turned towards the north. The old Iranians had a natural hatred for the North side, from which proceeded all kinds of danger and evils, whether climatic, physical or mental.

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This Druj Nasush runs from the northern directions in the form of a fy. (Vend. VII, 2).

To him blows the wind from the northerly direction from the more northern sides, stinking, more stinking than other winds. (Yasht fragment XXII 25) The winds from the northern cold regions brought sickness and death. Again, the marauders from Mâzinderân and other adjoining regions in the north brought destruction and death in many Iranian families. These people of the North were depraved in many moral qualities. On the other hand, the South was considered a very auspicious side. The winds from the south were healthy and invigorating. Coming from the southern seas they brought ram and plenty.

As the wind blowing hard from the south purifes the all round. (Vend. III. 42) The wind blowing towards the soul of a virtuous man when it passes on the dawn of the third night after death to heaven is said to come from the south and is sweet-scented and fragrant.

To him the wind blows, from the southerly direction, from the more southern sides, sweet scented, more sweet scented than other winds (Yusht. frag. XXII. Hadokt Nusk 7). 9 It appears from the Avesta that in ancient Persia every house was provided with a separate apartment for placing the dead body before its removal to the Tower of Silence. Again, every street had a house for the common use of all the poor residents of the street. The inmates of the houses in the street which had not special convenient apartment for placing the dead bodies, carried them to this house set apart for the common use of all the residents of the street. Then Ahura Mazda said, in every house, in every street, they should make three “Katas” (separate parts) for the dead (Vend. V. 10).

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

It is said that even now such separate houses are provided in Persia in the Parsee quarters, where every family removed the dead relation before carrying him to the Tower of Silence. The place is known as Margzad. It is said that even in India in the mofussil towns of Gujarat such separate houses were provided in the Parsee streets. These houses were known as Nassâ-Khãnê i.e., a house for the corpse. Every Parsee town has even now a Nassâ-Khãnê, but it is now used only as a depot for keeping the biers for carrying the dead upon, the slabs of stone on which the body is placed before its removal, and as the residence of the corpse bearers. 10 It is enjoined that the place to be chosen for such apartments or houses for the dead should be free from dampness, and should be the least frequented by men and animals, and be far away from where the religious ceremonies are performed.

Then Ahura Mazda said that (they must choose) in the house of a Mazdayasna the most clean and the most dry place which is the least frequented by cattle and beasts of burden, by the fre of Ahura-Mazda, by the Barsom spread through piety and by the holy man (Vend. VIII. 5). 11 Compare of the Avesta with the “four-eyed” dogs of the Rig Veda (10th Mandala) which guarded the way to Yama as abode. “Fear not to pass the guards, the four-eyed brindled dogs that watch for the departed” (Monier William’s Indian Wisdom, p. 22). 12 Gâhs are the fve different periods of the day. The frst Gâh, Hâvan, begins with the dawn of the day and ends at 12 at mid-day; the second, Rapithwin, runs from 12 in the noon to 3 p.m.; the third, Uzairina, from 3 p.m. to nightfall; the fourth, Aiwisruthrem, from nightfull to midnight; the ffth, Hushain, from mid-night to the dawn of the next day. 13 It appears from the customs of several ancient nations that the “dog” played a prominent part in the funeral ceremonies of many ancient nations. (i) As said above, as in the Avesta, so in the Vedas, we have a mention of two four-eyed dogs, guai-ding, the way to the abode of Yama, the ruler of the spirits of the dead. (ii) Among the ancient Romans the Lares of the departed virtuous were represented in pictures with a dog tied to their legs. This was intended to show that as the dogs watched faithfully at the door of their masters, so the Lares watched the interests of the family to which they belonged. (iii) The people of the West Indies have a notion among them of the dogs accompanying the departed dead. Compare the following lines of Pope. Even the poor Indian whose untutored mind, Sees God in clouds or hears him in the wind. * * * * * * * thinks, admitted to yon equal sky, His faithful dog shall bear him company. As for the purpose why the Sag deed is performed, several reasons are assigned. (i) Some say that the spotted dog was a species of dog that possessed the characteristic of staring steadily at a man if he was dead, and of not looking to him at all

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if life was not altogether extinct. Thus the old Persians ascertained by the Sag deed if the life was really extinct. (ii) Others, as Dr. Haug says, attributed the Sag deed to some magnetic infuence in the eyes of the dog. (iii) Others again connected the Sag deed of a dog, who of all animals was the most faithful to his master, with the idea of loyalty and gratitude that must exist between the living and the deceased departed ones. (iv) Others considered a dog to be symbolic of the destruction of moral passions. Death put an end to all moral passions, so the presence of a dog near the dead body emphasized that idea. Cf. Dante’s Divine Comedy (Hell. C. I. 94–102. Dr. Plumptre). Here the Greyhound is considered as the deliverer of Italy. He is the symbol of the destroyer of the passions of sensual enjoyment, pride, and avarice which are represented by the leopard, the lion and the wolf. For that fell beast whose spite thou wailest o’er, Lets no man onward pass along her way. ……………………………………………. Many the creatures are that with her wed, And will be more until the Greyhound come, Who with sharp agony shall smite her dead. 14 All these are species of fragrant plants. 15 The word daêva is used in the Avesta for all evil infuences, whether physical, mental, or moral. 16 There are two classes of the corpse-bearers: (i) the Nasasâlârs who alone can enter into the Tower with the corpse; they also go into the house to arrange the corpse on the bier; (ii) the Khândhias (ખાંધી્ા) who are mere carriers; their only business is to carry the corpse from the house to the Tower, in the inside of which it is carried again by the Nasasâlârs. 17 To take the Bâj is to recite the Sraosh-bâj prayer up to the word Ashabê in the Kemna-Mazda prayer which forms a part of the Sraosh-bâj. When the particular work in connection with the dead body is fnished, the Bâj is also then fnished; i.e., the remaining portion of the Shraosh-bâj is recited. This Bâj is taken by the priests on certain occasions at the time of bathing and in the Barashnum ceremony. 18 According to Dr. Eugene Wilhelm, many other ancient nations, besides the Persians, used cow’s urine as a disinfectant. According to Dr. Hang, the peasants of several parts of Europe even now use it. 19 Pavi is a portion separated for different bodies. 20 Pâvi (from pav, i.e., sacred) is a kind of trench a few inches deep in the ground. It is intended to separate a portion of a place from the adjoining ground in order to perform a sacred ceremony therein. No outsider is allowed to enter within this enclosed place while the ceremony is being performed. The Yasna, Baj, and Vendidad ceremonies are performed only within such enclosed spaces. In Fire Temples the sacred fre burns on a censer within such an enclosed space. 21 One hundred and one is a sacred number, because, according to the Avesta, the Almighty God has one hundred and one names which signify all his virtues. These one hundred and one names are recited in several ceremonies, e.g., in preparing the sacred Zaothra, or consecrated water for the Haoma [Vedic Soma plant] ceremony. 22 The number three is a sacred number, being symbolic of Humata, Hukhta and Hvarshta, i.e., good thoughts, good words, and good deeds, the three precepts on which the moral structure of the Zoroastrian religion rests. 23 To make a thing pâv is to wash it properly with pure water. The purifcation is sometimes accompanied with the recital of this formula,

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24 25 26

27

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“Pleased be Ahura-Mazda. Piety is the best good and happiness. Happiness to him who is pious for the best piety.” Jashan is the contraction of Yajashna. The nirang, or the urine of the cow, which is believed to possess disinfecting properties. I am told that a similar custom prevails at the University of Oxford, where during the bidding prayer they make “a long statement recalling the gifts of benefactors to the University in times past. It is really a thanksgiving to Almighty God for the gifts of the worthies of old who gave lands and money to endow the Colleges and the University. The list of benefactors is read out in full on the high festivals in the University Church only.” “Behedin,” i.e., of good religion, is a term applied to the name of Zoroastrian. If the deceased belongs to the priestly class, and has gone through the initiating ceremony of Nâbar, he is spoken of as Ervad(which is another form of ‘Herbad,’ which itself is the later form of of the Avesta). If the deceased belongs to the priestly class, but has not gone through the initiating ceremony of the Nâbar, he is spoken of as Ostâ, which is the contraction of in the Avesta. If the deceased is a female of the priestly class, she is spoken of as Osti. If he is a head priest, he is spoken of as Dastur, which is a contraction of

Pehelvi 28 The second name is the name of the father. If the deceased was adopted, his adoptive father’s name is mentioned instead of his own father’s. In the case of a female, the name of her father is mentioned with hers if she is unmarried, and that of the husband if she is married. In case of a second marriage, the name of the frst husband is mentioned with hers. 29 The Chinvat Bridge reminds one of the Sirat of the Arabs, the Wogho of the Chinese, the Gioell and Bifrost of the Scandinavians. 30 The Hameshta-gehân of the Parsees reminds one of the Purgatory of the Christians and the Aeraf of the Mahomedans.

10 Notes on the Towers of Silence in India*1 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell There are in all 115 Towers of Silence in India, of which 66 are now being used, 24 are not in use, and 25 are in a dilapidated state. Of these 115 Towers, 67 were built by public subscriptions from the Parsees, 45 were built at the cost of individual Parsee gentlemen, and 3 at the expense of individual Parsee ladies. In the city of Bombay there are 7 Towers; at Calcutta, 1; Madras, 1; Aden, 2; Kurrachee, 2; Alpai, on the Malabar Coast, 1. In the Central Provinces, 1 at Ajmere, 1 at Mhow, 1 at Neemuch, and 1 at Bhusaval. In the Surat district there are in all 28 Towers, of which 11 are in Surat city, 1 at Randeir, 3 at Bulsar, 1 at Sumali, 4 at Tena, 1 at Mandvi, 1 at Pardi, 2 at Oodwada, 1 at Khergaum, 1 at Amrolee, and 1 at Bardoli. In the Broach district there are in all 8, of which 4 are in Broach city, 2 at Ankleshwar, 1 at Ilao, and 1 at Karanj. There are 2 at Ahmedabad, 1 at Deesa, 1 at Abu, and 3 at Cambay. In the Deccan there are 2 at Poona, 4 at Ahmednagar, 1 at Satara, and 1 at Sholapur. In the Thana district there are in all 16, of which 2 are in Thana, 4 at Kalyan, 1 at Sanjan, 2 at Nargol, 2 at Davier, 3 at Tarapur, 1 at Borigad, and 1 at Godar near Sanjan. There are 2 in the Nassick district, 1 at Deolalee, and 1 Atlgatpura. In the dominions of the Nizam there are 1 at Hyderabad, 1 at Aurungabad, 1 at Balapur, and 3 at Jaulna. In the Portuguese Settlements of Daman and Diu there are 3 and 1, respectively. In the Gaekwad’s territories there are 2 at Baroda, 5 at Navsari, 3 at Billimora, 4 at Gandevi, 1 at Chikli, 1 at Tavri, 1 at Mahava, and 1 at Sungad, all near Navsari. (An alphabetical list of all these Towers is given in Table 10.1). Besides the above Towers of Silence there are separate burial places for Parsee dead at Macao, Canton, Singapore, Hongkong, and Shanghai in China; Colombo and Galle in Ceylon; Tellicherry, Mangalore, Cochin and Cannanore on the Malabar Coast; Delhi, Lahore, Ferozepore, Rawal Pindee, Mooltan, Peshawar, Sakar, and Sind in India; Zanzibar and London. I give here a plan of a Tower of Silence, and am indebted to my friend, Mr. Nasserwanjee Byramjee, secretary to the Parsee Panchayat of Bombay, for the following minute description of it, which will give a clear idea of a Tower of Silence as well as the mode of the disposal of dead bodies in it (see Figures 10.1, 10.2 and 10.3). *

Reprinted from JASB, II (1), June 1889: 55–64.

Ajmere Alpai, on Malabar Coast Amroli, near Surat Ankleshwar Ankleshwar Aurangabad Balapur in Berar Balsar Balsar Balsar Bardoli Baroda

10 11

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

12

Ahmednagar Ahmednagar Ahmednagar Ahmednagar

6 7 8 9

Narsang Dhanpal of Hasote Pestonjee Bomanjee Wadia Viccajee and Pestonjee Meerjee Viccajee and Pestonjee Meerjee Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Cursetjee Cowasjee Sett Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Khan Bahadurs Padamjee Pestonjee and Nasserwanjee Cursetjee Public subscriptions from the Parsees Nowrojee Cowasjee Narielwalla

1500–1517 24 March 1819 11 January 1843 25 April 1839 1645 28 January 1777 25 March 1847 27 December 1885 2 June 1842

23 March 1858

11 March 1888 1807

15 November 1825 March 1827 11 January 1842 9 March 1866

16 March 1889 2 April 1847 31 August 1866 21 May 1843 17 May 1850

Abu Aden Aden Ahmedabad Ahmedabad

1 2 3 4 5

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Merwanji Sorabjee Kharegat Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Sir Jamsetjee Jeejibhai, Bart.

Date of consecration

No Name of the place Built at whose expense

Table 10.1 List of Towers of Silence in India

In ruins Not in use 94 spaces

Not in use

Not in use

Built for persons who have died out of the city, and who, having been brought thither not by the corpse-bearers, and having been touched by non-Zoroastrians, could not be placed in the ordinary Towers. In ruins In ruins Not in use

Not in use

Remarks

140 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Bombay Bombay Bombay

Bombay Bombay Bombay Borigaum, near Golvad Broach Broach Broach Broach Calcutta Cambay Cambay Cambay Chikli Daman Daman

28 29 30

31 32 33 34

35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

Baroda Bhosawal Billimora Billimora Billimora Bombay

22 23 24 25 26 27

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Pestonjee Parsee Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Nowrojee Sorabjee Umrigar Public subscriptions from the Parsees Hirjee Assa, of Surat Pestonjee Cursetjee Mody Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Dady Nasservanjee Framjee Cowasjee Banajee Cowasjee Eduljee Bisny Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Maneckjee Nowrojee Sett Public subscriptions from the Parsees Mancherjee Jeevanjee Readymoney

Sir Jamsetjee Jeejibhai, Bart. Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Rustomjee Bomanji Bottlewalla Public subscriptions from the Parsees Mody Hirjee Vacha

Before 1300 1309 1654 18 December 1833 28 January 1822 Before 1500 1531 29 April 1826 2 March 1874 1585 1700

22 April 1798 3 May 1832 7 May 1844

1756 7 May 1779 9 September 1786

1850 13 January 1889 1602 13 December 1801 26 March 1880 1670

In ruins In ruins. Rough unhewn stone. Not in use

Brick in ruins First stone tower built in India. Not in use

(Continued)

In ruins. Has steps both outside and inside like those in a well In ruins In ruins Not in use

Built for his own use. His body was kept in a stone enclosure for a month, and removed when the Tower was ready. Not in use. For the use of his own family

Used now for the Mody family only, on account of the small number of spaces, though originally built for public use

In ruins Not in use

Same as No.4

Notes on the Towers of Silence in India 141

Kalyan Kurrachee Kurrachee Karanj Khergaum

66 67 68 69 70

58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

57

Daman Deesa Deolali Deviar Deviar Diu Gandevi Gandevi Gandevi Gandevi Godar, near Sanjan Hydrabad (Deccan) Igatpura Ilao Jalna Jalna Jalna Kalyan Kalyan Kalyan

46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56

No Name of the place

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Jamsetjee Kazi Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Navazbai, widow of Nusserwanji Dadabhoy Mody Nowrozjee Balabhoy Hormasjee Dadabhoy Gadialy Public subscriptions from the Parsees Dinbai, widow of Poojiajee Manajee Motibai, widow of Bomanjee Jamsetjee Moola

Viccajee and Pestonjee Merja

Jamsetjee Byramjee Laskari Public subscriptions from the Parsees Byramjee Nanabhoy Mistry Dorabjee Furdoonjee Laskari Public subscriptions from the Parsees Jehangir Nasserwanjee Wadia Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Jamsetjee Nanbhoy Gazdar Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Built at whose expense

Table 10.1 (Continued) List of Towers of Silence in India

31 March 1886 25 January 1828 6 June 1875 24 December 1828 21 May 1882

31 May 1885 1760 1812 1824 23 April 1871 Before 1500 1722 1799

19 October 1839

1870 6 January 1788 10 January 1839 10 March 1833 22 July 1723 1790 21 April 1817 9 April 1870 1775

12 May 1831

Not in use

Bricks. In ruins In ruins Not in use

In ruins. Only four spaces In ruins

In ruins

In ruins Not in use Not in use

Not in use. 36 spaces

Date of consecration Remarks

142 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Mahava, near Navsari Mandi Mhow Nargol

Nargol Navsari Navsari Navsari Navsari Navsari Neemuch Oodwara Oodwara Pardi Poona Poona Randeir

Randeir Sanjan

Sattara Songad-Viara, near Navsari Sholapur

72

76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88

89 90

91 92

93

73 74 75

Madras

71

Viccajee and Pestonjee Merjee

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Maneck Changa Manecjee Nowrojee Sett Hormasjee Muncherjee Bhaba Nusserwanjee Ruttonjee Tata Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Pestonjee Cursetjee Mody Public subscriptions from the Parsees Sorabjee Ruttonjee Patell Public subscriptions from the Parsees Sorabjee Muncherjee Readymoney and others Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Mancherjee Cursetjee Sett

Maneckjee Jeenajee

Hirjee Manockjee Kharas, of Coorg

2 February 1843

12 April 1857 5 February 1843

23 March 1852 Before 1400

27 May 1858 Before 1500 1531 30 January 1747 6 March 1823 8 March 1878 1870 13 May 1697 28 April 1830 5 June 1881 29 April 1825 28 April 1835 28 May 1787

3 January 1830 17 May 1840 1767

5 May 1833

1796

(Continued)

125 spaces Walls broken down. Only the Bhandar exists. It is said that there were 9 other towers, but there are no traces left of any of them

Not in use

Not in use

Red stone. Not in use Not in use

Toddy and eggs were thrown into the chunam used for building it by poor Parsees by way of a contribution Bricks. In ruins

Never used, owing to a superstition that a Tower could not be used unless a child was frst placed therein. Now used as a merchant’s godown

Notes on the Towers of Silence in India 143

Surat Surat Surat Surat Surat Surat Surat Surat Surat Suwali Tarapur Tarapur Tarapur Tavri, near Navsari Tena, near Surat Tena, near Surat Tena, near Surat Tena, near Surat Thana

96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109

115 Thana

110 111 112 113 114

Surat Surat

94 95

No Name of the place

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Cowasjee and Dorabjee Rustomjee Patell Rustomjee Cowasjee Patell

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Ruttonjee Maneckjee Entee Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees Public subscriptions from the Parsees

Public subscriptions from the Parsees Nanabhoy Poonjia Mody

Built at whose expense

Table 10.1 (Continued) List of Towers of Silence in India

15 April 1843

7 April 1780

1725 1735 1742 23 December 1764 10 June 1771 21 January 1827 4 February 1828 3 April 1832 12 March 1884 23 November 1803 1700 1780 16 February 1866 19 April 1864

Before 1600 1647

Brick. Very few traces left Brick. Half the wall left Yellow stone. Destroyed in 1809 In ruins Not in use

In ruins In ruins

In ruins Mr. Mody died while the tower was being built. So he was taken to the old tower where his body was covered up with stones, and was removed to the new tower when ready. For corpses having padan1 over their faces. Not in use Yellow stones. Not in use Not in use. Same as No. 96 Same as No. 96 476 spaces. Largest in India Same as No. 96. 200 spaces 300 spaces Within the limits of Oomra Same as no. 96

Date of consecration Remarks

144 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Notes on the Towers of Silence in India

145

Figure 10.1 Tower of Silence: general layout and interior view

“The circular platform inside the Tower, about 300 feet in circumference, is entirely paved with large stone slabs, well cemented, and divided into three rows of shallow open receptacles, corresponding with the three moral precepts of the Zoroastrian religion: ‘good deeds,’ ‘good words,’ ‘good thoughts.’ First row for corpses of males (marked A). Second row for corpses of females (marked B).

146

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Figure 10.2 Tower of Silence: ground plan

Third row for corpses of children (marked C). Footpaths for corpse-bearers to move about (marked D). The clothes wrapped around the corpses are removed and destroyed immediately after they are placed in the Tower: “Naked we come into this world, and naked we ought to leave it.”

Notes on the Towers of Silence in India

147

Figure 10.3 Tower of Silence: interior view. Source: Wikimedia commons

A deep central well in the Tower, about 150 feet in circumference (the sides and bottom of which are also paved with stone slabs), is used for depositing the dry bones. The corpse is completely stripped of its fesh by vultures within an hour or two, and the bones of the denuded skeleton when perfectly dried up by atmospheric infuences and the powerful heat of the

148

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

tropical sun, are thrown into this well, where they gradually crumble into dust, chiefy consisting of lime and phosphorus. Thus, the rich and the poor meet together on one level of equality after death. There are holes in the inner sides of the well through which the rainwater is carried into four underground drains (marked F) at the base of the Tower. These drains are connected with four underground wells (marked G), the bottoms of which are covered with a thick layer of sand. Pieces of charcoal and sandstone are also placed at the end of each drain, which are renewed from time to time. These double sets of flters are provided for purifying the rainwater passing over the bones, before it enters the ground—thus observing one of the tenets of the Zoroastrian religion that “The Mother Earth shall not be defled.” The vultures (nature’s scavengers) do their work much more expeditiously than millions of insects would do, if dead bodies were buried in the ground. By this rapid process, putrefaction, with all its concomitant evils, is most effectually prevented. According to the Zoroastrian religion, Earth, Fire, and Water are sacred and very useful to mankind, and in order to avoid their pollution by contact with putrefying fesh, the Zoroastrian religion strictly enjoins that the dead bodies should not be buried in the ground, or burnt, or thrown into seas, rivers, etc. In accordance with religious injunctions, the Parsees build their Towers of Silence on the tops of hills if available. No expense is spared in constructing them of the hardest and best materials, with a view that they may last for centuries without the possibility of polluting the earth, or contaminating any living beings dwelling thereon. However distant may be the house of a deceased person, whether rich or poor, high or low in rank, he has always a walking funeral—his body is carried to the Towers of Silence on an iron bier by offcial corpse-bearers, and is followed in procession by the mourners, relatives and friends, dressed in white fowing full dress robes, walking behind in pairs, and each couple join hand in hand by holding a white handkerchief between them in token of sympathetic grief. The corpse-bearers are divided into two classes, named Nassasalars and Khandhias, the former having gone through certain religious ceremonies are alone privileged to carry the corpses into the Towers. No one else can enter or touch them. According to the Zoroastrian religion, the soul is immortal. Men and women are free moral agents, and are responsible to the great Creator for their acts and deeds. In proportion to their good or bad acts and deeds, they meet with rewards or punishments in the next world. Pious and virtuous persons meet with happiness, but the wicked and sinful suffer pain and misery.

