Amorium Reports II: Research Papers and Technical Reports 9781841715384, 9781407325767

Table of contents :
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Pages from S1170 Lightfoot 9781841715384 text
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Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
CHECK-LIST OF AMORIUM PUBLICATIONS
Maps and Site Plan
AMORIUM TRENCH LIST: 1988-2002
LIST OF FIGURES
LIST OF PLATES
LIST OF COLOUR PLATES
I. SCULPTURE FRAGMENTS
II. MARBLE VESSEL FRAGMENTS
III. ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE TERRACOTTA LAMPS
IV. MIDDLE BYZANTINE TERRACOTTA LAMPS
V. STONE SCREW PRESS WEIGHTS
VI. BELT BUCKLES FROM AMORIUM AND IN THE AFYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM
VII. TURKISH GLAZED POTTERY
VIII. POLYCHROMY IN THE LOWER CITY CHURCH: AN OVERVIEW
IX. PAINTED POLYCHROMY ON CARVED STONES FROM THE LOWER CITY CHURCH
X. TECHNICAL STUDY OF FRESCOES AND MOSAICS FROM THE LOWER CITY CHURCH
XI. HUMAN SKELETAL REMAINS, 1993-2001
XII. TEXTILE FRAGMENTS FROM THE LOWER CITY, TRENCH AB AND TRENCH LC5
XIII. EXCAVATION, CONSERVATION AND ANALYSIS OF ORGANIC MATERIAL FROM A TOMB IN THE NARTHEX OF THE LOWER CITY CHURCH
COLOUR PLATES

Citation preview

BAR S1170 2003  LIGHTFOOT (Ed.)  AMORIUM REPORTS II

Amorium Reports II Research Papers and Technical Reports Edited by

C.S. Lightfoot

BAR International Series 1170 9 781841 715384

B A R

2003

ISBN 9781841715384 paperback ISBN 9781407325767 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841715384 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

IN MEMORIAM

SN. AHMET TOPBAŞ 10.XII.1945 – 29.IV.1999

DIRECTOR OF THE AFYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM 1977 – 1999

CONTENTS Foreword Acknowledgements

v vi

Check-list of Amorium Publications Maps and Site Plan Amorium Trench List: 1988-2002 List of Figures and Plates

vii-x xi-xii xiii-xiv xv-xxiii

(A) Research Papers I:

A. Çalık-Ross, Sculpture Fragments

1-9

II:

A. Çalık-Ross, Marble Vessel Fragments

11-23

III:

M.A.V. Gill and N.T. Şen, Roman and Early Byzantine Terracotta Lamps With a Discussion and two Appendices by C.S. Lightfoot

25-63

IV:

M.A.V. Gill, Middle Byzantine Terracotta Lamps With a Discussion by C.S. Lightfoot

65-71

V:

C.S. Lightfoot, Stone Screw Press Weights

73-77

VI:

M. Lightfoot, Belt Buckles from Amorium and in the Afyon Archaeological Museum

81-103

VII:

N. Özkül Fındık, Glazed Pottery of the Turkish Period With Colour Plates

105-118

(B) Technical Studies VIII: E.A. Ivison, Polychrome Decoration in the Lower City Church: An Overview

119-128

IX:

E. Hendrix, Painted Polychromy on Carved Stones from the Lower City Church With Colour Plates

129-137

X:

J. Witte-Orr, Fresco and Mosaic Fragments from the Lower City Church With an Appendix by M.T. Wypyski, Analysis of the Pigments used in the Lower City Church Frescoes With Colour Plates

139-158

XI:

K. Brayne and J.A. Roberts, Human Skeletal Remains, 1993-2001

159-184

XII:

P. Linscheid, Textile Fragments from the Lower City, Trench AB and Trench LC5

185-192

XIII: L. Usman, Excavation, Conservation and Analysis of Organic Material from a Tomb in the Narthex of the Lower City Church With a General Introduction by E.A. Ivison With Colour Plate

193-201

Colour Plates

205-225

iii

iv

FOREWORD C.S. Lightfoot The present volume follows on from the publication of Amorium Reports, Finds I: The Glass (1987-1997) in 2002. But whereas that volume had essentially a single author and was devoted to finds in a single medium, in this second publication in the Final Reports series several different team members have submitted chapters on a wide range of topics. These cover a number of different media and extend in time from the Roman to the Ottoman period. Additional finds reports are scheduled to appear in subsequent volumes. Eventually, when all the finds have been studied, the information from them can be assimilated and combined with the trench reports. In this way, a more comprehensive analysis and a better understanding of the various areas, trenches, and contexts may be achieved. While some of the reports presented here offer only tentative or general dates for specific objects, in the course of time greater precision should be achieved.

information. Likewise, since each chapter basically stands on its own, it was felt that it would be more useful to list any references to other works in a separate bibliography appended to that report. For the same reason a general index has been omitted. However, as an aid to understanding the archaeological context and interrelationship of the finds, concordances have been added wherever the material was sufficiently numerous to make such lists desirable. These follow the same style as those used for the glass in the first volume. Readers are, indeed, encouraged to use the concordances collectively. The volume presents the results of work in several different disciplines, and as a consequence is divided into two principal parts - finds reports and technical studies. As well as archaeology and art history, several of the reports draw heavily on analytical research and scientific methodology. Much more could and should be done to fill some of the gaps in this work, but to a large extent the ability to do so relies on research beyond the site of Amorium itself - either in an intensive survey of the city’s territory or in the more extensive publication of comparable material from elsewhere, especially from other sites in central Anatolia.

It was felt unnecessary to repeat all of the information about the history of the site and the excavations that was set out in some detail in the first volume of final reports. However, an updated list of publications about Amorium has been included (pages vii-x), and this should be used by readers to find references to earlier reports and background

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS At a recent lecture on Aphrodisias Prof. Dr. R.R.R. Smith paid tribute to Professor James R. McCredie for his selfless behind-the-scenes work during the ‘first few difficult years’ after the sudden death of Prof. Kenan Erim in 1990. Every excavation project suffers enormously when it loses its chief instigator, mentor, and driving force. This was especially true for the Amorium Excavations Project when Prof. R. Martin Harrison passed away two weeks after completing his sixth season at the site in 1992. Sadly, too, there was no-one at the University of Oxford or at the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara who could play the same role as that played by Prof. McCredie at NYU during the period of transition at Aphrodisias in the post-Erim era. Indeed, there was no obvious successor to Martin Harrison at Amorium, whereas Bert Smith was the perfect choice to succeed Kenan Erim both at Aphrodisias and at NYU. However, with hindsight it is now possible to identify at least one guiding hand behind the selection of the new field director for Amorium in the winter of 1992/3. It is fitting, therefore, to pay tribute to the part played by Prof. Dr. Engin Özgen, formerly Director General of Monuments and Museums at the Ministry of Culture in Ankara. He, perhaps more than anyone else, saved the Amorium Excavations Project from oblivion by wishing the excavations to continue. We are, therefore, eternally grateful to Prof. Özgen, who not only was willing to sponsor the application of the present director for the kazı ruhsatı but also steadfastly supported him during those ‘first few difficult years’.

Beattie (1998), Thomas Bihl (1995), Dr. Beate Böhlendorf-Arslan (1996-97, 2001-02), Kate (née Hughes) Brayne (1994), Muradiye Bursalı (2002), Lucy Bown (1993), Yasemin Bozbey (2002), Georgios Brokalakis (2001-02), Banu Büyükgün (2000), Tuğrul Çakar (1993, 2001-02), Prof. Dr. Ayşe Çalık-Ross (2000), Ekaterina Churakova (2001-02), Anthony Comfort (2002), Paul Cox (1993), Dr. Francesca Dell’Acqua (2002), Zeliha Demirel (1996), Gülseren Dikilitaş (1998), Prof. Dr. Mahmut Drahor (1997), Lander Dunbar (2001), Çığır Ercan (1998, 2001), Mustafa Eren (1993-94), Emre Eser (2000), Aylan Erkal (1997), Caitlin Evans (2002), Seçkin Evcim (2001-02), Shahina Farid (1993), Jane Foley (2002), Dr. Margaret Gill (1993, 1995, 1997-98), John Giorgi (1994, 1996), Ivgenia Grigoriev (2001), Dr. Hande Günyöl (1994, 1998), Tolga Gürbüz (1997), Şafak Gürel (1997), Ali Gümüşoğlu (2002), Dr. Elizabeth Hendrix (1996), Dr. Evangelia Ioannidou (2002), Prof. Dr. Eric Ivison (199398, 2002), Dr. Olga Karagiorgou (1996-97, 2002), Serhat Karakaya (2002), Dr. Constantina Katsari (2002), Prof. Dr. Ali Kaya (1997-98, 2001-02), Dr. Osman Kızılkılıç (1993-95), Mücahide (née Koçak) Lightfoot (1995-98, 2001-02), Talat Koçak (2002), Oğuz Koçyiğit (2001-02), Prof. Dr. Ergün Laflı (2002), Sarah Lepinski (1998), Petra Linscheid (2000-01), Staci Magill (2001), Nuray Mestci (1993), Yalçın Mergen (1995-98, 2000-02), Simon Mortimer (1994-95), Dr. Lynda Mulvin (1994), Sedat Oktay (2002), Prof. Dr. B. Yelda Olcay (2000-02), Defne Özbayer (1996), Prof. Dr. Nurşen Özkul Fındık (1997), Dr. Paola Pugsley (1994-97), Julie Roberts (1996-97, 2001-02), Özgür Cem Selvi (2001-02), Mini Sharma (2001), Isabella Sjöström-Welsby (1993-94), Betül Şahin (1995-98), Sultan Şen (1997), Tuğçe Şen (2001-02), Ebru Şengül (1997, 2002), Prof. Dr. Aysel Şeren (2001-02), Tuğba Tanyeri (1993-94), Ayşe Taşkın (1995-97), Yasemin Tok (1997), Gary Tompsett (2002), Nikos Tsivikis (2002), Richard Turnbull (1993), Pınar Yiğit (2002), Simon Young (1993-94, 1996-97, 2001), Lisa Usman (2002), Feruzat Ülker (1995-97), Claudia Wagner (1994), Robin Wiggs (1998), Dr. Johanna WitteOrr (2000-01), Tülin Yalçın (2002), Hüseyin Yaman (2001-02), İrfan Yazıcı (1997-98), Hasan Yılmazyaşar (1995-97), Christine Zitrides (1996), and Aylin Zor (1997).

Collectively the members of the Amorium team have also made an enormous contribution to the continued existence and success of the excavations. Since 1993 the Amorium Excavations Project has in fact been without a recognised base or sponsoring institution. The loyalty, dedication, and commitment shown by team members have thus been all the more crucial. They make up the ‘Amorium family’, and over the years they have joined together to create an international group of people who recognise Amorium as their ‘home’. As proof of the diverse and cosmopolitan nature of the team, one needs only to point out that since 1993 nationals of no less than twelve different countries have participated in the excavations at Amorium. The following list, naming team members and giving the years of their participation, further emphasises how many of them have, like migrating birds, returned ‘home’ summer after summer.

Several of these team members have contributed to the present volume, while others have played an important behind-the-scenes role in providing drawings, photographs or basic data for the various papers. To all those have devoted a good deal of their own time and much effort to completing these reports for publication, the editor extends his heartfelt thanks. New York, June 2003

Amorium team members, 1993-2002: Fulya Adıyaman (1997), Berrin Altaş (2002), Mercan Araydin (1993-94), Yoav Arbel (1998, 2001-02), Deniz Atilla (1993-94), Sabri Aydal (2000-02), Çağlayan Balkaya (1998, 2001-02), Dr. Michael Ballance (1993), Karen Barker (1993-96), Işıl Bayraktar (1997), Jessica

vi

CHECK-LIST OF AMORIUM PUBLICATIONS FINAL REPORTS AND GENERAL PUBLICATIONS ______________________________________________

C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium: The History and Archaeology of an Ancient City in the Turkish Period,” in A. Aktaş-Yasa (ed.), Uluslararası Dördüncü Türk Kültürü Kongresi (4-7 Kasım 1997, Ankara), vol. 2 (Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayını 229), Ankara 2000, 79-89. C.S. Lightfoot, “Byzantine Anatolia: reassessing the numismatic evidence,” RN 158 (2002), 229-239. C. Lightfoot, “Amorium’daki Sikke Buluntular: Anadolu’da Bizans Para Ekonomisi İçin Yeni Kanıtlar,” Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi (2003), forthcoming. M. Lightfoot, “Afyon Arkeoloji Müzesi ve Amorium Kazılarında bulunan Bizans Kemer Tokaları,” Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi (2003), forthcoming.

M.A.V. Gill (with contributions by C.S. Lightfoot, E.A. Ivison, and M.T. Wypyski), Amorium Reports, Finds I: The Glass (1987-1997). BAR International Series 1070, Oxford 2002. W.J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus and Armenia, vol. I, London 1842. M. Harrison (ed. W. Young), Mountain and Plain. From the Lycian Coast to the Phrygian Plateau in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Period, Ann Arbor 2001, 65-75. Th. Drew-Bear and T. Lochmann, “Grabreliefs aus Amorion, Orkistos und der antiken Siedlung von Bağlıca zeugen verlorengegangener Grabbauten,” Arkeoloji Dergisi (Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir) 4 (1996), 109-34. E.A. Ivison, “Middle Byzantine Sculptors at Work: Evidence from the Lower City Church at Amorium,” in Ch. and V. Pennas, and C. Vanderheyde (eds.), La sculpture byzantin (VIIe-XIIe siècles). Actes du colloque internationale organisé par l'Ecole française d'Athènes et l'Ephorie byzantine des Cyclades-Golfe Saronique (6-10 septembre 2000), Supplément au Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique (Paris 2003), forthcoming. R. Kearsley, “Asiarchs, Archiereis and Archiereiai of Asia: New evidence from Amorium in Phrygia,” Epigraphica Anatolica 16 (1990), 69-80. Christopher Lightfoot, Amorium. A Brief Guide to a Late Roman and Byzantine City in Central Anatolia, İstanbul 1994 (in English and Turkish). C.S. Lightfoot, “Doukas and Amorium, a Note,” JÖB 46 (1996), 337-40. Chris S. Lightfoot, “The Public and Domestic Architecture of a Thematic Capital, the Archaeological Evidence from Amorium,” in th th Byzantine Asia Minor (6 -12 cent.), Athens 1998 (National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute for Byzantine Research International Symposium 6), 30320. C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium-Hisarcık’ın Selçuklu ve Osmanlı Dönemlerine ait Yerleşim ve Arkeolojisi,” Ege Üniversitesi Sanat Tarihi Dergisi IX (1998), 7584. C.S. Lightfoot, “The Survival of Cities in Byzantine Anatolia, the Case of Amorium,” Byzantion 68, Fasc. 1 (1998), 56-71. C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium and the Afyon Region in Byzantine Times,” in R. Matthews (ed.), Ancient Anatolia. Fifty Years’ Work by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, London 1998, 301-14.

PRELIMINARY REPORTS ______________________________________________ R.M. Harrison, “Amorium 1987, a Preliminary Survey,” AnatSt 38 (1988), 175-84. R.M. Harrison, “Doğu Phrygia’da Amorium (Hisarköy) Yüzey Araştırması,” VI. AST, Ankara, 23-27 Mayıs 1988 (Ankara 1989), 191-200. R.M. Harrison, “Amorium 1988, the First Preliminary Excavation,” AnatSt 39 (1989), 167-74 R.M. Harrison, “Emirdağ (Afyon)’da Amorium Birinci Kazı Raporu,” KST 11/2, Antalya, 18-23 Mayıs 1989 (Ankara 1990), 155-65. R.M. Harrison et al., “Amorium Excavations 1989, the Second Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 40 (1990), 20518. R.M. Harrison, “Amorium 1989,” KST 12/2, Ankara, 28 Mayıs-1 Haziran 1990 (Ankara 1991), 251-68. R.M. Harrison et al., “Amorium Excavations 1990, the Third Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 41 (1991), 215-29. R.M. Harrison et al., “Amorium Excavations 1991, the Fourth Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 42 (1992), 20722. R.M. Harrison, “Amorium 1991,” KST 14/2, Ankara, 2529 Mayıs 1992 (Ankara 1993), 247-59. R.M. Harrison, N. Christie et al., “Excavations at Amorium: 1992 Interim Report,” AnatSt 43 (1993), 147-62. C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium Kazıları 1992”, KST 15/1, Ankara, 24-28 Mayıs 1993 (Ankara 1994), 503-514. C.S. Lightfoot et al., “Amorium Excavations 1993, the Sixth Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 44 (1994), 105128. C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium Kazısı 1993,” KST 16/2, Ankara, 30 Mayıs-3 Haziran 1994 (Ankara 1995), 131-151. C.S. Lightfoot and E.A. Ivison, “Amorium Excavations 1994, the Seventh Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 45 (1995), 105-36. vii

C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium Kazısı 1994,” KST 17/2, Ankara, 29 Mayıs-2 Haziran 1995 (Ankara 1996), 361-73. C.S. Lightfoot and E.A. Ivison, “Amorium Excavations 1995, the Eighth Preliminary Report,” AnatSt 46 (1996), 91-110. C.S. Lightfoot, “1995 Yılı Amorium Kazısı,” KST 18/2, Ankara, 27-31 Mayıs 1996 (Ankara 1997), 431-47. C.S. Lightfoot and E.A. Ivison, “The Amorium Project: The 1995 Excavation Season,” DOP 51 (1997), 291300. Chris Lightfoot and Yalçın Mergen, “1996 Yılı Amorium Kazısı,” KST 19/2, Ankara, 26-30 Mayıs 1997 (Ankara 1998), pp. 343-66. C.S. Lightfoot et al., “The Amorium Project: The 1996 Excavation Season,” DOP 52 (1998), 323-36. Chris Lightfoot and Yalçın Mergen, “1997 Yılı Amorium Çalışmaları,” KST 20/2, Tarsus, 25-29 Mayıs 1998 (Ankara 1999), 525-38. C.S. Lightfoot et al., “The Amorium Project: The 1997 Study Season,” DOP 53 (1999), 333-49. Chris Lightfoot and Yalçın Mergen, “Amorium 1998 Yılı Kazı Çalışmaları,” KST 21/2, Ankara, 24-28 Mayıs 1999 (Ankara 2000), 143-52. C.S. Lightfoot, E.A. Ivison, et al., “The Amorium Project: The 1998 Excavation Season,” DOP 55 (2001), 37399. Chris Lightfoot and Yalçın Mergen, “Amorium Kazısı 2000,” KST 23/2, 28 Mayıs-01 Haziran 2001, Ankara (Ankara 2002), 243-56. Chris Lightfoot and Yoav Arbel, “Amorium Kazısı 2001,” KST 24/1, 27 - 31 Mayıs 2002, Ankara (Ankara 2003), 521-532. C.S. Lightfoot, Y. Mergen, B. Y. Olcay, and J. Witte-Orr, “The Amorium Project: Research and Excavation in 2000,” DOP, forthcoming. C.S. Lightfoot, Y. Arbel, B. Böhlendorf-Arslan, J. A. Roberts, and J. Witte-Orr, “The Amorium Project: Excavation and Research in 2001,” DOP, forthcoming. Chris Lightfoot and Yoav Arbel, “Amorium Kazısı 2002,” 25. Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı. 26 - 31 Mayıs 2003, Ankara, (Ankara), forthcoming C.S. Lightfoot, Y. Arbel, E. A. Ivison, J. A. Roberts, and E. Ioannidou, “The Amorium Project: Excavation and Research in 2002,” DOP, forthcoming.

(1996), 298-300. R.M. Harrison, “Amorium: Answers and Questions,” XI. Türk Tarihi Kongresi. Ankara, 5-9 Eylül 1990. Kongreye Sunulan Bildiriler. Vol. 1 (Ankara 1994), 393-6 and pls. 133-8. R.M. Harrison, “Amorium,” in Eczacıbaşı Sanat Ansiklopedisi Vol. 1, İstanbul 1997, 87-8. E.A. Ivison and E. Hendrix, “Reconstructing Polychromy on Middle Byzantine Architectural Sculpture,” AJA 101/2 (1997), 387. W.E. Kaegi, “The first Arab expedition against Amorium,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 3 (1977), 19-22. C.S. Lightfoot, “Unearthing a Byzantine City: Excavations at Amorium, Turkey,” Minerva 5/1 (January/February 1994), 14-16 Chris Lightfoot, “Excavations at Amorium,” in G. Coulthard and S. Hill (eds.), Anatolian Archaeology. Reports on Research conducted in Turkey 1 (1995), 57. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium Kazısı Sikkeleri 1994,” Moneta 3 (February 1995), 1. Chris Lightfoot, “A New Anonymous Follis from Amorium,” NCirc 103/10 (December 1995), 376. C.S. Lightfoot, “New Discoveries at Amorium, Turkey,” Minerva 7/4 (July/August 1996), 25-28. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 1996,” in G. Coulthard and S. Hill (eds.), Anatolian Archaeology. Reports on Research conducted in Turkey 2 (1996), 8-9. Chris Lightfoot, “Ünik bir Bizans Sikkesi,” Moneta 6 (May 1996), 2-3. C.S. Lightfoot and E.A. Ivison, “Byzantine Amorium, Transformation and Continuity,” AJA 100/2 (1996), 402. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 1997,” in G. Coulthard and S. Hill (eds.), Anatolian Archaeology. Reports on Research Conducted in Turkey 3 (1997), 6-7. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 1996,” Bulletin of British Byzantine Studies 23 (1997), 39-49. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 1998,” in G. Coulthard (ed.), Anatolian Archaeology. Reports on Research Conducted in Turkey 4 (1998), 6-7. Chris Lightfoot and Olga Karagiorgou, “Byzantine Amorion, a Provincial Capital in Asia Minor,” Arcaiologiva 69 (December 1998), 92-96. Reprinted with corrections in Arcaiologiva 70 (March 1999), 87-88. Chris Lightfoot, “The Amorium Excavation Project (1999),” in G. Coulthard (ed.), Anatolian Archaeology: Research Reports of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 5 (1999), 10. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium Excavations Project 1998,” Bulletin of British Byzantine Studies 25 (1999), 43-48. Chris Lightfoot, “Byzantine Pots in Central Turkey Puzzle Excavators,” Minerva 10/3 (May/June 1999), 7. Chris Lightfoot, “Recent Discoveries at the Byzantine

SHORT REPORTS ______________________________________________ M.-H. Gates, “Archaeology in Turkey,” AJA 98/2 (1994), 276-7. M.-H. Gates, “Archaeology in Turkey,” AJA 99/2 (1995), 251, 253. M.-H. Gates, “Archaeology in Turkey,” AJA 100/2 (1996), 332-3. M.-H. Gates, “Archaeology in Turkey,” AJA 101/2 viii

City of Amorium,” Minerva 10/5 (Sept/October 1999), 16-19. Chris Lightfoot, “The Numismatic Finds from Amorium: New Evidence for the Byzantine Monetary Economy,” AJA 103 (1999), 267. Chris Lightfoot, “Le site d’Amorium,” in Les Échanges au Moyen Age – Les Dossiers d’Archéologie no. 256 (Septembre 2000), 32-3. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 2000,” in G. Coulthard (ed.), Anatolian Archaeology. Research Reports of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 6 (2000), 10-11. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 2001,” in G. Coulthard (ed.), Anatolian Archaeology. Research Reports 2001. British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 7 (2001), 9-10. Chris Lightfoot, “Amorium 2002,” in G. Coulthard (ed.), Anatolian Archaeology. Research Reports 2002. British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 8 (2002), 11-12. Chris Lightfoot, “Life and Death at Byzantine Amorium”, Minerva 14/2 (2003), 31-33. P. Linscheid, “Early Byzantine Textiles from Amorium, Anatolia,” Archaeological Textiles Newsletter 32 (2001), 17-18. Y. Mergen, “Results of the Working Seasons between 1995-1998 at the Occupation Area behind the Lower City Walls at Amorium,” AJA 104 (2000), 340. S. Mitchell, “Archaeology in Asia Minor 1985-1989,” Archaeological Reports for 1989-1990, 36 (1990), 127-8. S. Mitchell, “Archaeology in Asia Minor 1990-98,” Archaeological Reports for 1998-1999, 45 (1999), 181-3.

G.M. Cohen, The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands, and in Asia Minor, Berkeley/Los Angeles 1995, 277-8. J.F. Haldon, “The Idea of the Town in the Byzantine Empire,” in G.P. Brogiolo and B. Ward-Perkins (eds.), The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Leiden 1999, 14-15. J. Haldon, The Byzantine Wars. Battles and Campaigns of the Byzantine Era, Stroud 2001, 18, 78, and fig. 8 (with incorrect caption). K.W. Harl, “From Pagan to Christian in Cities of Roman Anatolia during the Fourth and Fifth Centuries,” in T.S. Burns and J.W. Eadie, Urban Centers and Rural Contexts in Late Antiquity, East Lansing, 307. James Howard-Johnston and Nigel Ryan, The Scholar and the Gypsy. Two journeys to Turkey, Past and Present, London 1992, 202, 217-20. E.A. Ivison, “Urban Renewal and Imperial Revival in Byzantium (730-1025),” ByzF 26 (2000), 13-18, 27. A. Kolia-Dermitzaki, “The Execution of the Forty-two Martyrs of Amorion: proposing an interpretation,” AlMasāq 14/2 (2002), 141-62. P.I. Kuniholm, “Dendronchronologically Dated Ottoman Monuments,” in U. Baram and L. Carroll (eds.), A Historical Archaeology of the Ottoman Empire: Breaking New Ground, New York 2000, 114 no. 23. C.S. Lightfoot, “Bizans Döneminde Afyonkarahisar,” in İ. Küçükkurt et al. (eds.), Afyonkarahisar Kütüğü Vol. 1 (Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Yayını 35), Ankara 2001, 113-24. C.S. Lightfoot, “From East to West : The early Roman glass industry”, in D. Foy and M.-D. Nenna (eds.), Échanges et commerce du verre dans le monde antique, Monographies instrumentum 24, Montagnac 2003, 341-347, esp. p. 342 and fig. 1,8. J. Lund, “From archaeology to history? Reflections on the chronological distribution of ceramic finewares in st South Western and Southern Asia Minor from the 1 th to the 7 c. AD,” in M. Herfort-Koch, U. Mandel and U. Schädler (eds.), Hellenistiche und kaiserzeitliche Keramik des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes, Frankfurt 1996, 109. C. Mango (ed.), The Oxford History of Byzantium, Oxford 2002, 165 and 200. J. Nesbitt and N. Oikonomides, Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, Vol. 3, Washington DC 1996, 165-7. R. Ousterhout, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton 1999, 89, fig. 56. A. Özme and C. Lightfoot, “Afyon Müzesin’deki Figürlü Bir Anadolu Selçuklu Sikkesi Üzerinde Etüt,” Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi 1 (2000), 71-5. J. Poblome, “Production and Distribution of Sagalassos Red Slip Ware. A Dialogue with the Roman Economy,” in M. Herfort-Koch, U. Mandel and U. Schädler (eds.), Hellenistiche und kaiserzeitliche

OTHER RECENT REFERENCES TO AMORIUM ______________________________________________ Anon., “Emirdağ ilçesi - Amorium,” in Ahmet Özyurt, Afyon - 97, Ankara (Valilik Yayınları 4) 1997, 136-7. J. Ash, A Byzantine Journey, London 1995, 124-133. N. Bilgen, “A Contribution to the New Anonymous Follis from Amorium,” NCirc 104/3 (April 1996), 83. Ch. Bouras, “Aspects of the Byzantine City, EighthFifteenth Centuries,” in A.E. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium: From the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century, Washington, DC 2002, 507 and n. 97. W. Brandes, “Byzantine Cities in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries—Different Sources, Different Histories?” in G.P. Brogiolo and B. Ward-Perkins (eds.), The Idea and Ideal of the Town between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Leiden 1999, 38-41. H. Buchwald, “Retrofit – Hallmark of Byzantine Architecture?” in Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture, VIII, Aldershot 1999, 9-17, 21. ix

Keramik des östlichen Mittelmeergebietes, Frankfurt 1996, 76. F. Rebuffat, Les enseignes sur les monnaies d’Asie Mineure des origines à Sévère Alexandre, Paris 1997 (Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Supplément 31), 244-6, 250-1, 260, 264-5, 374. W. Tabernee, Montanist Inscriptions and Testimonia, Macon, GA 1997, 98, 144 fn. 45, and 270. F.R. Trombley, “War, Society and Popular Religion in th th Byzantine Anatolia (6 -13 Centuries),” in Byzantine th th Asia Minor (6 -12 cent.), Athens 1998 (National Hellenic Research Foundation, Institute for Byzantine Research International Symposium 6), 115-17, 121-2, 131. M. Waelkens, Die kleinasiatischen Türsteine, 2 vols., Mainz 1980, 205-23.

DOP GOTR GRBS IG IstMitt JbAC JbZMusMainz JHS JÖAI JÖB

ABBREVIATIONS ______________________________________________

JRA KölnerJb

AA ActaAntHung

KST LIMC

AJA AnatSt ANRW AST BAR BBulg BCH BIAA BMC BMGS ByzF CahArch CTh

Archäologischer Anzeiger Acta Antiqua, Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae American Journal of Archaeology Anatolian Studies Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı British Archaeological Reports Byzantinobulgarica Bulletin de correspondence hellénique The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies Byzantinische Forschungen Cahiers archéologiques Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis et leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes,

MélRome MünchJb NC NCirc OC ODB RA RBK RDAC RN

x

(ed.) Th. Mommsen and P.M. Meyer, 2 vols. in 3 pts., Berlin 1905 Dumbarton Oaks Papers Greek Orthodox Theological Review Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies Inscriptiones Graecae Istanbuler Mitteilungen, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Istanbul Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Jahrbuch des Römisch-germanischen Zentralsmuseums Mainz Journal of Hellenic Studies Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik Journal of Roman Archaeology Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Kazı Sonuçları Toplantısı Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologicae Classicae Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire, Ecole française de Rome Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst The Numismatic Chronicle [and Journal of the Royal Numismatic Society] The Numismatic Circular Oriens christianus The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. Kazhdan et al., 3 vols., Oxford/ New York 1991 Revue archéologique Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. K. Wessel, Stuttgart 1963Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus Revue Numismatique

Fig. A. Sketch Map of Asia Minor

Fig. B. Map of the Emirdağ Region

xi

xii Fig. C. Topographical site plan, 2001

AMORIUM TRENCH LIST: 1988-2002 Trench

Year(s) Excavated

Lower City Large Building Trench AA 1989 Trench AC 1989 Trench AD 1989 Trench D 1988 Trench E 1988 Trench EA 1989 Trench F 1988 Trench Ha-b 1989 Trench J 1989 Trench K 1989 Trench M 1989 Trench O 1989 Trench P 1989 Trench Q 1989 Trench S 1989 Trench U 1989 Trench X 1989 Trench Y 1989 Trench Z 1989 Lower City Wall Trench A Trench B Trench AB Trench ABf Trench AB1 Trench AB2 Trench C Trench LC1 Trench LC2 Trench LC3 Trench LC4 Trench LC5 Lower City Church Trench A1 Trench A1 Nar

Trench A1 Apse Trench A1-1 Trench A1-2 Trench A1-3 Trench A1-4 Trench A2 Trench A2-1 Trench A2-2 Trench A3

Designation Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building S. extension of D Extension of E W. extension of D Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building Large Building

1988 1988 1989-1993 1994 1990 1992 1992 1988, 1990 1995 1995 1995 1996 1998

Triangular Tower, south Triangular Tower, north Triangular Tower, united A and B Gateway extension Fosse (extra-muros) Roadway, W. of gateway (extra-muros) Roadway, W. of gateway (extra-muros) Triangular Tower, sondage north of AB Roadway, E. of gateway (intra-muros) E. extension of LC1 N. extension of LC2 Extension of LC3 Extension of LC4

1990, 1991, 1992 1993 1996 1998 2002 1994 1994 1994 1994 1994 1990-1992 1993 1995 1995 1990-1992 1993

Narthex-W. Naos and S. Aisle W. bay, upper levels S. Narthex, upper levels S. Narthex, lower levels Central and N. Narthex, with tomb #5 Narthex, lower levels, with tombs #1-4 and #6-9 Apse, pavement cleaning W. Naos, SW quarter W. Naos, NE quarter W. Naos, NW quarter W. Naos, SE quarter Central Naos/N. and S. aisles centre, upper levels S. side of Central Naos, lower levels to pavement Central and W. Naos, N. side, lower levels to pavement N. Aisle, centre bay, lower levels to pavement East Naos/Bema/Apse upper levels S. side of E. Naos and Bema, lower levels to pavement

xiii

Trench

Year(s) Excavated

Designation

Trench A3-1

1994 1995 1990-1992 1993 1990-1992 1990-1992 1993 1996 1996 2002 1996 2002

N. side of E. Naos and Bema, lower levels to pavement Levels under wall 56 to pavement N. Aisle, W. bay, upper levels Lower levels to pavement N. Aisle, centre bay, upper levels N. Aisle, E. bay, upper levels Lower levels to pavement S. Aisle, E. bay, lower levels to pavement S. Aisle, centre bay, lower levels to pavement S. Aisle, centre bay, sondages below pavement S. Aisle, W. bay, lower levels to pavement S. Aisle, W. bay doorway, lower levels to pavement

Trench XC

1996 2001-2002 1996 2002 1998, 2001-2002

Trench XD

2000

Trench XE

2001

Enclosure wall, exterior Enclosure wall, exterior, S. extension to Trench XA Enclosure wall, interior Enclosure wall, interior, E. extension to Trench XB Enclosure wall, interior, NW extension to Trench XB, including structures #1 and #3 Enclosure wall, interior, W. extension to Trench XB, including structure #2 Enclosure wall, interior, upper levels, E. of Trench XB

Upper City UTS Trench L Trench L Trench ST Trench TT Trench UU Trench UCS

1989-1990 1989, 1990 1992-93 1993-1994 1994-1995 1996 1997

U[pper] T[own] S[urvey] Upper City, Southern Sector E. extension to Trench L Upper City, N. sector, S[tep] T[rench], outside defensive wall Upper City, N. sector, inside defensive wall Upper City, E. extension to TT U[pper] C[ity] S[ondage]

Necropolis Trench G Trench M[e]Z[ar]01

1988 1995

Western Necropolis, ravine Rock Cut Tomb 01

Trench A4 Trench A5 Trench A6 Trench A7 Trench A8 Trench A9 Lower City Enclosure Trench XA Trench XB

xiv

FIGURES Figure no. Fig. A Sketch Map of Asia Minor Fig. B Map of the Emirdağ Region Fig. C Topographical Site Plan, 2001 (Drawing S. Aydal) Fig. II/1 Marble mortars, Nos. 1-6 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. II/2 Marble mortars, Nos. 7-8, and bowls, Nos. 9-15 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. II/3 Marble bowls, Nos. 16-25 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. II/4 Marble bowls, Nos. 26-33 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. II/5 Marble bowl or oval platter, No. 34 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. II/6 Marble bowls, rim and body fragments, Nos. 35-46 (Drawing Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz) Fig. III/1 Lamp fragments: Nos. 1-4, Roman (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/2 Lamp fragments: Nos. 6-9, 11, Roman (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/3 Lamp fragments: Nos. 12-15, miscellaneous (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/4 Lamp fragments: Nos. 16-20, early Byzantine (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/5 Lamp fragments: Nos. 21-25, early Byzantine (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/6 Lamp fragment: No. 65, miscellaneous (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/7 Lamp fragments: Nos. 26-35, early Byzantine (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/8 Lamp fragments: Nos. 42-47, early Byzantine stub handles (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. III/9 Lamp fragments: Nos. 42-47, early Byzantine (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. IV/1 Middle Byzantine lamps: Type A, Nos. 1, 3, 5-6 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. IV/2 Middle Byzantine lamps: Type B, Nos. 7-9, 11-12, 15, and Type C, Nos. 16-17 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. IV/3 Wheel-made lamps, Nos. 18-20 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. V/1 Pontic screw weight with central socket and two external mortises (after Anderson 1903, fig. 1) Fig. V/2 Lever and screw press - composite of the th 19 -century press at Arginunta and the

Figure no.

Page xi xi xii

Page ancient press bed from Emporio, Kalymnos (after Paton and Myres 1898, fig. 1)

Fig. VI/1 Belt buckles: Nos. 1-2, SF3079 and SF3078 (Drawing Paola Pugsley) Fig. VI/2 Belt buckle: No. 3, SF1175 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. VI/3 Belt buckle: No. 4, SF4412 (Drawing Berrin Altaş) Fig. VI/4 Belt buckle: No. 5, SF4398 (Drawing Berrin Altaş) Fig. VI/5 Belt buckles: Nos. 6-7, SF1255 and SF1722 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. VI/6 Belt buckle: No. 10, SF4911 (Drawing Mücahide Lightfoot) Fig. VI/7 Belt buckles: Nos. 12-13, SF701 and SF750 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. VI/8 Belt buckle: No. 14, SF1686 (Drawing Margaret Gill) Fig. VI/9 Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 1, SF2578 (Drawing Paola Pugsley) Fig. VI/10 Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 2, SF3947 (Drawing Özgül Gürbüz)

17 18 19 20 21 21

40 40

95 95 95 95 95 96 96 96 103 103

Fig. VII/1 Monochrome glaze ware fragments, 115 Nos. 1-5 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Fig. VII/2 Underglaze painted ware fragments, 115 Nos. 6-9 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Fig. VII/3 Miletus ware fragments, Nos. 10-19 116 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Fig. VII/4 Monochrome glaze fragments, Nos. 117 20-23 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Fig. VII/5 Blue-and-white Kütahya ware fragments, 117 Nos. 24-31 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Fig. VII/6 Kütahya ware fragments: blue-and-white, 118 Nos. 32-35; polychrome, Nos. 36-40 (Drawing Nurşen Özkul Fındık)

41 41 42 42 43 44

Fig. VIII/1 State plan of the Lower City Church (2002), showing trench designations, wall numbers, and principal furnishings (Redrawn Mücahide Lightfoot, after DOP 55 (2001), fig. B)

44 70 70

127

Fig. X/1 Fresco fragment on plaster and brick, 155 Context AM96/A7-36, sketch of brick and mortar layers underneath painted plaster (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr) Fig. X/2 Concave fragment with bright blue 155 fresco, Context A3-25, from ‘by southeast pier’ (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr) Fig. X/3 Concave fragment with pink and white 155 fresco, Context A3/31 (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr)

71 79 79

xv

Figure no. Page Fig. X/4 Distribution of tesserae and mosaic 156 fragments found in the Lower City Church (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr) Fig. X/5 Mosaic tesserae and setting bed 156 fragments (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr) Fig. X/6 Tesserae cut from glass plate edges, 156 molten tesserae (Drawing Johanna Witte-Orr) Fig. XII/1 Spin directions (Drawing Petra Linscheid) Fig. XII/2 Tabby weave (Drawing Petra Linscheid) Fig. XII/3 Half-basket weave (Drawing Petra Linscheid) Fig. XII/4 Twill weave 2:1 (Drawing Petra Linscheid) Fig. XII/5 Twinings of fabric 1 from Trench AB

Figure no.

