AN ACCOUNT of the Remarkable Occurrences IN THE LIFE AND TRAVELS OF COL. JAMES SMITH, DURING HIS CAPTIVITY WITH THE INDIANS, IN THE YEARS 1755. 56, 57, 58 & 59

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Ohio Valley

Historical Series.

NUMBER

FIVE.

SMITH

S

Indians. Captivity with the

AN ACCOUNT

Remarkable Occurrences IN

THE

LIFE

AND TRAVELS OF

COL. JAMES SMITH, DURING

HIS

CAPTIVITY WITH THE INDIANS, IN THE YEARS 1755.

An

56,

57,

58

&

59-

Appendix of Illustrative Notes. BY

WM. M. DARLINGTON, OF PITTSBURGH.

CINCINNATI:

ROBERT CLARKE 1870.

& CO.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870,

BY In the Clerk

s

Office

ROBERT CLARKE &

of the District Court of the

CO., United States in and

Southern District of Ohio.

OHIO VALLEY PRESS, A CO.

ROBERT CLARKE CINCINNATI,

O.

for

the

PREFATORY.

E

select this as

one of the

HISTORICAL SERIES, f

toms,

Manners,

Mode

of Warfare,

reprints of our

believing that in

Traditions,

Encampment, Treatment of

Military

OHIO VALLEY

the Indian

it

Theological Tactics,

"Cus-

Sentiments,

Discipline,

and

Prisoners, etc., are better explained

and more minutely related than has been heretofore done/ as the author expresses himself in his the vagrant, precarious lives

century place

in the then

"ago,

title

page.

His

of the Indians,

vivid"

little

pictures of

more than

a

unbroken wilderness which has given

to the prosperous State

of

Ohio, written without any

pretense to style or learning, bear every impress of truthfulness;

and as a

faithful record

habits, etc.,

it

of an eye-witness of their condition,

deserves to be perpetuated.

It

has been several

times reprinted, with more or less accuracy, but

may now be

classed

among

James Smith was born

all

the editions

the scarce books.

in

1737, in Franklin county, Pennsyl-

M67295

vi

Prefatory.

backwoods

vania, at that time the

As might

civilization.

frontier, the

extreme

limit of

be expected, he received but a limited

education in book-learning, but, as befitted a backwoods boy, he

was well versed all

the hardships and

eighteen, in

1

trials

of a frontier

life.

At

the age of

755, he was taken captive by the Indians, was adopted

into one of their families, and

wanderings,

and inured to

in wood-craft, active in the hunt,

till

cheague early

his escape in

accompanied them

1759.

He

in all their

returned to Conoco-

1760, and was received with great joy by his

in

family and friends.

He

settled himself at his old

pioneer farming, and in

by

whom

home

Rebecca.

;

of

May, 1763, married Miss Anne Wilson,

he had seven children

James, and Robert

in the ordinary routine

four sons, Jonathan, William,

and three daughters, Jane, Elizabeth, and

His subsequent adventures, as a leader of the Black-

boys, in 1763 and 1769; his service as a lieutenant in Bouquet

expedition against the

Ohio Indians

in

1764;

his

excursion into southern Kentucky in 1766, and

s

exploring

his

services

during the Revolutionary war, in which he earned and received

own

the rank of colonel, are sufficiently detailed in his

narra

tive.

After the temporary peace

removed

to

little,

the Indians in 1778, he

Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, and

a farm on Jacob

know

made with

s

creek.

Here

his wife died.

except that she was a good

wife and mother.

Kentucky, looking

settled

[Of her we

woman, and

a devoted

In 1785, he spent most of the summer after

some land claims

;

on

in

there he married his

vii

Prefatory.

second of Mr.

Mrs.

wife,

Abraham

nee

Margaret Irvin,*

Irvin, a

woman

of cultivated mind, with

She had

five

Of Mr. Smith

s

by her former marriage.

It

was communicated

Smith, son^of Mr, Smith father

s

to us

by Rev.

J.

M.

youngest son, Robert.

recollections

earliest

s

chil

affection for his first wife, the following inci

dent bears witness.

"My

whom

They had no

he lived happily until her decease in 1800. dren.

widow

Rodgers,

related

to

the

habits

His mother was which he told about as follows buried on the farm, on a hill at some distance from the house, where some large oak trees had been left standing to mark and of

his father,

:

shade the family burying ground. Under the shade of these my grandfather had constructed a kind of booth, some

trees

what

after the

form of an Indian wigwam, but small

* The following account this

is

work, published by Grigg

in size.

given of Mrs. Irvin in the edition of

&

Elliot, in 1834:

was born in the year 1744, in Hanover county, Virginia. She was of a re spectable family ; her father and the Rev. Dr. Rodgers, of New York, were brothers "She

Her mother was

children. British

and

to

the Rev. James Caldwell,

New

Her

Jersey.

who was

father removed,

killed by the

when

she was

Lunenburg, now Charlotte county, Virginia. She never school but three months, and that at the age of five years. At the expiration

a child ,to

went

sister to

tories at Elizabeth Point,

what was then

called

of that term the school ceased, and she had no opportunity to attend one afterward. Her mother, however, being an intelligent woman, and an excellent scholar, gave her lessons at

respectable

home.

On

the 5th of November. 1764, she was married to Mr. Irvin, a

man, though

in

moderate circumstances.

In the year 1777, when every

some personal service, he and a neighbor, by the name of William Handy, agreed that they would enlist for the term true friend of his country felt

it

his duty to render

of three years, and each to serve eighteen months; Irvin to serve the first half, and Handy the second. Mr. Irvin entered upon duty, n company with many others from ;

When

they had marched to Dumfries, Va., before they joined the main army, they were ordered to halt and inoculate for the small-poxthat section of the country.

Irvin neglected to inoculate, under the impression he had had the disease during infancy

The

consequence was, he took the smallpox in the natural way, and died, leaving Mrsand five small children, four sons and a daughter.

Irvin,

viii

In

Prefatory.

this

he had made a couch, upon which he would lie upon his read. To this retreat he was accustomed to take his

back and little

him from the Holy Scriptures,

son, and there to read to

and point out to him the grave of his mother. Their last visit to this hallowed spot made a very deep impression upon the

mind of my

father

when he was an

he never referred to

;

it

without

tears,

even

man. They were about to remove to the State of Kentucky, and all other matters having been arranged, he took his little boy and repaired to the grave of his wife, old

which he was soon

to leave forever,

and there the two kneeled,

and the widowed husband offered up his last prayer on behalf of his orphan child over the grave of the departed side by side,

wife and mother.

he followed

home

new one

to seek a

This was

This done, leading his who had already

his family,

in

He

1788.

own

dren, and of

his

Rebecca, and

settled

in the wilds

of

little

son by the hand,

started

from

their old

Kentucky."

took with him, his wife and her chil

children, James, William, Robert,

on Cane Ridge,

in

and

Bourbon county, Ken

tucky, about seven miles from Paris. Col. Smith was a

man

reader and a thinker, and meditation.

fall

much

given to religious reading and

In him, however, the courage of opinion was fully

developed, and In the

of very quiet and taciturn character, a

when

roused, he had

more than ordinary

talent

of 1782, Mrs. Irvin removed, in company with a number of enterprising Kentucky; and three years afterward intermarried with

Virginians, to the wilds of Col. Smith, by

whom

she had no issue.

She died about the year 1800, in Bourbon She was a member of the Presby

county, Kentucky, in the 56th year of her age.

terian church, and sustained through life an unblemished reputation. In early life she wrote but little, most of her productions being the fruits of her maturer years, and while

she was the wife of Col. Smith.

But little of her composition has ever been put to but her genius and taste were always acknowledged by those who had access to the productions of her pen. She had a happy talent for pastoral poetry, and many fugitive pieces ascribed to her will long be cherished and admired by the children of press

song.

;

ix

Prefatory. in debate, so that

man

of mark.

among

He was

convention which

sat at

his

new

neighbors he soon became a

elected the

same year

a

member of

the

Danville to confer about a separation

from the State of Virginia, and afterward represented Bourbon county

in

the General Assembly of the State.

In religious matters Col. Smith was an enthusiast, and for

some time took an so excited

the early church in Kentucky, for an account of

which we must

refer our readers to

He

Presbyterian Church In Kentucky. to the Presbyterian church,

ordination, he spent

missionary

movement, which

active part in the Stoneite

among

much

Davidson finally,

History of the

s

however, returned

and receiving licensure, or perhaps of his time in his later years as a

the Indians, for which

work

his

familiarity

with Indian character eminently fitted him.

In 1802 he lived with his son James, to

whom

he had conveyed

the copyright and the remaining copies of his work, and also

twenty acres of land, for which the son had agreed support his father during his

On

from one of

his return

nessee, he found that his son

"

to decently

lifetime."

his

missionary excursions into

James had during

his

Ten

absence joined

the Shakers, and had gone with his family to a settlement which that sect had just

He

followed,

them only a whole "was

tender

"to

formed on Turtle Creek, Ohio (near Lebanon). see

what

sort of people they

short time, but long

fraternity.

enough

His son James,

who

were,"

to be disgusted with the

before joining the Shakers

naturally friendly, a dutiful son, a kind father,"

lived with

seems to have changed

his

husband and

a

whole nature, and

Prefatory.

u

appeared to be divested of natural affection toward his wife

Polly and other

connections."

relatives with her father-in-law,

She, on

going to

and board without any

"house

and on her return,

at the instigation

"

;"

without she would

driven from the settlement, and

from her husband and children, she returned

Kentucky.

just cause

of the elders, he refused to

receive her, or allow her to see her children,

Thus

some

was advertised by her husband

as having left his

receive their testimony/

visit

to her friends in

Col. Smith was greatly exasperated at the conduct

of his son, and opened his batteries on the leaders of the Shakers, exposing them socially, theologically, and politically, in a pamphlet entitled "

REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES

lately discovered

among

the

People called SHAKERS: of a Treasonable and | barbarous nature ; or, SHAKERISM DEVELOPED. By James Smith. Paris Printed by Joel R.

(Ky.)

This brought out their leaders,

Lyle."

a rejoinder

(1810.)

by Richard

and Col. Smith again appeared

pp. 24.

McNemar, one

in print, in a

of

pamphlet

of 44 pages, entitled

SHAKERISM DETECTED their Erroneous and Treasonable Proceedings, and FALSE PUBLICATIONS contained in Different "

;

Newspapers, Exposed

to

Public View, by the depositions of ten

different persons living in various parts of the State of

Kentucky

and Ohio, accompanied with remarks. By Col. James Smith, of Kentucky. Paris, Kentucky. Printed by Joel R. Lyle. 1810."

These, however, had no cerned

:

result so far as the son

he remained with the Shakers

;

was con

and Col. Smith spent

the remainder of his days, thus embittered by the unnatural con-

xi

Prefatory.

duct of his son, chiefly with his step-children, the Irvins, in

Washington county, Kentucky, where he died

The

war was expected.

for actual service,* but

of patriotism

in

A

in

1811, and

now

Col. Smith,

too old

having considerable of the old leaven

still

him, wrote out and published a treatise on

Indian warfare, of which the following "

1812.

become very troublesome

Indians had again

a general Indian

in

Treatise on the

Mode

is

the

title

page

:

and Manner of Indian War, their

Tactics, Discipline and Encampment, the various Methods they Practise, in order to obtain the

Advantage, by Ambush, Surprise,

Ways and Means proposed to Prevent the Surrounding, &c. from Indians Chart, or Plan of obtaining the Advantage.

A

Marching, and Encamping, laid down, whereby we may undoubt A Brief edly Surround them, if we have Men Sufficient. Also

Account of Twenty-three Campaigns,

on against the

carried

Indians with the Events since the year 1755; included. By Col. James Smith. Likewise

Gov. Harrison

Some

s

Abstracts

selected from his Journal, while in Captivity with the Indians,

Wars which was them now to be found.

relative to the

few of

Joel R. Lyle.

There

is

not

more than those

:

1812."

pp

much new

I,

Paris

matter in this volume. " "

captivity

warfare, rearranged and connected.

and even of

years ago, but Printed by

Kentucky.

59.

portions of his

out being convinced of the

many

published

No

It is little

relating to Indian

one could read

wisdom of the

it

with

tactics he suggests

their applicability to Indian warfare in these latter

* days.

*He made

In Niles* Register for September 26, 1 8 12, he Is His gone to join the army, when he heard of the surrender of Hull." son Robert raised a company of volunteers in Washington county, Ky. He was a said to

have

the attempt, however.

ll

tanner, and in order to uniform his

company he tanned

all

their pantaloons in his vats.

x

xii

Prefatory.

We

must express our obligations

Elizabeth,

Smith

s

family, and

vania, for

Joel

Pennsylvania,

much

Rev.

J.

;

Miss Sarah

who was brought up

M.

and Mr.

S.

M Quaid, of in

Jonathan

Smith, of McKeesport, Pennsyl

of the material of this sketch

K. Lyle, of Lexington,

pamphlets

to

;

and also to Rev.

for the use of

the

two Shaker

B. Elliott, of Cincinnati, for the pamphlet

on Indian warfare. Since the narrative was printed "Wm.

M.

we have been

favored by Mr.

Darlington of Pittsburgh with the valuable Notes

printed in the

Appendix on the

Smith.

They

add very

much

that they

were

will be

localities, etc.,

mentioned by Col.

found to be of considerable

to the value of this republication.

received too late to refer to

them

interest,

We

and

regret

in the text,

but the pages are given with the Notes referring back to the Narrative, and the Index will be a ready reference to both the text and notes.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE

REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES IN

COL. (Now

LIFE

AND TRAVELS OF

JAMES SMITH,

a Citizen of Bourbon County, Kentucky,)

DURING IN

THE

HIS CAPTIVITY

THE YEARS

WITH THE

1755, 56,

57,

58,

INDIANS,

&

59,

In which the Cuftoms, Manners, Traditions, Theological Sen timents, Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Difcipline and Encampments, Treatment of Prifoners, &c. are better ex plained, and more minutely related, than has been heretofore done, by any author on that fubjecl:. Together with a Defcription of the Soil, Timber and Waters, where he travel led with the Indians, during his captivity. (

TO WHICH

A

Brief Account of fome

IS

ADDED,

Very Uncommon Occurrences, which

tranfpired after his return from captivity ; as well as of the Different Campaigns carried on againft the Indians to the

weftward of Fort

Pitt, fince

the year 1755, to the prefent

date.

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

PRINTED BY

LEXINGTON: JOHN BRADFORD, ON MAIN 1799.

STREET,

COPT RIGHT SECURED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS.

PREFACE. T WAS ftrongly urged to publifh the following work, A immediately after my return from captivity, which was nearly forty years ago

Americans were I

fo little

but, as at

acquainted with Indian

apprehended a great part of

fable or

As

it

would be viewed

me

the Indians never attempted to prevent

revifed fhortly after I

affairs,

as

romance.

from reading or writing,

which

that time the

my

have kept ever

moderate

Englifh

kept a Journal, which

I

return

fince

either

:

education,

and

from as

have

I

captivity,

I

and

have had but a

been advifed to

employ fome perfon of liberal education to tranfcribe and embellim it but believing that nature always outmines art, have thought, that occurrences truly and plainly ftated, as they happened, hiftory, be better underfttood,

would make the

and moft entertaining.

In the different Indian fpeeches copied into I

beft

have not only imitated their own

ftyle,

this

or

work,

mode of

4

Preface.

fpeaking, but have also preferved the ideas meant to be

communicated fation, I ideas.

have ufed

The

In

in those fpeeches

my own

flyle,

is

conver-

but preferved their

principal advantage that I expect will refult

to the public, from the publication

meets,

common

of the following

the obfervations on the Indian mode of warfare.

Experience has taught the Americans the neceflity of

adopting their mode, and the more perfect we are in that

mode, the better we mail be able to defend ourfelves

againfl them,

when defence

is

neceflary.

JAMES SMITH. Bourbon County, June

1st,

1799.

REMARKABLE

OCCURRENCES, ETC

1755, the province of Pennfylvania, agreed to fend out three hundred men, in order to cut a

IN

May

waggon road from Fort Loudon, road, near the gania.

Turkey Foot, or

three forks of

My brother-in-law, William

cocheague, was

Braddock

to join

Smith

efq.

appointed commiflioner, to

s

Yoho-

of Cono-

have the

overfight of thefe road-cutters.

Though had

I

was

at that

time only eighteen years of

with a young lady, whom I apprehended was pofleffed of a large mare of both beauty and virtue but being born between Venus age, I

fallen violently in love

;

and Mars, I concluded I muft alfo leave my dear fair one, and go out with this company of road-cutters, to *

(v)

Col.

James Smith.

event of this campaign but ftill expecting that fome time in the courfe of this fummer, I mould again

fee the

;

return to the arms of

beloved.

my

We

went on with the road, without interruption, when I was fent until near the Allegheny Mountain ;

back, in order to hurry

were on the way

up fome provision waggons

after us;

I

that

proceeded down the road as

of Juniata, where, rinding the wag

far as the croffings

gons were coming on as fail as poflible, I returned up the road again towards the Allegheny Mountain, in About four or company with one Arnold Vigoras. five

made

miles above Bedford, three Indians had

a

blind of bufhes, iluck in the ground, as though they

grew naturally, where they concealed themfelves, about When we came oppofite fifteen yards from the road. to them, they fired killed

touch

my me

;

upon

us, at this fhort diftance,

but

horfe

my

making

and

did not

fellow traveller, yet their bullets

a violent ftart, threw

me, and the Indians immediately ran up, and took me The one that laid hold on me was a Canaprifoner. fatauga, the other

One

two were Delawares.

could fpeak Englifh, and afked

me

more white men coming after? Two of near, that I knew of.

I

if there

of them

were any

them not any

told

thefe Indians ftood

comrade

by

me, they then fet my off and ran at a fmart rate, through the woods, for whilfl the other fcalped

about

fifteen miles,

and that night we

gheny Mountain, without

fire.

:

flept

on the Ale-

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc.

The

next morning they divided the

of their provifion which they had brought from Fort DuQuefhe, and gave me an equal mare, which was about two or three ounces of mouldy bifcuit this and a young

Ground-Hog, about alfo equally divided,

we came

was

all

Rabbit, roafted, and

the provifion

we had

until

Loyal-Hannan, which was about fifty great part of the way we came through

to the

miles; and a

exceeding jocky

When we came gave the

as large as a

laft

Laurel-thickets,

to the

any path. of Laurel Hill, they ufual, which is a long yell or

Weft

fcalp halloo, as

without

fide

halloo, for every fcalp or prifoner they have in porTeflion;

of thefe fcalp halloos was followed with quick and fudden, fhrill fhouts of joy and triumph. On their the

laft

performing this, we were anfwered by the firing of a number of guns on the Loyal-Hannan, one after an other, quicker than one could count, by another party of Indians, who were encamped near where Ligoneer now ftands. As we advanced near this party, they increafed with repeated fhouts of joy I

did not fhare with them in

When we

and triumph; but

their

exceffive

mirth.

camp, we found they had plenty of Turkeys and other meat, there and though I never before eat venifon without bread or fait, yet as I was

came

to this

;

hungry,

it

relifhed very well.

There we

lay that night,

and the next morning the whole of us marched on our way for Fort DuQuefne. The night after we joined another camp of Indians, with nearly the fame cere-

Col.

mony, attended with

James Smith. noife,

great

and apparent joy,

The

next morning we continued our march, and in the afternoon we came in full view of

among

all,

except one.

the fort, which ftood on the point, near where Fort Pitt

now

{lands.

We

then

made

a halt

on the bank of the

Alegheny, and repeated the fcalp halloo, which was anfwered by the firing of all the firelocks in the hands

of both Indians and French who were in and about the fort, in the aforefaid

manner, and

alfo the great

guns,

which were followed by the continued fhouts and yells of the different favage tribes who were then collected there.

time unacquainted with this mode of firing and yelling of the favages, I concluded that there were thoufands of Indians there, ready to receive

As

was

I

at this

General Braddock; but what added to

my

furprize, I

faw numbers running towards me, ftripped naked, ex cepting breech-clouts, and painted in the moft hideous

manner, of various colors, though the principal color was vermillion, or a bright red; yet there was annexed to this, black, brown, blue, &c.

As

they approached,

they formed themfelves into two long ranks, about two or three rods apart. I was told by an Indian that

could fpeak Englifh, that ranks, and that they ran,

and

as they

if I

would

ran quick,

would quit when

There appeared

I

it

I

muft run betwixt thefe

flog

me

would be

fo

all

the way, as

much

I

the better,

got to the end of the ranks.

to be a general rejoicing

around me,

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. in yet I could find nothing like joy

my

breaft;

ftarted to the race with all the refolution

but

I

and vigor I was as I had

was capable of exerting, and found that it had been told, for I was flogged the whole way. When I had got near the end of the lines, I was ftruck with

fomething that appeared to me to be a flick, or the handle of a tommahawk, which caufed me to fall to the ground. On my recovering my fenfes, I endeavored to renew my race; but as I arofe, fome one cad fand in

my

eyes,

which blinded

me

fo,

where to run.

They continued

erably, until I

was

loft

my

fenfes, I

that

could not fee

I

beating

me mofl

but before

at length infenfible;

remember

my

into!-;

wifhing them

I

to ftrikes

thought they intended killing me, but apprehended they were too long about it.j, The firft thing I remember was my being in the fort, the fatal blow, for

I

amidft the French and Indians, and a French doctor

who had opened

a vein in

after

which the interpreter afked

me how

him

I

{landing by me,

felt

much

pain

;

my

left

arm

:

I did, I

told

the doctor then warned

my

wounds, and the bruifed places of my body, with French brandy. As I felt faint, and the brandy fmelt well, I afked for fome inwardly, but the doctor told me, by the interpreter, that it did not fuit my cafe. When they found I could fpeak 3 a number of Indians

came around me, and examined me with death, if

I

did not

they afked me, was, 2

tell

the truth.

threats of cruel

The

how many men were

firft

queflion

there in the

io

Col.

James Smith.

coming from told them the

party that were

Braddock

?

I

three hundred.

The

armed

them they were

I

?

told

arm of

ing the

Pennfylvania, truth,

to join

that there were

next queftion was, were they well

flefh) for

well armed,

all

(mean about had thirty only they

guns among the whole of them; which, if the Indians had known, they would certainly have gone and cut them all off; therefore I could not in confcience let

them know the

defencelefs fituation of thefe road-cut

was then fent to the hofpital, and carefully attended by the doctors, and recovered quicker than ters.

what

I

I

expected.

Some time

was vifited by the Delaware Indian already mentioned, who was at the Though taking of me, and could fpeak fome Englifh. he fpoke but bad Englifh, yet I found him to be a man after

I

was there,

I

I afked him if I had of conflderable underftanding. done any thing that had offended the Indians, which

He faid no, unmercifully ? it was only an old cuftom the Indians had, and it was after that he faid I would be well like how do you do me

caufed them to treat

fo

;

ufed.

aiked

I

him

with the French?

foon as

I

recovered,

if I

He I

mould be admitted faid

no

and told

to remain

me

muft not only go with the In

muft be made an Indian myfelf. him what news from Braddock s army ? He

dians, but

that as

I

afked

faid the

Indians fpied them every day, and he mewed me by making marks on the ground with a ftick, that Brad-

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

dock

1 1

army was advancing in very clofe order, and that Indians would furround them, take trees, and (as

the

s

he expreffed

urn

it) ftioot

down

all one pigeon.

Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July 1755, in

heard a great ftir in the fort. As I could then walk with a ftaff in my hand, I went out of the the

morning

I

door which was

by the wall of the fort, and flood upon the wall and viewed the Indians in a huddle be fore the gate, where were barrels of powder, bullets,

flints

juft

&c., and every one taking what fuited

the Indians alfo

march

off in rank intire

I

;

faw

likewife the

French Canadians, and fome regulars, after viewing the Indians and French in different portions, I computed

them

to

be about

four hundred, and wondered

that

go out againfl Braddock with fo fmall a party. I was then in high hopes that I would foon fee them flying before the Britim troops, and that they attempted

to

General Braddock would take the fort and refcue me. I

and

remained anxious to

know

in the afternoon I again

commotion

in the fort,

obferved a great noife and and though at that time I could

not understand French, yet

Joy and triumph, and I

the event of this day;

called

I

found

it

was the voice of

feared that they had received what

bad news.

had obferved fome of the old country foldiers fpeak Dutch, as I fpoke Dutch I went to one of them I

and afked him what was the news runner had juft arrived, who

faid

?

he told

that

me

that a

Braddock would

James Smith.

Col.

that the Indians and French had

certainly be defeated;

furrounded him, and were concealed behind trees and in

and kept

gullies,

a conftant fire

upon

the Englifh, and

that they faw the Englifh falling in heaps,

and

if

they

which was the only gap, and make their efcape, there would not be one man left Some time after this I heard a alive before fun down. did

not take the

number of

river

fcalp halloo s

and faw

and French coming

in.

many bloody

grenadiers

fcalps,

bayonets &c. with them. Braddock was defeated.

came

I

a

company of Indians

obferved they had a great caps, Britifh canteens,

They brought

the news that

After that another

company

chiefly

which appeared to be about one hundred, and Indians, and it feemed to me that almoft every

one of

this

in

another

company was

company with

alfo a great

many

a

fcalps.

carrying fcalps; after this came

number of waggon-horfes, and Thofe

that were

coming

in,

and thofe that had arrived, kept a conftant firing of fmall arms, and alfo the great guns in the fort, which were accompanied with the yells

from

all

quarters

;

moft hedeous fhouts and

fo that it

appeared to

me

as if

the infernal regions had broke loofe.

About fun down

beheld a fmall party coming in with about a dozen prifoners, ftripped naked, with their I

hands tied behind their backs, and their

and part of their bodies blacked thefe prifoners they burned to death on the bank of Alegheny River oppofite to the fort.

I

flood on the fort wall until

I

faces,

beheld them begin

Remarkable

Occurrences.,

Etc.

13

burn one of thefe men, they had him tied to a flake and kept touching him with fire-brands, red-hot irons to

the &c. and he fcreeming in a moft doleful manner, Indians in the mean time yelling like infernal fpirits.

appeared too mocking for me to behold, retired to my lodging both fore and forry.

As I

this fcene

When

I

came into

my

lodgings

I

faw RufTel

s

Seven

Sermons, which they had brought from the field of battle, which a Frenchman made a prefent of to me.

From

the beft information

only feven

Indians

I

could receive there were

and four French killed

in

this

battle, and five hundred Britifh lay dead in the field befides what were killed in the river on their retreat.

The morning

after the battle I

faw Braddock

brought into the fort, the fame day Indians in British-officers

I

alfo

s

;

artilery

faw feveral

drefs with fafh, half-moon,

laced hats &c. which the Britifh then wore.

A

few days after this the Indians demanded

me

and

was obliged to go with them. I was not yet well able to march, but they took me in a canoe, up the Alegheny River to an Indian town that was on the north fide of I

about forty miles above Fort DuQuefne. remained about three weeks, and was then taken

the river,

Here

I

to an Indian

town on the weft branch of Mufkingum, about twenty miles above the forks, which was called Tullihas, inhabited by Delawares, Caughnewagas and

Mohicans.

On

our rout betwixt the aforefaid towns,

the country was chiefly black-oak and white-oak land,

Col.

14

James Smith.

which appeared generally to be good wheat land, chiefly fecond and third rate, intermixed with fome rich bottoms.

The day

at the aforefaid town, a about number of Indians collected me, and one of them

after

my

arrival

He had fome began to pull the hair out of my head. afhes on a piece of bark, in which he frequently diped his fingers in order to take the firmer hold, and fo he went on, as if he had been plucking a turkey, until he had all the hair clean out of my head, except a fmall fpot about three or four inches fquare on this they cut off with a pair

of

my

crown

;

fciffors, excepting three

which they drafted up in their own mode. Two of thefe they wraped round with a narrow beaded garter made by themfelves for that purpofe, and the other they locks,

platted at full length, and then fluck

broches.

After this they bored

my

it

full

of

filver

nofe and ears, and

me off with ear rings and nofe jewels, then they ordered me to ftrip off my clothes and put on a breech-

fixed

clout,

which

I

did;

then they painted

and body in various colors. wampom on my neck, and

They put filver

my

head, face

a large belt

bands on

my

of

hands

and right arm and fo an old chief led me out in the ftreet and gave the alarm halloo, coo-wigh, feveral times ;

repeated quick, and on this

all

that were in the

town

came running and flood round the old chief, who held the hand in the midft. As I at that time knew

me by

nothing of their mode of adoption, and had feen them put to death all they had taken, and as I never could

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. find that they faved a

man

alive at

Braddock

defeat, I

s

made no doubt but they were about putting me

The

death in fome cruel manner.

me by

the hand

made

who

led

the

made

then

young fquaws, river

The fquaws

up to our middle.

me

and

plunge myfelf into the water, did not understand them I thought that the of the council was that I mould be drowned, and

I

figns to

to

;

refult

that

to three

hand down the bank into the

the water was

until

but

me by

old chief holding

a long fpeech very loud,

when he had done he handed me

to

thefe all

They

young

ladies

were to be the executioners.

three laid violent hold of me,

and

I

for

fome

time oppofed them with all my might, which occafioned loud laughter by the multitude that were on the bank of the

river.