Notes on the Towers of Silence in India

149

Note 1 Padan is the paitidana of the Avesta, lit., that which is kept over. It is a cover for the face made of a piece of white cloth. It is a sort of veil, in which sense also it is used in the Avesta. The Parsee priests, while praying before the sacred fre or other sacred things, wear it over their face, so that their unclean breath or particles of the saliva of the mouth may not fall over the things before them. When placed over the face of a deceased person, it is intended to prevent the effuvia from his mouth coming into direct contact with those around, and to prevent the distortion of the face, if any, from being seen by others.

11 The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee of the last century (1763)*1 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell The Gujarati document is 130 years old. This evening I am going to lay before the [Anthropological] Society a copy and translation of this document. It is a memo of the funeral expenses for the frst year after the death of a leading and venerable Parsee gentleman of Bombay, Mr. Rustamjee Dorabjee Patel, who was my great-great-grandfather, and who died on the 12th of April 1763, aged 96 years. I hope this document will be found interesting from different points of view. Firstly, a modern Parsee will have from it a picture of the funeral ceremonies of his co-religionist of the last century when funeral and marriage feasts played a very prominent part in their social life. From the number of plantain leaves mentioned in the document as used for the feasts, it appears that allowing for wastage and breakage, about 1,000 persons were given a feast by a well-to-do Parsee on the Charum, or the fourth day after the death of a deceased relation. Secondly, those who are interested in the problem of “The Rise in Prices” will fnd in this document several important items for the comparison of prices. For this purpose, I give below a table comparing the prices of some articles of food as given in this old document with their present prices. My authority for the present prices of the different articles is the schedule of prices placed at the Crawford Market [in Bombay] at the beginning of this month. We fnd in this document prices of rice, wheat, juvar, which even now form the staple food of the country, and gram. It is the prices of grain that generally help statisticians in determining the comparative rise and fall of general prices, and so Table 11.1 comprising these will, I hope, be found useful to those interested in this question. In the case of vegetables and fruits, though we fnd several articles named, we fnd data for the comparison of only three articles, i.e., gourds, pears, and pomegranates. Among other articles of food, we fnd the prices of ghee or clarifed butter, sweet oil, molasses, eggs, plantain leaves, and mutton. *

Reprinted from JASB, III (3), June 1893: 144–157.

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

151

Table 11.1 Prices of certain articles in 1763 and 1893 Name of articles

Rice 1 fara Wheat 1 fara Juvar 1 fara Gram 1 fara Arad 1 fara Ghee 1 maund Sweet oil 1 maund Molasses 1 maund Mutton 1b. Eggs 20 Gourd score 1 Pears 1 dozen Pomegranates 1 dozen Plantain leaves 100

Prices in 1763

Prices in 1893

Rs.

a.

p.

Rs.

a.

p.

2 2 1 2 2 7 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

4 12 6 8 2 12 12 0 2 4 14 1 4 8

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

4 5 3 3 5 13 4 2 0 0 4 0 0 1

8 4 0 8 4 8 14 12 2 8 8 3 9 0

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 0

a. = anna. p. = paise.

Thirdly, the document is interesting as it gives us data to compare the wages of Parsee servants or waiters who attended public or private feasts. The wage per day then was fve annas, and now it is one rupee. So the wage for grinding corn was six annas per fare and is now one rupee and one anna. Lastly, what attracts the attention is the professional fees of the priests. The fee for the recital of the Vendidad prayer in 1763 was annas 8, and now it is Rs. 5, and for Ijashni prayer it was one and a quarter anna, and now it is Re. 1. I cannot resume my seat without offering my hearty thanks to my friend Shumsool Ulma Jivanji Jamsedji Modi, B.A., for assisting me in compiling the footnotes of this paper.

152

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

153

154

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

155

156

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

157

[Translation of the above]

The funeral expenses of Parsee Rustamjee Dorabjee Patell who died on 12 April 1763 (Table 11.2) Rs. Qrs. Reasa Rs. Qrs. Reas Akhidad:1 Wheat, Fara 4 Copper coins The expenses on the day of death Tayamoji2 Shoes,3 bread,4 sandal, and frankincense5 Annuity to the corpse-bearers Payamoji to the corpse-bearers6 Oothumna expenses7

11 — 11 —

— —

— 22

— —

— —

15 2 2 1

2 — — 2

— — — —

— — — 21

— — — —

— — — —

— 2 1 — 1 1 — — — — — 1

— — 60 50 62½ — —. — —. —. —. —

— — — — — — — — — — — — 86

— — — — — — — — — — — — 2

— — — — — — — — — — — — 62½

— 2 2 — 3 3 — — 1 — 2 1 2

— 50 — —. — 40 — — 50 — — 40 —

— — — — — — — — — — — — 105

— — — — — — — — — — — — 1

— — — — — — — — — — — — 80

1 — 1 — — 2

80 65 60 — 20 50

— — — — — —

— — — — — —

— — — — — —

1 Dorie for jàmà8 14 1 Putko, with gold embroidered borders 2 1 Pichodi, with gold embroidered borders 4 2 Metallic water jugs and 2 water pots 4 2 Metallic trays 4 2 lbs. Mutton — 1 Turban 6 1 Pair of shoes 1 1 Rosary of amber — Flowers, betel leaves, and miscellaneous 2 2 sacred threads 1 24 Pieces of white cloth for sacred shirts9 44 (A portion of the paper is here eaten away by the worms, so the writing is not legible.)10 Cheharum expenses11 Wheat, khandi 1 22 Rice, khandi 1¼ 20 Mango, baskets 3 4 Spices 1 Wages for grinding wheat 4 Gourd 6 Fuel 2 Fruit 1 Ghee or clarifed butter, maunds 2¼ 23 Hire for Pathara12 1 Mutton, 42 lbs., with liver and head 6 Wages of waiters13 4 Plantain leaves, 1,500 7 Expenses on the Dasad or the tenth day of the death Ghee, maunds 1½ and seers 8 Almond, variali, and poppy seeds Sweet oil, maund 1 and seers 4 Mango Gourd, 4 scores with cooly hire Mutton, 80 lbs. with liver and head

14 — 6 3 3 10

158

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell Rs. Qrs. Reasa Rs. Qrs. Reas

Plantain leaves, 400 2 — Molasses, maunds 2¼ and seers 6 2 1 Miscellaneous 2 — Utensils on the 10th day14 Metal pots, 7 9 1 Metal jugs, 10 4 3 Large metal, 2 2 1 Wages of two waiters at 1 quarter and 23 reas — 2 per head Expenses on the Màsisà, or the 30th day of the death

— 62½ —

— — —

— — —

— — —

62½ 25 — 40

— — — 61

— — — —

— — — 65

Rice, ¼ khandi 9 — — — Ghee, ¼ maund and seers 5 9 2 50 — Mutton, 100 lbs., 2 livers, and 2 heads — 2 50 — Fruits — — 75 — Plantain leaves, 650 3 1 — — Wages for grinding 3 faras of wheat — — 50 — Eggs, 40 — 2 — — Sweet oil, 2 maunds 8 — — — Gourd, 3¼ scores 3 — 30 — Miscellaneous expenses by Pirojà15 — 3 — — Wages of 3 waiters at 1 quarter and 20 reas — 3 60 50 per head Expenses of the second month day, i.e., of the 60th day after death16 Mutton, 32 lbs. 4 — — — Ghee, 6¼ seers 2 — — — Fruit — 1 50 — Miscellaneous 5 — — 11 Expenses of the third month day, i.e., of the 90th day after death17

— — — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — 15

— — — —

— — — 50

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 2

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 37½

Fruit Dates Cocoanuts Plantains Sugarcane Walnuts Grapes Kerra fowers Pears, 4 Pomegranates, 2 Pineapples Almond Pistachio Flowers Rice, dhal, and wheat Ghee, 6 seers Plantain leaves Mutton, 36 lbs., with cooly hire Vegetable, fenugreek Presented to Sagdivalla Presented to priests

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1 1 1 6 — — 9

— 1 2 — — — — — — — — — — — 2 — — — — 2

18½ 7 12 6 5 9 9 8 16 — 8 7 6 46 — — 35 5 40 —

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — 20

(Continued)

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

159

Rs. Qrs. Reasa Rs. Qrs. Reas Expenses of the fourth month day — Expenses on the ffth month day.18 Prepared Khichdi Arad (a kin 1 of Dàl), pali 9 1 Ghee, seers 7½ 2 Sweet oil — Cucumber and chibhdoo (a kind of melon) — Fish — Aloo leaves — Mutton, 6 lbs. — Gourd — Toorid (a kind of vegetable) — Fruit — Molasses , maund ½ 1 Miscellaneous — 19 Expenses of the sixth month day

—

—

11

—

—

— — 2 3 1 2 3 1 1 — — —

25 — — — — 50 20 5 70 — 6

— — — — — — — — — — — 10

— — — — — — — — — — — 2

— — — — — — — — — — — 85

Rice, fara 3 Ghee, maund 1 Sweet oil, maund ¼ Onions Fruits Plantains Cocoanuts Goats 3, at Rs. 2½ per head Sandal and frankincense Miscellaneous Expenses of the seventh month day Expenses of the eighth month day Expenses of the ninth month day Expenses of the tenth month day Expenses of the eleventh month day Expenses on the frst anniversary of death

7 8 1 — — — — 7 1 — — — — — —

3 3 3 1 2 2 2 — — 1 — — — — —

50 — 50 — 50 — 75 — — 30 — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — 25 3 3 4 3 5

— — — — — — — — — 3 2 2 — — 2

— — — — — — — — — 55 — — — — —

Pepper Dhana, Jira (kind of spice) Wheat, fara 10 Ghee, maund 3½ and 6 seers Rice, fara 2 Gram, fara 4 Ginger Wages for grinding rice Wages for grinding wheat Pinkles, 5 jura Jooar, fara 2 Sweet oil, maund 5½ and 8 seers Gourd, soores 13 Onion Fuel for cooking at the garden20 Fruit Sugar A goat with the cooly hire

2 1 29 29 4 10 1 — 4 8 2 19 13 1 2 1 1 6

— — — 1 2 — — 3 — 2 3 3 — — — — 2 —

— 60 — 60 — — — — — — — 12½ — — — — — 20

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

(Continued)

160

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell Rs. Qrs. Reasa Rs. Qrs. Reas

Miscellaneous expenses in copper coins Wages of 17 waiters during the day and at night Mutton on the anniversary day Eggs, 60 Mango, basket, 1½ Plantain leaves, 2,300 Miscellaneous Total Expenses

7 5

— —

— 40

— —

— —

— —

2 — 1 11 — —

— 2 3 3 3 —

— — 25 — 60 —

— — — — 158 606

— — — — 1 3

— — — — 57½ 7½

Prayers announced in the Oothumna ceremony for the deceased Seth Rustomjee:21

Recital of Vendidad prayers Lakh, 2322 Recital of the Ijashna, 308 Total

Rs.

Qrs.

Rs.

81 23 23 137

2 0 0 2

0 0 40 40

100 reases make one quarter, and 4 quarters make one rupee.

a

Notes 1 Vide “The Funeral Ceremonies of the Parsees, their Origin and Explanation,” by Mr. Jivanji Jamsedji Modi, B.A. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. II., No. 7, p. 407). It was a custom in Bombay about 70 years ago that when a Parsee died, all the priests in the town went to his house to take a part in the Akhiànà [gift to a priest or jajman at the beginning of a ceremony/ritual] ceremony and all of them were paid in coins and wheat. In 1893 the Parsee Panchayat resolved that only those priests who were specially invited should attend. 2 , i.e., the wages of attendance on foot. This is the fee paid to the priests who go to the Tower of Silence with the funeral procession. As in the case of the Akhiànà ceremony, so in the case of Payamoji, formerly all the priests in the town attended, but subsequently it was resolved that only those who were specially invited should attend. 3 The corpse-bearers are sometimes supplied by the family with a clean white set of clothes, and they are asked to put on their new shoes, for which they are paid. 4 Bread for the dogs which are kept at the Towers for the sag-deed ceremony (Journal of the Anthropological Society, Vol. II., No. 7, pp. 412, 420). 5 For the sacred fre, that is perpetually burning in the Sagdi (fre-house) at the Towers. 6 Formerly, the corpse-bearers were paid by the family of the deceased. This and the above two items show the ways in which they received their wages. When their demand began to grow exorbitant, the Trustees of the Parsee Panchayat started in 1860 a public fund to pay monthly stipends to the corpse-bearers. The late Mr. Rustomjee Jamsetjee Jeejibhoy, with his characteristic generosity, headed the list with a liberal sum of Rs. 7,000, and paid the losses for the frst 3 years. The fund now stands at Rs. 3,64,701. Out of this fund, altogether 48 men are engaged on monthly stipends varying from Rs. 34 to Rs. 20. These

The frst-year funeral expenses of a Parsee

161

men have to offer their services at any place between Colaba and Bandra. The nominal fees that are now charged for carrying each corpse and which now go to the fund are as follows:

Adults Grown-up children Infants

Rs.

Anna

Paise

5 2 1

0 0 4

0 0 0

7 Vide Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. II., No. 7, p. 434. 8 This and the following articles of clothes and utensils are necessary for the Shiav and Baj ceremonies, Vol. II., No. 7, p. 439. 9 As in the case of the Akhiànà and Pazamoji, so in the case of the Oothumna ceremonies, formerly all the priests in the town attended, and they were paid in cash and clothes, i.e., a sacred shirt to every priest present. 10 This perhaps is the amount distributed among the priests. 11 Vide Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. II., No. 7, p. 439. Formerly the Parsees used to give as large feasts on funeral occasions as the Hindoos do nowadays. All the articles under this head were purchased for such a feast, and for the sweets prepared for such an occasion. The number of the plantain leaves (1,500), on one of which each man is served with his meal, shows that the family of the deceased must have invited a large number of the adult population of the Parsees to this funeral feast of the fourth day. The list of the expenses of the funeral feast of the Varsi (Shalroz), i.e., the day of the frst anniversary of the deceased, which comes at the end of this document, gives a still larger number of the plantain leaves used on the occasion. It shows that a still larger number was then invited. Perhaps it was a feast of the whole community. The consideration of this number brings us to the question of the Parsee population in Bombay in 1763. From the record of the census of the year 1816, it appears that the Parsee population then was 13,155 in all. From this, in 1763, which is the year of the document, i.e., about 53 years before the frst authentic census, the Parsee population must be very less. In the public feasts of Gahombars now at Bombay, where the whole community is invited to attend, the average attendance comes to about 6,000 in all. The expenses come to about Rs. 750. 12 These are long pieces of linen carpets for guests to sit on while taking their meals. 13 Looking to the number of guests, the number of waiters—which, calculating at the rate of 5 annas per head, as it appears from a subsequent item, was the rate of the wage of the waiters at the time, was 16—is a small one. But as in the towns of Gujarat nowadays, so in Bombay about 50 years ago, the near relations and friends of the host generally took a great part in serving the guests. 14 It was old custom that utensils of domestic uses were placed where the sacred ceremonies were performed, and were subsequently sent as presents to near relations. 15 Pirojá was the name of the widow of the deceased. 16 It is usual to perform a few ceremonies on that day of the month on which the death occurred, for 12 months, i.e., on the 30th day after death, on the 60th day, on the 90th day, on the 120th day, and so on up to the end of the frst year, i.e., 12 times during the frst year. 17 The death occurred in the month Shcheriver, i.e., the sixth month of the Parsee year. So the third month after death was Ādar, which is a month dedicated to Fire, so the expenses on this day are a little higher than the preceding and succeeding months.

162

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

18 This month is the 11th month of the Parsee year, and is dedicated to Bihaman, the angel presiding over cattle. So the Parsees, generally about 50 years ago and some even now, abstain from meat altogether during this month. So we fnd in the list of the expenses of this month a good deal is spent on the vegetables of the season. Khichdi is the name of a special dish prepared during this month. 19 The expenses of the sixth month are also higher than the other preceding and succeeding months, the reason being that the sixth month after death is considered to be as important as the frst. 20 The garden alluded to here is Manockjee Seth’s Vādi in Fort (in Bombay). This building was founded in the year 1735 for the purpose of giving convenience to the Parsee community to hold their public and private feasts. It is even now a favourite place for the Parsees residing in the Fort to give marriage and religious feasts. 21 It was a custom about 100 years ago that on the Oothumna, or third day afternoon ceremony, friends and relations of the deceased declared that they would get so many prayers recited for the beneft of the soul of the deceased. The custom of announcing subscriptions to the different charity funds in honour of the deceased has presently taken the place of the former custom. 22 Recital of a lakh of the Ahunarars or Yathā Ahu Vaiyo prayer, which is compared to the Pater Noster of the Christians.

12 A vahi or register of the dead of some of the Parsees of Broach and a Parsee martyr mentioned in it*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Introduction Principal Macmillan of our Elphinstone College (in Bombay) had asked me, in 1903, to give him some information about any Parsee martyr or martyrs in India. A friend of his in England had proposed to write on the subject of martyrs in general and so had asked for some information from him about some martyrs in India. Hence was his inquiry. The Parsees in India have gone through various vicissitudes of fortune, and so they must have produced here and there a martyr or martyrs for the cause of truth. But we have not many recorded instances. Only one or two are generally known. One is that of Kâmâ Homâ, who died on 8 December 1702 at Broach. To enable me to give to Principal Macmillan, for his friend, some particulars about this personage, I wrote to my friend, Khan Bahadur Adarji Muncherji Dalal of Broach, and desired some information about this personage. In reply, he sent me a long explanation, dated 4 February 1903, and also a Gujarati vahi wherein a note on Kãmã Homâ’s martyrdom is written. I then collected and supplied to Principal Macmillan some notes on the subject of his inquiry. The object of this paper is (i) to exhibit, to the members of this [Anthropological] Society, the vahi, with some notes of explanation collected at the time, and with some further information, and (ii) to give some particulars about the martyr Kama Homa. In this matter, the frst part of my paper is, as it were, a supplement of my paper, titled, “The Disâpothi and the Nâmgrahan (family death-registers) among the Parsees,” read in January 1922, before the Second Oriental Conference at Calcutta. I will take this opportunity to exhibit also the Disâ-pothi—disâ-pothi and vahi mean the same thing—of the Parsees of the Malesar quarters of Navsari. The Parsees of the Mohta Falia quarters of Navsari also have their Disapothi or vahi, but not on so large a scale as that of the two volumes of Malesar quarters which I exhibit today. These manuscript volumes are, as they were, unique and important from various points of view. I beg to thank *

Reprinted from JASB, XIV (3), January 1929: 303–318.

164

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Mr. Merwanji Karkaria and his son Mr. Rustomji for lending the volumes to me to be exhibited today.

Two kinds of death registers among the Parsees There are two kinds of death registers among the Parsees: (i) the Nâmgrahan and (ii) the vahi or the Disâ-pothi. The frst, the Nâm-grahan, is kept by almost all families for the purpose of the recital of the names of the dead, by the family priest during the rituals1 in honour of the dear departed ones of the family. The second, the vahi, is kept both by the family and by the family priest, who is the family priest not of one but of several families. The vahi kept by the family is in connection with its own members, but that kept by the family priest is a larger vahi, which is a register of the dead of all the families of which he is the family priest.