Page Context 310 sample 8 (Drawing Petra Linscheid) Fig. XIII/1 Lower City Church, state plan of tomb 200 #6 on opening, North Narthex, Context 51, showing relative positions of bodies # 1 and #2 (Drawing Eric Ivison) Fig. XIII/2 SEM image of bandage, showing 201 vegetable fibres (Photo Lisa Usman) Fig. XIII/3 SEM image of sample 3, showing 201 textile fibres (Photo Lisa Usman) Fig. XIII/4 SEM image of pillow, showing cell 201 structure (Photo Lisa Usman) Fig. XIII/5 SEM image of sample insect case 201 (Photo Lisa Usman) Fig. XIII/6 SEM image of substance found 201 between the bodies, and lining areas of the bottom of tomb #6 (Photo Lisa Usman)

191 191 191 191 191

xvi

PLATES Plate no. Page Pl. I/1 Sculpture fragment: No. 1, T460. 7 Figurine group: Aphrodite and Eros (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/21/27A) Pl. I/2 Sculpture fragment: No. 2, T220. Left 7 knee (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/06/12A) Pl. I/3 Sculpture fragment: No. 3, T210. Right 7 foot on a base (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/06/18A) Pl. I/4 Sculpture fragment: No. 4, T500. Left 7 foot on a base (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/06/20A) Pl. I/5 Sculpture fragment: No. 5, T488. Figurine 7 of youth from a relief (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/13/15) Pl. I/6 Sculpture fragment: No. 5, T488. Proper 7 right side of youth (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/13/15) Pl. I/7 No. 6, T459. Head from sarcophagus 8 (Photo Eric Ivison: M93/21/20A) Pl. I/8 No. 7, T212. Nike relief (Photo Eric 8 Ivison: AM93/17/31) Pl. I/9 No. 7, T212. Trophy to proper right of 8 Nike (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/17/28) Pl. I/10 No. 8, T845. Torso of a seated sphinx 8 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/06/24A) Pl. I/11 No. 8, T845. Sphinx, proper right side 8 (Photo Eric Ivison: AM96/04/33A) Pl. I/12 No. 8, T845. Sphinx, proper left side 8 (Photo Eric Ivison: AM96/04/32A) Pl. I/13 No. 9, T213. Paw with an animal head 9 (Photo Eric Ivison: AM AM93/17/18) Pl. I/14 No. 9, T213. Animal head, proper left 9 side (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/17/22) Pl. I/15 No. 10, T942. Figurine of a dolphin 9 (Photo Eric Ivison: AM95/05/33A) Pl. I/16 No. 11, T119. Statue of a lion (Photo 9 Eric Ivison: AM95/05/31A) Pl. I/17 No. 12, T218. Fragmentary head of a 9 lion (Photo Eric Ivison: AM93/17/26) Pl. II/1 Pl. II/2 Pl. II/3 Pl. II/4 Pl. II/5 Pl. II/6

Mortar fragment: No. 6, SF3650 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/16) Bowl fragment: No. 21, SF1858 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/32) Bowl fragment: No. 25, SF2707 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/36) Inscribed bowl fragment: No. 27, SF515 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/09) Bowl fragment: No. 28, SF3965 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/31) Bowl fragments: No. 36, SF574, and No. 30, SF3972 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/07)

Plate no. Pl. II/7 Bowl or oval platter fragment: No. 34, SF2716 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/18) Pl. II/8 Petalled rim fragment: No. 35, SF3368 (Photo Ayşe Çalık-Ross: AM00/07/05) Pl. III/1 Fig. III/2

Pl. III/3

Pl. III/4

Pl. III/5 Pl. III/6

Pl. III/7

Pl. III/8

Pl. III/9

22 22

Pl. III/10

22 Pl. III/11

22 22

Pl. III/12

22

xvii

Page 23

Lamp fragments: No. 3, SF175, No. 4, SF1325; No. 46, SF417; No. 51, SF2577 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/32) Lamp fragments: No. 2, SF1802; No. 20, SF1346; No. 96, SF3362; No. 97, SF2030; No. 98, SF3346; No. 99, SF3361 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/11/0A) Lamp fragments: No. 5, SF1251; No. 11, SF1034; No. 53, SF3083; No. 68, SF2990; No. 69, SF2575; together with middle Byzantine fragment, SF1033 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/29) Lamp fragments: No. 6, SF1228; No. 8, SF1408; No. 54, SF2013; No. 55, SF2008; No. 56, SF3185a; No. 67, SF3430; No. 90, SF2863 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/34) Lamp fragment: No. 12, SF1081 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/25) Lamp handle fragments: No. 9, SF1344; No. 13, SF911; No. cf. 13, SF1249; No. 14, SF1227; No. 21, SF1378; No. 22, SF1307; No. 64, SF3357; No. 65, SF1223 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/26) Lamp nozzles: No. 15, F583; No. 48, SF3294; No. 59, SF1300; No. 60, SF1385; No. 61, SF2562; No. 62, SF3193a; No. 63, SF1452; No. 95, SF3051 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/35) Lamp fragments: No. 16, SF1204; No. 31, SF1361; No. 47, SF1536; No. 49, SF3054; No. 50, SF3055; No. 70, SF3193b; No. 71, SF3133; No. 73, SF3355 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/31) Lamp fragments: No. 17, SF614b and SF614a; No. 18, SF1347; No. 19, SF1409 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/33) Lamp fragments: No. 23, SF1287; No. 25, SF1348 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/22) Lamp fragments: No. 24, SF1343; No. 33, SF1326; No. 34, SF1322; No. 89, SF3714 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/21) Lamp base fragments: No. 35, SF386; No. 66, SF2010 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/23)

23 45 45

46

46

47 47

48

48

49 49 50

50

Plate no. Page Pl. III/13 Lamp fragments: No. 26, SF1355; 51 No. 32, SF1295; No. 74, SF2982; No. 91, SF3092a (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/27) Pl. III/14 Lamp fragments: No. 27, SF1407; 51 No. 28, SF1354; No. 29, SF1308; No. 30, SF1286 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/28) Pl. III/15 Stub handle fragment: No. 36, SF416 52 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM93/10/10A) Pl. III/16 Stub handle fragments: No. 39, SF372; 52 No. 40, SF305; No. 41, SF461 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/24) Pl. III/17 Lamp fragments: No. 42, SF415; No. 43, 53 SF243 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/19) Pl. III/18 Lamp fragments: No. 44, SF1324; 53 No. 45, SF517; No. 78, SF2011; No. 82, SF3356; No. 83, SF3677 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/18) Pl. III/19 Lamp fragment: No. 85, SF2589 54 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/20) Pl. III/20 Lamp fragments: No. 92, SF3092b; 54 No. A16, SF3347; No. A17, SF3358; No. A18, SF3185b; No.A26, SF3186; cf. middle Byzantine catalogue under no. 71, SF1036; no number, unidentified (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/11/0A) Pl. III/21 Knob handles: No. 103, SF3049; 55 No. 104, SF2007; No. 105, SF3593 (Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM97/10/30) Pl. III/22 Lamp fragment: No. 52, SF4168, 56 Roman (Digital image and drawing: Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/23 Lamp fragment: No. 57, SF4235, 56 Roman (Digital image and drawing: Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/24 Lamp fragment: No. 58, SF4232, 56 miscellaneous (Digital image and drawing: Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/25 Stub handle fragment: No. 75, SF3809, 57 early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/26 Stub handle fragment: No. 76, SF3771, 57 early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/27 Lamp fragment: No. 77, SF4226, 57 early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/28 Lamp fragment: No. 79, SF3878, 58 early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/29 Lamp fragment: No. 80, SF3930, 58 early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Pl. III/30 Lamp fragment: No. 81, SF4237, 58 early Byzantine (Digital image and

Plate no. Pl. III/31 Pl. III/32 Pl. III/33 Pl. III/34 Pl. III/35 Pl. III/36 Pl. III/37 Pl. III/38 Pl. III/39 Pl. III/40 Pl. III/41 Pl. III/42

Pl. III/43

Pl. III/44

Pl. IV/1 Pl. IV/2

xviii

drawing Tuğce Şen) Stub handle fragment: No. 84, SF4163, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 86, SF3973, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 87, SF3963, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 88, SF4160, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 93, SF3875, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 94, SF4034, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 100, SF3880, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp fragment: No. 101, SF4170, early Byzantine (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Lamp nozzle: No. 102, SF4156, ‘Amorium’ type (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Knob handle: No. cf. 105, SF3960, ‘Amorium’ type (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Knob handle: No. cf. 105, SF4165, ‘Amorium’ type (Digital image and drawing Tuğce Şen) Appendix No. B1: Lamp from Cyprus, (Acc. no. 74.51.2130). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76 (Photo MMA, The Photographic Studio) Appendix No. B2: Lamp from Cyprus, (Acc. no. 74.51.2127). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76 (Photo MMA, The Photographic Studio) Appendix No. B3: Lamp from Cyprus, (Acc. no. 74.51.5845). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76 (Photo MMA, The Photographic Studio) Middle Byzantine lamp: Type A, No. 1, SF414 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/15/29) Middle Byzantine lamp: Type B, No. 7, SF349 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/16/08A)

Page 59 59 60 60 60 61 61 61 62 62 62 63

63

63

71 71

Plate no. Pl. IV/3 Middle Byzantine lamp: Type B, No. 8, SF1101 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/16/09A) Pl. IV/4 Middle Byzantine lamp: Type A or B, No. 12, SF569 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/15/32) Pl. IV/5 Middle Byzantine lamp: Type A or B, No. 15, SF364b (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/16/11A) Pl. V/1

Screw press weight: No. 1, T939, Lower City Surface (Photo Hasan Yılmazyaşar: AM96/04/22A) Pl. V/2 Screw press weight: No. 2, T974, Lower City Surface (Photo Hasan Yılmazyaşar: AM068-28) Pl. V/3 Screw press weight: No. 3, T1529, Lower City Surface (Photo CSL: AM00/03/14) Pl. V/4 Screw press weight: No. 3, T1529, top (Photo CSL: AM00/03/13) Pl. V/5 Screw press weight: No. 4, T1264, Upper City, Trench TT, Context 97 (Photo CSL: AM95/10/16A) Pl. V/6 Screw press weight: No. 4, T1264, top (Photo CSL: AM95/08/24) Pl. V/7 Screw press weight: No. 5, T1593, Lower City, Trench XB/XD, Context 32 (Photo CSL: AM01/01/16) Pl. V/8 Screw press weight: No. 5, T1593, detail of cross (Photo CSL: AM01/05/36) Pl. V/9 Screw press weight: No. 6, T1675 (Photo CSL: AM03/01/28) Pl. V/10 Octagonal screw weight, decorated with cross, Salihler, Regional Survey 1993 (Photo CSL: AM93/23/19A) Pl. V/11 Trough, formerly Roman funerary stele, possibly later re-used as a screw press weight, Özbekli mahallesi, Demircili, Regional Survey 1994 (Photo CSL: AM94/01/23A) Pl. V/12 Trough, formerly Roman funerary stele, possibly later re-used as a screw press weight, Özbekli mahallesi, Demircili, Regional Survey 1994 (Photo CSL: AM94/01/24A) Pl. VI/1 Pl. VI/2 Pl. VI/3 Pl. VI/4 Pl. VI/5

Belt buckle: No. 1, SF3079 (Photo CSL: AM046/20) Belt buckle: No. 2, SF3078 (Photo CSL: AM046/22) Belt buckle: No. 4, SF4412 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/19/30A) Belt buckle: No. 5, SF4398 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM02/19/33A) Belt buckle No. 9, SF3925

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Plate no. Pl. VI/6

71

Pl. VI/7 Pl. VI/8

71

Pl. VI/9 Pl. VI/10

77

Pl. VI/11

77

Pl. VI/12 Pl. VI/13

77

Pl. VI/14

77

Pl. VI/15

77

Pl. VI/16 Pl. VI/17

77

Pl. VI/18

78

Pl. VI/19

78

Pl. VI/20

78

Pl. VI/21

78

Pl. VI/22 Pl. VI/23

78

Pl. VI/24 Pl. VI/25

78

Pl. VI/26 Pl. VI/27 Pl. VI/28

97

Pl. VI/29

97

Pl. VI/30

97

Pl. VI/31

97

Pl. VI/32

97

Pl. VI/33 xix

(Photo İrfan Yazıcı: AM98/06/17) Belt buckle: No. 11, SF4214 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM01/09/14) Afyon No. 1, Inv. 12618 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 2, Inv. 12685 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 3, Inv. 12753 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 4, Inv. 12927 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 5, Inv. 12653 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 6, Inv. 12925 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 7, Inv. 12658 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 8, Inv. 13023 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 9, Inv. 12655 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 10, Inv. 12660 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 11, Inv. 13021 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 12, Inv. 13022 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 13, Inv. 12923 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 14, Inv. 12602 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 15, Inv. 12924 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 16, Inv. 12755 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 17, Inv. 12835 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 18, Inv. 12661 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 19, Inv. 13020 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 20, Inv. 12929 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 21, Inv. 12656 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 22, Inv. 12686 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 23, Inv. 12659 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 24, Inv. 12922 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 25, Inv. 12754 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 26, Inv. 12610 (Digital image CSL) Afyon No. 27, Inv. 12611

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Plate no.

(Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/34 Afyon No. 28, Inv. 12926 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/35 Afyon No. 29, Inv. 12628 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/36. Afyon No. 30, Inv. 12593 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/37. Afyon No. 31, Inv. 12629 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/38. Afyon No. 32, Inv. 12627 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/39. Afyon No. 33, Inv. 12594 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/40. Afyon No. 34, Inv. 13019 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/41. Afyon No. 35, Inv. 12928 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/42. Afyon No. 36, Inv. 12657 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/43. Afyon No. 37, Inv. 12767 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/44. Afyon No. 38, Inv. 12882 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/45 Afyon No. 39, Inv. 12732 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/46 Afyon No. 40, Inv. 12921 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/47 Afyon No. 41, Inv. 12654 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/48 Afyon No. 42, Inv. 12687 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/49 Afyon No. 43, Inv. 12662 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/50 Afyon No. 44, Inv. 13024 (Digital image CSL) Pl. VI/51 Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 1, SF2578 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM93/10/06A)

Page

Plate no. Pl. VI/52 Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 2, SF3947 (Photo CSL: AM00/03/23)

Page 103 128

101

Pl. VIII/1 Colonette capital with painted inscription: T681 (Photo Eric Ivison) Pl. VIII/2 Detail of painted inscription under ultra-violet light after computer enhancement (Photo Elizabeth Hendrix)

101

Pl. XI/1

183

100 100 101

101

Pl. XI/2

101 101

Pl. XI/3

101

Pl. XI/4

101 101

Pl. XI/5

102

Pl. XI/6

102 102

Pl. XI/7

102 102

Trench L, Skeleton 1 in situ, Context 340, looking west (Photo CSL: AM93/01/10A) Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail of unfused acromial epiphysis (Photo Kate Brayne: AM 94/07/30) Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail 310, of conoid tubercle on left clavicle (Photo Kate Brayne: AM 94/07/31) Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail of dental pathology (Photo Kate Brayne: AM 94-07-34) Trench L. Skeleton 2 in situ, Context 351, looking southwest (Photo CSL: AM 93/01/27A) Trench L. Skeleton 2, detail of degenerative arthritis in right elbow (Photo Kate Brayne: AM 94/07/25) Trench L. Skeleton 2 detail of bony spur on right femur (Photo Kate Brayne: AM 94/07/16)

Pl. XII/1 Textile fragments from Trench AB Context 310, sample 8 (Photo Tuğrul Çakar: AM93/10/22A) Pl. XII/2 Fibre sample from Trench LC5 Context 14, sample 10 (Photo Heidemarie Farke)

102 103

xx

128

183 183 183 184 184 184

192 192

COLOUR PLATES Plate no. Pl. VII/1 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 1 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/2 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 2 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/3 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 3 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/4 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 4 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/5 Monochrome glaze ware, Nos. 3-4, interiors (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/6 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 5 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/7 Underglaze painted ware, No. 6 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/8 Underglaze painted ware, Nos. 7 and 9 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/9 Underglaze painted ware, Nos. 7 and 9, exteriors (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/10 Miletus ware, No. 10 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/11 Miletus ware, No. 11 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/12 Miletus ware, No. 12 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/13 Miletus ware, No. 14 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/14 Miletus ware, No. 15 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/15 Miletus ware, No. 15, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/16 Miletus ware, No. 16 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/17 Miletus ware, Nos. 17-18 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/18 Miletus ware, No. 19 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/19 Miletus ware, Nos. 17-18, exteriors (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/20 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 20 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/21 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 20, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/22 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 21 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/23 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 21, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/24 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 22 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/25 Monochrome glaze ware, No. 23 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/26 Blue-and-white ware, No. 24 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık)

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Plate no. Pl. VII/27 Blue-and-white ware, No. 24, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/28 Blue-and-white ware, No. 25 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/29 Blue-and-white ware, No. 25, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/30 Blue-and-white ware, No. 26 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/31 Blue-and-white ware, No. 27, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/32 Blue-and-white ware, No. 28 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/33 Blue-and-white ware, No. 28, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/34 Blue-and-white ware, No. 29 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/35 Blue-and-white ware, No. 29, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/36 Blue-and-white ware, No. 30 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/37 Blue-and-white ware, No. 31, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/38 Blue-and-white ware, No. 32 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/39 Blue-and-white ware, No. 33, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/40 Blue-and-white ware, No. 34, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/41 Blue-and-white ware, No. 35, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/42 Polychrome ware, No. 36 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/43 Polychrome ware, No. 36, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/44 Polychrome ware, No. 37, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/45 Polychrome ware, No. 38, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/46 Polychrome ware, No. 39, exterior (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık) Pl. VII/47 Polychrome ware, No. 40 (Photo Nurşen Özkul Fındık)

205 205 205 205 205 205 206 206 206 206 206 206 206 206 207 207 207 207 207 207 208

Pl. IX/1

208 208

Pl. IX/2

208

Pl. IX/3

209

xxi

th

th

Late 9 /early 10 -century architectural string course: T622, T102, T245 T761, T749, T765, T887 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th th Late 9 /early 10 -century templon epistyle: T106 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th th Late 9 /early 10 -century cornice blocks: T905, T850 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix)

Page 209 209 209 209 209 209 209 210 210 210 210 210 210 210 210 211 211 211 211 211 211 212

212 213

Plate no. Page th th 213 Pl. IX/4 Late 9 /early 10 -century cornice blocks: T783, T486 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th th 214 Pl. IX/5 Late 9 /early 10 -century double column: T114a-e (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th 214 Pl. IX/6 11 -century refurbishment, slab fragment: T132 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th 215 Pl. IX/7 11 -century refurbishment, templon epistyle fragment: T246 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th 215 Pl. IX/8 11 -century refurbishment, cornice block: T763 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) Pl. IX/9 Colonette capital with painted inscription: 216 T681, wrongly labelled as ‘T680’ (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) th 216 Pl. IX/10 11 -century refurbishment, templon epistyle fragments: T128, T108 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) Pl. IX/11 Templon epistyle fragments: T107, 217 T120, T456, T457, T121 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) Pl. IX/12 Capital fragments: T462, T458, with 217 T475 (Photo and drawing Elizabeth Hendrix) Pl. X/1

Pl. X/2 Pl. X/3 Pl. X/4

Pl. X/5 Pl. X/6 Pl. X/7

Pl. X/8

Plate no. Page Pl. X/9 Fragment of hair and forehead of figure 219 and nimbus of neighbour, Context AM96/ A7-5 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM063-01) Pl. X/10 Fresco fragment showing yellow and 219 black sketch under final red coats, Context AM96/A8-54 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/11 Fresco fragments showing yellow ground 219 coat under green garment, Context unknown, possibly from apse (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/12 Fragments of prophet garments and scroll, 220 scroll, Context AM91/A3-27 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/13 Fragments of second scroll, with lines 220 of text underlined, Context AM91/A3-27 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/14 Fragment of image with red frame corner, 220 Context A3-31 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/15 Fragment showing overlap of garment 220 paint coats over background, Context A3/1-3 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM033-01) Pl. X/16 Block PP001 (?), garment and green 220 ground, Context A3-31 (Photo Eric Ivison: AM033-01) Pl. X/17 Block PP026 with two fresco layers, 220 Context AM96/A8-6 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM06308) Pl. X/18 Face fragment, Context unknown 221 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/19 Fragment of face next to nimbus of a 221 neighbour, Context AM96/A7-5 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM063-03) Pl. X/20 Face fragment with mouth and chin, 221 Context AM96/A8-27 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/21 Finger and neck fragments, Context 221 A3-43 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/22 Hair fragment, short reddish locks, 221 Context AM96/A7-5 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM063:07) Pl. X/23 Hair fragment: short brown hair, 221 Context AM96/A7-35 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/24 Fragments of purple garment, Context 222 AM96/ A8-6 Block 8 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/25 Fragments of purple and bright blue 222 garments, Context AM96/A7-34 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/26 Block PP019, green garment on bright 222 blue background, Context AM96/A7-5 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr)

Block PP008, with traces of red paint 218 underneath fresco layers, Context AM96/A8-6 Block 9 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Block decorated with a carved and 218 painted cross, north-facing recess in eastern side of pier 52 (Digital image CSL) Block in buttress 43, decorated with a 218 painted circle, in northeast wall of narthex (Digital image CSL) Fragments of external frescoes from 218 wall 7 at western end of the north aisle, Context AM90/A4-4 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Northwest apse wall 1, exterior with 218 fresco fragments (Photo CSL: AM015-13) Fresco fragment on plaster and brick, 219 Context AM96/A7-36 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Block PP024, arch or window block 219 with two fresco layers, Context AM96/ A8-6 (Photo Christine Zitrides: AM063-12) Fresco fragments of garment showing 219 construction incision marks, Context AM91/A3-27 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) xxii

Plate no. Pl. X/27 Fragments of cream-coloured garments, Context A2-11 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/28 Fragments of greenish-white and white garments, Context A6-17 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/29 Southwest corner of bema with fresco fragments (Photo Eric Ivison: AM051-15) Pl. X/30 Second layer fragment, layering of paint coats, Context AM92/A3-57 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/31 Second layer fragments with unfinished garment details, Context AM91/A3-32 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/32 South aisle west bay, south wall, fresco in situ, Context AM96/A9-9 (Photo CSL: AM077-08) Pl. X/33 Third layer fragment, right elbow of a figure, Context AM96/A8-6 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/34 Third layer fragment, right hand of a figure, Context AM96/A8-6 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Pl. X/35 Fresco fragment on naos west wall, Context AM92/A1-10 (Photo CSL:

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222 222

Pl. X/37 Pl. X/38

223 223 223 223 223 223

Pl. X/39

AM006/09) Mosaic fragment with blue and silver tesserae, setting bed painted grey, Context AM93/A3-84 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Mosaic fragments, Context AM93/ A3-84 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Mosaic and setting bed fragments red glass and grey chert tesserae, Context AM96/A3-77 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr) Silver, new gold, and recycled, partially molten gold tesserae, Context AM93/ A3-83 (Digital image Johanna Witte-Orr)

Pl. XIII/1 General view of tomb #6, immediately after opening, viewed from foot east end (Digital image by Lisa Usman) Pl. XIII/2 Tomb #6, detail of textile bandage on body 1, showing one of the discs in situ (Digital image by Lisa Usman) Pl. XIII/3 Tomb #6, detail of cord wrapped around body 1 (Digital image by Lisa Usman) Pl. XIII/4 Tomb #6, grass pillow overlying bodies 2-4 (Digital image by Lisa Usman)

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224 224

224

225 225 225 225

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I. SCULPTURE FRAGMENTS Ayşe Çalık-Ross * how was the religious orientation of the city reflected in sculptural forms, and what quantity of pieces with a religious significance have survived? At Amorium the excavations have so far failed to produce any architectural fragments that can be attributed to a temple, nor do any signs remain on the surface of the site to indicate where a temple may once have stood. As a consequence, the only evidence we have for pre-Christian religious buildings at Amorium is provided by coins. From these it has been possible to conjecture that two of the major temples in the city were dedicated to Zeus and Athena.5 In addition, the worship of a mountain mother-goddess, probably a local manifestation of the goddess Cybele, is attested by inscriptions on two votive stelae from the city.6

INTRODUCTION Amorium is best known as a type-site for the Byzantine period and, as a major provincial capital, it promises to offer answers to many of the questions asked about the history of urbanisation in Asia Minor from late antique to middle Byzantine times. The excavations, however, have also produced some evidence for the grandeur and prosperity of the city during the Roman period.1 The sculpture from Amorium that has come to light, including both fragments unearthed during the excavations and pieces that had been found earlier and had been transported elsewhere, offers some indications about the statuary that was set up in and around the city during the Roman era. The sculptural style of the Byzantine period was obviously different, so that the pieces from this period will be treated in a separate publication at a later date.2

Two fragmentary statues, both recorded as found in Aziziye (Emirdağ) and now housed in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum, offer further clues about the religious environment of Amorium. They are the head of an unidentified goddess and a head of Dionysus.7 The Afyon Archaeological Museum also contains a number of sculptural pieces that are recorded as having come from Emirdağ or from the surrounding villages.8 One might have expected the area around Amorium to have furnished clearer evidence in the way of sculptural representations for the cult of Cybele, since Phrygia was the mother-goddess’ homeland, and her cult centre at Pessinus is situated not far away to the north-east. However, apart from a few fragmentary statuettes, little has yet been found.9 Rather, the evidence provided by the votive reliefs and inscriptions from Kurudere suggests that the cult of Zeus, in the guise of various local deities, predominated. The importance of Zeus is confirmed by other evidence from Amorium. The earliest coins of the city mint, dating to the late Republican period (post-133 BC), are of a uniform type, depicting the head of Zeus on

One of the more important aspects of the city of Amorium with regard to its sculpture is its geographic location and its proximity to the well-known and extensive marble quarries of Docimeium (İscehisar). Although Docimeium itself and its sculptural finds have not been extensively documented, the local museum in Afyon houses a sizeable number of pieces that reflect the sculpture production of the area.3 Thus far the excavations at Amorium have shown that most of the architectural pieces were carved from Docimeian marble.4 There are some free-standing statues that also derive from there, but the limited number of such fragments means that we still do not know for certain the origin of all the marble used in statuary production at Amorium. When the statuary of a city is considered, the first element that should be considered is its religious aspect:

5

* Department of Archaeology, Anadolu University, Eskişehir. 1

2

3

4

6

I would like to thank Chris Lightfoot for encouraging me to carry out research on the material discussed below and for providing me with help and advice whilst doing so. My thanks also go to the staff of the Afyon Museum, where some of the excavated material is now stored; I am especially grateful to Ahmet İlaslı for all his interest, kindness and assistance. The Byzantine carved stones have been the subject of study by Eric Ivison since 1992. A full corpus of this material is now being prepared for publication. Afyon 1988, 44-5 (showing a partially carved statue). Research on Docimeium has focussed more on the Roman inscriptions found there, as well as on the trade in products from the quarries; see, for example, Drew-Bear 1994. In his preliminary study of the carved stones, Ivison reports that most of the types of marble used at Amorium were quarried at Docimeium; AnatSt 43 (1993), 157.

7 8

9

1

Price and Trell 1977, 259; BMC 36 (Marcus Aurelius) AnatSt 44 (1994), 124-5; AnatSt 45 (1995), 133; AnatSt 46 (1996), 103-4; KST 18/2 (1997), 237-8. Mendel 1914, 123 no. 398; 132 no. 418. Those that are said to be from Emirdağ are, with inventory numbers in parentheses, as follows:- head of a statuette (1719); votive statuette (1767); statuette of a triple-headed Hecate (1788); statuette (1797); relief depicting a human head (10162). The pieces that came from villages are:sphinx, from Aslanlı (1631); head of a statuette, from Bağlıca (1726); head of a statuette, from Göynük (1728); head of a statue, from Bağlıca (1816); statue, from Yazılı (1857); head of a statuette, from Bağlıca (7567); statuette of Tyche/Fortuna, from Ümraniye (7658); votive statuette of Hecate, from Kırkpınar (9482). Of these, only the last example has been published İlaslı, n.d., 158. For examples, see Drew-Bear, Thomas and Yıldızturan 1999, 242 no. 369; 304-5 nos. 480-482.

the obverse and an eagle standing on a thunderbolt on the reverse.10 A white marble block from a pediment that depicts an eagle with outspread wings, now in the village of Hamzahacılı, may be taken as another piece of evidence for the existence of a cult and sanctuary dedicated to Zeus.11 Finally, there is an (unpublished) inscription in the Afyon Museum recording a dedication to Zeus of Amorium – Dii; !Amorianw'n.

Amorium. So, although one can assume that most of the marble derives from the neighbouring quarries at Docimeium, any conclusion on the source of the marble remains only tentative. There is no evidence that the pieces dealt with here were produced in the city of Amorium itself, nor is there any indication of the existence of a local workshop. Rather, the typology and style of the fragments can be seen as part of the general tradition within the context of the provincial art of Roman Phrygia. The subject matter of the items described in the catalogue below includes representations of the standard Graeco-Roman deities or their attributes. Other examples are representative of funerary art. Only one piece (No. 2), identified as a left knee, might qualify as part of a portrait statue. Its state of preservation, however, allows for only a speculative interpretation. Unlike the tombstones, which are generally carved from limestone, the material of the free-standing sculpture is marble. The subject matter of the statuary is not repetitive but varied, and so far a plethora of human and animal subjects have been found. By and large, they can be dated to the Roman imperial period between the 1st and 4th centuries.

Nevertheless, evidence can be adduced for the existence of other cults at Amorium. Drew-Bear, for example, noted a statue of Aesculepius in the Afyon Museum, the inscribed base of which is also preserved.12 The inscription includes the information that a certain Manes dedicated the statuette (evidently after 212) in a shrine of his own construction. Another dedication to Aesculepius has been found in the territory of Amorium, more precisely, in the vicinity of the villages of Demircili, Karacalar and Türkmenköy (see Fig. B).13 The statue of Aesculepius, and the recurring references to him in inscriptions, indicate that he was one of the more renowned deities worshipped by people living in and around Amorium.14 Similar evidence may be adduced for the local popularity of the cult of Ephesian Artemis.15 The evidence for other deities, however, is meagre, while that for the imperial cult is restricted to a statue-base or altar, seen at Tezköy and dedicated to Julia Domna by the ‘demos’ of Appolenoi.16

The excavations have revealed much evidence for the reuse and refurbishment of buildings during the course of the Byzantine occupation of Amorium. This probably entailed the demolition of some earlier structures, and it certainly led to the frequent incorporation of spolia into new buildings. In short, it may be stated that the Byzantine inhabitants of Amorium probably caused considerable damage to what remained of the Roman city. The finds of sculpture from the Roman period in and around the city support this conclusion, which largely explains the very fragmentary nature of the material catalogued below.18 As a result, we still do not have a fully preserved figure from Amorium – either acquired through excavation or held in a museum collection.

Despite their poor state of preservation, the sculptural fragments that have emerged from Amorium include both pieces of fine workmanship and works of a more mediocre quality. The same can be said for the choice of materials as well, for the quality of the marble used varies from coarse grained to very fine. In addition to Docimeian marble, stone from further afield may have been used for carving statuary.17 However, no marble analysis has yet been carried out on the samples from 10 11

12

13 14

15

16 17

BMC 1-5. However, there is a second type, bearing a female head, possibly representing Cybele; BMC 6-7. AnatSt 38 (1998), 182, pl. XXIV(a). Note also that Zeus Karpodotes is named in an inscription found in the town of Bayat, regarded as within the territory of Amorium; DrewBear and Naour 1990, 1949-51. Drew-Bear 1976, 258. Drew-Bear also mentions a tekneites, who was most probably responsible for statue carving, in an inscription found in the village of Kurduşak. Drew-Bear 1976, 257. For an autonomous issue of the Amorium mint with the standing figure of Aesculepius on the reverse, see Arslan 1990, 153 no. 6. For an inscribed stele at Karayatak honouring one Aelia Ammia as ‘high priestess of the greatest temples in Ephesus’, see AnatSt 38 (1988), 181, pl. XXIII. Autonomous coins of the Amorium mint, probably dating to the Antonine period, also bear the cult statue of Artemis Ephesia on the reverse; BMC 9. KST 17/2 (1996), 367, fig. 6. Imported marble is certainly attested at Amorium.

CATALOGUE 1.

18

2

T460. Figurine group: Aphrodite and Eros. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/1. H. 15 cm.; W. 13 cm.; Th. 5.5 cm. Context 90/38 (?). Now in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. The larger figure is preserved between the lower abdomen and the knees, whereas only the lower part of the smaller figure is broken away from the lower abdomen. The surface is encrusted, especially on the upper part of the larger figure and the back of the group as a whole. The group consists of two standing figures, the larger one being draped, while the smaller one is See also earlier remarks by Ivison; AnatSt 44 (1994), 118.

seemingly nude. Although the preservation is poor, both figures are appropriate for a group of Aphrodite and Eros. The larger figure, Aphrodite, is fully clad in a himation as well as a mantle, which is visible at the back and on the left side. The other figure is less clearly identifiable as Eros as a result of both the mediocre workmanship and the poor preservation of the group. This second figure, apparently nude, is engaged in holding a fruit basket (?). Facial features and the separation of the fingers of Eros, and also the folds of Aphrodite’s dress have been summarily worked, as has the back of the group as a whole. 2.

T220. Left knee from a statue. Fine crystalline white marble. Pl. I/2. H. 16 cm.; W. 11 cm.; Th. 19 cm. Surface find, 1987. Although the piece has previously been identified as an elbow, it is more likely to be the broken left knee of a sizeable statue.19 The form of the muscles, the positioning of the kneecap and other anatomical details indicate that the knee should belong to the left leg of a frontally seated figure. The surface of the marble is polished, but not to the same extent as one might expect to see on sculptures of the Augustan or Antonine periods. For this reason, a date between the 1st and 3rd century may be suggested for the piece.

3.

T210. Right foot on a base. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/3. H. 10.5 cm.; W. 21 cm.; Th. 22 cm. Upper City, Trench L, Context 330, re-used in wall. The object consists of a partly preserved right foot on a semicircular plinth.20 Both the foot and the plinth are broken. The foot is just under life-size, or belongs to a youth. Anatomical details are smoothed, and the parting of the toes is only indicated by incised lines. Toenails have not been rendered at all. The top and bottom surfaces of the plinth are chiselled but have also been smoothed with a rasp. The foot itself has been roughly smoothed. All in all, with its rough and relatively careless workmanship, the piece is likely to belong to a statuette from the 3rd century AD.

4.

T500. Left foot on a base. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/4. H. 6.7 cm.; W. 15 cm.; Th. 12 cm. Found built into a garden wall in the village of Hamzahacılı, 1993.

19

Described as ‘a right elbow’ in AnatSt 38 (1988), 182 no. 3 and as ‘an elbow from an over-life-sized statue’ in AnatSt 44 (1994), 118. Earlier reported as ‘a fragment of a small statue base, with a bare left foot resting on a rusticated plinth’; AnatSt 44 (1994), 118.

20

Fragment of a statuette standing on a plinth. From the front the slab looks as if it has broken away from a larger piece. All that is left is the front of a left foot and a segment of a plinth under it. The left side of the plinth is finely rounded. Only a third of the figure’s foot is preserved. It is the front part of the left foot, of which the toes and the gaps between them are clearly visible. There is damage to the front of the plinth, which also affects two of the toes. Drapery covers the ankle and the upper part of the foot. The drapery forms a large pleat, between which deep drill work is rendered. The drapery indicates that the figure was a woman or a goddess, and from the pose it can be understood that the figure has her left foot set forward, whilst the right foot must have been placed further back. The large pleats of the drapery and the positioning of the left foot suggest that the figure might represent Nike (Victory) alighting. The figure may thus recall a recognisable classical type, the so-called the ‘Nike of Paionios’ at Olympia.21 5.

T488. Figurine of nude youth from a relief. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/5-6. H. 13 cm.; W. 8 cm.; Th. 8 cm. Lower City, Trench D, Context 44, found during the excavation of the Large Building in 1989. Now in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. The figure is preserved from the neck down to the knees. Most of the head, with the break slanting down to the right, is missing, along with the left hand and most of the left forearm, as well as the majority of the right arm. Both lower legs from a point above the knees are missing. The bulk of the support on the left, extending down the length of the figure, has survived. The fragment consists of a nude standing male figure and support. From the traces of the wing on the back the figure appears to be a representation of Eros (Cupid), with his weight resting on his right leg.22 The damage on the stomach area would seem to indicate that the figure could have being holding an attribute. The circular break may be seen as the remnant of a floral, wreath-like attribute, but this is speculative. The support on the left is covered by drapery. The left side of the support is fairly worn, so that it is uncertain if the group continued further to the left. However, as the size of the support indicates, Eros must have been accompanied by another figure, making this piece either a statuette group or a relief.