At length one of

the fquaws

made out

to fpeak a little Englifh (for I believe they began to be afraid of

me) and

faid,

no

myfelf up to their ladyfhips,

hurt you; on this

who were

as

I

gave

as their

good though they plunged me under water, and warned and rubbed me feverely, yet I could not fay they hurt me much.

word

;

for

Thefe young women then led me up to the council houfe, where fome of the tribe were ready with new cloths for me.

They gave me

a

new

ruffled mirt,

which

put on, alfo a pair of leggins done off with ribbons and beads, likewife a pair of mockafons, and garters I

drefTed with beads, Porcupine-quills, tinfel laced

cappo.

They

and red hair

again painted

my

alfo a

head and face

1

6

James Smith.

Col.

with various colors, and tied a bunch of red feathers to one of thefe locks they had left on the crown of my head, which flood

up

five or fix inches.

They

feated

and gave me a pipe, tomahawk, and polecat fkin pouch, which had been fkined pocket fafhion, and contained tobacco, killegenico, or dry fumach leaves, which they mix with their tobacco, alfo

me on

a bear fkin,

fpunk, flint and fheel. When I was thus feated, the Indians came in drefTed and painted in their grander! manner. As they came in they took their feats and for a confiderable time there was a

profound filence, every one was fmoking, but not a word was fpoken among them. At length one of the chiefs made a fpeech which

me by

was delivered to loweth:

"My

fon,

bone of our bone.

formed

this day,

an interpreter,

you

By

are

now

flefh

and was of our

as fol-

flefh,

and

the ceremony which was per

every drop of white blood was warned

out of your veins you are taken into the Caughnewago nation, and initiated into a warlike tribe; you are ;

adopted into a great family, and now received with great ferioufnefs and folemnity in the room and place of a great

man

;

after

what has paffed

this day,

you

are

now

one of us by an old ftrong law and cuftom My fon, you have now nothing to fear, we are now under the fame obligations to love, fupport and defend you, that

we

and defend one another, therefore you At this are to confider yourfelf as one of our people." are to love

time

I

did not believe this fine fpeech, efpecially that of

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

me much

the white blood being wafhed out of

time

have found that there was

I

17

but fince that

;

fincerity in faid

from that day I never knew them to make any diftinftion between me and themfelves in any refpect If they had plenty of whatever until I left them. for

fpeech,

I

cloathing

one

had plenty,

if

we were

fcarce

we

all

fhared

fate.

After this ceremony was over,

my new

kin,

and told that

evening, which

gave with

me me

alfo

And

was to attend a

feaft that

cuftom was, they a bowl and wooden fpoon, which I carried I

did.

as the

where there was a number of large of boiled venifon and green corn

to the place,

kettles

brafs

I

was introduced to

I

full

;

every one advanced with his bowl and fpoon and had After this, one of the chiefs made his mare given him. a fhort fpeech, and then

The name of one of

we began

to eat.

the chiefs in this

town was Tec-

anyaterighto, alias Pluggy, and the other Afallecoa alias

Mohawk ftart

Solomon.

As Pluggy and

his party were to

the next day to war, to the frontiers of Virginia,

the next thing to be performed was the war dance, and

war fongs. At their war dance they had both vocal and instrumental mufic. They had a fhort holow their

gum

clofe in

one end, with water

and parchment which they beat

in

it,

open end thereof, and made a found nearly like

fhretched over the

with one

drum;

ftick,

all

thofe

lected together

who were going on

and formed. 3

a muffled

this expedition col

An old

Indian then began

1

8

James Smith.

Col.

and timed the mufic by beating on this drum, the ancients formerly timed their mufic by beating

to fing as

On

the tabor.

or

move

the warriors began to advance,

this

forward

in

troops would march

like

concert,

to the

fife

well

had a tomahawk, fpear or war-mallet

rior

and they

all

moved

difciplined

Each war

and drum.

in his hand,

regularly towards the eafl, or the

way they intended to go to war. At length they all ftretched their tomahawks towards the Potomack, and giving a hideous

fhout or

yell,

about, and danced in the fame

they wheeled

manner back.

quick next

The

In performing this, only one fung at a time, in a moving poflure, with a tomahawk in his

was the war fong.

hand, while

all

the other warriors were engaged in

call

ing aloud he-uh, he-uh, which they conftantly repeated, When the warior while the war fong was going on. that was ringing had ended his fong, he flruck a war

tomahawk, and with a loud voice told what warlike exploits he had done, and what he now poft with his

intended to do, which was anfwered by the other wariors,

with loud fhouts of applaufe.

Some who had not

before intended to go to war, at this time were fo ani

mated by this performance that they took up the toma hawk and fung the war fong, which was anfwered with fhouts of joy, as they were then initiated into the prefent marching company.

pany faces

The

next morning this

com

one place, with their heads and painted with various colors, and packs upon their all

collected at

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. backs

;

they marched off in

mander, who,

which began

in

all

filent,

com

except the

the front fang the travelling fong,

this

manner:

hoo caught ainte heegana.

Juft as the rear pafled the end of the town, they began to

fire in

their flow

manner, from the front to the

which was accompanied with fhouts and

yells

rear,

from

all

quarters.

This evening I was invited to another fort of dance, which was a kind of promifcuous dance. The young men flood in one rank, and the young women in

The

another, about one rod apart, facing each other.

one that

raifed the tune, or flarted the fong, held a fmall

of a fquafh, in his hand, which con tained beads or fmall flones, which rattled. When he

gourd or dry began to men and

fhell

fing,

he timed the tune with his

rattle

;

both

women danced and

fung together, advancing towards each other, ftooping until their heads would be touching together, and then ceafed from dancing, with loud fhouts, and retreated and formed again, and fo repeated the fame thing over and over, for three or four hours, without intermiffion.

me

at firfl

irrational

and

This

infipid

ringing their tunes, they ufed like

our fa Jo I

la y

;

ya

exercife appeared to

but

I

found that

ne no boo

wa

ne &c. y

and though they have no fuch thing

as jingling verfe, yet they can intermix fentences

their notes,

and

in

fay

what they pleafe

to

with

each other,

and carry on the tune in concert. I found that this was a kind of wooing or courting dance, and as they

2O

Col.

James Smith.

advanced {looping with their heads together, they could fay what they pleafed in each other s ear, without difcon-

rough mufic, and the others, or thofe not hear what they fay.

certing their

Shortly after this

I

went out to hunt,

in

near,

company with

Mohawk Solomon, fome of the Caughnewagas and a Del aware Indian that was married to a Caughnewaga fquaw.

We

travelled about fouth,

from

this

town, and the

firft

night we killed nothing, but we had with us green corn, which we roafted and ate that night. The next day we

encamped about twelve o clock, and the hunters turned out to hunt, and I went down the run that we encamped

company with fome fquaws and boys, to hunt plumbs, which we found in great plenty. On my on, in

return to

obferved a large piece of

I

camp

fat

meat: the

Delaware Indian that could talk fome Englim, obferved me looking earnestly at this meat, and afked me what meat you think that

is ?

I

faid

I

fuppofed

it

was bear

meat; he laughed and faid, ho, all one fool you, beal now he elly pool, and pointing to the other fide of the camp, faid look at that Jkin, you think that beal Jkin? I went and lifted the fkin, faid, it

which appeared like an ox hide

what Jkin you

think that?

was a buffaloe hide

again, you

know

acknowledged and told Tiim

I I

;

I

:

he then

replied that I thought

he laughed and faid you fool buffaloe that colo?

nothing,

you think

did not

know much about

thefe things,

never faw a buffaloe, and that

heard what color they were.

He

I

I

had not

replied by and by you

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

many buffaloe;

flialljee gleat

He now go

21

That

to gleat lick.

They went

Jkin no buffaloe Jkin, that Jkin buck-elk Jkin.

out with horfes, and brought in the remainder of this buck-elk which was the fatteft creature I ever faw of the tallow kind.

We

remained

and killed bread or

camp about

at this

number of

a

fait at

eight or ten days,

Though we had

deer.

we had both

this time, yet

neither

roaft

and

boiled meat in great plenty, and they were frequently

We

me

when

had no appetite. then moved to the buffaloe lick, where we killed

inviting

to eat,

feveral .buffaloe,

made about

and

I

in their fmall

half a bufhel of

brafs kettles they

fuppofe this lick

I

fait.

was about thirty or forty miles from the aforefaid town, and fomewhere between the Muikingum, Ohio and Sciota. About the lick was clear, open woods, and thin white-oak land,

roads leading

to

and

the

moved from

this lick

encamped on

a creek.

Though

at that

time there were large

him

about

or feven miles, and

fix

the Indians had given

Mohawk Solomon

to hunt,

which

I

We

waggon

me

yet been admitted to go out from the this place

roads.

lick, like

afked

a gun, I

camp

me

to

readily agreed to.

had not

to hunt.

At

go out with After fome

time we came upon fome frefh buffaloe tracks. I had obferved before this that the Indians were upon their guard, and afraid of an enemy; for, until the fouthern nations had been at war.

now

they and

As we were

fol-

22

James Smith.

Col.

lowing the buffaloe tracks, Solomon feemed to be upon

went very flow, and would frequently ftand and appeared to be in fufpenfe. We came

his guard,

and

liften,

where the tracks were very plain he faid it is furely buffaloe tracks to

;

and

in the fand, faid hufli,

I

you know

He may be Catawba. went very cautious until we found fome frefh buffaloe dung: he then fmiled and faid Catawba can not make fo.

nothing,

He

be

may

buffaloe tracks ,

He

Catawbas.

me

an odd ftory about the faid that formerly the Catawbas came

then ftopped and told

near one of their hunting camps, and at fome diftance

from the camp lay in ambum, and in order to decoy them out, fent two or three Catawbas in the night, pail camp, with buffaloe hoofs fixed on their feet, fo as In the morning thofe in the to make artificial tracks.

their

camp followed

after thefe tracks,

Buffaloe, until they were fired feveral of

them

thinking they were

on by the Catawbas, and

killed; the others fled, collected a party

and purfued the Catawbas; but they,

in their fubtilty

brought with them rattle-fnake poifon, which they had collected from the bladder that lieth at the root of the

makes

teeth

cane-ftalk

;

;

this they

had corked up

in a fhort piece

they had alfo brought with them fmall cane

or reed, about the fize of a rye flraw, which they jfharp at the

end like

poifon, and ftuck

along their

might

of

own

and dipped them

a pen,

them

in the

tracks,

flick into the legs

in

made

in

ground among the

this

grafs,

fuch a pofition that they

of the purfuers, which anfwered

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. the defign

and

;

23

Catawbas had runners behind to

as the

watch the motions of the purfuers, when they found that a number of them were lame, being artificially

and that they were all turning back, the Ca tawbas turned upon the purfuers, and defeated them,

fnake

and

bit,

and fcalped

killed

all

Solomon had finimed

When

those that were lame.

this

and found that

ftory,

I

understood him, concluded by faying, you dont know, Catawba velly bad Indian^ Catawba all one Devil Catawba.

Some time after this, I was told to with me and go down the creek, perhaps ;

to

far

go

to

again

When

being in the afternoon,

it

turkey

take the dogs I

was

I

might alfo

kill a

told not

from the creek, and to come up the creek the camp, and to take care not to get loft.

had gone fome diftance down the creek I came upon frefh buffaloe tracks, and as I had a number of dogs with me to flop the buffaloe, I concluded I would follow after

I

and

one

kill

and

;

as

the grafs and weeds were

A

could readily follow the track. little before I was fundown, I defpaired of coming up with them

rank,

I

:

how

then thinking I

might get to camp before night the buffaloe had made feveral turns, if I

concluded as

I

took the track back before

I

to

the creek,

could get to camp

would take the creek a

near

a

little

weather, and neither

;

I

;

it

therefore

way through the

below the camp a very

would be dark

;

but

I

hills,

as

it

thought I and ftrike

was cloudy could find

young woodfman, I creek or camp. When night came on

I fired

Col.

24

my gun

James Smith.

and hallooed, but could have no next morning early, the Indians were out

feveral times,

The

anfwer.

me, and as I had with me ten or a dozen dogs, and the grafs and weeds rank, they could readily follow my track. When they came up with me, they appeared to

after

be in a very good humor. I afked Solomon if he thought I was running away, he faid no no, you go too

much

On my

clocked.

camp they took my gun a bow flep I was reduced to

return to

from me, and for this rafh and arrows, for near two years. tour about

fix

We

were out on this

weeks.

This country

is

generally hilly, though intermixed

with confiderable quantities of rich upland, and fome

good bottoms. When we returned

Pluggy and his party had arrived, and brought with them a confiderable num ber of fcalps and prifoners from the South Branch of

Potomack

to the town,

brought with them an Englifh Bible, which they gave to a Dutch woman who was a prifoner; but as me could not read Englifh, me made of

they alfo

me, which was very acceptable. remaind in this town until fome time in October,

a prefent I

:

when

it

to

adopted brother called Tontileaugo, who had married a Wiandot fquaw, took me with him to Lake

my

We

proceeded up the weft branch of Mufkingum, and for fome diftance up the river the land was hilly but intermixed with large bodies of tolerable rich Erie.

upland, and excellent bottoms.

We

proceeded on, to

Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. the headwaters of the weft branch of

25

On

Mufkingum.

the head waters of this branch, and from thence to the

waters of Canefadooharie, there well lying land

the timber

is

a large

body of

rich,

am, walnut, fugar-tree, and cherry, intermixed with fome buckeye, honey-locuft This tour was at the time that the oak, hickory, &c. is

black-haws were ripe, and we were feldom out of fight of them they were common here both in the bottoms :

and upland.

On we

this route

ftarted

we had no

from the town,

all

when

horfes with us, and

the pack

I

carried was a

pouch, containing my books, a little dried venifon, and my blanket. I had then no gun, but Tontileaugo who

was a

firft

rate hunter, carried a rifle gun,

and every

day killed deer, racoons or bears. We left the meat, excepting a little for prefent ufe, and carried the fkins with us until we encamped, and then ftretched them with elm bark, in a frame made with poles ftuck in the

ground and tied together with lynn or elm bark and when the fkins were dried by the fire, we packed them up, and carried them with us the next day. ;

As Tontileaugo could not fpeak Englifh, I had make ufe of all the Caughnewaga I had learned even talk very imperfectly with

him

:

but

to talk Indian fafter this way, than

with

me who

I

found

when

I

I

to

to

learned

had thofe

could fpeak Englifh. the Canefadooharie waters,

As we proceeded down

our packs encreafed by the fkins that were daily

4

killed,

16

Col.

and became

more than

very heavy that we could not march

fo

As

dooharie. to the

fix

the

Lake,

of the water, and

;

and

as

came

mouth of

miles weft of the

to

Canefa-

wind was very high the evening we I

fee

was furprized to hear the roaring the high waves that darned againft

We encamped

the more, like the Ocean. the lake

We

eight or ten miles per day.

Lake Erie about came

James Smith.

the wind

fell

that

on

a

night,

run near the

next

morning the lake was only in a moderate motion, and we marched on the fand along the fide of the water, fre I quently refting ourfelves, as we were heavy laden. faw on the ftrand a number of large iim, that had been

left in flat

or hollow places

;

as the

wind

fell

and the

waves abated, they were left without water, or only a fmall quantity and numbers of Bald and Grey Eagles, ;

&c. were along the more devouring them. Some time in the afternoon we came to a large camp of Wiandots, at the mouth of Canefadooharie, where

Tontileaugo

s

Here we were kindly received: kind of rough, brown potatoes, which

wife was.

they gave us a

grew fpontaneoufly and is called by the Caughnewagas Thefe potatoes peeled and dipped in ra ohnenata. coon s fat, tafte nearly like our fweet-potatoes. They gave us what they call caneheanta, which is a kind of hominy, made of green corn, dried, and beans mixed alfo

together.

From the land

the head waters of Canefadooharie to this place, is

generally

good

;

chiefly

firft

or fecond rate,

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. and, comparatively,

little

or no third

27

The

rate.

only refufe is that appear to be too wet for I that a number of them, if drained, ufe, yet apprehend would make excellent meadows. The timber is black-

fome fwamps,

oak, walnut, hickory, cherry, black-am, white-am, water-

am, buckeye, black-locuft, honey-locuft, fugar-tree, and elm: there is alfo fome land, though, comparatively, but where the timber

fmall,

is

chiefly

white-oak or beach

may be called third rate. In the bottoms, and alfo many places in the upland, there is a large quantity of

this

wild apple, plumb, and red and black-haw trees.

It

appeared to be well watered, and a plenty of meadow ground, intermixed with upland, but no large prairies or glades, that

I faw,

or heard

of.

In this route, deer,

turkeys, and racoons, appeared plenty, but

bear,

no

and very little fign of elks. continued our camp at the mouth of Canefadoo-

buffaloe,

We

harie for

fome time, where we

many

great

racoons;

bly large and

fat.

At

and three

feet deep,

and

it

tho

fome

deer,

and

a

the racoons here were remarka

length we

This

birch bark canoe.

killed

veflel

and about

could carry

a

embarked

in a large

was about four

feet wide,

all

five

heavy

and thirty burden,

feet it

long:

was

fo

and curiouily conftrudled that four men could feveral miles, or from one landing place to an

artfully

cary

it

other, or

from the waters of the Lake to the waters of

the Ohio.

We

miles and went

proceeded up Canefadooharie a few on more to hunt; but to my great

28

Col.

James Smith.

furprife they carried the veflel that

the bank, and inverted

and converted fire

we

warm

before us to

came

in

up

or turned the bottom up,

it

to a dwelling houfe,

it

all

and kindled

a

With

ourfelves by and cook.

our baggage J DO O and ourfelves in this houfe we were very much crouded, yet our little houfe turned off the rain very well.

We

kept moving and hunting up this river until we came to the falls here we remained fome weeks, and ;

killed a

number of

racoons.

From

deer, feveral bears,

the

mouth of

and

a great

many

this river to the falls

is

and twenty miles. On our paflage up I was not much out from the river, but what I faw was good land, and not hilly.

about

five

About

the

falls

is

thin chefnut land, which

the only chefnut timber

While we remained books to

in

I

in

On my

hunt chefnuts.

almoft

ever faw in this country.

here, I

camp, wrapt up

is

pouch with my blanket, and went out

left

my

my

return to

camp

my

books

were miffing. I enquired after them, and aiked the Indians if they knew where they were; they told me that they fuppofed the puppies

had carried them

off.

I

did not believe them; but thought they were difpleafed at

my

poring over

my

books, and concluded that they

had destroyed them, or put them out of my way. After this I was again out after nuts, and on

my

erection, which were two white oak and faplings, that were forked about twelve feet high,

return beheld a

new

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

They had

ftood about fifteen feet apart. lings at the forks

and

29 cut thefe fap-

laid a ftrong pole acrofs

which

appeared in the form of a gallows, and the pofts they had fhaved very fmooth and painted in places with ver milion.

I

work, and

could not conceive the ufe of this piece of length concluded

at

it

was a gallows,

I

thought that I had difpleafed them by reading my books, and that they were about puting me to death. The next morning I obferved them bringing their {kins

and hanging them over this pole, fo as to preferve them from being injured by the weather, this removed my fears. They alfo buried their large

ail

to this place

canoe in the ground, which is the way they took to pre ferve this fort of a canoe in the winter feafon.

As we had

time no horfes, every one got a pack on his back, and we fteered an eaft courfe about The next morning we twelve miles, and encamped. at this

proceeded on the fame courfe about ten miles to a large creek that empties into Lake Erie betwixt Canefadooharie,

Here they made

and Cayahaga.

cabbin, in the following form. fifteen

feet long,

and drove pofts

and

in the

They

laid thefe logs

ground

at each

their

winter

cut logs about

upon each

other,

end to keep them

together; the pofts they tied together at the top with bark, and

by

this

and about four

means

feet high,

raifed a wall fifteen feet long,

and

in the

raifed another wall oppofite to this, at

diftance;

fame manner they about twelve

feet

then they drove forks in the ground in the

Col.

jo

James Smith.

centre of each end, and laid a ftrong pole from end to end on thefe forks and from thefe walls to the poles, ;

fet

they

up poles

inftead of rafters,

tied fmall poles in place

of laths

;

and on

and

thefe they

a cover

was made

of lynn bark which will run even in the winter feafon. As every tree will not run, they examine the tree firfr.,

by trying do, they

it

fall

near the ground, and

when they

find

the tree and raife the bark with the

hawk, near the top of the broad, then put the

tree

about

it

will

toma

five or fix inches

tomahawk handle under

this bark,

and pull it along down to the butt of the tree; fo that fome times one piece of bark will be thirty feet long; this

bark they cut

at fuitable lengths in

order to cover

the hut.

At that

the end of thefe walls they

they had timber

each end.

At

fet

up

fplit

timber, fo

round, excepting a door at the top, in place of a chimney, they left all

an open place, and for bedding they laid down the aforefaid kind of bark, on which they fpread bear {kins. From end to end of this hut along the middle there were

fires,

which the fquaws made of dry

fplit

wood,

and the holes or open places that appeared, the fquaws flopped with mofs, which they collected from old logs ;

door they hung a bear fkin; and notwithftanding the winters are hard here, our lodging was much better than what I expected.

and

It

at the

was fome time in December when we finifhed

winter cabin; but when we had got into

this

this

compara-

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

tively

fine

31

another difficulty arofe, we had While I was travelling with Tontil-

lodging,

nothing to eat. eaugo, as was before mentioned, and had plenty of fat venifon, bears meat and racoons, I then thought it

was hard living without bread or Salt; but now I began to conclude that if I had anything that would banifh pinching hunger, and keep foul and body together I

would be content.

While

the hunters were

all

out, exerting themfelves

to the utmoft of their ability, the fquaws

and boys

(in

was) were fcattered out in the bottoms, hunting red-haws, black-haws and hickory-nuts. As it was too late in the year, we did not fucceed in gather

which

clafs

I

ing haws, but we had tolerable fuccefs in fcratching up

hickory-nuts from under a light fnow, which we carried After our with us left the hunters mould not fucceed. return the hunters came in,

who had

fmall turkeys, which were but little

two

killed only

among

eight

hun

and thirteen fquaws, boys and children; but they were divided with the greateft equity and juftice every ters

one got their equal mare. The next day the hunters turned out again, and killed one deer and three bears.

One of the bears was very The hunters carried in meat

large

and remarkably

fufficient to give

us

fat.

all

a

hearty fupper and breakfaft.

The fquaws and

all

bring in meat, every

and

my

load was

that could carry turned out to

one had their mare afligned them,

among

the leaft; yet, not being accus-

James Smith.

Col.

32

tomed

to carrying in this way,

and told them that leave part of

it

I

got exceeding weary, load was too heavy, I muft

my

and come for

it

again.

They made

a

and only laughed at me, and took part of my load and added it to a young fquaw s, who had as much halt

before as

I carried.

This kind of reproof had

a great

tendency to excite

me

to exert myfelf in carrying without complaining, than if

they had whipped

me

for lazinefs.

After this the hunters

held a council and concluded that they muft have horfesto carry their loads; and that they

would go

to

war even

inclement feafon, in order to bring in horfes. Tontileaugo wifhed to be one of thofe who mould

in this

go to war; but the votes went againft him, as he was it was one of our beft hunters thought neceflary to ;

to leave

him

at this winter

camp

to

provide for the

was agreed upon that Tonti leaugo and three others mould ftay and hunt, and the fquaws and children;

it

other four go to war.

go through their common cere mony. They fung their war fongs danced their war dances &c. And when they were equipped they went

They then began

to

off ringing their marching fongs and firing their guns.

Our camp appeared to think

that

to be rejoicing;

but

I

was grieved

fome innocent perfons would be mur

dered not thinking of danger. After the departure of thefe warriors we had hard times, and tho

we were not

we were brought

altogether out of provifions

to fhort allowance.

At

length Tonti-

Remarkable Occurrences

had considerable fuccefs

leaugo

;

Etc.

,

33

and we had meat

brought into camp fufficient to laft ten days. Tontileaugo then took me with him in order to encamp fome diftance

from

We

carried

that

we could

this winter cabbin, to try his

luck there.

no provision with us, he faid we would leave what was there for the fquaws and children, and

We

for ourfelves.

fhift

about a

Steered

fouth courfe up the waters of this creek, and encamped about ten or twelve miles from the winter cabbin. As

was

it

Still

which made

we could

cold weather and a cruSt a noife as

upon

the fnow,

we walked and alarmed

the deer,

nothing, and confequently went to Sleep without fupper. The only chance we had under thefe kill

circumftances, was

about

ChriStmas

where they

to

ible;

who

as

the bears

lodging place, four months without

This may appear to fome incred

now

it is

;

out a winter

fearch

about three or

lie

eating or drinking.

but

hunt bear holes

well

known

to be the cafe,

by thofe

remote weStern parts of North America. next morning early we proceeded on, and when

live in the

The

we found

the hole in the tree the bear;

by the bears climbing up, and fufficiently large for the reception of

a tree fcratched

we then

fell

and

a fapling or fmall tree againSt or

was

bufmefs to climb up and drive out the bear, while Tontileaugo flood ready with near the hole

his

;

gun and bow.

it

We

my

went on

evening, without fuccefs;

in

at length

this

manner

we found

until

a large

elm fcratched, and a hole in it about forty feet up; but no tree nigh fuitable to lodge againft the hole. Tonti5

James Smith.

Col.

34

leaugo got a long pole and fome dry rotten wood which he tied in bunches, with bark, and as there was a tree

and extended up near the hole

that grew near the elm,

;

but leaned the wrong way; fo that we could not lodge it to advantage but to remedy this inconvenience, he ;

climed up this tree and carried with him his rotten wood, fire and pole. The rotten wood he tied to his

and to one end of the pole he tied a hook, and a piece of rotten wood which he fet fire to, as it would belt,

retain

fire

almoft like fpunk; and reached this

hook

went up; when he got up, with this pole he put dry wood on fire into the hole, after he put in the fire he heard the bear muff and he came

from limb

to limb as he

fpeedily down, took his until

gun in his hand and waited the bear would come out; but it was fome time

before

it

appeared, and

taking fight with his fee the fights, he fet

when

but

rifle, it

it

did appear he attempted it

being then too dark to

down by

a tree,

bent his bow, took hold of an arrow, and a little behind the

moot an

moulder;

I

arrow, but he called to

and inftantly

mot

the bear

was preparing

me

no occafion; and with that the bear

alfo

to flop, there

fell

to

was

to the ground.

Being very hungry we kindled a fire, opened the bear, took out the liver, and wrapped fome of the caul fat

round and put

it

on

a

wooden

fpit

which we ftuck

ground by the fire to roaft, we then fkinned the got on our kettle, and had both roaft and boiled,

in the

bear,

and

alfo fauce to

our meat, which appeared to

me

to be

Remarkable Occurrences Etc.

35

,

After

delicate fare.

I

was fully

fatisfied I

Tontileaugo awoke me, faying, come have got meat plenty now.

The

next morning we cut

bark and made a fnug

little

down

went to

eat

fleep,

hearty,

we

a lynn tree, peeled

fhelter, facing

the fouth

with a large log betwixt us and the north weft we made a good fire before us, and fcaffolded up our meat

eaft,

;

When we

had rimmed our camp we went out to hunt, fearched two trees for bears, but to no As the fnow thawed a little in the afternoon purpofe. at

one

fide.

Tontileaugo killed a deer, which we carried with us to

camp.

The

next day

camp we found above forty

we turned out

a tree well fcratched

feet high,

againft the hole

we concluded

to hunt,

;

that

and no

;

but the hole was

tree that

but finding that

and near the

we could lodge

was very hollow, we would cut down the tree with our it

tomahawks, which kept us working a confiderable part of the day. When the tree fell we ran up, Tontileaugo with his gun and bow, and I with my bow ready bent. Tontileaugo mot the bear through with his rifle, a little behind the moulders, I alfo mot, but too far back and not being then much accuftomed to the bufinefs, my ;

arrow penetrated only a few inches thro the fkin. Having killed an old me bear and three cubs, we

hawled her on the fnow to the camp, and only had time afterwards, to get wood, make a fire, cook &c. before dark.