The Nâm-grahan The frst part of the word nâm-grahan is Avesta nāman (Sanskrit ; Pahlvi nâm ; Persian ; Latin nomen; German name; French nom; English name). This word nāman comes from the root znâ (Sans. ; Pahl. dān ; Pers. ; Lat. cognocere; Fr. connaitre), to know. The second part of the compound word is garew (Sans. ; Pahl. geraftan; Pers. giraftan; Germ. er-greifen), ‘to take’. So, nâm-grahan means ‘taking or remembering the names’. Then it came to mean, “taking or remembering the names of the dead in ritual.” I will quote here what I have said in my “Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees”2 to explain the word: Every family has a manuscript book or list known by that name (viz., nâm-grahan). It contains the names of the departed ones of the family. Those who have died lately head the list. The priest, while reciting the Pazend Dibâchê in the Afringân, Saturn, Farokhshi, etc., recites all the names in the list. At frst, he mentions or invokes the name of the particular deceased in whose honour the ceremony is performed; and then the names of other deceased of the family.3 He then also recites the names of some of the departed Zoroastrian worthies of ancient Iran and of India who have done valuable services to their community.4 This custom of reciting the names is alluded to in the Farvardin Yasht where the Farvarshis of the departed ones expect to be invoked.5

The custom of reciting the names of all the deceased of a town or a quarter of a town—its parallel at Montenegro In my paper on Disâ-pothi before the second Oriental Conference at Calcutta, I have referred, at some length, to a peculiar custom, occasionally

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observed in the last century, at Malesar, a particular quarter of Navsari, where live the laymen of the town. So, I will here speak in brief. It was on some occasion of the Bâj or anniversary of the death of a relative that the family asked the priest to recite the names of all the deceased of the Malesar quarter. I think that the present living Parsee population of Malesar is about 2,000; so, the dead of the past several generations may come to several thousands. Thus, the offciating priest would take several hours to recite all the names. The Afringan prayer in which these names are recited is performed on a carpet on the foor. So, it was a fatiguing task for the priest to sit on the foor for several hours and recite the names. To avoid this fatigue, the priest was given a big pillow at his back to support his back occasionally. This Parsee custom of reciting or remembering the names of all the deceased of a particular town or a quarter of a town, observed at Malesar in Navsari, has its parallel in a custom of Montenegro. We learn of this custom from a paper titled “Some Montenegrin Manners and Customs” by M. Edith Durham in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of January– June 1909 (pp. 85–96). There are several tribes of the Montenegrins. One of these is that of Dugi-do. This tribe has a holiday named Zadushnja Subota, i.e., All Souls’ Saturday. On that day, (i) they place on a round table, called sofra, some boiled wheat and wine; (ii) they light some candlesticks; (iii) then they burn fragrant substances on fre before their ikon; and (iv) say prayers. Pop Gjuro, their priest, performs this ceremony in a church. We read: After a mass, Pop Gjuro, the priest, stood at a table facing the Ikonostasis and read the names of the deceased in all the families of Dugi-do since the tribe began. These were handed him in little books or folded parchments. We began at Punosh, the founder of the tribe, and it was a long job; of course we ate wheat for their souls. The lists were mere strings of Christian names and no geneologies could be traced on any that I saw. Only quite recently did any women’s names occur in these lists. (p. 88) A parallel of the custom in “leagues of prayers” A custom somewhat similar to that of the Nâm-grahan is prescribed by, what is known as, “Leagues of Prayers,” referred to by Mr. F.J. Snell in his Customs of Old England.6 The custom is said to have been grounded on the following words of St. James in the Bible: “Pray one for another, that ye may be healed. The effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much.”7 According to this custom, when a Mission went out of the country it arranged with the monasteries of the country that the monks were to pray for them daily. Each monastery supplied, through a special messenger, every year, to all the other monasteries a list of their dead brethren to be remembered in prayers by all the monasteries. The names came at one time to

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about 3,000. These names were contained in long “mortuary rolls” which at times were measured in yards.8

The vahi from Broach The above referred to manuscript from Broach bears, on the cover, its title, as “કોટની વઈ માહર અરદીબેહશે ્ત મહીનાની મેરવાનજી દોરાબજી,” i.e., “the vai9 (vahî) of the Fort,10 of the second month, Merwanji Dorabji.”11 The vahî, which I produce, is a register of a priest, and it contains a dated list of the deaths of the Parsees of a particular portion of Broach. The vahi has two columns. There is a general heading as શ્ી કોટ મધે, i.e., “In the Fort.” Then, in the frst column, there is a heading, કોટમાં, i.e., “in the Fort”; and, in the second column, we read the heading as ખરાશ વારના, Kharâsh Vârnâ, i.e., “of the Khar as Street (vâr).” Kharâshvâr is a particular street of Broach. This name of the street continues for ten pages. So, this list is that of the Parsee dead of the Kot (Fort) at Broach, and of its Kharas Street, who died during the second Parsee month, of a number of Parsee years. This is a vahi or list of only one month, the second month (Ardibehesht) of the Parsee year. So, there must be in all 12 vahis or registers for 12 months, for all the Parsees who died in the Parsee quarters of Broach known as Kot and Kharâsh Vâr. Then there must be similar vahis or registers of deaths for the other Parsee streets of Broach. They are kept by the particular family priests of these streets. All such lists combined together would form a complete vahi or register of the deaths of all the Parsees of Broach. Vahi, also called disâ-pothi This death register, vahi, is also spoken of as Disâ-pothi.12 The word દીસા (disâ) here is the same as દીસ (dis), a day. It is also the same as દદવસ (divas), a day. Here the word means “the day (of the death of a person).” The word પોથી (pothi) means “a book;” so, disâ-pothi means “a register-book of the days (of the deaths of persons).” The object of keeping a vahi or disâ-pothi Reverence and remembrance for the dead is a prominent feature among the religious beliefs and customs of the Parsees. I will quote here what I have said in my paper titled, “The Funeral Ceremonies of the Parsees,” read before this [Anthropological] Society on 30 of September 1891.13 According to the Zoroastrian belief, the relation between a pious deceased and his surviving relations does not altogether cease after death. His holy spirit continues to take some interest in his living dear ones. If the surviving relatives cherish his memory, remember him with gratefulness, and try to please him with pious thoughts, pious words

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and pious deeds, it is likely that these invisible departed spirits will take an interest in their welfare, and assist them with an invisible helping hand. The most essential requisite, by which a surviving relative can please the holy spirits of his departed dear ones, is this, that he should perform meritorious charitable deeds. We read in Yasna (Ha XVI, 7):

i.e., “We praise the brilliant deeds of piety in which the souls of the deceased delight.” For this reason, it is not unusual among the Parsees that, on the occasions of the third, fourth, tenth, and thirtieth day, and on the anniversaries after death, they give food and clothing to the poor of their community, and sometimes give various sums in charity. These occasions are, further, the occasions on which the surviving relatives remember the deceased with feelings of gratitude, respect, and love, and pray to God that his soul may rest in peace and tranquillity. The vahi or disâ-pothi in the hands of the family priest Now, with this belief,14 every family was supposed to have a vahi or disâpothi, in which the names of parents and grandparents and other near relatives are entered with the dates of their deaths. It is, as it were, a family calendar of the departed dear ones. Well-regulated families occasionally look for dates into their family vahis to be able to duly commemorate the anniversaries of their dear ones. But it is considered to be a duty of the family priest to remind the family of the coming occasions. Every family has its own family priest. He keeps with him a copy of that pothi, and, regularly referring to it, goes to the head of the family on the approaching occasion of the anniversary of the death of a deceased member of the family, and, reminding him of the coming occasion, receives necessary instructions for the performance of ceremonies, either at the house of the family or at his own house, or at a Fire Temple. A Parsee priest is generally the family priest of more than one family. So, he keeps with himself a joint Disâ-pothi for all families of whom he is the family priest.15 The owner of the Broach vahi, shikshaguru kaikhosru The vahi of Broach which I exhibit today is a disâ-pothi of the above kind. It is a register, as said above, of the deaths of the Parsees of a particular Parsee

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street of Broach during one particular month of the Parsee year. The frst page of the vahi begins with the following heading: ુ ે મહીનાની શંવ્ત 1934ના માગસર શુ। 15ને વાર ગરૂએ શ્ી કોટ મધે અરદીબેહશ્ત ુ વઈ રોજગારની કેખશરૂ પેશ્તનજી શશક્ાગરૂજીએ લખાવી છે . કોઈનો દાવો એ વઈ પર નહી. That is: “The Vai (vahi) of rozgar16 of the Fort for the month of Ardibehesht is got written on a weekday Guru (Thursday) Mâgsar Sud 15, year 1934, in Kote (Fort) by Kaikhushru Pestonji Shikshaguruji.17 Nobody has a claim upon this vahi.” Among the present grown-up or old generation of Broach, the name of this priest-teacher Kaikhushru is still well known. He was generally known as Shikshâ-guru, and, while speaking of him, the Parsees of his time did not see the necessity of mentioning his name Kaikhushru. If one spoke of the Shikshâ-guru, all understood that it was he who was meant. The addition of the word જી (ji) after the appellation shows that he was held in great respect by the Parsees of Broach. He was the maternal grandfather of our Bombay University Registrar, Mr. Furdunji Muncherji Dastur, who is as well known among us here in the sphere of education as his grandfather was among the Parsees of Broach. Specimens of the notes of the Vahi I give below a few specimens to show how the deaths were registered in the vahi. 1. હોમા કાઉશ શ।ુ 18 ફકીર અચારને ્તાં કેજો, i.e., “Homa the son of Kaus. Tell or inform in the family of Fakir Achâr.” The word કેજો, i.e., “tell,” is signifcant. It occurs now and then. What is meant is, that the particular family here of Fakir Achâr is to be informed in time of the coming anniversary of the death of Homa, the son of Kaus. ુ ુ દ શુ। શોરાબજી જોગાજીને ્તાં કજો. ે 2. વહમા19 ખરશે જનો રોજ છે . (Vahma, Khurshed’s son. Tell the family of Sohrabji Jogaji. This is an old day). The words, “This is an old day,” mean to say that, it is long since the death took place.20 We fnd a note in pencil opposite the name as નહી, i.e., “No.” It signifes that the person having died a long time ago, the relatives may have said to the family priest, that they, after this long time, did not want to continue the annual ceremonies in honour of the deceased. So, with this new additional note in his register the family priest was to cease giving information, in future, to the family for the coming anniversary. 3. The next name runs thus: નવરોજ રશ્તમ શ।ુ . બમકા હીરાનો બાપ દરાશા બમકાને ્તાં, (Navroj, Rustam’s son, the father of Bamkâ Hirâ Darasha Bamka’s house—to be informed). Opposite this name also there is a

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pencil note like the above, saying “No.” In this note, the family priest adds that the deceased was the father of Bamka Hira and that the information was to be given to, and orders for the ceremony were to be taken from, the house of Darashaw Bamka. Priesthood among the Parsees being hereditary, such additional notes are intended by the family priest who made the register, not only for his own guidance, but also for his son, grandson, or any other successor who succeeded him as the priest of that particular family. As there are 30 days in a Parsee month, this vahi contains lists of the death for the 30 days. Each day is marked at the top, e.g. રોજ ૧ માહ ૨, (i.e., the frst day of the second month), and so on for all 30 days. In some cases, the age of the deceased is given, e.g., in one case, we read ખરશેદબાઈ એદલજી ભા. ્તે મનચેરશા બમનશા શોરાબજી ધનજીભાઈની દી. વરસ ૬ ની. Here ભા (bhâ) is an abbreviation of ભારજા (bhârajâ, i.e. wife).21 દી. is the abbreviation of દીકરી, (i.e., daughter). The whole note means: “Khurshedbai Edulji who was married, was the daughter of Munchershaw Bomonshâ Sohrâbji Dhunjibhoy, aged 6 years.” In the case of married women, their names are recited, in the commemorative religious services, with the names of their husbands. In the case of unmarried women, they are recited with those of their fathers. In this case, the mention of the age is signifcant, because children of, or under, seven have a shorter form or set of religious ceremonies, and their anniversaries cease to be observed after a short period of years.

The note of the death of Kâmâ Homâ in the Broach vahi Now we come to the second part of my paper, the subject of the martyr Kâmâ Homâ, an inquiry about whom led me to look into this vahi. The above-mentioned vahi of Broach takes a note, not only of his death, but also of the fact of his having been killed by the Mahomedan Nawab of Broach. On page 7 of the vahi, which contains the names of those who died on the seventh day of the second month Ardibehesht, we read the following note about Kâmâ Homâ: ુ કામા હોમા આશાનો પો્તે ફરામ નશેશાલારનો કાકો “ગુરોથમાની કામા હોમા શ।. ુ લાગે. નવાબે દીન કબલ કરાવવા માડી ં ્તે એને નહી કીધી ્તેથી એને ગરદન મારીઓ” Translation: “The Heavenly Kâmâ, son of Homâ. Kâmâ Homâ of Âshâ himself. He was the uncle of Farâm Nassâsâlar (i.e., the corpsebearer). The Nawab wanted him to acknowledge the Din (i.e., the Mahomedan religion). He did not do so. So he was hanged.” The epithet (ગરોથમાની) Garothmani added before his name draws our special attention. This epithet is applied to no other name in the register. The

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word is garô-namâna in the Avesta ( ), garô-demana in the Gathas, 22 Pahlvi garôt-mân, which means the House of Songs, from Sanskrit गर (गृ), to sing, and umâna (Pahlvi mân, Persian English “mansion,” “house”). So, garothmāni means one who is a denizen of paradise. The fact that the epithet is specially applied to him and not to any other person in the list, is due to the extraordinary fact of his having preferred death to avoid conversion. The additional note after his name in the list refers to this martyrdom. The vahi which I produce is a copy from an older manuscript. Khan Bahadur Adarji Muncherji Dalal, in his above-mentioned letter of 4 February, 1903, writes: “From an old ઓરીઆં23 (the roll containing the exact dates of deceased persons, mortuary registers) I fnd the following entry:24 (He then gives the above entry.) “I send the ઓરીઆં which is a copy of the original ઓરીઆં kept by the late Kaikhushru Shikshâgoorujee, late Head Master of Jeejeebhoy Dadabhoy’s School of Broach.” The tradition as known by Mr. Adarji Dalal Mr. Adarji Dalal, in his above letter, writes: “I have heard some very old Parsees, especially a devout, old orthodox, named Temulji Beragdo, who died about 20 years ago at the age of 95, a pious old man who had spent his life in strict religious observances and Zoroastrian tenets and spent his leisure time in Fire Temples, relate with authority, that when Kama Homa, before he was led for being beheaded, was directed to say the કલમા (the Islam અલાહો અકબર) and change his faith as he (Kama Homa) being himself a kaffar and had named a sayad, a kaffar, for which the Kajee pronounced “death” to be the only punishment in default of conversion. Kama strenuously refused and said he did not care for life and preferred “death” to conversion. It is further related that Nasesâlars were kept ready there for removing the corpse to the Tower of Silence. The executioner with one stroke severed the head from the body, and the head fell into the lap of the Nasesâlar and not on the ground. The incident was attributed to his pure life while living and his reward of heaven after the death of a martyr; and in his Oothamna ceremony the learned Dastur denominated the deceased with the title of ગરોથમાની with which Kama’s name is handed down. This incident, although unsupported by text or document, has a semblance of truth in it as the persons who related it were pious and truth loving, and they had heard it from those who had witnessed the execution with their own eyes.” The event as narrated in the Parsee Prakash The late Khan Bahadur Bomonji Byramji Patel, who had travelled in Gujarat to collect his materials for the Parsee Prakash which began to be published in 1878, and who must have himself heard the tradition, thus gives the particulars about Kâmâ Homâ:

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ઈ. સ. ૧૭૦૨ ્તા. ૮મી ડીસેમબર.રોજ ૭ મહ ૨ (શે.) ૧૦૭૨ યજદજરદીમરણ:- કામાજી હોમાજી-ઉમર વર્ષ ૬૪.) એવણ ભરૂચના એક ગરીબ વણકર હ્તા. કેહે છે કે વણવાની મજુરી બાબ્ત કોઈ મુસલમાન શાઈયદની સાથે ્તકરાર થવાને લીધે ્તેને ઝનુનમા ં આવી ્તે વેલાના ભરૂચના નવાબ હાંમદ બેગની સરકારમા ં એવણ ઉપર બોહ્તાન મેલી ફરીયાદ કીધી કે આએ પારસીએ મને કુફર કહયો. આથી નવાબે પો્તાના કાજી ્તથા મોલવી પાસેથી શેહરાનાં કાયદા પ્રમાણેનો ફ્તવો લઈ ઈનસાફ કીધો કે એ પારસી અગર પો્તાનો ુ કરે ્તો એનો ગનાહ ુ ધમ્ષ ્તજીને ઈસલાંમી દીન કબલ માફ કરી છોડી મેલવો, અને જો ુ ે ્તેમ નહી કબુલ કરે ્તો શરહના ધારા મજબ ્તલવારથી એને ક્તલ કરવાનો શવાબ છે . આવા ઈનસાફથી એવણે પો્તાના ધમથી વટલીને જીવેઆ કર્તા પો્તાની દીન ે ઉપર જીવ આપવાનુ ં બેહ્તર વીચારી ્તલવારની અણી હઠલ ગયા. આથી ભરૂચના અથોરનાનો જરથોશ્તી ધમ્ષને લગ્તી જાહેર દકયા્ષઓમાં હજુ સુધી એવણન ુ ં નામ બીજા બુજોરગવારોની સાથે યાદ કરે છે (Parsee Prakash, Vol. I, p. 22).25 From this note we gather the following particulars about Kâmâ Homâ: (i) He died on the 8 of December 1702 at the age of 64. (ii) He was a weaver by profession. (iii) He had a quarrel with a fanatic Mahomedan weaver, who, thereupon accused him before the Mahomedan Governor of Broach, named Hamed Beg, of calling him (the Mahomedan weaver), a Kâfar, i.e., an infdel. (iv) The Governor consulted the Kâzi or Moulvi of the city, and decided that in punishment for this crime of calling a Moslem a Kâfar, Kâmâ Homâ shall either turn a Mahomedan or be killed. (v) Kâmâ Homâ preferred death to conversion. (vi) This sacrifce of life for the sake of his religion led to his being considered as a martyr and of his name being commemorated in all religious services by the Parsees of Broach. Ervad Sheriarji’s version Ervad Sheriarji Dadabhoy Bharucha, who hailed from Broach, and who, as a known sound scholar, generally verifed his statements before making them, thus describes this event of Kâmâ Homâ’s life in verse:26 કામા હોમા-પો્તાની દીન ઉપર જીવ આપનાર એક જરથોશ્તી. નગર છે નમ્ષદા ્તીરે પુરાણ,ું ભરૂચ નામે-નથી ્તે ્તો અંજાણ.ું વસે જરથોશ્તીઓ તયાં કઈ હનરવર, ુ મુસલમાની ં હકુ મ્તમાં રહી ઠર. કરે કામા બીને હોમા વણ્તકામ, ભલી દયાન્ત થકી પામે ઘણુ ં દામ, હમેશાં રાસ્ત બોલે, કોલ પાલે, ખરા ઈનસાફથી સઉ સાથ ચાલે. હ્તો વેહવાર સૈયદ એક સાથ.ે

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi રૂપૈઆ આપલે કરવાજ હાથે. કજાથી એક દીન ્તકરાર ઉઠીુ કામા ઉપર દરબાર રૂઠી. શણી હક ુ મ કીધો નવાબે ખાસ એવો, “પઢે કલમો, નહી ્તો જાન લેવો.” નહી ફરવા જરથોશ્તી ધરમથી, ખરાં ઈમાનથી, ના જણ શરમથી, થયો ્તૈયાર મરવા નેક બેહદીન, ન છોડી મઝદયસની પાક આઈન, સને જે શેહનશાહી યઝદજદદી, હજાર ઉપર હ્તો બોં્તર વરષી. ે માહ,ે અમરદાદ રોજ અરદીબેહશ્ત ગુજરયો દીન પરવર નેક રાહ,ે ક્તલ જલલાદ હાથે થઈ મરાયો, ભલો કામા ખરો બેહદીન જયો! મળી જરથોશ્તી અંજુમન કરી યાદ, “ગરોથમાની” ઠરાવી નામની યાદ. ઘટે છે ધમ્ષથી હરગજ ન ફરવ,ું ભલે સ્ત ધમ્ષ ખા્તર થાય મરવ.ું

Notes 1 For the occasions of the ritual, vide my “Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees,” p. 85. 2 Page 470. 3 This Parsee custom of remembering the names of the deceased in the ritual is similar to that of reciting the names in the Shrâdhà ceremony of the Hindus. I beg to refer, in this connection, to my paper titled “A Visit to Nasik on the Opening Days of the Present Sinhast Pilgrimage” (Journal of Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. XII, No.5, pp. 493–527) read on 27 August 1920, and my Anthropological Papers, Part III, p. 166. There, in the recital of a prayer of ritual, dictated by the Pândas, the worshipper is told etc. i.e., he is asked by the priest to recite the names of his father, mother, etc. Mark also the word i.e., “to take” in this ritual. It corresponds to the above garew of the Parsee ritual (Sanskrit गृह). 4 This Parsee custom of remembering or commemorating the names of the few departed worthies who have done great services for their community reminds us of a somewhat similar custom observed at the Oxford University during “the Bidding Prayer.” I am indebted to the late Revd. Dr. Mills, Professor of Iranian Languages at Oxford, for the information. He wrote to me, that they made “a long statement recalling the gifts of benefactors to the University in times past. It is really a thanks-giving to Almighty God for the gifts of the worthies of old who gave lands and money to endow the Colleges and University. The list of benefactors is read out in full on the high festivals of the University Church only” (Vide my Religious Ceremonies and Customs, p. 81, n. 1). 5 Farvardin Yasht, Chapter 13. We read, Kahe no idha náma âgairyàt, (i.e., The Holy Spirits of the dead expect and say, “Who will take our names?”). Here, the idea conveyed by the words nâma âgairyàt has, as it were, originated the custom of “taking the names” (nâmgrahan).