21

Many examples of this famous classical statue have been published; for a particularly well known one, see Boardman 1995, fig. 139. AnatSt 44 (1994), 118; KST 16/2 (1995), 138, where it is convincingly claimed that Eros holds a cornucopiae in his hand and that his body is partly covered in drapery.

22

3

6.

7.

T459. Head of female from a sarcophagus. Fine-grained white marble with grey veins. Pl. I/7. H. 15 cm.; W. 14.5 cm.; Th. 6.5 cm. Lower City near Large Building, Surface find, 1989. Now in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. Only the right lower face, including most of the right eye and part of the nose, has survived. The remaining fleshy parts are highly polished. This fragmentary piece indicates that the head is most likely to have been a female depicted in classical idealistic style. The part which is seen to the right of the face consists of a garland, which would suggest that this head was most likely a relief part of a sarcophagus of good workmanship. We may assume that the head represents a Medusa head, the so-called gorgoneion, intended to have an apotropaic or deterrent function.23 The context is most likely to be that of Medusa protecting the deceased in the so-called ‘garland type’ sarcophagus. Rather surprisingly, however, where we would expect to see Medusa’s characteristic thick long tresses, we find five grape-like protrusions. These might belong to an unusual rendering of Medusa’s hair, or they may actually be part of a bunch of grapes or stylised leaves, forming a sort of wreath. The fragmentary head can be compared with other examples from different parts of the Roman Empire, particularly a sarcophagus in the Afyon Archaeological Museum, which bears a similar head.24 The ‘garland type’ of Docimeian sarcophagi is widespread throughout the empire, both in finished and unfinished examples.25 Technical peculiarities – such as the use of drilled eyes, the parting of the lips, and the separation of the floral garland ornaments – suggest that the piece probably dates to the 2nd century.

like portion preserved. Evidence of tool marks is not clearly visible owing to wear and encrustration on the surface, but the drilled folds of the drapery are visible. The flat back of the relief has a coarse surface and is discoloured. The fragment comprises a female figure with some related attributes behind her. The figure stands with a right upper arm and breast exposed, with the drapery uncovering the breast rolled up around the body. The posture of the female is unmistakably that of Nike.26 The preserved right arm extends backwards to relate to the attribute behind her – most likely a part of a trophy, which is usually associated with representations of Nike.27 The pose of Nike, together with the billowing folds of the dress, suggests movement. The fragmentary relief may have been a part of a sarcophagus, for which parallels can be seen in the Afyon Archaeological Museum.28 This interpretation finds confirmation in the fact that the back is flat and so probably forms part of the inner surface of the sarcophagus.

T212. Relief of Nike with a trophy. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/8-9. H. 18 cm.; W. 13 cm.; Th. 24 cm. Surface find, 1993. Now in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. The fragment is damaged on all sides. Of the figure only the neck, right side of the upper body, and the upper right arm have survived. Behind her, a related item is also broken on all sides, with a central grid-

8.

T845. Torso of a seated sphinx. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/10-12. H. 24 cm.; W. 22 cm.; Th. 33.5 cm. Surface find, from the village.29 The sphinx is preserved only as a winged torso.30 The head and the legs are missing. Drill work is used to indicate the parting of the legs, fleshy parts of the torso have been polished, and there is chisel work on the wings. The piece may be compared with a sphinx in the Kayseri Museum, although the Kayseri example does not have tresses falling down onto to the chest, merely falling loosely over the shoulders.31 Another comparable example, with the hair gathered to the back of the head, is stored in the depot of Afyon Museum.32 The Amorium example is of a higher standard than the Afyon one, constituting effective workmanship using high quality marble. In the light of Dessene’s study of the origin and the

26

The exposed right breast has previously been misidentified as that of an Amazon; AnatSt 44 (1994), 118; KST 16/2 (1995), 138. For the folds of an arm hanging on a trophy in depictions of Nike, see Strong 1961, figs. 17-18. Afyon 1998, 7 illus. The piece was found in 1995 built into the perimeter wall of a village house. Permission was later obtained from the owner of the house, Ardil Arıözsoy, to remove the piece to the Dig House depot. Yıldız 1987. When the sphinx was first seen in situ, it was thought to be an eagle; KST 18/2 (1997), 437, fig. 5: ‘fragmentary eagle relief’. In AnatSt 46 (1996), 103 this piece was erroneously given the number T837. Inv. no. 1631 (unpublished).

27 23

24

25

In AnatSt 44 (1994), 118 this is described as the fragmentary head from a fine statue of a youth. Later, in KST 16/2 (1995), 138-9, the head was dated to the late 5th century. This example, from Apameia (Dinar), is dated to the 2nd century; see Topbaş 1987; Afyon 1998, 7. For another Medusa head, see Waelkens 1982, 24 no. 20. See Koch 1993, 113-15. The garland of an ostotheke from Docimeium has similar details to the garland of the Amorium piece; idem, 114, fig. 64. For further discussion of the garland sarcophagi from Dokimeion, see Waelkens 1982, 7-31.

28 29

30 31

32

4

iconography of the sphinx and Panofsky’s linking of the sphinx with griffins, one might be inclined to interpret the function of this particular sphinx as being a ‘guardian of treasure’. However, the apotropaic functions of the sphinx are also familiar to us from funerary art, as exemplified on Lycian sarcophagi.33 This sphinx, too, is likely to have belonged to a funerary monument; it presumably dates from the Roman period (1st-3rd centuries). 9.

33 34

35

36

examples can be seen on altars or in funerary art, particularly on sarcophagi. For example, an altar, now in the Venice Archaeological Museum, is decorated at the bottom of all four corners with the representation of a sphinx with its paw on a ram’s head.37 Likewise, there is a free-standing group, known to have come from Ephesus, in which a sphinx is attacking a male figure.38 Drill work can be seen between the nails of the paw and in the ear holes of the animal, while the forehead has been left rough-hewn. Together with its high-quality marble the remnant piece shows that the missing main part of the statue must have been skilfully worked, making it a high-quality piece of work from the Roman period.

T213. A paw with an animal’s head. Fine crystalline white marble. Pl. I/13-14. H. 14 cm.; W. 10 cm.; Th. 10 cm. Surface find (?). Now in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. A paw and an animal head are recognisable in the piece. The claws are clearly visible, but the rest of the paw is broken at the joint. The paw clutches onto the head of an animal, of which only two small horns, the ears, and the eyes are preserved. The rest of the victim has not survived. Two claws from the paw lie on the forehead between the two horns of the animal. Traces of an ear are visible on both sides of the animal’s head, whose eyes are set at an upper glance. The break crossing the lower eyes does not allow one to comment on the rest of the animal or on its posture. Nonetheless, the arrangement could be that of a standard funerary scene, with either a lion or a sphinx grasping an inoffensive animal such as a bull or a goat by the paw.34 The piece has been variously interpreted in the preliminary excavation reports.35 At first glance the piece does indeed appear to depict a Pan being attack by a lion, but this should be discounted and an alternative interpretation needs to be found. Comparison with other similar scenes may well throw light onto this grouping and lead to a proper understanding. The paw, which grabs what seems to be a bull, a goat, or similar horned animal, must belong to a lion, a sphinx, or a griffin. Such scenes of wild animals subduing defenceless domesticated animals are common in funerary art.36 Comparable

10. T942. Figurine of a dolphin. Fine-grained white marble. Pl. I/15. H. 4.3 cm.; W. 3.5 cm.; Th. 3 cm. Upper City, Trench ST, Context 110, excavated in 1994. The surface is finely polished. There is damage to the left side, but the right side has been preserved. The small dolphin is positioned vertically, with its head at the bottom and twisted slightly in an anticlockwise direction. The tail points to the right. The eye sockets have been chiselled, but the right eye is worked in lesser detail, which may indicate the side from which the statuette was intended to be viewed. The dolphin was attached at the mouth at an obtuse angle to another part of the sculpture, the edges of which are preserved. The dolphin was most probably accompanied by the figure of Aphrodite. Depictions of the goddess of love together with a dolphin (and often also accompanied by Eros) are common in Roman art; some examples are known from elsewhere in Asia Minor.39 11. T119. Statue of a lion. Marble, partially crystallised. Pl. I/16. H. 56 cm; W. 35 cm; Th. 92 cm. From the village, 1992. Part of the head, the paws of the front legs, and all of the tail of this life-size statue are missing. The rear legs are only partly preserved. The chest protrudes slightly. The whole surface is lightly polished but shows signs of wear as a result of its recent use.40

Dessene 1957; Panofsky 1992, 25. For the symbolism of lions in tomb-sculpture, see Panofsky 1992, 34, with fn. 2 (indicating that scenes of rams being devoured by lions continued to be used in early Christian art to symbolise sinners destroyed by the devil). AnatSt 39 (1989), 171 no. (vi), pl. XLV(c): ‘fragment of Pan (the forehead) and Lion (four claws)’; KST 16/2 (1995), 138: ‘an enemy under the lion’s paw, part of an imperial victory group’. The most plausible interpretation – of a horned animal under a lion’s paw – is put forward in AnatSt 44 (1994), 117-118, with refs. in fn. 7. The lion, lying on the lid of a sarcophagus to protect the deceased and sometimes grasping a bull or other animal, is a familiar image on tombs found in Pisidia, Lydia, Cilicia, Isauria, and Lykoania; see Koch 1993, 22 and fig.10. An example of a lion grabbing a goat’s head is seen on a

37 38 39

40

5

sarcophagus lid from Kyanae in Lycia; İdil 1985, 41, pls. 13. Sperti 1988, 90-98 no.33; 101-105 no.35. Eichler 1962, figs. 11, 11a, 12, 12a. For an example from Smyrna, see LIMC II, 1, 86 no. 774; II, 2, 77 fig. 774. For examples from elsewhere, see the plates on the following pages of LIMC II, 2: 40, 41, 43, 59, 69, 70. The object was found by Chris Lightfoot and Eric Ivison, serving as a step in the gateway of the garden wall of a

Drew-Bear and Naour 1990 Drew-Bear, Th. and Ch. Naour, “Divinités de Phrygie,” ANRW, II.18.3, Berlin 1990, 1907-2044. Drew-Bear 1994 Th. Drew-Bear, “Nouvelles inscriptions de Dokimeion,” MélRome 106.2 (1994), 747-844. Drew-Bear, Thomas and Yıldızturan 1999 Th. Drew-Bear, C.M. Thomas and M. Yıldızturan, Phrygian Votive Steles. Ankara 1999. Eichler 1962 F. Eichler, “Nochmals die Sphinxgruppe aus Ephesos,” JOAI ns. 45 (1962), 10-19. Haspels 1951 Haspels, C.H.E., 1951, La cité de Midas céramique et trouvailles diverses, Paris. Koch 1993 Koch, G., 1993, Sarkophage der Römischen Kaiserzeit, Darmstadt. İdil 1985 V. İdil, Likya Lahitleri, Ankara 1985. İlaslı n.d. A. İlaslı, “Afyon Müzesinde bulunan Emirdağ kökenli 4 heykel,” Emirdağ Kültür Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, 1-3 Haziran 1995, Eskişehir n.d., 1578. McLean 2002 B.H. McLean, Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Konya Archaeological Museum, BIAA Monograph 29, London 2002. Mendel 1914. G. Mendel, Catalogue des Sculptures Grecques, Romaines et Byzantines, Istanbul 1914. Panofsky 1992 E. Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, New York 1992. Price and Trell 1977 M.J. Price and B.L. Trell, Coins and Their Cities. Architecture on the Ancient Coins of Greece, Rome and Palestine, London 1977. Sperti 1988 L. Sperti, Rilievi greci e romani del Museo Archeologico di Venezia, Rome 1988. Strong 1961 D.E. Strong, Roman Imperial Sculpture, London 1961. Topbaş 1987 A. Topbaş, “Un sarcophage d’Apamée de Phrygie,” RA (1987/2), 361-74. Waelkens 1982 M. Waelkens, Dokimeion. Die Werkstatt der repräsentativen kleinasiatischen Sarkophage, Archäologische Forschungen 11, Berlin 1982. Yıldız 1987 S. Yıldız, “Felahiye Sphinks’si,” Kayseri Müzesi Yıllığı 1 (1987), 18-20.

The lion is depicted in a recumbent position. The front legs must have been extended forward horizontally, whereas the rear ones are bent and tucked into the sides of the body. Only a few tufts of mane are visible at the front. They are schematically represented in a triangular form with only the edges remaining. The lion figure rests on a flat base. It clearly served as a grave-cover or tomb-marker belonging to the Roman period. Similar examples are to be found in the Konya Archaeological Museum.41 12. T218. Fragmentary head of a lion. Barely crystallised marble. Pl. I/17. H. 19.5 cm; W. 17 cm; Th. 8 cm. Surface find, 1987.42 Only the right side of a head is preserved, comprising the right eye, cheek, part of the forehead, and two tufts of the main. The fragment represents about one third of the original head. The pupil of the eye has not been worked, and the eye socket is coarsely indicated. The elevated cheeks and fleshy parts hanging down stand out from the rest of the face. A tuft of whisker lying outward to the mane is shown. Above the head, the beginning of the mane is also preserved. The tufts of fur are separated with relatively deep grooves worked by chisel. This fragmentary head probably comes from a Roman funerary monument, for which there are numerous parallels elsewhere.43 BIBLIOGRAPHY Afyon 1998 Afyon Arkeoloji Müzesi, Ankara 1998. Arslan 1990 M. Arslan, “Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi’nde bulunan Phrygia ve Galatia bölgesi şehir sikkeleri,” Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi 1989 Yıllığı (1990), 144-75. Boardman 1995 J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture. The Classical Period. A Handbook, London 1995. Dessenne 1957. A. Dessenne, Le Sphinx, Etude Iconographique I. Des Origines à la fin du Second Millennaire, Paris 1957. Drew-Bear 1976 Th. Drew-Bear, “Local Cults in Greco-Roman Phrygia,” GRBS 17 (1976), 247-68.

41 42 43

village house. The Amorium Excavations Project is grateful to Katibe Çetinkaya for her generous permission to remove the sculpture to the Dig House depot. McLean 2002, 65-6 nos. 191 and 194, figs. 225 and 228. AnatSt 38 (1988), 182. Unpublished lion statues and protomes are housed in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. For another Phrygian find of a marble head from the Roman period, see Haspels 1951, 116, pl. 45,c.2.

6

Pl. I/2. No. 2, T220. Left knee. Pl. I/1. No. 1, T460. Figurine group: Aphrodite and Eros.

Pl. I/4. No. 4, T500. Left foot on a base.

Pl. I/3. No. 3, T210. Right foot on a base.

Pl. I/6. No. 5, T488. Proper right side of youth.

Pl. I/5. No. 5, T488. Figurine of youth from a relief.

7

Pl. I/8. No. 7, T212. Nike relief.

Pl. I/7. No. 6, T459. Head from sarcophagus.

Pl. I/9. No. 7, T212. Trophy to proper right of Nike.

Pl. I/10. No. 8, T845. Torso of a seated sphinx.

Pl. I/12. No. 8, T845. Sphinx, proper left side.

Pl. I/11. No. 8, T845. Sphinx, proper right side. 8

Pl. I/14. No. 9, T213. Animal head, proper left side.

Pl. I/13. No. 9, T213. Paw with an animal head.

Pl. I/17. No. 12, T218. Fragmentary head of a lion. Pl. I/15. No. 10, T942. Figurine of a dolphin.

Pl. I/16. No. 11, T119. Statue of a lion.

9

10

II. MARBLE VESSEL FRAGMENTS Ayşe Çalık-Ross * Unfortunately, all of the material discussed here is fragmentary, but with the help of drawings it is possible to reconstruct the original vessel forms. In addition, the fragments may been compared with the more complete and attractive examples that are in local museum collections, notably those in Afyon and Eskişehir.4

INTRODUCTION The ancient marble quarries of Docimium lie only some 50 km southwest of Amorium.1 Marble was, therefore, probably more readily available at Amorium than at many other cities in Asia Minor that did not have such a convenient local source. The abundance of marble in the vicinity of Amorium is graphically demonstrated by the large corpus of votive reliefs and inscriptions from a peasants’ sanctuary near Kurudere, a mere 27 km away.2 It is also reflected in the relatively large quantity of marble vessels that have been found at Amorium. Elsewhere these kinds of item would have been considered luxurious, but at Amorium marble vessels appear to have been a normal component of both daily and sacred life.

The Amorium assemblage comprises fragments from various areas of the site; they were excavated from contexts in the Upper and Lower City, as well as found as surface material. The workmanship varies from piece to piece; some have a highly polished finish, while others are left coarsely worked with the chisel marks still visible. Likewise, the quality of the marble ranges from very fine to coarse. In the catalogue the vessels have been arranged according to typology, and they can be divided generally into two groups – mortars and bowls, although some of the larger bowls could have been used as basins. The mortars (Nos. 1-8) are distinguished by the thickness of their sides (No. 2) or bottom (No. 4), indicative of their use in daily life for the pressing, crushing or grinding of food stuffs, etc.5

The marble vessels that are catalogued below constitute a sizeable group, which, when combined with other aspects of the material culture at the site, provide valuable evidence for the socio-economic and religious life of the city. Moreover, since little attention has been paid to this type of material at other sites in Asia Minor, it is hoped that the present catalogue will serve to document the use of marble vessels in a wider context.3 *

1

2 3

The other fragments (Nos. 9-46) are classified as bowls on the basis that they are much shallower and generally have thinner undersides. It is not, however, always possible to distinguish between mortars, bowls and basins, and the fragmentary condition of the material from Amorium may be seen as the cause of some uncertainty. In this respect the profiles of the preserved pieces help to ascertain their forms. Nos. 21-25 are larger at the bottom, so that they are likely to have served a more multi-functional purpose rather than that of basic dishes. From the point of view of size, most of the bowls could have been used as tableware, but No. 34 is more easily identifiable as a serving platter because of its more elegant and elaborate shape. Indeed, this piece is an example of extremely fine workmanship, using equally fine marble.

Department of Archaeology, University of Anatolia, Eskişehir. I would like to thank Chris Lightfoot for assisting me in dealing with this material. My thanks also go to M.A.V. Gill, who made a preliminary study of the material found between 1987 and 1992, and whose catalogue entries form the basis for the present list. I am also indebted to Banu Büyükgün and Özgül Gürbüz for their tireless help. For the Docimium quarries, see especially Waelkens 1982, 106-9; Clayton Fant 1989, 3-11; De Nuccio and Ungaro 2002, 205-7. Drew-Bear and Yıldızturan 1999, esp. 13-14. There are relatively few publications of such material. At Sardis a number of mortars and bowls were excavated in the [early] Byzantine shops, several of which were used for business associated with the dye industry; Stephens Crawford 1990, 14, 24, 25 (with fig. 59), 37, 43, 47 (with fig. 180), 60 (with fig. 266), 64 (with figs. 298-299), 65 (with figs. 280, 308-310, 316), 73 (with fig. 333), 78 (with fig. 379), 90 (with fig. 458), 92 (with fig. 520). Many more stone vessel fragments were recovered during excavations at Saraçhane, the site of the Church of St. Polyeuktos, in Istanbul; Gill 1986, 233-6 nos. 79-125 (no explanation is offered as to why ‘some 150 fragments of stone mortars’ were found at the site). A single fragment, comprising part of the rim and a lug handle from a mortar, is known from the excavations at Tarsus-Donuktaş: Baydur and Seçkin 2001, 121 no. 43, pl. LXXV.43. Recent excavations at Allianoi and Pessinus have produced further examples, as yet unpublished. See also Korkut 2002, where 41 examples in white limestone are recorded. Other significant groups are recorded from Chios, Corinth,

Three examples (Nos. 26-27, and 37) are distinguished by having inscriptions in Greek letters on their rims. However, because of the very fragmentary nature of the inscriptions, little can be gleaned of their meaning. They could represent invocations or dedications (either pagan or Christian) or, more practically, they might record the owner’s name or the use to which they were put.

4 5

11

and Salamis on Cyprus; see Ballance 1989, 123-4, Davidson 1952, 122-5 nos. 816-829 (of which nos. 827-829 are regarded as late Roman or Byzantine); Chavane 1975, 1214, 16 nos. 1-3, 16 (regarded as Roman). Sadly, these collections remain unpublished. For comments on possible uses for these vessels, see Davidson 1952, 123 fn. 58.

P.H. 4.7 cm., Diam. 16.6 cm. Surface find; presented by Ömer Dinçer, 1996.

The lack of good comparanda from other sites in Asia Minor makes dating the Amorium examples difficult. Nonetheless, it is almost certain that No. 34 belongs to the Roman period, whereas the other fragments may be later and point to the continued use of marble vessels well into in Byzantine times.6

7

SF1599. White marble, with fine crystals; part of rim and body, with almost all of a solid protruding lug preserved; on top edge of rim behind lug, two convergent lines forming a ‘V’ shape; interior and exterior surfaces polished. Fig. II/2. P.W. 7.3 cm., p.H. 6.5 cm., est. Diam. 15.9 cm. Lower City, surface find.7

8

SF3366. White marble, with powdery crystals; rim, sides, and part of hollow base with a foot ring preserved; polished interior, tooling marks on the exterior. Fig. II/2. H. 5.5 cm., Diam. 10.2 cm. Upper City, Trench TT, Context 67.

CATALOGUE ______________________________________________ Abbreviations: SF : Small Finds Number H. : Height W. : Width Th. : Thickness Diam. : Diameter Est. : Estimated P. : Preserved

Bowls

Mortars 1

2

3

4

9

SF3365. White marble with greyish veins; groove on top edge of rim; polished interior, exterior roughly worked. Fig. II/2. P.H. 4.9 cm., Diam. 20.6 cm. Surface find from Trench ST.

10

SF3364. White marble, with fine shiny crystals; thick rim with shallow groove on top edge; sides becoming thinner towards the base; polished interior, tool marks on exterior. Fig. II/2. P.H. 6.3 cm., Diam. 25 cm. Surface find from Trench L.

11

SF2701. White marble, with fine crystals; full profile from rim to base; with projecting solid lug; exterior roughly worked. Fig. II/1. H. 10 cm., Diam. 16.7 cm. From Trench L, Context 419.

SF3968. White marble, with medium shiny crystals; inwardly turned rim and body fragment. Fig. II/2. P.H. 7.2 cm., Diam. 27 cm. Lower City, Unstratified.

12

SF3730. Grey-veined, white marble, with fine crystals; shallow bowl; part of rim and solid protruding lug preserved; surface polished. Fig. II/1. H. 11.2 cm., Diam. 17 cm. From Trench LC4, Context 4.

SF668. White marble, veined, with medium crystals; shallow bowl with base with a low foot ring; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/2. P.W. 7 cm., H. 3.5 cm., est. Diam. 15.4 cm. From Trench L, Context 37.

13

SF843. White marble with shiny crystals; thick, everted rim, with part of sides preserved. Fig. II/2. P.W. 4.1 cm., p.H. 3 cm., est. Diam. 20 cm. From Trench AB, Context 49.

14

SF3363. Milky white marble with shiny crystals; everted rim, with grooved and moulded profile; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/2. Diam. 19 cm. From Trench TT, Context 85.

SF52. White marble with fine crystals; shallow bowl; five joining fragments; part of bowl and two solid lugs preserved. Fig. II/1. P.W. 12.5 cm., H. 9.8 cm., Diam. 20.2 cm. From Trench A, Context 11 (taken to Afyon Museum, 1992). SF509. White marble with fine crystals; deep bowl with two solid lugs on opposite sides; almost half of bowl, one of the lugs partially, the other one almost completely preserved. Fig. II/1. P.W. 22 cm., H. 13.6 cm., Diam. 18 cm. From Trench E, Context 2 (taken to Afyon Museum, 1992).

5

SF2699. Greyish white marble, with small amount of crystals; undecorated; part of a solid protruding lug preserved. Fig. II/1. H. 9.5 cm., Diam. 18.2 cm. From Trench L, Context 336.

6

SF3650. Greyish white marble, medium crystallised; rim fragment with a solid protruding lug. Fig. II/1; Pl. II/1.

6

7

For No. 34, see below page 14.

12

Compare an intact marble mortar with similar incised decoration on its lug handles from the Dor A wreck, dated to ca. 600-640; Kingsley 2002, 4 and fig. 1.

15

16

17

SF2559. White marble, with powdery crystals; everted rim, with slight lip towards outer edge; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/3. Diam. 28 cm. From Trench ST, Context 6. SF2584. White marble with shiny medium crystals; vertical rim with groove around top edge; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/3. Diam. 28.6 cm. Surface find from Lower City. Compare a fragment found in the Byzantine shop (E15) at Sardis, dated no later than c. 625.8 Fragments of a dish with similar rim profile were found at Saraçhane in contexts ranging from the 7th to 12th centuries.9

18

SF2583. Milky white marble, with shiny medium crystals; vertical rim with groove around top edge; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/3. Diam. 24 cm. Surface find from Lower City.

19

SF1102. White marble with fine crystals; decorated with eight vertical ridges starting above low foot ring; only lower part of sides is preserved. Fig. II/3. P.H. 4.6 cm., Diam. (base) 6.2 cm. From Trench P, Context 26.

20

SF1648. White marble with fine crystals; on sides, the lower part of two protruding lugs; plain, flat base. Possibly a mortar. Fig. II/3. P.H. 5.0 cm., Diam. (base) 8.9 cm. From Trench L, Context 261.

21

SF1858. White marble; only lower part of sides and base with solid foot ring preserved. Fig. II/3; Pl. II/2. Diam. (base) 20.3 cm. From Trench A2, Context 15.

22

23

8 9

Diam. (base) 9.4 cm. From Trench XC, Context 22.

SF3679. Milky white marble with medium crystals; flaring rim, groove and bevelled on top edge; both surfaces polished. Fig. II/2. Diam. 17.4 cm. From Trench LC4, Context 4.

24

SF3367. White marble, with fine crystals; part of side and base with low foot ring preserved; polished surfaces. Fig. II/3. P.H. 5.5 cm., Diam. (base) 14 cm. From Trench TT, Context 67.

25

SF2707. White marble, with fine crystals; part of sides and small solid base pad preserved; undecorated. Fig. II/3; Pl. II/3. Diam. (base) 4.4 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8.

26

SF1168. White marble, with shiny fine crystals; exterior of bowl fluted; petalled rim; part of inscription (read from inside) on top edge: ...]NIAÇ[...; finely polished surfaces. Fig. II/4. P.W. 13 cm., p.H. 8 cm., est. Diam. 33 cm. From Trench L, Context 210.

Bowls with lug handles

SF3970. Greyish white marble, with fine crystals; lower part of sides and base with raised foot ring preserved; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/3. Diam. (base) 23.2 cm. From Trench XC, Context 22.

27

SF515. White marble, with shiny fine crystals; rim fragment with lug preserved; on top edge of rim, part of inscription (only three letters extant): ...] w N X [... ; on lug, two convergent lines, and line marking division between rim and lug; exterior rough chiselled. Fig. II/4; Pl. II/4. P.W. 9.5 cm., p.H. 5.7 cm., est. D. 15.8 cm. Surface find.

28

SF3965. Milky brown marble, with medium crystals; shallow bowl; thick, horizontal rim with groove on top edge; lug decorated with incised lines; polished interior, exterior rough chiselled. Fig. II/4; Pl. II/5. H. 8 cm., Diam. 20.3 cm. Surface find from Lower City. Compare a fragmentary basin or bowl from Salamis in Cyprus, found in a house reputedly of the 4th century.10

29

SF2700. White marble, with shiny medium crystals; rim and body fragment, with part of protruding lug; two grooves on top edge; tooling marks on exterior, interior polished. Fig. II/4. Diam. 27.7 cm. Surface find.

30

SF3972. White marble, with powdery crystals; rim and body fragment, with part of protruding lug; curved groove on top edge, running towards outer edge of lug; tool marks on the exterior, interior polished. Fig. II/4; Pl. II/6 (right). Diam. 24.2 cm.

SF3967. White marble, with pink veins, with fine crystals; only part of base with solid foot ring preserved; polished surfaces. Fig. II/3. Stephens Crawford 1990, 92, fig. 520. Gill 1986, 233 no. 79, fig. E.

10

13

Chavane 1975, 14 no. 3, pls. 1 and 57.

Unstratified. 31

SF3917. White marble, with fine crystals; fragment of rim and slender lug with two grooves on top edge. Fig. II/4. Diam. 35.2 cm. Surface find from Upper City.

32

SF854. Encrusted white marble, with medium crystals; part of bowl with rim and lower part of lug; groove round top edge of rim; exterior rough chiselled; polished interior. Fig. II/4. P.W. 9.8 cm., p.H. 6.8 cm., est. Diam. 18.6 cm. From Trench F, Context 54.

33

SF3966. White marble, with medium crystals; rim fragment; protrusion with three grooves. Part of bowl with rim and lower part of lug. Incised groove round top of rim. Exterior rough chiselled. Fig. II/4. P.W. 4.5 cm., p.H. 6.1 cm., est. Diam. 38 cm. Unstratified.

34

SF2716, SF2708, and SF2710. White marble, with shiny fine crystals; three joining pieces of shallow circular bowl or oval platter with large, lobed ‘earhandle’, pierced with two small holes; flat base with shallow foot ring; polished interior and exterior. Fig. II/5; Pl. II/7. Est. Diam. 26 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8. Similar silver dishes are dated principally to the 2nd and 3rd centuries.11 One may also compare the ‘earhandles’ of salvers or fish serving trays in tinned bronze.12 Other close parallels are provided by glass dishes; one example has a single hole at the centre of each handle.13 The glass examples, however, are generally dated to the 1st century.14

11

12 13

14

SF574. White marble, with powdery crystals; part of bowl with rim and spouted lug; incised groove round top edge of rim and outlined channel of spout; fine chisel marks on the exterior, interior polished. Mortar or bowl. Fig. II/6; Pl. II/6 (left). P.W. 6.1 cm., p.H. 5.3 cm., est. Diam. 19 cm. From Trench D, Context 2.

37

SF1595. Grey marble; rim fragment; fragmentary inscription on top edge of rim (read from outside): ...]UKET[...; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 8 cm., p.H. 8.7 cm., est. Diam. 30-35 cm. From Trench L, Context 4.

Rim fragments 38

SF2560. White marble, with shiny medium crystals; everted and grooved rim fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 4.5 cm., p.H. 2.9 cm. From Trench ST, Context 6.

39

SF2709. Milky white marble, medium crystals; undecorated rim fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. H. 4.7 cm., W. 2.4 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8.

Body fragments

Rim fragments with protrusions 35

36

SF3368. Milky white marble, with shiny fine crystals; petalled rim fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6; Pl. II/8. P.W. 8.1 cm., p.H. 5.8 cm. Lower City Church, core of Phase II pier 58 (middle Byzantine, see Fig. VIII/1).

Strong 1966, 170-2. Compare also a marble salver said to have been found in a tomb somewhere on the west coast of Asia Minor; La Baume and Salomonson 1977, 113 no. 484 (dated to the 2nd century). See, for example, La Baume and Salomonson 1977, 117 no. 508. La Baume and Salomonson 1977, 67 no. 230 (with refs.). 508. For another example, found at Ephesus, see CzurdaRuth 1989, 129-40; Erdemgil n.d., 55 illus. See Whitehouse 1997, 16-17 no. 3 (with refs.). In addition, there is an example in the Museo Archeologico, Florence; Capecchi 1993, 139 and fig. 11.

14

40

SF3971. White marble, with pink veins, small amount of crystals; body fragment decorated on exterior with incised wave pattern between two horizontal grooves; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 11.1 cm., p.H. 9.9 cm. From Trench D, Context 59.

41

SF1842. White marble, with small amount of crystals; body fragment with two horizontal grooves on exterior; tool marks on interior; exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 13.8 cm., p.H. 13.4 cm., est. Diam. 38 cm. From Trench L, Context 272.

42

SF3969. White marble, with fine crystals; undecorated body fragment; tool marks on exterior; interior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 14.4 cm., p.H. 13.3 cm. Unstratified.

43

SF3686. White marble, with small amount of crystals; undecorated body fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 13.0 cm., p.H. 8.8 cm. From Trench A2, unstratified.

44

SF2705. White marble, with small amount of crystals; thin-walled body fragment; interior and

exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 9.0 cm., p.H. 7.7 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8. 45

SF2704. Encrusted white marble, with medium crystals; thin-walled body fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 15.2 cm., p.H. 8.4 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8.

46

SF2706. Encrusted white marble, with medium crystals; thin-walled body fragment; interior and exterior polished. Fig. II/6. P.W. 5.5 cm., p.H. 8.4 cm. From Trench ST, Context 8.

De Nuccio and Ungaro 2002 M. De Nuccio and L. Ungaro (eds.), I marmi colorati della Roma imperiale, Venice 2002. Drew-Bear and Yıldızturan 1999 Th. Drew-Bear, C.M. Thomas and M. Yıldızturan, Phrygian Votive Steles, Ankara 1999. Erdemgil n.d. S. Erdemgil, et al., The Terrace Houses in Ephesus, Istanbul n.d. Gill 1986 M.V. Gill, “The Small Finds,” in Harrison 1986, 22677. Harrison 1986 R.M. Harrison, et al., Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul. Vol. 1. The Excavations, Structures, Architectural Decoration, Small Finds, Coins, Bones, and Molluscs, Princeton 1986. Kingsley 2002 S.A. Kingsley, A Sixth-Century AD Shipwreck off the Carmel Coast, Israel: Dor D and Holy Land Wine Trade, Oxford (BAR International Series 1065) 2002. Korkut 2002 T. Korkut, “Steinerne Mörserschalen aus Patara,” AA (2002), 233-45. La Baume and J.W. Salomonson 1977 P. La Baume and J.W. Salomonson, Römische Kleinkunst, Sammlung Karl Löffler, Cologne 1977 (Wissenschaftliche Kataloge des RömischGermanischen Museums Köln, 3). Stephens Crawford 1990 J. Stephens Crawford, The Byzantine Shops at Sardis, Cambridge, MA 1990. Strong 1966 D.E. Strong, Greek and Roman Gold and Silver Plate, Ithaca, NY 1966. Waelkens 1982 M. Waelkens, Dokimeion. Die Werkstatt der repräsentativen kleinasiatischen Sarkophage, Archäologische Forschungen 11, Berlin 1982. Whitehouse 1997 D. Whitehouse, Roman Glass in The Corning Museum of Glass, Vol. 1, Corning 1997.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Ballance 1989 M. Ballance, Excavations in Chios, 1952-1955: Byzantine Emporio, London 1989. Baydur and Seçkin 2001 N. Baydur and N. Seçkin, Tarsus Donuktaş Kazı Raporu, Istanbul 2001. Capecchi 1993 G. Capecchi, “Entre collectionnisme et archéologie. La collection de verres antiques du Museo Archeologico de Florence,” Annales du 12e Congrès de l’Association Internationale pour l’Histoire du Verre, Vienne - Wien, 26-31 août 1991, Amsterdam 1993, 129-40. Chavane 1975 M.-J. Chavane, Salamine de Chypre, VI. Les petits objects, Paris 1975. Czurda-Ruth 1989 B. Czurda-Ruth, “Zu den römischen Gläsern aus den Hanghäusern von Ephesus,” KölnerJb 22 (1989), 12940. Davidson 1952 G.R. Davidson, Corinth, Vol. XII. The Minor Objects, Princeton 1952.

15

II. CONTEXT CONCORDANCE: MARBLE VESSEL FRAGMENTS 1. Lower City Large Building

5. Upper City, Southern Sector

7. Surface

________________________________

________________________________

________________________________

Trench D D2 SF574 No. 36

Bowl

Trench L L4 SF1595 No. 37

Bowl, inscribed

D59 SF3971 No. 40

Body

L37 SF668

Bowl

Lower City SF1599 No. 7 SF2584 No. 17 SF2583 No. 18 SF3965 No. 28 SF3968 No. 11

Mortar Bowl Bowl Bowl Bowl

Lower City Church Trench A2 SF3686 No. 43

Body

Trench E E2 SF509 No. 2 Trench F F54 SF854 No. 32 Trench P P26 SF1102 No. 19

Mortar

Bowl

Bowl

2. Lower City Wall ________________________________

Mortar

Trench AB AB49 SF843 No. 13

Bowl

Mortar Bowl

3. Lower City Church ________________________________ Trench A2 A2-15 SF1858 No. 21

Bowl

4. Lower City Enclosure ________________________________ Trench XC XC22 SF3967 No. 23 SF3970 No. 22

L210 SF1168 No. 26

Bowl, inscribed

L261 SF1648 No. 20

Bowl

L272 SF1842 No. 41

Trench A6 SF3368 No. 35

Bowl

Body

L336 SF2699 No. 5

Upper City SF3917 No. 31

Bowl

Mortar

L149 SF2701 No. 3

Trench L SF3364 No. 10

Bowl

Mortar

Trench ST SF3365 No. 9

Bowl

General Site SF515 No. 27 SF2700 No. 29 SF3650 No. 6 SF3966 No. 33 SF3969 No. 42 SF3972 No. 30

Bowl, inscribed Bowl Mortar Bowl Body Bowl

6. Upper City, Northern Sector

Trench A A11 SF52 No. 1

Trench LC4 LC4-4 SF3730 No. 4 SF3679 No. 15

No. 12

Bowl Bowl

________________________________ Trench ST ST6 SF2559 No. 16 SF2560 No. 38

Bowl Bowl

ST8 SF2704 No. 45 SF2705 No. 44 SF2706 No. 46 SF2707 No. 25 SF2708 SF2710 No. 34 SF2716 SF2709 No. 39

Bowl

Trench TT TT67 SF3366 No. 8

Mortar

TT76 SF3367 No. 24

Bowl

TT85 SF3363 No. 14

Bowl

Body Body Body Bowl Bowl or platter

16

Fig. II/1. Marble mortars, Nos. 1-6. 17

Fig. II/2. Marble mortars, Nos. 7-8, and bowls, Nos. 9-15.