Col.

36

James Smith.

Early the next morning we went to bufinefs, fearched On our way home feveral trees, but found no bears.

we took

three racoons out of a hollow elm, not far

from

the ground.

We

remained here about two weeks, and in

killed four bears,

three deer,

feveral

this

time

turkeys, and a

We

packed up as much meat as we could carry, and returned to our winter cabin. On our arrival, there was great joy, as they were all in a

number of

racoons.

ftarving condition,

the three hunters that

we had

left

having killed but very little. All that could carry a pack repaired to our camp to bring in meat.

Some time in February the four warriors returned, who had taken two fcalps, and fix horfes from the fron The hunters could then fcatter tiers, of Pennfylvania. out a confiderable diftance from the winter cabin, and

meat and pack it in upon horfes we commonly after this had plenty of provifion. encamp,

kill

In this

;

month we began

to

make

fugar.

fo that

As fome of

the elm bark will ftrip at this feafon, the fquaws after

finding a tree that

crooked

ftick

off the tree,

would do, cut

it

down, and with

a

broad and fharp at the end, took the bark and of this bark, made veflels in a curious

manner, that would hold about two gallons each they made above one hundred of thefe kind of vefTels. In :

the fugar-tree they cut a notch, {looping down, and at

the end of the notch, ftuck in a

tomahawk;

in the place

where they ftuck the tomahawk, they drove a long chip,

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. in order to carry the water this

they

fet

out from the

their veflel, to receive

it.

37

tree,

and under

As

fugar trees

were plenty and large here, they feldom or never notched a tree that was not two or three feet over. They alfo

made bark

veflels

the water, that

for carrying

would

hold about four gallons each. They had two brafs kettles, that held about fifteen gallons each, and other But as fmaller kettles in which they boiled the water. they could not at

all

times boil away the water as

fafl as

was collected, they made veflels of bark, that would hold about one hundred gallons each, for retaining the it

and tho the fugar trees did not run every day, they had always a fufficient quantity of water to keep them boiling during the whole fugar feafon.

water

;

The way

that

we commonly ufed our

camped, was by putting

it

in bears fat until the fat

almoft as fweet as the fugar

itfelf,

About

our roafted venifon.

fugar while en

we dipped time fome of the

and

this

was

in this

Indian lads and myfelf, were employed in making and attending traps for catching racoons, foxes, wild cats, &c. As the racoon is a kind of water animal, that fre

quents

the runs,

or fmall

water-courfes,

almoft

the

whole night, we made our traps on the runs, by laying one fmall fapling on another, and driving in ports to keep them from rolling. about eighteen inches, and touching a

would

fall

The upper

firing, or fmall

and

kill it

;

and

fet fo, that

fapling

we

raifed

on the racoons

piece of bark, the fapling left

the racoon

mould

pafs

38

Col.

by,

we

laid brufh

James Smith.

on both

fides

of the run, only leaving

the channel open.

The

fox traps

end of

we made

nearly, in the

fame manner,

hollow log, or oppofite to a hole at the root of a hollow tree, and put venifon on a flick for bait we had it fo fet that when the fox took hold of

at the

a

:

the meat, the trap

While the fquaws were em

fell.

ployed in making fugar, the boys and

men were engaged

hunting and trapping. the latter end of March we began to prepare

in

About for

moving

into

in

town,

order to plant corn

:

the

fquaws were then frying the lafl of their bears fat, and making veffels to hold it the veffels were made of deer :

fkins, which were fkinned by pulling the fkin off the After they had taken off the neck, without ripping. hair,

they gathered

it

in fmall plaits

round the neck and

with a ftring drew it together like a purfe: in the centre a pin was put, below which they tied a firing, and while it was wet they blew it up like a bladder, and let it re

main

manner, until it was dry, when it appeared nearly in the fhape of a fugar loaf, but more rounding at the lower end. One of thefe veffels would hold in this

about four or

five gallons

;

in thefe veffels

was they

it

carried their bears oil.

When falls

all

things were ready

of Canefadooharie.

chiefly

firfl

and fecond

In rate,

we moved back this

route

but too

ground, in proportion to the up land.

the

to the

land

is

much meadow

The

timber

is

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

39

white-afh, elm, black-oak, cherry, buckeye, fugar-tree,

lynn, mulberry, beech, white-oak, hickory, wild appletree, red-haw, black-haw, and fpicewood bufhes. There is

fome

in

places, fpots

of beech timber, which fpots

may

be called third rate land.

and

fpicewood,

There

in

is

are

fome

Buckeye, fugar-tree,

common

in

the

woods

fwamps too wet

places, large

here.

for

any

ufe.

On

our arrival

at the falls, (as

we had brought with

us on horfe back, about two hundred weight of fugar, a large quantity of bears oil,

had buried was not

fkins,

fufficient

&c.) the canoe

to carry all;

we

therefore

we were obliged to make another one of elm bark. While we lay here a young Wiandot found my books: on this they collected together; I was a little way from the camp, and faw the collection, but did not

what

it

meant.

They

called

me by my

which was Scoouwa, repeatedly. was the matter, they mewed me

I

know

Indian name,

ran to fee what

my books, and faid were they glad they had been found, for they knew I was grieved at the lofs of them, and that they now re As I could joiced with me becaufe they were found. then fpeak fome Indian, efpecially Caughnewaga (for

both that and the Wiandot tongue were fpoken in this camp) I told them that I thanked them for the kindhad always fhewn to me, and alfo for finding books. They afked if the books were damaged ? I

nefs they

my told

them not much.

They then mewed how

they lay,

which was

not

much

the

firft

manner

in the beft

a deer-ikin

pouch they

lay

to turn off the water.

The

winter.

all

injured, though the binding was.

time that

I

felt

my

heart

In

print was

This was

warm towards

the

they had been exceeding kind to me, before detefted them, on account of the barbarity

Indians. I ftill

I

James Smith.

Col.

40

Though

beheld after Braddock

s

defeat.

Neither had

I

ever

pretended kindnefs, or expreffed myelf in a friendly manner but I began now to excufe the Indians before

;

on account of

their

want of information.

When we

were ready to embark, Tontileaugo would not go to town, but go up the river and take a hunt. He afked me if I choofed to go with him ? I told him

We

I did.

then got fome fugar, bears

oil

bottled

up

gut, and fome dry venifon, which we packed up, and went up Canefadooharie, about thirty miles, and encamped. At this time I did not know either the in a bear

s

day of the week or the month but I fuppofed it to be about the firft of April. We had confiderable fuccefs ;

in

our bufinefs.

horfe, mare,

run

in

good

the

order.

and

We a

woods There

alfo

found fome

young all is

colt

;

ftray horfes, or a

and though they had

they were in exceeding plenty of grafs here all winter,

winter,

under the fnow, and horfes accuftomed to the woods Thefe horfes had run in the woods can work it out. until they were very wild.

Tontileaugo one night concluded that we muft run them down. I told him I thought we could not ac-

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc.

and elks

He

it.

complim :

and

faid

he had run

down

41

bears, buffaloes

the great plains, with only a fmall

in

fnow on the ground, he had run down a deer and he thought that in one whole day, he could tire, or run ;

down any that

though

mort

He

four footed animal except a wolf.

faid

it

yet

he would at

would

that

I

fee

run a

fooner than a horfe.

fay, that I

whether

never had run

tire

him

He

events try the experiment.

all

had heard the Wiandots

now he would

told

deer was the fwifteft animal to

a

diftance,

I

all

I

could run well, and

could or not.

day,

I

told

him

and of courfe was not

way of running. I never had run with the Wiandots more than feven or eight miles at He faid that was nothing, we muft either one time. accuftomed to that

catch thefe horfes or run

all

In the morning early we

day.

camp, and about funrife we ftarted after them, ftripped naked excepting breechclouts and mockafons. About ten o clock I loft fight left

of both Tontileaugo and the horfes, and did not fee them again until about three o clock in the afternoon.

As

the horfes run

all

day, in about three or four miles

fquare, at length they paffed

them.

As

where

I

was, and

I fell

in

then had a long reft, I endeav ored to keep ahead of Tontileaugo, and after fome time I could hear him after me calling chakoh, chakoclofe after

I

anaugh, which fignifies, pull away or do your beft.

We

purfued on, and after fome time Tontileaugo pafled me, and about an hour before fundown, we defpaired of 6

James Smith.

Col.

42

catching thefe horfes and returned to

had

left

camp where we

our clothes.

reminded Tontileaugo of what I had told him; he They replied he did not know what horfes could do. I

are wonderful flrong to run;

but withal we made them

very tired. Tontileaugo then concluded, he would do as the Indians did with wild horfes, when out at war: which is

to

moot them through

above the bone, which

the neck under the mane, and

will caufe

them

to

fall

and

lie

them, and then they recover again. This he attempted to do; but as the mare was very wild, he could not get fufficiently nigh to moot her in until they can halter

the proper place; however he mot, the ball pafTed too low, and killed her. this place,

we caught

colt with us to

We

a

the horfe and colt flayed at

the horfe, and took

him and

the

camp.

camp about two weeks, and killed number of bears, racoons, and fome beavers. We

made in

As

flayed at this

a canoe of

He

it.

elm bark, and Tontileaugo embarked

arrived at the

mounted on

falls

that night;

whilfl

I,

horfe back, with a bear fkin faddle, and

proceeded by land to the falls: I came there the next morning, and we carried our canoe and

bark

flirrups,

loading pafl the

The falls,

river

is

falls.

very rapid for fome diflance above the

which are about twelve or

pendicular.

This

locks with the

river,

called

fifteen feet nearly

per

Canefadooharie, inter

Wefl branch of Mufkingum, runs

nearly

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

43

and empties into the fouth fide of Lake Erie, about eighty miles eaft from Sandufky, or betwixt Sandufky and Cayahaga. a north courfe,

On laft

this laft route the land is nearly the fame, as that

defcribed,

only there

is

much fwampy

not fo

or

wet ground.

We

again proceeded towards the lake,

and Tontileaugo by water. generally good, but I found fome back,

round fwamps and ponds.

Here

I

on horfe

the land

is

difficulty in getting

When we

came

to the lake

proceeded along the ftrand, and Tontileaugo near the more, fometimes paddling and fometimes polling his I

canoe along. After fome time the wind arofe, and he went into the

mouth of feveral

lake in

Here we ftaid and encamped. days on account of high wind, which raifed the While we were here Tontileaugo great billows. a fmall creek

went out to hunt, and when he was gone a Wiandot came to our camp; I gave him a moulder of venifon which

had by the fire well roafted, and he received it gladly, told me he was hungry, and thanked me for my I

When

Tontileaugo came home, Wiandot had been at camp, and that

kindnefs. that a

a

moulder of roafted venifon

told

him

gave him he faid that was very I

fuppofe you gave him alfo fugar and bears to eat with his venifon. I told him I did not; as

well, oil,

:

I

and

I

the fugar and bears oil was

go for

it.

He

replied

down

in the

canoe

you have behaved

I

did not

juft like a

Col.

44

Do

you not know that when ilrangers our camp, we ought always to give them the

Dutchman.*

come

James Smith.

to

acknowledged that I was wrong. He faid that he could excufe this, as I was but young; but I muft learn to behave like a warrior, and do great beft that

things,

The fafe at

we have?

I

and never be found

in

any fuch

little actions.

we proceeded, and arrived Sunyendeand, which was a Wiandot town, that

lake being again calm,f

into the Little

upon a fmall creek which empties Lake below the mouth of Sandufky.

lay

The town was about

eighty rood above the

mouth of

the creek, on the fouth fide of a large plain, on which

timber grew, and nothing more but grafs or nettles. In fome places there were large flats, where nothing but grafs grew,

about three

feet

high when grown, and in

other places nothing but nettles, very rank, where the here they planted corn. foil is extremely rich and loofe

In this town there were

alfo

chafed our {kins and fur, and

who purgot new clothes,

French

we

traders,

all

paint, tobacco, &c.

After

I

had got

my new

clothes,

off like a red-headed wood-pecker,

number of young * a

The Dutch

(The

lake

in

down

my

head done

company with a

to the corn field,

he called Skoharehaugo, which took

Dutch fettlement

when

Indians, went

I,

and

its

derivation from

called Skoharey.

when

calm, appears to be of a Iky blue colour; though

lifted in a veflel,

it is

like other clear water.

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. to fee the fquaws at work.

afked time.

me to The

When we

take a hoe, which

fquaws

bufinefs; but

when

I

did,

applauded me I

came

45 there, they

and hoed for fome

as a

good hand

at the

returned to the town, the old

men

hearing of what I had done, chid me, and faid that I was adopted in the place of a great man, and muft not hoe corn like a fquaw. They never had occasion to

reprove me for any thing like this again; as I never was extremely fond of work, I readily complied with their orders.

As

the Indians

on

their return

from the winter hunt,

bring in with them large quantities of bears

oil, fugar,

dried venifon, &c., at this time they have plenty, and

thus they

make way

with their provifion as quick as poffible. no fuch thing as regular meals, breakfaft,

They have

do not fpare eating or giving

fupper; but

dinner or

any one, even the town folks, would go to the fame houfe, feveral times in one day, he would if

be invited to eat of the beft

manners to will

not eat

refufe to eat it is

when

interpreted as a

and with them it

is

offered.

it is

bad

If they

fymptom of difpleafure,

or that the perfons refuting to eat were angry with thofe who invited them.

At oil is

this

time homony, plentifully mixed with bears

and fugar; or dried venifon, bears oil and fugar, what they offer to every one who comes in any time

of the day; and fo they go on until their fugar, bear s oil and venifon is all gone, and then they have to eat

CoL James Smith.

46

homony by

itfelf,

without bread,

fait,

or any thing elfe;

they invite every one that comes in, to eat It is thought a whilft they have any thing to give. mame, not to invite people to eat, while they have any yet,

fbill

we have got

thing; but, if they can in truth, only fay

nothing to eat, this is accepted as an honorable apology. All the hunters and warriors continued in town about fix

weeks

after

we came

in:

they fpent this time in

painting, going from houfe to houfe, eating, fmoking,

and playing

They put one

fide

a

game refembling dice, number of plumb-Hones in

of each ftone

make

they then

or huflle-cap.

at a

is

black,

a fmall

bowl;

and the other white;

or huftle the bowl, calling,

hits, hits, hits,

honefey, honefey, rago, rago; which fignifies calling for white or black, or what they wim to turn up they then ;

turn the bowl, and count the whites and blacks.

Some

were beating their kind of drum, and finging; others were employed in playing on a fort of flute, made of

and others playing on the jewf-harp. Some part of this time was alfo taken up in attending the council houfe, where the chiefs, and as many others

hollow cane;

as chofe, attended

and

;

employed

in finging

this time,

which was

were frequently Towards the laft of

at night they

and dancing.

in June, 1756, they

were

all

en

gaged in preparing to go to war againft the frontiers of Virginia: when they were equipped, they went through

war fongs, &c. They all to fixty years of age; and

their ceremonies, fung their

marched

off,

from

fifteen

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

47

fome boys only twelve years old, were equipped with their bows and arrows, and went to war; fo that none were felf,

town but fquaws and children, except myone very old man, and another about fifty years of left in

who was lame. The Indians were then

age,

hopes that they would drive all the Virginians over the lake, which is all the name they know for the fea. They had fome caufe for in great

hope, becaufe at this time, the Americans were alto

this

gether unacquainted with war of any kind, and confe-

quently very unfit to ftand their hand with fuch fubtil enemies as the Indians were. The two old Indians afked

me

if I

did not think that the Indians and French would

America, except New England, which they faid they had tried in old times. I told them I thought not they faid they had already drove them all out of

fubdue

all

:

the mountains, and had chiefly laid wafte the great val ley betwixt the

mack

to

North and South mountain, from Poto-

James River, which

is

a confiderable part of

the befl land in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennfylvania,

and that the white people appeared to them like fools they could neither guard againft furprife, run, or

;

fight.

Thefe they faid were their reafons for faying that they would fubdue the whites. They afked me to offer my reafons for freely.

I

my told

opinion, and told

them

me

to fpeak

my mind

that the white people to the Eaft

were very numerous, like the trees, and though they appeared to them to be fools, as they were not

Col.

48

James Smith.

acquainted with their way of war, yet they were not fools; therefore after

fome time they

war, and turn

upon you,

I

will learn

or at

leaft

your mode of

defend themfelves.

found that the old men themfelves did not believe

they could conquer America, yet they were willing to propagate the idea, in order to encourage the young

men

to

go to war.

When

meat, fugar, or bears to live

town we had neither

the warriors left this

All that we had then

oil, left.

on was corn pounded into

homony

coarfe meal or fmall

this they boiled in water,

well-thickened foup, without

fait

which appeared like

or any thing

elfe.

For

fome time, we had plenty of this kind of homony length we were brought to very fhort allowance, and ;

at

as

the warriors did not return as foon as they expected,

we were

and but one gun in amunition. The old lame

in a ftarving condition,

the town, and very

little

would go a hunting in a canoe, and take me with him, and try to kill deer in the We went up Sanwater, as it was then watering time.

Wiandot concluded

that he

dufky a few miles, then turned up a creek and en camped. We had lights prepared, as we were to hunt in the night, and alfo a piece of bark and fome bufhes fet

up

in the canoe, in order to conceal ourfelves

boy that was with us, held the light, worked the canoe, and the old man, who had his gun

the deer. I

A

from

little

loaded with large mot, when we came near the deer, fired, and in this manner killed three deer, in part of

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

We

one night.

went to our

fire,

49

ate heartily,

and

in

the morning returned to town, in order to relieve the

hungry and diftrefled. When we came to town, the children were crying bit We delivered terly on account of pinching hunger. what we had taken, and though it was but little among fo many, it was divided according to the ftridleft rules of

We

juftice.

immediately

fet

out for another hunt,

but before we returned a part of the warriors had come

and brought with them on horfe-back, a quantity of meat. Thefe warriors had divided into different parties,

in,

and

flruck at different places

all

They brought fcalps,

in

is

Augufta county. number of

with them a confiderable

and other plunder. One of with them, one Arthur Campbell,

prifoners, horfes,

the parties brought in that

in

now

who

on Holflon River, As the Wiandots at Sunyende-

Col. Campbell,

near the Royal-Oak.

lives

Mr. Camp but he remained fome time

and, and thofe at Detroit were connected, bell

with

was taken to Detroit

me

in this

town

:

;

company was very

his

agreeable,

was forry when he left me. During his ftay at Sunyendeand he borrowed my Bible, and made fome

and

I

pertinent remarks on what he had read.

was where

it is faid,

is

good

for a

man

paflage

that he bear

He

faid we ought to be reyouth." will of Providence, as we were now bear

the yoke in his

figned to the

"It

One

Mr. Campbell appeared ing the yoke, in our youth. to be then about fixteen or feventeen years of age.

7

James Smith.

Col.

50

number of prifoners brought in by thefe and when they were to run the gauntlet, I went

There was parties,

a

and told them how they were to act. One John Savage was brought in, a middle-aged man, or about forty

He

was to run the gauntlet. I told him what he had to do; and after this I fell into one of the

years old.

ranks with the Indians, fhouting and yelling like them; and as they were not very fevere on him, as he patted

him with

of pumpkin which pleafed the Indians much, but hurt my feelings.

me,

I hit

About

a piece

came

the time that thefe warriors

in,

the green

corn was beginning to be of ufe; fo that we had either green corn or venifon, and fometimes both which was comparatively high living. When we could have plenty of green corn, or roafting-ears, the hunters became lazy,

and fpent their time as already mentioned, in ringing and dancing &c. They appeared to be fulfilling the

beyond thofe who profefs to believe them, that of taking no thought of to-morrow: and alfo fcriptures

in in

living in love, peace and friendfhip together, without difputes.

In this refpect they

mame

thofe

who

profefs

Chriftianity.

In

this

geefe,

manner we

until

lived,

fwans, ducks, cranes, &c.

and alighted on

this

little

October,

then

the

came from the north,

Lake, without number or

Sunyendeand is a remarkable place for the fpring, and fowl both in the fall and fpring.

innumerable. fifh,

in

As our

hunters were

now

tired with indolence,

and

Remarkable Occurrences , Etc.

fond of their own kind of to fowling,

and

in this

51

turned out

exercife, they all

could fcarce mifs of fuccefs

;

fo

we had now plenty of homony and the beft of fowls; and fometimes as a rarity we had a little bread, that

which was made of Indian corn meal, pounded in a homony-block, mixed with boiled beans, and baked in cakes under the ames.

This, with us was called good living, though not equal to our fat, roafted and boiled venifon, when we

went

to the

woods

in the winter;

in the fall

;

or bears meat and beaver

or fugar, bears

oil,

and dry venifon

in

the fpring.

Some time

in October, another

adopted brother, older

than Tontileaugo, came to pay us a and, and he afked ahaga.

me

As

me

to take a

they always ufed

the liberty of choofing,

me I

vifit at

Sunyendehunt with him on Cayas a free man, and gave

told

him

that I was at

had never feen him before, and He told therefore, aiked fometime to confider of this. me that the party he was going with would not be along, tached to Tontileaugo

or at the

mouth of

this little lake, in lefs than fix days,

could in this time be acquainted with him, and judge for myfelf. I confulted with Tontileaugo on this occafion, and he told me that our old brother Tecaugh-

and

I

retanego, (which was his name) was a chief, and a better

man

than he was

;

and

if I

went with him

pect to be well ufed, but he faid

and

if I flaid

he would ufe

me

I

as

I

might ex

might do as I pleafed he had done. I told ;

James Smith.

Col.

52

him

that he had acted in every refpect as a brother to

me

yet

was much pleafed with my old brother s con duct and converfation and as he was going to a part of the country I had never been in, I wifhed to go with ;

I

;

him I

he faid that he was perfectly willing. then went with Tecaughretanego to the

mouth of

where he met with the company he in tended going with, which was compofed of CaughneHere I was introduced to a wagas, and Ottawas. the

little lake,

Caughnewaga

My

fitter s

Maully.

I

fitter,

and others

had never before

I

feen.

name was Mary, which they pronounced afked Tecaughretanego how it came that me

had an Englifh name he faid that he did not know that it was an Englifh name but it was the name the ;

;

prieft gave her

name of

the

a great

when me was

the

many of

mother of Jefus.

as

he

faid, that

He

faid there

were

the Caughnewagas and Wiandots, that

were a kind of half felf,

baptized, which he faid was

Roman

Catholics

the prieft and

;

but

as for

him-

him could not agree

;

they held notions that contradicted both fenfe and

reafon,

and had the aflurance to

tell

him, that the book

of God, taught them thefe foolifh abfurdities but he could not believe the great and good fpirit ever taught them any fuch nonfenfe: and therefore he concluded :

that the Indians

old religion was better than this

new

way of worshiping God.

The Ottawas have

very ufeful kind of tents which they carry with them, made of flags, plaited and ftitched a

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

53

together in a very artful manner, fo as to turn rain, or

wind well

each

five feet broad.

they cut a

is made fifteen feet long and about In order to erect this kind of tent,

mat

number of

long, ftraight poles, which they

drive in the ground, in form of a

circle, leaning inwards; then they fpread the matts on thefe poles beginning at the bottom and extending up, leaving only a hole in

the top uncovered

and

of a

this hole anfwers the place

They make a fire of dry, fplit wood, in the and fpread down bark mats and ikins for bed

chimney. middle,

on which they

crooked pofture, all round the fire, as the length of their beds will not admit of ftretching themfelves. In place of a door they lift ding,

up one end of

a

fleep

in

mat and creep

a

in,

and

let

the

mat

fall

down behind them. Thefe tents are warm and dry, and tolerable clear of fmoke. Their lumber they keep under birch-bark ca noes, which they carry out and turn

up

for a fhelter,

where they keep every thing from the rain. Nothing is in the tents but themfelves and their bedding. This company had four birch canoes and four tents.

We

were kindly received, and they gave us plenty of

homony, and wild geefe,

The

boiled and roafted.

As

the

ducks, fwans, &c. here are well grain-fed, they

were remarkably

that

fowl,

fat efpecially the

wild fowl here feed

grows fpontaneoufly

upon

in the

green necked ducks. a

kind of wild

rice,

mallow water, or wet

places along the fides or in the corners of the lakes.

CoL James Smith.

54

As

wind was high and we could not proceed on our voyage, we remained here feveral days, and killed the

abundance of wild fowl, and a number of racoons. When a company of Indians are moving together on the lake, as

ous

failing,

time of the year often danger the old men hold a council and when they it is

at this

;

embark, every one is engaged immediately in making ready, without offering one word againft the meafure, though the lake may be boifterous and horrid. agree to

One morning

tho

the wind appeared to

me

to be as

and the billows raging, yet the call was given yohoh-yohoh, which was quickly anfwered by We were all inooh-ooh which fignifies agreed. all high as in days

paft,

engaged in preparing to

ftantly

ftart,

and had conlider-

able difficulties in embarking.

As foon

as

we got

into our canoes

we

fell

to paddling

our might, making out from the more. Though thefe fort of canoes ride waves beyond what could be

with

all

expected, yet the water feveral times darned into them.

When we

got out about half a mile from more, we hoifled fail, and as it was nearly a weft wind, we then

feemed

to ride the

rapid rate.

waves with

W e then T

all laid

eafe,

and went on

down our

at a

paddles, except

ing one that fteered, and there was no water darned into our canoes, until we came near the more again. We failed

about fixty miles that day, and encamped fome

time before night. The next day we again embarked and went on very

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. well for

the

fome time

wind not

fair,

;

55

but the lake being boifterous, and we were obliged to make to more,

which we accomplimed with hard work and Tome diffi The next morning a council was held culty in landing.

by the old men. As we had this day to pafs by a long precipice of rocks, on the more about nine miles, which rendered it impoflible for us to land, though the wind was high and the lake rough dered to embark.

more and

hoifted

;

yet, as

We fail

it

was

fair,

we were

all

or

wrought ourfelves out from the (what we ufed in place of

fail

were our tent mats, which anfwered the place very well) and went on for fome time with a fair wind, until we were oppofite to the precipice, and then it turned cloth,

towards the more, and we began to fear we mould be caft upon the rocks. Two of the canoes were confiderably farther out from the rocks, than the canoe I was

Thofe who were

in.

down as

fartheft

out in the lake did not

let

had patted the precipice; but we were nearer the rock, we were obliged to lower

our

their fails until they

fails,

difficulty

As

our might. With much we cleared ourfelves of the rock and landed.

and paddle with

all

the other canoes had landed before us, there were

immediately runners fent off to

fee if

we were

all

fafely

landed.

This night the wind

and the next morning the lake was tolerably calm, and we embarked without diffi culty, and paddled along near the more, until we came fell,

Col.

56

mouth of Cayahaga, which empties

to the

on the fouth

Erie

James Smith.

Lake

into

betwixt Canefadooharie and

fide,

Ifle.

Prefq

We

turned up Cayahaga and encamped where we ftaid and hunted for feveral days and fo we kept mov ing and hunting until we came to the forks of Cayahaga. ;

This

is

and but few

a very gentle river,

riffles,

or

running places, from the mouth to the forks. Deer here were tolerably plenty, large, and fat; but

fwift

bear and other

game

fcarce.

principally fecond and

third rate

black-oak, white-oak,

chiefly

The bottoms

The upland

are rich and large,

hilly

and

The timber

land.

hickory,

is

dogwood, &c.

and the timber

is

wal

mulberry, fugar-tree, red-haw, black-haw, The Weft Branch of this river in wild-appletrees, &c. nut,

locuft,

terlocks with the Eaft Branch of

Mufkingum

;

and the

Eaft Branch with the Big Beaver creek, that empties into the Ohio about thirty miles below Pittfburgh.

From

the forks of Cayahaga to the Eaft Branch of

Muikingum,

there

a carrying place,

is

where the Indians

carry their canoes &c. from the waters of

Lake

Erie,

into the waters of the Ohio.

From

went over with fome hunters, to the Eaft Branch of Mufkingum, where they killed fev eral deer,

the forks

a

number of

laden, with fkins

backs, as

The

I

returned heavy

and meat, which we carried on our

we had no

land here

beavers, and

is

horfes. chiefly fecond

and third

rate,

and

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. the timber chiefly oak and hickory.

A

57

little

above the

on the Eaft Branch of Cayahaga, are confiderable but no perpen rapids, very rocky, for fome diftance forks,

;

dicular

falls.