A vahi or register of the dead

173

6 Pages 1–9. 7 The General Epistle of James, V. 16. 8 The Blackwood Magazine of February 1912 (Article on “A House of Austin Friars”) also refers to the custom of reciting “the whole list of their names publicly before the assembled convent” (p. 247). 9 The word vahi, sometimes written વઈ, means “an account book, tradesman’s register.” 10 In the city of Broach, there are two quarters: one, known as Kote, i.e., Fort, and another, known as Bâhârkote, i.e., Out of Fort. We, in Bombay, also had, and even now have, these two names. One, Kote (કોટ) is still known as Fort, but the word Bâhârkote (બહાર કોટ) has well-nigh gone out of use, though still used by the Parsees to some extent. The portion of our city, commencing from the Crawford Market and continuing from Shaikh Abdul Rehman Street northwards, well-nigh upto Byculla, was known as Bâhârkote. 11 This seems to be the name of the owner of the vahi. 12 I had the pleasure of exhibiting a Disâ-pothi of the Parsees of Malesar in Navsari, and of reading a paper on it at the second Oriental Conference in Calcutta in 1922 (Vide “Proceedings and Transactions of the Second Oriental Conference,” pp. 157–159). 13 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. II, No.7, pp. 439–440. Vide my “Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees,” pp. 85–86. 14 The Rivâyats, in their lists of the duties of a Zoroastrian, include the performance of religious annual ceremonies in honour of the dear departed ones. We read: (i.e., to observe the [anniversary] days of fathers; mothers, relatives, and wives and children) (Dârâb Hormazdyar’s Rivayat, by M. R. Unvâlâ, with my Introduction, Vol. I, page 292). Vide also my “Persian Farziât-nameh of Dastur Darab Pâhlan”, pp. 25–26. 15 Vide my paper on Disa-pothi in the Proceedings and Transactions of the Second Oriental Conference, Calcutta, p. 168. 16 The word ‘rozgar’ among Parsees means “annual dead-ceremony” (Vide Shapurji Edulji’s Dictionary, p. 720). The word is Persian , meaning ‘time, season, day’ (Steingass); hence “the day of the death of a Parsee”. 17 શશક્ા is Sanskrit for instruction or knowledge, and ગરૂુ is a religious teacher. So, શશક્ાગરૂુ (Shikshâ-guru) generally means an instructor or teacher. 18 શ।ુ seems to be an abbreviation. Cf. Sanskrit सुत, son. This is to signify that Homa was the son of Kaus. 19 વહમાં (vahma) is for વહમાન (vahmân) ‘unnamed’. An infant is spoken of as vahmân. The word is another form of dahmân and means ‘good’. In the recital of the dead, if a particular person’s name is not known, it is spoken of as ‘vahmân. 20 It is generally held that the anniversaries of deceased ancestors may be observed with due ceremonies for a generation. For example, it is incumbent on a son to observe with ceremonies the anniversaries of the deaths of his parents, but he may or may not do so in the case of his grandparents. So, the writer takes a note that this case was of a person who had died long before. 21 From Sanskrit मार, burden. Lit., ‘one who shares your burden, partner in life.’ 22 It may also be derived from gar, ‘to be hot.’ Cf. Pahlvi Persian , Sanskrit धम् (German Thermos, Latin fervor) ‘hot’. In that case, it may mean ‘House of Lustre or Light.’ 23 ઓળીય,ું ‘roll.’ 24 In the manuscript copy which I exhibit, we do not fnd the year of Kâmâ Homa’s death, but it appears from Mr. Adarji Dalal’s extract that the date is ‘Roz 7 Amardâd, Mâh 2, Ardibeheat, Yazdajardi 1072.’ 25 Vide also B.B. Patel’s ધુપ નીરગ, ં p. 82. 26 જરથોશ્તી ધમ્ષની્તી, અંક છઠો, પાઠ ૬, સફો ૨૯ (Jarthosti Dharmaniti, No. 6, p. 29.

13 Another Parsee martyr of Broach*1 K. A. Munshi Another Parsee martyr of Broach. With reference to Dr. Sir Jivanji Jamshedji Modi’s paper, “A Vahi or Register of the Dead of Some of the Parsees of Broach,” printed in Vol. XIV, No. 3 of this [Anthropological] Journal, Mr. K. A. Munshi informs us about another Parsee martyr of Broach, Dastur Ardeshir Hormusji Kamdin, as follows. At the time of the Indian Mutiny of 1857 the Mahomedans of Broach attacked Parsee houses and Parsee Fire Temples of that city. The offciating priests of two of the Fire Temples were the members of the Dastur family of Broach, Mr. Meherwanji Muncherji Kamdin and Dastur Ardeshir Hormusji Kamdin. Both fought valiantly, but unsuccessfully, to prevent the desecration of the sacred fre in their charge. Mr. Meherwanji was severely wounded, and Dastur Ardeshir was killed in the following circumstances. A number of Mahomedans entered his Fire Temple and wanted to break open the door of the room containing the sacred Fire with the object of desecrating it. Dastur Ardeshir had closed the door of that room and was mounting guard in front of it with a bamboo stick in his hands. He opposed the invaders but was overpowered, and the sacred Fire was desecrated. Dastur Ardeshir’s head was smashed, his eye balls fell out, and he dropped dead, a heroic death under dramatic circumstances. The culprits were arrested and tried at Broach by Mr. Alexander Rogers, I.C.S., afterwards Member of the Bombay Executive Council. Mr. Rogers committed the accused to the Bombay High Court Session, and Sir Kinlock Forbes, the presiding judge, sentenced two of the accused to death and others to varying terms of imprisonment. Dastur Ardeshir was at that time 90 years old and yet, against heavy odds, preferred death in the service of God while his subordinate priests shut themselves up in a garret. Detailed accounts relating to the death of Dastur Ardeshir are given in the following Gujarati publications: (i) Jam-e-Jamshed of 15 May 1857; (ii) the book titled Obituary Notices of Parsees, Vol. I; (3) Parsee Prakash, Vol. I; (4) Jam-e-Jamshed of 29 April 1916. EDITOR, JASB

*

Reprinted from JASB, XV (1), March 1887: 87-88.

Part II

14 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1881–1890)*1 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell According to the census taken in the year 1881, there were 48,597 Parsees in Bombay, 25,315 being males and 23,282 females. From 1881 to 1890, the average number of births comes to 1,450 a year (see Tables 14.1 and 14.2), and the average number of married women giving birth has been 13,293 per 100. During the same ten years, the average number of deaths has come to 1,135 a year, 575 being males and 560 females (see Tables 14.2, 14.3, and 14.4). Among these, 92 are stillborn children, 52 male and 40 female. The yearly average of children dying before the age of fve comes to 469, 236 being males and 233 females. The average number of deaths between the ages of 5 and 10 is 27, giving the numbers of males and females as 13 and l4, respectively. Between the age of 11 and 20 the average comes to 47, 20 males and 27 females. The average between the ages of 21 and 30 is 65, divided between males and females in the proportion of 27 and 38. For the age between 31 and 40, the average number of deaths is 62, the number being equally divided between males and females. Between the ages of 41 and 60 the average comes to 159, 96 males and 62 females, while the average between the ages of 61 and 80 reaches 177, giving 87 males and 90 females. The average number of deaths above the age of 80 comes to 37, 13 being males and 24 females. According to the above fgures, the percentage of deaths in the whole population of 48,597 comes to 2.335 per 100 and 23.355 per 1,000; that of children dying before the age of 5, 6.96 per 100; of children between the ages of 5 and 10, 0.476; of persons between the age of 11 and 20, 0.426, between 21 and 30, 0.787, between 31 and 40, 0.954, between 41 and 60, 1.947; between 61 and 80, 8.263; and above the age of 80, 29.838. Looking at the various fgures for the past ten years, four seem to have died at the age of 100, two each at the age of 101 and 105, and only one reached the age of 1l0, and it is remarkable that all were females. The chief cause of death among the Parsees has been fever, as will appear from Table 14.5, which shows that out of the average yearly deaths of

*

Reprinted from JASB, II (7), September 1891: 448–458.

178

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

1,135, 294 have occurred from fever, 140 from diseases of the nervous system, 91 from diseases of the respiratory system, 70 from dysentery, 38 from phthisis, 100 from old age and debility, and the rest by other diseases. As will be seen from Table 14.6, the highest mortality has been registered in the Fort, next to that comes Dhobi Talao, next Baharkot (out of Fort), then Khetwady, etc., which is in proportion to the population in the respective localities. The average number of marriages among the Parsees during the ten years has been 323 per year, which gives the percentage of 1·275 for males and 1·387 for females (see Tables 14.7). Most of the marriages have taken place between the ages of 10 and 20, and the percentage of marriages during that period is 30·481, the percentage of males being 26·454 and of females 35·239. As a rule, 40 is the utmost bachelor age of a male Parsee. In Table 14.7 there are some marriages recorded of those over that age, but they are, properly speaking, re-marriages with spinsters, which, according to our custom, are not reckoned as re-marriages. In the like manner, 35 is the oldest age at which a Parsee female is found to have married during the last ten years, although there is one solitary instance of a female marrying at the age of 38 in 1884. Six is the youngest age at which marriages have taken place among the Parsees during the past ten years, but marriages of two girls, one a year and a half, and the other two and a half years old, and that of a boy of two years, are recorded in 1881, and a girl is reported to have been married at the age of 3 to her cousin six years old in 1884. The yearly average of remarriages among the Parsees comes to 15 (see Table 14.8). The greatest age among females remarrying has been 40, and that among males 60, but in 1883 a female is reported to have remarried at the age of 45 and a male at the age of 65. The various tables, I have made out will, I hope, supply the necessary particulars from which intelligent readers will draw several inferences which may have escaped my notice, although I have tried my best to bring out as many interesting facts as have occurred to me.

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1881–1890

179

Table 14.1 Births among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Year

Births

Year

Births

1881 1882 1883 1884 1885

1,413 1,528 1,448 1,308 1,491

1886 1887 1888 1889 1890

1,408 1,427 1,501 1,389 1,494

Table 14.2 Registered births and deaths among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 Year

Births

Deaths

Surplus of births over deaths

1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 Total

1,413 1,528 1,448 l,398 1,491 1,408 1,427 1,501 1,389 1,494 14,497

1,056 1,005 1,216 1,217 1,117 1,137 1,081 1,213 1,193 1,119 11,354

357 523 232 181 374 271 346 288 196 375 3,143

Males

44 36 68 87 8 21 26 42 34 52 51 28 7 1 — — 505

Females

33 38 91 81 12 19 43 35 30 32 53 59 18 4 a2 b1 551

Total

77 74 159 168 20 40 69 77 64 84 104 87 25 5 2 1 1056

1882

Males

55 41 74 81 18 16 24 26 31 39 47 34 9 4 — — 499

45 41 75 100 18 29 39 23 17 32 30 32 21 c4 — — 506

Females

a. One died at the age of 101 and the other at 105. b. Aged 110. c. One out of these died at the age of 100. d. One out of these died at the age of 100. e. Aged 105. f. One out of these died at the age of 100. g. Aged 101. One out of these died at the age of 100.

Still-born 1 day to 1 month 1 month to 1 year 1 to 5 years 6 to 10 ” 11 to 20 ” 21 to 30 ” 31 to 40 ” 41 to 50 ” 51 to 60 ” 61 to 70 ” 71to 80 ” 81 to 90 ” 91 to 100 ” 101 to 105 ” 106 to 110 ” Total

Age

1881

Total

100 82 149 181 36 45 63 49 48 71 77 66 30 8 — — 1005

1883

Males 54 47 103 106 25 29 27 33 49 57 51 29 9 2 — — 621

Females 43 34 87 123 22 25 44 28 29 46 52 38 17 d7 —. —. 595

Total 97 81 190 129 47 54 71 61 78 103 103 67 26 9 —. —— 1216

1884

Males 45 49 94 110 18 23 24 27 44 45 48 45 15 —. —. —. 587

Females 52 60 100 105 20 29 48 25 23 41 43 54 23 7 — — 630

Total 97 109 194 215 38 52 72 52 67 86 91 99 38 7 — — 1217

1885

Males 54 46 102 83 8 27 28 34 51 57 53 30 11 2 — — 586

Females 44 44 69 104 12 29 38 39 23 28 41 42 15 3 — — 531

Total 98 90 171 187 20 56 66 73 74 85 94 72 26 5 — — 1117

1886

Males 50 40 120 94 8 21 29 30 45 62 44 29 17 1 — — 590

Females 42 40 83 119 15 24 34 22 14 44 44 40 21 4 e1 — 547

Total 92 80 203 213 23 45 63 52 59 106 88 69 38 5 1 — 1137

1887

Males 45 41 95 100 8 11 29 31 42 58 54 41 9 2 — — 566

Females 41 32 77 92 12 32 25 31 28 30 42 43 22 f7 g1 — 515

Total 86 73 172 192 20 43 54 62 70 88 96 84 31 9 1 — 1081

1888

Males 68 42 96 111 13 14 27 33 42 64 57 43 12 2 — — 624

Females 40 44 107 87 11 43 39 37 26 39 57 45 11 h3 — — 539

Total 108 86 203 198 24 57 66 70 68 103 114 88 23 5 — — 1213

1889

49 44 103 107 8 16 35 36 39 53 51 33 11 — — — 588

Males

Table 14.3 Deaths among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890

Females 34 40 105 125 14 21 34 30 29 45 52 51 21 4 —. —. 605

Total 83 84 208 232 22 37 69 66 68 98 103 84 32 4 — — 1193

1890

58 52 91 94 15 18 24 22 37 63 57 42 12 3 — — 588

Males

Females 80 37 96 89 13 23 36 36 26 40 49 34 18 3 1 —. 531

Total 88 89 187 183 28 41 60 58 63 103 106 76 30 6 1 — 1119

180 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

181

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1881–1890

Table 14.4 Population, deaths, and mortality per 1,000 at ten different periods of ages, among the Parsees of Bombay, 1881–1890 Age

All ages Under 5 years 6 to 10 years 11 to 20 years 21 to 30 years 31 to 40 years 41 to 50 years 51 to 60 years 61 to 70 years 71 to 80 years 81 and upwards

Population as per census of 1881

Annual deaths in ten years, 1881–1890

Annual Mortality per 1,000 as per population of 1881

Males

Females Males Females Males

25,315 3,500 2,911 6,011 4,426 3,353 2,443 1,640 719 274 38

23,282 3,232 2,754 ,005 3,829 3,147 2,428 1,652 767 382 86

Females

— 823.4285 44.314 32.606 61.680 93.647 169.4678 335.3658 713.4909 1291.9708 3394.7368

5,754 5,600 2,882 2,729 149 129 274 196 380 273 306 314 245 414 377 550 463 513 438 354 239 129

— 844.3688 54.103 54.745 99.242 97.035 100.906 228.2032 603.6505 1146.5968 2779.0697

Table 14.5 Causes of mortality among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890 1881 1882 1883 1884 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 Smallpox Measles Fever Cholera Leprosy Dropsy Phthisis Nervous system Diseases of the eye, ear, and nose Circulatory system Respiratory system Diarrhoea Dysentery Urinary system Generative system Organs of locomotion and Cellular tissue Cutaneous system Still-born Old age and debility Poisons Local injuries Drowning Unspecifed cause All other diseases Total

1 1 282 17 1 31 — 130 —

2 47 273 2 1 13 — 116 1

64 34 296 24 1 13 — 134 —

5 18 320 17 — 14 — 170 —

1 22 289 7 2 13 — 156 —

2 21 323 1 — 14 29 166 1

2 29 245 9 2 16 44 160 2

4 8 301 6 — 20 41 169 —

9 26 327 12 — 15 32 57 —

8 5 280 8 1 13 34 138 —

28 81 13 67 13 15 1

22 77 5 59 6 10 —

28 84 10 76 10 17 2

27 89 24 51 4 14 5

28 98 25 55 13 13 5

26 86 41 73 4 9 3

21 81 41 96 9 15 4

35 111 39 83 11 21 8

29 110 42 58 13 17 4

31 97 31 76 15 26 4

10 108 107 7 8 6 1 109 1,213

8 83 118 9 4 7 — 113 1,193

11 88 135 5 7 5 — 101 1,119

13 7 12 7 15 10 14 77 100 97 97 98 92 86 99 86 92 126 85 76 80 5 4 9 6 4 4 9 8 10 9 11 13 9 5 10 5 7 3 6 8 4 3 1 — — — 5 5 158 154 194 208 169 139 107 1,056 1,005 1,216 1,217 1,117 1,137 1,081

* Phthisis is placed under a separate heading from 1 July 1886.

182

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Table 14.6 Annual deaths in the different localities as registered in the books of the Parsee panchayat, 1881–1890

Colaba Fort Esplanade Dhobi Talao Karelwady Girgaum Chowpattee Baherkot Khetwady Camateepora Null Bazar Two Tanks Duncan Road Umberkhady Doongaree Grant Road Tardeo Gowalia Tank Cumballa Mahalaxmi Walkeshwer Bhendy Bazar Byculla Mazagon Mount Road Chichpoogly Parel Dadur Naegaum Sewree Matunga Mahim Bandora From Oorum

1881

1882

1883

1884

4 328 1 249 18 29 35 148 87 6 2 — — — — 15 4 7 4 1 5 36 18 29 1 — 16 — 1 1 — 6 5 — 1,051

7 322 1 249 15 22 29 134 90 3 — — — — — 5 3 2 1 2 7 40 16 30 3 — 13 — 2 — — 6 3 — 1,005

11 379 3 278 25 25 19 181 119 2 — 2 — — 1 12 10 8 — 4 4 41 26 28 5 2 17 3 1 — — 3 7 — 1,216

10 401 — 286 25 24 24 123 119 5 — 7 — 3

1885

13 370 1 250 14 22 28 137 90 2 — 1 1 — — — 15 13 5 7 7 7 1 1 2 5 7 4 48 41 25 22 30 40 2 3 3 3 20 16 — — 3 3 — — — — 7 7 14 16 1 — 1,217 1,117

1886

1887

1888

1889

1890

7 391 3 234 16 20 21 149 112 9 1 4 1 — — 8 2 9 2 3 5 48 15 34 — 2 19 — 4 — — 7 11 — 1,137

9 357 6 249 18 26 25 121 95 — — 3 2 — — 16 8 7 2 4 5 29 19 43 1 — 17 — 6 — — 4 9 — 1,081

12 362 5 253 13 23 36 158 128 3 — 6 — — — 10 5 12 7 2 4 35 23 45 — 5 33 — 1 — 1 16 15 — 1,213

10 364 4 312 24 23 26 135 113 2 1 3 — — — 13 5 10 6 2 6 34 13 28 — 2 22 6 1 — 1 4 23 — 1,193

13 344 5 288 19 26 25 118 107 3 — 1 2 1 1 16 11 12 3 — 4 25 20 45 1 — 8 2 3 — — 4 12 — 1,119

1882

1883

1884

Males

Total

Females

Males

Total

Females

Males

Total

Females

Males

a1 b3 4 — — — — c1 1 — 5 23 28 1 16 17 2 12 14 2 37 165 202 19 113 132 22 123 145 23 86 148 234 69 137 206 64 128 192 99 171 39 210 136 42 178 134 47 181 186 47 4 51 57 4 61 51 5 56 88 25 2 27 25 1 26 34 — 34 38 6 … 6 5 — 5 6 — 6 11 3 … 3 1 — 1 1 — 1 6 3 … 3 — — — d2 — 2 1 … … … — — — — — — 1 384 384 768 313 313 626 316 316 632 455 e1 14 170 203 64 2 — f1 — — — 455

Females

a. Two years old. b. First a year and a half, second two and a half years, and the third four years old. c. Five years old. d. Both 50 years old. e. Three years old, married to her cousin six years old. f. Spinster 38 years old, married to a widower 52 years old. g. One of these aged three married to a boy of three years. h. 35 years old. i. 35 years old.

1 to 5 years 6 to 10 years 11 to 15 years 16 to 20 years 21 to 25 years 26 to 30 years 31 to 35 years 36 to 40 years 41to 45 years 46 to 50 years 51 to 55 years Total

Age

1881

1885

Total 1 16 193 302 250 90 38 12 6 1 1 910

Males — 1 5 31 82 36 24 10 6 1 — 196

Females — 4 48 98 35 6 5 — — — — 196

Total — 5 53 129 117 42 29 10 6 1 — 392

1886

Males — 3 14 70 138 71 35 11 5 1 1 349

Females g2 14 98 176 47 10 2 — — — — 349

Total 2 17 112 246 185 81 37 11 5 1 1 698

1887

Males — — 8 58 145 74 33 10 6 1 — 335

Females — 3 103 163 51 14 h1 — — — — 335

Total — 3 111 221 196 88 34 10 6 1 — 670

1888

Males — — 11 52 146 64 20 7 7 1 — 308

Females — 7 84 157 48 11 11 — — — — 308

Total — 7 95 209 194 75 21 7 7 — — 616

1889

Males — — 11 34 132 71 37 20 7 1 1 314

Females — 4 73 159 66 11 1 — — — — 314

Total — 4 84 193 198 82 38 20 7 1 1 628

1890

— — 7 38 111 63 30 10 2 1 — 262

Males

Table 14.7 Marriages among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890

Females — — 62 131 59 9 1 — — — — 262

Total — — 69 169 170 72 31 10 2 1 — 524

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1881–1890 183

Males

— — — 1 2 3 7 3 2 — — 18

— 1 4 6 7 — — — — — — 18

Females

a. 65 years old. b. 45 years old. c. One aged 58, the other 60. d. Remarried at the age of 11. e. 59 years old. f. 61 years old.