18

Fig. II/3. Marble bowls, Nos. 16-25.

19

Fig. II/4. Marble bowls, Nos. 26-33.

20

Fig. II/5. Marble bowl or oval platter, No. 34.

Fig. II/6. Marble bowls, rim and body fragments, Nos. 35-46.

21

Pl. II/2. Bowl fragment: No. 21, SF1858 (Neg. AM00/07/32).

Pl. II/1. Mortar fragment: No. 6, SF3650 (Neg. AM00/07/16).

Pl. II/4. Inscribed bowl fragment: No. 27, SF515 (Neg. AM00/07/09).

Pl. II/3. Bowl fragment: No. 25, SF2707 (Neg. AM00/07/36).

Pl. II/6. Bowl fragments: No. 36, SF574, and No. 30, SF3972 (Neg. AM00/07/07).

Pl. II/5. Bowl fragment: No. 28, SF3965 (Neg. AM00/07/31). 22

Pl. II/7. Bowl or oval platter fragment: No. 34, SF2716 (Neg. AM00/07/18).

Pl. II/8. Petalled rim fragment: No. 35, SF3368 (Neg. AM00/07/05).

23

24

III. ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE TERRACOTTA LAMPS M.A.V. Gill and N. Tuğçe Şen * The present study includes all the material that has been identified as belonging to the Roman, late Roman, and early Byzantine periods.1 No complete lamp has survived; all of the fragments seem to come from mouldmade lamps. A study of the fabrics suggests that, while a few may have been imports, the majority were probably of local manufacture. In many cases these have features in common with other regions at broadly the same period, but because the material is fragmentary and so little is derived from closely dated contexts, it would be unwise at this stage to draw too many conclusions from partial parallels.2

4

SF1325. Fragment. About one third of upper body. Concave circular discus separated from shoulder by faintly grooved ridge. Relief decoration on discus: narrow radiating petals. Fabric FW209; (clay) 7.5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 7.5YR N2/0: black. Fig. III/1; Pl. III/1. P.L. 6.1 cm., p.W. 3.2 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21. From the same context as several late Roman coins: cf. SF1327.

5

SF1251. Fragment. About one quarter of upper body. Concave circular discus separated from shoulder by double ridge. Relief decoration on discus: radiating grooved tongues. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 4/1: dark grey. Pl. III/3. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm., p.H. 1.1 cm. From Trench L, Context 229.

6

SF1228. Fragment from shoulder. Shallow circular discus outlined by three grooves and ridges; narrow rim with small projection at side. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 7.5YR N4/0: dark grey; (slip) 7.5YR 3/2: dark brown. Fig. III/2; Pl. III/4. P.L. 3.4 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm., p.H 1.1 cm. From Trench AB, Context 66.

7

SF1221. Fragment from lower part of nozzle of plastic lamp. Fabric 3. Fig. III/2. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm., p.H. 1.9 cm. From Trench L, Context 229.

8

SF1408. Fragment from discus. Circular concave discus. Relief decoration: animal protome, probably horse.3 Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Fig. III/2; Pl. III/4. P.L. 3.8 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm. From Trench L, Context 219.

9

SF1344. Small fragment from body with part of handle. Vertical loop handle with two grooves. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Fig. III/2; Pl. III/6. P.L. 1.6 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm., p.H. 2.9 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 20.

10

SF1435. Small fragment from lower body. With base ring. Fabric FW; (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. P.L. 1.6 cm., p.W 1.4 cm., p.H. 1.3 cm. From Trench L, Context 70.

FINDS FROM 1987-1992 (M.A.V. Gill) ______________________________________________ A. Roman Nos. 1-2 are perhaps of 1st century date, Nos. 3-5 1st to 2nd century, No. 6 2nd century, No. 7 1st to 3rd century, and No. 8 and No. 11 2nd to 3rd century. 1

SF1406. Fragment from handle. About half. Vertical loop handle with double groove at top. Fabric Eastern Sigillata A; (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Fig. III/1. P.L. 4.5 cm., W. 2.3 cm., p.H. 5.5 cm. From Trench A2, Context 2.

2

SF1802. Fragment. About one third of upper body. Shallow flat circular discus with double ridge round edge; moulding (part of ear-shaped lug) on side of shoulder. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. Fig. III/1; Pl. III/2. P.L. 5.1 cm., p.W. 3.8 cm., p.H. 1.2 cm. From Trench L, Context 227.

3

* 1

2

SF175. Fragment. Half of upper body. Concave circular discus separated from shoulder by a double ridge; raised rim round wick hole. Relief decoration on discus: double ridge outlining filling hole and radiating lines encircled by a ridge. Fabric 2.2. Fig. III/1; Pl. III/1. P.L. 6 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm., p.H. 1.1 cm. From Trench E, Context 38. From the same context as a late 6th-early 7th century coin: SF308. MAVG: Glasbury-on-Wye, Hereford. NTŞ: Department of Archaeology and Art History, Istanbul University. The wheel-made ‘saucer’ type lamps of the middle Byzantine constitute a separate group and will be catalogued elsewhere. For preliminary reports, see KST 14/2 (1993), 250, fig. 6.

3

25

Compare Bailey 1988, 41 and fıg. 53 (Q2894-6, Q2952): hippocamps.

11

tion: ring of impressed circles outlined by groove round filling hole; groove along top of bridge between oil and wick holes, with oblique lines either side. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Fig. III/4; Pl. III/8. P.L. 3.8 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm. From Trench L, Context 205.

SF1034. Fragment from shoulder. With raised rim round filling hole. Relief decoration: radiating grooved tongues. Fabric FW201; (clay) 7.5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Fig. III/2; Pl. III/3. P.L. 4.5 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm., p.H. 1.4 cm. Surface find: UTS8.

B. Miscellaneous 12

SF1081. Fragment. About half small round lamp. With solid vertical lug handle, faintly grooved; slightly concave circular discus, gently sloping shoulder and rounded lower body. Fabric FW; (clay) 7.5YR 7/4: pink; (slip) 7.5YR N3/0: very dark grey. Fig. III/3; Pl. III/5. P.L. 6.5 cm., p.W. 5.8 cm., H. 3.9. cm. From Trench M, Context 69.

13

SF911. Fragment from upper body. With solid vertical grooved lug handle; body biconical. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 7.5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 10YR 3/1: very dark grey. Fig. III/3; Pl. III/6. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 3 cm., p.H. 3.3 cm. From Trench M, Context 46. Similar from Trench L, Context 229 (SF1249. p.L. 3.6 cm. Pl. III/6).

14

15

SF1227. Fragment from upper body. Squat semicircular vertical lug; body biconical. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 7.5YR 5/6: deep brown. Fig. III/3; Pl. III/6. P.L. 2.8 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm., p.H. 2.8 cm. From Trench AB, Context 66. SF583. Fragment from nozzle. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red; (slip) 5YR 7/3: pink. Fig. III/3; Pl. III/7. P.L. 3 cm., p.W. 1.3 cm., p.H. 1.1 cm. From Trench D, Context 125.

17

SF614a, b. Two non-joining fragments from same lamp: a) part of shoulder with slightly raised ridge outlining discus; b) part of lower body, with shallow base ring and end of ‘swallow tail’ in low relief below missing handle. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Fig. III/4; Pl. III/9. a) P.L. 3.6 cm., p.W. 2.8 cm., p.H. 1.7 cm. b) P.L. 4 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm., p.H. 1.3 cm. From Trench D, Context 44. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 1, fig. 6. From the same context as a coin of Theophilus (829-843): SF200.

18

SF1347. Fragment from lower body. With shallow base ring and pairs of divergent grooves defining base of nozzle. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Fig. III/4; Pl. III/9. P.L. 4.6 cm., p.W. 4.6 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 2, fig. 6.

19

SF1409. Fragment from lower body. With shallow base ring and convergent ridges extending from beneath missing handle. Fabric FW201; (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 10R 4/8: red. Fig. III/4; Pl. III/9. P.L. 3.3 cm., p.W. 4.2 cm., p.H. 2 cm. From Trench L, Context 246.

20

SF1346. Fragment from lower body. With shallow base ring slightly peaked at nozzle end. Faint relief decoration on base: central rib with branches. Fabric 2.2; 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow. Fig. III/4; Pl. III/2. P.L. 3.9 cm., p.W. 4.1 cm., p.H. 1.7 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21.

21

SF1378. Fragment from upper body. With solid vertical lug handle of rounded shape; raised ridge outlining discus. Faint relief decoration on shoulder and discus. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 10R 4/6: red. Fig. III/5; Pl. III/6. P.L. 3.9 cm., p.W. 3.3 cm., p.H. 2.6 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21.

22

SF1307. Fragment from body. With solid vertical handle of semicircular shape; two grooves on top of handle continuing on underside of vessel. Faint relief decoration on shoulder: scrolls (perhaps vine pattern). Fabric FW201; 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. Fig. III/5; Pl. III/6.

C. Early Byzantine The following probably all date from the 4th or 5th to 7th centuries. No. 16 seems to be a version of the popular Levantine type of handleless slipper shaped lamp with ‘candlestick’ ornamentation on the nozzle.4 Nos. 17-20 have mouldings characteristic of the undersides of ‘Asia Minor’ type lamps.5 Nos. 26-34 display features derived from ‘North African’ prototypes, and the stub handles of Nos. 36-41 are particularly fine versions of the ‘Balkan’ type. 16

4 5

SF1204. Fragment from nozzle area of upper body. With raised rim round filling hole. Relief decoraSee Bailey 1988, 281-2 and nos. Q2330-36. See Bailey 1988, 371-2 and fig. 162.

26

P.L. 2.3 cm., p.W. 2.6 cm., p.H. 3 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 9. 23

SF1287. Fragment. Most of upper body. With vertical lug handle; pronounced ridge outlining flat discus with central filling hole; sloping shoulder. Both filling and wick holes re-worked; re-used as a weight or cleat (?). Fabric 2; 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. Fig. III/5; Pl. III/10. P.L. 8.1 cm., W. 6.4 cm., p.H. 2.3 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 12.

24

SF1343. Fragment from upper body. Pronounced ridge outlining flat discus with central filling hole; sloping shoulder. Fabric 2; (clay) 10YR 6/4: yellowish brown; (slip) 7.5YR 4/4: brown. Fig. III/5; Pl. III/11. P.L. 6.2 cm., p.W. 3.7 cm., p.H. 1.8 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 18.

25

SF1348. Fragment. About half of lower body. Shoe shaped with flat base peaked at nozzle end. Fabric 2.2; 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow. Fig. III/5; Pl. III/10. P.L. 6.7 cm., W. 6.6 cm., p.H. 1.8 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21.

26

SF1355. Fragment from upper body. Circular discus outlined by ridge, sloping shoulder and flattish channel to missing nozzle. Relief decoration a) on discus: indistinct; b) on shoulder: spined herringbone between ridges, the outer ridge continuing to outline the nozzle. Fabric 2; 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/13. P.L. 4.1 cm., p.W. 4.2 cm., p.H. 1.1 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 17. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 3, fig. 6.

27

28

29

steeply sloping shoulder. Relief decoration on discus: star with pellets at points and between rays; longer ray terminating in trefoil of pellets at mouth of channel to nozzle. Fabric 2; 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Fig. III/8; Pl. III/14. P.L. 5.2 cm., p.W. 3.6 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 7. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 4, fig. 6.

SF1407. Fragment from upper body. Concave discus divided from flat shoulder by pronounced ridge. Relief decoration a) on discus: oblique strokes on curve below ridge; b) on ridge: shallow central groove crossed at right angles by series of small incisions; c) on shoulder: pellets. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/14. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 3 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench L, Context 38. SF1354. Fragment. About half of upper body. Concave discus with steeply sloping shoulder and squat vertical lug handle. Relief decoration on discus and shoulder: rows of raised crescents. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/14. P.L. 6.3 cm., p.W. 4.4 cm., p.H. 2 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 17. SF1308. Fragment. About half of upper body. Flat inset discus outlined by high ridge formed by top of 27

30

SF1286. Fragment. Three-quarters of upper body. With squat vertical handle; ridge separating flat discus from sloping shoulder and continuing to outline missing nozzle. Relief decoration on discus: alternating rays and pellets. Fabric 2; (clay) 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/14. P.L. 6.4 cm., p.W. 4.1 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm., Diam. (filling hole) 1 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 12.

31

SF1361. Fragment from upper body. With ridge dividing discus from sloping shoulder and continuing to outline nozzle. Relief decoration a) on discus: palm motif (?); b) on shoulder: two rows of circles. Fabric 2; (clay) 7.5YR 7/4: pink; (slip) 2.5YR 6/8: light red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/8. P.L. 4.4 cm., p.W. 3.3 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 22.

32

SF1295. Fragment from upper body. With vertical lug handle; double ridge separating sloping shoulder from slightly concave discus. Traces of relief decoration on discus. Fabric 2; (clay) 7.5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 10YR 4/8: red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/13. P.L. 4.1 cm., p.W. 3.6 cm., p.H. 2.2 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 13.

33

SF1326. Fragment. About one third of body. Deeply concave discus separated from steeply sloping shoulder by double ridge, inner ridge continuing to outline channel leading to missing nozzle; base ring. Crudely made. Fabric 2; (clay) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/11. P.L. 6.7 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm., p.H. 3.5 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21.

34

SF1322. Fragment. Nozzle end of body. Channel leading to nozzle outlined by ridge; base ring. Relief decoration on shoulder: ray and possibly end of second ridge (as on No. 33). Fabric 2; (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/11. P.L. 6.6 cm., p.W. 4.1 cm., p.H. 2.9 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1.3 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 20.

35

SF386. Fragment. Large part of lower body. Shoeshaped with roughly oval raised rim round inset base. Fabric 1. Fig. III/7; Pl. III/12. P.L. 7.7 cm., W. 5.8 cm., p.H. 2.5 cm. From Trench E, Context 67.

36

SF416. Stub handle in form of cross with flared arms. Relief decoration: cross in double outline with central circle; also part of double ridge outlining discus. Fabric 2 overfired; 10YR 3/1: very dark grey to 10YR 4/5: yellowish brown. Fig. III/8; Pl. III/15. P.H. 4.6 cm., p.W. 4.2 cm. From Trench D, Context 125. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 6, fig. 6.

From Trench E, Context 71. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 10, fig. 6. 42

SF415. Fragment. One third of upper body. With solid vertical lug handle of semicircular shape; double ridge separating concave circular discus from sloping shoulder. Relief decoration a) on handle: triple ridge from discus to top of handle; b) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from filling hole; c) on shoulder: short oblique strokes round upper section. Fabric 2 overfired; 10YR 5/4: yellowish brown. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/17. P.L. 6.2 cm., p.W. 4.6 cm., p.H. 3.1 cm., Diam. (filling hole) 1.4 cm. From Trench D, Context 125.

43

SF243. Fragment. Almost half upper body. With solid vertical lug handle of circular shape, and part of lower body; double ridge separating concave circular discus from sloping shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from filling hole; b) on shoulder: running S-spirals. Fabric 2 overfired; 10YR 3/3: brown. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/17. P.L. 8.3 cm., p.W. 5.5 cm., p.H. 3.8 cm. From Trench D, Context 69. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 5, fig. 6.

44

SF1324. Fragment. Half of upper body. With solid vertical lug handle of wedge shape; double ridge separating concave circular discus from sloping shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: C-scrolls radiating from filling hole, separated by pellets; b) on shoulder: stylized fruiting vine in form of scrolling lines and groups of pellets. Fabric 2 overfired; 5YR 4/2: dark reddish grey. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/18. P.L. 3.4 cm., p.W. 4.7 cm., p.H. 2.9 cm. From Trench ABf, Context 21.

37

SF1035. Fragment from stub handle in form of cross with flared arms. Relief decoration: cross in double outline. Fabric 5; 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Fig. III/8. P.H. 2.6 cm., p.W. 3.7 cm. Surface find: UTS33.

38

SF218. Fragment from discus and stub handle of leaf shape. Relief decoration a) on handle: double outline continuing into volutes at base either side of cross with flared arms and circles on each arm and at centre; b) on discus: double ridge outlining discus, with ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from centre. Fabric 2; (clay) 2.5YR N5/0: grey; (slip) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow. Fig. III/8. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 4.6 cm., p.H. 3.2 cm. From Trench E, Context 37. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 7, fig. 6. From the same context as a coin of Constans II, dated 651-656: SF224.

39

SF372. Fragment from discus and stub handle of leaf shape. Relief decoration a) on handle: double outline continuing into volutes at base with stylized sprig filling centre; b) on discus: double outline with outer line curving up into pattern of handle. Fabric 1; 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. Fig. III/8; Pl. III/16. P.L. 4.4 cm., p.W. 4.4 cm., p.H. 3.6 cm. From Trench E, Context 67. AnatSt 42 (1992), 219 no. 8, fig. 6.

40

SF305. Fragment from stub handle of five-lobed form. Relief decoration: five-leafed palmette, central leaf with spined herring-bone filling, flanking leaves in double outline and side leaves with central vein. Fabric 2 overfired; (clay) 7.5YR N3/0: very dark grey; (slip) 7.5YR 7/4: pink. Fig. III/8; Pl. III/16. P.L. 4.7 cm., p.W. 3.2 cm. From Trench C, Context 32.

45

SF517. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating discus from shoulder, the inner ridge continuing to outline channel to missing nozzle. Relief decoration a) on discus: semicircles and pellets round filling hole, outlined by circular ridge; b) on shoulder: radiating strokes. Fabric 2; 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/18. P.L. 3.7 cm., p.W. 2.8 cm., p.H. 1.2 cm. From Trench D, Context 125.

41

SF461. Fragment from upper body with stub handle of palmette shape. Relief decoration a) on handle: leaves of five-leaved palmette hollowed within raised outlines, radiating from semicircle; b) on discus: double ridge outlining discus, with ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from centre; c) on shoulder: traces of scroll pattern. Fabric 67; (clay) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red; (slip ?) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow. Fig. III/8; Pl. III/16. P.L. 4.5 cm., p.W. 5.2 cm., p.H. 3.3 cm.

46

SF417. Fragment from upper body. With pronounced ridge round filling hole, and sloping shoulder. Relief decoration on shoulder: line with hatching either side, and ridged four-pronged ‘flame’ pattern round edge. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 10YR 5/4: yellowish brown; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/1. P.L. 4 cm., p.W. 2.6 cm., p.H. 1.6 cm. From Trench D, Context 125.

28

47

the 3rd century and later; Menzel 1969, 85-6 no. 563, fig. 72, 11; Bailey 1988, 175-6 nos. Q1670-Q1671. See also an intact lamp found during recent excavations at Alabanda; Yener 2002, 181 and pl. 12.

SF1536. Fragment from upper body. With pronounced ridge round filling hole, and sloping shoulder. Relief decoration on shoulder: zigzag lines with circles between. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 10YR 4/8: very dark grey. Fig. III/9; Pl. III/8. P.L. 2.9 cm., p.W. 3.2 cm., p.H. 1.7 cm. From Trench J, Context 1.

50

SF3055 Fragment from upper body. Plain discus surrounded by pronounced circular ridge. Relief decoration on shoulder: series of dots. Fabric (clay) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/8. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm. Surface find, south-east slope of Upper City. Similar to No. 49, but compare also African lamps of c. 220-370; Bailey 1988, 191 no. Q1726. However, the closest parallel is provided by lamps of type 1Lm111 from Sagalassos (undated); Roovers 1993, 155-6, fig. 115,a-b.

51

SF2577. Concave circular discus separated from shoulder by grooved ridge. Relief decoration on discus: narrow radiating petals. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. Pl. III/1. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 2.8 cm. From Trench ST, Context 11. Similar to No. 4, above.

52

SF4168. Fragment from upper body. With triple ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: radiating lines; b) on shoulder: short diagonal strokes. Fabric (clay) 10YR 6/3: pale brown; (slip) 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/22. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 2 cm. From Trench XA, Context 89. Compare Nos. 3-4, above.

53

SF3083. Fragment from circular, concave discus. Relief decoration a) on discus: leaf-shaped arranged around edge; b) on shoulder: series of grooves and ridges. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/8: light red; (slip ?) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow. Pl. III/3. P.L. 4 cm., p.W. 1.5 cm. From Trench TT, Context 64.

54

SF2013. Fragment from upper body and nozzle. Shallow concave discus with narrow, flat shoulder. Projecting nozzle decorated with volute (?). Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 10YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/4. P.L. 6.2 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm. From Trench L, Context 385.

55

SF2008. Fragment from upper body and nozzle. Shallow concave discus with narrow, flat shoulder. Projecting nozzle decorated with volute (?), sooted. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 10YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/4. P.L. 6.2 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm. From Trench L, Context 383.

FINDS FROM 1993-2001 (N.T. Şen) ______________________________________________ Since Margaret Gill completed her catalogue, a considerable number of lamp fragments have been recovered, but again during the last nine years no intact lamp has been found at Amorium. The present group of fragments conforms to the same general pattern as the earlier finds, indicating that, as well as the local manufacture of simple, plain types (Nos. 102-105), the more ornate examples imitated decorative trends that were prevalent throughout western Asia Minor and other parts of the eastern Roman empire until about the mid-7th century.6 Most of the fragments are from mould-made lamps, although a few examples are wheel-made (Nos. 48 and 58). The colour of the fabric ranges between 7.5YR 6/6, 5YR 7/8, 5YR 7/6, and 5YR 5/4: reddish yellow. A. Roman 48

49

6

SF3294. Fragment from body with complete nozzle. Elongated nozzle, projecting upwards. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 2.5/0: black. Wheel-made. Pl. III/7. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 4.7 cm., p.H. 3.1 cm. From Trench TT, Context 175. Possibly 2nd century. Possibly an import from Sagalassos since it closely resembles examples of type 1Lw100 found in the potters’ quarter there, but it is more likely to be a local imitation; compare Roovers 1993, 153, figs. 109 and 111,a-c. For dating of the type, see Scheltens 1995, 192-3. SF3054. Fragment from upper body. With pronounced ridge around concave discus and central filling hole. Relief decoration on shoulder: three concentric rows of dots. Fabric (clay) 10YR 8/4: very pale brown; (slip) 5YR 3/2: dark reddish brown. (Fig. 9); Pl. III/8. P.L. 4.8 cm., p.W. 4 cm. From Trench ST, Context 112. From the same context as two late Roman coins of the mid-4th century: SF2825 and SF2828. Compare Hayes 1992, 80-4 nos. 1-15 (‘Asia Minor’ types 1-2); also Menzel 1969, 86 no. 568, fig. 81, 11; Williams 1981, 73 no. 393, pl. 17; and Bailey 1988, 380 nos. Q3090-Q3091. The closest parallels, however, are provided by Hispanic lamps dated to See Bailey 1988, 367-8.

29

56

57

SF3185a. Fragment from upper body. Circular concave discus surrounded by grooved ridge. Fabric (clay) 10YR 6/4: light yellow-brown; slip 2.5YR 4/6: red. Pl. III/4. P.L. 2.1 cm., p.W. 1.9 cm. From Trench TT, Context 146.

P.L. 2 cm., p.W. 3 cm., p.H. 1.9 cm. From Trench TT, Context 126.

SF4235. Fragment from upper body and solid vertical lug handle with single transverse groove on spine. Rosette decoration in shallow relief between handle and filling hole. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YRN 2.5/0: black. Pl. III/23. P.L. 4.6 cm., p.W. 5 cm. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. Compare No. 11, above.

B. Miscellaneous 58

SF4232. Fragment from upper body. Ridge around central filling hole. Plain discus and rounded shoulder. Fabric (clay) 10YR 6/3: pale brown; (slip) 5YR 3/1 very dark gray. Wheel-made. Pl. III/24. P.L. 3.7 cm., p.W. 2.4 cm. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified.

59

SF1300. Fragment from nozzle, with traces of soot. Fabric 5; 2.5YR 5/8: red. Pl. III/7. P.L. 3.1 cm., p.W. 1.4 cm. From Trench AB, Context 86.

60

SF1385. Fragment from nozzle. Fabric 3; 7.5YR 4/2 dark brown. Pl. III/7. P.L. 2.6 cm., p.W. 1.2 cm. From Trench AB, Context 110. Similar from Trench XC, Context 91 (SF3877. Fabric 7.5YR 3/2: dark brown. P.L. 3.0 cm., p.W. 1.9 cm.).

61

SF2562. Fragment from nozzle. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 2.5/1: black (?). Pl. III/7. P.L. 2 cm., p.W. 1.8 cm., p.H. 2 cm. From Trench A7, Context 4.

62

SF3193a. Fragment from nozzle. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/6: red. Pl. III/7. P.L. 2.2 cm., p.W. 2.2 cm. From Trench TT, Context 175.

63

SF1452. Fragment from nozzle. Fabric 2.2; (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/7. P.L. 3.2 cm., p.W. 1.7 cm. From Trench M, Context 69.

64

SF3357. Fragment of shoulder with traces of handle. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 7.5YR 5/4: brown. Pl. III/6.

65

SF1223. Fragment from body with handle. Body of low open form, with flat base and deeply surved side; large angular handle pierced by hole. Undecorated. Fabric 2; 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow. Wheelmade. Fig. III/6; Pl. III/6. P.L. 4.1 cm., p.W. 4.5 cm., H. 3 cm. From Trench L, Context 210.

66

SF2010. Fragment. Large part of lower half of body. Roughly circular with round flat base. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/12. P.L. 7 cm., p.W. 6.9 cm., p.H. 2.4 cm. From Dig House Cesspit.

67

SF3430. Fragment from upper body. Circular concave discus surrounded by grooved ridge; part of filling hole with slightly raised lip. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/4. P.L. 4.8 cm., p.W. 2.8 cm., p.H. 2.3 cm. From Trench UU, unstratified.

C. Early Byzantine

30

68

SF2990. Fragment from upper body with solid vertical lug handle. Pronounced ridge around discus. Relief decoration a) on discus: rosette; on shoulder: single row of large dots. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR: red. Pl. III/3. P.L. 3.9 cm., p.W. 3.2 cm. From Trench AB, Context 207. Compare Bailey 1988, 395 no. Q3212 (from Sardis). From same context as a signed follis (1068-1071): SF2929.

69

SF2575. Fragment from broad shoulder. Relief decoration: two pronounced circular ridges, surrounded by pattern of large pointed ovules. Fabric (clay) 10YR 6/3: pale brown; (slip) 10YR 3/2: dark grey brown. Pl. III/3. P.L. 2.4 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm. From Trench AB, Context 330.

70

SF3193b. Fragment from upper body. Deep circular discus with central filling hole. Impressed decoration a) around discus: series of dots; b) on shoulder: diagonal grooves. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/8: light red; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Pl. III/8. P.L. 3 cm., p.W. 1.9 cm. From Trench TT, Context 175.

71

SF3133. Fragment from upper body. Relief decoration: two concentric rows of small dots around indistinct lines and central design. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/8:

yellowish red. Pl. III/8. P.L. 3.7 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm. From Trench TT, Context 67. 72

73

78

SF3813. Fragment from upper body. Concave discus divided from shoulder by pronounced ridge. Relief decoration a) on discus: oblique strokes on curve below ridge; b) on shoulder: large pellets. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. P.L. 3.4 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm., p.H. 1.1 cm. From Trench XC, Context 43. Similar to No. 27, above.

79 SF 3878. Fragment from upper body. Relief decoration a) on discus: heart-shaped pattern with internal lines; b) on shoulder: series of close-set strokes. Fabric 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. Pl. III/28. P.L. 4.4 cm., p.W. 3 cm. From Trench XC, Context 91. Similar to No. 77.

SF3355 Fragment from upper body. Circular discus with central filling hole; double ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration: a) on discus: irregular zigzag pattern around edge; b) on shoulder: faint zigzag on top of outer ridge. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip ?) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/8. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm. From Trench TT, Context 76.

74

SF 2982. Fragment from upper body with small pointed stub handle. Relief decoration on shoulder: series of close-set strokes. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8 red. Pl. III/13. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 2.4 cm. From Trench TT, Context 64.

75

SF3809. Fragment from upper body with leafshaped handle. Relief decoration a) on handle: volutes and lentoid motif with circle; b) on discus: heart-shaped pattern (?); c) on shoulder: series of short strokes. Fabric 10YR 3/2: very dark grayish brown, overfired. Iconomu Type XXXIII. Pl. III/25. P.L. 5.3 cm., p.W. 4 cm. From Trench XC, Context 76. Similar to Nos. 38-39, above. Compare Bailey 1988, 398-9 no. Q3231 (with parallels from the Balkans and Constantinople); Hayes 1992, 80, 83, 87, nos. 69-70 (type 11).

76

SF3771. Leaf-shaped handle fragment. Relief decoration: stylised palmette and volutes. Fabric 10YR 4/2: dark grayish brown, overfired. Pl. III/26. P.L. 4.4 cm., p. W. 3 cm. From Trench XC, Context 26. Compare Hayes 1992, 87-8 nos. 89-94.

77

SF4226. Fragment from upper body. Relief decoration a) on discus: heart-shaped pattern with internal lines; b) on shoulder: series of close-set dots. Fabric 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. Pl. III/27. P.L. 4.1 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm. From Trench TT or UU, unstratified. Compare Hayes 1992, 87 nos. 69 and 71.

SF2011. Fragment from upper body. Relief decoration a) on discus: heart-shaped pattern with internal lines; b) on shoulder: series of short strokes. Fabric 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/18. P.L. 4 cm., p.W. 2.5 cm. Surface find. Similar to No. 77.

31

80

SF3930. Fragment from upper body. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from centre; b) on shoulder: series of parallel strokes. Fabric 5YR 5/4: reddish yellow. Pl. III/29. P.L. 3.6 cm., p.W. 2.5 cm. From Trench XC, surface find. Similar to Nos. 41-43, above; compare Hayes 1992, 80 (types 11-14).

81

SF4237. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: six-armed star (two triangles superimposed) with dotted circles between arms of star; b) on shoulder: short radiating lines and wavy pattern. Fabric 7.5YR 4/4: brown. Pl. III/30. P.L. 4.3 cm., p.W. 2.5 cm. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified.

82

SF3356. Fragment from upper body. With widelyspaced double ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘spider’s web’ of radiating spokes with interlocking lines and semicircle flanking point between spokes; b) on shoulder: short lines. Fabric 10YR 4/3: brown/dark brown. Fig. 15; Pl. III/18. P.L. 2.2 cm., p.W. 2 cm. From Trench TT, Context 153.

83

SF3677. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration: short lines on shoulder. Fabric 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/18. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 2 cm. Surface find from the north side of the Lower City Enclosure. Similar from Trench XC, Context 12 (SF3773. Fabric 10YR 4/1: dark grey. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm.).

84

SF4163. Stub handle in form of cross with flared arms. Relief decoration: cross in double outline with central circle. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 4/6: red; (slip) 10YR 7/2: very pale brown. Pl. III/32.

P.H. 4 cm., p.W. 3.5 cm. From Trench XC, Context 186. Very similar to No. 36, above; compare Bailey 1988, 398-9 no. Q3227; Hayes 1992, 87 no. 71 (type 11); Mlasowsky 1993, 446 no. 443 (KestnerMuseum Hanover, from Moesia). 85

86

87

88

89

90

From Trench ST, Context 110.

SF2589. Upper body and handle. Carinated body with double ridge separating plain discus from shoulder and forming nozzle channel. Central filling hole. Large plain flat-sided handle projecting upwards with deep groove along top. Fabric 7.5YR 4/2: brown. Fig. 7; Pl. III/19. P.L. 6.9 cm., p.W. 6.4 cm. Surface find from west sector of necropolis. Compare Hayes 1992, 80, 83, 88 nos. 113-118 (type 12). SF3973. Fragment. About two-thirds of underside of body, and small part of shoulder decorated with series of closely spaced, short strokes. Complete shallow base ring with projecting nozzle, and ring handle with single transverse groove on spine. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 3/6: dark red. Pl. III/32. P.L. 9.5 cm,. W. 6.4 cm. From Trench XB, Context 30. For handle, compare Hayes 1992, 80 (types 4-10). SF3963. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating discus from shoulder. On shoulder, chain pattern of two intertwined way lines in relief. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 2.5YR3/4: dark reddish brown. Pl. III/33. P.L. 3.4 cm. From Trench XB, Context 30. SF4160. Fragment from upper body with nozzle and central filing hole. On shoulder, impressed decoration of lines interspersed with dots. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/34. P.L. 4.9 cm., p.W. 2.6 cm. From Trench XC, Context 206. SF3714. Fragment from upper body with base of stub handle. Two pronounced concentric ridges on concave discus with central filing hole. Relief decoration: short lines on shoulder. Fabric (clay) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red; (slip ?) 10R 4/6: red. Pl. III/11. P.L. 3.2 cm., p.W. 4.5 cm. Surface find from the north side of the Lower City Enclosure. SF2863. Fragment from upper body. With two concentric ridges around large filling hole. Fabric 2.2 (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip ?) 10YR 5/6: yellowish brown. Pl. III/4. P.L. 3.7 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm. 32

91

SF3092a. Fragment from upper body with solid, vertical lug handle. With single ridge separating discus from shoulder. On shoulder, relief decoration of long parallel lines. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 5/8: red. Pl. III/13. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 3.6 cm. From Trench AB, Context 330.

92

SF3092b. Fragment from shoulder and side of body. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 5/8: red; (slip) 2.5YR 4/6: red. Pl. III/20. P.L. 4.7 cm., p.W. 1.7 cm. From Trench AB, Context 330. Possibly from the same lamp as no. 91.

93

SF3875. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from filling hole; b) on shoulder: dots and wave pattern. Fabric 10YR 4/3: dark brown. Pl. III/35. P.W. 6.7 cm. From Trench XC, Context 91.

94

SF4034. Fragment from upper body. With single wide ridge separating discus from shoulder. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from filling hole; b) on shoulder: small dotted circles. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/36. P.L. 3.1 cm., p.W. 2.9 cm. From Trench XC, Context 117.

95

SF3051. Fragment from nozzle; broken into two parts, repaired. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 3/6 dark red. Pl. III/7. P.L. 2.5 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm., p.H. 1.5 cm. From Trench ST, Context 11.

96

SF3362. Fragment from upper body. With double ridge separating concave discus from shoulder. Fabric 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow. Pl. III/2. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 2 cm. From Trench TT, Context 85.

97

SF2030. Fragment from upper body. With part of concave discus and traces of handle. Undecorated. Overfired. Fabric 7.5YR N4: dark grey. Pl. III/2. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 2 cm. From Trench L, Context 382.

98

SF3346. Fragment from discus with filling hole. Undecorated. Fabric (clay) 10R 5/8: red; (slip) 10R 4/8: red. Pl. III/2. P.L. 3.1 cm., p.W. 3 cm. From Trench ST, Context 11.

99

SF3361. Fragment from discus with filling hole.

Undecorated. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. Pl. III/2. P.L. 2.5 cm., p.W. 3 cm. From Trench TT, Context 134.

below). In total, therefore, about 150 pieces have been surveyed and, despite the fragmentary nature of the material, some important conclusions can be drawn from the finds.

100 SF3880. Fragment from underside, shoulder and nozzle. Undecorated. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/6: red. Pl. III/37. P.L. 8.1 cm., p.W. 3.6 cm. From Trench XC, Context 91.

Significantly, the most complete example, No. 85, was found on the surface in the west necropolis. The rest fall into three distinct groups: (a) fragments recovered from Trench AB Fosse immediately outside the Lower City walls, (b) residual material re-deposited in later habitation layers, and (c) finds from contemporary contexts. The first group, Nos. 4, 9, 18, 20-26, 28-34, 44, and 60, represents material that was dumped as rubbish outside the city during the late Roman and early Byzantine periods.7 The finds from the Upper City, Nos. 2, 5, 7-8, 10-11, cf. 13 (SF1249), 16, 19, 27, 37, 48-49, 51, 53-58, 62, 64-65, 70-71, 73-74, 77, 81, and 82, fall within the secondary category, as do those from the Church, Nos. 1 and 61, and other contexts in the Lower City, notably No. 68.

101 SF4170. Fragment from underside and nozzle. Traces of nozzle channel. Fabric 5YR7/8: reddish yellow. Pl. III/38. P.L. 3.8 cm., p.W. 4.1 cm. From Trench XC, Context 91. D. ‘Amorium’ type 102 SF4156. Fragment from upper body with nozzle. Undecorated. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 7.5YR 3/2: dark brown. Pl. III/39. P.L. 3.2 cm., p.W. 3.7 cm. From Trench XC, Context 206.

This leaves relatively few examples with a firm stratigraphical context. The two non-joining fragments, No. 17, from the Large Building may constitute one such find, and the numismatic evidence suggests a 9th-century date for the context. Another find from the Large Building, No. 38, was found in the same context as a coin of Constans II (SF224), which at least confirms the 7thcentury dating for the lamp type. Several other fragments of early Byzantine, ‘Asia Minor’ type lamps come from related contexts in the same building complex - see Nos. 36, 39, 41-42, and 45-46. It is also interesting to note that examples of the same types of lamp were later found in the Enclosure - see Nos. 75-76, 79, 81, 93-94, and 100101.8 These finds, some of which have previously been classed as ‘Balkan type’, constitute an important group of new evidence for lamp production in Asia Minor towards the end of antiquity.9 Much more, however, remains to be done before the full range of this production, described elsewhere as ‘très importante et en même temps très particulière’, is fully understood.10

103 SF3049. Fragment from body with knob handle. Bulge around base of handle. Undecorated, flat discus with part of filling hole, surrounded by ridge. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. Pl. III/21. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 3.8 cm. From Trench TT, Context 50. 104 SF2007. Fragment from body with knob handle. Bulge around base of handle. Fabric (clay) 10YR 7/6: yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/21. P.L. 2.2 cm., p.W. 2.4 cm. Surface find. 105 SF3593. Fragment from body with knob handle. Bulge around base of handle. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 8/4: pink; (slip) 10YR 4/8: red. Pl. III/21. P.L. 2.7 cm., p.W. 2.7 cm. From Trench LC4, Context 19.