About

of December, 1756, we were preparing for leaving the river: we buried our canoes, and as ufual hung up our fkins, and every one had a pack to carry: the

firft

which they carried in large rolls, that extended up above their heads; and though a great bulk, yet not heavy. We fleered about the fquaws alfo packed

a fouth eafl courfe

At

per day.

when

up

their tents,

and could not march over ten miles

night

we lodged

in

our

flag tents,

which

were nearly in the fhape of a fugar and about fifteen feet diameter at the ground. erected,

loaf,

In this manner we proceeded about forty miles, and wintered in thefe tents, on the waters of Beaver creek, near a

little

lake or large pond, which

is

about two

miles long, and one broad, and a remarkable place for beaver. It

is

a received

opinion

among

the Indians, that the

geefe turn to beavers and the fnakes to racoons; and

though Tecaughretanego, who was a wife man, was not fully perfuaded that this was true yet he feemed ;

in

fome meafure

notion.

He

tiful place

to be carried

away with this whimfical

pond had been always a plen Though he faid he knew them

faid that this

of beaver.

to be frequently

all killed, (as

he thought;) yet the next

winter they would be as plenty as ever. 8

And

as

the

Col.

58

James Smith.

beaver was an animal that did not travel by land, and there being no water communication, to, or from this

pond

how could

fuch a

But

year after year?

able place for geefe,

number of beavers

get there

pond was alfo a confiderwhen they came in the fall from the as

this

north, and alighted in this pond, they turned beavers,

but the

all

I faid,

which remained nearly the fame. that though there was no water communication, feet,

or out of this pond; yet

appeared that it was fed by fprings, as it was always clear and never ftagnated; and as a very large fpring rofe about a mile below this pond, it was likely that this fpring came from this pond. in,

In the

when

it

comparatively low, there would be air under ground fufficient for the beavers to breathe in, with their heads above water, for they can fall,

this fpring

is

not live long under water, and fo they might have a fubterraneous paflage by water into this pond. Tecaughbe fo. retanego, granted that it might

About

the fides of this

pond

there grew great

abund

ance of cranberries, which the Indians gathered up on the

ice,

when

the

pond was frozen

over.

Thefe berries

of a bright red colour an agreeable four, though rather too four of themfelves; but when mixed with fugar, had a very

were about

as

large as

rifle

bullets

agreeable tafte. In converfation with Tecaughretanego,

I

happened

to

He afked me be talking of the beavers catching fifh. why I thought that the beaver caught fim? I told him

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

59

had read of the beaver making dams for the conHe laughed, and made game of veniency of fiming. that

I

me and my

He

book.

faid the

book knew nothing about the

man

that wrote that

The

beaver.

beaver

never did eat flem of any kind; but lived on the bark

of

trees, roots,

In order to

and other vegetables.

know

how

certainly

killed a beaver I carefully

this was,

examined the

when we

interlines,

but

found no appearance of fifh; I afterwards made an experiment on a pet beaver which we had, and found that

would neither

it

eat fim or flem;

therefore

I

ac

knowledged that the book I had read was wrong. I afked him if the beaver was an amphibious animal, He faid that the beaver or if it could live under water ? was

a

kind of fubterraneous water animal, that

lives in

but they were no more amphibious than the ducks and geefe were which was conftantly

or near the water;

proven to be the

cafe, as all

the beavers that are caught

drowned, provided the trap be heavy enough to keep them under water. As the beaver does not eat fifh, I enquired of Tecaughretanego why the

in fteel traps are

beaver

made fuch

ufe to

them

and food. the

dams?

in various refpecls

For

mouths of

places,

large

their fafety, as

their

holes,

by

He

faid they

were of

both for their

fafety

raifing the water over

or fubterraneous lodging

they could not be eafily found

:

and

as

the

beaver feeds chiefly on the bark of trees, by raifing the water over the banks, they can cut down fapplings for

60

James Smith.

Col.

bark to feed upon without going out much upon the land: and when they are obliged to go out on land for food they frequently are caught by the wolves. As the beaver can run upon land, but little fafter than a

this

no fighting animal, if they are any distance from the water they become an eafy prey to

water tortoife, and

is

their enemies.

afked Tecaughretanego, what was the ufe of the

I

beaver

s

has two pair, which

the dumbeft of ;

and

commonly

is

He

and the bark ftones?

noife

them

ftones, or glands, to

as they

faid that as the beavers are

were working creatures,

work

ufe of this fmell in order to

old beaver was to

beaver

called the oil ftones,

animals, and fcarcely ever

all

me

as the

;

come on

the

make any they made If an

in concert.

bank and rub

his breech

the ground, and raife a perfume, the others will

upon collect

from

different places

and go to work:

this

alfo

is

of ufe to them in travelling, that they may thereby fearch out and find their company. Cunning hunters finding this out, have in order to catch fee

falfe

fignal,

Near

?

but

of,

By

ufe of

What

them.

them make ufe

and bark ftones

made

this

a

it

is

againft the beaver,

the bate which

compound

perfume, which

you

of the is

oil

only a

they decoy them to the trap.

this

pond, beaver was the principal game.

fore the waters froze up,

wooden and

fteel

beaver on the

ice.

we caught

a great

after that, traps: but

Some

many

we hunted

Be with the

build places here the beavers

61

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. large houfes to live in;

and

have

in other places they

fubterraneous lodgings in the banks.

Where

they lodge

ground we have no chance of hunting them on the ice; but where they have houfes we go with malls in the

and handfpikes, and break all the hollow ice, to prevent them from getting their heads above the water under it. houfe and they make their efcape into the water; but as they cannot live long under water, they are obliged to go to fome of thofe

Then we break

a hole in the

broken places to breathe, and the Indians commonly put in their hands, catch them by the hind leg, haul

them

on

the

and tomahawk

ice

moot them

they

in

above the water. not afraid they faid ture

;

yet

catch

to

no if

I

:

the

head,

them.

Sometimes

when they

raife

it

afked the Indians if they were the

beavers

with

much of

they were not

hands

their a

?

biting crea

they would catch them by the

fore foot

they would bite.

went out with Tecaughretanego, and fome others a beaver hunting: but we did not fucceed, and on our I

return we faw where feveral racoons had pafTed, while the fnow was it,

we

all

made

foft

;

a halt

tho there was

looking

they faw a tree with a hole in fee if

at the it

they had gone in thereat

;

now

if

me

As

go and

to

they had to hal

and they would come and take them out. went to that tree I found they had gone pafl

When

loo, I

upon

racoon tracks.

they told

and

a cruft

;

but

I

faw another the way they had went, and proceeded to

61

James Smith.

Col.

and found they had gone up it. I then began to holloo, but could have no anfwer. As it began to fnow and blow mofl violently, I re examine

that,

turned and proceeded after my company, and for fome but the old snow being time could fee their tracks ;

only about three inches deep, and a cruft upon fnow foon filled up the tracks. prefent driving

the

it,

As

I

had only a bow, arrows, and tomahawk, with me, and no way to flrike fire, I appeared to be in a difmal fituand

ation

more profpect of

At

the night.

fleering

found

it

I

length

hole at one fide that that

was dark with fnow,

as the air

was

I

a

my

came

foft,

alfo

I

at.

enough

for

little

in

in,

and

to fland in.

a confiderable quantity

would lodge here; and

I

went

me

dry rotten wood, around this hollow

concluded that

would

and the hollow about

dry place,

found that there was

had

I

to a hollow tree, with a

could go in

three feet diameter, and high I

courfe, than

I

therefore

I

:

of

that I

would

I work, and flop up the door of my houfe. was all the clothes that flripped off my blanket, (which

to

go I

mocka-

had, excepting a breech-clout, leggins, and

fons,)

and with

my

tomahawk,

fell

to

chopping

wood and

top of a fallen tree that lay near and carried fet it

up on end

againfl the door, until I had

or four feet thick, to creep in

at.

I

in a

it

three

round, excepting a hole I had left had a block prepared that I could

all

haul after me, to flop this hole

put

at the

number of

:

and before

fmall flicks, that

I

I

went

in I

might more

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

on the

it

effectually ftop

my tomahawk

took

wood

I

When

infide.

and cut down

could get, and beat

all

I

went

in, I

the dry, rotten

With

fmall.

it

63

made

it I

a

bed like a goofe-neft or hog-bed, and with the fmall fticks flopped every hole, until my houfe was almoft dark.

I

centre of

warm

ftripped off

mockafons, and danced in the

my

bed for about half an hour,

my

In this time

myfelf.

were agreeably warmed. had flopped all the holes, as a

dungeon

lay

down

I

As

it

my

while,

houfe was as dark

could not yet be dark

my

blanket,

light

was to be

feen.

I

could hear the rtorm raging, and did not fuffer

I

much

fo that

mean

Immediately was not to expect light in this new there was neither door nor window in it.

that

habitation, as

fnow, in the

then coiled myfelf up in

glimmering of

I recollected

and whole body

little

nights lodging. leaft

feet

round bed, and had a tolerable When I awoke, all was dark not the

my

in

The

knew

I

though

;

out of doors.

my

in order to

cold, as I

ftay in

my

was then fituated,

neft until I

it

concluded

I

would

was day. When I furely was day, I arofe

was certain

had reafon to conclude that

I it

and put on my mockafons, which I had laid under my head to keep from Freezing. I then endeavored to find the door, and had to do

took

me fome

time.

all

At

fenfe of feeling,

by the

length

I

which

found the block, but

being heavy, and a large quantity of fnow having fallen on it, at the firfl attempt I did not move it. I it

then

felt

terrified

among

all

the

hardships

I

had

James Smith.

Col.

64

knew

fuftained, I never

deprived of

before,

what

it

was to be thus

This, with the other circumftances

light.

I went ftraightway appeared grievous. to bed again, wrapped my blanket round me, and lay and mufed awhile, and then prayed to Almighty God

attending

to direct

it,

and protect me,

as

he had done heretofore.

I

move away the block, which moved about nine inches. With

once again attempted to

proved

fuccefsful

it

:

this a considerable quantity

and

of fnow

fell

from above, that I found a in

immediately received light fo very great fnow had fallen, above what I had ever feen I then knew why I could not eafily in one night. I

move

;

the block, and

light, that all

my

then turned into

I

was

fo rejoiced at

obtaining the

other difficulties feemed to vanifh.

my

and returned

cell,

God

I

thanks for

having once more received the light of Heaven. At length I belted my blanket about me, got my toma hawk, bow and arrows, and went out of my den.

was now in tolerable high fpirits, tho the fnow had fallen above three feet deep, in addition to what I

was on the ground before I

had, in order to fleer

trees fide

;

as

;

and the only imperfect guide my courfe to camp, was the

the mofs generally grows on the north-weft

of them,

if

they are ftraight.

I

proceeded on, wading through the fnow, and about twelve o clock (as it appeared afterwards, from that time to night, for it

was yet cloudy,) I came upon the creek that our camp was on, about half a mile below the camp and when I ;

Remarkable Occurrences Etc.

65

,

came

in fight

of the camp,

I

found that there was great

joy, by the fhouts and yelling of the boys, &c.

When

I

ceived

me

afked,

and

plenty of

When

arrived,

gladly I

fat

;

they

but

at

came round me, and re this time no queftions were

all

where they gave me beaver meat, and then afked me to fmoke.

was taken into a

tent,

had done, Tecaughretanego defired me to walk I went out, and out to a fire they had made. they all I

round me, both men, women, and boys. Te caughretanego afked me to give them a particular ac collected

count of what had happened from the time they left me I told them the whole of the yefterday, until now.

and they never interrupted me but when I made a ftop, the intervals were filled with loud acclamations ftory,

;

As

of joy. Jibewa

I

could not,

well, (which

is

at this

time, talk

nearly the fame)

I

Ottawa or

delivered

my

Caughnewaga. As my fifter Molly s hufband was a Jibewa and could underftand Caughnewaga, he acted as interpreter, and delivered my ftory to the ftory in

Jibewas and Ottawas, which they received with pleafure. T hen all this was done, Tecaughretanego made a fpeech

W to

me

in the

following manner:

"Brother,

we have prepared fnow-fhoes to go after you, and were almoft ready to go, when you appeared; "You

fee

you had not been accuftomed to hardfhips in your country, to the eaft, we never expeded to fee you alive. Now, we are glad to fee you, in various refpects yet, as

;

9

66

Col.

we

are glad

to

James Smith.

you on your own account;

fee

we

are glad to fee the profpect of

of

a

your

and

filling the place

man, in whofe room you were adopted. We do not blame you for what has happened, we blame ourfelves; becaufe, we did not think of this great

driving fnow

filling

up

the tracks, until after

we came

to camp. "

Brother,

conduct on

"Your

this

occafion

hath

pleafed us

much: You have given us an evidence of your forti and we hope you will always tude, {kill and refolution :

go on to do great

make

that can I told

them

actions, as

a great

it

is

only great actions

man/

brother Tecaughretanego, that

my

for their care of

I

me, and for the kindnefs

thanked I

always

him

that I always wifhed to do great never would do any thing to dis actions, honor any of thofe with whom I was connected. I received.

I

told

and hoped

likewife

told

people that

my

I alfo

I

Jibewa brother-in-law to tell his thanked them for their care and kind

nefs.

The

next morning fome of the hunters went out on

fnow-fhoes, killed feveral deer, and hauled fome of them into

camp upon

firings,

the fnow.

They

fixed their carrying

(which are broad in the middle, and fmall

at

each end,) in the fore feet and nofe of the deer, and

broad part of it on their heads or about their moulders, and pulled it along; and when it is moving,

laid the

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. not fink in the fnow

67

much

deeper than a fnow-fhoe; and when taken with the grain of the hair, flips along will

very

eafy.

The fnow-moes

are

made

like

a

hoop-net,

and

wrought with buck-fkin thongs. Each fhoe is about two feet and an half long, and about eighteen inches broad,

and fmall behind, with crofs-bars, in After the fnow or tie them to their feet.

before,

order to

had lay

fix

a

few days, the Indians tomahawked the deer,

by purfuing them in About two weeks

this

manner.

after this, there

came

a

warm

rain,

and took away the chief part of the fnow, and broke up

we engaged in making wooden traps to Thefe beavers, as we had but few fteel traps.

the ice; then catch

traps are

made

manner

nearly in the fame

as the

racoon

traps already defcribed.

One day

as I

was looking

nighted, by beaver

and

as I

ponds

had neglected

my traps, I got be intercepting my way to camp after

to take fire-works with

;

me, and

could find no fuitable lodgingplace, therefore the only expedient I could think of to the weather very cold,

I

keep myfelf from freezing, was halloo d the whole night with next day came to camp.

exercife.

my

all

Though

I

I

danced and

might, and the

fuffered

much more

time than the other night I lay out, yet the Indians were not fo much concerned, as they thought I had fire works with me; but when they knew how it was, they this

did not blame me.

They

faid

that old hunters were

68

Col James Smith.

frequently involved in this place, as the beaver

dams

were one above another on every creek and run, fo that it is hard to find a fording place. They applauded me for

my

and

fortitude,

faid as

beaver- {kins, they would purchafe troit, as

if I

we were

fire, kill

fun mined.

me

a

plenty of

new gun

to go there the next fpring;

mould chance

make

now

they had

By being bewildered on

De

and then

to be loft in dark weather,

provifion, and return to

at

I

could

camp when

the waters of

the

Mus-

kingum, I loft repute, and was reduced to the bow and arrow; and by lying out two nights here, I regained my credit.

After fome time, the waters as formerly,

we hunted

beaver meat, without

froze again, and then,

all

beavers on the

fait

ice.

Though

or bread, was the chief of our

food this winter, yet we had always plenty, and well contented with

I

was

appeared delicious fare, after the way we had lived the winter before. Some time in February, we fcaffolded up our fur and fkins,

my

diet,

as

it

and moved about ten miles

make

in queft

of a fugar

and encamped in a large bottom, on the head waters of Big Beaver We had fome difficulty in moving, as we had creek.

camp

or a fuitable place to

fugar,

Caughnewaga boy about 15 years of age, to and as this country is very brufhy, we frequently

a blind

lead;

had him to carry; law

s

father with us,

be a great conjurer

We

had

alfo

my

Jibewa brother-in-

who was thought by the Indians to this his name was Manetohcoa

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. old

man

was

fo

decrepit, that

route upon a bier,

and

all

we had

69

to carry

him

this

our baggage to pack on our

backs.

Shortly after we came to this place the fquaws began to

make

We

fugar.

had no large kettles with us

year, and they made the froft, the place of fire, in making veffels,

fome meafure, fupply Their large bark fugar.

for holding the flock-water,

and mallow

;

and

as the

this

in

weather

is

made broad

they

very cold here,

frequently freezes at night in fugar time;

they break and cart out of the veflels. they were not throwing away the fugar

I

and the

afked

ice

them faid

?

it

if

no

they was water they were carting away, fugar did not freeze, and there was fcarcely any in that ice. They faid I ;

it

might try the experiment, and boil fome of it, and fee I never did what I would get. but I obferved try it ;

that after feveral times freezing, the water that in the veflel,

its

changed

remained

colour and became brown and

very fweet.

About

the time

we were done making fugar

the fnow

went off the ground and one night a fquaw raifed an alarm. She faid me faw two men with guns in their ;

hands,

fpying fton flip

s

upon

bank on the other

the

our tents

Mohawks.

quietly out,

who had

either

fome

of the creek,

fuppofed to be Johnthis the fquaws were ordered to

they

On

fide

were

diftance into the bufhes;

guns or bows

near the tents; and if the

and

all

were to fquat in the bufhes

enemy rufhed up, we were

to

James Smith.

Col.

jo give them the

and

firft fire,

let

the fquaws have an op

I portunity of efcaping. got down befide Tecaughretanego, and he whifpered to me not to be afraid, for he

would fpeak

Mohawks, and as they fpake we did, they would not hurt

to the

fame tongue that

the

the

Caughnewagas, or me: but they would kill all the Jibewas and Ottawas that they could, and take us along This news pleafed me well, and I heartily with them. wished for the approach of the Mohawks. Before we withdrew from the tents they had carried

and gave him his conjuring tools; which were dyed feathers, the bone of the moulder blade of the wild cat, tobacco, &c., and while we were

Manetohcoa

to

the

fire,

bumes, Manetohcoa was conjuring away to the utmoft of in the

he called aloud for us

When we

obeyed.

all

to

came

in

tent at the

his ability.

come

in,

a

At

fire,

length

which was quickly he told us that after he in,

had gone through the whole of his ceremony, and expeded to fee a number of Mohawks on the flat bone

when

it

was warmed

at

the

the pictures of two

fire,

He faid though there were no wolves only appeared. Mohawks about, we muft not be angry with the fquaw for giving a falfe alarm as me had occafion to go out ;

ai^d

happened

light;

yet

dians, with

me

to fee the wolves,

got afraid, and

guns

me

though

conceited

in their hands, fo

go

to fleep, for there

we

did.

it

was it

moon

was In

he faid we might

was no danger

all

and accordingly

Remarkable Occurrences , Etc.

The

next morning

we went

71

and found

to the place,

wolf tracks, and where they had fcratched with their but there was no fign of mockafon feet like dogs;

any fuch thing as Manetohcoa was as likely to be one If there

tracks.

is

a wizzard, I

think

as

as

any man,

But

was a profeffed worfhipper of the devil.

let

he

him

be a conjuror or not, I am perfuaded that the Indians believed what he told them upon this occafion, as well as

if

would

it

had come from an

infallible

not, after fuch an alarm as this,

an unconcerned manner.

oracle;

go

This appeared

to ileep in

all

to

or they

me

the mofl

I

was with

like witchcraft, of

any thing

them.

fcrutinized their proceedings in bufi-

I

Though

I

beheld while

nefs of this kind, yet I generally

found that

their pre

tended witchcraft, was either art or miftaken notions, Before a battle they whereby they deceived themfelves. fpy the enemy s motions carefully, and when they find that they can have considerable advantage, and the greateft

profpecl of fuccefs, then the old

jure, or to tell

do a

what the event

men

pretend to con

and

will be,

this they

manner, which will bear fomething of different interpretation, which generally comes to pafs in a figurative

nearly as they foretold; therefore the generally believed

thefe

old

young warriors

conjurors,

which had a

tendency to animate, and excite them to pufh on with vigor.

Some time

in

March 1757 we began

to

move back

the forks of Cayahaga, which was about forty or

to

fifty

Col.

72

James Smith.

we had no

we had

our baggage and feveral hundred weight of beaver fkins, and fome deer and bear fkins all to pack on our backs. The miles

and

;

as

method we took

to

fhort days journies.

on with

much

as

commonly made

all

accomplifh this was by making In the morning we would move

we were

able to carry, about five

and encamp; and then run back

miles,

came

as

horfes,

for more.

When we

three fuch trips in the day.

to the great

pond we

ftaid there

We

one day to

reft

ourfelves and to kill ducks and geefe.

While we remained here

I

went

in

company with

a

young Caughnewaga, who was about

fifteen or

years of age, Chinnohete by name,

in order to gather

crannberries.

As he was

gathering berries at fome dis

tance from me, three Jibewa fquaws crept

ered and

made

up undifcov-

him

fpeedily, but he nimbly efcaped, I afked him what apparently terrified.

at

and came to me

feventeen

he was afraid of?

fquaws

I

?

he replied did you not fee thofe told him I did, and they appeared to be in a

I afked him wherefore then he was very good humor. He faid the Jibewa fquaws were very afraid of them? bad women, and had a very ugly cuftom among them.

I

afked

him what

that cuftom was

two or three of them could catch betwixt a

man and

a boy,

a

?

he faid that when

young

out by himfelf,

lad, that if

was

they could

overpower him, they would ftrip him by force in order to fee whether he was coming on to be a man or not. He faid that was what they intended when they crawled

Remarkable Occurrences,

Etc.

73

up, and ran fo violently at him, but faid he, I am very I then agreed with glad that I fo narrowly efcaped.

condemning this as a bad cuftom, and an exceeding immodeft aclion for young women to be Chinnohete

in

of.

guilty

From our

Beaver creek, to the

woods

camp on

fugar

this place

not

is

and fome places moft places exceed

hilly,

are tolerably clear: but in

ing brufhy.

The

land here

The timber on

rate.

the head waters of Big

is

chiefly fecond

the upland

oak, hickory and chefnut: there

white-oak, black-

is

alfo in

is

walnut up land, and plenty of good water. here are generally large and good.

We

again proceeded on from the

Cayahaga,

The

at the rate

of about

land on this route

watered,

and

in

many

is

pond

five miles

not very

brufhy, and chiefly fecond and third mixed with good bottoms.

When we came we had

to the forks,

fcaffolded were

all

public place, and Indians fkins hanging

up

fome places The bottoms

to the forks

of

per day.

hilly, it is well

timbered, generally

ill

places

and third

we found

that the {kins

Though

fafe.

inter

rate land,

was a

this

frequently patting, and our

was none flolen; and

in view, yet there

anything from one another; and they fay they never did, until the white people came among them, and learned fome of them to

it

is

feldom that Indians do

fteal

may, they never did curfe or fwear, until the whites learned them fome lie,

cheat and

fteal,

but be that

as

it

;

10

James Smith.

Col.

74

think their language will not admit of it, but I am not of that opinion; if I was fo difpofed, I could find lan

guage to curfe or fwear, in the Indian tongue. I

remember

that Tecaughretanego,

difpleafed him, faid,

knew what he then

God damn

I

it.

when fomething alked him if he

faid? he faid he did;

and mentioned

one of their degrading expreffions, which he fuppofed to be the meaning or fomething like the meaning of what he had faid. I told him that it did not bear the leaft refemblance to

it

;

the great fpirit to with.

He

that

what he

punim

was calling upon

faid,

the object he was difpleafed

ftood for fometime amazed, and then faid, if

be the meaning of thefe words, what fort of people are the whites ? when the traders were among us thefe this

words feemed to be intermixed with

He told me I

to reconfider

muft be miflaken

in

my

what

I

had

definition

all

their difcourfe.

he thought was not mis

faid, for if I

;

taken, he said, the traders applied thefe words not only

wickedly, but often times very foolifhly and contrary to fenfe or reafon.

der

s

He

faid

he remembered once of a tra

accidentally breaking his

occafion calling out aloud

gun

lock,

God damn

the

gun lock was not an

for

Owaneeyo, or the Great

object

good humor and not

furely faid he

worthy of punimment

Spirit:

the traders often ufed this expreffion, a

it

and on that

difpleafed

he

alfo

obferved

when they were

with

anything.

in I

acknowledged that the traders ufed this expreffion very often, in a moil irrational, inconfiftent, and impious man-

Remarkable ner

I ftill

yet

;

Occurrences,, Etc.

had given the true mean

afTerted that I

He

ing of thefe words.

75

replied, if fo, the traders are

Oonafahroona, or the under ground inhabit as they ants, which is the name they give the devils

bad

as

as

;

entertain a notion that their place of refidence

is

under

the earth.

We

took up our birch-bark canoes which we had buried, and found that they were not damaged by the winter

but they not being

;

we now

had,

we made

fufficient to

a large chefnut

elm bark was not to be found

We

carry

all

bark canoe

that ;

as

at this place.

embarked, and had a very agreeable pafTage down the Cayahaga, and along the fouth fide of Lake all

mouth of Sandufky; then the wind arofe, and we put in at the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, at Cedar Point, where we remained feveral Erie, until

we

pafled the

days, and killed a

number of Turkeys,

geefe,

ducks and

-The wind being fair, and the lake not extremely rough, we again embarked, hoifted up fails, and arrived

fwans.

(

fafe at the

Wiandot town,

on the north

troit,

number of French

fide

nearly oppofite to Fort

of the

traders,

river.

De

Here we found

a

every one very willing to

deal with us for our beaver.

We

bought ourfelves fine clothes, amunition, paint, tobacco, &c. and according to promife, they purchafed

me

a

third

new gun:

we had parted with only about oneof our beaver. At length a trader came to town yet

with French Brandy:

We

purchafed a keg of

it,

and

y6

James Smith.

Col.

who was

held a council about

was to keep fober.

I

refufed the propofal

to get drunk,

and who

was invited to get drunk, but I then they told me that I muft be

one of thofe who were to take care of the drunken peo I did not like this but of two evils I chofe that ple. ;

thought was the leaft and fell in with thofe who were to conceal the arms, and keep every danger ous weapon we could, out of their way, and endeavor,

which

I

keep the drinking club from killing each Several times we other, which was a very hard tafk. if poffible to

hazarded our own

lives,

and got ourfelves hurt,

in pre

Before they had venting them from flaying each other. rmifhed this keg, near one-third of the town was intro

duced to

this

drinking club

;

they could not pay their

had already difpofed of all their fkins; but that made no odds, all were welcome to drink.

part, as they

When

they were done with this keg, they applied to the traders, and procured a kettle full of brandy at a

which they divided out with a large wooden and fo they went on and never quit while they fpoon, had a tingle beaver fkin. time,

When off to the

the trader had got

all

Ottawa town, about

our beaver, he moved

a mile

above the Wiandot

town.

When fober,

the brandy was gone, and the drinking club

they appeared

much

dejeded.

Some of them

were crippled, others badly wounded, a number of their fine new fhirts tore, and feveral blankets were burned :

Remarkable a

Etc.

77

alfo in this club,

and neglected

Occurrences,,

number of fquaws were

their corn planting.

We

could

now

Ottawa town.

hear the effects of the brandy in the

They were

ringing and yelling in the

moft hideous manner, both night and day; but their frolic ended worfe than ours; five Ottawas were killed

many wounded. After this a number of young Indians were getting their ears cut, and they urged me to have mine cut likeand

a great

but they did not attempt to compel me, though The principal argu they endeavored to perfuade me. wife;

ments they ufed were its being a very great ornament, and alfo the common fafhion The former I did not believe,

and the this

latter I

The way

operation was by cutting the

performed of the circle of the ear

When

could not deny.

they

flefhy part

clofe to the grifhle quite through.

was done they wrapt rags round this flefhy part until it was entirely healed; then they hung lead to it and ftretched it to a wonderful length: when it was this

sufficiently ftretched,

they wrapt the flefhy part round

with brafs wire, which formed

it

into a femicircle about

four inches diameter.

Many

of the young

felves in a

monly

men were now

game refembling

exercifing

foot ball; though they

ftruck the ball with a crooked {lick,

that purpofe; alfo a

them-

game fomething

com

made

for

like this, wherein

they ufed a wooden ball, about three inches diameter, and the inftrument they moved it with was a ftrong ftaff

78

Col.