11 to 15 years 16 to 20 years 21 to 25 years 26 to 30 years 31 to 35 years 36 to 40 years 41 to 45 years 16 to 50 years 51 to 55 years 56 to 60 years 61 to 70 years Total

Total

— 1 4 7 9 3 7 3 2 — — 36

Males

— 1 — 1 3 4 1 1 3 — — 14

Females

— 3 5 3 3 — — — — — — 14

Total

— 4 5 4 6 4 1 1 3 — — 28

Males — — — 2 7 8 2 4 1 — 1a 25

Females — 4 7 9 3 1 1b — — — — 25

Total — 4 7 11 10 9 3 4 1 — 1 50

— — — 1 1 4 3 — 2 2c — 13

Males

1884 Females — — 4 7 1 1 — — — — — 13

Total — — 4 8 2 5 3 — 2 2 — 26

1885

— — 1 2 1 3 3 3 1 — — 14

Males

1883 Females — 1 4 4 4 1 — — — — — 14

Total — 1 5 6 5 4 3 3 1 — — 28

1886

— 1 1 2 2 2 2 3 — — — 13

Males

1882 Females 1d 2 5 3 2 — — — — — — 13

Total 1 3 6 5 4 2 2 3 — — — 26

1887

— — — — 2 1 — 1 2 1e — 7

Males

1881 Females — 1 1 2 2 1 — — — — — 7

Total — 1 1 2 4 2 — 1 2 1 — 14

1888

— — — 1 2 4 5 2 2 — — 16

Males

Age Females — 2 5 6 2 1 — — — — — 16

Total — 2 5 7 4 5 5 2 2 — — 32

1889

— — — 3 4 4 2 2 — 1 1f 17

Males

Table 14.8 Remarriages among the Parsees from 1881 to 1890

Females — — 7 5 4 1 — — — — — 17

Total — — 7 8 8 5 2 2 — 1 1 34

1890

— — — 1 3 1 2 2 — 1 0 10

Males

Females — — 2 3 4 1 — — — — — 10

Total — — 2 4 7 2 2 2 — 1 — 20

184 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

15 Statistics of births, deaths, and marriages among the Parsees of Bombay during the last ten years (1891–1900)*1 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell Births According to the census taken in the year 1891, there were 47,458 Parsees in Bombay, 24,705 being males and 22,753 females. From 1891 to 1900 the average number of births comes to 1,230 a year. The total number of married women among the Parsees, according to the above census, was 9,258, so the average birth rate comes to 13·393 per every 100 married women. The fgures for the previous decade (from 1881 to 1890) are as follows: The average number of births was 1,450 per year. The average birth rate was 13·293 per every 100 married women. The number of married women, according to the census of 1881, was 10,901 (Table 15.1).

Deaths During the same ten years the average number of deaths has come to 1,456 a year, 733 being males and 723 females. (During the previous decade the numbers were 1,135: 575 males and 560 females.) Among these 1,456 deaths, the average according to age comes as shown in Table 15.2. During this decade, the past fve years were plague years. So, I divide this decade into two quinquennial periods: the frst from 1891 to 1895, and the second from 1896 to 1900, and I give the above fgures for the two periods to enable us to compare the fgures during the fve years of the plague period with those of the preceding fve years (see Table 15.3). According to the fgures given in Tables 15.4 and 15.5, the percentage of deaths in the whole population of 47,458 comes to 2.475 per 100 and 24.758 per 1,000 in the frst period (1891–1895), and 3.662 per 100 and 36.621 per 1,000 in the second period (1896–1900).

*

Reprinted from JASB, VI (1), July 1901: 44–59.

186

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Looking at the various fgures for the past ten years, we fnd that one person died at the age of 100, and two at the ages of 104 and 105. All these three centenarians were females. The chief cause of death among the Parsees has been fever, as appears from Table 15.6, which shows that out of the average yearly deaths of 1,456, 243 occurred from fever, 193 from diseases of the nervous system, 154 from diseases of the respiratory system, 136 from dysentery and diarrhoea, 61 from phthisis, 129 from old age and debility, and the rest from other diseases. During the second quinquennial period 1,314 died of the plague. As will be seen from Table 15.7, the highest mortality has been registered in the Fort area. Next to that comes Dhobi Talao, then Bharkote, Khetwady, Mazagon, Parel, Grant Road, Chowpatee, Girgaum, Karelwady, Bhendy Bazar, Bandora, etc. 1,004 deaths occurred in the plague hospitals.

Marriages The average number of marriages amongst the Parsees during the ten years comes to 343 per year, which gives the percentage of 1.388 for males and 1.507 for females. (During the previous decade the average was 323 per year, and the percentage 1·275 for males and 1·387 for females). The fgures of marriages during the decade under review are higher than those of the preceding decade. We fnd from Table 15.8 that the fgures of marriages during the two years, 1895 and 1896, are unusually high. In 1895 the number was 468, and in 1896 it was 598. This was due to the foundation of several Marriage Benefcent Societies among the Parsees during these two years. Hundreds joined these Societies, founded to render mutual help on occasions of marriages, and so in order to derive immediate beneft, an unusually large number of marriages took place during these two years. Most of the Parsee marriages during the past ten years were between the ages 11 and 30. As a rule, 40 is the highest bachelor age of a male Parsee. In Table 15.8, there are some marriages recorded of those over that age, but they are, properly speaking, remarriages with spinsters, which, according to the Parsee custom, are not reckoned as remarriages. In like manner, 35 is the highest age at which a Parsee female is found to have married during the past ten years, although there are two solitary instances of females marrying with widowers at the ages of 42 and 44 in the years 1893 and 1895, respectively. There are also two solitary instances of a spinster 27 years old married to a bachelor 20 years old, and a bachelor 46 years old married to a widow 52 years old in 1896 and 1899, respectively. Six is the lowest age at which marriages have taken place among the Parsees during the past ten years.

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1891–1900

187

The yearly average of remarriages among the Parsees comes to 11 (see Table 15.9). (The average for the past decade was 15.) The highest age among females remarrying has been 45, and that among males, 65. The following tables will, I hope, supply necessary materials, from which intelligent readers may draw such inferences as may have escaped my notice, although I have tried my best to bring out as many interesting points as have occurred to me.

Table 15.1 Births among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900 Year

Births

Year

Births

1891 1892 1893 1894 1895

1,411 1,306 1,359 1,310 1,422

1896 1897 1898 1899 1900

1,365 1,020 1,116 967 1,017

Table 15.2 Average deaths according to age during 1891–1900 85 stillborn 474 dying before the age of 5 42 between the ages of 5 and 10 97 between the ages of 11 and 20 121 between the ages of 21 and 30 98 between the ages of 31 and 40 113 between the ages of 41 and 50 148 between the ages of 51 and 60 137 between the ages of 61 and 70 97 between the ages of 71 and 80 44 above the age of 80

48 males 247 males 17 males 48 males 58 males 49 males 62 males 80 males 68 males 39 males 17 males

37 females 227 females 25 females 49 females 63 females 49 females 51 females 68 females 69 females 58 females 27 females

188

Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Table 15.3 Average deaths according to age during 1891–1895 and 1986–1900 First period (1891–1895)

Second period (1896–1900)

Males Stillborn 24 Under 5 years 124 From 6 to 10 5 From 11 to 20 9 From 21 to 30 16 From 31 to 40 16 From 41 to 50 24 From 51 to 60 28 From 61 to 70 27 From 71 to 80 17 Above the age of 80 8

Females

Total

Males

Females

Total

19 109 9 12 21 14 17 22 27 26 14

43 233 14 21 37 30 41 50 54 43 22

24 123 12 39 42 33 38 52 41 22 9

18 118 16 37 42 35 34 46 42 32 13

42 241 28 76 84 68 72 98 83 54 22

Table 15.4 Registered births and deaths among the Parsees, 1891–1990 Year

Births

Deaths

Surplus of births over deaths

Surplus of deaths over births

1891 1892 1893 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 Total

1,411 1,306 1,359 1,310 1,422 1,365 1,020 1,116 967 1,017 12,293

1,205 1,234 1,135 1,110 1,191 1,469 1,662 1,959 1,727 1,872 14,564

206 72 224 200 231 — — — — — 933

— — — — — 104 642 843 760 855 3,204

This table clearly shows the disastrous effects of the plague in the community.

Males

46 41 122 107 13 14 24 23 56 53 42 36 12 1 — 590

Females

35 40 102 114 21 34 36 35 24 45 57 44 19 9 — 615

Total

81 81 224 221 34 48 60 58 80 98 99 80 31 10 — 1205

Males

47 36 122 100 10 23 30 33 44 56 52 32 18 1 — 604

36 45 94 88 18 34 46 28 33 51 68 59 22 6 2(a) 630

Females

a. One aged 104 and the other 105 years old. b. One out of these died at the age of 100.

Still-born 1 day to 1 month 1 month to 1 year 1 to 5 years 6 to 10 ” 11 to 20 ” 21 to 30 ” 31 to 40 ” 41 to 50 ” 51 to 60 ” 61 to 70 ” 71to 80 ” 81 to 90 ” 91 to 100 ” 101 to 105 ” Total

Age

Total

83 81 216 188 28 57 76 61 77 107 120 91 40 7 2 1234

Males 56 40 104 88 8 11 43 31 45 58 71 33 13 1 — 602

Females 29 29 71 93 18 20 39 28 39 37 50 50 24 6(b) — 533

Total 85 69 175 181 26 31 82 59 84 95 121 83 37 7 — 1,135

Males 50 36 111 111 10 18 34 38 45 53 44 35 9 6 — 600

Females 41 31 87 78 11 19 35 25 32 37 47 45 18 4 — 510

Total 91 67 198 189 21 37 69 63 77 90 91 80 27 10 — 1,110

46 43 97 86 11 21 32 32 49 60 58 28 15 — — 578

Males

1895 Females 48 23 78 113 18 18 51 29 38 55 48 59 28 7 — 613

Total 94 66 175 199 29 39 83 61 87 115 106 87 43 7 — 1,191

1896

46 46 115 113 16 47 67 44 70 88 73 37 14 2 — 778

Males

1894 Females 43 46 101 103 13 43 54 43 33 67 65 54 24 2 — 691

Total 89 92 216 216 29 90 121 87 103 155 138 91 38 4 — 1,469

1897

52 28 68 87 31 81 77 67 88 98 75 41 16 1 — 810

Males

1893 Females 42 16 82 93 37 76 83 66 78 93 94 64 24 4 — 852

Total 94 44 150 180 68 157 160 133 166 191 169 105 40 5 — 1,662

1898

48 35 104 102 34 116 118 80 93 113 84 54 15 1 — 997

Males

1892 Females 28 33 105 99 42 100 108 83 66 114 89 69 21 5 — 962

Total 76 68 209 201 76 216 226 163 159 227 173 123 36 6 — 1,959

1899

52 32 102 103 18 74 75 62 78 111 78 45 17 4 — 851

Males

1891 Females 31 31 100 111 31 71 84 70 73 96 89 61 25 3 — 876

Total 83 63 202 214 49 145 159 132 151 207 167 106 42 7 — 1,727

1900

44 32 139 126 21 72 79 82 56 107 100 47 20 1 — 926

Males

Table 15.5 Deaths among the Parsees, 1891–1900

Females 34 37 107 117 41 82 103 81 71 91 87 73 20 2 — 946

Total 78 69 246 243 62 154 182 163 127 198 187 120 40 3 — 1,872

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1891–1900 189

Smallpox Measles Fever Plague Cholera Leprosy Dropsy Phthisis Nervous system Diseases of the eye, ear, and nose Circulatory system Respiratory system Diarrhoea Dysentery Urinary system Generative system Organs of locomotion and cellular tissue Cutaneous system Stillborn Old age and debility Poisons Local injuries Drowning Unspecifed causes All other diseases Total

4 18 316 — 4 2 11 47 171 2 33 121 69 38 12 27 4 9 83 152 7 6 4 1 93 1,234

10 81 111 3 8 4 — 91 1,205

1892

4 24 331 — 3 2 19 56 158 — 41 137 56 41 6 14 5

1891

10 85 109 5 10 7 — 101 1,135

4 17 269 — 2 — 12 40 170 1 35 103 61 49 17 23 5

1893

17 91 102 2 10 10 — 96 1,110

5 33 254 — 6 1 10 40 150 5 30 110 65 38 11 20 4

1894

Table 15.6 Causes of mortality among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900

15 94 120 1 13 1 — 101 1,191

5 28 325 — 2 1 14 54 163 2 27 107 46 37 14 15 6

1895

21 89 146 6 12 7 1 129 1,469

22 13 347 56 15 — 15 59 213 1 29 130 71 54 13 14 6

1896

31 94 139 4 7 6 — 173 1,662

1 6 152 328 19 — 8 65 194 1 63 174 93 54 15 26 9

1897

23 76 147 8 6 9 1 182 1,959

1 6 145 483 5 1 21 73 263 1 75 214 111 51 22 19 16

1898

17 83 122 2 13 5 1 215 1,727

4 18 130 262 3 1 10 80 223 2 50 214 96 92 47 31 6

1899

12 78 143 6 7 12 2 235 1,872

37 26 156 185 68 — 8 101 225 1 49 226 78 163 32 16 6

1900

190 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1891–1900

191

Table 15.7 Annual deaths in the different localities as registered in the books of the Parsee panchayat, 1891–1900

Colaba Fort Esplanade Dhobi Talao Karelwady Girgaum Chowpatee Baherkot Khetwady Camateepura Null Bazar Two Tanks Duncan Road Umberkhady Doongaree Grant Road Tardeo Gowalia Tank Cumballa Mahaluxmi Walkeshver Bhendy Bazar Byculla Mazagon Chinchpoogly Parel Dadar Naegaum Sewree Worlee Matunga Mahim Bandora Hospitals Sir J.J. Hospital Allbless Cama Goculdas Motlibai Sir Dinsha Parsee Fever Hospital Arthur Road Municipal Hospital Parel Government Hospital Modikhana Hospital Parsee Lying-in Hospital Outstations Ooran Santha Cruz Andheri Vessava Erla Parla Malad Sion Coorla Ghat Cooper Basscin Khandala Matheran Poona

1891

1892

1893

1894

1895

1896

1897

1898

1899

1900

10 328 — 297 24 27 32 154 107 4 2 4 1 — 1 20 8 10 2 1 4 37 12 43 — 30 3 2 1 — 1 3 18

8 384 — 293 20 30 27 147 121 6 6 2 — 1 1 19 7 — 3 4 6 23 10 37 2 26 3 4 1 — 1 2 10

6 338 — 269 19 15 37 107 112 4 10 3 — 1 — 26 10 8 3 2 3 19 12 44 1 30 1 5 — 1 — 2 15

16 291 5 280 18 27 21 119 116 2 10 2 1 1 1 22 9 9 4 1 5 24 9 39 — 29 1 9 — — — 3 10

12 371 4 257 21 13 31 99 128 6 16 2 — — 1 30 26 10 4 7 5 9 3 39 1 41 2 3 — — — 9 12

8 413 1 333 21 25 33 141 128 5 21 4 — — — 37 18 7 5 1 4 35 17 68 — 44 4 3 — — — 5 33

14 425 3 300 34 29 21 122 138 5 16 7 — — 1 40 34 11 6 3 7 22 4 57 4 61 7 9 4 1 — 7 35

10 429 2 314 27 24 21 151 144 5 20 6 1 1 1 45 23 14 4 2 8 23 8 54 4 65 4 2 2 1 — 11 25

8 395 — 302 30 31 31 124 164 5 26 7 — 1 — 52 25 11 5 1 6 18 13 62 3 52 9 5 — — 1 10 25

13 424 — 343 36 44 40 145 163 7 35 7 — 1 — 90 30 11 4 3 6 27 15 93 7 52 15 2 — — 2 15 18

11 5 1 2 — — — — — — —

10 6 1 5 3 1 — — — — —

5 13 5 2 7 — — — — — —

5 11 2 1 7 — — — — — —

5 14 — 1 7 1 — — — — —

8 12 — — 6 — 25 4 — — —

19 10 2 3 17 — 166 2 — — 10

18 19 4 5 17 2 324 — 24 68 25

32 10 3 4 21 4 127 12 — 41 44

30 21 1 4 17 — 94 — — 17 31

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,205

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,230

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,135

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,110

1 — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,191

— — — — — — — — — — — — — 1,469

1 1 — 1 — 2 — 2 — — — — — 1,663

— — 1 — — 1 — — — — — — — 1,959

1 1 — — 1 — 1 1 1 — — 1 — 1,727

2 — — — — — — 2 — 2 2 — 1 1,872

Males

— 8 29 129 69 31 16 4 1 — 1 288

Females

8 55 135 74 13 3 — — — — — 288

Total

8 63 164 203 82 34 16 4 1 — 1 576

Males

1 4 42 144 86 33 10 3 3 — — 326

Females

2 77 162 74 9 2 — — — — — 326

Total

3 81 204 218 95 35 10 3 3 — — 652

Males

2 5 25 141 107 41 18 10 — — 1 350

9 51 149 116 23 1 — 1(a) — — — 350

Females

a. Spinster 42 years old, married to a widower 56 years old. b. Spinsters 38 and 40 years old. c. Spinster 44 years old, married to a widower 47 years old. d. Widower 56 years old, married to a spinster 32 years old. e. One spinster 27 years old, married to a bachelor 20 years old. f. Widower 60 years old, married to a widow 30 years old. g. One bachelor 44 years old, married to a widow 42 years old. h. Widow 52 years old, married to a bachelor 46 years old.

1 to 10 years 11 to 15 ” 16 to 20 ” 21 to 25 ” 26 to 30 ” 31 to 35 ” 36 to 40 ” 41 to 45 ” 46to 50 ” 51 to 55 ” 56 to 60 ” Total

Age Total 11 56 174 257 130 42 18 11 — — 1 700

— 4 27 118 111 36 22 11 3 2 — 334

Males

Females 5 60 133 106 24 4 2(b) — — — — 334

Total 5 64 160 224 135 40 24 11 3 2 — 668

1895

2 8 43 182 149 59 19 3 1 1 1(d) 468

Males

1894 Females 7 95 207 132 23 3 — 1© — — — 468

Total 9 103 250 314 172 62 19 4 1 1 1 936

1896

2 30 63 222 169 80 18 10 2 2 — 598

Males

1893 Females 18 129 265 141 43(e) 2 — — — — — 598

Total 20 159 328 363 212 82 18 10 2 2 — 1,196

1897

— — 7 42 44 31 7 3 1 2 1(f) 138

Males

1892 Females — 14 52 49 18 3 2 — — — — 138

Total — 14 59 91 62 34 9 3 1 2 1 276

1898

— — 9 87 107 36 17 8(g) 1 2 — 267

Males

1891 Females — 30 107 97 26 5 1 1 — — — 267

Total — 30 116 184 133 41 18 9 1 2 — 534

1899

— 1 14 97 103 58 21 13 6 — — 313

Males

Table 15.8 Marriages among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900

Females 1 27 136 104 33 11 — — — 1(h) — 313

Total 1 28 150 201 136 69 21 13 6 1 — 626

1900

— 1 14 103 118 65 25 10 7 2 — 345

Males

Females — 23 142 127 40 12 1 — — — — 345

Total — 24 156 230 158 77 26 10 7 2 — 690

192 Bomanjee Byramjee Patell

Males

— — 1 4 10 5 1 1 — 1(a) 23

Females

1 8 10 3 1 — — — — — 23

Total

1 8 11 7 11 5 1 1 — 1 46

Females

Males

— 2 — 2 1 1 1 2 4 1 2 1(b) — — — — — — 1© — 9 9

Total

2 2 2 3 5 3 — — — 1 18

— — 1 — 4 1 2 2(d) — — 10

Males

a. 60 years old. b. 61 years old. c. Both 55 years old. d. One aged 60, the other 58 years. e. 61 years old. f. 45 years old. g. Widower 65 years old re-married to widow 31 years old.

16 to 20 years 21 to 25 ” 26 to 30 ” 31 to 35 ” 36 to 40 ” 41 to 45 ” 46 to 50 ” 51 to 55 ” 56 to 60 ” 61 to 65 ” Total

Females 1 3 3 2 1 — — — — — 10

Total 1 3 4 2 5 1 2 2 — — 20

Females

— 1 — 4 1 3 5 4 2 — 1 1 1 — — — 2(e) — 1(f) — 13 13

Males

Total 1 4 4 9 2 2 1 — 2 1 26

1895

— 1 — 1 1 6 1 1 — — 11

Males

1894 Females — 1 4 5 1 — — — — — 11

Total — 2 4 6 2 6 1 1 — — 22

1896

— 1 — 1 3 3 6 1 — — 15

Males

1893 Females 1 2 3 6 3 — — — — — 15

Total 1 3 3 7 6 3 6 1 — — 30

1897

— — — — 1 — 2 1 — 1(g) 5

Males

1892 Females — — 1 2 1 — 1 — — — 5

Total — — 1 2 2 — 3 1 — 1 10

1898

— — — — 4 5 3 3 — — 15

Males

1891 Females 1 1 8 3 1 1 — — — — 15

Total 1 1 8 3 5 6 3 3 — — 30

1899

— — 1 2 6 3 — — — — 12

Males

Age Females 1 7 1 3 — — — — — — 12

Total 1 7 2 5 6 3 — — — — 24

1900

— 1 1 2 5 3 — 3 — — 15

Males

Table 15.9 Remarriages among the Parsees from 1891 to 1900

Females 2 6 3 3 1 — — — — — 15

Total 2 7 4 5 6 3 — 3 — — 30

Births, deaths, and marriages in Bombay: 1891–1900 193

16 A Parsee deed of partition more than 150 years old A form of slavery referred to therein*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi The document which I propose submitting before the [Anthropological] Society this evening is an old deed of partition in a Parsee family of Surat. It is dated Kartak Vad 3 (October/November), Samvat (Year 1835) 1892. So it is about 155 years old. It is a deed of partition between the heirs of a Parsee gentleman named Nowrojee Kersâsjee Homjee Unwâlâ. From the document we can determine the following genealogical tree of heirs:

The distribution of property takes place among the three living sons of Nowrojee, and the widow and the three sons of his deceased son, Homjee. The widow, Ranibai, is called ઘરસ્ત (gharast), a word which draws our special attention. It seems to be used in the sense of housewife. The word ગ્રહસ્થ (grahastha), as now used, means a gentleman. The distribution of property took place in the presence of Desâi Rustomjee Tehmuljee. The chief Desâis of Novsari in those times generally took part in the private settlement of family disputes about property. Four gentlemen were appointed as arbitrators to go into the family accounts and settle the shares. Now, the most important part of the property of the deceased, which is divided by this document, is his slaves. The words of the document are: ે વીગ્ત, પર્થમ ગેલામ વગર ે ે જે અશ્તેદાદ નુરોજજીની હ્તી ્તે વાંટી લીધી ્તેહની ગોલામ કોલીના સરખા ભાગ કરી લાંભવા નાખી લીધી ્તેહની વીગ્ત.