Finally, there are the fragments that have been classed above as a local ‘Amorium’ type, Nos. 102-105. Although they come from diverse areas of the site, those with specific contexts would seem to belong rather later than the other material catalogued here. One example (SF3593) comes from a middle Byzantine domestic context behind the Lower City walls, while another (SF3960) was found in Structure #2 within the Enclosure in the same context as two copper alloy folles of Nicephorus II

Similar from Trench XD, Context 17 (SF3960. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/6: red. P.L. 3.6 cm. Pl. III/40); Trench XC, Context 110 (SF4165. Fabric (clay) 10YR 7/6: yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. P.L. 2.6 cm., p.W. 2.3 cm. Pl. III/41).

7

DISCUSSION (C.S. Lightfoot) ______________________________________________

8 9

The above catalogue lists include slightly over a hundred examples of terracotta lamps found at Amorium. Another forty fragments were recorded in 2001 but have not been included in the detailed catalogue (see Appendix A,

10

33

See AnatSt 41 (1991), 224, 226; AnatSt 42 (1992), 212. See DOP 55 (2001), 393 and note 45. For a fragmentary lamp with a cruciform stub handle found at Aegina, Greece, see Felten 1975, 67 no. 77, pl. 19. Two further (unpublished) examples have been noted on display in the Eskişehir Archaeological Museum (19.04.96). Poulou-Papadimitriou 1986, 585. For further discussion and references, see also Williams 1981, 69-71.

(SF4024 and SF4026). Perhaps these fragments represent a fairly simple form of terracotta lamp that was in use at Amorium in the 10th and 11th centuries. The fact that they are so few and fragmentary, however, may argue against such a conclusion, especially as the wheel-made open ‘saucer’ type of middle Byzantine lamp is so well represented and is often preserved in a much more complete state. Nevertheless, in the context of the urban continuity that one finds at Amorium, one must seek to bridge the gap between the mould-made lamps of the 6th-7th century and the wheel-made ‘saucer’ lamps of the middle Byzantine period. APPENDIX A: LIST OF ADDITIONAL FROM AMORIUM (C.S. Lightfoot)

From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A12 SF4159. Handle and fragment of body. From Trench XC, Context 206. A13 SF4169. Fragment of handle and body. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. From Trench XA, Context 78. A14 SF3903. Body and nozzle fragment. Overfired. Fabric 5YR 3/1. From Trench A1 Narthex, Context 18. A15 SF2561. Body fragment. Fabric 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. From Trench L, Context 381. A16 SF3347. Body fragment. Fabric 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip ?) 7.5YR N2/0: black. From Trench ST, Context 11. Pl. III/20. A17 SF3358. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 10YR 7/6 yellow; (slip) 2.5 YR 4/6: red. From Trench TT, Context 48. Pl. III/20. A18 SF3185b. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. From Trench TT, Context 146. Pl. III/20. A19 SF4239. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 5 YR 6/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 6/8: light red. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A20 SF4240. Body fragment. Fabric 7.5 YR 7/6: reddish yellow. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A21 SF3931. Body fragment. Overfired (?). Fabric 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. From Trench XC, unstratified. A22 SF3772. Fragment of body. Fabric (clay) 2.5YR 6/6: light red; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. From Trench XC, Context 19. A23 SF3879. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. From Trench XC, Context 91. A24 SF4155. Body fragment. Fabric 10R 5/8: red. From Trench XC, Context 177. A25 SF3810. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric 5YR 4/6: yellowish red. From Trench XC, Context 73. A26 SF3186. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric 7.5YR 7/6. From Trench TT, Context 146 and 155. Pl. III/20. A27 SF3956. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric 2.5YR 6/6: light red. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A28 SF3964. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric 5 YR 5/6: yellowish red. From Trench XB, Context 30. A29 SF3881. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/6: red. From Trench XC, Context 91. A30 SF3886. Fragment. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 2.5YR 4/8: red. From Trench XC, Context 91. A31 SF3887. Fragment. Fabric 5YR 5/6. From Trench XC, Context 91. A32 SF4171. Fragment of lower body and base. Fabric 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow. From Trench XC, Context 220.

LAMP FRAGMENTS

______________________________________________ It was decided to add the following list of fragments in order to provide a full inventory of the finds through to the end of 2001. Only a few examples are distinctive and have traces of any decoration on either the discus or the shoulder. Many others appear to be undecorated. Some of the body and base fragments may belong to wheel-made lamps, while those that have been tentatively identified as wheel-made may include examples of middle Byzantine ‘saucer’ lamps that were not immediately recognisable as such. Mould-made A1 SF3774. Discus fragment. Fabric 5YR 7/8: reddish yellow. Surface find. A2 SF4162. Discus fragment. Fabric (clay) 10YR 6/4: light yellowish brown; (slip) 10YR 3/1: very dark grey. From Trench XC, Context 110. A3 SF4201. Discus fragment. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 6/6 reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A4 SF4200. Fragment of shoulder and discus. Fabric 10YR 6/4: light yellowish brown. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A5 SF4161. Fragment of upper body with decorated shoulder and discus. Fabric 10YR 6/4: light yellowish brown. From Trench XA, Context 89. A6 SF3939. Shoulder fragment. Fabric (clay) 5 YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 10R 4/8: red. From Trench XD, Context 4. A7 SF4238. Handle. Overfired. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A8 SF4231. Handle fragment. Fabric (clay) 7.5YR 7/6 reddish yellow; (slip) 7.5 YR N2/0 black. Surface find from the Upper City. A9 SF3884. Handle fragment. Fabric (clay) 5YR 5/8: yellowish red; (slip) 5YR 3/1: very dark grey. From Trench XC, Context 48. A10 SF3883. Handle fragment. Fabric (clay) 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. From Trench XC, Context 97. A11 SF4234. Fragment of upper body. Fabric (clay) 7.5 YR 6/4: light brown; (slip) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. 34

Wheel-made A33 SF1033. Body fragment. Fabric FW201. Surface find, UTS3. A34 SF1036. Body fragment. Fabric 2.2. Surface find, UTS35. A35 SF4236. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow; (slip) 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. From Trench TT/UU, unstratified. A36 SF3888. Fragment. Fabric 2.5YR 5/8. From Trench XC, Context 91. A37 SF4157. Body fragment. Fabric 5YR 7/6: reddish yellow. From Trench XC, Context 177. A38 SF4158. Body fragment. Fabric (clay) 10R 6/6: light red; (slip) 10R 4/8: red. Middle Byzantine (?). From Trench XC, Context 206. A39 SF3959. Body fragment. Fabric 5YR 6/8: reddish yellow. From Trench XD, Context 15. A40 SF3961. Body fragment. Fabric 5YR 6/6: reddish yellow. From Trench XD, Context 26. A41 SF3876. Fragment of base. Fabric 5YR 5/6: yellowish red. From Trench XC, Context 90. A42 SF4233. Lamp (?). From Trench TT/UU, unstratified.

B2 Oval body, made in a two-part mould, with sharply carinated sides; solid conical lug handle; double ridge separating circular discus from sloping shoulder; inner ridge continuing around wick-hole and forming a shallow channel between wick-hole and discus. Relief decoration a) on discus: four sets of two arcs curving towards filling hole; single raised dot in channel between wick-hole and discus; b) on shoulder: short parallel strokes round upper section. Circular groove around base with central dot; linear ridge from base to nozzle. Intact; buff micaceous fabric, with thin pinkish wash; slightly blackened around wick-hole. Pl. III/43. L. 9.2 cm; W. 7.5 cm. Acc. no. 74.51.2127. The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76. C.P. 3568; Myres 1914, 368 no. 2808; see Bailey 1988, 300 and 318 no. Q2617 (where this lamp is misquoted as 74.51.2122 ?). Compare Oziol 1977, 262 no. 788, pl. 43. B3 Oval body, made in a two-part mould, with sharply carinated sides; solid lug handle, slightly hooked at rear; double ridge separating circular discus from sloping shoulder; inner ridge continuing around wick-hole and forming a shallow channel between wick-hole and discus. Relief decoration a) on discus: ‘Catherine wheel’ lines radiating from filling hole; b) on shoulder: slanting strokes round upper section. Circular hollow on base; linear ridge from base to nozzle. Pl. III/44. Intact, except for small hole in shoulder and chipped area on edge; deep reddish brown micaceous fabric. L. 9.0 cm; W. 7.7 cm. Acc. no. 74.51.5845. The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76. C.P. 3811. Unpublished. Compare Oziol 1977, 260 no. 777, pl. 43; Equini Schneider 1999, 260, fig. 193 (from Tomb US41).

APPENDIX B: THREE LAMPS IN THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK (C.S. Lightfoot) ______________________________________________ The Department of Greek and Roman Art has a large collection of terracotta lamps, numbering almost 500 examples in total, of which some 450 come from the Cesnola Collection. The majority of the latter group belongs to the standard types of Roman mould-made lamp that are found on Cyprus. Amongst them, however, are three examples that are more unusual and bear some comparison with the Amorium material. B1 Oval body, made in a two-part mould, with sharply carinated sides; solid vertical lug handle, tapering to a point; double ridge separating circular discus from sloping shoulder; outer ridge continuing around wick-hole and forming a broad, shallow channel between wick-hole and discus. Relief decoration a) on discus: spokes radiating from filling hole; b) on shoulder: short parallel strokes round upper section. Low circular base ring. Intact, but cracked along seam between upper and lower moulds; large chip missing from upper edge near handle; dull pinkish micaceous fabric; blackened around wick-hole and channel. Pl. III/42. L. 9.2 cm; W. 7.3 cm. Acc. no. 74.51.2130. The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76. C.P. 3572; Cesnola 1894, pl. CXL, 1043; Myres 1914, 368 no. 2806; Vessberg and Westholm 1956, 127 no. 19 and fig. 39:23; see Bailey 1988, 300 and 318 no. Q2616. Compare Bailey 1988, 300 and 318 nos. Q26162617.

These three examples, despite slight differences, clearly belong to the same group and find their closest parallels in other material from Cyprus.11 They may, therefore, confidently be regarded as of local manufacture, although in shape and treatment of handle they also show some similarity to lamps produced in the Levant.12 Nevertheless, the distinctive double ridge design around the discus, and the short raised strokes on the shoulder are also elements that are common on lamps of the so-called ‘Asia Minor’ type. Chronologically, too, these examples 11

12

35

See, for example, Vessberg and Westholm 1956, 127 no. 19 and fig. 39:22 (Cyp. Coll., Stockholm, Acc. 847); Oziol 1977, 259-62 nos. 772-788; Hayes 1980, 84 no. 346. Similar lamps, however, are also recorded from Mersin, Calymna, and (most recently) Elaiussa Sebaste; see Equini Schneider 1999, 260, fig. 193.

would seem to belong together with some of the Amorium group; that is, they are probably to be dated between the late 6th and the mid-7th century.

Palestine,” Berytus 14/2 (1963), 67-115. Lane 1937 A. Lane, “Medieval Finds at Al Mina in North Syria,” Archaeologia 87 (1937), 19-78. Menzel 1969 H. Menzel, Antiken Lampe im RömischGermanischen Zentralmuseum zu Mainz, Mainz 1969. Mlasowsky 1993 A. Mlasowsky, Die antiken Tonlampen im KestnerMuseum Hannover, Hannover 1993. Myres 1914 J.L. Myres, Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus, New York 1914. Poulou-Papadimitriou 1986 N. Poulou-Papadimitriou, “Lampes paléo-chrétiennes de Samos,” BCH 110, Part 1 (1986), 583-610. Roovers 1993 I. Roovers, “The Lamps,” in M. Waelkens (ed.), Sagalassos I: First General Report on the Survey (1986-1989) and Excavations (1990-1991). Leuven 1993 (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia Monographiae 5), 153-62. Scheltens 1993 E. Scheltens, “Some Wheelmade Lamps of Sagalassos,” in M. Waelkens (ed.), Sagalassos II: Report on the Third Excavation Campaign of 1992. Leuven 1993 (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia Monographiae 6), 191-207. Shinnie 1978 P.L. and M. Shinnie, Debeira West, Warminster 1978. Williams 1981 H. Williams, Kenchreai, Eastern Port of Corinth V. The Lamps, Leiden 1981. Yener 2002 E. Yener, “Alabanda Antik Kenti Kazı, Temizlik ve Çevre Düzenleme Çalışmaları,” 12. Müze Çalışmaları ve Kurtarma Kazıları Sempozyumu, Ankara 2002, 179-190.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Bailey 1988 D.M. Bailey, A Catalogue of the Lamps in the British Museum III. Roman Provincial Lamps, London 1988. Bass and van Doorninck 1982 G.F. Bass and F.H. van Doorninck, Jr., Yassı Ada. Vol. I. A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck, College Station, Texas 1982. Broneer 1926 O. Broneer, “Excavations at Corinth, 1925: Area North of the Basilica,” AJA 30 (1926), 49-57. Broneer 1930 O. Broneer, Corinth IV,2. Terracotta Lamps, Cambridge, MA 1930. Cesnola 1877 L.P. di Cesnola, Cyprus: Its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples. A Narrative of Researches and Excavations during Ten Years’ Residence as American Consul in That Island, London 1877. Chavane 1975 M.-J. Chavane, Salamine de Chypre VI: Les petits objects, Paris. Equini Schneider 1999 E. Equini Schneider (ed.), Elaiussa Sebaste I: Campagne di scavo 1995 - 1997, Rome 1999. Felten 1975 F. Felten, Die christliche Siedlung, Alt-Ägina 1, 2, Mainz 1975. Hayes 1992 J.W. Hayes, Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul II. The Pottery, Princeton 1992. Kennedy 1963 C. Kennedy, “The Development of Lamps in

36

III. CONTEXT CONCORDANCE: TERRACOTTA LAMPS Numbers in bold print refer to the main subject of a catalogue entry; references in ordinary print indicate that an object is referred to in or following a catalogue entry. The fragments from Appendix A, since they have not been fully recorded, are not given a period attribution at this stage. 1. Lower City Large Building ________________________________

Trench D D44 SF614 D69 SF243 D125 SF415 SF416 SF417 SF517 SF583

No. 17 No. 43 No. 42 No. 36 No. 46 No. 45 No. 15

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Miscellaneous

Trench E E37 SF218

No. 38

Early Byzantine

E38 SF175

No. 3

Roman

E67 SF372 SF386

No. 39 No. 35

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

E71 SF461

No. 41

Early Byzantine

Trench J J1 SF1536 No. 47

Early Byzantine

Trench M M46 SF911

No. 13

M69 SF1081 No. 12 SF1452 No. 63

Miscellaneous Miscellaneous Miscellaneous

2. Lower City Wall ________________________________

Roman

Miscellaneous

3. Lower City Church ________________________________

AB86 SF1300 No. 59

Miscellaneous

AB110 SF1385 No. 60

Miscellaneous

AB207 SF2990 No. 68

Early Byzantine

AB330 SF2575 No. 69 SF3092a No. 91 SF3092b No. 92

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

Trench A1 Narthex A1-18 SF3903 No. A14

Trench A2 A2-2

SF1406 No. 1

Trench A7 A7-4

SF2562 No. 61

Miscellaneous

________________________________

ABf7 SF1308 No. 29

Early Byzantine

ABf9 SF1307 No. 22

Early Byzantine

XA78 SF4169 No. A13

ABf12 SF1286 No. 30 SF1287 No. 23

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

XA89 SF4168 No. 52 SF4161 No. A5

ABf13 SF1295 No. 32

Early Byzantine

ABf17 SF1354 No. 28 SF1355 No. 26

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

ABf18 SF1343 No. 24

Early Byzantine

ABf20 SF1322 No. 34 SF1344 No. 9

Early Byzantine Roman

ABf21 SF1324 SF1325 SF1326 SF1346 SF1347 SF1348 SF1378

No. 44 No. 4 No. 33 No. 20 No. 18 No. 25 No. 21

Early Byzantine Roman Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

ABf22 SF1361 No. 31

Early Byzantine

Trench XA

Roman

Trench XB

Trench C C32 SF305

Roman

4. Lower City Enclosure

Trench AB Fosse

Early Byzantine

No. 40

Trench LC

Trench AB AB66 SF1227 No. 14

SF1228 No. 6

LC4-19 SF3593 No. 105

‘Amorium’ type

37

XB30 SF3963 No. 87 SF3964 No. A28 SF3973 No. 86

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

Trench XC XC12 SF3773 cf. No. 83

Early Byzantine

XC19 SF3772 No. A22 XC26 SF3771 No. 76

Early Byzantine

XC43 SF3813 No. 72

Early Byzantine

XC48 SF3884 No. A9 XC73 SF3810 No. A25 XC76 SF3809 No. 75

Early Byzantine

XC90 SF3876 No. A41 XC91 SF3875 No. 93 SF3878 No. 79

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

SF3879 SF3880 SF3881 SF3886 SF3887 SF3888 SF4170

No. A23 No. 100 No. A29 No. A30 No. A31 No. A36 No. 101

Early Byzantine

Early Byzantine

XC97 SF3883 No. A10 XC110 SF4162 No. A2 SF4165 cf. No. 105

‘Amorium’ type

XC117 SF4034 No. 94

Early Byzantine

XC177 SF4155 No. A24 SF4157 No. A37 XC186 SF4163 No. 84 XC206 SF4156 SF4158 SF4159 SF4160

No. 102 No. A38 No. A12 No. 88

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

Roman

TT126 SF3357 No. 64

Miscellaneous

L227 SF1802 No. 2

Roman

TT134 SF3361 No. 99

Early Byzantine

L229 SF1221 No. 7 SF1249 cf. No. 13 SF1251 No. 5

Roman Miscellaneous Roman

L246 SF1409 No. 19

Early Byzantine

L381 SF2561 No. A15

Early Byzantine

XD4 SF3939 No. A6 XD15 SF3959 No. A39 ‘Amorium’ type

5. Upper City, Southern Sector ________________________________

Trench L L38 SF1407 No. 27

Early Byzantine

L70 SF1435 No. 10

Roman

L205 SF1204 No. 16

Early Byzantine

L210 SF1223 No. 65

Miscellaneous

TT153 SF3356 No. 82

Early Byzantine Roman Miscellaneous Early Byzantine

Early Byzantine

L383 SF2008 No. 55

Roman

7. Surface ________________________________

L385 SF2013 No. 54

Roman

6. Upper City, Northern Sector Trench ST Roman Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

No. 51 No. 95 No. 98 No. A16

ST110 SF2863 No. 90

Early Byzantine

ST112 SF3054 No. 49

Roman

Trench TT TT48 SF3358 No. A17

XD26 SF3961 No. A40

Roman

TT146 + 155 SF3186 No. A26

TT175 SF3294 No. 48 SF3193a No. 62 SF3193b No. 70

ST11 SF2577 SF3051 SF3346 SF3347

Trench XD

TT146 SF3185a No. 56 SF3185b No. A18

L382 SF2030 No. 97

________________________________

XC220 SF4171 No. A32

XD17 SF3960 cf. No. 105

L219 SF1408 No. 8

TT50 SF3049 No. 103

‘Amorium’ type

TT64 SF3083 No. 53 SF2982 No. 74

Roman Early Byzantine

TT67 SF3133 No. 71

Early Byzantine

TT76 SF3355 No. 73

Early Byzantine

TT85 SF3362 No. 96

Early Byzantine

38

Lower City XC Unstratified SF3930 No. 80 SF3931 No. A21

Early Byzantine

Enclosure SF3677 No. 83 SF3714 No. 89

Early Byzantine Early Byzantine

Dig House Cesspit SF2010 No. 66

Miscellaneous

Upper City SF4231 No. A8 Trench TT/UU Unstratified SF3956 No. A27 SF4200 No. A4 SF4201 No. A3 SF4226 No. 77 Early Byzantine SF4232 No. 58 Miscellaneous SF4233 No. A42 Lamp (?) SF4234 No. A11 SF4235 No. 57 Roman SF4236 No. A35 SF4237 No. 81 Early Byzantine SF4238 No. A7 SF4239 No. A19 SF4240 No. A20 Trench UU Unstratified SF3430 No. 67 Miscellaneous SF3055 No. 50 Roman Upper City Survey UTS3 SF1033 No. A33

UTS8 SF1034 No. 11

Roman

UTS35 SF1036 No. A34

UTS33 SF1035 No. 37

Early Byzantine

Necropolis SF2589 No. 85

Early Byzantine

39

General Site SF2007 No. 104 SF2011 No. 78 SF3774 No. A1

‘Amorium’ type Early Byzantine

Fig. III/1. Nos. 1-4: Roman.

Fig. III/2. Nos. 6-9, 11: Roman.

40

Fig. III/3. Nos. 12-15: Miscellaneous.

Fig. III/4. Nos. 16-20: Early Byzantine.

41

Fig. III/5. Nos. 21-25: Early Byzantine.

Fig. III/6. No. 65: Miscellaneous.

42

Fig. III/7. Nos. 26-35: Early Byzantine.

43

Fig. III/8. Nos. 36-41: Early Byzantine stub handles.

Fig. III/9. Nos. 42-47: Early Byzantine.

44

Pl. III/1. Lamp fragments: No. 3, SF175, No. 4, SF1325; No. 46, SF417; No. 51, SF2577.

Fig. III/2. Lamp fragments: No. 2, SF1802; No. 20, SF1346; No. 96, SF3362; No. 97, SF2030; No. 98, SF3346; No. 99, SF3361. 45

Pl. III/3. Lamp fragments: No. 5, SF1251; No. 11, SF1034; No. 53, SF3083; No. 68, SF2990; No. 69, SF2575; together with middle Byzantine fragment, SF1033.

Pl. III/4. Lamp fragments: No. 6, SF1228; No. 8, SF1408; No. 54, SF2013; No. 55, SF2008; No. 56, SF3185a; No. 67, SF3430; No. 90, SF2863. 46

Pl. III/5. Lamp fragment: No. 12, SF1081.

Pl. III/6. Lamp handle fragments: No. 9, SF1344; No. 13, SF911; No. cf. 13, SF1249; No. 14, SF1227; No. 21, SF1378; No. 22, SF1307; No. 64, SF3357; No. 65, SF1223.

47

Pl. III/7. Lamp nozzles: No. 15, SF583; No. 48, SF3294; No. 59, SF1300; No. 60, SF1385; No. 61, SF2562; No. 62, SF3193a; No. 63, SF1452; No. 95, SF3051.

Pl. III/8. Lamp fragments: No. 16, SF1204; No. 31, SF1361; No. 47, SF1536; No. 49, SF3054; No. 50, SF3055; No. 70, SF3193b; No. 71, SF3133; No. 73, SF3355.

48

Pl. III/9. Lamp fragments: No. 17, SF614b and SF614a; No. 18, SF1347; No. 19, SF1409.

Pl. III/10. Lamp fragments: No. 23, SF1287; No. 25, SF1348.

49

Pl. III/11. Lamp fragments: No. 24, SF1343; No. 33, SF1326; No. 34, SF1322; No. 89, SF3714.

Pl. III/12. Lamp base fragments: No. 35, SF386; No. 66, SF2010. 50

Pl.. III/13. Lamp fragments: No. 26, SF1355; No. 32, SF1295; No. 74, SF2982; No. 91, SF3092a.

Pl. III/14. Lamp fragments: No. 27, SF1407; No. 28, SF1354; No. 29, SF1308; No. 30, SF1286. 51

Pl. III/15. Stub handle fragment: No. 36, SF416.

Pl. III/16. Stub handle fragments: No. 39, SF372; No. 40, SF305; No. 41, SF461.

52

Pl. III/17. Lamp fragments: No. 42, SF415; No. 43, SF243.

Pl. III/18. Lamp fragments: No. 44, SF1324; No. 45, SF517; No. 78, SF2011; No. 82, SF3356; No. 83, SF3677.

53

Pl. III/19. Lamp fragment: No. 85, SF2589.

Pl. III/20. Lamp fragments: No. 92, SF3092b; No. A16, SF3347; No. A17, SF3358; No. A18, SF3185b; No. A26, SF3186; cf. middle Byzantine catalogue under no. 71, SF1036; no number, unidentified.

54

Pl. III/21. Knob handles: No. 103, SF3049; No. 104, SF2007; No. 105, SF3593.

55

Pl. III/22. Lamp fragment: No. 52, SF4168, Roman.

Pl. III/23. Lamp fragment: No. 57, SF4235, Roman.

Pl. III/24. Lamp fragment: No. 58, SF4232, miscellaneous.

56

Pl. III/25. Stub handle fragment: No. 75, SF3809, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/26. Stub handle fragment: No. 76, SF3771, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/27. Lamp fragment: No. 77, SF4226, early Byzantine.

57

Pl. III/28. Lamp fragment: No. 79, SF3878, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/29. Lamp fragment: No. 80, SF3930, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/30. Lamp fragment: No. 81, SF4237, early Byzantine.

58

Pl. III/31. Stub handle fragment: No. 84, SF4163, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/32. Lamp fragment: No. 86, SF3973, early Byzantine.

59

Pl. III/33. Lamp fragment: No. 87, SF3963, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/34. Lamp fragment: No. 88, SF4160, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/35. Lamp fragment: No. 93, SF3875, early Byzantine.

60

Pl. III/36. Lamp fragment: No. 94, SF4034, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/37. Lamp fragment: No. 100, SF3880, early Byzantine.

Pl. III/38. Lamp fragment: No. 101, SF4170, early Byzantine.

61

Pl. III/39. Lamp nozzle: No. 102, SF4156, 'Amorium' type.

Pl. III/40. Knob handle No. cf. 105, SF3960, 'Amorium' type.

Pl. III/41. Knob handle: No. cf. 105, SF4165, 'Amorium' type.

62

Pl. III/42. Appendix No. B1: Lamp from Cyprus, L. 9.1 cm. MMA (74.51.2130). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76.

Pl. III/43. Appendix No. B2: Lamp from Cyprus, L. 9.2 cm. MMA (74.51.2127). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76.

Pl. III/44. Appendix No. B3: Lamp from Cyprus, L. 9.0 cm. MMA (74.51.5845). The Cesnola Collection, Purchased by subscription, 1874-76.

63

64

IV. MIDDLE BYZANTINE TERRACOTTA LAMPS M.A.V. Gill * 62). Other wheel-made fragments of indeterminate shape and date, however, have been listed there.

The most common lamp form found at Amorium is a local variant of a widespread type that has been found in contexts dating from the 4th to the 14th centuries. In North Africa it has been associated with the Vandals, and in the Near East with the Crusaders.1 However, versions resembling the Amorium type most closely are attributed principally to the 8th-11th century.2

FINDS FROM 1987-1992 ______________________________________________ Type A 1 SF414. Fragment. Bowl and well damaged at front, handle complete. Bowl straight sloping; well shallow, slightly concave. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/1; Pl. IV/1. P.L. 7.2 cm., W. 7 cm., H. 3.5 From Trench D, Context 125. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 11, fig. 6.

Fairly coarsely made of Fabric 2, the majority of Amorium ‘saucer’ type lamps were thrown but a few were hand-built. They are basically circular, with a flat base, shallow bowl and cylindrical filling well raised from the floor of the vessel or separately applied; a vertical loop handle extends from the inner face of the well to the outer wall of the bowl. The wick hole and spout opposite the handle seem to have been made in the same action of poking a rod through the side of the well near its base and pressing down on the rim of the bowl before withdrawing the rod. The bowls and wells exhibit a variety of forms. The walls of the bowls are either straight sloping (Type A) or curved (Type B), while the wells may be concave, convex, straight sloping, carinated, or with a faint groove towards the top. Three fragments seem to be a further variant of the local type, in which the well is raised not from the floor of the saucer, but from higher up the curving wall of the vessel (Type C).3 The present catalogue lists a total of 59 examples of ‘saucer’ lamps belonging to the three types. Many more have been found in the excavations since 1992, but these have yet to be prepared for final publication.4

2

SF765. Fragment. Lower part of bowl with complete well. Bowl straight sloping; well concave. Wheelmade. P.L. 6.1 cm., p.W. 6.1 cm., p.H. 3.3 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1.6 cm. Surface find.

3

SF1771. Fragment. Part of bowl with well almost complete; handle missing. Bowl straight sloping; well concave-convex. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/1. P.L. 7.4 cm., p.W. 7.4 cm., p.H. 3.2 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.9 cm. Surface find.

4

SF36. Fragment. Part of bowl with well almost complete; handle missing. Bowl straight sloping; well convex, straightening at top. Hand-built. P.L. 6.8 cm., p.W. 6.5 cm., p.H. 3.4 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.7 cm. From Trench A, Context 5. AnatSt 39 (1989), 174 no. 6, pl. XLVIIIc. Similar from Trench Hb, Context 2 (SF364a. p.L. 6.8 cm.).

5

SF812. Fragment. Lower part of bowl with complete well and base of handle. Bowl straight sloping; well straight sloping. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/1. P.L. 6.5 cm., p.W. 6.7 cm., p.H. 2.5 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.8 cm. From Trench P, Context 3.

In addition, the present catalogue concludes with three examples (Nos. 18-20) that have not been identified precisely but in their open shape have more in common with middle Byzantine ‘saucer’ lamps than with the closed forms in the preceding catalogue (see above, pages 25* 1 2

3 4

Glasbury-on-Wye, Hereford. See Lane 1937, 42 fig. 6; Kennedy 1963, 91, 111-2 no. 797, pl. XXIX; Trost and Hellmann 1996, 124-5. For other published examples, see Menzel 1969, 102 no. 659-660, figs. 83-4, described as ‘Arab’; Felten 1975, 67, no. 84, pl. 20, from Aegina; Mlasowsky 1993, 448 no. 447, th th described as from ‘Greece/Asia Minor, 8 -10 century’. For lamps in Cyprus, see Oziol 1977, 288-9 and 290, nos. 885-890. This typology was first set out in AnatSt 42 (1992), 219. The ‘saucer’ lamps found since 1993 have been the subject of a study by Yalçın Mergen. In general, they conform to the types described here, with the same shape and fabric, but in 2002 the excavations also produced a number of ‘saucer’ type lamps with a gritty, green glaze [CSL].

Similar from Trench AB, Context 81 (SF1267. p.L. 6.6 cm.); Trench D, Context 45 (SF616. p.L. 5.1 cm.); Trench Hb, Context 2 (SF348a. Hand-built. P.L. 6.1 cm.); Trench J, Context 1 (SF642. p.L. 7.6 cm.). 6

65

SF35. Fragment. Half of lower part of bowl and well

with base of handle. Bowl probably straight sloping; well carinated. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/1. P.L. 3.5 cm., p.W. 5.7 cm., p.H. 3.7 cm. From Trench A, Context 5. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 15, fig. 6.

convex. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2. P.L. 5.2 cm., p.W. 0.52 cm., p.H. 2.8 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1 cm. From Trench Ha, Context 3. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 14, fig. 6. Similar from Trench J, Context 1 (SF1135. p.L. 5.1 cm.).

Other fragments of Type A lamps from Trench AB, Context 35 (SF752. p.L. 6.5 cm.); Trench E, Context 37 (SF594. p.L. 5.9 cm.); Surface find, UTS76 (SF1038. p.L. 5.3 cm.). Type B 7 SF349. Fragment. Part of bowl with complete well, and base of handle. Bowl convex with slight groove; well straight sloping. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2: bowl and well; Pl. IV/2. P.L. 7 cm., p.W. 7.3 cm., p.H. 3.3 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1 cm. From Trench Hb, Context 2. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 12, fig. 6. Similar from Trench AB, Context 127 (SF1404. p.L. 6.9 cm.). 8

SF1101. Fragment. Part of bowl and well, with base of handle. Bowl convex; well concave-convex. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2: spout; Pl. IV/3. P.L. 7.2 cm., p.W. 6.1 cm., p.H. 3.1 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.6 cm. From Trench P, Context 26.

9

SF1244. Fragment. Part of bowl with complete well, and base of handle. Bowl convex with slight carination; well straight sloping with grooving. Wheelmade. Fig. IV/2. P.L. 6.3 cm., p.W. 6 cm., p.H. 3.2 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.8 cm. From Trench AB, Context 81. Other fragments of Type B lamps from Trench A4, Context 27 (SF1645. Well concave-convex. P.L. 5.1 cm.); Trench AB, Context 69 (SF1337. p.L. 4.8 cm.); Trench D, Context 45 (SF579. p.L. 4.7 cm.); Trench F, Context 17 (SF545. Well straight sloping. P.L. 4.4 cm.); Trench Hb, Context 2 (SF348b. Well straight sloping. P.W. 6.5 cm.; SF557. p.L. 5.3 cm.); Trench L, Context 310 (SF1831. p.L. 6 cm.), Trench P, Context 10 (SF1471. p.L. 6 cm.), Context 26 (SF1469. p.L. 4.9 cm.; SF1470. p.L. 3.8 cm.).

SF569. Fragment. Well almost complete. Convex. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2; Pl. IV/4. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 4.5 cm., p.H. 2.3 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.9 cm. From Trench D, Context 61. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 13, fig. 6. Similar from Trench AB, Context 1 (SF1411. p.L. 4.5 cm.); Trench L, Context 204 (SF1214. p.L. 5.3 cm.); Trench P, Context 1 (SF1474. p.L. 4.1 cm.).

13

SF77. Fragment. Well complete with base of handle. Well straight sloping. Hand-built. P.L. 5.6 cm., p.W. 5.6 cm., p.H. 3.1 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1 cm. From Trench E, Context 5. Similar from Trench D, Context 125 (SF582. p.L. 3.4 cm.), and wheel-made examples from Trench AB, Context 31 (SF767. p.L. 3.5 cm.), Context 134 (SF1400. p.L. 5.5 cm.); Trench S, Context 12 (SF1530. p.L. 5.5 cm.).

14

SF643. Fragment. Well complete with base of handle. Well straight, almost vertical. Wheel-made. P.L. 4.2 cm., p.W. 4.2 cm., p.H. 3.3 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1 cm. From Trench J, Context 1.

15

SF364b. Fragment. Well complete with base of handle. Well vertical with groove towards top. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2; Pl. IV/5. P.L. 5.3 cm., p.W. 4.2 cm., p.H. 2.9 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 1.3 cm. From Trench Hb, Context 2. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 16, fig. 6. Similar from Trench Hb, Context 2 (SF348c. p.L. 4.6 cm.); Trench L, Context 211-213 (SF1243. p.L. 4 cm.). Other fragments of Types A or B wheel-made lamps from Trench AB, Context 99 (SF1340. p.L. 6.5 cm.); Trench D, Context 45 (SF615. p.L. 5 cm.); Trench Hb, Context 2 (SF364c. p.L. 5 cm.); Trench J, Context 1 (SF1136. p.L. 5.8 cm.); Trench L, Context 162 (SF1113. p.L. 6.2 cm.), Context 184 (SF1591. p.L. 6.6 cm.), Context 210 (SF1224. p.L. 6.9 cm.); Trench S, Context 7 (SF1553. p.L. 4.6 cm.); Surface find, UTS79 (SF1039. p.L. 3.3 cm.). Fragments of handles similar to No. 1 from Trench C, Context 24 (SF543. p.L. 2.6 cm.); Trench D,

Type A or B: profile of bowl uncertain 10 SF348d. Fragment. Part of well and base of handle. Well concave. Wheel-made. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 5.1 cm., p.H. 2.6 cm., Diam. (wick hole) 0.7 cm. From Trench Hb, Context 2. 11

12

SF553. Fragment. Well almost complete. Concave-

66

ment, with unglazed examples preceding those decorated with a brown glaze, and the green-glazed specimens coming last in the sequence - as precursors of later mediaeval lamps. Some of these conclusions may now be called into question in light of the material from Amorium.

Context 32 (SF580. p.L. 3.5 cm.), Context 45 (SF617. p.L. 3 cm.); Trench Hb, Context 1 (SF556. p.L. 3.4 cm.). Type C 16 SF1315. Fragment. Half lower part of bowl and incurving wall of well with wick hole at base. Bowl concave-convex. Wheel-made. Fig. IV/2. P.L. 6.2 cm., p.W. 3.8 cm., p.H. 2.4 cm., est. Diam. (wick hole) 0.8 cm. From Trench AB, Context 104. AnatSt 42 (1992), 221 no. 17, fig. 6. Similar from Trench S, Context 9 (SF1527. p.L. 5 cm.). 17

Indeed, the Amorium finds are all the more significant because so few examples from other sites in Asia Minor have been published. Five are known from the excavations at Tarsus Donuktaş, one of which has a greenish yellow glaze.8 Others remain unpublished; one example was found in the baths at Kelenderis, while another was displayed in the Eskişehir Archaeological Museum in the mid-1990s.9 When compared with the paucity of material from elsewhere in Asia Minor, the number of ‘saucer’ type lamps recovered at Amorium is striking. Likewise, as stated above, they make up the most common form of lamp at Amorium itself. Between 1987 and 1992 fragments of Types A, B or C made up just over half of all the terracotta lamp finds.10 Relatively few of the fragments catalogued above came from contexts that also produced coins, and the numismatic evidence is not conclusive or unambiguous. All the examples come from the Large Building, whose dating and stratigraphy remain unclear. Nevertheless, in three cases fragments were found in association with middle Byzantine anonymous folles.11 With regard to negative evidence, one may also note that no examples of ‘saucer’ type lamps were recovered from the fosse (Trench ABf) outside the Lower City walls.12 This is in marked contrast to the finds of mould-made lamp fragments from the same area (see concordance above, page 37).

SF1410. Fragment. Half lower part of bowl and incurving wall of well. Bowl convex. Wheel-made. Fig. 1/2. P.L. 5.9 cm., p.W. 3.1 cm., p.H. 1.9 cm. From Trench AB, Context 40.