James Smith.

with a hoop net on the end of it, Before they begin large enough to contain the ball. the play, they lay off about half a mile diftance in a clear

about

five feet long,

plain,

and the oppofite parties

all

attend at the centre,

where a difinterefled perfon cafts up the ball then the If any one gets it opofite parties all contend for it. into his net, he runs with

and they

all

purfue him.

it

the

way he

wifb.es it to go,

If one of the oppofite party

overtakes the perfon with the ball, he gives the flaff a ftroke which caufes the ball to fly out of the net; then

they have another debate for it; and if the one that gets it can outrun all the oppofite party, and can carry it

quite out, or over the line at the end, the

game

is

but this feldom happens. When any one is run ning away with the ball, and is like to be overtaken, he commonly throws it, and with this inflrument can caft

won

it

;

fifty

moft

Sometimes when the

or fixty yards.

at the

one end, matters

will

ball is

al-

take a fudden turn,

and the oppofite party may quickly carry it out at the Oftentimes they will work a long while back other end.

and forward before they can get the or win the game.

About

the

firfl

ball

over the

line,

of June, 1757, the warriors were pre

paring to go to war, in the Wiandot, Pottowatomy, and

Ottawa towns; alfo a great many Jibewas came down from the upper lakes and after finging their war fongs ;

and going through their common ceremonies, they marched off againft the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

and Pennfylvania,

ufual manner,

in their

79 ringing the

travelling fong, flow firing, &c.

On to

the north fide of the river St. Laurence, oppofite

Fort Detroit, there

is

an iiland, which the Indians

and which they fay is above one thoufand miles long, and in fome places above one hun call

the

Long

Ifland,

dred miles broad.

They

further fay that the great river

comes down by Canefatauga and that empties into the main branch of St. Laurence, above Montreal, orig

that

inates

from

forms

this ifland.

one fource, with the

St.

Lawrence,

and

Oppofite to Detroit, and below it, was originally a prairie, and laid off in lots about fixty rods broad, and a great length: each lot

is

divided into two

The

they cultivate year about.

French

They

fields,

which

principal grain that the

was fpring wheat and peas. their houfes on the front of thefe lots

raifed in thefe fields

built all

on the river

and

banks of the river are very low, fome of the houfes are not above three or four feet fide

;

as the

above the furface of the water; yet they are in no dan ger of being difturbed by frefhes, as the river feldom above eighteen inches becaufe it is the communi cation, of the river St. Laurence, from one lake to

rifes

;

another.

As

dwelling-houfes, barns, and ftables are

the front of thefe lots

;

at a diftance

it

all

built

on

appears like a

continued row of houfes in a town, on each fide of the river for a long way.

Thefe

villages, the

town, the river

8o

Col.

and the

James Smith.

plains, being all in

view

moft

at once, affords a

delightful profpect.

The and

as

inhabitants here chiefly drink the river water it

comes from the northward

it

is

;

very whole-

fome.

The

land here

principally fecond rate, and

is

compar

atively fpeaking, a fmall part is firft or third rate;

about four or

miles fouth of Detroit, there

five

fmall portion that

is

worfe than what

I

would

call

tho is

a

third

which produces abundance of hurtle berries. There is plenty of good meadow ground here, and a

rate,

many marmes

great

The

timber

is

that are overfpread with water.

elm,

fugar-tree,

white-am,

black-am,

abundance of water-am, oak, hickory, and fome walnut. About the middle of June the Indians were almoft

gone to war, from fixteen to fixty; yet TecaughreTho he had for tanego remained in town with me.

all

merly,

when they were

at

war with the fouthern nations

been a great warrior, and an eminent counfellor and I think as clear and as able a reafoner upon any fubjedl that he had an opportunity of being acquainted with, as ;

I

ever

knew

;

yet he had

all

along been againft this war,

and had ftrenuoufly oppofed the Englim and French had their

own

battles themfelves

;

it

in council.

He

a

quarrel let

them

it

is

faid if

fight

not our bufinefs to

intermeddle therewith. Before the warriors returned we were very fcarce of provifion: and tho

we did not commonly

fteal

from one

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. another; yet we ftole during this time any thing that we could eat from the French, under the notion that it

was juft for us to do fo becaufe they fupported their foldiers; and our fquaws, old men and children were ;

on the account of the war,

fuffering

were

all

as

our hunters

gone.

Some time

Auguft the warriors returned, and with them a great many fcalps, prifoners, in

brought in horfes and plunder

young

;

common

and the

report

would

warriors, was, that they

among

intirely

the

fubdue

Tulhafaga, that is the Englifh, or it might be literally rendered the Morning Light inhabitants.

About

the

were preparing

to

November

go on

a

mouth of

number of

their winter

to crofs the lake together.

agreed the

of

firft

the river the

firft

hunt,

We

night,

families

and

encamped and

all

at

a council

was held, whether we would crofs thro iflands,

or coaft

round the

it

in a line acrofs the lake,

Some of

other.

make

their

and

lake.

by the three Thefe iflands lie

are juft in fight of each

Wiandots or Ottawas frequently Tho except winter hunt on thefe iflands. the

ing wild fowl and

any game here but racoons which are amazingly plenty, and exceed as they feed upon the wild rice, ing large and fat fifh,

there

is

fcarcely

;

wet places round thefe that each hunter in one winter will

which grows in abundance iflands.

It is faid

in

catch one thoufand racoons. It

is

a received

ii

opinion

among

the Indians that the

82

James Smith.

Col.

fnakes and racoons are tranfmutable

many of

the fnakes turn racoons every

fnakes every fpring.

made on

fervations

As

This notion

fall,

a great

and racoons

founded on ob-

is

the fnakes and racoons in this ifland.

the racoons here lodge in rocks, the trappers

wooden

their

and that

;

mouth of

traps at the

make

the holes; and as

they go daily to look at their traps, in the winter feafon, they commonly find them filled with racoons; but

when the

out of the ground they fay, they then find their traps filled with large And therefore conclude that the racoons rattle fnakes.

in the fpring or

transformed.

are

they are fo

alfo

They

remarkably

froft is

fay that

the reafon

plenty in the winter,

is,

why every

the fnakes turn racoons again.

fall

had never .landed on any of thefe iflands, yet from the unanimous accounts I had received, I believed that both fnakes and racoons were I

told

them

that tho

I

plenty there; but no doubt they all remained there both fummer and winter, only the fnakes were not to be feen in the latter

;

yet I did not believe they were tranfmu

table.

Thefe

iflands are

but feldom vifited

the fpring and late in the

fall it is

;

becaufe early in

dangerous

failing in

bark canoes; and in the fummer they are fo infefted with various kinds of ferpents, (but chiefly rattle fnakes,) their

that I

it is

mall

refult

dangerous landing.

now

to the quit this digreffion, and return

of the council at the

mouth of

the river.

We

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

two days we the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, and

concluded to coaft

came

to

83

it

round the

lake,

and

in

landed on cedar point, where we remained feveral days. Here we held a council, and concluded we would take a driving hunt in concert, and in partnerfhip. The river in this place is about a mile broad, and as it

and the lake forms

a

kind of neck, which terminates

in a point, all the hunters (which

up the

river,

to the lake. fight

came in

and we fcattered ourfelves from the river

When we

of each other, but

move

were fifty-three) went

firft

as

began to

we

all

move we were

raifed the yell,

by the noife. of each other and appeared

regularly together in fight

good order

;

before

we came

At

not in

we could

length

to be

to the point,

we

marching both the

fquaws and boys in the canoes were fcattered up the river, and along the lake, to prevent the deer from

making

their efcape

by water.

As we advanced

near the

point the guns began to crack flowly; and after fome time the firing was like a little engagement. The fquaws

and boys were bufy tomahawking the deer and we mooting them down on the land: all

about thirty deer:

tho a great

in the water,

We killed

many made

in

their

efcape by water.

We

had now great feafting and rejoicing, as we had plenty of homony, venifon, and wild fowl. The geefe at this time appeared to be preparing to move fouthward It

meant by the geefe preparing to The Indians reprefent them as holding a great

might be afked what

move?

is

James Smith.

Col.

84

council at this time concerning the weather in order to

conclude upon a day, that they may all at or near one time leave the Northern Lakes, and wing their way to When matters are brought to a the fouthern bays. conclufion and the time appointed that they are to take

wing, then they fay, a great number of expreffes are fent off, in order to let the different tribes know the refult of

may be all As there

this council, that they at the

time appointed.

among is,

that they are led

by

is

a great

move

commotion

would appear by their been had held. Certain it

the geefe at this time,

actions, that fuch a council

readinefs to

in

it

inftinct to

ad

in concert

and

to

move off regularly after their leaders. The chief part of Here our company feparated. them went up the Miami river, that empties into Lake Erie, at cedar point, whilft

we proceeded on our journey

company with Tecaughretanego, Tontileaugo, and

in

two families of the Wiandots.

As feel

cold weather was

now

approaching, we began to

the doleful effects of extravagantly and foolifhly

in fpending the large quantity of beaver we had taken were all nearly in the fame our laft winter s hunt.

We

circumftances

fcarcely

one had

a fhirt to his

each of us had an old blanket which in the day,

and

flept in at night,

we

back; but

belted round us

with a deer or bear fkin

under us for our bed.

When we

came

to the falls of Sandulky,

our birch bark canoes

as ufual, at a large

we buried

burying place

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. for that purpofe, a little

below the

85

At

falls.

this place

the river falls about eight feet over a rock, but not per

With much

pendicular.

we pufhed up our

difficulty

fome of us went up the river, and the reft by land with the horfes, until we came to the great meadows or prairies that lie between Sandufky and

wooden

canoes,

Sciota.

When we came

to this place

hunters, and agreed with

them

ring hunt, in partnership.

We

we met with fome Ottawa to take,

what they

waited until we expected

rain was near falling to extinguifh the

fire,

kindled a large

At

circle in

the prairie.

before the bucks began to run a great lay concealed in the grafs, in the day, in the night tre

of the

;

but as the

circle,

were fcattered

fire

burned

fome

and then we this time, or

number of

in

towards the cen fire:

the Indians

diftance before the

fire,

mot them down every opportunity, which was very quent, efpecially as the circle became fmall.

came

to divide the deer, there were

hunter, which were

did not cle

come on

of the

fire,

all

in

and fre

When we

above ten to each

killed in a few hours.

The

rain

that night to put out the out-fide cir

and

as the

wind

arofe,

the whole prairie, which was about

and

deer

and moved about

the deer fled before the

alfo at

call a

fome places near twenty

fifty

it

extended thro

miles in length,

This put and was in other

in breadth.

an end to our ring hunting this feafon, refpects an injury to us in the hunting bufinefs; fo that

upon

the whole

we received more harm than

benefit

by

86

Col.

James Smith.

We

our rapid hunting frolic. then moved from the north end of the glades, and encamped at the carrying place.

This place ties

is

in the plains betwixt a creek that

into Sandufky, and one that runs into Sciota:

emp and

time of high water, or in the fpring feafon, there is but about one half mile of portage, and that very level, and clear of rocks, timber or ftones; fo that with at the

a little digging there

way from

From firft

Sciota to

the

may

Lake

be water carriage the whole

Erie.

mouth of Sandufky

to the falls

is

chiefly

rate land, lying flat or level, intermixed with large

bodies of clear meadows, where the grafs is exceeding rank, and in many places three or four feet high. The

timber

is

oak, hickory, walnut, cherry, black-afh, elm,

fugar-tree, buckeye, locuft

there is

wet timber land

is

the timber in

chiefly water-am, fycamore, or

From the fun, firft

falls,

rate.

the it

is

falls

thefe places

button-wood.

to the prairies, the land lies well to

nor too hilly and chiefly timber nearly the fame as below the

neither too

The

In fome places

and beech.

flat

excepting the water-afh.

There

is

alfo here,

fome

to be fecond rate, as plats of beech land, that appears

The prairie appears frequently produces fpice-wood. to be a tolerable fertile foil, tho in many places too it

wet for cultivation; yet I apprehend timber, were it only kept from fire.

The

it

would produce

Indians are of the opinion that the fquirrels

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

plant

the timber;

all

for food,

they bury a

as

and only one

87

number of nuts

When

at a place.

a fquirrel

is

killed the various kinds of nuts thus buried will grow.

have obferved that when thefe prairies have only efcaped fire for one year, near where a {ingle tree flood, I

young growth of timber fuppofed to be but when the prairies were planted by the fquirrels

there was

a

;

again burned,

all

young growth was immediately

this

confumed; as the fire rages in the grafs, to fuch a pitch, that numbers of racoons are thereby burned to death.

On

the weft fide of the prairie, or betwixt that and

Sciota, there

is

a large

body of

firft

rate land

ber, walnut, locuft, fugar-tree, buckeye, cherry,

mulberry, plumb

trees,

the tim

am, elm,

fpicewood, black-haw, red-haw,

oak and hickory.

About

the time the bucks quit running, Tontileaugo

and children, Tecaughretanego, his fon Nungany and myfelf left the Wiandot camps at the carrying place, and crofTed the Sciota river at the fouth end of his wife

the glades, and proceeded on about a fouth-weft courfe to a large creek called Ollentangy, which

terlocks with into Sciota

the waters of the

on the weft

Miami, and empties

fide thereof.

end of the prairie to Ollentangy, there firft tity of beech land, intermixed with

we made our winter

believe in

I

From

the fouth

a large

is

rate land.

quan

Here

hut, and had confiderable fuccefs in

hunting.

After fome time one of Tontileaugo

s

ftep-fons, (a

88

Col.

James Smith.

lad about eight years of age) offended him,

the his

and he gave

boy a moderate whipping, which much difpleafed Wiandot wife. She acknowledged that the boy was

guilty of a fault, but thought that he ought to have

been ducked, which

She

me

faid

their ufual

is

mode of

chafhifement.

could not bear to have her fon whipped like and me was fo difpleafed that when

a fervant or (lave

Tontileaugo went out to hunt, me got her two horfes, and all her effects, (as in this country the hufband and wife have feparate interefts) and moved back to the

Wiandot camps

that

we had

left.

When

Tontileaugo returned, he was much disturbed on hearing of his wife s elopement, and faid that he

would never go after her were it not that he was afraid that me would get bewildered, and that his children that

me had

taken with her, might

fuffer.

Tontileaugo went

and when they met they made up the but left Tecaughretanquarrel, and he never returned ego and his fon, (a boy about ten years of age) and after his wife,

;

myfelf,

who remained

here in our hut

all

winter.

Tecaughretanego who had been a firft rate warior, and though he was now near ftatefman and hunter ;

iixty years of age, he was yet equal to the

of hunters, but

fubjecl:

to

common

run

the rheumatifm, which de

prived him of the ufe of his

legs.

Tontileaugo left us, Tecaughretanego became lame, and could fcarcely walk out of our hut for two months. I had confiderable fuccefs in hunting and Shortly after

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

89

Though Tecaughretanego endured much

trapping.

and mifery, yet he bore it all with wonderful patience, and would often endeavor to entertain me

pain

Sometimes he would ap (kill and and at activity

with chearful converfation.

plaud

me

for

my

diligence,

other times he would take great care in giving

me

in-

and trapping bufinefs. I failed of fuccefs, we

rtructions concerning the hunting

He

would

would

me

alfo tell

that if

very much, as we were about forty miles from any one living, that we knew of; yet he would not intimate that he apprehended we were in any dan

ger,

fuffer

but

flill

fuppofed that

I

was fully adequate to the

tafk.

Tontileaugo left us a little before Chrifhmas, and from that until fome time in February, we had always plenty of bear meat, venifon, &c. During this time I

much more

than we could ufe, but having no horfes to carry in what I killed, I left part of it in the killed

woods.

In February there came a fnow, with a

which made

a

great

noife

frightened away the deer

;

when walking on

and

as bear

it,

cruft,

and

and beaver were

we got entirely out of provifion. After I had hunted two days without eating any thing, and had fcarce here,

very fhort allowance for fome days before,

I

returned

evening faint and weary. When I came into our hut, Tecaughretanego aiked what fuccefs ? I told late in the

him not I

He

me

was not very hungry? replied that the keen appetite feemed to be in fome any.

12

afked

if I

James Smith.

Col.

90

meafure removed, but

commanded Nunganey thing to

eat,

I

was both

and weary.

He

me

fome-

his little fon, to bring

and he brought

bones and broth,

faint

after eating a

me

a

kettle with

few mouthfuls

fome

my

ap

petite violently returned, and I thought the victuals had a moil agreeable realifh, though it was only fox and wild

which lay about the camp, which the ravens and turkey-buzzards had picked thefe Nunganey had cat bones,

and boiled, until the finews that remained on I the bones would ftrip off. fpeedily finifhed my allow ance, fuch as it was, and when I had ended my Jweet collected

Tecaughretanego afked me how I felt ? I told him that I was much refrefhed. He then handed me

repair.,

his pipe

did

fo.

was now compofed and ready to hear it. He faid the told him that I was ready to hear him.

to tell I

and pouch, and told me to take a fmoke. I He then faid he had fomething of importance

me,

if I

why he deferred his fpeech till now, was becaufe few men are in a right humor to hear good talk, when

reafon

they are extremely hungry, as they are then generally

difcompofed ; but as you appear now to enjoy calmnefs and ferenity of mind, I will now com municate to you the thoughts of my heart, and thofe fretful

and

things that I


will

much

Your humble

oblige

fervant,

"WILLIAM

SMITH."

Gazette of September 28th, 1769, there appeared an extract of a letter from Bedford, Sep "Whereas, in this

tember

1

2th, 1769,

relative to

James Smith,

as

being

apprehended on fufpicion of being a black boy, then I look upon myfelf as killing his companion, &c. bound by all the obligations of truth, juftice to char acter

and to the world, to

by which, obtain a

I

matter in a true light

hope the impartial world

more

ing in this

fet that

will

;

be enabled to

of the prefent fcheme of act end of the country, as alfo to form a true juft opinion

idea of the truth, candor, and ingenuity of the author

of the light.

faid extract, in ftating that matter in fo partial a

The

Hate of the cafe (which can be

by undeniable evidence,) was (who

is ftiled

this:

made appear

"James

Smith,

the principal ring leader of the black boys,

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc.

125

by the said author) together with his younger brother, and brother-in-law, were going out in order to furvey and improve their land on the waters of Youghoghany, and

time of their return was long, they took with them their arms, and horfes loaded with the neceflaries

of

as the

life

and

:

artift in

as

one of Smith

s

brothers-in-law was an

furveying, he had alfo with

for that bufmefs.

him

the inftruments

Travelling on the way, within about

nine miles of Bedford, they overtook, and joined com pany with one Johnfon and Moorhead, who likewife

had horfes loaded, part of which loading was liquor, and part feed wheat, their intentions being to

ments on

When

their lands.

of the road on

make improve

they arrived at the parting

of Bedford, the company fepa-

this fide

rated, one part going through the town, in order to get a horfe mod, were apprehended, and put under confine

ment, but for what crime they knew not, and treated in a manner utterly inconfiftent with the laws of their

Whilft the country, and the liberties of Englishmen other part, viz. James Smith, Johnfon and Moorhead, :

Holmes

taking along the other road, were met by John efq. to

whom James

Smith fpoke

in a friendly

an alarm in Bedford, from whence a fent in purfuit of

not having the taken, (why

them

leaft

manner,

Mr. Holmes

but received no anfwer.

hafted, and gave party of men were

but Smith and his companions thought of any fuch meafures being ;

mould they

?)

travelled (lowly on.

After

they had gained the place where the roads joined, they

126

Col.

James Smith.

delayed until the other part of their company fhould come up. At this time a number of men came riding, like men travelling they afked Smith his name, which ;

on which they immediately aflaulted him highway-men, and with prefented piftols, commanded

he told them as

him

to furrender, or he was a dead

man

;

upon which

Smith ftepped back, afked them if they were highway men, charging them at the fame time to Hand off, when

Robert George (one of the aflailants) piftol at Smith s head, and that before Smith

immediately,

fnapped a

George himfelf acknowl edged upon oath;) whereupon Smith prefented his gun offered to moot, (which faid

at

another of the

him with

aflailants,

The

who was preparing

to

moot

having a hold of Johnfon by the arm, two mots were fired, one by Smith s gun, the other from a piftol fo quick as juft to his piftol.

faid aflailant

be diftinguifhable, and Johnfon fell. After which Smith was taken and carried into Bedford, where John Holmes, an inqueft on the corpfe, one of the aflailants being as an evidence, (nor was there any other trouble about the matter) Smith was brought in

efq. the informer, held

guilty of wilful murder, and fo

But

committed

a jealoufy arifing in the breafts

of

to prifon.

many

that the

through inadvertency, ignorance or fome Wil other default, was not fo fair as it ought to be liam Deny, coroner of the county, upon requifition inqueft, either

;

made, thought proper to re-examine the matter, and fummoning a jury of unexceptionable men, out of three

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

men whofe

townfhips

unquestionable with

and having

candor, probity and honefty,

who

raifed the corpfe, held an inqueft in a

fcrutiny they bullit-hole, killed,

is

are acquainted with them,

In

during three days.

manner,

was

all

127

found Johnfon

s

folemn

of their

the courfe

blacked about the

fhirt

by the powder of the charge by which he whereupon they examined into the diftance

Smith flood from Johnfon when he

and one of the

fhot,

being admitted to oath, fwore to the refpective fpots of ground they both ftood on at that time, which

afTailants

the jury meafured, and found to be twenty-three feet,

nearly

fame

;

then trying the experiment of mooting at the

both with and againft the wind, and at the fame diftance, found no effects, not the leaft ftain from fhirt,

on the

the powder, pleafes,

make

fhirt

the experiment,

affirm he fhall find that

diftance

And

:

powder

above mentioned,

which Smith

s

was.

if

Upon

let

and will

I

not

any perfon that will venture to ftain at half the

fhot out of a

rifle

gun,

the whole, the jury, after

the moft accurate examination, and mature deliberation,

brought

in their verdict that

fome one of the

afTailants

themfelves muft necefTarily have been the perpetrators of the murder.

have now reprefented the matter in genuine colors, and which I will abide by. "

I

liberty to

its I

make a few remarks and reflections on

mentioned

extract.

The

author fays

cc

true and

only beg the above

James Smith,

with two others in company, pafled round the town,

128

James Smith.

Col.

without touching/ by which it is plain he would infinuate, and make the public believe that Smith, and that

company, had taken fome bye road, which utterly falfe, for it was the king s high-way, and the

part of the is

ftraighteft,

that through Bedford, being fomething

the one fide, nor

to

would the other part of the company

have gone through the town, but for the reafon already cc four men were Again, the author fays that given. fent in purfuit of

took them about

manded them

companions, who over miles from Bedford, and com

Smith and five

to furrender,

his

on which Smith prefented

one of the men, who was ftruggling with his companion, fired it at him, and mot his companion his

gun

at

through the back." Here I would juft remark again, the unfair and partial account given of this matter, by

word mentioned of George s fnapping before Smith offered to moot, or of another

the author; not a his piftol

though he con-

of the

aflailants actually firing his piftol,

fefled

himfelf afterwards, he had done fo

mention of the company the

leaft

open to a

fair

s

;

not the

baggage, which, to

inquiry,

men

would have been

proof of the innocence of their intentions. not an effufive blufti overfpread the face of the

cient

leaft

in

fuffi-

Muft partial

finds the veil he had thrown reprefenter of fads, when he over truth thus pulled afide, and ftie expofed to naked fhot view. Suppofe it fhould be granted that Smith

the man,

(which

proven to be the

is

not,

cafe)

I

prefume never can be would only afk, was he not on and

I

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

129

Was

he not publicly afTaulted ? Was he not charged at the peril of his life, to furrender, No warrant being fhown without knowing for what ?

his

own

defence

?

him, or any declaration made of their authority. feeing thefe things are

any perfon

And

would any judicious man,

fo,

the leafl acquainted with the laws of the

in

judge him guilty of wilful murder ? But I humbly prefume every one who has an opportu nity of feeing this, will by this time be convinced that land, or morality,

the proceedings againft Smith were truly unlawful and

perhaps unparalleled by any inftance in a civ nation; for to endeavor to kill a man in the

tyranical, ilized

apprehending him, in order to bring him to trial for a fad, and that too on a fuppofed one, is undoubtedly beyond all bounds of law or government. cc

him

If the author of the extrad thinks

I

have treated

have advanced any thing he can him come forward as a fair antagonift,

unfair, or that I let

controvert,

and make

his defence,

cate all that I have

and

I will, if

called

upon, vindi

advanced againft him or his abettors. "WILLIAM SMITH."

remained in prifon four months, and during this time I often thought of thofe that were confined in the I

time of the perfecution, who declared their prifon was converted into a palace. I now learned what this meant, as

I

never

fince,

months of equal happinefs.

or before,

experienced four

i

Col.

jo

When At

ted.

James Smith.

the fupreme court the

fat,

I

was feverely profecu-

commencement of my

trial,

the judges in

and arbitrary manner, rejected feveral of evidences yet, as Robert George (one of thofe

a very unjuft

my

;

who were

in the fray

when

that he fnapped a piftol at

was taken) fwore in court me before I mot, and a con I

currence of corroborating circumftances, amounted to

could not pofTibly be gun that killed Johnfon, the jury, without hefita-

ftrong prefumptive evident that

my

tion,

brought

in their verdict,

it

NOT GUILTY.

One

of the judges then declared that not one of this jury mould ever hold any office above a conftable. Notwithftanding this proud, ill-natured declaration, fome

of thefe jurymen afterwards filled honorable places, and I myfelf was elected the next year, and fat on the board* in Bedford county, and afterwards I ferved in the board three years in

Weftmoreland county.

In the year 1774, another Indian war commenced, though at this time the white people were the aggrerTbrs. The profpect of this terrified the frontier inhabitants,

infomuch that the greater part on the Ohio waters, either fled over

into forts.

As

the mountains, eastward, or collected the ftate of Pennfylvania apprehended

at this time appointed me captain great danger, they over what was then called the Pennfylvania line. As

*

A board

of commiffioners was annually elefted in Pennfylvania, to

regulate taxes, and lay the county levy.

knew

they

I

Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc.

131

men

their

could

raife

that

would anfwer

purpofe, they feemed to lay afide their former invete racy.

In the year 1776,

I

was appointed a major in the

When

Pennfylvania aflbciation. pendence was declared, I

convention

the

in

was

American

elected

Weftmoreland

inde

member of

a

date

county,

Pennfylvania, and of the afiembly as long as

I

of

propofed

to ferve.

While

attended the affembly in Philadelphia, in

I

the year 1777,

on

their

way

they defired

I

to

me

faw in the

ftreet,

fome of my old boys,

the Jerfeys, againft the Britim, to

go with them

I

and

petitioned the

houfe for leave of abfence, in order to head a fcouting marched into the party, which was granted me.

We

and went before General Wafhington s army, way-laid the road at Rocky Hill, attacked about two hundred of the Britim, and with thirty-fix men drove Jerfeys,

them out of the woods into

we attacked

a large

open

field.

After

were guarding the officers baggage, and took the waggon and twenty-two Heffians; and alfo re-took fome of our continental foldiers which this

a party that

In a few days we killed and took more of the Britim, than was of our party. At this they had with them.

time

I

took the camp to

waggon

When

I

and was carried

fever,

Burlington, where

took

M Common,

I

in a ftage

lay until I recovered.

fick, my companion, Major James took the command of the party, and had

ij 2

Col.

than

greater Tuccefs his

that

party

James Smith. officer

and

arms againft the Englifh,

had

I

lifted

If

had.

every

M

Common fought with the fame fuccefs that Major did, we would have made fhort work of the Britifh war.

When

I

returned to Philadelphia,

aflembly for leave to

raife a battallion

I

applied to the

of riflemen, which

they appeared very willing to grant, but faid they could not do it, as the power of raifing men and commiffioning officers was at that time committed to General Washington, therefore they advifed me to apply to his

The

excellency.

following

recommendation which council of fafety

"IN

I

is

a true

copy of

a letter

of

received at this time, from the

:

COUNCIL OF SAFETY, "Philadelphia,

February

ioth>

1777.

"SIR,

Application has been made to us by James Smith of Weftmoreland, a gentleman well acquainted with efq. the Indian cuftoms, and their manners of carrying on "

war, for leave to raife a battallion of marks-men, expert in the ufe

of

rifles,

and fuch

as are

acquainted with the

Indian method of fighting, to be dreffed entirely in their fafhion, for the purpofe of annoying and harraffing the

enemy

in their

marches and encampments.

think two or three hundred

men

in that way,

We

might be

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

133

Should your excellency be of the fame

very ufeful.

opinion, and direct fuch a corps to be formed,

men on

take proper meafures for raifing the

of

will

the frontiers

and follow fuch other directions

this ftate,

we

as

your

excellency mall give in this matter. "

To

The

General

his excellency

Wafhington"

copy of a letter to General Wafhington, from the council of "

foregoing

is

a

"JACOB

his excellency fafety.

HOWELL,

S.