*

Reprinted from JASB, VI (1) August 1888: 12–16.

A Parsee deed of partition 150 years old

195

That is, the details of the property of slaves, etc., which is divided. At frst the details of the slave Kolis, who were equally divided, and lots drawn. Then follow the names of the slave Kolis who go to the lots of the different heirs. To the share of the heirs of the deceased son go three slaves and a half; of these three and a half, one is male and the rest two and a half are females. The name of the half slave is ગંગલી (Gangali). She is considered as half slave because one Nusherwanjee Dadajee Khurshedjee is mentioned as the possessor of the other half share in this woman ુ ે (નુશેરવાનજી ં દાદાજી ખરશદજી સા્થે અરધો અરધ છે ). Again, she goes to the lot of one of the heirs with all her પોરીઆં, i.e., children. In the same way, to the share of the frst surviving son Kavasjee, there go fve slaves and a half, among whom also there are female slaves with children. The slave by name Lalee, who is termed, as it were, half a slave, is shared by this heir and by the above. The deed is signed on the left, as usual in the Indian documents, by the sharers of the property, and on the right by eleven witnesses. Now the question is: what are these ગોલામ (golâms) or slaves? What is the form of slavery referred to herein? It is a kind of slavery that was prevalent to a great extent in Gujarat about 100 years ago, and is still prevalent, they say, to a small extent, in a modifed form, in some of the native states. Large agriculturists or zamindârs, i.e., proprietors of land, had in their service a certain number of people, generally of the tribe known as Kolis. They were fed and clothed by their masters. When they grew up, they were even married by their masters if they had served them long and faithfully. In return, they undertook to serve their masters in their felds or at home, to look after the cattle, or such other work. The children of such servants were also considered to be bound to serve their parents’ masters, as they were brought up by them. In times of famine and distress, when others died of hunger, the masters considered it their pious duty to feed these slave-servants and their families. Any dereliction of duty on the part of their masters in feeding these slave-servants, in times of distress, like the famine, freed them from the obligation of any longer serving their old masters. These slave-servants formed, as it were, part and parcel of the family property. So, on the death of the head of the family, they were divided among the heirs, as other ordinary property, chattels, or goods of the household. This deed of partition divides among the heirs such household things as jars, utensils, grinding stones, etc. Together with these things, it divides the slave-servants among the heirs. To the shares of two heirs, there goes half a slave-servant, i.e., half a share in a particular slave-servant. What was meant in such a case was this: that the slave-servant served one master for one half of a day, and the other

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master for the other half. The responsibility of feeding such a slave-servant was also proportionately divided among the two masters. This particular kind of slave service leads one to ask whether any particular kind of such or any other form of slave service was known to the ancient Irânians of the Avestâ times. We fnd that in the Avestâ itself there is not a single trace of any form of slavery. Slavery as an institution came into existence much later. In the divisions of all classes of men referred to by the Avestâ, slavery had no place at all. With these few remarks, I give here the text of the document:

A Parsee deed of partition 150 years old

197

198

Jivanji Jamshedji Modi

Folklore

17 A few Parsee riddles—I*1 Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi Dr. W. Schultz, a correspondent of the Solway Institute (Bruxelles), is now engaged in collecting all the works relating to riddles in every country of the world. The chief of the service of documentation, Solway Institute, has, in his letter dated 20 March 1913, sought on his behalf the co-operation of this [Anthropological] Society. It is with a view to help Dr. Schultz that our learned and energetic Secretary, Dr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi asked me to collect some riddles among us, the Parsees. So I have collected about 150 riddles, and today I beg to place some of them before our Society in the form of a paper before sending them to Dr. Schultz. It appears that there is no collection of riddles among the Parsees in a printed book form. The riddles have been handed down to us from tradition, and a few that are discussed in this paper have been collected from some members of my family and from a lady friend. Messrs. Freire-Marreco and J. Myres, speaking of stories, songs, proverbs, and riddles, say as follows: “None of these things are to be despised as trivial. They represent the earliest attempts to exercise reason, imagination and memory, and no student of psychology or ethnology can afford to disregard them.”1 Again, “In the lower culture, riddles propound real problems for solution, they describe persons or things in a metaphor, and the answer must discover its meaning. Thus riddles are used as a means of education, and even as a serious test of intellectual ability. Hence their prominence in folk tales.”2 I give below a few riddles3 known among the Parsees, with transliteration, translation, and with explanation where necessary. This paper does not exhaust the store of riddles. They would serve as a specimen of riddles now in vogue among our community. Apart from their intellectual or educative value, they serve as one of the innocent and instructive pastimes of the younger folks of the community.

*

Reprinted from JASB, X (2), September 1913: 94–100.

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1—Fire આટયા દાટયા ભોંયમાં દાટયા, સહવાર પડે ક ે સન્ાના ગાઠયા.– ં આતશ.

Transliteration: Átyá dátyá, bhoyman dátyá, Sahvár padè kè sannãnã gánthyã.—Ãtash. Translation: What is that thing which is buried in ground (at night time), and turned into bars of gold the next morning?—Fire. The Parsees hold fre in reverence. So they do not extinguish it at night after the household work is done, but cover it over with—bury, as it were, under—ashes. If the fre is extinguished, they consider it a bad omen. So they cover it very carefully. Uncovering it the next morning from under the ashes, they kindle it with fuel when it shines, as it were, like the bars of gold. The words ‘Àtyá, dátyá,’ with which the riddle opens, are meaningless. They seem to have been used only to rhyme with the last word ‘dátya.’

2—Rains છાપરે છાપરે મધ વેરાય. – વરસાદ.

Transliteration: Chhápre Chhápre madh veráè —Varsãd. Translation: The honey is spread broadcast from roof to roof—Rains. Rain, which is productive of prosperity and plenty, is supposed to be as sweet as honey.

3—Hail રાજાના રાજમાં નથી, રાણીના બાગમાં નથી,

ુ ખાતાં પણ ખવાતા ં નથી, તોડતા ં પણ તટતા ં નથી.– કરાં. Transliteration: Rájáná rájmán nathi, rániná bágmán nathi, Khátán pan khavátán nathi, todttán pan toottãn nathi.—Karãn. Translation: What is it that is neither in the territory of the king nor in the garden of the queen? Eat as much as you will, yet it is in extreme abundance; and break it as you like, it is not broken.—Hail.

4—Ice ગરમીમાં પાણી, થડીમા ં ં પથથર,

દદદીનો ઓસડ એવો કોણ હુ ં નર? – બરફ. Transliteration: Garmimán páni, thandimán paththar, Dardino osad èvo kon hoon nar?—Baraf. Translation: I am water in the hot season, and stone in the cold; I am also medicine for the patient—what man, then, am I?—Ice.

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5—The sun and the moon ભાઈ સહવારે ફરવા જાય

ૂ ્ય અને ચંદ્ર. (અને) બહેન રાતે ફરવા જાય. – સય Transliteration: Bhai sahvárè farvá jáè (Anè) bahèn ráte farvá jáè.—Surya ane Chandra. Translation: The brother goes out for a walk in the morning and the sister strolls about at night.—The Sun and the Moon. In this riddle the Sun is represented by the brother (male) and the Moon by the sister (female). The Sun and the Moon are often spoken of as male and female. “A handsome man is compared by Oriental writers to the Sun, but the beauty of a woman is always compared to that of the Moon.”4 Among the Parsees, the red pigment mark on a man’s forehead “is long and vertical like the rays of the sun, and that on a woman’s forehead round like the moon.”5

6—Stars ઠાલી ભરી રાઈ

કોઈથી નહહ ગણાઈ.– તારા. Transliteration: Tháli bhari rái Koithi nahi ganái.—Tãrã. Translation: A plateful of mustard (seeds) which could not be counted by anybody.—Stars. Here the sky is compared to a plate, and the stars in the sky, to grains of mustard.

7—Shadow એવી કઈ ચીજ છે , જેને માંસ, લોહી કે હાડ નથી; અને

જે નનજજીવ છતાં હાલે ચાલે છે . – છાયો ં . Transliteration : Évi kai chij chhè jènè más, lohee kè hád nathi anè jè nirjeeve chhatán hálè chálè chhè.—Chhãnyo. Translation: What is that thing which has neither fesh, blood nor bone, and which, though inanimate, moves freely about?—Shadow.

8—Tower of silence માણસ છે પણ બોલતું નથી,

ઘર છે પણ છાપરં નથી. – દોખમ.ું Transliteration: Mánas chhè pun boltoon nathi, Ghar chhè pun chháproon nathi.—Dokhmu. Translation: What is that house which is roofess, and in which though there is a person, that person neither speaks nor moves?—Tower of Silence.

204 Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi The Parsee Tower of Silence is a round house-like structure without a roof.

9—Toddy જગલ ં જહાનમાં દુ ધ વેરાય. – તાડી

Transliteration: Jungal jahanmán doodh vèráè.—Taadi. Translation: What is the milk which is dropped in a jungle?—Toddy. Toddy, which is a favourite drink in India, is much esteemed and appreciated as being very nutritious and pleasant when drunk moderately in the pure state. It is sweet and as white as milk. It is also spoken of as “the mother’s milk” (માયનું દુધ). Hence, it is considered in this riddle to be as good and nutritious as milk itself. The toddy palms grow in all parts of the country in unfrequented places as well as in gardens.

10—Rupee માછલી માફક ચળકે છે , રકાબીના જેવું ગોળ છે

દરે ક જણ વાપરે છે , પણ કોઈ ખાત ું નથી. – રપીઓ. Transliteration: Máchhli máfak chalkè chhè, rakábiná jèvun gole chhè, darèk jan váprè chhè, pan koi khátu nathi.—Rupio. Translation: It shines like a fsh, is round like a dish. Everyone uses it, but nobody eats it.—Rupee.

11—Needle and thread આટલી સરખી મટુકલી, તેનો એ વાર જેટલો

ચોટલો. – સોય દોરો. Transliteration: Átlee sarkhi matooklee, tèhno èk vár jètlo chotlo.—Soy Doro. Translation: What a stunted little thing! And it has a plait of hair, a yard long.—Needle and thread.

12—Salt સફેદ પણ સાકર નહહ, ચળકે પણ નહી કાચ,

પીગળે પણ બરફ નહહ, સદા ખાઓ છો સાથ. – નીમક. Transliteration: Safèd pan sákar nahi, chalkè pan nahi kách, Peeglè pan baraf nahi, sadá kháo chho sáth.—Nimak. Translation: Though white, it is yet not sugar; bright, yet not glass; melting, yet not snow; but you always eat it.—Salt.

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13—Clove કાળો સીદ્ી, તેને માથે ચાર શીંગડા.ં – લવંગ.

Transliteration: Kálo Siddi, tènè máthè chár shingdán.—Lavang. Translation: A black Negro, with four horns on head.—Clove.

14—Cardamom ગોરી ગોરી માય, તેનાં કારાં કારાં બચચા.ં – એલચી.

Transliteration: Gori gori máè, tèhná kárán kãrãn bachchãn.—Elchi. Translation: Which is that mother whose skin is white and whose babes are black?—Cardamom.

Notes 1 Notes and Queries on Anthropology, by B. Freire-Marreco and J. Myres, 4th ed., London, 1912, p. 210. 2 Ibid, p. 214. 3 In the 14 riddles which are discussed in this paper, the words at the end of the riddles following a dash (—) are the replies to the riddles. 4 “Symbolism in the Marriage Ceremonies of Different Nations,” by Dr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi (Bom; 1909), p. 15. Vide also Journal of Anthropological Society, Vol. V, p. 253. 5 Ibid.

18 A few Parsee riddles—II*1 Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi

I had read before this [Anthropological] Society on 24 September 1913 a paper “A Few Parsee Riddles.”1 That paper was the result of the suggestion of our learned Secretary, Dr. Jivanji Jamshedji Modi to collect some riddles current among our Parsee community, with a view to help Dr. W. Schultz of Bruxelles who was engaged in collecting all the works relating to riddles in every country of the world. In the present paper, I beg to place before you a further batch of my collection of riddles, some of which are specially interesting from an anthropological point of view as they refer to some customs and manners of the people.

Tongue ુ એક દબ્બીમાં સના્ાઈ નાચે. – જીભ.

Transliteration: Ek dabbiman Sunãbãi nãché.—Jibh. Translation: Sunãbai dances in a box.—Tongue. Sunabai is the name of an Indian lady, and as to why the name of a lady should have been resorted to in this riddle can be explained in three ways. First, the verb નાચે (nãché, dance) suggests the use of the name of a female, as the art of dancing is generally restricted to the female class. Second, according to the Gujarati grammar, tongue (જીભ) is used in the feminine gender. So, the use of the name of male would not suit the purpose of the riddle. Third, it may be that the much talked of loquacity of gentler sex was in the mind of the original author of this riddle when he invented it.

Bombay police sepoy ુ . – મ્ઈનો ું કાળી ્રણબી ને પબીળો બચ પોલબીસ સસપાઈ.

Transliteration: Kãli burni nè peelo booch.—Moombaino Police Sepai. Translation: A black jar with a yellow cork.—A Bombay police sepoy. This riddle is both ingenious and humorous, and it describes in a few words the livery of our Bombay police sepoys whose coat and pant are black khaki [colour] and whose turban is of an unmistakably yellow hue.

*

Reprinted from JASB, X (5), June 1915: 409–425.

A few Parsee riddles—II

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Hay જગલમા ં ં ્ાધે ં લા ્ોરાજી. – ઘાસનબી ઝુરી.

Transliteration: Junglemãn bãndhèlã Borãji.—Ghãsni Zury Translation: A Bohra gentleman bound in a jungle.—Hay. The reference in this riddle to a Bohra gentleman sets us thinking as to why the originator of the riddle has had recourse to a Bohra gentleman and not to one of any other nationality or caste. In the heterogeneous population of India, the Bohras are a distinct caste in the Mahomedan population professing the religion of Islam. The male members of the Bohra caste invariably wear a beard without any exception. The originator of the riddle perhaps sought to identify the stock of hay with a beard. The practice of wearing beards is also in vogue among the priestly classes of the Parsees and the Christians; but it is certainly not as much extended among the entire communities as a whole as it is among the Bohras. Hence the use of a Bohra gentleman in the riddle.

Banglewala તે આવતોતો, હુ ં ્ોલાવતબીતબી, તે જતોતો, હુ ં રડતબીતબી. – ચબીતલવાળો.

Transliteration:Tè ãvtoto, hoon bolãvtiti, tè jatoto, hoon radtiti.—Chitalwãlo. Translation: He was coming, I (a lady) was calling. When he went, I cried. Banglewala is a dealer in “bangles” which comes from a Hindustani word Bangri, meaning a bangle or a bracelet. This bangri or bracelet is an ornamental circlet made of glass, gold, silver, or any other material worn upon the wrist or ankle by women in India, Africa, and other countries. The dealer in these bracelets is a native of India, in most cases a Hindu or a Maratha, who, with his stock-in-trade on his shoulder, moves from house to house. The ladies select a pair of glass bracelets, which it is the function and duty of the banglewala to put on the gentle hands. Before setting to his task, he generally applies a little soap to the hands of the lady in order to make them slippery. He then presses the bracelets on the hands, not without causing pain and tears from the eyes of his delicate customer. The pain in most cases was evidently so great that the poor victim could not help weeping even though her tormentor had already departed from the place.

A Parsee priest ે ખાય મબીટ્બી સેવ, સફેદ માથાનો ં દવ,

ૂ પાડવાનબી ટવ. ે – મો્ેદ. સવાર પડે કે રોજ બમ Transliteration: Safèd mãthãno dèv, kháy mithi sèv, savár padè ke roj boom pádváni tèv.—Mobed. Translation: A white-headed deity who eats sweet vermicelli and who is in the habit of bawling out aloud from early morning.—A Parsee priest.

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The Parsee priest invariably wears a white turban, and that is why he is compared to a white-headed deity. In the various rituals that a Parsee priest has to perform, there is a ritual called આફ્રિનગાન (Ãfringãn), in which fruits and sweetmeats are placed, and prayers are offered before them. Vermicelli, as far as I know, is never cooked and placed along with these sweetmeats, but that word sev seems to have been resorted to only with a view to rhyme with the word tev (habit) in the next line. The idea, however, is that sweetmeats are invariably used in these rituals and that they perhaps form an item in the dietary of the priestly class. The ideas of bawling out from the early morning have reference to the recital of prayers which is the avocation of the priestly class, be that Parsee, Hindu, Mahomedan, or Christian.

Onion આટલો સરખો ગોકળદાસ,

ે ે સો પચાસ. – કાદો કપડાં પહર ં . Transliteration: Ãtlo sarkho Gokuldãs, kapdãn pehrè so pachchãs.—Kãndo. Translation: A stunted little Gokuldãs putting on ffty to hundred clothes (i.e., layers).—Onion. Gokuldãs is the name of a Hindu gentleman, and seems to have been used to rhyme with the word pachchás (ffty) in the next line.

Onion ે ંુ , મબીજાસ માહરો તાટો. દગલા ઉપર દગલો પહર

કોઈને દે ખાઉં ઉજળો ને કોઈને વળી રાતો. – કાદો ં . Transliteration: Duglã upper duglo pehroo, meejãs mãhro tãto Koinè dèkhãoon ujlo, nè koine vali rãto.—Kãndo Translation: Coat over coat do I put on, and hot-tempered am I; to some do I appear white, to others even red.—Onion. This riddle for the onion seems to be more ingenious than the former.

A king’s coachman કયો એવો શખસ છે કે જે રાજાને પબીઠ કરીને ્ેસે છે . – રથનબી ગાડીનો કોચમેન.

Transliteration: Kio ãvo shakhs chhè kè jè rãjãnè peeth karinè bèse chhè.— Rathni Gãdino Coachman.

Translation: Who is that person who sits showing his back to the king?—A King’s coachman.

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A cobweb એક મહેલ પાણબી વગર ્ધાય. ં – કરોળળયાન ુ ં જાળં.

Transliteration: Ek mahèl pãni vagar bandhai.—Karoliãnoon Jãloon. Translation: A palace that can be built without water.—Cobweb.

Nib વાંકી ટીકી ચાલ છે , પણ સાંપ માહર ં નામ નથબી,

ુ કામ નથબી, ્ે માહરી જીભ છે , પણ નાગનુ ં મજ મુખથબી કાઢુ ં પ્રવાહી, પણ ઝેર તે જાણસો નહી, ્ોલયા સવના કહુ ં વાત, પણ ્ોલતું યંત્ર માનસો નહી. – સટીલ પેન. Transliteration: Vãnki tiki chãl chhè, pan sãnp mãhroo nam nathi; Bè mãhri Jeebh chhè, pan nãgnoo mooj kãm nathi; Mookhthi kãdhoon pravãhi, pan zèr tè jãnsho nahi, Boliã veenã kahoon vãt, pun boltoon yantra mãnsho nahi.—Steel Pen. Translation: Though zig-zag do I go, yet I am not a snake; though I have two tongues, my work is not that of a snake; liquid though I eject from my mouth, yet do not take it to be a poison; though I can narrate lots of stories without uttering a word, yet a speaking machine I am not.—A Writing Nib.

Clock ઘણું કામ કરનાર ્ાપ, આળસુ મા અને તેનાં ્ાર નાનાં ્ચચા.ં – ઘડીઆળ.

Transliteration: Ghanu kãm karnãr bãp, álsu má anè tène bár nãhnã bachchãn.—Ghadiãl. Translation: An industrious hard-working father, lazy mother, and their 12 little babes.—Clock or watch. This riddle appeals to us as being ingenious. The bigger hand of the clock or the watch is spoken of in the riddle as the industrious father, and the smaller one as the lazy mother because the bigger hand, that is the minute-hand, is more industrious than the smaller hand or the hour hand, in that the former revolves more rapidly and freely. The 12 babes are the fgures in Roman character on the dial.

Carrot ુ એક જગલમા ં ં સનાનો ખબીલો. – ગાજર.

Transliteration: Ek Junglemán Sunãno Khilo.—Gãjar. Translation: In a jungle there is a golden nail.—Carrot.

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Radish ુ એક જગલમા ં ં રપાનો ખબીલો. – મળો.

Transliteration: Ek Junglemán ruppãno khilo.—Mulo. Translation: A silver nail in a jungle or forest.—Radish.

Radish ુ , નહી આવડે તો તારા ્ાપને પછ ુ . – મળો ુ . સફેદ દાહડી લબીલબી મછ

Transliteration: Sufèd dãhdi lily mooch, Nahi ãvadè to tãrã bapnè pooch.—Mulo. Translation: White beard, green moustaches. If you cannot solve (the riddle), go and ask your father.—Radish.

Pin અણબી પણ કાંટો નહી, માથ ું પણ નફ્હ ચામડી.

ચલકે પણ ચાંદી નફ્હ, શ ું છે એન ુ ં નામ. – ટાંચણબી. Transliteration: Ani pan kánto nahi, máthu pan nahi chámdi, Chalkè pan chándi nahi, shun chhè ãnu nám?—Tákni. Translation: There is a thing which, though it is pointed, is not yet a thorn. It has the head but not the skin. Though it is shining, yet it is not silver. What, then, is its name?—Pin.

Egg એક ્રણબીમાં ્ે જાતનુ ં ઘબી. – ઈંડુ .ં

Transliteration: Ek barni má bè jãtnu ghee.—Indu. Translation: There is a jar which contains two kinds of ghee or clarifed butter.—Egg.

Lock and key ે ફરવા જાય. – તાળં કુ ંચબી. ભાઈ ઘરમાં રહે અને ્ેહન

Transliteration: Bhãi gharmá rahè anè behen farvá jaè.—Tãlun Kunchi. Translation: Brother stays at home and sister goes out for a walk.—Lock and Key. Here, brother is the lock which is fxed to the door of the house, and sister is the key which the owner carries with him while leaving the house.