Wheel-made lamps: Miscellaneous 18 SF1414. Fragment from lower body with slightly concave, circular base-ring. Fabric 2.2. Fig. IV/3. P.L. 5.6 cm., p.H. 3.2 cm., est. Diam. 8 cm. From Trench L, Context 207. 19

SF793. Fragment. One quarter. Circular open bowl with flaring rim above constricted neck pressed to form spout; ridges on shoulder; flat base. Fabric 2. Fig. IV/3. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 6.3 cm., p.H. 4.1 cm. From Trench X, Context 1.

20

SF1803. Fragment, Islamic (?). Lower part of body. Circular open bowl with spout. Fabric 36, with green glaze on both exterior and interior. Fig. IV/3. P.L. 5 cm., p.W. 5.3 cm., p.H. 5.3 cm. From Trench L, Context 300.

Despite the (as yet) incomplete picture of the relative stratigraphy and the dating of the trenches and contexts at Amorium, the evidence does seem to confirm the essentially Byzantine character of the ‘saucer’ type lamps. A similar attribution may, therefore, be applied to examples found at sites elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean that once fell within the Byzantine sphere. At Déhès in northern Syria, for example, lamps of Type 5 belong to this

DISCUSSION (C.S. Lightfoot) ______________________________________________ The first major group of Byzantine wheel-made lamps to be published was that from Corinth.5 According to Broneer, the date of these lamps - his Type XXXV could be ‘fixed with reasonable accuracy’ from the stratigraphy of some Byzantine houses excavated in 1925.6 This placed them in the mid-10th to 11th or 12th century, based on associated numismatic finds. Broneer also attempted to trace their origins to ancient terracotta lamps, citing certain examples as ‘transitional specimens’.7 He saw a development both in form and in treat5 6 7

8

9 10

11

Broneer 1930, 293-5 nos. 1517-1546, pl. XXIV. Broneer 1930, 124; see also Broneer 1926, 56. Broneer 1930, 123 and 292 nos. 1517-1518.

12

67

Baydur and Seçkin 2001, 71, 100 nos. 384-388, pl. LXI; see also Baydur 1989, 111 illus. 22-23, and Baydur 1992, 311 illus. 23. Pers. comm. of Prof. Dr. Levent Zoroğlu, director of the Kelenderis excavations. The total number of terracotta lamp fragments found during those years is calculated as being 115, of which 59 are ‘saucer’ type lamps. They are:- SF580 (cf. No. 15) from Context D32; SF642 (cf. No. 5), SF643 (no. 14), SF1135 (cf. No. 11) and SF1136 (cf. No. 15), all from Context J1; and SF1530 (cf. No. 13) from Context S12. For a brief discussion of the Large Building, see Gill 2002, 11, and especially fn. 45. See Gill 2002, 12.

group.13 The excavators dated them to 9th-10th centuries, although the numismatic evidence for middle Byzantine occupation at the site might suggest that these lamps, if recognised as Byzantine, should be placed slightly later in the late 10th to mid-11th century.14

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Baydur 1989 N. Baydur, “Tarsus-Donuktaş Kazısı – 1987,” KST 10/1, 109-34. Ankara 1989. Baydur 1992 N. Baydur, “Tarsus-Donuktaş Kazısı 1990,” KST 13/2, 309-22. Ankara 1992. Baydur and Seçkin 2001 N. Baydur and N. Seçkin, Tarsus Donuktaş Kazı Raporu, Istanbul 2001. Broneer 1926 O. Broneer, “Excavations at Corinth, 1925: Area North of the Basilica,” AJA 30 (1926), 49-57. Broneer 1930 O. Broneer, Corinth IV,2. Terracotta Lamps, Cambridge, MA 1930. Djuric 1995 S. Djuric, The Anawati Collection, Catalog 1, Ancient Lamps from the Mediterranean, Toronto 1995. Kennedy 1963 C. Kennedy, “The Development of Lamps in Palestine,” Berytus 14/2 (1963), 67-115. Lane 1937 A. Lane, “Medieval Finds at Al Mina in North Syria,” Archaeologia 87 (1937), 19-78. Mango 1982 C. Mango, “Addendum to the Report on Everday Life,” JÖB 32.1 (1982), 252-7. Menzel 1969 H. Menzel, Antiken Lampe im RömischGermanischen Zentralmuseum zu Mainz, Mainz 1969. Mlasowsky 1993 A. Mlasowsky, Die antiken Tonlampen im KestnerMuseum Hannover, Hannover 1993. Oziol 1977 T. Oziol, Salamine de Chypre. VII. Les Lampes du Musée de Chypre. Paris 1977. Shinnie 1978 P.L. and M. Shinnie, Debeira West. A Mediaeval Nubian Town, Warminster 1978. Sodini 1980 J.-P. Sodini, et al., “Déhès (Syrie du Nord) Campagnes I-III (1976-1978): Recherches sur l’habitat rural,” Syria 57 (1980), 1-303. Trost and Hellmann 1996 C. Trost and M.-C. Hellmann, Lampes antiques du départment des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques, III. Fonds général: lampes chrétiennes, Paris 1996.

However, not all wheel-made ‘saucer’ lamps are of Byzantine manufacture, and for the present it remains difficult to distinguish them from lamps that represent local products belonging to the Islamic tradition. Examples of this second group are found throughout the Near East, stretching even as far south as Nubia.15 Kennedy regarded such lamps - his Type 25 - as having a long history, especially in Syria, but was reluctant to speculate on their origins.16 Their close similarity to the lamps found at Amorium raises the question of whether they formed the prototype for the Byzantine lamps. More research is required before a comprehensive answer can be offered, but it is worth considering whether such wheel-made lamps were introduced as a result of Byzantine expansion into former Arab lands during the 10th century. At Amorium they certainly seem to have been very popular during the middle Byzantine period and must have supplanted any other types of terracotta lamp that were still being produced. It has generally been accepted that the practice of making terracotta mold-made lamps virtually ceased in the Byzantine world during the mid-7th century.17 Indeed, it has been assumed that candles replaced oil lamps during the Dark Ages, and reference has been made to the first appearance of the khroulavrio" (the candle-maker) in Byzantine literature at this time.18 However, the archaeological evidence on which these assumptions are based is limited. Views have been influenced largely by finds (or, rather, the lack of them) at sites in Greece, notably in the Athenian Agora and at Corinth. The material from Amorium is, therefore, of great importance, given the status and size of the Byzantine city between the 7th and the late 11th century. The present finds should lead to a better understanding of Byzantine lighting and daily life in general and, as excavations progress, new evidence will hopefully come to light that will enable us to bridge more of the gap between the early Byzantine mould-made and the middle Byzantine wheel-made lamps of Amorium.

13 14 15 16

17 18

Sodini 1980, 258, fig. 318 and fig. 310. Sodini 1980, 285, nos. 79-83 (anonymous and signed folles). Shinnie 1978, 79 no. 430; Zurawski 1995, 465 and pl. 11. Kennedy 1963, 91. For other examples, see Djuric 1995, 106 nos. C348-C351, classed as ‘Islamic’; Hirschfeld 1997, 328 and fig. 15, and especially 345, no. 58, pl. XI:2. ODB sv. Lamps, 1171-2. Mango 1982, 255-6.

68

IV. CONTEXT CONCORDANCE: MIDDLE BYZANTINE TERRACOTTA LAMPS Numbers in bold print refer to the main subject of a catalogue entry; references in ordinary print indicate that an object is referred to in or following a catalogue entry. 1. Lower City Large Building ________________________________ Trench D D32 SF580 cf. No. 15 D45 SF579 SF615 SF616 SF617

cf. No. 9 cf. No. 15 cf. No. 5 cf. No. 15

Type B Type A or B Type A

SF1136 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

Trench P P1 SF1474 cf. No. 12 P3 SF812

AB104 SF1315 No. 16

Type C

Type A or B

AB127 SF1404 cf. No. 7

Type B

Type A

AB134 SF1400 cf. No. 13

Type A or B

P10 SF1471 cf. No. 9

Type B

P26 SF1101 No. 8 SF1469 cf. No. 9 SF1470 cf. No. 9

Trench C C24 SF543 cf. No. 15

Type B Type B Type B

No. 5

3. Lower City Church ________________________________ Trench A4

Trench S S7 SF1553 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

S9 SF1527 cf. No. 16

Type C

________________________________

Type A Type A or B

S12 SF1530 cf. No. 13

Type A or B

Trench L L162 SF1113 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

Trench E E5 SF77 No. 13

Type A or B

Trench X X1 SF793 No. 19

L184 SF1591 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

E37 SF594

Type A

L204 SF1214 cf. No. 12

Type A or B

L207 SF1414 No. 18

Miscellaneous

L210 SF1224 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

L211-213 SF1243 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

L300 SF1803 No. 20

Miscellaneous

L310 SF1831 cf. No. 9

Type B

D61 SF569 D125 SF414 SF582

No. 12 No. 1 cf. No. 13

cf. No. 6

Trench F F17 SF545 cf. No. 9 Trench Ha Ha3 SF553 No. 11

Type A or B

Type B

Type A or B

Trench Hb Hb1 SF556 cf. No. 15 Hb2 SF348a SF348b SF348c SF348d SF349 SF364a SF364b SF364c SF557

cf. No. 5 cf. No. 9 cf. No. 15 No. 10 No. 7 cf. No. 4 No. 15 cf. No. 15 cf. No. 9

Trench J J1 SF642 cf. No. 5 SF643 No. 14 SF1135 cf. No. 11

Type A Type A or B Type A or B

Miscellaneous

________________________________ Trench A A5 SF35 No. 6 SF36 No. 4

Type A Type A

Trench AB AB1 SF1411 cf. No. 12

AB35 SF752

cf. No. 13 cf. No. 6

SF1645 cf. No. 9

Type B

4. Upper City, Southern Sector

2. Lower City Wall

AB31 SF767 Type A Type B Type A or B Type A or B Type B Type A Type A or B Type A or B Type B

A4-27

Type A or B Type A or B Type A

5. Surface

AB40 SF1410 No. 17

Type C

________________________________

AB69 SF1337 cf. No. 9

Type B

Upper City UTS76 SF1038 cf. No. 6

Type A

AB81 SF1244 No. 9 SF1267 cf. No. 5

Type B Type A

UTS79 SF1039 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

AB99 SF1340 cf. No. 15

Type A or B

General Site SF765 No. 2 SF1771 No. 3

Type A Type A

69

Fig. IV/1. Type A (Nos. 1, 3, 5-6).

Fig. IV/2. Types B (Nos. 7-9), Type A or B (Nos. 11-12, 15), and C (Nos. 16-17).

70

Pl. IV/1. Type A, No. 1, SF414.

Pl. IV/2. Type B, No. 7, SF349.

Pl. IV/4. Type A or B, No. 12, SF569. Pl. IV/3. Type B, No. 8, SF1101.

Pl. IV/5. Type A or B, No. 15, SF364b.

Fig. IV/3. Wheel-made lamps (Nos. 18-20).

71

72

V. STONE SCREW PRESS WEIGHTS C.S. Lightfoot * Amorium was domestic and that there was not a highly developed food supply system within the city. There must have been some bakeries, especially ones that supplied troops stationed at Amorium, but as yet there is little evidence for their existence. To date only one bread stamp has been identified amongst the finds.5

INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________ The agricultural land around Amorium is today used principally for a limited number of staple or cash crops. Most of the fields are sown with barley or wheat, harvested from late June onwards. A certain amount of rape seed/alfalfa is produced for winter fodder for the animals, while the main cash crop is sugar beet. Occasionally a field is planted with poppies, but viticulture, once more prevalent, has now virtually ceased, and there are very few orchards. Variety is provided only by the kitchen gardens, where vegetables are grown mainly for domestic consumption.

The marble mortars and pestles, many of which have been found during the excavations (see above, page 11), provide other evidence for food processing. Again, however, these objects suggest small-scale, domestic use. At present, the only firm evidence there is for large-scale food production at Amorium is supplied by a number of stone blocks that have either been noted on the surface in different parts of the site or been uncovered in two of the trenches.

The archaeo-botanical evidence from Amorium has yet to be studied in detail, so it is impossible to state precisely what form local agriculture took in Roman and Byzantine times. Preliminary results, however, suggest that the picture has not changed greatly and that present-day land use reflects fairly accurately the way that farming was conducted in the area over a thousand years ago. So, for example, good evidence has been found for the cultivation of wheat and barley, whereas relatively few other crops, such as pulses, are represented in the samples that have been studied.1 Likewise, other assemblages comprised largely of ‘residues of hay/straw harvested for animal fodder and bedding or, possibly, for building (thatching/flooring) purposes’.2 There was, however, evidence for viticulture in the samples recovered from the various trenches. While some of the grapes may have been used as dried fruit or for making sugar substitutes (the equivalent of the modern pekmez), much of the harvest must have been intended for wine production. This alone would explain the greater frequency of grape seeds in the residues.3

CATALOGUE ______________________________________________

The archaeo-botanical record can be further substantiated by a variety of other finds. A sizeable quantity of pithos fragments has been recovered from several of the trenches, while several intact or nearly complete examples have been found in situ. These attest principally to the storage of grain in domestic contexts both on the Upper City and in the centre of the Lower City.4 Complementary to these storage facilities are the basalt grinding stones, indicating that grain was frequently not only stored in the home but also ground there. It would seem to suggest that much of the bread production at * 1 2 3 4

Department of Greek and Roman Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. AnatSt 43 (1993), 152-3; AnatSt 45 (1995), 124-7. AnatSt 45 (1995), 125. AnatSt 43 (1993), 152-3; AnatSt 45 (1995), 125-7. AnatSt 45 (1995), 125-7.

1

T939. Brecchia marble, grey. Rectangular block of uncertain thickness; traces of two mortises on narrow sides, and central round socket in upper surface. Pl. V/1. L. 0.96 m., W. 0.30 m. Buried face upward; Lower City, Surface (between Dig House and Trench LC).

2

T974. Limestone. Rectangular block; mortise running down length of side with wedge-shaped cut at top, another horizontal cut towards bottom, and round socket in upper surface. Pl. V/2. H. 0.76 m., L. 0.785 m, W. 0.74 m., Diam. (of socket) 0.28 m., W. (of mortise, at top) 0.14 m., W. (of mortise, at bottom) 0.195 m., Depth (of mortise) 0.085 m. Lying on side; Lower City, Surface (south west of Dig House).

3

T1529. Brecchia marble, grey and white with purple veins. Block, possibly polygonal, broken on three sides; broad mortise running down length of side with wedge-shaped cuts at top, and round socket in upper surface. Pls. V/3-4. H. 0.67 m., L. 0.94 m., W. 0.70 m., Diam. (of socket) 0.20 m., W. (of mortise) 0.175-0.16 m., Depth (of mortise) 0.09 m. Lying on side; Lower City, Surface (beside track near eastern stretch of city walls).

4

T1264. Limestone. Octagonal; two mortises on opposite sides with wedge-shaped cuts at top, and

5

73

SF904, from Trench L (unpublished).

round socket in upper surface. Carbonised wood found in situ in mortises. Pls. V/5-6. H. (as visible) 0.67 m., L. 0.90 m., W. 0.88 m., Diam. (of socket) 0.23 m., H. (of mortise) 0.50 m., W. (of mortise) 0.125 m., Depth (of mortise) 0.085 m. Standing upright; Upper City, Trench TT, Context 97. Initially identified as a well-head, it was later described as ‘the base for a revolving mortar’; AnatSt 45 (1995), 121, pl. XVI(a); DOP 51 (1997), 298-9. 5

T1593. Limestone. Square block; two mortises on opposite sides, and round socket in upper surface. Cross on stepped base carved on upper surface to one side of socket. Pls. V/7-8. H. (as visible) 0.60 m., L. 1.11 m, W. 0.905 m., Diam. (of socket) 0.31 m., W. (of mortise) 0.16 m., Depth (of mortise) 0.10-0.09 m. Standing upright in wall; Lower City Enclosure, Trench XC/XD, Context 32.

6

T1675. Limestone. Rectangular block, broken across middle; two mortises on opposite sides with wedge-shaped cuts at top, and round socket in upper surface. Pl. V/9. H. 0.75 m., L. 0.95 m., W. 0.50 m., Diam. (of socket) 0.28 m., W. (of mortise) 0.15 m., Depth (of mortise) 0.07 m. Lying on side; Lower City, Surface (edge of field to east of the Enclosure).

climate. Stone screw weights have been the subject of several studies, most recently and thoroughly by Frenkel.9 They are found throughout the Mediterranean basin. In Italy, Spain, Syria and Israel screw weights are typically circular, whereas rectangular ones are recorded from southern France, Greece, the Aegean and, significantly, the Pontus (Fig. V/1).10 The Amorium examples clearly belong to the latter group, although T1264 (No. 4) is unusual because of its octagonal shape.11 Other recorded examples from Turkey are rare, although this is probably the result more of the lack of interest in such material than of their actual scarcity.12 In addition to those described by Anderson, there are now two examples from Aphrodisias - both somewhat abnormal in that they are circular rather than rectangular, but this is explained by the fact that they are both made from reused column drums.13 Other examples were recorded in the territory of Amorium during survey work in 1993 and 1994 (Pls. V/10-12), while it is reported that ‘large numbers’ have been noted throughout the region to the north and west of Amorium.14 All of the Amorium specimens fit into the category of ‘weights with socket and two mortises’ defined by Frenkel, who regarded it as the standard or developed type of screw weight.15 These in turn are associated with the Frenkel’s lever and screw press of model 6H, in which the weight is anchored to a rotating screw (Fig. V/2).16 The mortises thus served to attach the weight securely to the screw and beam, while the central round socket allowed the screw to rotate freely in order to lift the weight and so apply pressure through the beam to the press. All of the Amorium examples display clear signs

DISCUSSION ______________________________________________ All of the blocks described above clearly belong to the same type. They can be identified as screw weights that formed part of a press, the lever and screw press, first described by Heron of Alexandria (fl. AD 62).6 Pliny the Elder states that this type of press was introduced intra centum annos ‘within (the last) hundred years’.7 So the invention can probably be placed in the late Republican or Augustan period. Such presses were used in the production of wine, as implied by the context in which they are mentioned by Pliny the Elder, but they have also been recorded as olive presses. The examples that Anderson saw in the Pontus during his travels in the summer of 1899 are all described as weight-stones for oil presses.8 In the case of Amorium, however, one may disregard the latter use since olives do not thrive in the region on account of its height above sea level and its harsh winter 6 7 8

9

10 11

12

13 14

Mechanica 3.15. Naturalis Historiae 18.74.317. Anderson 1903, 14-16 and figs. 1-7. One may note, however, that one area in which they were found, the district of Phanaroea, was described by Strabo (12.556) as eu[oino" as well as ejlaiovfuto".

15 16

74

Frenkel 1999, 107-21; see also Kingsley 2002, 65-6. The earliest detailed discussion of a lever and screw press is to be found in an account of olive press beds from Caria; see Paton and Myres 1898, 210-11, fig. 1. Frenkel 1999, 119-20, Maps 24-25. Another octagonal example (unpublished), decorated with a cross on one of its sides, was seen in the grounds of the Bolvadin Municipal Museum in 1997. Recent surveys along the south coast have produced considerable evidence for both olive oil and wine production; see Diler 1994 and 1995. These record several beam weights but no obvious screw weights; Diller 1994, 507, pl. 12; idem 1995, 442, 447, pls. 11 and 17. Ahmet 2001, 163 and fig. 8. Noted during surveys carried out by members of the Archaeology and History of Art departments at the University of Anatolia, Eskişehir (pers. comm. Yalçın Mergen). Compare also an octagonal block, described as a ‘tuff container’, decorated with a Latin cross, from the village of Akhisar; Haspels 1971, 223, fig. 380. Frenkel 1999, 111-13, 120; also described as ‘the commonest type’ in Pontus; Anderson 1903, 16 and fig. 1. Frenkel 1999, 110, fig. 20.

of rotary wear in the round socket. The preservation of wood from the mortises of T1264 (No. 4) is, apparently, highly unusual.17

The existing evidence supports the view that the screw weights and so, by implication, the presses themselves belong to the Byzantine period between the 7th and 11th centuries. Chronologically, therefore, the Amorium installations find their closest parallels in those recorded at Salamis in Cyprus (dated to the 7th century) and at Aphrodisias in Caria (attributed to the ‘middle Byzantine’ period).21 In both of these cases, however, the presses are associated with the production of olive oil, not wine. Finally, it should be noted that most published examples of both wine and olive presses belong in rural contexts that is, in villages and isolated farms - or in certain cases, it seems, in abandoned buildings within a post-urban setting.22 Processing of crops usually took place near the actual olive groves or vineyards, not in the cities where the produce was largely consumed or traded. The explanation for the appearance of several presses within the walls of Amorium is not immediately apparent, but the urban context of the Amorium presses may lend support to the view that they post-date the rise of Islam. In the unsettled times of the 7th and 8th centuries it would have made obvious sense to bring crops in to a secure and well-defended centre for processing rather than to leave them out in the countryside where they would have been more vulnerable to Arab attackers.23

The date of the Amorium screw weights remains conjectural since it is by no means clear that they all belong to the same period. However, if they are all contemporaneous, it would suggest that wine production at Amorium was on a considerable scale, possibly creating a surplus for export. If, on the other hand, the stones belong to different periods, it nevertheless indicates that wine production was a feature of the city’s economic life for a long time. Some indication of the date of the screw weights is provided by the two excavated examples. Both were found in Byzantine contexts. T1264 (No. 4) from Trench TT belongs in a layer that probably dates to the late 8th or early 9th century. The fact that when excavated the external mortises still contained the charred remains of wooden beams implies that the weight was found in situ, and that it should not be regarded as a spolia block re-used by the Byzantines for some other purpose.18 The second excavated example, T1593 (No. 5), is set into the floor of Structure #2 within the area designated as the Enclosure.19 It found a secondary use as part of a rubble wall (Context 32) running across the centre of the building. The cross that is inscribed on the stone’s upper surface is stylistically similar to the cross-potent depicted on Byzantine silver coins during the 8th and 9th centuries. No other published screw weights are decorated in such a way but, despite this, there seems to be no good reason for assuming that the cross is a later addition. Indeed, the dating of Structure #2 would appear to confirm the Christian context not only of the screw weight itself but also of the entire press. It thus raises the question of whether in fact the building functioned as a winery.20 As yet, however, there is little evidence for the storage vessels that were used for wine produced at Amorium. Very few amphorae have been identified amongst the assemblage of pottery finds, and so it remains uncertain how important a part wine production played in the local economy. 17

18

19

20

Screw weights are only one small aspect of food production and processing, for which there is considerable evidence at Amorium. They nevertheless shed some important light on the relationship between the city and the surrounding countryside. The present study is also intended to lead to work on other groups of material, which, hopefully, will add yet further to our understanding of the economic and social life of the Byzantine city. BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Ahmet 2001 K. Ahmet, “A middle Byzantine olive press room at Aphrodisias,” AnatSt 51 (2001), 159-67. Anderson 1903 J.G.C. Anderson, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus, Brussels (Studia Pontica 1) 1903. Argoud 1973 G. Argoud, “Une huilerie à Salamine,” Salamine de Chypre, IV. Anthologie salaminienne, Paris 1973, 201-19.

Samples were taken for analysis by Prof. Dr. Peter Kuniholm of the Malcolm and Caroline Wiener Laboratory for Aegean and Near Eastern Dendrochronology at Cornell University. Of these #AMO-66 has been identified as oak (Quercus sp.), while another, #AMO-67, is noted as cedar (Cedrus sp.). Unfortunately, none of the samples has yielded a date, but there are still gaps in the master chronology for oak, especially in the 9th century (pers. comm.. Peter Kuniholm). The building had a packed earth floor, in which the outlines of two rectangular mortar-lined trays were found sunk into its surface; KST 23/2 (2002), 244, pl. 5; DOP 57 (2003), forthcoming. These may now be interpreted as possible treading floors or decantation sumps This is not the appropriate place to discuss in detail the function of Structure #2 or of its various stages of occupation. For preliminary reports, DOP 55 (2001), 385-6; KST 23 (2002), 244-5, figs. 1-2, pls. 1, 3 and 4.

21 22

23

75

Argoud 1973, 215; Ahmet 2001, 166. See, for example, Decker 2001, 73; Kinsgley 2001, 45 and 49; Kingsley 2002, 66-7. For the placing of industrial installations (including vats and presses) inside formerly well appointed houses, the best evidence is provided by various sites in Cyrenaica; Wilson 2001, 29-30, 37. It was noted as long ago as 1898 that ‘presses are ... frequently associated with fortified sites’, although no explanation was offered; Paton and Myres 1898, 214 footnote 1.

Decker 2001 M. Decker, “Food for an Empire: Wine and Oil Production in North Syria,” in Kingsley and Decker 2001, 69-86. Diler 1994 A. Diler, “Akdeniz Bölgesi Antik Çağ Zeytinyağı ve Şarap İşlikleri,” AST 11 (1994), 505-20. Diler 1995 A. Diler, “Akdeniz Bölgesi Antik Çağ Zeytin ve Üzüm Presleri - 1993,” AST 12 (1995), 441-57. Frenkel 1999 R. Frenkel, Wine and Oil Production in Antiquity in Israel and Other Mediterranean Countries, Sheffield (JSOT/ASOR Monograph Series 10) 1999. Haspels 1971 C.H.E. Haspels, The Highlands of Phrygia: Sites and Monuments, Princeton, NJ, 1971. Kingsley 2001

S.A. Kingsley, “The Economic Impact of the Palestinian Wine Trade in Late Antiquity,” in Kingsley and Decker 2001, 44-68. Kingsley 2002 S.A. Kingsley, A Sixth-Century AD Shipwreck off the Carmel Coast, Israel: Dor D and Holy Land Wine Trade, Oxford (BAR International Series 1065) 2002. Kingsley and Decker 2001 S. Kingsley and M. Decker (eds.), Economy and Exchange in the East Mediterranean during Late Antiquity. Proceedings of a Conference at Somerville College, Oxford, 29th May, 1999, Oxford 2001. Paton and Myres 1898 W.R. Paton and J.L. Myres, “On Some Karian and Hellenic Oil-Presses,” JHS 18 (1898), 209-17. Wilson 2001 A. Wilson, “Urban Economies of Late Antique Cyrenaica,” in Kingsley and Decker 2001, 28-43.

76

Pl. V/1. No. 1, T939. Pl. V/2. No. 2, T974.

Pl. V/4. No. 3, T1529 (top).

Pl. V/3. No. 3, T1529.

Pl. V/5. No. 4, T1264. Pl. V/6. No. 4, T1264 (top).

77

Pl. V/8. No. 5, T1593 (cross).

Pl. V/7. No. 5, T1593.

Pl. V/9. No. 6, T1675. Pl. V/11. Trough (formerly Roman funerary stele). Özbekli mahallesi, Demircili, 1994.

Pl. V/10. Octagonal screw weight, decorated with cross. Salihler, 1993.

Pl. V/12. Trough (formerly Roman funerary stele). Özbekli mahallesi, Demircili, 1994.

78

Fig. V/1. Pontic screw weight with central socket and two external mortises (after Anderson 1903, fig. 1).

Fig. V/2. Lever and screw press - composite of the 19th-century press at Arginunta and the ancient press bed from Emporio, Kalymnos (after Paton and Myres 1898, fig. 1).

79

80

VI. BELT BUCKLES FROM AMORIUM AND IN THE AFYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM Mücahide Lightfoot * buckles from within the Byzantine Empire.6 They are remarkable for the wide variety of types that are represented: from those that are very plain and comprise only the basic elements of a frame and tang to others that are more ornate and complex, thus requiring several stages of manufacture. Almost all are made of base metal: either bronze (or some form of copper alloy) or iron: although examples in gold and silver (sometimes gilt) are also known from elsewhere.7 The contexts of many of the finds, especially those from Anemurium, Sardis and Yassı Ada, confirm that belt buckles formed part of the normal costume worn by ordinary folk as they carried out their daily duties.8 Most were probably attached to belts worn around the waist and can thus be associated with the wearing of trousers.

INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________ Belt buckles started to be noted at sites in Greece and elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean in the 1930s. The largest group came from the excavations at Corinth, and at first they were taken to signify the presence of barbarian troops, invaders or settlers inside the boundaries of the Byzantine Empire.1 These views derived largely from the fact that such buckles had long been known from barbarian burials excavated in southern Russia and in many parts of central, western and northern Europe.2 The frequency of buckle finds outside the Byzantine Empire and the dearth of publications of similar objects from within led to a serious distortion of the true state of affairs. Fortunately, as an increasing number of specimens began to surface at Byzantine sites, including a sizeable group from Constantinople itself, it came to be realised that these buckles were for the most part of Byzantine manufacture.3 The western examples thus have to be explained as either Byzantine imports or imitations made using moulds derived from Byzantine prototypes.4 That these items are Byzantine rather than barbarian in origin and inspiration is borne out by the fact that several types are decorated with inscriptions and monograms in Greek or with blatantly Christian symbols.5

While trousers as an item of clothing were not unknown in the Graeco-Roman world, they had largely been shunned as the mark of less civilised peoples. The short tunic and chlamys or the longer himation were the preferred types of costume, and these required a fastening not at the waist but at the shoulder. The object used for this purpose was the fibula, a small bronze, silver or (rarely) gold pin. As in the case of the belt buckle, few Roman examples are known from Asia Minor, whereas by contrast many thousands have been published from sites in the western provinces of the Empire. The gradual disappearance of fibulae from the archaeological record in late Roman times is one indication of the change in dress. Another is provided by epigraphic and literary evidence.

The excavations at Corinth and Anemurium had until recently produced the two largest assemblages of belt *

1

2 3

4 5

North Bergen, NJ. My thanks go first and foremost to the staff of the Afyon Archaeological Museum (especially Mr. Ahmet İlaslı) and to the Directorate of Monuments and Museums in Ankara (in particular, Mr. Mahir Akturan) for permission to carry out this research. I have also benefitted greatly from advice kindly provided by Professor James Russell and Ms. Arzu Yılmaz. Finally, I would like to thank Chris Lightfoot for his constant help, guidance and encouragement. Davidson 1937; Setton 1950; Weinberg 1974, 513 fn. 3, where she continued to assert that ‘in view of the enormous quantity of buckles … which have been found in Eastern Europe and the Black Sea areas, and the relatively small number found in Greece’ she found it impossible to accept a Byzantine origin for such items. For references, see Russell 1982, 140-1 and n. 30; cf. also

The Theodosian Code includes edicts issued by the emperor Honorius at the end of the 4th century, which were intended to curb, amongst other ‘barbarian fashions’, the wearing of trousers within the city of Rome.9 The perceived need for such legislation in fact shows that people were turning away from traditional Roman costume, and that the trend was very much in favour of 6

7

Pallas 1981.

The Menil Collection contains 52 examples, most of which are said to have been found in Istanbul or from its vicinity; see Russell 1982, 141 and n. 34. For discussion of this topic, see Russell 1982, 141 and n. 33. For example, Ross 1965, 5 no. 2C, pl. VII; Stiegemann 2001, 341 no. IV.91; and see fn. 37, below.

8 9

81

In 2002 a workshop containing more than 2,000 belt buckles, together with several moulds, was discovered at Tralles (Aydın). I am grateful to Prof. Dr. Rafet Dinç, director of the Tralles excavations, for sharing this information with me. The full publication of this remarkable find is now eagerly awaited. One silver example was in fact found at Anemurium; see Russell 1982, 137 no. 1. For buckles as part of late Roman imperial donatives, see Johansen 1994, 225 and fig. 4. For other gold examples, see Ross 1965, 7 no. 4F, pl. X, 8-9 nos. 7A and 7B, pl. XI. For discussion of this topic, see Russell 1982, 146 and n. 61. CTh 14.10.2 (dated 397/99), 3 (dated 399) and 4 (dated 416); see Elton 1996, 96.

wearing some form of trousers (braccae). Indeed, braccae, together with the name of the craftsman who made them, are listed in Diocletian’s Edict of Prices at the beginning of the same century.10 Likewise, several late Roman inscriptions from Asia Minor attest to the existence of tailors who specialised in trouser making.11 By the 6th century the wearing of loose robes was restricted largely to the imperial court and the clergy. Conversely, it is reasonable to assume that by the early Byzantine period most people had taken to wearing some form of trousers or tights in everyday life.12 The widespread use of this type of garment is reflected in the presence of belt buckles at sites right across the Mediterranean world.

From Necropolis, Tomb MZ01. AnatSt 46 (1996), 101-2, fig. 5.1.

CATALOGUE ______________________________________________ The buckles are divided into sub-groups based on those drawn up by Waldbaum for the Sardis material and by Russell for the Anemurium finds.13 These two scholars distinguished three main groups:- (1) buckles cast in one piece, having an attachment plate joined directly onto the buckle frame, (2) buckles in which the frame is linked by a hinge to a decorative plate, and (3) simple buckles, to which a belt could be attached by looping it through the frame itself. Some of the examples listed below in the third group may, however, be only the surviving part of a buckle that originally had a plate as well as a frame. In addition, a fourth group has been identified at Afyon; in this the buckle must been seen as two separate metal elements that were interlocked, one end passing through a slit in the other. Examples of both ends are represented amongst the specimens.

2

SF3078 (Afyon Museum, inv. no. 11775). ‘Balgota’ type buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Elongated oval frame cast in one piece with attachment plate; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; U-shaped plate with small square protrusion at end, heart-shaped perforation, and three-leafed palmette design projecting into opening; on back of plate, three perforated lugs (two now missing). Fig. VI/1 (bottom); Pl. VI/2. L. 4.74 cm., W. 3.59 cm., Th. 0.38 cm. From Trench TT, unstratified. AnatSt 46 (1996), 109, fig. 5.2.

3

SF1175. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Elliptical frame cast in one with attachment plate; plate vaguely cross-shaped with semicircular terminal and short concave lateral arms. Single perforated lug on underside. Incised decoration on face: dots either side of tongue-hole, and three incomplete dotand-circles. Fig. VI/2. L. 3.1 cm., W. 2.2 cm., Th. 0.65 cm. From Trench A2, Context 1.

4

SF4412. Attachment plate of hinged buckle. Frame and tongue missing. Copper alloy. Flat, roughly rectangular plate with elongated opening at one end for belt; part of tab for hinge at other end. Cast decoration in relief on front of plate: figure of a griffin, standing left with right foreleg raised; uncertain motif in field to upper right. Fig. VI/3; Pl. VI/3. L. 5.25 cm., W. 3.40 cm., Th. 0.50 cm. From Trench XA2, Context 13.

5

SF4398. ‘B’ (kidney-shaped) type frame. Copper alloy. Tongue missing. Plain, solid frame with narrow bar for tongue at centre; tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame. Fig. VI/4; Pl. VI/4. From Trench XA1, Context 50. W. 3.22 cm., L. 2.5 cm.

6

SF1255. Frame fragment, about one third of frame. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Double oval frame with projection at one end. Fig. VI/5 (left). W. 4.4 cm., p.L. 2.1 cm., Th. 0.8 cm. Surface find.

7

SF1722. Frame fragment, about half of frame. Iron. Corroded. Rectangular with end slightly wider and curved. Fig. VI/5 (right). W. 4.2 cm., p.L. 3.5 cm., Th. 0.7 cm. From Trench L, Context 260.

(A) FINDS FROM AMORIUM ______________________________________________ 1

10 11

12 13

SF3079 (Afyon Museum, inv. no. 11774). ‘Syracuse’ type buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Elongated oval frame cast in one piece with attachment plate; tongue fastened through hole in plate at junction with frame; tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; solid, U-shaped plate with small square protrusion at end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs set horizontally between hole and protrusion. Cast decoration on front of plate: foliate design resembling a pair of tendril scrolls. Fig. VI/1 (top); Pl. VI/1. L. 4.53 cm., W. 3.31 cm., Th. 0.22 cm. IG V: 1.1406, line 23 (ta; bravkia), line 18 (brakavrio"); see Russell 1982, 145 and n. 56. From Sardis, Aphrodisias and Corycus; for references, see Foss 1976, 18-19 and 110; Russell 1982, 146 and n. 58; Roueché 1989, 233 no. 189. For contemporary references to the fashion for wearing trousers, see Procopius, Anecdota I,20; VII,14, and VII,15. Waldbaum 1983, 118; Russell 1982, 138.

82

8

SF3568. ‘D’ type frame. Tongue missing. Iron. Plain, solid frame. W. 4.80 cm. From Trench UU, Context 62

9

SF3925. ‘D’ type frame. Copper alloy. Tongue missing. Plain, solid frame. Pl. VI/5. W. 2.65 cm., L. 1.5 cm., Th. 0.25 cm. Surface find, Lower City.

10

SF4911. Frame fragment (?), about three-quarters of frame. Tongue missing. Iron. Corroded. Plain, elongated frame slightly curved at end. Fig. VI/6. P.L. 6.0 cm., W. 1.9 cm. From the Trench XA2, Context 47.

11

SF4214. Frame fragment (?), about three-quarters of frame. Tongue missing. Iron. Corroded. Plain. Pl. VI/6. W. 4.5 cm., p.L. 3 cm., Th. 0.4 cm. From Trench XC, Context 233

12

SF701. Clasp type buckle. Copper alloy. Square frame with protrusions at corners; elongated slit, extending to join flat, semicircular plate. Incised decoration: double line bordering straight edge and three pairs of radiating lines dividing groups of dotand-circles. Fig. VI/7 (left). L. 4.5 cm., W. 2.4 cm., Th. 0.4 cm. From Trench L, Context 23.

13

SF750. Fragment of buckle plate (?), about half preserved. Copper alloy. Part of flat semicircular plate with punched and incised decoration: probably symmetrical pattern of open shapes with incised outlines. Fig. VI/7 (right). P.L. 3.5 cm., P.W. 2.8 cm., Th. 0.1 cm. Surface find.