"Secretary"

After this tion,

which

I is

received another letter of

recommenda

as follows:

whofe names are under written, do certify that James Smith (now of the county of Weftmoreland) was "We,

taken prifoner by the Indians, in an expedition before

General

Braddock

s

defeat,

in

the

year

1755,

and

remained with them until the year 1760: and alfo that he ferved as enfign, in the year 1763, under the pay of the province of Pennfylvania, and as lieutenant, in the

year 1764, and as captain, in the year 1774; and as a military officer he has fuftained a

we do recommend him the Indian

s

character.

as a perfon well acquainted

method of

opinion, exceedingly

good

fit

or fcouting party, which

righting,

for the

we

and, in our

command

are alfo

And with

humble

of a ranging humbly of opinion,

Col*

134 he could

(if legally

our hands

at

"James

Smith.

authorized) foon

Philadelphia, this

Given under

raife.

I3th day of March,

1777.

Thomas Paxton, William

esq.

Robert

col.

John Piper,

col.

Jonathan Hoge, esq. William Parker; capt.

~Duffield, esq.

David Robb, William

John Proffer,

capt.

M Comb.

Elliot,

William Pepper,

lieut. col.

Joseph Armstrong, col. Robert Peebles, lieut. col.

James MClane,

esq.

Samuel Pat ton,

capt.

William Lyon,

esq."

With

which

tion,

his eral

and fome other

thefe, I

have not now in

excellency,

who

my

of recommenda

pofleffion, I

lay at Morriflown.

Wafhington did not

white

letters

fall

went to

Though Gen

in with the

fcheme of

men

a

turning Indians, yet he propofed giving me place in a battallion of riflemen already raifed.

major s I thanked the general for his propofal; but as I enter tained no high opinion of the colonel that I was to ferve under, and with him old boys again,

the caufe

I

had no profpect of getting my thought I would be of more ufe in I

we were then

with them as a militia

ftruggling to fupport, to remain officer, therefore I

did not accept

received a colonel

s

this offer.

In the year 1778,

and

after

my

I

commirlion,

return to Weflmoreland, the Indians

an attack upon our frontiers.

I

then raifed

made

men and

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. purfued them, and the fecond day we overtook and de likewife took four fcalps, and recov feated them.

We

ered the horfes and plunder which they were carrying off.

At

the time of this attack, Captain

John Hink-

both their guns being empty, and after the fray was over he was miffing: While we were enquiring abput him, he came walking up, feemfton purfued an Indian,

ingly unconcerned, with a bloody fcalp in his hand

had purfued the Indian about tomahawked him.

Not long

a quarter

he

of a mile, and

was called upon to command four hundred riflemen, on an expedition againft the after this I

Indian town on French Creek.

November

before

I

It

was fome time in

received orders from General

M ln-

march, and then we were poorly equipped, and fcarce of provifions. marched in three columns, tofh, to

We

forty rod

There were

from each other.

alfo

flankers

on the outride of each column, that marched a-breaft in the rear, in fcattered order and even in the columns, the

men were one rod

unteers

marched

a-breaft,

flankers, fcouring the

and

apart

in the

woods.

in the front, the vol

fame manner of the

In cafe of an attack, the

were immediately to order the men to face out and take trees in this pofition the Indians could not officers

by furrounding us, or have an oppor tunity of fhooting a man from either fide of the tree. If attacked, the center column was to reinforce what

avail themfelves

ever part appeared to require

it

the moft.

When we

James Smith.

Col.

136

encamped, our encampment formed including about thirty or forty acres

hollow fquare, on the outfide of

a

the fquare there were centinels placed, whofe bufinefs

it

was to watch for the enemy, and fee that neither horfes or bullocks went out: And when encamped, if any attacks were made by an enemy, each officer was imme diately to order the

before mentioned

men

to face out and take trees, as

form they could not take the advantage by furrounding us, as they commonly had done when they fought the whites.

The

"AT

which

in this

copy of general orders, given have found among my journals:

is

following

this time,

and

;

I

a

CAMP OPPOSITE FORT

PITT,

"November lyth,

"GENERAL "A

copy thereof

is to

and "You

are to

march

read

to

1778.

ORDERS:

be given to each captain

to be

at

and

subaltern^

each company.

in three

columns, with flankers

and to keep a profound iilence, and not to fire a gun, except at the enemy, without par ticular orders for that purpofe; and in cafe of an attack,

on the front and

rear,

be fo ordered that every other

let it

at once, excepting

half of the

at

only,

fire,

to

moot

The one

on extraordinary occafions.

to keep a referve

is

until their

comrades

every one be particularly careful not to at any time without a view of the enemy, and that not

load fire

men

man

;

and

let

too great a diftance.

I

earnestly urge the

above cau-

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

137

have known very remarkable and grevious You are to encamp on the hollow errors of this kind. tion,

as

I

fquare, except the volunteers, who, according to their

own

encamp on the front of the fquare, a number of centinels are to be kept round the

requeft, are to

fufficient

Every man is to be under fquare at a proper diftance. arms at the break of day, and to parade oppofite to their fire

places, facing out,

arms and

find

them

and when the in

good

officers

examine

their

order, and give necefTary

directions, they are to be difmifTed, with orders to have their

arms near them, and be always cc Given by "JAMES

in readinefs.

SMITH,

Colonel."

In this manner we proceeded on, to French Creek, where we found the Indian town evacuated. I then

went on further than

my

orders called for, in queft of

Indians; but our provifions being nearly exhaufted,

were obliged to return.

On

we

our way back we met with

confiderable difficulties on account of high waters and fcarcity

of provifion;

yet

we never

loft

excepting fome that gave out. After peace was made with the Indians,

fome of them

in Pittfburg,

one horfe,

I

met with

and enquired of them

in their

own tongue, concerning this expedition, not letting them know I was there. They told me that they watched the movements of left

this

army ever

after they

had

Fort-Pitt, and as they parTed thro the glades or bar18

Col.

James Smith.

them from the adjacent hills, number to be about one thoufand.

rens they had a full view of

and computed

their

examined their camps, both before and after they were gone, and found, they could not make an advantageous attack, and therefore moved off

They

faid they alfo

town and hunting ground before we arrived. In the year 1788 I fettled in Bourbon county, Ken

from

their

tucky, feven miles above Paris; and in the fame year

was elected a ville, to

member of the convention

that fat at

Dan

confer about a feparation from the ftate of Vir

and from that year until the year 1799, I reprefented Bourbon county, either in convention or as a ginia;

member of the was

left a

that general aflembly, except two years

few votes behind.

I

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF

THE

INDIANS.

The They

Indians are a flovenly people in their drefs. feldom ever wafh their fhirts, and in regard to

cookery they are exceeding buffaloe they will fometimes a fapling,

broth

;

and

caft it into

then boil and eat

very polite

them, the

in

lafh the

they

kill

a

round paunch of it and fup the it

the kettle, boil

commonly make

tho they

When

filthy.

it

about in cold water,

Notwithstanding all this, they are their own way, and they retain among it.

efTentials

of good manners; tho they have few

compliments, yet they are complaifant to one another, and when accompanied with good humor and difcretion, they entertain ftrangers in the beft manner their circumftances will admit.

In the military

They

captains or leaders titles

Thefe

titles

of parties

of great In the

are only councilors, chiefs titles are

their great in

the

line,

ufe but few titles of honor.

men.

men

are only

civil

line,

the

or the old wifemen.

never made ufe of in addreffing any of

The

addreffing them,

is,

They have no fuch Sir, Mr. Madam or

language

commonly made

ufe of

Grandfather, Father, or Uncle. thing

in

Miftrefs

ufe

among them, as The common mode of

Col.

140 addrefs, ter,

is,

&c.

my

James Smith.

Friend, Brother, Coufin, or Mother, Sis

They pay

great refpect to age

Fathers and Mothers

among them of

or to the aged

;

No

every rank.

any place of honor, among them, but Either fome exploit in war, muft be per

one can arrive

by merit.

at

formed, before any one can be advanced in the military line, or become eminent for wifdom before they can obtain a feat

in

council.

would appear

It

the

to

Indians a moft ridiculous thing to fee a man lead off a company of warriors, as an officer, who had himfelf

never been in a battle in his

life

:

even in cafe of merit,

they are flow in advancing any one, until they arrive at or near middle-age.

They camp

invite every

one that comes to

to eat, while they have

or

their houfe,

any thing to give

and

;

it

accounted bad manners to refufe eating, when invited. They are very tenacious of their old mode of dreffing

is

and painting, and do not change are very fond of tobacco,

They fmoke

it

we

their fafhions as

and the men almofl

do. all

mixed with fumach leaves or red willow bark,

pulverized

tho

;

They make

they feldom

ufe

ufe of the pipe alfo as

any other way. a token of love and it

friendfhip.

In courtfhip they

mon to

thing

make

alfo differ

among them

fuit to a

be by the

The fquaws

man

;

for a

young man yet

from

us.

It

young woman, ;

tho the

the other

are generally very

is

firft

com

a

if in love,

addrefs

the moft

immodeft

is

may common.

in their

words

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

and

and

adlions,

put the young men to the commonly appear to be pofleffed of

will often

The men

blufh.

141

much more modefty

than the

women

;

yet

I

have been

acquainted with fome young fquaws that appeared really modefl: genuine it mufl be, as they were under very little reftraint in

When

the Indians meet one another, inftead of faying,

how do you manner I is

the channel of education or cuftom.

do, they

you

am your

are

my

friend,

certainly

I

commonly

the reply

friend

or, coufin,

They have

do.

falute in the following

you

is,

truly friend,

yet exift

the reply

under toler

their children

command feldom ever whip them, and their com mon mode of chaftifing, is by ducking them in cold

able

:

water

;

therefore their children are

more obedient

winter feafon, than they are in the fummer; are then not fo

often ducked.

They

and

women

will

much

become

tho they

are a peaceable

people, and fcarcely ever wrangle or fcold,

but they are very

in the

when fober;

bafely intoxicated, if they can,

by any means, procure or obtain fpirituous liquor then they are

men

addicted to drinking, and

commonly

either extremely

;

and

merry and

kind, or very turbulent, ill-humoured and diforderly.

Col.

142

James Smith.

ON THEIR TRADITIONS AND RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS. As

was adopted into was intermar ried with the Wiandots and Ottawas, three tongues were the family that

commonly call

fpoke, viz. Caughnewaga, or what the French

Iroque,

means

I

alfo

the

Wiandot and Ottawa; by

this

had an opportunity of learning thefe three tongues; and I found that thefe nations varied in their and even traditions and opinions concerning religion I

;

numbers of the fame nations

differed widely in their

Their traditions are vague, whimromantic and many of them fcarce worth relating;

religious fentiments. fical,

and not any of them reach back to the creation of the world. The Wiandots comes the nearer! to this. They of a fquaw that was found when an infant, in the water in a canoe made of bull-rufhes this fquaw became a great prophetefs and did many wonderful things; me tell

:

turned water into dry land, and at length made this continent, which was, at that time, only a very fmall ifland,

and but

a

few Indians in

it.

then but few they had not fufficient

Tho room

they were to

hunt

;

therefore this fquaw went to the water fide, and prayed

might be enlarged. The great being then heard her prayer, and fent great numbers of

that

this

little

ifland

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

Water

Mufkrats, which brought with

Tortoifes, and

them mud and other and by

this

that

now remains;

it

143

materials, for enlarging this ifland,

was encreafed to the

fay, it

means, they

fize

therefore they fay, that the white

people ought not to encroach upon them, or take their land from them, becaufe their great grand mother made it. They fay, that about this time the angels or heav as

them, frequently vifited them and talked with their forefathers and gave direc

enly inhabitants,

they

call

;

tions

how

to pray,

when he was

and how

offended.

to appeafe the great being

They

told

them

that they were

burn tobacco, buffaloe and deer bones; but that they were not to burn bears or racoons bones

to offer facrifice,

in facrifice.

The Ottawas

two great beings that and govern the univerfe, who are at war with each other the one they call Maneto, and the other Matchefay, that there are

rule

;

maneto.

fay that

They

Maneto

and that Matchemaneto doing mifchief

;

is

is all

an evil

kindnefs and love,

fpirit, that delights in

and fome of them think, that they are

power, and therefore worfhip the evil fpirit out Others doubt which of the two principle of fear.

equal in

of

a

may be

the moft powerful, and therefore endeavor to

keep in favor with both, by giving each of them fome kind of worfhip. Others fay that Maneto is the firft great caufe and therefore muft be all-powerful and fu-

preme, and ought to be adored and worfhipped; whereas Matchemaneto ought to be rejected and difpifed.

Cl- Jawes Smith.

144

Thofe of the Ottawas

that worfhip the

pretend to be great conjurors. fuch thing

now

thefe people.

in the I

world

I

think

evil

fpirit,

if there is

as witchcraft, it

have been told wonderful

is

any

among

{lories

con

cerning their proceedings; but never was eye witnefs to

any thing that appeared evidently fupernatural. Some of the Wiandots and Caughnewagas profefs to be Roman-catholics; but even thefe retain

many of the Thofe of them who reject

notions of their anceflors.

the Roman-catholic religion, hold that there

one great firfl caufe, whom they call Owaneeyo, that rules and governs the univerfe, and takes care of all his creatures, rational

due

and

irrational,

and gives them

is

their food

in

and hears the prayers of all thofe that call upon him; therefore it is but juft and reafonable to pray, and offer facrifice to this great being, and to do feafon,

thofe things that are pleafing in his fight differ

widely in what

great being.

own

is

is

the

but they

pleafing or difpleafing to this

Some hold

propenfities

;

that following nature or their

way

to happinefs,

and cannot be

difpleafing to the deity, becaufe he delights in the hap

pinefs of his creatures,

and does nothing

in vain;

but

gave thefe difpofitions with a defign to lead to happi Others nefs, and therefore they ought to be followed. reject

their

this

own

opinion altogether, and fay that following propenfities in

this

means of happinefs nor the way

manner,

is

neither the

to pleafe the deity.

Tecaughretanego was of opinion that following nature

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. in a limited

fenfe was

145

reafonable and right.

that moft of the irrational

He

faid

animals by following their

natural propensities, were led to the greatefl pitch of

happinefs that their natures and the world they lived in

would admit

He

of.

faid that

mankind and

the rattle

fnakes had evil difpofitions, that led them to injure

He gave inftances of this. faid he had a puppy that he did not intend to raife, and in order to try an experiment, he tyed this puppy on a themfelves and others.

pole and held

it

He

to a rattle fnake,

which

bit

it

feveral

times; that he obferved the fnake Shortly after, rolling

about apparently in great mifery, fo that have poifoned itfelf as well as the puppy. ftance he gave was concerning himfelf.

appeared to The other in-

it

He faid that when

he was a young man, he was very fond of the women, and at length got the venereal difeafe, fo this propenfity,

He

that

by following he was led to injure himfelf and others.

our happinefs depends on our ufing our reafon, in order to fupprefs thefe evil but when difpofitions faid

;

our propensities neither lead us to injure ourfelves nor others, we might with fafety indulge them, or even purfue

them

as the

means of happinefs.

The

Indians generally are of opinion that there are great numbers of inferior Deities, which they call Carreyagaroona,

which

Signifies

the

Heavenly Inhabitants.

Thefe beings they fuppofe are employed as affiStants, in managing the affairs of the univerfe, and in infpecting the actions of

men

:

and that even the

irrational animals

Col.

146

James Smith.

are engaged in viewing their adtions,

The

ligence to the Gods.

her keen eye,

is

and bearing

intel

eagle, for this purpofe,

with

foaring about in the day, and the owl,

with her nightly eye, perched on the trees around their camp in the night therefore, when they obferve the ;

eagle or the owl near, they immediately offer facrifice,

or burn tobacco, that they carry to the Gods.

numbers of evil fignifies

They

may have

a

good report

to

fay that there are alfo great

which they call Onqfahroona, which Thefe the Inhabitants of the Lower Region. fpirits,

they fay are employed in disturbing the world, and the

good

fpirits

are always going after them,

things right, fo that they are constantly pofition to each other.

Some

and

working

fetting in

op-

talk of a future ftate, but

not with any certainty: at beft their notions are vague and unfettled. Others deny a future ftate altogether, and fay that after death they neither think or live.

As

the Caughnewagas and the

fix

the fame language, their theology

When

nations fpeak nearly is

alfo

nearly alike.

met with the Shawanees or Delawares, as I could not fpeak their tongue, I fpoke Ottawa to them, I

bore fome refemblance to their language, we underftood each other in fome common affairs, but as

and

as it

could only converfe with them very imperfectly, I can not from my own knowledge, with certainty, give any account of their theological opinions. I

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

ON TKEIR POLICE OR

CIVIL

147

GOVERN

MENT. have often heard of Indian Kings, but never faw How any term ufed by the Indians in their own any. tongue, for the chief man of a nation, could be ren I

dered King,

I

know

not.

neither a fupreme ruler, neither

make war

The

chief of a nation

is

He can He can He can

monarch or potentate

or peace, leagues or treaties

not imprefs foldiers, or difpofe of magazines not adjourn, prorogue or diflblve a general afTembly, nor can he refufe his aflent to their conclufions, or in

any manner controul them

With them

The

is

no fuch

of nobility or royal chief of a nation, even with

thing as heriditary fucceffion, blood, even talked of

there

title

the confent of his aflembly, or council, cannot raife one {hilling

of tax off the citizens, but only receive what

they pleafe to give as free and voluntary donations. The chief, of a nation has to hunt for his living, as any other citizen

How

then can they with any propriety,

be called kings ? I apprehend that the white people were formerly fo fond of the name of kings, and fo ignorant of their power, that they concluded the chief man of a nation muft be a king.

Col.

148

As

they are

James Smith.

illiterate,

they confequently have

What

written code of laws. either old

cuftoms, or

councils.

Some of

the

they execute as laws, are immediate refult of new

their ancient laws or

cuftoms are

very pernicious, and difturb the public weal. vague law of marriage is a glaring inftance of

man and

the

his wife are

live together, if they are

have

under no

among

Their this, as

obligation to

legal

both willing to

form, or ceremony

little

no

part.

They

them, in matri

mony, but do like the Ifraelites of old the man goes The in unto the woman, and me becomes his wife. years of puberty and the age of confent,

teen for the

women, and

is

about four

eighteen for the men.

Before

was taken by the Indians, I had often heard that in the ceremony of marriage, the man gave the woman a I

deer

s

that

me

and

enquired of them concerning the truth and they faid they knew nothing of it, further

her in meat.

of

this,

me

gave him a red ear of corn, Signifying was to keep him in bread, and he was to keep

leg,

I

than that they had heard that

it

was the ancient cuftom

changing of and partners prevents propagation, creates difturbances,

among fome

nations.

Their frequent

murder and bloodihed; though this is commonly committed under pretenfe of being drunk. Their impunity to crimes committed when intoxicated often occafions

with fpirituous liquors, or their admitting one crime as an excufe for another, is a very unjuft law or cuftom.

The

extremes they run into in dividing the necefla-

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. ries

of

life,

are hurtful to the public weal

dividing meat when

hunting,

may

149 ;

though

their

anfwer a valuable

one day, and purpofe, as one family may have fuccefs but their carrying this cuftom to the other the next ;

the town, or to agriculture,

is

induftry, as induftrious perfons

ftriking at the root of

ought to be rewarded,

and the lazy fuffer for their indolence. They have fcarcely any penal laws:

the

principal

is degrading: even murder is not punimed formal law, only the friends of the murdered by any

punimment

are at liberty to flay the murderer, if

fome atonement

is

Their not annexing penalties to their laws, perhaps not as great a crime, or as unjuft and cruel, the bloody penal laws of England, which we have fo

not made. is

as

long mamefully

prac~tifed,

and which are

in force in this

our penitentiary houfe is finifhed, which is now building, and then they are to be repealed. Let us alfo take a view of the advantages attending ftate, until

Indian police They are not oppreffed or perplexed with expenfive litigation They are not injured by legal robbery They have no fplendid villains that :

make

grand and great on other people s labor They have neither church or ftate erected as money-making machines. themfelves

Col.

150

James Smith.

ON THEIR DISCIPLINE, AND METHOD OF WAR. have often heard the Britifh

I

officers call the

ans the undifciplined favages, which as

they have

is

a capital

the eflentials of difcipline.

all

under good command, and punctual they can act in concert, and when

in

Indi

miftake

They

are

obeying orders

their officers

:

lay a

plan and give orders, they will chearfully unite in put all

ting

their directions into

immediate execution

;

and

by each man obferving the motion or movement of his right hand companion, they can communicate the motion from right to left, and march abreaft in concert, and

in

fcattered order,

though the

than a mile long, and continue, a considerable diflance,

They

may

if occafion

be more

requires, for

without diforder or confufion.

can perform various neceflary manceuvers, either

(lowly, or as faft as they can cle,

line

or femi-circle

:

run

:

the circle they

they can form a

make

cir

ufe of, in order

furround their enemy, and the femi-circle if the enemy has a river on one fide of them. They can alfo to

form

hollow fquare, face out and take trees this they do, if their enemies are about furrounding them, to prevent from being mot from either fide of a large

:

Remarkable Occurrences , Etc.

When

the tree.

151

they go into battle they are not loaded

or encumbered with

many

clothes, as they

commonly

fave only breech-clout, leggins and fight naked,

There

fons.

ufed, in

mocke-

no fuch thing as corporeal punifhment order to bring them under fuch good difcipline is

:

the only chaftifement, and they are fo

degrading

is

imous

this,

in

that

it

unan

effectually anfwers the purpofe.

order and conduct matters until they they are brought into action, and then each man is to Gen fight as though he was to gain the battle himfelf.

Their

officers plan,

eral orders are

commonly given

is

time of

battle, either

done by a fhout or yell, and well underftood, and then they retreat or

to advance or retreat,

which

in

advance in concert.

is

They

are generally well equipped,

and exceeding expert and active in the ufe of arms. Could it be fuppofed that undifciplined troops could defeat Generals Braddock, Grant,

by fome that the French were

&c

?

It

may

be faid

war engaged I it was the were know Indians that laid true, they yet the plan, and with fmall affiftance, put it into execution. in this

alfo

:

;

The

Indians had no aid from the French, or any other

power, when they befieged Fort Pitt in the year 1763,

and cut off the communication for

a confiderable time,

between that poft and Fort Loudon, and would have defeated General Bouquet s army, (who were on the way to raife the fiege)

had

the Virginia volunteers.

it

not been for the

They had no

affiftance

of

Britifh troops

with them when they defeated Colonel Crawford, near

Col.

152

James Smith.

the Sandufky, in the time of the American

on the

or

;

General Clarke war.

was

alfo in the

time of the Britim

Kentucky, near the Blue licks, in the year and Colonel Harmer, betwixt the Ohio and

;

Erie, in the year 1790, and General St. Clair, in

the year

our

this

in

Todd,

Lake

:

was the Indians alone that defeated Colonel

It

1782

with

when they defeated Colonel LoughOhio, near the Miami, on his way to meet

Great Britain rie,

War

men

1791

;

and

it

faid that there

is

was more of one

killed at this defeat, than there were in any

battle during

our conteft with Great Britain.

They had

no aid when they fought even the Virginia rifle-men almoft a whole day, at the Great Kanhawa, in the year 1774; and when

they found

againft the Virginians, they

they could

made

a

moft

not prevail

artful

retreat.

Notwithftanding they had the Ohio to crofs, fome con in tinued firing, whilft others were crofting the river ;

this

manner they

proceeded until they all got

before the Virginians

knew

that they had retreated

in this retreat they carried off all their

wounded.

over, ;

and In

the moft of the foregoing defeats, they fought with an inferior

number, though

in this,

I

believe

it

was not

the cafe.

Nothing can be more unjuftly reprefented than the different accounts we have had of their number from time to time, both by their own computations, and that of the Britim. While I was among them, I faw the account of the number, that they in thofe parts gave to

Remarkable Occurrences Etc.

153

When

they in their

,

the French, and kept

own

it

by me.

council-houfe, were

an account of their

taking

number, with a piece of bark newly ftripped, and a fmall flick, which anfwered the end of a flate and pencil, I took an account of the different nations and which the

I

tribes,

added together, and found there were not half the French; and

number which they had given

though they were then their allies, and lived among them, it was not eafy finding out the deception, as they were a wandering the

woods hunting.

their reafon for faid

fet,

it

was for

and fome of them almoft always in I aiked one of the chiefs what was

making fuch

different returns

He

?

political reafons, in order to obtain greater

from the French, by telling them they could not divide fuch and fuch quantities of goods among fo

prefents

many. In year of General Bouquet

s laft

campaign, 1764, I faw the official return made by the Britifh officers, of the number of Indians that were in arms againft us that year,

which amounted to thirty thoufand.

then a lieutenant in the Britifh fervice,

I

As told

I

was

them

I

was of opinion that there was not above one thoufand in arms againft us, as they were divided by Broadftreet s

army being then hooted fenfible

at

Lake

Erie.

.

The

Britifh

officers

me, and faid they could not make England of the difficulties they labored under in fighting

at

them, as England expeds that their troops could fight the undifciplined favages in America,

20

five

to one, as

1

James Smith

Col.

54 did

the

.

and therefore

my report not give could would not anfwer their purpofe, as they an honorable account of the war, but by augmenting they

Eaft-Indians,

am

of opinion that from Braddock s war, until the prefent time, there never were more than three thoufand Indians at any time, in arms againft us, their

number.

I

weft of Fort Pitt, and frequently not half that number. to the Indians own accounts during the

According whole of Braddock killed or took, loft.

s

fifty

war, or from 1755,

1758, they

of our people, for one that they

In the war that commenced in the year 1763, they

killed, comparatively, few

of

till

of our people, and

more

loft

theirs, as the frontiers (efpecially the Virginians)

learned fomething of their

method of war:

in this war, according to their

own

had

they,

yet,

accounts, (which

I

believe to be true) killed or took ten of our people, for

one they loft. Let us now take a view of the blood and treafure that was fpent in oppofing comparatively, a few Indian war riors, with only fome affiftance from the French, the firft Additional to the amazing de-

four years of the war.

ftrudion and daughter that the frontiers fuftained, from James River to Sufquehanna, and about thirty miles

broad;

the following campaigns were alfo carried on

againft the Indians:

General Braddock

1755: Colonel Armstrong

on the Alleghany, 1757: General Stanwick

s,

in

s

s,

in the year

againft the Cattanyan town,

General

1759:

Forbes

General

,

in

1758:

Monkton

s,

in

Remarkable Occurrences,

Etc.

155

Colonel Bouquet s, 1761 and 1763, when he fought the battle of Bufhy Run, and loft above one hundred men but by the affiftance of the Virginia vol

1760:

;

unteers, drove the Indians;

Colonel Armftrong s, up the Weft Branch of Susquehanna, in 1763: General Broadftreet

quet

s,

up Lake

againft the

s,

Lord Dunmore 1778: Clarke

s,

Indians at in

Colonel Crawford s

General

1786:

in

1778 Clarke s, General

in

s

1764:

M Intofh

Bowman

Colonel

1782

Logan

in

s,

in

fhortly after his, General

s,

1780:

Mufkingum, General

1774:

Bou

General

Erie, in 1764:

the

againft

the

againft

1786: General Wilkinfon s in in 1790: and General St. Clair

s,

in

1779:

Wabafh,

in

Shawanees

in

Colonel

:

s,

Harmer

1791; which,

s

in

twenty-two campaigns, befides fmaller expedi tions, fuch as the French Creek expedition, Colonels Edward s, Loughrie s, &c. All thefe were exclufive of all,

the

are

number of men

that were internally

employed

as

fcouting parties, and in creeling forts, guarding ftations, &c. When we take the foregoing occurrences into confideration,

may we not

reafonably conclude, that they

are the beft difciplined troops in the it

known world?

Is

not the beft difcipline that has the greateft tendency

annoy the enemy and fave their own men ? I appre hend that the Indian difcipline is as well calculated to to

anfwer the purpofe in the woods of America, as the Britifh difcipline in Flanders

the woods, fcarcely

is

the

way

to

:

and Britifh

have

men

difcipline in

flaughtered,

any chance of defending themfelves.

with

Col.

156

Let us take

by what

little

coft us dear,

of

it,

James Smith.

view of the benefits we have received, we have learned of their art of war, which a

and the

and then

lofs that

fee if it will

what we have, and

we have

fuftained for

want

not be well worth our while

endeavor to improve in this neceflary branch of bufinefs. Though we have made confiderable proficiency in this line, and in fome to retain

refpecls

our

markfmen, and in cutting keeping them in good order; yet, I

out-do them,

rifles,

and

alfo to

in

apprehend we are

far

viz. as

behind in their manoeuvres, or in

May we being able to furprize, or prevent a furprize. not conclude that the progrefs we had made in their art of war, contributed considerably towards our various refpects, liberty?