Teeth એક કોટડીમાં ્ત્રબીસ ્ાવા. – દાંત.

Transliteration: Ek kotdimá batris bává.—Dánt. Translation: In a room there are 32 mendicants.—Teeth.

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Ruby એક દા્ડીમાં લોહીનુ ં ટીપ.ું – માણેક.

Transliteration: Ek dábdimán lohinoo teepoo.—Mãneck. Translation: A drop of blood in a box.—Ruby.

Pearl એક દા્ડીમાં દહીનુ ં ટીપ.ુ ં – મોતબી.

Transliteration: Ek dábdimán dahinoo teepoo.—Moti. Translation: A drop of curds in a box.—Pearl.

The face એક દહેરા પર સાત દરવાજા. – મોહડંુ .

Transliteration: Ek dehrápar sát darvájá.—Mohdun. Translation: A temple with seven gates.—Face. Here, temple is the face itself and the seven gates are two eyes, two nostrils, two ears, and a mouth.

Slipper એક એવબી ચબીજ છે કે પેટ ભરાય તો ચાલે,

ને ખાલબી હોય તો નહી ચાલે. – સપાટ. Transliteration: Ek evi cheej chhè kè pet bharaiè to chálè, nè kháli hoi to nahi chálè.—Sapat. Translation: There is a substance which would only walk when its stomach is full but never when it is empty.—Slippers.

A pomegranate આટલો સરખો ગોલો તેમાં સો પચાસ દાણા. – દારમ.

Transliteration: Átlo sarkho golo tèman so pachás dáná.—Dárum. Translation: A small ball containing ffty to hundred grains.—A pomegranate.

Snuff મને લેવા ્ે આવે મસતબી હોશને જગાડ,ે

મને લેવા ્ે આવે ્ે ગુફામા ં પુગાડ.ે – તપકીર. Transliteration: Manè lèvá bè ávè, musti hoshnè jagádè, Manè lèvá bè ávè, bè goofámán poogádè.—Tapkeer. Translation: Two come to take me and they create mischief. Two come to take me and they carry me to two caves.—Snuff. The two comers in this riddle are the two fngers which carry the snuff to the two caves, that is, the nostrils.

212

Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi

Chair ચાર ભાઈ ચોખંડ ્ેઠા, પાચમો ં આપે ્રદો,

ુ તયારે જ તમો કલમ પકડી લખબી કાહડો ખરડો. – ખરશબી. Transliteration: Chár bhái chaukhand bèthá, pánchmo ápè burdo, tiãrèje tamo kalam pakdi lakhi kádho khardo.—Khursi. Translation: Four brothers sat at four squares. The ffth brother would give you its back. Then and then only, you can take up a pen and write out a draft.—Chair.

Cardamon ગોરી ગોરી ગોલામડી, ્ચચાં તેનાં કાળા,ં

ે ગોલમડીને ફેંકી દઓ, ્ચચા ં કરો વહાલા.ં – એલચબી. Transliteration: Gori gori golãmdi, bachchan tèná kálán, golámdinè fènki dèo, bachchán karo váhlán.—Elchi. Translation: She is a slave-girl who herself is white-skinned but whose babes are black. Discard the slave girl but endear the babes to you.—Cardamom.

Road એક ચબીજ એવબી છે કે જે આપણબી સાથે સાથે જયાં જઈએ તયાં

આવે છે , તો્બી તે ઉભેલબી ને ઉભેલબીજ છે . – રસતો. Transliteration: Ek cheej èvi chhè kè jè ápni sáthè sãthè jiãn jaiè tiá ãvè chhè tobi tè oobhèli nè oobhèlij chhe.—Rasto. Translation: There is a substance which, though it follows us wherever we go, is stationary.—Road.

Map જયાં ગામ છે તયાં માણસ નથબી, ને જયાં નદી છે તયાં પાણબી નથબી. – નકશો.

Transliteration: Jian gám chhè tiá mánas nathi; anè jiá nadi chhè tiá páni nathi.—Naksho. Translation: Where there is a village, there is no population, and where there is a river, there is no water.—Map

Gram કાળી ચામડી ને પબીળં દીલ. – ચણા.

Transliteration: Káli chámdi nè peeloon dil.—Chanã. Translation: Black skin and yellow body.—Gram.

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Ship પાણબી છે પણ પબીત ું નથબી, ચારો છે પણ ખાત ું નથબી,

તે જનાવર મરત ું નથબી. – વહાણ. Transliteration: Páni chhè pan pitoo nathi, cháro chhè pan khátoo nathi, Tè jãnáver martoo nathi.— Vahãn. Translation: There is an animal which does not die though it does not drink water in spite of there being plenty of water, nor eat anything in spite of there being plenty of fodder.—Ship.

Playing cards એક એવબી ચબીજ છે કે તેને ફુરસદ મળે તયારે હાથમાં લેવામાં

આવે છે ; વેહચવામાં આવે છે પણ ખવાતબી નથબી. – પાના.ં Transliteration: Ék èvi cheej chè kè tènè fursood malè tiarè háthmán lèvánmán ávè chè; vèhchvámán ávè chè pan khaváti nathi.—Páná. Translation: There is a thing which is taken in hand when there is leisure. It is distributed but never eaten.—Playing Cards.

Sword ે છે ; કાળી છે કરવતબી છે , કાળા મહેલમા ં રહતબી

ે છે . – તલવાર. લાલ પાણબી પબીતબી છે , ને સાહે્ને જવા્ દતબી Transliteration: Káli chhè karvati chhè, kálá mèhèlman rèhti chhè; Lál páni peeti chhè, nè sahèbnè javáb dèti chhè.—Talvár. Translation: It is black, it is a saw; it dwells in a black palace, it drinks red water and is ever at the service of its owner.—Sword.

Brinjal લબીલબી પાઘડી કાળો ઝભભો. – વેગણ.ું

Transliteration: Lily pághdi kálo jabhbho.—Véngnoo. Translation: Green turban and black robe.—Brinjal.

A year એક પેટીમાં ્ાર ખાના, તેમાં 30-30 દાણા. – વરસ.

Transliteration: Ék pètimán bár kháná, tèmán tees tees dáná.—Varas. Translation: There is a chest with twelve drawers, each drawer containing 30 grains.—A year.

214 Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi

A lighted lamp એક એવબી ચબીજ છે કે જે રાતે જાગે ને ફ્દવસે સુઈ જાય. – દીવો.

Transliteration: Ék èvi cheej chhè kè jè rátè jágè neh divasè sooi jái.—Divo. Translation: There is a substance which keeps awake during the night and sleeps during day time.—A lighted lamp.

A lighted lamp તળાવ ભરાયો, સબીપાઈ ઉભો રહયો.

તળાવ સુકઈ ગયો, સબીપાઈ નાહસબી ગયો. – દીવો. Transliteration: Taláv bharáyo, sepái ubho rahyo; Taláv sukái gayo, sepai náhsi gayo.—Divo. Translation: The tank is full and there stands a sepoy (in the middle); the tank is dry and the sepoy has absconded away.—A lighted lamp.

A lighted lamp ુ સુન્ાનો પોપટ પછડીએ પાણબી પબીએ. – દીવો.

Transliteration: Sunnáno popat poochdiè páni piè.—Divo. Translation: A golden parrot drinks water with the help of its tail.—A lighted lamp.

Lamp નરમાં એક નારી વસે ને રસ પબીને નર ખરખર હસે. – દીવો.

Transliteration: Narmán èk nári vasè nè ras peenè nar kharkhar hasè.—Divo. Translation: A female dwells within a male and she laughs heartily on drinking the juice.—Lamp.

Candle stick ગોરાં ગોરાં ગોરાણબી, ઉંચબી ઉંચબી કાયા,

અંગ આખખું ્ાળી નાખ્ુ ં ,ં એવબી લાગબી માયા. – મબીણ્ત્બી. Transliteration: Gorán gorán goráni, unchi unchi káyá, Ang ákhkhun báli nákhioon, èvi lági máyá.—Meenbatti. Translation: The ‘gorãni’ (priestess) is white-skinned with tall stature. She is so enamoured that she burnt her whole body.—Candlestick. The word goráni in the riddle requires some explanation. A gor among the Hindus is a priest, and his wife is called a gorani (priestess) who prepares food, etc. for religious ceremonies. The word gorãni has subsequently come to be applied also to the wife of a Parsee priest who is known to help her husband by preparing food, sweetmeats etc. for religious ceremonies. The

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Parsee gorãnis or priestesses are, as a rule, tall and handsome and that is why the candle-stick in this riddle is compared to a tall white-skinned goráni.

Lightning આવબી તયારે ઉજલબી ને ગઈ તયારે કાળી,

સપાટામાં આવયા તેને નાખયા ્ાળી. – વબીજળી. Transliteration: Ávi tiárè oojli nè gai tiárè káli, sapátáman áviá tènè nákhiá báli.—Veejli. Translation: I was white when I came and black when I went. I burnt those who came into my clutches.—Lightning.

Cocoanut tree ુ દગયા. ુ ્ાપ સલલો વલલો, માય જીગ્બી પબીગ્બી ને છોકરાં દગ ં – નાફ્રયેરી.

Transliteration: Báp sallo vallo, máe jigri pigri nè chhokrán dug dugián.—Nãlieri. Translation: The father is stalwart, the mother is rough-looking and the babes plump and healthy.—Cocoanut Tree. In this riddle, the long stem of the tree is compared to a stalwart father, and the long, bending leaves of the tree which are uneven and rough in appearance are compared to a rough-looking mother. The babes of the stalwart father and the rough-looking mother are the cocoanuts which are evidently plump and healthy.

Cocoanut પાણબી છે પણ માછલબી નથબી, આકાશ છે પણ તારા નથબી. – નાફ્રયર.

Transliteration: Páni chhè pan máchli nathi, Áakásh chhè pan tárá nathi.—Náliér. Translation: Though there is water, there is no fsh. Though there is sky there are no stars.—Cocoanut. Cocoanut tree and its fruit require some explanation. Webster’s New International Dictionary edited by W. T. Harris and F. Sturges Allen, 1914, Vol. I (p. 429) has the following: Coco palm. Less correctly written cocoa (Sp. & Pg. Coco coconut, in Sp. also, coco palm. The Portuguese name is said to have been given from the monkey like face at the base of the nut, fr. Pg. coco, a bugbear, an ugly mask to frighten children.) A tall pinnate-leaved palm (cocos uncifera) found throughout the tropics, and generally thought to have originated in Asia or in Polynesia. It is one of the most important palms; the leaves furnish thatch, a kind of toddy is made from the fowering sapathe, and the hard wood is used for building…….The spelling cocoa

216 Rustamji Nasarvanji Munshi appeared frst in Johnson’s dictionary, probably as a mistake, and later became the more common spelling; coco, however, is the spelling preferred by careful writers. About the cocoanut, the fruit of the coco palm, the same authority says, It is the most important economic product of the tropics. The thick meat or endosperm of the seed is used for food both ripe and unripe, and the milky fuid in the fresh nut furnishes a refreshing drink. The fbre derived from the husk is variously utilized, and the dried meat, called copra, and cocoanut oil are extensively exported.

Railway train પેટ નથબી પણ પાલું છ,ં જીવ નથબી પણ ચાલું છં. – આગગાડી.

Transliteration: Pète nathi pan páloon chhoon, jeev nathi pan cháloon chhoon.—Ág-gádi. Translation: Though I have no stomach, I maintain many (i.e., keep many within my stomach). Even though there is no life in me, yet I walk.—Railway Train.

Railway train એક ્લા મેં એવબી જોઈ, નહી ્લા મે તેવબી જોઈ,

સર સર દોડો ભાઈ, હજાર માણસો પેટે ખાઈ. – આગગાડી. Transliteration: Ék balá mè èvi joi, nahi balá mè tèvi joi, Sar sar dodè bhai, hajár mánaso pètè kháee.—Ãg-gãdi. Translation: Such a pest I have seen and never have I seen such a pest in my life. O brother, it runs quickly with thousands of men within its belly.—Railway Train.

Swing પવન નાંખ ું પણ પંખો નહી, લઈ જઊં પણ નહી ગાડી,

હીલું હાથ કે પગ વના, ગતબી મારી છે આડી, ુ , હીલું જો કે છં જડેલો, ્ોલું સવના જીભ કે મખ સુવો તમો જો કે નફ્હ ખાટલો, દઉં છં તમને આરામ ને સુખ. – હીંધોલો. Transliteration: Pavan nákhoon pan punkho nahi, lai jáun pan nahi gádi, Hilun háth kè pug veená, gati máhrichhè èvi, Hilun jo kè chhun jadèlo, bolun veená jeebh kè mooch, Soovo tamo, jokè nahi khátlo, daunchhu tamnè árám ne sookh.—Heendholo. Translation: Though I am not a fan, yet I fan you; though not a carriage, yet I carry you; though I have neither hands nor feet, I move and my movement

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is irregular and crooked. I move, though I am fxed; and speak, though I have neither tongue nor mouth. I accord you rest and happiness when you sleep upon me, though I am not a bedstead.—A swing.

Hair કાળો છં પણ કાગ નહી, લા્ો ં છં પણ નાગ નહી,

તેલ ચઢે હરમાન નહી, ફૂલ ચઢે મહાદે વ નહી. – ્ાલ. Transliteration: Kálo chhoon pan kág nahi, lámbo chhoon pan nág nahi, Tèl chadhè Harmán nahi, fool chadhè Mahádèv nahi.—Bãl. Translation: Though I am black, I am not a raven; though long with curls, yet not a snake; though I am besmeared with oil, I am not Harmãn (Hanumãn); though fowers are consecrated to me, I am not Mahãdev.—Hair. Among the Hindus, fowers were primarily and really intended for the various Hindu gods and goddesses. But latterly it has become a practice with fond gallant youthful persons, both men and women, to decorate their hair with fowers. Lotus, jasmine, and rose are, oftener than not, used for these purposes. The long hair is fguratively compared to the curled length of a snake. Oil is applied to hair by the devotees but it is preferably meant for Hanuman’s idol. The words “Harmán” (Hanumãn) and “Mahãdèv” in the riddle are the two deities of the Hindus, which need some explanation. Hanumãn is a Hindu deity with a fgure of a man with a black monkey face and a long tail. He is supplicated by Hindus on their birthdays to obtain longevity, which he is supposed to have the power to bestow. As the god of enterprise, offerings are made at his shrine by night. He is said to be a son of Siva. He is fabled to be the son of the wind, and is called Mãruti. As the monkey-general who assisted Rãma in his war with Rãvana, he is regarded and worshipped as a demi-god. His images are set up in temples, sometimes alone, and sometimes in the society of the former companions of his glory, Rãma and Sitã.2 Mahãdeva, Great God, a title given to Siva by his followers of the Saiva sect, who acknowledge Siva as their great or supreme god. Similarly, they style his consort Pãrvati or Bhawãni, Mahãdevi, or great goddess. Siva’s emblem is the lingam, the priapus or phallus, rising from the Yoni, usually in stone, with the bull Nandi kneeling in front. Mahãdeva has Pãrvati, the mountain nymph, as his shakti or female energy; and in the fgures of Mahãdeva and Pãrvati, commonly called Gouri Sankar, Pãrvati is seated on Mahãdeva’s knee with the bull Nandi at his feet, and the Sinha or lion at her feet. The Lingãyats are a Vira-Saiva sect, whose sole object of worship is the lingam. Benares is a great site of the Saiva worship, and there is a celebrated temple of Mahãdeva at Karikal, four miles south of Hardwar.

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Chili આટલો સરખો સબીપાઈ આખખા ગામને રડાવે. – મરચ.ું

Transliteration: Átlo sarkho sepoy ákhkhá gámne radávè.—Marchun. Translation: Such a stunted little peon would make the whole village weep.—Chilli.

Notes 1 Balfour, Enyclopaedia of India, Vol. II, 3rd ed. 1885, p. 13. 2 Balfour, Encyclopaedia of India, Vol. II, 3rd ed. 1885, p. 774.

19 Omens among the Parsees*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Of the omens believed in by the Parsees, some seem to be common to other native communities of Bombay and some are peculiarly their own. We will frst speak of the good omens.

Good omens When a man leaves his house on important business, or when he sets out on a journey, it is a very good omen if he meets a woman with a pot full of water, either at the threshold of his house or in the street. The man sometimes throws a coin into that pot to mark his appreciation of the good omen. Sometimes it is intentionally contrived by a female member of the family that the man should be so met, but the thing is so managed as to present the appearance of being accidental and unintentional. On the contrary, it is a very bad omen if the man meets a woman with an empty pot. Since the introduction of Vihar (pipe) water into Bombay, there is very little room for this omen because the sight of Parsee women going to the public well and returning with water on their head is very rare. But it may still be seen in many Parsee centers in Gujarat. It is considered a very good omen on leaving home to see a sweeper with his basket on his head. It is a good omen if a man comes across some fsh while going out on important business. Fish is the best and most excellent present that one can send to a friend or relative for good luck on festive occasions, such as birthdays, betrothals, and marriages. It is a good omen to meet a corpse on the road, but a bad omen to see the fre that is sometimes carried with the corpse. I should attribute the latter to the fact that the Parsees consider it unlawful to burn a corpse. It is a good omen if a serpent passes on one’s right when he goes out on an important business. It is a bad omen if it passes by his left side. It is a very good omen if a serpent passes over one’s body when asleep. It is a good omen to meet a washerman with a bundle of clean clothes, but it is a bad omen to meet him with his bundle of dirty clothes. It is a good omen to meet a gardener or any other person with fowers or fruits in his hands. It is a good omen to see a pot of toddy when going out on an important business. *

Reprinted from JASB, I (5), April 1887: 289–295.

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When two or more persons are discussing important business, the striking of a clock, or the ringing of a bell, or the fring of a gun, is considered a very good omen for the success of that business. It is usual in such a case when the clock strikes, or the bell rings, or the gun fres, for somebody to call out “Hokam te Sãhebno” (it is the order of the Almighty), meaning thereby that the success of the scheme is destined by God. When two or more persons are discussing a domestic affair, or any other subject that is the cause of disagreement among them, the striking of a clock, or the ringing of a bell, or the fring of a gun is taken by the party who is then speaking or stating his case as an additional proof of the truth of his statement. He exclaims in the midst of his speech, “Haknâm te Sãhebno”; i.e., “Truth is the name of the Almighty,” meaning thereby that God who is the source of all truth, supports his statement. When a man sets out on a journey or voyage, it is a good omen if, when he has just left the house, somebody calls out to him to “turn and look back.” If he turns and looks back towards the house or the speaker, it is a good omen, indicating that he will return safe and sound. If one does not turn and look back when called upon to do so, he is unconsciously made to do so by a dear relative on the pretense of having something important to communicate.

Bad omens If a cat crosses one’s way when he is leaving his house for business, it is a bad omen portending failure. In such a case, the man turns back a few steps, waits for a minute or two, and then proceeds to his business. A sneeze is a bad omen. If a person sneezes when another is on the point of leaving his house for business, the latter postpones his departure for a minute or two. Sometimes he changes his shoes from one foot to another to avert the evil infuence of the bad omen. Sometimes he takes off his turban and then puts it on again after a few seconds. By taking off his turban, he makes believe that he has postponed his departure. If a person sneezes twice, the omen is not thought to be so bad, because the second sneeze is supposed to counteract the evil infuence of the frst. In the case of a conversation on an important business, a sneeze is a bad omen, portending failure. If it is a female sneezing, the omen is very bad and the failure certain; but if it is a male, they console themselves saying, “Oh, never mind, it is the sneezing of a male.” The breaking of a chandelier or a globe [of candle or electric light] at a family rejoicing is a bad omen, portending some evil. The breaking of glass bangles generally portends evil, but it is a very bad omen indeed if the thing happens early in the morning or at sunset, or at new moon, or on good and festive occasions. Among the Parsees the absence of glass bangles shows that the woman is a widow. A woman’s glass bangles are broken on the death of her husband, generally by a widow. Therefore, the breaking of bangles is supposed to portend some evil to the husband.