14

sacked in modern times. A large mound of mixed stone, earth and bone had thus been created, filling the centre of the tomb and reaching almost to its roof. Careful excavation of the disturbed material produced relatively few finds, the most noteworthy and attractive of which was the belt buckle.14 Subsequent work also indicated that the tomb had been used over a very long period, probably extending from the Roman to the Byzantine period (2nd7th century, or later). It was originally built for only three occupants, but detailed study of the mass of human bone material that was collected from the fill in the tomb showed that as many as ninety-three individuals had found their last resting-place in the tomb.15 The buckle had presumably once formed part of the costume worn by one of the deceased, presumably a man, but beyond that very little could be deduced from the discovery. The second buckle (No. 2), although it came from Trench TT on the Upper City mound, was also without a secure context, for it had washed out of the earth fill over the preceding winter and was found during cleaning of the trench surface at the beginning of the excavation season. It is, however, likely that the buckle came from earth dumped on the mound in mediaeval times either when the Byzantines attempted to raise the height of the mound before refortifying the Upper City (in the late 9th or 10th century) or when Turkish newcomers settled at Amorium in the Seljuk period (late 12th and 13th centuries) and wanted to prepare the ground for their dwellings. Indeed, these mediaeval deposits contain a great deal of earlier material, including substantial amounts of Roman pottery.16 The buckle may, therefore, confidently be regarded as a residual item. These two buckles were promptly, if briefly, published in the preliminary report for 1995.17 They were not, however, the first examples of this type of object to be found at Amorium. Several other finds (Nos. 3, 6, 7, 11, 12, and 13) had previously been identified as buckles or fragments of buckle plates by M.A.V. Gill, who had prepared a catalogue of small finds for the years 1988-1992. Sadly, this catalogue was never published in its entirety.18 Since 1995 several more buckles have been found, culminating in 2002 with the discovery of three examples from the area immediately outside the Lower City Enclosure in Trench XA1 (No. 5) and XA2 (Nos. 4 and 10). Conse-

SF1686. Clasp type buckle plate (?). Copper alloy. Convex leaf-shaped with hollow back; loop at one end and bar across back for attachment to belt fabric. Incised decoration (details obscured by surface deposit): rock pattern round edge and possibly a plant motif in the centre. Fig. VI/8. L. 5.4 cm., W. 3.3 cm., Th. 0.9 cm. From Trench L, Context 260.

14

DISCUSSION ______________________________________________

15

Two of the bronze belt buckles were recovered from the site in 1995. One of them (No. 1) came from a rock-cut tomb in the extensive ancient necropolis to the southwest of the Lower City walls. Unfortunately, the tomb was unable to provide a secure context and date for the buckle, since it had been opened and thoroughly ran-

16 17 18

83

AnatSt 46 (1996), 97-102, figs. 3-6. The work was carried out by Julie A. Roberts during the 1996 and 1997 seasons; DOP 52 (1998), 328-9, DOP 53 (1999), 337-8. For the final report on this material, see below pages 161-168. Three Roman coins were also found in Trench TT in 1995, see AnatSt 46 (1996), 104. AnatSt 46 (1996), 101-2, 109 and fig. 5. The entries on buckles have been incorporated here, and I am extremly grateful to Dr. Gill for giving me permission to use her material.

quently, there are to date a total of 13 buckles from Amorium, ten of which are made of either bronze or copper alloy. The three exceptions (Nos. 7, 8, and 10) are fragments of iron buckles. In addition, two Ottoman buckle plates have been picked up from the site as stray finds. These are described in an Appendix (see below, pages 89-90).

ous sites and are to be found in scattered and often obscure publications.24 The purpose of the present study is thus to provide a clear account of the typology, date and distribution of such buckles. By comparing the Amorium examples with parallels from elsewhere and with similar objects in the Afyon Archaeological Museum, it is hoped to emphasize the fact that these belt buckles are not only commonly found throughout the areas once occupied by the Byzantines but also are of certain Byzantine manufacture. The large collection in Afyon indicates strongly that the Amorium finds should not be regarded as in anyway unusual. Indeed, it is likely that a search through the depots of other Turkish museums would reveal buckles in similar, if not greater, quantities.

Nos. 1 and 2 belong to two of the most common types of Byzantine buckles, the ‘Syracuse’ and ‘Balgota’ types respectively, both of which have attractive, ornate attachment plates fixed to the buckle frame. The Amorium ‘Balgota’ example, No. 2, lacks the normal braided decoration around the edge of the openwork plate. This may, therefore, be seen as a plain version of the type, more in keeping with many of the finds from other Byzantine sites, for it has been noted that simpler, utilitarian buckle forms are well represented amongst the groups known from Asia Minor, Syria and Palestine but are rarely found in barbarian burials outside the Byzantine Empire.19 The Afyon Museum collection includes several of these plain buckles, along with examples of the more ornate types, including a fully decorated ‘Balgota’ buckle.20

In the early part of 1998 a group of forty-forty buckles was studied in the Afyon Archaeological Museum. They had all been acquired during the previous twelve months, and most were presumably finds from the surrounding area (i.e. the modern Turkish vilayet of Afyon), brought in by villagers and local dealers.25 These were divided into four main sub-groups and amongst them 26 distinct

The only other buckle of exceptional note amongst the Amorium finds is No. 4, found during excavations in 2002 in an area of domestic and small-scale industrial activity immediately outside the Lower City Enclosure. The occupational layers there can be confidently dated to the late 10th and 11th centuries. Similar buckles are known from a wide scatter of sites throughout the eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans, but this example would seem to be the first from a closely dateable context at a major Byzantine city in Anatolia.21

24

(B) A GROUP OF BUCKLES IN THE AFYON ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM ______________________________________________ At first it proved difficult to find parallels for the Amorium finds, since very few buckles were known from central Anatolia.22 Indeed, the number of published examples from the whole of Turkey is not great, totalling only 128 specimens. Of these seventy-six come from three well-known excavations.23 The rest come from vari19 20

21 22

23

Russell 1982, 143. The ‘Balgota’ type includes buckles in which the frame and plate are hinged, but this sub-group is not represented in the present examples. For further references, see Davidson 1952, 268. Only four published examples have been traced; see Haspels 1951, 8, 13, 18, 95 and 150, pls. 41c2 and 41d4; Arık 1989, 408 and illus. 27. Anemurium (32 examples): Russell 1982, 137-45 nos. 1-32 and figs. 6-8; Sardis (25 examples): Waldbaum 1983, 11721 nos. 689-712 and pl. 44; Saraçhane, Constantinople (19

25

84

examples): Gill 1986, 264-6 nos. 553-558, 560-561, 563570, 573, 579-580, pls. 398-400, 402-408 and fig. U. Constantinople (8 examples): Bittel and Schneider 1949, 78 no. 3 and pl. 27, 3-4; Csallány 1954, pl. I, 3 and II, 5; 319 and pl. III, 1-2; 325 and pls. VI,4 and VI,10-11; 333 and pls. III,9 and IV, 1; Pergamum (5 examples): Conze 1913, 326 and fig. 118; Werner 1955, 38 and pl. 8,1-5; Weinberg 1974, 515, pl. 110, d; Tralles (3 examples): De Ridder 1915, 7 nos. 1159-1161; Nysa (1 example): Kadıoğlu 2000, 244, 403, fig. 375; Aphrodisias (3 examples): Tulay 1992, 149-50, illus. 15 and 27; Yassı Ada (3 examples): Bass and van Doorninck 1982, 276-9, nos. MF19-21, figs. 12-5, 12-6 and 12-7; Xanthos (1 example): des Courtils and Laroche 2000, 344, 345 and 355, fig. 4; Midas City (3 examples): Haspels 1951, 95 nos. 1-2, 4, 150-1, pls. 41c.1-2 and 41d.4; Kubad-Âbâd (1 example): Arık 1989, 408 and pl. 27; Celenderis (1 example): Zoroğlu 1989, 136, fig. 7; Alahan (2 examples): Gough 1985, 69 no. 5, fig. 11.5; 70 no. 21, fig. 13.21; Church of St. Thecla at Meriamlık (3 examples): Dagron and Feissel 1987, 252-3 and pl. LXIV, 1-3; Daphne (1 example): Kondoleon 2000, 125 no. 14; Taşkun Kale (1 example, mistakenly identified as a ‘pendant’): McNicoll 1983, 181, no. 2 and fig. 89; Akalan in Turkish Thrace (1 example): Zeiss 1935; Mersin Treasure (1 gold example): Grabar 1951, 27 and fig. 3; Asia Minor, find-spots unknown (5 examples): Riemer 1995, 803 no. 33; 806 no. 65 and 808 nos. 19-19a; Russell 1982, 151 n. 36. In addition, three buckles in the Sadberk Hanım Museum were mistakenly published as Seljuk objects; see Bodur 1987, 94 and 187 no. A.24. Finally, 6 examples are known from Antioch-onthe-Orontes, Hatay (all unpublished): Russell 1982, 152-3 fn. 36, 39, 40, 41, 42 and 43. The work in Afyon formed the basis for my undergraduate thesis, entitled ‘Amorium Kazısı ve Afyon Arkeoloji Müzesi’nde bulunan Bizans Kemer Tokaları’, submitted to the Department of Art History at the University of Anatolia, Eskişehir in 1998.

Type 2: ‘Mask’ type, first half of the 7th century.

varieties were subsequently identified. In this respect the Afyon collection resembles the assemblage from Anemurium, in which fifteen different types of design were represented.26 However, what is more remarkable than the wide variety of types is the fact that the present group represents only a part of the total number of buckles in the Afyon Museum and was acquired over a relatively short period.27 It amply illustrates the potential for finding such objects and yet how neglected small finds like buckles are in the study of Anatolian archaeology.28 Group 1: Buckles with plate cast as single piece with frame Type 1: ‘Syracuse’, late 6th to early 7th century. 1

Inv. no. 12618. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Oval frame with tongue rest at centre; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; U-shaped plate with protrusion at end; on back of plate, three perforated lugs. Cast decoration on front of plate: a stylised three-leafed palmette on plate below vertical groove; small curved tendrils above flanking hole for tongue. Pl. VI/7. L. 3.40 cm., W. 2.01 cm., Th. 0.24 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

2

Inv. no. 12685. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 1, but slightly smaller; two perforated lugs on back of plate. Pl. VI/8. L. 3.01 cm., W. 1.72 cm., Th. 0.25 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

3

Inv. no. 12753. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Large oval frame; tongue fastened through hole in plate at junction with frame; tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; solid, U-shaped plate with square protrusion at end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. Cast decoration on front of plate: foliate design resembling a pair of tendril scrolls. Pl. VI/9. L. 3.28 cm., W. 2.56 cm., Th. 0.34 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

4

Inv. no. 12927. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Oval frame with rectangular opening; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; notch for tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; Ushaped plate with slightly pointed end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. Incised decoration on front of plate: pattern of three dot-and-circles arranged around single circular opening. Pl. VI/10. L. 3.43 cm., W. 2.68 cm., Th. 0.22 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

5

Inv. no. 12653. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Rectangular frame with slightly curved end; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; Ushaped plate with slight protrusion at end; on back of plate, three perforated lugs. On plate: four perforations arranged to appear like a face with eyes, nose and mouth. Pl. VI/11. L. 3.53 cm., W. 2.01 cm., Th. 0.27 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

6

Inv. no. 12925. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Oval frame with rectangular opening; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; notch for tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; Ushaped plate with three-pronged protrusion at end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. On plate: cresent-shaped perforation. Pl. VI/12. L. 3.46 cm., W. 2.5 cm., Th. 0.19 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

7

Inv. no. 12658. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Slender oval frame; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; shield-shaped plate with slightly pointed end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. On plate: three perforations, two small round holes and elliptical opening, appearing like eyes and mouth. Pl. VI/13. L. 3.06 cm., W. 2.18 cm., Th. 0.09 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Type 3: ‘Anemurium’ type, first half of the 7th century. 26

27

28

8

Russell 1982, 138-40. In fact, Russell’s Type 10 (fig. 7.2122) may contain two distinct varieties, as seen from the parallel to no. 22 in Afyon. It was reported in February 1998 that the Afyon Museum then contained a total of 193 items identified as buckles or buckle fragments. A private collection of Byzantine belt buckles, probably acquired in Turkey but now in Germany, is said to comprise several thousand items (pers. comm. Dafydd Kidd). For the acquisition - of the same group (?) - by the RömischGermanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz; see Schulze 1985, 730-3, figs. 42-44.

85

Inv. no. 13023. Buckle with iron tongue. Copper alloy. Oval frame; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; small plate tapering towards end with slightly curving sides; on back of plate, single perforated lug. On plate: two vertical incised lines flanking two other diagonal lines making a cross pattern. Pl. VI/14. L. 2.76 cm., W. 1.75 cm., Th. 0.19 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 8: ‘Shield’ type, late 6th early 7th century.

Type 4: Oval frame and rectangular plate type, first half of the 7th century. 9

13

Inv. no. 12655. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Oval frame with rectangular opening; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; notch for tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; flat plate with sides flaring towards straight-edged end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. Incised decoration on front of plate: row of short, diagonal lines at end of plate with single vertical line above. Pl. VI/15. L. 2.75 cm., W. 2.07 cm., Th. 0.14 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Group 2: Buckles with plate joined to frame by hinge

Type 5: ‘Balgota’ type, 7th century. 10

Type 9: Disk and two drop shapes type, late 6th to early 7th century.

Inv. no. 12660. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Elongated oval frame with curved end; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; U-shaped plate with square protrusion at end, heart-shaped perforation, and three-leafed palmette design projecting into opening; on back of plate, three perforated lugs (one missing). Cast decoration on front of plate: chain-like pattern of overlapping leaves running around opening, with other foliate patterns on palmette and to either side of tongue hole. Pl. VI/16. L. 4.64 cm., W. 2.28 cm., W. 0.11 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

14

Type 6: Long narrow plate type, 7 century.

15

Inv. no. 13021. Buckle fragment. Frame, tongue and end of plate missing. Copper alloy. Hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; plate with doublecurved sides terminating in elongated tab; on back of plate, single perforated lug. Incised decoration on front of plate above tab: two parallel vertical lines and pattern of five dots. Pl. VI/17. L. 2.91 cm., W. 2.79 cm., Th. 0.42 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 7: Disk and two drop shapes type, late 6th to early 7th century. 12

Inv. no. 12602. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing. Copper alloy. Two projecting tabs for hinge at top; solid plate comprising three segments – disk below two opposed drop shapes; slight protrusion at end; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. Cast decoration on front of plate: drop shapes outlined in relief and each containing indistinct hollow patterns; disk enclosing Latin cross. Pl. VI/20. L. 3.24 cm., W. 1.44 cm., Th. 0.41 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Type 10: ‘Corinth’ type, 7th century.

th

11

Inv. no. 12923. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing; plate broken off at tongue hole. Copper alloy. Flat openwork plate, shaped like an oval shield, with protrusion at end; on back of plate, three perforated lugs. On front of plate, punched and incised decoration: pattern arranged around four triangular perforations forming openwork Greek cross. Pl. VI/19. L. 3.99 cm., W. 2.81 cm., Th. 0.17 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Inv. no. 12924. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing. Copper alloy. Two projecting tabs for hinge at top, attached to vertical bar; plate comprising three segments solid disk below openwork triangle and pair of circles; on back of plate, three perforated lugs. On bar: two broad vertical grooves; on plate: three perforations, appearing like two eyes and a triangular opening for mouth with inward projection at top for nose or beak. Pl. VI/21. L. 4.71 cm., W. 2.58 cm., Th. 0.22 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 11: Oval plate with dot design type, late 4th to early 6th century.

Inv. no. 13022. Buckle with iron tongue, two-thirds of frame missing. Copper alloy. Broad oval frame; hole for tongue in plate at junction with frame; solid plate comprising three segments – disk below two opposed drop shapes; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. Cast decoration on front of plate: drop shapes outlined in relief and each containing two small hollow patterns; disk enclosing mongram cross. Pl. VI/18. L. 3.19 cm., W. 1.69 cm., Th. 0.21 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

16

Inv. no. 12755. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Elongated oval frame; one side forming bar for hinge and tongue; flat, oval plate with two tabs folded over bar to either side of tongue; plate pierced by three small rivets. Pl. 1/22. L. 2.90 cm., W. 2.64 cm., Th. 0.28 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Type 12: Griffin/Pegasus type, 9th to 11th century. 17

86

Inv. no. 12835. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue

missing. Copper alloy. Flat, roughly rectangular plate with elongated opening at one end for belt; tab protrusions for hinge at other end. Cast decoration in relief on front of plate: figure of Pegasus, standing left with right foreleg raised and tail extending up behind back. Pl. VI/23. L. 4.51 cm., W. 3.13 cm., Th. 0.12 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

22

Inv. no. 12686. Frame. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Same as No. 21. Pl. VI/28. L. 2.45 cm., W. 1.47 cm., Th. 0.33 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

23

Inv. no. 12659. Buckle frame. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to Nos. 21-22, but lacking protruding tabs, knobs and projection at one end. Pl. VI/29. L. 1.78 cm., W. 1.19 cm., Th. 0.23 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 13: ‘U’ type, 7th century. 18

Inv. no. 12661. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing. Copper alloy. Two projecting tabs for hinge at top edges, solid, elongated plate with rounded end; on back of plate, three perforated lugs. Cast decoration on front of plate: opposed scrollwork and dot-and-circle pattern. Pl. VI/24. L. 3.92 cm., W. 2.46 cm., Th. 0.62 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 17: 2nd to 4th century (Roman). 24

Type 14: Heart-shaped type, 7th century (?). 19

Inv. no. 13020. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing. Copper alloy. Two large tabs for hinge at top; flat, openwork plate with leaf-like protrusions at sides and end. On plate: three round perforations arranged in a triangle. Pl. VI/25. L. 3.42 cm., W. 2.0 cm., Th. 0.12 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 18: ‘B’ (kidney-shaped) type, 6th to 7th century. 25

Type 15: Rectangular with openwork design type, 7th century (?). 20

Inv. no. 12929. Buckle plate. Frame and tongue missing; corner of plate also broken off. Copper alloy. Two tabs for hinge at top; rectangular, openwork plate; on back of plate, two perforated lugs. On plate: four drop-shaped perforations at corners and cross-shaped opening with semicircular ends to arms at centre; punched and incised dot-and-circle pattern between perforations. Pl. VI/26. L. 3.03 cm., W. 2.64 cm., Th. 0.12 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Inv. no. 12754. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Solid, B-shaped frame with straight bar for tongue notch for tongue rest in middle of opposite side of frame; large, hooked tongue with vertical knob on top of loop attachment. On frame: two incised parallel lines on either side of bar. Pl. VI/31. L. 3.62 cm., W. 2.11 cm., Th. 0.21 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Type 19: Oval type, 4th to 8th century.

Group 3: Simple frames without plate

26

Inv. no. 12610. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Solid, oval frame with narrow bar for tongue; tongue made separately and attached by bending one end around bar. Pl. VI/32. L. 3.21 cm., W. 1.47 cm., Th. 0.27 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

27

Inv. no. 12611. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Same as No. 26. Pl. VI/33. L. 3.36 cm., W. 1.39 cm., Th. 0.21 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Type 16: 7th century. 21

Inv. no. 12922. Buckle frame. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Upper surface rounded, lower surface flat; heart-shaped frame with two pointed knobs on each side and a notched protrusion for tongue at centre; behind frame, a vertical bar with pointed ends, attached by two short supporting rods. Pl. VI/30. L. 2.71 cm., W. 3.14 cm., Th. 0.31 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Inv. no. 12656. Buckle frame. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Upper surface rounded, lower surface flat; frame comprises three segments – a hollow circle with two knobs on each side, flanked by a rectangular plate with protruding tabs at corners at one end, and a knobbed projection at other, pierced by a small hole. Pl. VI/27. L. 2.51 cm., W. 1.41 cm., Th. 0.28 cm. No provenance, Afyon

Type 20: Ogival type, 5th to 7th century. 28

87

Inv. no. 12926. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Plain, solid frame with narrow bar for tongue. Pl. VI/34. L. 2.53 cm., W. 3.14 cm., Th. 0.82 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

29

Inv. no. 12628. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 28. Pl. VI/35. L. 2.23 cm., W. 1.58 cm., Th. 0.36 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

30

Inv. no. 12593. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 29, but slightly broader. Pl. VI/36. L. 2.91 cm., W. 1.79 cm., Th. 0.34 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

31

Inv. no. 12629. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 29. Pl. VI/37. L. 2.01 cm., W. 2.41 cm., Th. 0.31 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

32

Inv. no. 12627. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 29. Pl. VI/38. L. 2.62 cm., W. 2.77 cm., Th. 0.56 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

33

Inv. no. 12594. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 29, but thicker bar for tongue. Pl. VI/39. L. 2.20 cm., W. 1.49 cm., Th. 0.31 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

34

Inv. no. 13019. Buckle with tongue. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 28, but slightly bigger and groove around tongue. Pl. VI/40. L. 3.14 cm., W. 3.93 cm., Th. 1.01 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

with long, projecting tab at one end; vertical, Tshaped opening with bevelled sides at centre of frame for clasp; square opening in end of tab. On frame: incised foliate pattern around opening; on tab: raised semicircle below vertical bar, decorated with dot-and-circles and incised lines, appearing like face with hair, eyes and mouth. Pl. VI/43. L. 3.94 cm., W. 2.08 cm., Th. 0.24 cm. No provenance, Afyon. Type 24: Animal head type, possibly 6th to 7th century. 38

Inv. no. 12882. Buckle. Copper alloy. Circular frame with long, flaring tab at one end; roughly rectangular opening with bevelled sides in centre of frame; circular perforation in tab, and ear-shaped projections at corners. On frame and tab: punched and incised dot-and-circle decoration. Pl. VI/44. L. 4.07 cm., W. 2.74 cm., Th. 0.17 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

39

Inv. no. 12732. Buckle. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 38, but thicker and has a more intricate pattern of dot-and-cirlces and lines around frame and on tab. Shape perhaps intended to resemble a snail with eyes protruding from head (?). Pl. VI/45. L. 4.89 cm., W. 3.07 cm., Th. 0.34 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

40

Inv. no. 12921. Buckle. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 39, but bottom end of opening in frame is rounded and perforation in tab is oval. On plate: pattern of dot-and-cirlces interspersed with radiating lines. Pl. VI/46. L. 4.08 cm., W. 2.62 cm., Th. 0.22 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 21: Figure-of-eight type, uncertain date. 35

Inv. no. 12928. Buckle. Tongue missing. Copper alloy. Frame composed of two oval sections with straight central bar and two curved and rounded ends. On frame: three incised lines on upper surface at each end. Pl. VI/41. L. 2.82 cm., W. 2.26 cm., Th. 0.29 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 25: Star type, possibly 6th to 7th century. 41

Group 4: Clasp buckles Type 22: ‘U’ type, late 6th to early 7th century. 36

Inv. no. 12657. Buckle. Copper alloy. Flat frame with semicircular end; two protrusions at corners of squared other end; horizontal T-shaped opening at centre for clasp. Pl. VI/42. L. 2.67 cm., W. 1.52 cm., Th. 0.26 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Type 26: Clasp type, possibly 6th to 7th century. 42

Type 23: Human head type, possibly 6th to 7th century. 37

Inv. no. 12654. Buckle. Copper alloy with silver stain (?). Circular frame with four pointed and three rounded projections; horizontal opening with small semicircular cutout on one side; rectangular tab at top with rounded perforation and protrusions at corners. On frame and lower part of tab: incised scrollwork; radiating lines on pointed projections emphasise star shape. Pl. VI/47. L. 3.23 cm., W. 2.19 cm., Th. 0.28 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

Inv. no. 12767. Buckle. Copper alloy. Oval frame

88

Inv. no. 12687. Buckle clasp. Copper alloy. Triangular-shaped tongue with disk at end; rounded projections at corners; circular perforation and raised bar across tongue; disk projecting forward to fit in frame opening. On tongue: incised linear pat-

terns at corners and on bar; on disk, stylised figure (angel ?) with wings, facing left. Pl. VI/48. L. 3.67 cm., W. 1.81 cm., Th. 0.24 cm. No provenance, Afyon. 43

Inv. no. 12662. Buckle clasp. Copper alloy. Similar to No. 42, but incised line and dot decoration forming geometric patterns on tongue and disk. Pl. VI/49. L. 3.64 cm., W. 10.73 cm., Th. 0.13 cm. From the Uluköy-Hocalar region, Afyon.

44

Inv. no. 13024. Buckle clasp. Copper alloy. Tongue shaped like a bunch of grapes, perforated with four circular holes; convex disk attached to tongue by narrow bar. On tongue: punched and incised outlines. Pl. VI/50. L. 4.00 cm., W. 1.28 cm., Th. 0.19 cm. No provenance, Afyon.

Edfou: Louvre, Paris (Egyptian Dept.) = Guimet Museum, Paris, no. AF 1136: Werner 1955, 47 no. 25, pl. 8,14. Corinth, no. 3287: Davidson 1952, 271 no. 2185, pl. 114. Athenian Agora, tomb no. 10: Travlos and Frantz 1965, 168 no. 11, pl. 43a.30 The Benaki Museum, Athens, no. 11489: Fotopoulos and Delvorrias 1997, 209 no. 355. Monastir, Macedonia: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 20.118.1, .2: Damm 2000, 114-15, 356, figs. 10.14-15. Bulgaria: British Museum, M&LA 1910.6-22.2 (unpublished). Ukraine: British Museum, M&LA 1856.10-4.29 and M&LA 1910.4-16.70 (unpublished).31 Rutigliano, tomb no. 6: Archaeological Museum, Bari, inv. nos. 24285-24286): Baldini Lippolis 1999, 226 nos. 6-8.32 Tharros: National Archaeological Museum, Cagliari, no. 67922: Pani Ermini and Marinone 1981, 99 no. 149. Colchester: Hattatt 1989, 500 no. 254. Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne, nos. D 423, D 2520, D 2521, D 2522 and 2524: Riemer 1995, 793-4 nos. 1-5, pls. 13-17. Oslo University Collection, C.41064: Fleischer 1996, 100-1 no. 79. Unknown provenance (Turkey ?): Hirsch 2001, lot 415 (described as ‘Ostrogothic’).

PARALLELS ______________________________________________ Group 1: Buckle with plate cast as a single piece with frame Type 1: ‘Syracuse’ type Constantinople, Menil Collection, nos. C21-C22: Russell 1982, 151 fn. 36. Constantinople, Saraçhane, nos. F254, F170 and F1924: Gill 1986, 264-5 nos. 560, 561 and 563, fig. U, pls. 4023. Pergamum: Conze 1913, 326, fig. 118. Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, nos. 689-690. Kalavasos-Kopetra: McClellan and Rautman 1994, 293 no. 15. Yassı Ada, no. MF19: Bass and van Doorninck 1982, 276-7, figs. 12-15, pls. 12-16. Anemurium, Type 7: Russell 1982, 139, fig. 7.14-16. Church of St. Thecla at Meriamlık: Dagron and Feissel 1987, 252-3, pl. LXIV, 1-3. Antioch, Princeton University Art Museum excavations, no. DH-27-Θ: Russell 2000, 85, fig. 8. Asia Minor (no find-spot): John Hopkins University Museum, no. H.T. 849 (unpublished).29 Nysa theatre excavations, Inv.-No. TR-00/11, Kat. No. 486: Kadıoğlu 2000, 244, 403, fig. 375. Salamis: Chavane 1975, 162-3 no. 466, pls. 46 and 69. Apamea: Napoleone-Lemaire and Balty 1969, 107, fig. 25. Byblos: Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (unpublished). Pella: Smith 1973, pl. 68, nos. 15, 352. Scythopolis (Beisan): University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia, no. 31.50.261 (unpublished). Ctesiphon: Schmidt 1934, 22 pl. VI, a.

Type 2: ‘Mask’ type Anemurium, Type 6: Russell 1982, 139, fig. 6.12. Antioch, Princeton Universty Art Museum excavations: Russell 2000, 85 fig. 8. Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 119 nos. 693 and 695, pl. 44. Type 3: ‘Anemurium’ type Anemurium, Type 10: Russell 1982, 139, fig. 7.22. Celenderis, west necrpolis, tomb BNTM 1: Zoroğlu 1989, 136, pl. 7. Cyprus: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Cesnola Collection 74.51.5534: Cesnola 1877, pl. IV (indicating that it was found at Dali-Idalion); Myres 1914, 493 no. 4889; Richter 1915, 334 no. 1087. Type 4: Oval frame and rectangular plate type Constantinople, Saraçhane F624: Gill 1991, 265 no. 564. Anemurium, Type 5: Russell 1982, 139 and fig. 6.9-10. Type 5: ‘Balgota’ type (without hinge) Known from Constantinople, Corinth and Athens: Werner 1955, 47-8, map 2. Constantinople, Menil Collection, no. C25: Russell 1982, 30 31 32

29

See Russell 1982, 151 fn. 36.

89

See also Frantz 1965, 198, fig. 12. See AnatSt 46 (1996), 102 fn. 8. For other examples from Italy, see Baldini Lippolis 1999, 226 nos. 8-10.

151 fn. 36. Pergamum: Werner 1955, pl. 8, 1-4. Lesbos: BCH 79 (1955), 284-5, fig. 5. Kubad-Âbâd: Arık 1989, 408 and pl. 27. Anemurium Type 13: Russell 1982, 139, fig. 7.25 Salamis, no. Sal. 3168: Chavane 1975, 163 no. 467, pl. 46. Athenian Agora: Travlos and Frantz 1965, 167 nos. 4-6, pl. 43a. 33 Cherson, Crimea: Yacobson 1969, 273, fig. 139 no. 9. Ukraine: British Museum, London, M&LA 1923.7-16.81 (unpublished).34 S. Maria Vittoria di Serri: National Archaeological Museum, Cagliari, no. 43186: Pani Ermini and Marinone 1981, 99 no. 149. France: British Museum, London, M&LA 1905.5-20.317 (unpublished). Oxford area: Hattatt 1989, 500-1 no. 255. Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne, no. D 420: Riemer 1995, 795 no. 7, pl. 19. Unknown provenance (Asia Minor): RömischGermanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz: Schulze 1985, 730-1 and fig. 43.

54. 2332: Baldini Lippolis 1999, 231 nos. 17-19. Munich, private collection, no. 863: Stiegemann 2001, 341 no. IV.91. Type 10: ‘Corinth’ type Constantinople: Werner 1955, 47 no. 6a. Corinth nos. 5419, 7066, 2624, 7092 and 431: Davidson 1952, 271-2 nos. 2192-2196, pl. 114. Corinth, Temple Hill, nos. MF-72-84, MF-72-86 and MF72-112: Robinson 1976, pl. 57a. Athens: Werner 1955, 47 no. 1, pl. 8,13. Tigani, Mani: Kypraiou 1997, 186 no. 205 (six examples). Taormina: Werner 1955, 48 no. 15, fig. 3.1. Sicily, Sardinia and southern Italy: Pani Ermini and Marinone 1981, 93-7 nos. 133-144; Baldini Lippolis 1999, 232 nos. 7-14. Rome: Crypta Balbi 2000, 66 (top illus.). Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Cologne, no. D 4730: Riemer 1995, 795 no. 10, pl. 22. Munich, private collection, no. 1074: Stiegemann 2001, 343 no. IV.93. Type 11: Oval plate with dot design type Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 120 no. 702, pl. 44. Kertch/Panticapaeum, Crimea: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, no. 98.11.17: Richter 1915, 332 no. 1079. Rutigliano: Baldini Lippolis 1999, 226 no. 2 (with punched inscription: k(uvri)e ejleh'son). No provenance: Greifenhagen 1975, 116 and pl. 79/7-9.

Type 6: Long narrow plate type Constantinople: Saraçhane, Gill 1986, 265 no. 565, pl. 404. Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 119 no. 697, pl. 44. Midas City: Haspels 1951, 8, 13, 18, 95, and 150, pl. 41c2. Anemurium, Type 10: Russell 1982, 139 and fig. 7.21. Antioch, Princeton Universty Art Museum excavations: Russell 1982, 153 fn. 43; Russell 2000, 85, fig. 8. Corinth, nos. 4772 and 3514: Davidson 1952, 272 nos. 2209-2210, pl. 114. Athens: Setton 1950, pl. at p. 523 (lower left).

Type 12: Griffin/Pegasus type Tralles (found in 1897): De Ridder 1915, 7 no. 1159 (with two other examples: nos. 1160-1161). Sadberk Hanım Museum, Istanbul, no. I.908-4510: Bodur 1987, 94 and 187 no. A.24 Oslo, private collection (acquired in Istanbul): Fleischer 1996, 101 no. 80. Corinth, nos. 437, 3011 and 7337: Davidson 1952, 271-2 nos. 2213-2215, pl. 115. Philippi, east necropolis: Touchais 1981, 835 and fig. 127. Varna area, Sophia MNA, no. KVP 2178: Genève 1988 no. 49. Unknown provenance (Turkey ?): Hirsch 1995, lot 1842, pl. 70. Cologne, Diergardt Collection: Fremersdorf n.d., 26, pl. 33. Munich, private collection, no. 1603: Stiegemann 2001, 343 no. IV.94. Werner 1955, 42, pl. 7.2. Unknown provenance (Asia Minor): RömischGermanisches Zentralmuseum, Mainz: Schulze 1985, 733 and fig. 44.

Type 7: Disk and two drop shapes type Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 118 no. 69, pl. 44. Salamis, no. Sal. 844: Chavane 1975, 165 no. 473, pl. 47. Amathus, Tomb 636, no. M5/MΛ1446/5: Procopiou 1995, 271-2 pl. 32, 9. Type 8: ‘Shield’ type Byzantine Museum, Athens, no. B.M. 4108: Kypraiou 1997, 186 no. 206. Group 2: Buckles with plate joined to frame by hinge Type 9: Disk and two drop shapes type Yassı Ada, no. MF20: Bean and van Doorninck 1982, 277, pl. 12-7.35 Walters Museum, Baltimore, nos. 54. 2330, 54.2331 and 33 34 35

See also Frantz 1965, 198, fig. 12. See AnatSt 46 (1996), 109 fn. 28. Compare Hirsch 1993, lots 2010 and 2014, pl. 77.

90

Type 13: ‘U’ type Constantinople: Riemer 1995, 787 and fn. 120. Corinth, nos. 7145 and 2843: Davidson 1952, 273 nos. 2220-2221, pl. 115. Tigani, Mani: Kypraiou 1997, 184 nos. 201-202 (four examples, dated 5th to 6th century). Sicily: Riemer 1995, 788 and fig. 7 (top right). S. Moro sotto, Sicily: Baldini Lippolis 1999, 227 no. 7 (with other, related examples).

557, pl. 399. Alahan: Gough 1985, 69 no. 5, fig. 11.5. Anemurium, Type 1: Russell 1982, 138, fig. 6.2-3. Corinth, no. 8200: Davidson 1952, 270 no. 2178, pl. 113. Type 20: Ogival type Constantinople, Saraçhane, nos. F1228 and F1878: Gill 1991, 264 nos. 554 and 557, pls. 398-9. Anemurium, Type 1: Russell 1982, 138, fig. 6.1. Anemurium, Type 2: Russell 1982, 138, fig. 6.4-5. Sardis, no. 710: Waldbaum 1983, 121, pl. 44.

Type 14: Heart-shaped type Compare Anemurium, Type 14: Russell 1982, 140 and fig. 8.26-7. Type 15: Rectangular with openwork design type No parallels have been found.36

Type 21: Figure-of-eight type No exact parallels have been found, but similar examples at Corinth and Nichoria in Greece are thought to be middle Byzantine.37

Group 3: Plain buckle without plate

Group 4: Clasp buckles

Type 16: Constantinople, Saraçhane, no. F129: Gill 1991, 266 no. 579, pl. 408. Taşkun Kale, no. TK 70/24: McNicoll 1983, 181, no. 2 and fig. 89. Salamis no. Sal. 2657: Chavane 1975, 166 no. 475, pls. 47 and 69 (found with a coin of Constans II). Corinth nos. 8221, 8230, 6795, 7065 ve 2864: Davidson 1952, 272 nos. 2197-2201, pl. 114. Pliska: Henning and Dontcheva-Petkova 1999, 42-3 no. 68, pl. VI. Castel Trosino: Davidson 1952, 268 and fn. 34-5. Sicily: British Museum, London, OA 1881.7-19.70 and 1894.2-17.5 (unpublished).

Type 22: ‘U’ type No exact parallels have been found.38 Type 23: Human head type Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 74 no. 389, pl. 24 (identified as a lock-plate). Type 24: Animal head type Sardis: Waldbaum 1983, 74 no. 390, pl. 24 (identified as a lock-plate). Midas City: Haspels 1951, pl. 41c.1. Aphrodisias: Tulay 1992, 149 illus. 15 (closely related type with Christian invocation in Greek).39 Type 25: Star-shaped type No parallels have been found.

Type 17: Constantinople, Saraçhane F318: Gill 1991, 265 no. 570. Corinth no. 2308: Davidson 1952, 272 no. 2203, pl. 114. Compare also Hirsch 1993, lot 2020, pl.77 (dated to the Roman period, 2nd to 4th century).

Type 26: Clasp type No parallels have been found. Anemurium Types 3, 4 and 9 are not represented amongst the material from Amorium, or in the selection from the Afyon Archaeological Museum.

Type 18: ‘B’ (kidney-shaped) type Constantinople, Saraçhane, no. F783: Gill 1991, 265 no. 569. Corinth, no. 8200: Davidson 1952, 274 no. 2234, pl. 115. Cherkassy, Ukraine: British Museum, London, M&LA 1912.6-10.1-22 (unpublished). Kertch/Panticapaeum, Crimea: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, no. 98.11.26: Richter 1915, 331 no. 1077. Amathus, Tomb 636 no. M15/MΛ1446/15 (with openwork plate still attached): Procopiou 1995, 271-2, pl. 32/12.

APPENDIX: OTTOMAN BUCKLES FROM AMORIUM ______________________________________________ Two stray finds provide further evidence for the existence of a small but relatively prosperous Turkish settlement

37

38

Type 19: Oval type Constantinople, Saraçhane, no. F1228: Gill 1991, 264 no. 36

39

Compare Pani Ermini and Marinone 1981, 117 no. 194.