Had

have done

great Britain for

the Britim king, attempted to enflave us

before Braddock ily

when contending with

fuccefs, in

war, in

s

it,

all

probability he might read

becaufe, except the

who had formerly been engaged

in war,

New-Englanders, with the Indians,

we were unacquainted with any kind of war; but fighting fuch a fubtil ans,

we were not

and barbarous enemy

after

as the Indi

approach of Britim defeat accomplime d in

terrified at the

Was

not Burgoyne s fome meafure by the Indian mode of fighting? and did not Gen. Morgan s rifle-men, and many others, fight red-coats.

with greater fuccefs, in confequence of what they had learned of their art of war? Kentucky would not have

been fettled

at the

time

it

altogether ignorant of this

was, had the Virginians been

method of war.

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. In Braddock

s

157

war, the frontiers were laid wafte, for

above three hundred miles long, and generally about thirty broad, excepting fome that were living in forts,

and many hundreds, or perhaps thoufands, killed or made captives, and horfes, and all kinds of property but, in the next Indian war, though

carried off:

we had

the fame Indians to cope with, the frontiers almoft

all

flood their ground, becaufe they were by this time, in

fome meafure acquainted with their mancevres and the want of this, in the firft war, was the caufe of the lofs of ;

many hundred of our

citizens,

and much

treafure.

Though large volumes have been wrote on morality, yet it may all be fummed up in faying, do as you would Indians fum up the art of

wifh to be done by:

fo the

war

manner:

in the following

The

bufinefs of the private warriors

command, march

is

or punctually to obey orders

to

be under

to learn to

a-breaft in fcattered order, fo as to be in readinefs

to furround the

enemy, or to prevent being furrounded to be good markfmen, and active in the ufe of arms to practice running to learn to endure hunger or hardfhips with patience all

times to their

and fortitude

officers,

to tell the truth at

but more efpecially when fent

out to fpy the enemy. Concerning Officers. to appoint a

man

never been tried

an

They officer

that

only according to merit

all

fay that

whofe officers

it

would be abfurd

and courage had mould be advanced

{kill

that no one

man mould have

James Smith.

Col.

158 the abfolute officers are to

be made

command

of an army

determine when,, and

that

it

is

that a council of

how an

attack

is

to

the bufinefs of the officers to lay

enemy to ambufh prevent being ambufhed and

plans to take every advantage of the

and furprize them, and to furprized themfelves

it

the duty of officers to pre

is

pare and deliver fpeeches to the men, in order to anni-

mate and encourage them; and on the march, to prevent the men, at any time, from getting into a huddle, be-

enemy mould furround them in this they would be expofed to the enemy s fire.

caufe if the v

tion,

likewife their bufinefs at

pofiIt

is

times to endeavor to annoy

all

enemy, and fave their own men, and therefore ought never to bring on an attack without confiderable their

advantage, or without what appeared to them the fure profpect of victory, and that with the lofs of few

and

any time they mould be miftaken

if at

are like to lofe their

duty

many men by

to retreat,

men

in this,

gaining the victory,

:

and it

is

and wait for a better opportunity

of defeating their enemy, without the danger of lofing Their conduct proves that they act upon fo many men. thefe principles, therefore

it

is,

that

from Braddock

s

war to the prefent time, they have feldom ever made an The battle at the mouth of the unfuccefsful attack. Great Kanhawa,

is

the greater! inftance of this; and even

then, though the Indians killed about three, for one

they

loft,

ians

in

this

The

of the Virgin action, was feventy killed and the fame

yet they retreated.

lofs

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

The Indians and eight, who died

number wounded: the

field,

This was the

wounds.

knew will

159

twenty killed on afterwards, of their

loft

greateft lofs

of

men

that

I

the Indians to fuftain in any one battle.

men

retreat if their

commonly

ever

They

are falling faft

they not ftand cutting, like the Highlanders, or other Britifh troops but this proceeds from a compliance

will

:

with their rules of war, rather than cowardice. are furrounded, they will fight while there

them

alive, rather

than furrender.

When

is

If they a

man of

Colonel John

Armftrong furrounded the Cattanyan town, on the Alle gheny river, Captain Jacobs, a Delaware chief, with fome warriors, took porTeffion of a houfe, defended themfelves for fome time, and killed a number of our men.

As Jacobs could fpeak

on him

to furrender

warriors, and they

Englifh, our people called he faid that he and his men were

:

would

all

fight while life remained.

He

was again told that they mould be well ufed, if they would only furrender and if not, the houfe mould be ;

burned down over eat fire

:

their heads:

Jacobs replied he could and when the houfe was in a flame, he, and

they that were with him, came out in a fighting pofition,

and were

all

killed.

As

they are a fharp, active kind

of people, and war is their principal ftudy, in have arrived at confiderable perfection. We of the Indians what

is

ufeful

this

they

may

learn

and laudable, and

at the

fame time lay afide their barbarous proceedings. It is much to be lamented that fome of our frontier rifle-men

160 are

Col.

James Smith.

prone to imitate them

in their

the Britifh war, a confiderable

low Fort

Pitt,

inhumanity. During number of men from be

and marched into

crofTed the Ohio,

a

town of Friendly Indians, chiefly Delawares, who proferTed the Moravian religion. As the Indians appre hended no danger, they neither lifted arms or fled. After thefe rifle-men were fometime in the town, and the Indians altogether in their power, in cool blood,

they marTacred the whole town, without diftinction of

This was an

of barbarity beyond any ever knew to be committed by the favages them-

age or fex. thing

I

act

felves.

have we not made greater proficiency in the Is it becaufe we are too proud to Indian art of war?

Why

imitate them, even though

it

fhould be a means of pre-

many of our

ferving the lives of

citizens

?

No

!

We

above borrowing language from them, fuch as homony, pone, tomahawk, &c. which is little or no ufe are not

apprehend that the reafons why we have not improved more in this refpect, are as follows: no im portant acquisition is to be obtained but by attention to us.

I

and diligence; and

as

it is

learn to

eafier to

move and

plain, than to

act in concert, in clofe order, in the

open

act in concert in fcattered order, in

the woods; fo

eafier to learn

They

train

our

up

the difcipline, than

their

boys to the

it is

Indian manoeuvres.

art

of war from the

time they are twelve or fourteen years of age; whereas the principal chance our people had of learning, was by

Remarkable Occurrences, Etc.

161

obferving their movements when in action againft us. I have been long aftonifhed that no one has wrote

important fubject, as their art of war would not only be of ufe to us in cafe of another rupture with them but were only part of our men taught this art, this

upon

;

accompanied with our continental

difcipline, I

European power, after trial, would venture head in the American woods. If what

my

I

to

think no

mew

its

have wrote mould meet the approbation of

countrymen, perhaps

I

may

subject, in a future edition.

END.

publifh

more upon

this

APPENDIX. Illustrative Notes.

BY WM. M. DARLINGTON.

Fort London

page

5.

Fort Loudon was erected in the year 1756, near the

site

of

town of Loudon, in Franklin county, Pennsylvania. was named in honor of John Campbell, Earl of Loudon,

the present It

appointed on

March

20, 1756,

forces in

North America.

Mag. for

i757,/>.

s

Penn.

y/nr/6., vol.

x ri, p. 395

;

all

the

London

504.

Early Provincial Roads Braddock

Commander-in-chief of

page

5.

road was opened in

May

and June, 1755, from

Fort Cumberland to the Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny

(now

Smithfield), by nearly the

National road.

Smithfield

is

same

line as that

of the present

about four miles from the Turkey-

foot.

General Braddock and the Quartermaster General, Sir John St. Clair, urgently solicited Governor Morris and the Council of Pennsylvania to order the construction of a road from the inhabited parts of the province westward toward the Ohio, to facilitate

supplies

of troops and provisions, as

there

was no

1

64

Appendix.

wagon road through

the mountains west

horse-path used by the Indian

the Youghiogheny.

of

ye

only a

Gov

made from Shippensburgh

Adam

James Burd,

Hoops, George

one of ye Commis (Cumberland), and others, were

Croghan, William Smith (mentioned sioners

"

Accordingly, the

traders."

ernor and Council directed a road to be to

of Carlisle,

County"

appointed Commissioners.

They

laid

as

"

out the road

; but, owing Braddock on the 9th of July, work on it was nor was it completed until a few years after the cap

to the defeat of

suspended

;

ture of Fort

present

Smith

letter

s

in

November, 1758.

Somerset, Bedford, Fulton, and

part

of

construction, as related in his narrative, and in the

of Colonel James Burd, one of the Commissioners, as "

FROM THE ALLEGHENY MOUNTAINS, | "5th

**

It traversed the

For many years it was known by the name of from the circumstance of his capture on it road,"

its

during

Quesne,

counties of

Franklin. "

Du

HONORED

We

July, 1755.

}

now

got this far with the road, but at present are under a very great dilemma, the cause of which is as fol had thought it necessary to make use of an empty house, lows :

SIR

:

have

We

47 miles from Anthony Thompson s, for a store-house for our pro visions, and we sent a guard of seven men, armed, to said store-house.

They immediately

We

fortified the

were

house, and had received some of our

be short of meat,

etc., and hearing that provisions. there were wagons, and supposing cattle, upon the road, one Mr. Rob ert McCay, who had the command of the store and the people there,

like to

James Smith, about sixteen years of age, down the Said Smith meeting a hurry up the cattle and wagons. man sent up by Mr. Adam Hoops, at Ray s Town, received infor sent a

boy

called

road to

mation that the wagons were just at hand, upon which the boy returned with Mr. Hoops man hither, the wagons at this time being behind.

The wagons made of

t, at noon. Inquiry was where Mr. Hoops man and the boy were, and they had not seen them; upon which they went out

arrived at the store the 3d curr

the wagoners

they replied that

Illustrative Notes.

165

first found the boy s hat, and then Mr. Arnold Vigorous) gun, and about ten perches (named from thence, Arnold lying dead, being shot through with two bullets Mr. McCay immediately dispatched an express to me to and scalped.

search for them.

to

Hoops man

They

s

the camp, about

I went

twelve miles from the store.

down with

men

of Captain Hogg s company, and saw the corpse and got it buried, but can find nothing of the boy, only his horse we have That night, being the evening of the 3d curr t, we mounted guard got. a party of twelve

About 9 o clock we were attacked by Indians ; their num could not know. Two of our sentinels fired at two of the Indians

at the store.

we

ber

I myself pursued singly the said two Indians, but the dark trees, could not see them nor overtake them, but amongst being The next day, heard them plainly about fifteen yards before me. being the 4th curr t, I returned to our camp, and was under a necessity

which they saw, and

people together, and made use of all the arguments I could induce them to continue in the service until we had finished. But,

to call the to

unfortunately,

we had

an alarm

last

night.

One

of the sentinels on

the picket guard challenged three times and fired his musket, which has struch a great terror into the laborers ; thirty of them are gone home this

morning, and the remainder are very much dissatisfied, as they have really afraid we shall not be able to keep them

no arms, and I am

much

longer.

However, the Governor may depend upon my utmost

endeavors to carry on the work, and that I won t leave my duty while I have ten men to work, or am recalled by your Honor. "

and

We a

are obliged to send off this

sergeant of Captain

Hogg

a

morning

Company

s

guard of twelve

men

for a covering party for

our returning wagons, and to bring up our provisions from the inhabit Our ants, as we can t so much as hunt up our horses but with a guard. roads are

all

waylaid

in

order to cut off our provisions and any strag

Mr. William Smith is likewise under a necessity gling men they can. to go home this morning, as the boy that is taken prisoner (as we sup We have now about three days provisions. pose) is his brother-in-law. "

"

Please to excuse unconnections. 1

am, respectfully, your Honor

s

most obed

t,

h

ble, servant,

"JAMES "

To

THE HONORABLE GOVERNOR

Col. Recs.

of Penn.,

Shippen Papers, pp. 89

vol. vl., p. to

45.

BURD."

MORRIS."

466,

#W pp.

302, 318, 404,

etc.

;

s

1

66

Appendix.

page

Ligoneer

The town

7.

of Ligonier,

Westmoreland county, on the

in

Loyalhanna creek and Philadelphia turnpike road, fifty miles Fort Ligonier was erected here in 1758.

east of Pittsburg.

Town

Indian

The

page 13.

On

Kittanning villages, inhabited chiefly by Delawares.

8, 1756, fourteen months after Smith s compulsory attacked and destroyed by the Provincial troops, were they

September visit,

under the

command

Now

of Col. John Armstrong.

the site

of the flourishing town of Kittanning, the county seat of

Arm

strong county, Pennsylvania. \

Tullihas

At

page ij.

or near the confluence of the

(forming the

Whitewoman

Mohican and Owl creeks

Walhonding), in the township of On the map of Hutchins Newcastle, Coshocton county, Ohio.

there

the Indians allied to the French, on the

1754, a chief or warrior, named in

Owl

an Indian village near that point marked

is

Among

or

"The

the letter of Captain Stobo, from

29, 1754.

Penn.

Col.

Rec.,

vol.

vi^

143

T.

Upper Ohio,

Owl,"

in

mentioned

is

Du

Fort

p.

s

;

Quesne, July Memoirs of Stobo,

p. 92. Gook-bo-sing,

of Owls. rative,

or

Habitation

Heckwelder

s

page 280; so called

Narfrom

the quantity of these birds reLoskie s Missorting thither. sions, page 162.

The

\ 1

(

/

Capt. Hutchins

account

Map, prefixed

of Bouquet

to the

s

Expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764. Philadelphia and London, 1765-6.

\

Republished by Robert Clarke

/

Co., Cincinnati, 1868.

&

celebrated Delaware chief, Captain Pipe, had his place of

residence in 1776 on the Walhonding, about fifteen miles above

Illustrative Notes.

Coshocton, the tive, p.

"

Forks of

167 Heckwelder

Muskingum."

s

Narra

143.

Adoption by the Indians

John McCullough,

page 15. who was captured by

a boy,

the Indians,

He

near Fort Loudon, in 1756, underwent like transformation.

was Fort

had

painted, feathered, and ducked

Du

Quesne, then clad

become an

Indian.

in a

in the

new

Narrative

-

Allegheny river, near

ruffled

in

shirt

and told he

Border Life, Lancaster,

1841, p. 91.

Pluggypage

17.

A Mohawk chief, styled yaterighto) appeared

with the

Captain Pluggy (probably son of Tecanthe

at

council

held

by Lord

Indians at or near Fort Pitt, in the

Am. Arch., \th series, vol. i, p. 486. He became celebrated, leading many bloody ern

Pennsylvania, Virginia, and

Governor of Virginia

fall

Dunmore of 1774.

forays into

West

Patrick

Henry,

Kentucky.

1777, authorized an expedition to be raised and directed exclusively against the u enemy of Pluggystown." it

It

in

was abandoned, however, from the apprehension

might cause a general Indian war.

John Neville and Col. Morgan, at Fort utes of the council of Virginia.

Letter of P. Henry to Pitt,

and

reply.

Min

5 Penn. Arch., pp. 258, 260,

286.

Message of Killbuck

to Col.

Letters of Zeisberger and

Pluggy and

his

Morgan. Gen. Hand.

Id., p.

44.

Id., pp.

443, 447.

band defeated the whites near McClelland

s

Station, now Georgetown, Kentucky, on Christmas day, 1776, and again on Jan. I, 1777. McDonald s Sketches, p. 212.

Indian towns were often

known

to the whites

by the name of

1

68

Appendix.

a prominent chief or warrior.

Pluggystown was also known as Upper Chillicothe s Ab. Arch., vol. iv, p. 632), and (Schoolcraf?

Old

as

side

below

Chillicothe, four miles

to

147

his

Howe

;

Buffalo Lick

s

famous speech.

on the west

Ch. Whittlesey

Hist, of Ohio, pp.

voir or Licking

Summit of

The main

Newark.

Miami towns

extent.

402

to

s

Essays, pp.

406.

page 21.

In Licking and Fairfield counties,

the

Circleville,

of the Scioto, where the celebrated Logan resided, and

where he delivered 142

"

"

Indian

led

by

Christopher

now known

as the

Reser

Ohio Canal, ten miles south of from the forks of the Ohio to

the

trail

swamp, then, no doubt, of vast agent of the Ohio Company (of

this

Gist,

Virginia), sent out to examine the country, with

George Croghan

and Andrew Montour, messengers, with presents from Governor Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to the Twightwees (Miamis), reached and encamped on January lyth, 1751. out from the Great Swamp," as it day they

this point

"set

Gist in his journal.

Col.

5

and Evans and PownaWs 1778;

of

Pioneer Pamphlet No. 3, p.

Pioneer Society,

Cat aw b as

Newark,

the next

noticed by

485; Evans

Map of 1755, 1776; Hutchins Large Map,

Rec., p.

Map

On is

II, pub. by the Licking Co.

O., 1869.

page 22.

This warlike

tribe

country adjacent to the

the

inhabited

Catawba

river.

Carolinas, chiefly in

the

They were the ancient

and inveterate enemies of the Iroquois or Six Nations, with whom they were continually at war. The other tribes con ceded to them the highest character for bravery, daring and sub tlety.

When

South Carolina was

first

settled

by the English,

in

Illustrative Notes.

169

1670, the Catawbas could muster fifteen hundred warriors; in 1836, the entire tribe numbered less than one hundred, who

occupied the

tract of

fine

land, fifteen

miles square, in

counties of York and Lancaster, which was

of

The few

them by the Proprietary Government.

for

once formidable nation

this

now

the

originally reserved

remaining

reside in the western part of

North Carolina.

Some

writers suppose that the

the celebrated

Catawbas were the remnant of

who were

Eries,

from

expelled

ancient

their

country on the shores of Lake Erie and driven south by the

There

conquering Iroquois, in 1650. in support of this view.

of South

Hist. Coll.

Arch., vol. 1

pp. 3,

8,

/

288

p.

//,

Transac.

Carolina, vol. ;

Map

s

Canesadooharie

page 25.

The Black

in

river,

i,

Bishop Gregg

Mouzon

etc.;

Am.

s

is

considerable evidence

Antiq. SW., vol.

188

pp. 49,

//,

p. 87;

Am. Abor.

;

History of the old Cheraws,

of the Carolina*, 1775.

Lorain

The

county.

route

of the

Indians with Smith appears to have been from the town of Tullihas

up along the lake fork of the Mohican creek to its source northern part of Ashland county; thence a few miles

in the

north-easterly to the

On

the

ahuri"

map is

head waters of Black

published by Lewis Evans, in 1755, the

down between

the only river laid

the Sandusky, although

it

is

locality of the Vermillion.

map "

of 1778, Black river

Riviere en

land

Co., p.

author

and

in

river,

Grys"

II

,

have

correctly laid See, also,

been

Guahad-

about the

Captain Thos. Hutchins large

down, and named

Knapp

Taylors Ohio, pp. 88, 521,

others

22

(Gray).

Lorain.

Cuyahoga and

placed too far west

On is

the

"

misled

by

s

History of Ash

note.

the

The

latter

misprint

of

i

jo

Appendix. of the narrative excepting the original

eight (in all the editions

and the present) instead of eighty miles, stated by Smith about the distance between the Sandusky and Black The correct distance does not exceed fifty-two miles.

The

to be rivers.

Falls of Black river, at Elyria, in Lorain county, are

doubtless the

same mentioned

their descent

course,

Narrative (pp. 28 and 42)

The

forty feet perpendicular.

is.

make due allowance

notes, either

;

reader will, of

for the errors in the distances given

Smith was young, and

in the Narrative.

preserving

in the

the

in

his

wigwam

means of taking and

or

the

canoe,

very

scanty.

Potatoes

page 29.

Mohawk

Ogh-ne-an-ata.

Vocabulary, in

Am.

Abor. Arch., vol.

a, p. 487.

Large Creek Rocky

page 29. Medina, Lorain and Cuyahoga counties.

in

river

According to the distances given in the narrative their "winter cabin" was probably erected on the east branch of the Rocky river,

either

county

in the

present township of Hinckley in

or in the adjoining

Medina

township of Royalton in Cuyahoga.

Bear, deer and wolves were very abundant in this region so late as the year 1818.

Northrop

Sunyendeand page 44. Sir William Johnson, on

s

Hist, of

his

Medina

Co., p.

no,

etc.

way home from Detroit in Sep mouth of the river

tember, 1761, crossed the Portage from the at the site of the present

down

the

Bay

to

"the

town of Port Clinton.

encampment"

"where

He

then went

the block-house

Illustrative Notes.

to be

is

built,"

about the location of Venice, three miles west

He

of Sandusky City. opposite the

Diary of Sir W?n. p.

distant"

"Johns

Wyandot town

mentions a

Carrying-place,"

about three miles

//,

171

and

as

"almost

another village of Hurons

"

from the place of encampment.

on , Appendix to Stone

s

Life

and Times,

vol.

466.

Smith

town

description of the locality of this

s

"can

only

apply to Pipe creek, and the big fields lying south-east of and

about a mile and a half from the present town of Address of Hon. J. vol.

22.

iv, p.

M.

Root, Sept. "

"

Pioneer,

name given

the

is

Junqueindundeh

Sandusky."

1862; Fire Lands

to

an

Indian village near the mouth of the Sandusky river, on Hutch-

Map in Map

ins

Evans

the account of Bouquet

of 1755 a

Expedition in

s

Wyandot town

Sandusky bay on the south side;

is

this

it

1764; on

placed at the is

foot of

very probable was

"

Sunyendeand."

The Lake

The

note to p. 44.

color of the water

Maximilian of in

1833,

p.

Wied

490.

same color

in his

"Lake

waters of which, like the

is

all

also noticed

book of Erie.

by the

travels in

The

German

Prince

North America

splendid

bluish-green

the great Canadian lakes, are exactly of

as those of Switzerland."

Arthur Campbell

page 49. Colonel Arthur Campbell of Washington county in South He escaped from the Indians about three years western Virginia. meeting with Smith, and returned by way of Fort Pitt to Virginia, where he afterward became distinguished in civil and

after

military

life,

particularly as

commander

in a successful expedition

Appendix.

172

He was

against the Cherokees in 1781.

from Fin-

a delegate

county to the Virginia Revolutionary Convention of 1776. ford of the Holston river is in the present

castle

The Royal Oak

county of Smythe about three miles east of the town of Marion. Colonel Campbell removed to Knox county, Kentucky, where he died in

1816

in the

the Revolution, vol.

690

History of Virginia, p. J

Howes

74th year of his age.

503; Mooris Diary of

Bishop

;

p.

ii,

Meade

s

372

Virginia, p. ;

Campbell s

Virginia, vol.

i,

p.

53-

pages 52 and 105.

fhe Caghnawagas

An ancient tribe who

early

New

York, and

in the

Doc. Hist, of

Five Nations,

of the

Mohawks

century induced them

last

settle at the rapids

New

vol.

ii,

York, vol.

p. 12 J

Hist.

Mag.,

York

Col. Hist., vol. v, pp.

Cuyahoga

vol. x,

;

of

St.

p.

27

York

to

remove from

Louis near Montreal. ;

Golden

s

Hist, of the

Col. Hist., vol. vii, p.

p. 321.

15

;

New

Called the Praying Indians. 728, 753.

-

page 56. River, in

Ka-ih-ogh-ha.

Am.

i,

New

of the French,

in the interest

the

Mohawk

tongue.

Vocab. in

Abor. Arch., vol. Hi.

Carrying

-place

page 56.

The

old Indian Portage Path

between the Tuscarawas branch

of the

and

the Cuyahoga, in Portage and

Muskingum

Coventry townships about

eight

Hutchins

it is

miles laid

river, in

in

down

the present county of Summit. length. "

I

mile

On

the

Portage."

Maps

It

was

of Evans and

Illustrative Notes.

Rapids

page 57.

The

Lake

One the

Summit county

of the Cuyahoga river in

falls

The

north-east of Akron.

Little

173

descent

is

page 57.

of the numerous Beaver Ponds on the head waters of

no doubt much diminished

Mahoning

in extent

clearing of the forest, and the drainage of the land.

found however

in the

He

1746. in

member of

vol. i,p.

may

be

New

Mohawk

York.

Stone

affairs

of the Six

villages at s

adopted

rank of war chief,

in

Johnstown, now

Life of Sir

U^m. Johnson,

209.

Great River

The

their nation, with the

resided near the

Fulton county,

It

The Mohawks

Nations, and other Northern Indians. as a

since the

southern part of Mahoning county.

Johnson s Mohawks page 69. Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of the

him

four miles

about 200 feet in 2j miles.

page 79.

Ottawa.

Falls of Sandusky

Rapids

Prairies

at

page 84.

Fremont, Sandusky county, Ohio.

page 85.

now within the Sandusky plains Kilcounties of Crawford, Wyandot, Marion, and Hardin. Formerly known

bourne

1816

;

Society.

s

Ohio Gazetteer

Map

the

as

;

;

Hough and Eournis

in the first vol.

large

Map

of Ohio.

of the Transactions of the dm. Antiq.

174

Appendix.

page

Portage

By

86.

the Sandusky, Sciota, and

Indians of Detroit and

rivers lay the route of the

Lake Huron when going

Catawbas and other southern

two or three

quet river

Ohio

"

tribes.

days, after

They

to

war with the

ascend the Sandus-

which they make

canoes of elm bark, and that empties into the to

Canada,

New

a small river [the Sciota]

Memoir of Vaudreuil, Governor of

Ohio."

Marine, from Quebec, October 30, 1718,

the Council of

Paris Documents,

down

float

York

Col.

vol.

Hist.,

868

ix, p.

nalfs Top. Disc, of North America, p. 42, and ?nap. these rivers

and

lies

the most

s

common

Morse

Mississippi."

bourne

a small

Some make

portage, a fine road of about a quarter of a league.

s

pass from Canada

Am. Gazetteer of 1798,

Ohio Gazetteer for 1817, p. 60

Carey

;

s

Pow-

;

"

Through Ohio

to the

p.

497

;

Kil-

Atlas for 1812

This once important portage extended from the site of Garrett s Mill, near the village of Wyandot, on the Sandusky river, in

Wyandot county;

thence south, about four miles on a ridge,

through part of Dallas township

in

Crawford county,

to the north

branch of the Little Sciota near Swinnerton, on the Old Fort Ball and

Columbus road

county.

The

in

Grand

township, Marion

Prairie

length of the portage varied

stage of water.

It

was known

as the

according to the

u Four Mile

Cross."

In

Sciota could be navi high water the north branch of the Little a mile distant from Garrett s gated by canoes to a point about cut has been made through the ridge Mill, on the Sandusky.

A

about half a mile east from the village of Wyandot, by which the waters of both streams are united. S.

R. Harris,

field. ]

the

Esq., of Bucyrus,

Mr. Brown

Wyandot

settled near

and

the writer from \_Notes to

Wm.

Wyandot

Brown, in

Indian Reservation for the U.

Esq., of Spring

1826, and surveyed S.

Government.

Illustrative Notes.

175

pages 87 and 99. law of the Legislature of Ohio, passed

The Ollentangy

By

a

restore

Indian names

the

incorrectly given to the

certain

to

in

1833,

name

this

streams"

"to

is

Whetstone, the eastern affluent of the

Delaware Indian name of which was Keenhong-shecon-sepung, or Whetstone creek, in English. John Brickeirs Narrative In American Pioneer, vol. i, Brickell had been 55. Sciota, the

/>.

a

prisoner with the

He

spoke

their language as

Columbus from narrative

is

1797

reprinted in

for

Ohio,

over four years.

well as his own.

until

death

his

Martin

(Columbus, 1858), omitting stone.

in

Delawares,

s

the

He

July,

resided in

The

1844.

History of Franklin relative

part

Big Darby creek, which

in

rises

in

to

the

County

Whet

Logan county and

flowing south-east empties into the west side of the Sciota in

Pickaway county, opposite Circleville, is the real Ollentangy; this is clearly evident from Smith s description of his route from the Sandusky portage to that stream, and of the country between it

and the waters of the Miami (or

Mad

The u very

now embraced

is

Prairie"

large

river).

within

the

counties of Madison, Clarke,

Champaign, Fayette, Pickaway, and Greene, between Darby creek and Mad river. See Hough and Bourne s large Map of Ohio, published in 1816; also Kilbourne

and Bourne

Kilbourne

Little

s

Map, of

1820,

in

Arch. Amer.,

vol.

i;

Gazetteer of Ohio, for 1819, p. 61.

Lake

It

miles wide.

ants the Little

Sa-undustee,

etc.

pages 50, 100,

Sandusky bay. to four

s

is

It

Lake."

water,

about twenty miles long and from one

was formerly

Brown in

s

the

"termed

by the inhabit

Views on Lake Erie, 1814,

Wyandot

tongue.

p. 73.