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The accidental falling off of a turban from a rack is considered an evil omen, portending some evil to the owner of that turban. On such an occurrence, some lady calls out “Long life to the turban,” wishing thereby long life to the owner of the turban. The whining of a dog especially at midnight is an evil omen, portending some misfortune. The peculiar noise which a dog makes by shaking his ears and stretching his limbs is a very bad omen, portending failure of business which is then undertaken. The cawing of a crow portends good as well as evil. If the cawing makes a peculiar noise which they call a “bharyo-avâj,” i.e., “a full noise,” it portends good. Such a noise is also considered to foretell the arrival of a guest or the receipt of a letter from a relative in some distant country. If a good event occurs after the peculiar cawing which portends good, they present some sweets to the crow. Another peculiar kind of cawing, especially that of the “kâgri,” i.e., the female crow, portends some evil. A crow making such a peculiar noise is generally driven away with a remark, “Go away, bring some good news.” The sight of an owl is a very bad omen, but that of a bird called “kâkaryo koomâr” (કાકરીઓ કુમાર) is a very good omen. I do not know by what name the bird is known in English.1 It is a very rare bird. If a man happens to see it, he is sure to meet with success in all his undertakings for a year or more. I remember that, three years ago when I was on the outskirts of Surat with a large party, somebody cried out, “kâkaryo koomâr, kâkaryo koomâr.” All eyes were suddenly turned in different directions to catch a glimpse of the bird. It was seen by a few when it went off in another direction. There was a general stoppage. The cart-drivers and all the passengers got out of the carriages and went in the direction of the bird which fortunately for them was seen a little distance off, sitting on the turf. All looked at it to their full satisfaction. They were told that this year would be a lucky one for them. An old Parsee lady was specially anxious to show the bird to her son, who was ill and was ordered out of Bombay for a change. She thought the sight of this auspicious bird to be a very good omen for the speedy recovery of her son. A shoe lying inverted is a bad omen, portending quarrel in the family. No sooner one sees a shoe so lying, he at once puts it in the proper position. While on the subject of an omen portending quarrel, I may mention here that the giving of a pinch of salt into the hand of another is also supposed to portend a quarrel. In order to avert that expected quarrel, after giving the salt required, you must pinch the other man on the hand. If the salt is passed to another man in a salt-cellar or a spoon, it does not portend any quarrel. Auspicious, inauspicious The following, though it does not come strictly under the head of omens, can be mentioned here in connection with the subject:

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Auspicious days: Tuesdays and Fridays are generally inauspicious days. Many persons will not begin an important work or start on a distant journey on those days. They are generally avoided for marriage, betrothal, and other happy occasions. Auspicious side: The East is the most auspicious side. When a dress is presented to a bride on marriage occasions, she is made to stand with her face to the East. When a new set of clothes is put on a child on its birthday or other festive days, it is made to sit or stand with its face to the East. Auspicious foot: The right foot is the auspicious foot. When the bride frst enters her husband’s house, she does so with the right foot. Women who carry suits of clothes to the houses of brides or bridegrooms do the same. Auspicious language: Women are always careful to use what they call “auspicious language.” In order to do so, they speak exactly the contrary of what they mean. For example, if you were to go to a lady to borrow a few rupees from her and if she has none to spare, she would not directly tell you, “I have none to spare,” but she would say quite the contrary (મારી પાસે ઘણાં ઘણાં છે ); i.e., “I have too many.” She thinks it unauspicious to say that she is without money. To say so in so many words would be an ill omen, portending poverty in future. In the same way, when the members of a large family have gone out of the house, the old lady who remains at home, if she wishes to say that “the house looks empty,” owing to the absence of the other members of the family, would not say so directly, but in quite a contrary form of expression. She would say, “the house looks very full” (ઘર ભરું ુ ભરું ુ લાગે છે ). She thinks it inauspicious to use the former expression. She is afraid lest mere expression of that statement be the forerunner of the death of members of the family. The anxiety to use auspicious language is manifested by many a Parsee mother, wife, or sister when she is speaking of the illness of her son, husband, or brother. For example, a mother, who has a son named Jivanji, would not say, in case of his illness, “My son Jivanji is ill.” She would transfer the illness to herself and say, “My Jivanji’s mother is ill.” She would say, “પખોરીને આપી દે ઓ”. Many a wife or sister generally uses a similar expression. They also generally use an expression wishing for a transference of the illness to themselves, i.e., “Cast it (illness) off and give it to me,” is a common expression before the sickbed of a dear relative. Again, another form of expression is also used in a similar case. For example, a mother who wishes to speak of her son Jivanji’s illness, would say, “My son Jivanji’s enemy is ill.”

Note 1 The Crow-pheassant, Cemtropus maximus.—EDITOR.

20 Charms or amulets for some diseases of the eye*1 Jivanji Jamshedji Modi Faith in the virtue of charms and amulets is common to almost all nations and all ages. The belief has been prevalent at one time or another among almost all countries. It is a common belief in many countries, even now, that the mere carrying of certain medical preparations or plants on the body of a person has the power of healing diseases. They say that similar faith has not entirely ceased in England, even at the present time. Pieces of parchment with passages from the Bible were carried about by the Jews on their bodies as amulets, and they were known as phylacteries. Pieces of paper with passages from the Koran are carried about by the Arabs under the name of tâviz (amulets). One very often comes across such amulets among the Hindus. The subject of this paper is a similar charm or amulet prepared by a respectable Parsee family at Navsari for a complaint ું ુું (ulcer of the cornea). The charm is known there by of the eye known as ફલ the name of ફલાુંનો દોરો, i.e., the thread for the ulcer of the cornea. A large number of people afficted with that complaint go to Navsari from adjoining villages to take the charm from the Parsee family. Later on, I will also give the text of a Persian amulet with passages from ancient Avesta texts. The use of that amulet is generally enjoined for all kinds of eye complaints. An instance of the still-surviving belief in the virtue of amulets is mentioned the case of the anodyne necklace, which is made up of beads formed from the roots of bryony and which is suspended from the necks of infants with the object of helping the process of their teething. It sometimes happens that the particular plant, used in the charm, is believed to process the medicinal properties of curing a particular disease if taken internally. The popular belief then transfers the effciency of internal application to mere external application and turns the medicinal plant into a mere charm or amulet. How far that is true in the case of the charm I am describing this evening, I leave it to medical members of our [Anthropological] Society to determine. The plant whose root I have placed on the table for the inspection of the members of our Society is known at Navsari as વાર મોગરો (vâr mogrô) and is used, as I have said, as a charm or an extraordinary cure for a complaint in the eye known as ફલુું (phulu). It is identifed by Dr. Lisboa as “Jasminum Pubescens,” coming nearer to “Jasminum Rottlenarum.” Dr. Lisboa says *

Reprinted from JASB, III (6), March 1894: 338–345.

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that its uses are not known, and that, like the fowers of all Jasminums, its fowers are more or less scented. They say that there lived in Navsari, about 50 years ago, a Parsee gentleman, named Sorabjee. One day a fakir happened to pass by his door and was pleased with his looks. To show him a bit of liking for him, he taught him a cure for the ulcer. He showed him the plant in the adjoining gardens and felds and asked him to follow a set of instructions to make the application of the plant perfectly effcacious as a cure. He also said that the cure could only be produced by Sorabjee or some male members of the family in direct line of descent from him. The person who is in the direct line of male descent from Sorabjee has to go to the place where the plant grows on a Saturday evening and invite the plant for the next morning. “તેને આણી આવે” is the Gujarati phrase used at Navsari for the invitation. The process of this invitation consists in placing a few grains of rice at the root of the plant and saying, “I will take you away tomorrow for the cure.” The man must go to the plant early in the morning the next day, i.e., Sunday, before washing himself and dig out the root. The root, after being dug out from the plant, must, on no account, be allowed to touch the mother earth again. It must be dried and not allowed to touch any wood. It must be kept suspended from a wall by a nail. Women in their menses, men after their wet dreams, and persons in the state of such temporary uncleanliness must, on no account, touch these roots; otherwise, they lose all their socalled medicinal properties. To prepare the thread, it is necessary that the yarn must have been prepared by a spinster. Some say that it is necessary to do so on the કાલી ચૌદસ (Kãli chãudas) day. The day before the day of the Diwali festival is called Kãli chãudas day. (It is the 14th day of the fortnight (chãudas) in propitiation of goddess Kãli.—Editors.) Seven threads of the yarn are woven into one which is then put around the root so as to pass thrice over it. If the patient has ulcer in the left eye, he is to put the thread on the right ear, and vice versâ. Before so putting it on, the smoke of frank incense must be passed over it. The person carrying the thread for the patient should take care not to put himself in any state of uncleanliness. Again, the patient must, on no account, let it fall on the ground or bed. If it falls on the ground, he is to send for quite another thread. If it falls on a sleeping bed, it must be again submitted to the process of passing the smoke of frank incense over it. It must be immediately removed when the patient is free from his complaint; otherwise it may further spoil the eye. The family which inherits the right of producing the medicinal properties in the above-described manner is prohibited from charging any fees to the patients for preparing the threads. But they sometimes ask the patients to feed the dogs of the streets as an act of charity in return for the cure. It is said that hundreds of men of all religions from the adjoining villages go to Navsari to take the thread so

Charms or amulets for some diseases of the eye

225

prepared for the patients afficted with ulcers in their villages. It is very noticeable that in India while at times illiterate people of different religions knock one another’s head for their so-called zeal for their religion, at other times they resort to the priests of the hostile communities for the sake of charms and amulets. It is not rare for a Hindu to go to a Mahomedan Moolla, a Parsee Mobed, or a native Christian Padre, nor is it rare for a Mahomedan, a Parsee, or a Christian to go to a Hindu Brahmin, and so on, to fetch from him a charm or an amulet blessed by incantations from the scriptures of that very religion which they seem to hate with words and sometimes with blows. The invitation to the plant in the above case on a Saturday evening, to be prepared to be taken away for the ulcer the next morning, seems to be something like an invitation to the spirit of the tree. It reminds us of the belief in the transference of a disease to a tree or to the spirit in the tree. In Eunemoser’s History of Magic (Vol. II, p. 206) we fnd the following reference to the belief which is somewhat akin to the invitation to the plant in our above story of Navsari. Among the forms of adjuration we fnd the commencement thus, “Twig, I bind thee; fever now leave me.” Westendorp relates the following Netherlands practice: Whoever has the ague, let him go early in the morning to an old willow tree, tie three knots in a branch, and say, “Good morning, old one! I give thee the cold; good morning, old one!” He must then turn round quickly and run off as fast as he can without looking behind him. This belief in the transference of a disease to something else reminds us of the so-called cure for another complaint of the eye, known as આંજણી (ãnjani, stye). The best remedy believed in, for curing this, is the knocking at midnight at the door of the house of a man who has two living wives. While doing so he has to utter these words, “આંજણી ઘર ભાુંજણી. આજે મને તો કાલે ુ ”; i.e., “Stye! you are the breaker (of the peace) of a house. To-day it is તને my turn, to-morrow it will be yours.” This cure for the આંજણી reminds us of another cure for the same. The mere application of a dried bomaloe or Bombay duck upon the stye is believed to be effcacious because the આંજણી (stye) is said to be of the Brahmin caste (બ્ાહાુંમનની જાત). And as the Brahmins, being strict vegetarians, shudder at the sight of fsh, so the stye being a Brahmin by caste, will shudder at the sight of the bomaloe and will immediately leave the eye of the patient on the application of that fsh. Compare the following: A singular remedy is adopted against dyspnoea or fainting, which they call “mountain sickness.” This they (the Kirgese) represent to themselves

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Jivanji Jamshedji Modi under the form of a young lady, before whom they utter to the patient, the most obscene and disgusting expressions, thinking thereby to shock the lady’s modesty and drive her away. (Chinese Central Asia, Vol. I., p. 124, by Dr. Lansdell).

The above story, of a charm for the eye prepared by a respectable Parsee priestly family at the direction of a fakir, naturally leads us to inquire if there are any strictly Parsee charms or amulets for the eye spoken of in the old Persian books.1 We fnd nothing on the subject in the older books, but the later Persian Revâyats give a tâviz or an amulet for curing all general complaints of the eye. I have taken the text of this amulet from the manuscript copy of the Reváyat-i-Burzô Kavám-ud-dimn belonging to Mr. Edalji Kersaspji Antia, Zend teacher at the Sir Jamshedji Madressa. The text gives the following instruction as to how the amulet is to be put on

i.e., “To be tied on the left hand until the complaint of the eye is cured. To tie and untie it with the Bâj of Behera Yazad.2” The text of the amulet.

Charms or amulets for some diseases of the eye

227

Translation In the name of God. In the name of the strength and splendour of Fredun the son of Athawyân. We praise the swift-horsed Sun. We praise the immortal, glorious and swift-horsed Sun. We praise the strong-eyed Tishtrya. May (so and so, e.g., Ader Cheher, the son of Ader Cheher3), by virtue of the strength and power of the splendour of Fredun, the son of Athawyân, by virtue of the strength of the northern stars, be healthy in body. May it be so. May there be good life and good marks. May it be good. May it be so. The text of the amulet is written in a mixture of Avesta and Persian characters. Again it is written in Avesta, Pazand, and a little of Pehelvi. It does not seem to be the production of a literary man versed in the sacred books. Now, it is worth inquiring why Hvarê Khshaêta (the Sun), Tishtrya (the star Sirius), and Fredun, the well-known monarch of the Peshdâdyan dynasty, alluded to by Sir Walter Scott in his Talisman, are mentioned in this Persian amulet or talisman. The reason that the sun, the star Tishtrya (Sirius), and other stars are mentioned in the amulet for the eye, seems to be that the old Persian books of the Avesta use a metaphorical language in which these luminaries are represented as possessing good strong eyes. Poets very often compare eyes with the sun, the moon, the stars, and such heavenly bodies. For example, the sun is spoken of as the “bright eye and monarch of the world.” So the Avesta speaks of the sun and the Mithra as the eyes of Ahura Mazda (

yaçna LXVIII-22). Mithra the god of

light is said to be the possessor of 10,000 eyes (

)

yt.

X. 7). The star Tishtrya is said to possess good strong eyes ( Khurshed Nyâish 7). Now, the reason why the name of Fredun is mentioned in this amulet is that, to this renowned monarch of the Peshdâdyan dynasty of ancient Iran are attribmuted by later traditions the supernatural powers of curing many diseases by charms and amulets. This Fredun is the Thraêteona of the Avesta who is compared with the वेतन (vetan) of the Vedas. He is spoken of in the Fravardin yasht (yt. XIII–131) as having discovered some cures for fevers, snake-bite, etc. The Pehelvi Dadastan-i-Dini alludes to this when it refers to him as a person knowing all kinds of medical cures ( XXXVII-35). The Pâzand portion of the Vanant Yasht alludes to this fact. Mirkhond4 in his Rauzat-us-safa speaks of Fredun as being very friendly to physicians and as being an ardent student inquiring into the nature of the human constitution. Later books say that it is owing to his connection with

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all kinds of medicines and cures that the name of Fredun is mentioned in various Persian charms and amulets. I beg to lay on the table for the inspection of members a ring which is the property of Dowager Lady Ruttonbai Jamshedjee. It is intended to be used as a cure for the ulcer in the cornea of the eye. It is made of a kind of stone having on one side the form of an eye with the eye-ball and the white of the eye clearly marked. This amulet is enjoined to be passed over the eye several times every morning by some person other than the patient, and it is believed to lessen the ulcer or the opacity of the cornea gradually.

Notes 1 We fnd these sentences also in the Pâzand portion of the Vanant yasht. 2 This and the next sentence are taken from the Khurshed Nyâish. 3 Here must be written the name of the patient, e.g., Ader Cheher, son of Ader Cheher. 4 Shea’s Mirkhond, p. 172.

Glossary

Âfringân Adarni agharni agiari akhiānā anjuman Ashem Vohu āshirwâd Khshnuman Bâj band Bareshnûm Behedin Daêvas Dastur damnô dholi divô Dokhma Ervad gaomez Gewrâ ghee Gorâni Gurz Haoma hāthevaro Hom Yasht

Parsee prayer dowry frst pregnancy Fire Temple gift to a priest or any other participant in a ceremony/ritual at its beginning assembly an important prayer in Zoroastrianism blessing ceremony dedication in a suppressed tone belt ceremony of purifcation prefx to a layman or woman the evil powers Head priest sweet smelling herb drummer a lamp, a light Tower of Silence Zoroastrian priest cow’s urine a ceremony to qualify a Parsee for initiation as a candidate into priesthood clarifed butter priest’s wife a sacred mace or club Vedic Soma plant hand fastening a kind of prayer

230 Glossary jâmâ Jôtî kote kûmkûm Kust Kûsti mâṇḍav Martab mosâlûṅ Nâvar, Nâbar, Nâîbar, or Nâghar Nâm-grahan nân Naôjote Nekah Nirang Nirang-i-Kusti nîyat Ormazd Yasht Oshtâ padân pâdyâb paiwand pân Patet pollutis nocturna pothi Rozgar sâḍî Sadreh, Sudreh Sag deed Sraôsh bâj Sudreh Vahmân Yathâ Ahû Vairyô Yazata yaҫna

the fowing dress Assistant priest fort red vermillion powder direction or side the Sacred Thread to be worn by a Parsee pavilion Phase II ceremony for a Parsee priest Gifts brought by the mother’s brother’s kin group for the bride or groom Phase I ceremony for Parsee priesthood taking or remembering the names bath sacred shirt-wearing ceremony marriage the liturgical formula the recital of formula for putting on the sacred thread purpose, intention the frst hymn in Yasht a disciple mouth-veil ablution “connection,” ritual contact between persons serving as a shield against pollution leaf prayer of repentance male’s involuntary ejection during night a book annual mortuary ceremony sāri the sacred shirt the seeing of the dog “Hearkening”; name of a Yazad; a spirit being who guards the soul for three days after death Sacred shirt unnamed prayer Angel a ceremony

Glossary

231

Parsee Scriptures Avesta Dinkard Shâyast lâ Shâyast Vendidâd (abbreviated as Vend.)

primary collection of sacred texts of Zoroastrianism a ninth-century Pahlavi text, comprising a major survey of Zoroastrianism middle-Persian religious text the ecclesiastical code of conduct, as part of Avesta

Parsee Deities Ahriman Ahura Mazda Yazata Zarathustra

evil spirit the Creator; the highest deity of Zoroastrianism Angel the Prophet of Zoroastrianism

Author and subject index

amulets xx, 225, 227 Anquetil Du Perron 7, 9, 29, 48, 71, 77 Beckman 21 Behedin 8, 9, 29, 131, 138 birth ceremonies and customs: period of confnement 3, 6, 7; sacred bath 7, 34, 35, 60, 90, 95, 98 births: birth-day xviii, 8, 10, 177, 179, 185–187; statistics, xviii, 177, 185 Bohras 207 book view: feld view xiv, xv ceremony of gardening: gardening the well 20, 21 charms xx, 225, 227 cradle songs: kindling a lamp 22; Parsee cradle songs xv, 11–12, 19, 23, 98, 100 Dalton, Edward Tuite 81, 86 Darmesteter, James 10–11, 24, 40, 48–51, 76 decoration of the front of the house 97 Dhunjibhoy, Putlibai 77 drummer/s 94–97, 99 Dymock, William 81

125, 126; pertaining to the soul 114; recital of the gáthâ 120; sag-deed 160; the seeing of the dog 116; use of Cow’s urine as a disinfectant 125, 137 Hanumãn 217 haoma juice 7 haôma water 115 Harlez, M. 56, 76, 88, 92 Hastings, James 3 Herodotus 4, 7–9, 28, 51, 56, 76, 82, 88, 92 initiation into Zoroastrian priesthood: bareshnûm ceremony 42; frst initiatory ceremony 40; initiation of a child into the religion 28; initiation into priesthood 28, 38, 41; khûb ceremony 47; martab ceremony 47; naôjote ceremony 34; yaҫna ceremony 42, 44–46 Kabraji, Kaikhoshru N. 12, 23 Kanga, Kavasji Edulji 29 Karaka, Dossabhoy Framji 85 Koli xix, 195

Eunemoser, Joseph 228

life cycle ceremonies and rituals xv

Firdousi, Abul Qasim 77–78, 84, 101 Framroz, Kharshedjee Bomonjee 12 funeral ceremonies and customs: akhiànà ceremony 160; expenses xvii, 61, 75, 79, 80, 125, 150, 157–162; funeral ceremonies of the Parsees xvi, 3, 50, 113, 125, 134, 160, 166; haôma ceremony 115; pertaining to disposal of the body 113, 114,

mace 44, 47 Mahãdev 217 marriage ceremonies and customs: ãdarni ceremony 58; betrothal xvi, 3, 8, 50, 57–58, 77, 87, 106–107, 219, 222; divo ceremony 22, 58, 214; erection of a pavilion 103; feet washing 82, 86, 89; gewrâ ceremony 42–43; hand-fastening

Author and subject index ceremony 87, 90; mandap planting ceremony 103; nâmzâd 8, 77; skirt-fastening 89; throwing of rice 67, 89; use of rice in marriage ceremonies 91 marriage feast 74, 105, 150 marriage match-making 77 marriage songs: mâdavsarâ song 102; nuptial songs xvi, 11, 12, 57, 77, 93, 100–102; song for the winnowing of wheat 105 marriage statistics xviii, 177, 185 marriage witnesses 66 Mills, James Philip 26–27, 101, 172 Padfeld, J. E. 89, 91–92 Parsee auspicious: auspicious day xx, 3, 5, 7, 10, 16, 20, 22, 38, 57, 59, 65, 68, 71–72, 78, 81–82, 89, 97–99, 102, 104, 107–108, 135, 222; auspicious foot 222; auspicious language 222; auspicious side 222 Parsee baby language 26 Parsee ceremonies, rites, and customs 3 Parsee custom of reciting the names of dead relatives: commemorating the name of its deceased person 130, 165; remembering the names 164, 165, 172 Parsee deaths: death registers 163–164; the nâmgrahan 163–164; statistics xvii, xviii, 166–168, 177–179, 181, 185–189, 191; the vahi or the disâpothi 164 Parsee martyr: Kâmâ Homâ xvii, xviii, 163, 169–171, 173–174 Parsee naming: Parsee name xv, xvi, 7, 8, 108

233

Parsee omens: bad omen xx, 202, 220–222; good omen 74, 82–83, 219–222 Parsee priest: family priest 7, 35, 67, 77, 84, 90, 97–98, 103, 121, 164, 166–169; priestess xvii, 22, 134, 149, 167, 207, 208, 214–215 Parsee remarriages 178–187, 194 partition: deed of partition xix, 195–196; of property xix, 19–23, 39; of slaves xix, 196; of slaveservants 196 riddles: Parsee riddles xix, 203, 207, 208 Saddar 4, 6, 9 Sanjana, Dastur Edalji Darabji 29 shrâdhà ceremony of the Hindus 172 Singer, Milton xiv Snell, Frederick John 165 songstresses 98, 101 Spenser, Edmund 101–102, 106 Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar xiv Tegg, William, 55, 78, 85–86 textual view: contextual view x, xiv three principal precepts 128 tower of silence: construction of a tower 123; general layout and interior view xvi, xvii, xx, 50, 117–121, 123, 125, 135–136, 139, 145–147, 160, 170, 202, 203; tânâ ceremony 123, 124 transference of a disease 227 Zenophon of Athens 77