Gallatirfs

ij6

Appendix.

Synopsis

332

and Vocab.

see also vol.

;

meaning of

in vol. i,

By changing

p. 295.

other words

and

this

of the Trans, of the

it.

water

Trans.

Am.

water pools.

within

Antlq. Soc., vol.

297

p.

i,

Wyandot

;

John Johnston,

J.

M.

signification

peculiarly applicable

extensive marshes on

Colonel Grant

Grant

its

by pools and

directions

s

borders,

latter

which are intersected

in

many

channels of open water.

1023.

pages

September, 1758.

The

;

Sandusky bay and the

to

defeat and capture took place on

service during the

in

Roots Address

Fire Lands Pioneer, vol. iv, for June, 1863, p. 21. is

language,

Sah-un-dus-kee, clear water.

expressing proper names, varied. Sa-anduste, or

Antiq. Soc., p.

the pronunciation the

the

in

Am.

the

I4th day of

He was a Major General in the British American Revolution. He was promoted to

the rank of Lieutenant General in 1782, and General in 1796,

and died

"

very

old,"

at

his seat at

Ballendallock, near Elgin in

Scotland, about the I3th of May, 1806. Col. Hist., vol. x, p.

ing on Grant

903.

The

Biog. Sketch in

N.

T.

court house in Pittsburg, front

street, stands near the western extremity of the

once beautiful eminence called

"Grant s

Hill,"

which long since

has been graded and covered with buildings.

Susquehannab Campaign

page 107.

In September and October, 1763, the Indian villages destroyed stood on the Great Island and on the banks of the Susquehannah river, in the

don

s

present counties of Clinton and Lycoming.

Hist, of Penn., p.

1792.

399;

Sculls

Map,

1770; Howells

Gor

Map,

Illustrative Notes.

177

Gen. Bouquet s Campaign pages 107-8. The hostages were fourteen in number Delawares, and

way

Shawnees.

six

The

to Fort Pitt.

The

Pitt (in

May,

prisoners held by the

during the winter and

collected

two Mingoes,

six

others being unconfined afterward dis

appeared, excepting three.

nees were

Only

;

the latter escaped on the

to

brought

Shaw Fort

1765), where five hundred and seventy-one chiefs

women

and warriors (besides

and children,) assembled and held

Major Murray and the officers of the made with Gen. Bouquet the preceding

a friendly conference with

The

garrison.

November

treaty

Muskingum was

at the

Shawnee warriors were

dred and nineteen

George Croghan, in Col. Rec., vol. ix, p.

of Bouquet

s

Expedition, p.

Katepacomen

(or

Rec.

Col.

hostages.

Smith

to represent

ix, p.

vol.

219.

addition to Fort Pitt.

The

relic

;

of

239.

was one of the Delaware

228.

"Journal

264

"Journal

Hist. Account

It

appears that upon one

Shawnees selected James

of Gen. Bouquet,

Col. Rec., vol.

stone tablet in the wall, bearing the inscription,

Bouquet, A. D.

The

Girty),

250

present. to

Bouquet erected a brick redoubt as an It is yet standing, and used for a dwelling

removed recently and This redoubt is the hall.

1764, has been

placed in the wall of the

only

Id. p.

ix, p.

them.

In 1764 Colonel

Coll.

Simon

;

during the campaign, the

occasion,

house.

88

One hun

ratified.

formally

new

of British dominion

city in

the

Ohio

valley.

governor and council of Pennsylvania, uncertain of the

consequences of the escape of the Shawnee hostages, deferred proclaiming the Indian trade opened according to the royal proc

lamation of October 7th, 1763, until notified by

Johnson

that a

general

23

peace

Sir

had been concluded

William with the

1

78

Appendix.

Western

Indians.

Proceed, of Council, Jan. 21,

1765

;

Col.Rec.,

vol. ix, p. 239. Muskingum and Fort Pitt the Indians expressed their anxiety for the beginning of

At the conferences at the

trade,

and were displeased when

it

was refused.

Id.

pp. 261,

General Gage was anxious to have the trade com 250, 251. mence, fearing the Indians would again resort to the French. Letters

Gov. Penn,

to

id. p.

Governor Penn

266, 268.

s

procla

mation declaring the Indian trade opened to licensed traders was issued on

June

4,

1765.

The Conococheague sylvania, being on the

settlement,

extreme

Presbyterians,

"

Franklin county, Penn

frontier, suffered

The

the horrors of Indian warfare.

who

now

repeatedly

all

were Scots-Irish

settlers

though neglected by the royal and provin

governments throughout all the Indian wars sustained nearly Gordon s Hist, of the whole burden of defending the frontier." cial

Penn., p. 624

Tribute xxiv.

Rupp

s

88

;

Pamphlet, Feb. 13, 1764.

man

;

Declaration and remonstrance of the distressed

bleeding frontier inhabitants of the province of

frontier

9

Chambers 486 Parkmans Pontiac, chap,

Hist, of Franklin Co., p.

the Scots- Irish, Letters, p.

to "

;

all

can go

Two

without danger of having

his

Pennsylvania."

hundred miles of an extended

so exposed to the incursions of the to sleep within ten

or

fifteen

Indians, that no

miles of the border

house burned and himself and

the next family scalped or led into captivity before Letter in Gordon

The

s

and

morning."

Penn., p. 624.

policy of the governor and

the

commander-in-chief,

of the Gage, was not understood or appreciated by the people course. frontier, and they determined on their only preventive

Their leader was James Smith, who (says Chambers, Tribute, p. a man of resolution, of indomitable courage, and was "

82)

Illustrative Notes.

inflexible

179

from any purpose which he deemed necessary

safety of the

for the

inhabitants."

His family were prominent in the county from its earliest u Smith settlement. was in early days now Mercersburg, an important place for trade with the Indians and settlers on the "

s,"

Western

The and

in a letter

Fort

Rupp

frontier."

traders

Pitt.

Col. Rec., vol.

The convoy was old trader.

It

Hist, of Franklin Co., p. 4.75.

s

goods were destroyed, as related in the narrative from Colonel Reid commanding the district of

in

ix, p.

269.

charge of Captain Robert Callender, an horse loads, sixty-three

consisted of eighty-one

of which were destroyed.

The affair caused a great sensation throughout the province. The goods, valued at 3,000, belonged to Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, who alleged they were destined for the Illinois and to be stored to

G JV. He

Fort

at

"greatly

Sse Letters of Sir.

Pitt.

Penn, Penn. Arch.,

v)l.

iv,pp. 2

1

Wrn. Johnson

6, 226.

of the course of the traders

disapproved

in for

their goods before the trade was opened. General Gage was likewise u of the opinion that the traders had hopes of getting first to market by stealing up their goods

warding

"

"

before the trade was legally

permitted."

summer

Penn. Arch.,

vol.

iv, p.

215. goods were not allowed to During go forward without a pass from William or James Smith. The followiug is a copy of one from Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 220 this

traders

:

"

and

As

the Sidling hill volunteers

have already inspected

as they are all private property,

it is

expected that none of these

brave fellows will molest them upon the road, as there supplies

amongst them.

Given under my hand,

May

is

no Indian

15, 1765.

"

(Signed)

these goods,

JAS.

SMITH,"

1

80

Appendix.

The

council, on

advice of the

governor by the

Jan. 15,

1766, removed William Smith from the magistracy, and directed the chief justice to issue a writ for the apprehension of James, Letter of Gov. Penn

297; Rupp

s

that any attempt

was

Gen. Gage,

to

Co!. Rec., vol.

Hist, of Bedford Co., p. 510.

was ever made

issued to the

sheriff"

pp. 293,

ix,

does not appear

It

to execute the writ, although

it

of Cumberland county.

Sideling Hill

A The

page 109. low ridge of the Allegheny mountains of the

foot

hill

The

of Bedford.

remembered by

in

Fulton county

about sixteen miles east of the town

is

road across

it,

seven miles

travellers as tedious,

Affairs at Fort London

Lieutenant Charles Grant of the 42d Highland regiment at Fort Loudon. The following characteristic

manded

was sent

to

him by Smith

The arms that are detained

:

keep them, keep them

com letter

:

Smith Sir

well

is

o.

1 1

page

in length,

and often dangerous.

in

/ am,

/

s

Run, June

19, 1765.

Loudon you may keep them^ etc.,

JAMES SMITH. Arch., vol. iv, p. 229.

In November, Lieutenant Grant

having taken more arms

from the country people, and being ordered to Fort

Pitt

to

r

compel

a surrender of the guns, the riflemen

besieged that

Fort

Loudon

for

no one was permitted

was kept up

"

upon

centrys could not

was hurt on

all

stand

either side.

headed by Smith

two days and

nights,

or

out of

to

go

corners

in

of

the

fort,

so it.

so

closely,

Firing that

the

No one upright on the bastions." On the loth of November the guns

181

Illustrative Notes.

to the custody of

were surrendered governor

s

pleasure respecting

arms were u

pp. 2 20

to

them should be

until the

"

known."

and four smooth bored guns. and others ; Penn. Arch.,

five rifles

and Depos. of

Wm. McDowell

The Letters

Lt. Ckas. Grant

vol.

ry,

248.

Peace with the Indians Sir

page 113. William Johnston made peace with the Ohio Indians,

Mingoes, Shawnees, and 13, 1765.

New

Tennessee

page

Tork

1 1

Delawares, at Johnston Hall, July

Col. Hist., vol. vii, p.

4.

This exploration by Colonel Smith and with the single exception of that of first

ever

made of

Henry

the country west of the

Tennessee by any of the Anglo-Saxon

in

of Tenn.,p. 70

Fort

Chiss el

;

Haywood s

page

754.

1 1

his

companions was,

Scaggins, a hunter, the

Cumberland mountains race.

Ramsay

s

Annals

Civil Hist, of Tenn., p. 77.

8.

Fort Chiswell was built by Colonel Byrd and his regiment from Virginia in 1758 28.

It

;

he stationed a garrison in

stood about

nine

miles east of the

it.

Haywood,

present

p.

town of

Howes Virginia, p. 514, 515; Wytheville in Wythc county. Madison s Map of Virg. ; see Table of Distances in Poulsons Am. Almanac for 1789. Indians and Traders

page 119.

Letters in the Pennsylvania Gazette, from

Fort

Pitt,

dated

July 26 and 28, 1769, mention the great probability of another

war;

"the

Indians

are

so insolent, robbing

houses, stealing

1

82

Appendix.

horses, and threatening the inhabitants/ 17,

Id.

1769;

Aug. 31, 1769;

Id.

Gaz. for Aug.

Penn.

Oct. 5, 1769.

traders goods destroyed

page 119. Robert Callender was the principal sufferer by the Captain

destruction of traders goods at the crossings of the Juniata in

Bedford county

in

He

August, 1769.

afterward applied to the

legislature for relief, stating his losses at near

March,

1775

6,

;

=600.

Petition^

Assembly ^Journals, p. 575.

Affray near Bedford pages 121 to 130. Smith was committed to the jail in Carlisle on the 22d of September, 1769, charged with shooting John Johnston on the

A large

2oth of the same month. to rescue

him fearing (they

said)

body of armed men assembled he would be taken to Phila

Col.

John Armstrong, the Rev. John Steel, and other leading citizens, endeavored to dissuade them from delphia for

trial.

their purpose, while the magistrates assisted the sheriff in raising

a guard to defend the

jail.

Smith sent

his

intended rescuers u a

candid letter declaring his desire to have a his country, desist, "

begging them to return

however,

begged them

innocent blood

be tried

in

tantly from in

the Penn.

in ;"

until a

from

the

home,"

to return,

by the laws of

They the

did not

prison

he

and to shed no

with assurances that the prisoner should

the county and not elsewhere, their design.

etc.

windows of

solemn manner

this,

trial

Letter

Gazette for Oct.

5.

from

turned them reluc

Carlisle,

Sept.

24,

1769,

Illustrative Notes.

183

Commissioner of Bedford and Westmoreland Counties 130. Colonel Smith had removed to

was erected

1771, and

in

From

of the province.

formed

in

1773

;

west of the Laurel ginia,

whose

s

creek, a

Bedford county, which

in

included

all

of the Western part

Bedford, Westmoreland county was

embraced within

it

land on Jacob

his

branch of the Youghiogheny, then

page

Hill.

This

jurisdiction over

it

limits all of the province

its

was claimed by Vir the governor, Lord Dunmore, territory

Fort Pitt was seized

attempted bv violent measures to enforce.

by a band of armed partizans, headed by Captain John Connolly,

and

its

name changed

to Fort

New

Dunmore.

counties were

formed from which delegates were sent to the Virginia legis lature. Justices and other civil officers were commissioned by the

authorities of

Court-houses were

Virginia.

erected

and

Virginia courts reguhrly held within the limits of the present counties of Allegheny and

people were divided

and other violent

Washington

in their allegiance

acts,

;

in

Pennsylvania.

The

arrests, counter-arrests,,

frequently occurred during

this

seven

The breaking out of the Revolutionary war in years contest. 1775 and a recommendation by Congress on the subject abated the civil

The

strife.

controversy ended in

agreement between the two to

the

disputed

Dixon

s

Arch.,

vol.

to

240

1857-,

;

line in

territory.

1780 by mutual

states, Virginia yielding

The

1784, permanently

completion of settled the

her claims

Mason and

boundary.

Penn.

435 to 633 ; Penn. Col. Rec., vol. A-, pp. 140 of Mason and Dixon s line, by "James Veech, Pittsburg^

iv, pp.

Hist,

Report of the

Surveyor

General for

1865, Harrisburg,

1866.

For three years of these turbulent times James Smith was

184

Appendix.

one of the commissioners of Westmoreland county Governor an to have adherent of was his Penn doubtless John glad ability ;

and energetic character, and quite willingly overlooked

On

differences.

the 8th of April,

James Smith, commissioners, addressed "their

governor stating sent

disturbances,"

a

communication

disagreeable situation

and that

"

past

1774, Joseph Beeler and to the

to the pre

owing

the greater part of the people in

the back parts of the county absolutely refuse to pay their taxes or serve in the office of collector. "

disturbances of the court by a

ask

"his

honor

s

advice and

every step shall be taken

advantage of the

in

province."

"

They

further allude to the

number of armed

assistance,"

assuring

their

for the

power

men,"

and

him

that

"

benefit and

Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 487.

In February, 1775, Smith was arrested and "bound over to answer the court of Virginia, before Dorsey Pentecost, one of their

who

justices,"

sheriff

and

other

also issued

"precepts"

for the arrest of the "

Pennsylvania

officers,

saying

they were r

imposters on the government and dominion of Virginia, and he would have them confined." Deposition of "James Smith-, Arch., vol. iv, p.

6 10

Col. Rec.,

;

vol. x, p.

235.

Another Indian War, 1774 page 130. This was known as Dunmore s war.

Indians Attack

The

"I

have sent

scouting party,

ended with

the

pages 134, 135.

date of the year in the narrative

be 1777.

It

October 10, 1774.

defeat of the Indians at Point Pleasant,

is

five Indian scalps

commanded by Colonel

erroneous,

it

should

taken by one of our Barr, Colonel Perry,

Illustrative Notes.

Colonel Smith, and Captain Hinkston, being volunteers

The

action.

in

the

action happened near Kittaning, they retook six

taken from the suffering

horses the savages had

Extract of Letter from Arch. Locbry ct

85

1

Westmoreland, ye 6th

December"

to

frontiers."

President If/hart on, dated at

1/77;

Penn. Arch.,

vol.

vi,

p. 69.

French Creek Expedition

page 135.

MINUTES OF THE SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, Philadelphia, March 20, 1786. Comptroller General read and

approved, viz

s

:

reports

Of

upon the following accounts

Woods

Captain John

for

pay of

his company commanded by Colonel Smith under orders from General Mclntosh, and for

of Westmoreland county militia,

arms

lost

Of on the

on the expedition. Captain John Kyle, for pay of

his

company employed

said expedition.

Of

Colonel James Smith, for pay of the

moreland county, under creek expedition

in

his

1778.

militia

of

West

command, employed on the French Col. Rec., vol. xlv, p.

662.

General Mclntosh

page 135. Mclntosh of the Continental army succeeded General Hand in command of the Western district Brigadier General Lachlan

;

In October follow

(head quarters at Fort Pitt) in

May, 1778.

ing he built Fort

upon the Indian

river"

Mclntosh,

"

(where the town of Beaver

now

stands),

side of the

and

in

Ohio

November

and December erected Fort Laurens on the west bank of the

Tuscarawas

river,

24

half a

mile

below the

present

town of

Appendix.

Bolivar,

/W.

Tuscarawas county, Ohio.

vii, p. 132; 467, 564, 646; s Nat. Port. Gall, vol. Hi; Herring vol.

FINIS.

/.

INDEX. Adams, George, 1 1 8. Appalachian Mountains, 113Armstrong, General John, 107, 154, 159, 166, 182.

Cumberland River, 114. Deny, William, 126. Detroit, 49, 75, 79, 102, 105. Duffield, William, 108, 134.

Dunmore, Lord, 155, 167, 183, 184.

Baker, William, 113. Barr, Colonel, 184. Bear, 33. Beaver. Transformation, 57

Edwards, Colonel, 155. 5

habits, 59.

Bedford, affray near, 121, 182.

Elliott, Robert, 134. Elliott. S. B. xii.

Big Beaver River, 56. Big Darby Creek, 175. Black boys, 1 19, 179. Black River, 169.

Forbes, General, 102, 154. Fort Bedford, 119, 122.

Va. and Penn. 183. Boundary. Expedition into Ohio, Bouquet, General. I0 1 77151, 1 Bourbon County, Ky. 138. Indians prepare to Braddock, General. attack, ii; return with prisoners, 125 defeat, 151, 154, 155. Braddock s Road, 5, 163. Bradstreet, General, 153, 155. 7>

Elk, 21.

K>

Fort Chissel, 118, 181. Fort Dunmore, 183. Fort Du Quesne, 7, 8, 102, 104, 164. Fort Laurens, 185. Fort Loudon, 5, 105, no, 151, 163, 180. Fort Mclntosh, 185. Fort Pitt, 136, 151, 177, 183. Fox, 38.

French Creek, 135, 137, 185.

Buffalo, 21.

Buffalo Lick, 21, 168.

Gage, General, 178. Garrett s Mill, 174.

Burd, Colonel James, 164. Defeat, 156. Burgoyne, General.

Geese, 57, 83. George, Robert, 126. Girty, Simon, 177. Gist, Christopher, 168.

Caldwell, Rev. James, vii. Callender, Captain Robert, 179, 182. Campbell, Colonel Arthur, 49, 171. Campbell, George. Song, ill.

Canesadooharie River, 25, 38, 169.

40, 56,

Hamilton, Governor, 168. Handy, William, vii.

Carlisle, 122.

Caughnewaga, 105. Cuyahoga River, 43, 56, 7i,?375 Cherokee River, 113. Chillicothe. Old," Upper and Clark, General G. R. 155.

1

7*-

Harmar, General, 152, 155. Henry, Patrick, 167.

1

68.

Hinkston, Captain John, 135, 185. Hoge, Jonathan, 134. Hogg, Captain, 165. Holmes, John, 125.

"

"

Connolly, Captain John, Conococheague, 5, 105, Crawford, Colonel, 151, Croghan, George, 164, 1

Grant, Captain Charles, no, 180. Grant, Colonel, 102, 151, 176. Great River, 79, 173.

"

183. 108, 119, 178. 155. 68.

Holstein River, 113. Hoops, Adam, 164.

Index.

Pottowatamies, 78, 102. Shawanees, 146. Twightwees, 168. Wiandotts, 26, 39, 44, 78, 81, 102,

Horses, wild, 41.

Horton, Joshua, 113. Howell, Jacob S. 133Indian Customs running the gauntlet, 8 ; adoption of whites, 14, 167 ; war dance, 18 ; courting dance, 19; songs, 19; food, 26, 38, 51, 139; canoes, 27 ; preparing skins, 295 winter cabins, :

29;

bear

37, 69

;

hunting, 335 sugar making, trapping raccoons, 37 ; fox, 38 ;

1405 squaws at work, 45; games, 46,77; religion, 52, 98; hospitality, 43,

tents, 53

;

transformation of animals,

97; snowshoes, 67 ; immodesty of Jibewa girls, 72; swearing, 74; intemperance, 76; sweat house, 95; prayer, 96; fishing, 100; general habits, 139; titles, 139; courtship, 140; traditions, 142 ; police or civil government, 147 ; marriage laws, 148; penal laws, 149; discipline, 150; mode of war, 151, l6l. Indian Language 57, 82;

speeches,

65, 90,

:

Ashalecoa, the great knife, 104. Cancheanta, hominy, 26.

Carreyagaroona, inferior deities, 145. Gookhosing, habitation of owls, 1 66.

KaiAogAAa, river, 172. Maneto, the great spirit, 143. Matchemancto, the evil spirit, 143. Qhncnata or, Oghncanata, potatoes, 26, 170. Oonasa&roona, the evil spirit, 75, 146. Oiranugo, the great spirit, 75, 144. Saundustcet water, 75. Skoharchaugo, the Dutch, 44. TuIAasagot the English, 81. Indian Tribes :

(Mohawk Solomon),

17, 20,

Chinnohete, 72. Jacobs, Captain, 159. Manetehcoa, 68, 70.

Maully, 52, 65.

Nungamy,

87, 90, 105. Pipe, Captain, 166.

Tecaughretenego, 51, 57, 65, 80, 84, 88, 94, 104, 144. Tecanyaterighto (or Pluggy), 17, 24, 167. Tontileaugo, 24, 32, 35, 40, 51, 84, 88.

James, a mulatto boy, 114. Jirk,

1 1 6.

Johnson, Sir William, 113, 170, 177, Johnston, John, 125, 182.

1

Juniata River, 120.

Kittaning Villages, 1 66. Kyle, Captain John, 185.

Lake

Erie, 24, 26, 43, 54, 75, 171. Licking Summit, 168.

Ligonier, 7, 166.

Lyle, Joel

R.

Early

Kentucky

printer,

x, xi.

Lyle, Rev. Joel

K.

xii.

Lyon, William, 134. 13, 146, 160, 166.

Eries, 169.

McCay, Robert,

Iroquois, 168.

McClane, James, 134. McClelland s Station, Ky. 167.

Jibewas, 65, 78, 102. Mohawks, 69, 173.

164.

McComb, William, McCommon, Major

Mohicans, 13. Miamis, 168. Ottawas, 52, 65, 70, 78, 8 142.

1,

8 1.

Loughrie, Colonel, 152, 155Loyalhanna, 7.

46, 172. 6, 10,

Asallecoa 21.

Lake, 50, 57, 100, 173, 175. Logan, General, 155.

Caughnewagas, 13, 39, 52, 70, 142, Delawares,

Indians.

Little

Canasataugas, 6. Catawbas, 22,168, 169. i

142. Indian Traders, 108. Indian Town, 13, 1 66.

85, 102,

134. James, 131. McCullough, John, 165. McDowell, William, 181. Mclntosh, General L. 135, 155, 185.

Index.

McQuaid, Miss Sarah,

xii.

Miami of the Lakes, 75, 83, Mohican Creek, 166. Monkton, General, 154.

175.

Montour, Andrew, 168.

189

Scaggins, Henry, 18 1. Sciota River, 21, 85, 99, 105, 174, 175. Shakers in Ohio. Smith s tracts on, x. Sideling Hill, 109, 170, 180. SMITH, COLONEL JAMES. Birth, v ; cap

164;

first

Montreal, 79, 105.

ture, vi, 6,

Morgan, Colonel, 167. Morris, Governor, 163.

family, vi ; second marriage, vii ; af fection for his first wife, vii removal ;

Morristown, i 34. Murray, Major, 177.

Kentucky, viii ; character, viii elected tepresentative, ix ; ordained, ix

Muskingum

visit

marriage,

vi,

106;

to

River, 13, 25, 42, 56, 107,

167, 172.

to

against

Shakers,

them, x

ix

;

publishes

;

j ;

publishes tracts

work on

Indian

Neville, John, 167. North Mountain, 106, 108.

Ollentangy Creek, 86, 87, 99, 175.

Ottawa River, 79, 173.

Owl

warfare, x; death, x; taken prisoner to Fort DuQuesne, 7 ; runs the gauntlet, 8 ; witnesses preparations for the attack on Braddock, 1 1 ; and arri val of the prisoners,

12; taken toTul135 ceremony of adoption, 1417; hunts with the Indians, 20; is lost and reduced to bow and arrows, 24; starts for Lake Erie with his adopt

lihas,

Creek, 166.

Parker, Captain William, 134. Patton, Samuel, 134. Paxton, Captain Thomas, 134. Peebles, Lieut. Col. Robert, 134.

Pennsylvania Gazette, 124. Pepper, Lieut. Col. William, 134. Perry, Colonel, 184. Piper, Colonel John, 134.

ed

brother Tontileago, 24 ; reaches Canesadoharie, 26 ; loses his books, 28; make their winter cabin, 29;

bear hunting, 33 ; sugar making, 36; recovers his books, 39; chase after hor

Pluggystown, 168. Pollen, Henry, 108.

arrive at Sunyendeand, 41 44; meet Arthur Campbell, 49; adopted by Tecaughrctanego, 1 1 at Cuyahoga, i6j to Beaver Creek, 17; lost again, 62;

Portages, 170, 172, 174. Indian inroad on, 24.

his reception on his return, 65 ; alarm, 69; conjuring, 70; back to Cuyahoga,

;

;

Potomack.

Prairies, 85,

ses,

71-75; on the lake

173, 175.

to Fort

Detroit,

Proctor, Colonel John, 134.

drunk, 76; return to Ohio, 84; winter at headwaters of Sandusky and Scioto, S6; on the Ollentangy, 875

Quaker government of Penn. 106.

starvation,

Raccoons, 27, 37, 57, 82. Roads. Early in Penn. 5, 163. Robb, David, 134.

escapes and returns

Presq

71

Isle, 56.

Rocky

River, 170. Rodgers, Margaret, vii. Rocgers, Rev. Dr. vii.

St.

155.

Lawrence River, 79, 105.

Salt Lick, 21.

Sandusky, 43, 84, 100, 105, 171, 173, i?4, 175Savage, John, 50.

25

a big

89; tempted to escape, 92; returns, 93 ; goes to Sunyendeand, 100; to Detroit, 105 ; to Caughnewaga, 1055

home, vi, 105 ; ap pointed Captain of Rangers, IODJ en sign in the regular service, 107; joins Bouquet s expedition as Lieutenant, 1075 leader of the Black boys, 109 ; releas es

St. Clair, General A. 152, St. Clair, Sir John, 163.

;

prisoners

from

Fort Loudon, 110;

excursion into Tennessee, 113-19; ad venture as leader of the Black boys, 119

22 ; captured and imprisoned, 1 22 ; trial and release, 130; commissioner, 130, 183 ; with Washington s army in New recommendations, 132, Jersey, 131; 134; receives Colonel s commission,

Index.

190 134$ expedition to French Creek, settles in Kentucky, i 38. 185

I35>

;

His family. Jonathan, vi ; W.lliam, viii James, vi, viii, ix ; Robert, ;

vii,

viii,

xi

j

Jane,

vi

;

vi,

vi,

Elizabeth, vi

;

Rebecca, vi, viii. Smith, James, 113, 125. Smith, Rev. J. M. vii, xii. Smith, William, Commissioner of Roads, 5, 164; letter to Pennsylvania Gazette, 124.

Smith

s

Todd, Colonel, 152. Traders goods destroyed, Tullehas, 13, 166.

no,

119, 182.

Verses composed by Colonel Smith, 116. Vigoras, Andrew, killed by the Indians, 6, 165. Virginia, Indian raid on, 46, 49.

Road, 164.

Snakes, 57, 82. Shoes, 67. South Mountain, 106.

Snow

Stanwick, General, 154. Steele,

Thomson, Mr. a pioneer, 100. Thomson, William, 120.

Rev. John, 182.

Stobo, Captain, 166.

Stone, Uriah, 1 13. Stone River, Tennessee, 114. Sunyendeand, 44, 49, 100, 170.

Walhonding Creek, 166. Washington. General, 131, 134. Whetstone Creek, 175.

Whitewoman s Creek, 166. Wilkinson, General, 155. Wilson, Anne, wife of Col. Smith, Wolfe, General, 105. Wood, Captain John, 185. Wyandott

Village, 174.

Susquehanna Campaign, 107, 176.

Youghiogheny River, Tennessee River, 114, 181. Thompson, Anthony, 164.

Zeisberger, 167.

5,

121.

vi.