91

Compare Davidson 1952, 272 no. 2206, pl. 114; 274-5 no. 2243, pl. 115; Rosser 1978, 406 no. 504, pl. 12-4; Cuddeford 1996, 18 (fig. d), 20 (nos. 13-18). Compare Riemer 1995, 791, fig. 11 (from Verona, Sant’ Elena, tomb no. 1). Although attributed to the late Roman period by Tulay, the inscription, which may be read as KEBOHΘHTOΦOΡO(YNTA) = K(uvri)e bohvqh to;(n) forou'nta, clearly indicates its Byzantine date.

centred on the Upper City mound at Amorium.40 Similar examples are known from Corinth.41 Although these parallels are not dated precisely, it would not seem unreasonable to regard them as Ottoman buckle plates and place them in the 17th or 18th century. 1

SF2578. Buckle plate. Copper alloy. Rectangular; scalloped at one end with central floral finial; raised border at other end. Fig. VI/9; Pl. VI/51. L. 6.2 cm., W. 3.5 cm., Th. 0.7 cm. Surface find, Upper City. For a similar example from Corinth, see Davidson 1952, 275 no. 2252, pl. 116.

2

SF3947. Buckle plate. Copper alloy. Rectangular; scalloped at one end with central floral finial; raised border at other end. Fig. VI/10; Pl. VI/52. L. 5.0 cm., W. 2.83 cm., Th. 0.3 cm. Surface find, Upper City. For a similar example from Corinth, see Davidson 1952, 275 no. 2251, pl. 116.

Davidson 1937 G.R. Davidson, “The Avar Invasion of Corinth, with a Supplementary Note by T. Horváth,” Hesperia 6 (1937), 227-240. Davidson 1952 G.R. Davidson, Corinth, Vol. XII. The Minor Objects, Princeton 1952. des Courtils and Laroche 2000 J. des Courtils, D. Laroche, et alii, “Xanthos et le Letoon. Rapport sur la campagne de 1999,” Anatolia Antiqua 8 (2000), 339-83. Elton 1996 H. Elton, “Fravitta and Barbarian Opportunities in Constantinople,” Medieval Prosopography - Special Issue: Late Antiquity and Byzantium 17/1 (1996), 95106. Fleischer 1996 J. Fleischer, Ø. Hjort, and M.B. Rasmussen (eds.), Byzantium. Late Antique and Byzantine Art in Scandinavian Collections, Copenhagen 1996. Foss 1976 C. Foss, Byzantine and Turkish Sardis, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis Monograph 4, Cambridge, Mass. 1976. Fotopoulos and Delivorrias 1997 D. Fotopoulos and A. Delivorrias, Greece at the Benaki Museum, Athens 1997. Frantz 1965 A. Frantz, “From Paganism to Christianity in the Temples of Athens,” DOP 19 (1965), 187-205. Fremersdorf n.d. F. Fremersdorf, Goldschmuck der Völkerwanderungszeit: Ausstellung der Sammlung Diergardt des Römisch-Germanischen Museums Köln, Cologne n.d. Gill 1986 M.V. Gill, “Small Finds,” in Harrison 1986, 226-77. Gough 1985 M. Gough (ed.), Alahan. An Early Christian Monastery in Southern Turkey, Toronto 1985. Grabar 1951 A. Grabar, “Un médaillon en or provenant de Mersine en Cilicie,” DOP 9 (1951), 27-49. Haas and Schewe 1993 B. Haas – R. Schewe, Byzantinische Gürtelbeschläge im Germanischen Nationalmuseum, AnzGermNatMus 1993, 257ff. Harrison 1986 R.M. Harrison, et al., Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul. Vol. 1. The Excavations, Structures, Architectural Decoration, Small Finds, Coins, Bones, and Molluscs, Princeton 1986. Haspels 1951 C.H.E. Haspels, Phrygie III, La cité de Midas: céramique et trouvailles diverses, Paris 1951. Hattat 1989 R. Hattat, Ancient Brooches and Other Artefacts, Oxford 1989.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Arık 1989 R. Arık, “1987 Yılı Kubad-Âbâd Kazısı,” KST 10/2, 401-8. Bittel and Schneider 1949 K. Bittel and A.M. Schneider, “Fund- und Forschungsbericht Türkei 1943,” AA 1944/45 (1949), 34-81. Bodur 1987 F. Bodur, Türk Maden Sanatı. The Art of Turkish Metalworking, Istanbul 1987. Conze 1913 A. Conze et al., Altertümer von Pergamon - Stadt und Landschaft, Vol. 1:2, Berlin 1913. Csallány 1954 D. Csallány, “Les monuments de l’industrie byzantine des métaux, I,” ActaAntHung 2 (1954), 311-48 (in Russian with French summary). Cuddeford 1996 M.J. Cuddeford, Identifying Buckles, Chelmsford 1996. Dagron and Feissel 1987 G. Dagron and D. Feissel, Inscriptions de Cilicie, Paris 1987. Damm 2000 I.G. Damm, “Huns and Goths: Jewelry from the Ukraine and Southern Russia,” in K.R. Brown, D. Kidd, and C.T. Little (eds.), From Attila to Charlemagne. Arts of the Early Medieval Period in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 2000, 102-19. 40 41

For the Turkish period at Amorium, see Lightfoot 2000. Davidson 1952, 275 nos. 2251-2252.

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Henning and Dontcheva-Petkova 1999 J. Henning and L. Dontcheva-Petkova (eds.), Първопрестолна Плиска – 100 Години археологически Проучвания, Frankfurt-am-Main 1999. Hirsch 1993 G. Hirsch, Münzen und Medallien Antiken, Auktion 179, Munich 1993. Hirsch 1995 G. Hirsch, Münzen und Medallien Antiken, Auktion 185, Munich 1995. Hirsch 2001 G. Hirsch, Münzen und Medallien Antiken, Auktion 213-214, Munich 2001. Johansen 1994 I.M. Johansen, “Rings, Fibulae and Buckles with Imperial Portraits and Inscriptions,” JRA 7 (1994), 223-42. Kadıoğlu 2002 M. Kadıoğlu, Die scaenae frons des Theaters von Nysa am Mäander, unpublished PhD dissertation, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, 2000. Kondoleon 2000 C. Kondoleon (ed.), Antioch: The Lost Ancient City, Princeton, NJ 2000. Kypraiou 1997 E. Kypraiou (ed.), Greek Jewellery. 6,000 Years of Tradition, Athens 1997. Lightfoot 2000 C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium: The History and Archaeology of an Ancient City in the Turkish Period,” in A. Aktaş-Yasa (ed.), Uluslararası Dördüncü Türk Kültürü Kongresi (4-7 Kasım 1997, Ankara), II. Cilt (Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayını 229), Ankara 2000, 79-89. McClellan and Rautman 1994 M.C. McClellan and M.L. Rautman, “The 1991-1993 Field Seasons at Kalavasos-Kopetra,” RDAC 1994, 289-307. McNicoll 1983 A. McNicoll, Taşkun Kale. Keban Rescue Excavations, Eastern Anatolia, Oxford (BIAA Monograph No. 6) 1983. Napoleone-Lemaire and Balty 1969 J. Napoleone-Lemaire and J.C. Balty, Fouilles d’Apamée de Syrie I: 1 L’Eglise à atrium de la grande colonnade, Brussels 1969. Pallas 1981 D. Pallas, “Données nouvelles sur quelques boucles et fibules considérées comme avares et slaves et sur Corinthe entre le VIe et le IXe s.,” BBulg 7 (1981), 295-318. Pani Ermini and Marinone 1981 L. Pani Ermini and M. Marinone, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Cagliari. Catalogo dei materiali paleocristiani e altomedioevali, Rome 1981. Procopiou 1995 E. Procopiou, “Amaqouvnta. Anatolikhv Nekrovpolh.

Tavfo"-Osteofulavkio tou 7ou m.C. aiwvna,” RDAC 1995, 249-77. Richter 1915 G.M.A. Richter, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Bronzes, New York 1915. Riemer 1995 E. Riemer, “Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen aus der Sammlung Diergardt im Römisch-Germanischen Museum Köln,” KölnerJb 28 (1995), 777-809. Ross 1965 M.C. Ross, Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection 2: Jewelry, Enamels and Art of the Migration Period, Washington, DC 1965. Rosser 1978 J. Rosser, “The Small Finds,” in W.A. McDonald, W.D.E. Coulson, and J. Rosser (eds.), Excavations at Nichoria in Southwest Greece, Vol. 3. Dark Age and Byzantine Occupation, Minneapolis 1978, 405-20. Roueché 1989 C. Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity, Journal of Roman Studies Monograph 5, London 1989. Russell 1982 J. Russell, “Byzantine instrumenta domestica from Anemurium: the significance of context,” in R.L. Hohlfelder (ed.), City, Town and Countryside in the Early Byzantine Era, New York 1982, 133-63. Russell 2000 J. Russell, “Household Furnishings,” in Kondoleon 2000, 79-89. Saller 1941 S.J. Saller, The Memorial of Moses on Mount Nebo, Jerusalem 1941. Schmidt 1934 J.H. Schmidt, “L’expédition de Ctésiphon en 193132,” Syria 15 (1934), 1-23. Schulze 1985 M. Schulze, “Neuerwerbungen für die Sammlungen,” Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralsmuseums Mainz 32 (1985), 730-3. Setton 1950 K. Setton, “The Bulgars in the Balkans and the Occupation of Corinth in the Seventh Century,” Speculum 25 (1950), 502-43. Smith 1973 R.H. Smith (ed.), Pella of the Decapolis, Wooster, Ohio 1973. Travlos and Frantz 1965 J. Travlos and A. Frantz, “Church of St. Dionysius,” Hesperia 34 (1965), 157-202. Tulay 1992 A.S. Tulay, “Afrodisias Müzesi Bahçesi Kurtarma Kazısı -1990,” II. Müze Kurtarma Kazıları Semineri, 29 - 30 Nisan 1991, Ankara, Ankara 1992, 147-66. Waldbaum 1983 J.C. Waldbaum, Metalwork from Sardis, the finds

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through 1974, Archaeological Exploration of Sardis Monograph 8, Cambridge, Mass. 1983. Weinberg 1974 G.D. Weinberg, “A Wandering Soldier’s Grave in Corinth,” Hesperia 43 (1974), 512-21. Werner 1955 J. Werner, “Byzantinische Gürtelschnallen des 6 und 7 Jahrhunderts aus der Sammlung Diergardt,” KölnerJb 1 (1955), 36-48.

Zeiss 1935 H. Zeiss, “Der Schatzfund von Akalan. Ein Beitrag zur Chronologie der Reihengräberfunde,” Forschungen und Fortschritte 11/2 (1935), 17-18. Zoroğlu 1989 K.L. Zoroğlu, “Kelenderis, 1987 Yılı Kazısı,” KST 10/1, 135-55.

94

Fig. VI/1. Belt buckles: Nos. 1-2, SF3079 and SF3078.

Fig. VI/3. Belt buckle: No. 4, SF4412.

Fig. VI/2. Belt buckle: No. 3, SF1175.

Fig. VI/5. Belt buckles: Nos. 6-7, SF1255 and SF1722.

Fig. VI/4. Belt buckle: No. 5, SF4398.

95

Fig. VI/6. Belt buckle: No. 10, SF4911.

Fig. VI/7. Belt buckles: Nos. 12-13, SF701 and SF750.

Fig. VI/8. Belt buckle: No. 14, SF1686.

96

Pl. VI/2. Buckle No. 2, SF3078, L. 4.74 cm. (Photo: AM046/22) Pl. VI/1. Buckle No. 1, SF3079, L. 4.53 cm. (Photo: AM046/20)

Pl. VI/4. Buckle No. 5, SF4398, W. 3.22 cm. (Neg. AM02/19/33A) Pl. VI/3. Buckle No. 4, SF4412, L. 5.25 cm. (Neg. AM02/19/30A)

Pl. VI/5. Buckle No. 9, SF3925, W. 2.65 cm. (Neg. AM98/06/17)

Pl. VI/6. Buckle No. 11, SF4214, W. 4.5 cm. (Neg. AM01/09/14)

97

Pl. VI/7. Afyon No. 1, Inv. 12618.

Pl. VI/8. Afyon No. 2, Inv. 12685.

Pl. VI/10. Afyon No. 4, Inv. 12927.

Pl. VI/9. Afyon No. 3, Inv. 12753.

Pl. VI/12. Afyon No. 6, Inv. 12925.

Pl. VI/11. Afyon No. 5, Inv. 12653.

Pl. VI/14. Afyon No. 8, Inv. 13023.

Pl. VI/13. Afyon No. 7, Inv. 12658.

Pl. VI/15. Afyon No. 9, Inv. 12655. Pl. VI/16. Afyon No. 10, Inv. 12660. 98

Pl. VI/17. Afyon No. 11, Inv. 13021.

Pl. VI/18. Afyon No. 12, Inv. 13022.

Pl. VI/20. Afyon No. 14, Inv. 12602.

Pl. VI/19. Afyon No. 13, Inv. 12923.

Pl. VI/21. Afyon No. 15, Inv. 12924.

Pl. VI/22. Afyon No. 16, Inv. 12755.

Pl. VI/24. Afyon No. 18, Inv. 12661. Pl. VI/23. Afyon No. 17, Inv. 12835.

Pl. VI/26. Afyon No. 20, Inv. 12929.

Pl. VI/25. Afyon No. 19, Inv. 13020. 99

Pl. VI/28. Afyon No. 22, Inv. 12686.

Pl. VI/27. Afyon No. 21, Inv. 12656.

Pl. VI/29. Afyon No. 23, Inv. 12659.

Pl. VI/30. Afyon No. 24, Inv. 12922.

Pl. VI/31. Afyon No. 25, Inv. 12754. Pl. VI/32. Afyon No. 26, Inv. 12610.

Pl. VI/33. Afyon No. 27, Inv. 12611.

Pl. VI/34. Afyon No. 28, Inv. 12926.

Pl.1/35. Afyon No. 29, Inv. 12628.

100

Pl. VI/37. Afyon No. 31, Inv. 12629.

Pl. VI/36. Afyon No. 30, Inv. 12593.

Pl. VI/39. Afyon No. 33, Inv. 12594.

Pl. VI/38. Afyon No. 32, Inv. 12627.

Pl. VI/41. Afyon No. 35, Inv. 12928.

Pl. VI/40. Afyon No. 34, Inv. 13019.

Pl. VI/43. Afyon No. 37, Inv. 12767.

Pl. VI/42. Afyon No. 36, Inv. 12657.

Pl. VI/44. Afyon No. 38, Inv. 12882.

101

Pl. VI/45. Afyon No. 39, Inv. 12732.

Pl. VI/46. Afyon No. 40, Inv. 12921.

Pl. VI/47. Afyon No. 41, Inv. 12654.

Pl. VI/48. Afyon No. 42, Inv. 12687.

Pl. VI/50. Afyon No. 44, Inv. 13024.

Pl. VI/49. Afyon No. 43, Inv. 12662.

102

Pl. VI/51. Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 1, SF2578, L. 6.2 cm.

Fig. VI/9. Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 1, SF2578.

Fig. VI/10. Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 2, SF3947.

Pl. VI/52. Ottoman buckle plate: Appendix No. 2, SF3947, L. 5.0 cm.

103

104

VII. TURKISH GLAZED POTTERY Nurşen Özkul Fındık * This study relates to the fragments of glazed pottery that were recovered from the excavations during the years from 1988 to 1997. The various groups all belong to the period when there was a small but significant Turkish settlement at Amorium between the 13th and late 19th centuries.1

however, this layer of glaze has almost entirely flaked off (Pl. VII/1). The monochrome glazed fragments are from either bowls or dishes and include body and base fragments. During the firing of these vessels in the kiln pottery tripods were used; the marks from such tripods are visible under the base on two examples (Nos. 1-2).

The Turkish ceramic material found at Amorium comprises two main fabric types – in red clay and white paste – although a small amount of imported semi-porcelain was also found. The red clay ceramics were decorated with a monochrome glaze and underglaze painting. These monochrome glazed fragments are in turquoise, azure blue and green, while with regard to the underglaze painting technique there are clear colourless and coloured examples. The Miletus ware ceramics belong to the clear colourless group. The clear coloured group contains only turquoise coloured fragments.

There is only one fragment of azure blue glaze (No. 4). This is found only on the exterior; it is a thick, opaque glaze, and has flaked off in places (Pl. VII/4). Although most of the fragments have a coarse appearance and belong to large, common ware bowls or dishes intended for daily use, there are two pieces that seem to be of higher quality and have finer profiles (Nos. 2 and 4). However, in all respects – clay, slip, glaze, and shape – this group bears a close resemblance to İznik monochrome glazed pottery of the Ottoman period.2 Production of this type of everyday pottery began in İznik in the 14th century and continued for several centuries thereafter.

The ceramics with a white paste fabric also have a monochrome glaze and include examples of Kütahya ware. Amongst the monochrome glazed group we see especially examples with a thick turquoise or greenish glaze. Examples of blue-and-white, monochrome and polychrome glazed pottery were found among the examples of 19th-century Kütahya ware.

Underglaze painted ware The fragments that make up this type belong to two groups, differentiated by technique and period. Examples of the first group have a red clay fabric, a creamcoloured slip, and a light-coloured glaze (Pl. VII/7). The clay is similar to that of the red clay ceramics with monochrome glaze. In some cases the dark azure blue underglaze has run so that it looks like a pattern. Similar examples can be seen in the material from İznik, and they are indicative of manufacture that was not carefully executed or of very good quality.3

RED FABRIC CERAMICS ___________________________________________ Monochrome glaze ware During the excavations at Amorium a small number of fragments in red clay with a monochrome glaze was found. Three of these fragments are in turquoise, one is in azure blue, and one has a green glaze. The clay is red with a D10, D11, or E9 tone, and generally it is slightly porous, fine textured, and medium hard. Apart from two pieces that have more inclusions in their clay (Nos. 1 and 5), all of the fragments display a similar clay type. The slip is sometimes creamcoloured, but on some fragments it has a darker cream tone (Nos. 1-2, 4). The turquoise glaze is usually matt, and has inclusions/impurities, with a pitted, uneven surface (Pls. VII/1-3). On some of the fragments, *

1

The other examples with underglaze painted technique that were recovered during the excavation include three small fragments (Pls. VII/8-9). One is a rim fragment from a bowl, while the other two are body fragments. The fabric has a colour that is either pinkish red or very dark red. Only one piece (No. 9) has a fabric that is soft and has a burnt tone to it. The slip is cream coloured, and the glaze is turquoise, with a smooth, glossy surface. Under the turquoise glaze are painted black floral and geometric designs. This type of pottery was produced in both the Seljuk and the Ottoman periods, but they are distinguished by differences in their fabric, slip, glaze, and decorative motifs and styles. So, the fragments found at

Department of Archaeology and Art History, Faculty of Letters, Gazi University, Ankara. I would like to thank Chris Lightfoot for inviting me to work on this material. The Turkish text of this report has been translated into English by Chris and Mücahide Lightfoot. A preliminary report on this material was incorporated into a paper that was presented at the 4th International Congress of Turkish Culture, held in Ankara in November 1997; see Lightfoot 2000, esp. 84-5.

2 3

105

Özkul Fındık 2001a, 126-37. One may, for example, compare a fragment from the excavations in the Roman theatre at İznik that has a similar glaze and painted design but with stamped decoration; see Özkul Fındık 2001a, 160-1.

The fragments from the excavations at Amorium are often so small that it is difficult to comprehend fully the shape and decoration of the original vessels. Even the largest piece (No. 10) is burnt, so that the glaze colour and decoration cannot be made out clearly.

Amorium with underglaze black-painted designs can be attributed to the Seljuk period and probably date to the 13th century. Miletus ware The last group of pottery in red clay with underglaze painted decoration is Miletus ware – also known as early Ottoman pottery – and at Amorium it forms the largest group of red fabric ceramic finds. The group comprises four base, one rim, and three body fragments. The clay generally has a D10-D11 tone, and only one body fragment is in a darker red E8 tone. The fabric is only slightly porous and has few inclusions. It is generally fine textured and hard, but two of the fragments have a soft fabric (Nos. 12 and 17). The slip is cream coloured, while the glaze is clear and colourless (Pls. VII/11, 14, 16-18) or has slight turquoise tinge (Pl. VII/12). The glaze is matt and pitted, with fine cracks. The glaze that was applied to the exterior of the vessel is generally green in colour and has a smooth, glossy surface (Pl. VII/19). Only a very few examples have an azure blue glaze on the exterior (Pl. VII/15).

In the Ottoman period the main centre of production for Miletus type ceramics was İznik, where it was produced in large quantities and in many varieties.5 The Amorium finds of Miletus ware display different clay characteristics to the Miletus ware of İznik. In the İznik production of Miletus and other red clay wares mica is not present in the clay, but at Amorium the Miletus ware fragments contain mica, even though it may only be in small amounts (Nos. 10, 12, 15, 1819). Again, despite similarities in glaze and design, the Amorium finds appear to be of poorer quality than the İznik examples. On most of the fragments the glaze and colours are inferior, and in places the glaze has flaked off almost completely along with the slip, leaving only the red clay (Pls. VII/13-14, 19). It seems clear, therefore, that the Amorium finds of Miletus ware were not produced at İznik; instead, they must have been produced at Kütahya or in the Aegean region (perhaps at Miletus itself). Publications of the Kütahya production of Miletus ware do not mention whether the clay contains mica or not.6 On the other hand, Sarre in his article on the pottery found at Miletus states that they have considerable amounts of mica in them.7 It is also known that red fabric wares from the Aegean region generally have a lot of mica in the clay.

Miletus ware displays numerous variations in both its colour and composition. The ware’s most characteristic and common colour is cobalt blue. However, there are examples in other monochrome colours such as green and black or in bichrome combinations such as cobalt blue and manganese purple, cobalt blue and black, cobalt blue and turquoise, cobalt blue and green, cobalt blue and red. At Amorium, the monochrome type is represented by cobalt blue examples (Nos. 10 and 13), while the bichrome varieties by fragments in cobalt blue and manganese purple (Nos. 11, 15-18) and in cobalt blue and black (No. 19). The decoration was applied both by free brush painting (Pls. VII/11-12) and fine outline painting technique (Pl. VII/10). The whole of the interior of the vessel is decorated, but on the exterior decoration was applied only around rim as a very simple border design.

The production of Miletus ware continued over a long period of time, stretching from the middle of 14th to middle of 17th century. WHITE FABRIC CERAMICS ___________________________________________ Monochrome glaze ware

Miletus ware is one of the most common types of red clay ceramics in Anatolia. Until 1964 it was thought that the ware was produced solely at Miletus, but further research and excavations, first at İznik and later in other areas, have shown that it was produced at İznik and Kütahya, as well as at Miletus.4 The number of production centres may well increase further in the light of new excavations in the future. Although the fragments of Miletus ware found at Amorium generally look similar in clay, glaze, colour, shape, and design to those excavated elsewhere, it is possible to distinguish some local characteristics and elements that point to some differences in production.

In the excavations at Amorium examples of pottery in a white paste fabric with a monochrome glaze belong to two different groups, distinguished by application and period. In the first group the fabric comprises a fine textured, hard paste with very few inclusions and little porosity. Two base fragments of vessels belonging to this group have been found (Nos. 20-21). Their diameters measure 4.2 cm and 6 cm. respectively, and they are both flat in shape at the bottom. It is not exactly clear to 5 6

4

7

Aslanapa 1965a, 35-43; Aslanapa 1965b; see also Fehérvári 1973, 145-7.

106

Özkul Fındık 2001b, 419-36. Şahin 1979-1980, 259-73; idem 1981, 133-63; idem 1987, 36-41. Sarre, Wulzinger and Wittek 1935, 72; see also Sarre 1931, 27-30.

what sort of vessel they belong. Both of them are pierced in the centre of the bottom with a round hole. One of the pieces has traces of a tripod spacer underneath it (Pl. VII/21). The interior of one of the fragments does not have any glaze, while the other has only a very thin layer of glaze (Pl. VII/22). The glaze is matt, flaky, and uneven, containing both large and small cracks, and stains that look like black and brown spots. The exterior surfaces have a very thick opaque white glaze and no slip. On one example (No. 21) a blue colour has been mixed with the glaze, which has run down the side of the vessel (Pl. VII/23). The other fragment does not have any colour application. These two pieces were probably made in the Seljuk period in the 13th century.8 Similar material is now exhibited in Karatay Medrese Museum in Konya.

The white paste has an A1, B1, B2, B3 or D2 tone, with little porosity and few inclusions, and is hard and fine textured. On most of the examples a decoration in monochrome blue was applied. Only on two pieces was a bichrome blue-black technique used. The paint was applied with the free-brush technique (Nos. 2425, 29), while some pieces were done by a technique of fine outline painting in which the edges of motifs were traced in darker blue or black and the inside then filled in with blue (Nos. 28, 33-34). The glaze is generally colourless and clear, but on some pieces it has a slight greenish tone (Nos. 24-25, 29). Small black impurities are found in places on the surfaces of all the fragments. Inside the foot ring on one base fragment there is a blue-coloured star that represents the sign of a particular workshop (Pl. VII/29).9

The other group of fragments with a white paste fabric has a monochrome turquoise glaze. Two small rim fragments from this group were found during the excavations (Nos. 22-23). One of these pieces is hard, non-porous, and fine textured (No. 22), while the other is soft, and has small inclusions in the paste (No. 23). The interior and exterior surfaces of both these pieces have a turquoise-coloured, matt, uneven, and flaky glaze (Pls. VII/24-25). They belong to vessels that have very different forms. The first fragment is from a small bowl with a rim diameter of 8.8 cm.; the second is from a plate with a diameter of 28 cm. (Figs. VII/22-23). They are both products of the Ottoman period, and similar fragments with a monochrome glaze have found during the excavations at İznik. The Amorium examples, however, were probably made at Kütahya.

The earliest dated piece from amongst these finds is a small body fragment belonging to the ‘Abraham of Kütahya’ type (Pl. VII/39). This group was wrongly named from an inscription on an ewer from the Godman collection, now in the British Museum, dated to 1510, which reads ‘Abraham of Kütahya’.10 When the excavations at İznik started under the direction of Prof. Dr. Oktay Aslanapa in 1964, considerable amounts of pottery with this type of decoration were found, together with kilns and kiln material, making it clear that the type’s main centre of manufacture was in fact İznik. So, early Ottoman ceramics in white fabric, decorated with underglaze monochrome blue, are now more correctly called ‘blue-and-white’ ware. Their production began in the 15th century, first in a single colour, then in bichrome varieties such as blue and turquoise, blue and green, and blue and black. Even after ceramics in a polychrome technique (the so-called ‘Damascus’ and ‘Rhodes’ wares) began to be produced, pottery of this type continued to be made with only minor changes in decoration. Blue-andwhite wares are divided into sub-groups according to their decorative style. These are known as the ‘Baba Nakkash’ style, blue-and-white style, spiral serrated leaf style (‘Golden Horn’ ware), and the grayish blue painted style.11

Kütahya ware No proper archaeological excavations have as yet been carried out in Kütahya, but pottery fragments and kiln materials have been recovered during the digging of foundations and other construction work in the modern town. These finds show that pottery has been produced continuously at Kütahya from the 14th century right upto the present day, although the quality of the production varied and was from time to time relatively poor. The finds also show that Kütahya ware, like İznik ware, can be divided into two groups according to the colour of the fabric - one in red clay, the other in white paste.

A single small body fragment from Amorium belongs to the ‘Baba Nakkash’ type (Pl. VII/39). The decoration was achieved by painting the ground completely in blue, leaving specific areas in white or painted in light blue to denote the motif. The type was named after ‘Baba Nakkash’, the head miniaturist at the palace in the reign of Mehmet II. He created a brandnew style of painting various ornaments, such as the palmette, the ‘rumi’ motif, and the flower motifs that have a three-dimensional appearance with their wavy stems and pointed, turned in leaves.12 Pottery using

Only Kütahya fragments made with a white paste of quartz frit were found during the excavations at Amorium. There are twelve examples of blue-andwhite underglaze painted pottery in total: three bases, six pieces from coffee cups, one rim from a plate, and two body fragments.

9 10 8

Elsewhere it has been suggested that these fragments may be taken as evidence for local production; see Lightfoot 2000, 85.

11 12

107

For Kütahya ceramics, see especially Dowsett 1972. See Rackham 1935, 32-48; Otto-Dorn 1957; Lane 1957; Erdmann 1963, 191-219. See Özkul Fındık 2001a, 169-216. Ünver 1958.

these ornaments was produced at both İznik and Kütahya between the first quarter of 15th century and the first quarter of 16th century. The two centres show similarities in colour, design, and decoration.

consists of five small fragments (Nos. 36-40). The transition to multicolour painting at Kütahya began in the 18th century.13 The white fabric used in this pottery is the same as that employed in the blue-andwhite wares; the major innovation was in the use of many different colours for the underglaze decoration. The most distinctive colour of polychrome Kütahya ware is yellow but, in addition, green, blue, purple, azure blue and orangish red also started to be used. The glaze is clear and colourless, with a glossy surface, free of impurities, although on some of the Amorium fragments the glaze has a slightly greenish tinge as well as a smooth, glossy appearance (Pls. VII/42, 44). Another distinctine feature of the ware is that on the exterior the motifs are skteched in fine black outlines, while on the interior the decoration is painted in a different colour. Sometimes the designs with such outlines are combined with free-painted patterns that have no outline. In order to create a vivid dark red, the paint was applied thickly, making it appear in relief on the exterior surface (Pl. VII/43).

The blue-and-white wares that were made at Kütahya are of poorer quality than the ‘Baba Nakkash’ style fragments, with a more careless application of colours, designs, and glaze (Pls. VII/26-28, 30-35, 41). These features are particularly noticeable on some of the Amorium fragments (Nos. 27 and 35). In addition, the motifs used in the compositions are usually very simple and schematic. The cup fragments found at Amorium belong to a well-known form of Kütahya pottery in which generally the whole exterior surface is decorated, while the interior has only two fine lines around the rim (Pls. VII/32-35). However, one of the Amorium examples has no decoration whatsoever on its interior or exterior surface; instead, a clear, colourless glaze was applied directly to the very thin layer of white slip (Pl. VII/36). In general, the cups measure 8 cm. in diameter, although one example (No. 30) is smaller and measures only 6.4 cm. in diameter. In addition to the coffee cups, there are also two rim fragments, one from a bowl and the other from a plate with a diameter of 16 cm. (Pls. VII/37-38).

This polychrome technique was used especially for decorating coffee cups. While the exterior of the cups was provided with polychrome floral designs, the interior surface was left plain, with only blue bands of double lines around the rim and bottom (Pl. VII/42). The production of blue-and-white wares did not cease with the introduction of the polychrome technique. Rather, both techniques were used at the same time in the manufacture of coffee cups. Again, in this group floral designs are dominant in the decorative compositions. The polychrome ware fragments found at Amorium can be attributed to production at Kütahya in the first half of the 18th century.

The use of black outlines on blue-and-white ware is indicative of a late date. Among the finds from Amorium only two body fragments have blue-black lines applied to the bichrome design (Pls. VII/40-41). On Kütahya blue-and-white wares floral motifs are the dominant type of decoration, but irregular diamond-shaped motifs with diagonal cross-hatching painted in black can also be found (Pl. VII/40).

A rim fragment from a plate decorated in underglazed polychrome technique was also found during the excavations (Pl. VII/47). The paste is white and similar to that of Kütahya ware, and it is painted with motifs that have fine black outlines. The decoration shows how, in place of vivid yellow and red colours, darker orange-red, black, cobalt blue, green, and azure blue came to be used on polychrome ware. This piece illustrates the differences not only in colours but also in decorative compositions between 18th-century polychrome ware and later production. The dish fragment (No. 40) probably belongs to the late 19th or 20th century.

Another characteristic feature of Kütahya ware is the use of a floral design at the centre of the bottom inside the cup. It comprises a single daisy-like flower with a large central bud surrounded by five or six petals and with a slender, leafed stem, all drawn in blue (Pls. VII/26, 28). The same arrangement can be seen on polychrome Kütahya wares, while a similar design also occurs on the ‘Baba Nakkash’ style ceramics at an earlier period. One of the Amorium fragments (No. 25) depicts such a flower with the characteristic shape of the ‘Baba Nakkash’ style and a stem painted as a very fine line.

CONCLUSION ___________________________________________

It seems, therefore, that most of the blue-and-white ware finds from Amorium belong to the late phase of Ottoman production at Kütahya and date approximately to the 17th and 18th centuries. The bichrome ware fragments with black outlines, however, can be dated more precisely to the middle of 18th century.

Although only a small amount of Turkish glazed pottery has been found at Amorium, the excavated material provides valuable evidence for the Seljuk and Ottoman periods at the site. Indeed, these finds provide a rare insight into the Seljuk and Ottoman pottery

Only a small amount of polychrome Kütahya ware was recovered from the excavations at Amorium. It

13

108

Carswell 1991, 50-102.

for the entire region. There are examples of Seljuk material from the 13th century, Miletus ware fragments from middle of 14th century onwards, blue-andwhite and polychrome underglazed technique wares of between the 16th and 18th century, and also late 19th-century products. There is, therefore, a selection of material covering the whole of the Turkish period. Particularly noteworthy is the fact that within the finds the largest group is made up of Kütahya wares from the late Ottoman period. That Amorium is relatively close to Kütahya might be a significant factor in explaining this preponderance. Since the Afyon region has so far failed to produce any evidence for Ottoman kilns or kiln material, it is too early to speak of any significant local production. It is to be hoped that further excavations, both at Amorium and elsewhere in the region, will provide more information about the glazed pottery that was used and produced in this part of central Anatolia during the Turkish period.

4

Rim fragment of bowl. Fabric: E9 dark red, medium porosity, few inclusions, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on exterior: thick, opaque, matt azure blue, with a large impurity in surface, well adhered to slip but both flaked off in places; interior has slip but no glaze. The slip was only applied down to about 3 cm. below the rim. Fig. VII/1, Pls. VII/4-5. P.H. 3 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 26 cm.; Th. 4 mm. From Trench TT, Context 67.

5

Base fragment. Fabric: D11 red, little porosity, fine textured, many fine white and black inclusions, and medium hard, with a greyish colour towards outer surface; slip: dark cream; glaze on interior: clear, matt light green, with many cracks, well adhered to slip; no slip or glaze on exterior. Fig. VII/1, Pl. VII/6. P.H. 2.1 cm.; B.H. 1.2cm.; est. Diam. of base 9 cm.; Th. 11 mm. From Trench L, Context 276.

CATALOGUE ___________________________________________

Underglaze painted

RED FABRIC Monochrome glaze ware 1

Base fragment. Broken on all sides. Fabric: D10 red, little porosity, many tiny white inclusions, fine textured, and medium hard; slip: dark cream; glaze: on interior and exterior, clear, matt turquoise, with uneven surface and fine cracks, flaking from slip. Underneath, tripod mark; no slip or glaze on or around the exterior of base ring. The slip was applied only to a certain level, while the glaze has run down the sides in places. Fig. VII/1; Pl. VII/1. Th. 11-12 mm. From Trench L, Context 135.

2

Base fragment. Broken on all sides. Fabric: D10 red, little porosity, few inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: dark cream; glaze: on interior, glaze and slip completely flaked off; glaze on exterior: clear turquoise, with a smooth, glossy surface, small cracks and pits, flaking. The glaze has run down the side of the vessel towards the base. Fig. VII/1, Pl. VII/2. Th. 5-8 mm. From Trench L, Context 331.

3

Body fragment. Fabric: E9 dark red, little porosity, few inclusions, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on exterior: thick, opaque, matt turquoise, with impurities in surface, well adhered to slip, but both flaked off in places; no slip or glaze on interior. Fig. VII/1, Pls. VII/3, 5. P.H. 2.5 cm.; Th. 3-5 mm. From Trench TT, Context 67.

109

6

Body fragment. Fabric: D11 red, little porosity, few inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on interior: matt light azure blue, with uneven surface and fine cracks, well adhered to slip. On the exterior the slip and green glaze extend for 1.7 cm. up the side, but the glaze was also applied to the non-slipped surface. Glaze on exterior: azure blue, with a smooth, glossy surface, small cracks, and black marks. Decorated with a geometric pattern on interior. Fig. VII/2, Pl. VII/7. P.H. 2.7 cm.; Th. 10-12 mm. From Trench L, Context 293.

7

Rim fragment of bowl. Fabric: E5 pinkish red, little porosity, few inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on interior and exterior: turquoise, with a smooth, glossy surface and no impurities, well adhered to slip and clay. Decorated with a geometric pattern on interior. Fig. VII/2, Pls. VII/89. P.H. 1.4 cm; est. Diam. of rim 20 cm.; Th. 4 mm. From Trench L, Context 409.

8

Rim fragment of bowl. Fabric: E5 pinkish red, little porosity, few inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on interior and exterior: turquoise, with a smooth, glossy surface and no impurities, well adhered to slip and clay. Decorated with a geometric pattern on interior. Fig. VII/2. P.H. 2.5cm.; est. Diam. of rim 20 cm.; Th. 4-5 mm.

Surface find. 9

surface, well adhered to slip. No slip or glaze on exterior. Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue on interior. Fig. VII/3. P.H. 1.5 cm.; Th. 14 mm. From Trench UU, Context 4.

Body fragment. Fabric: C5 and overfired A8, two different grayish yellow tones, little porosity, few inclusions, and soft; slip: cream; glaze on interior: turquoise, with a smooth, glossy surface and no impurities, but large cracks; on exterior: thicker glaze extending for 8 mm., well adhered to slip and clay. Decorated with a geometric pattern on interior. Fig. VII/2, Pls. VII/8-9. P.H. 1.6 cm.; Th. 7 mm. Surface find.

14

Body fragment. Fabric: D11 red, little porosity, a few tiny black and white inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: cream, very thinly applied; glaze on interior: clear, matt turquoise, with impurities, not well adhered to slip, mostly flaked off; on exterior: clear light green, with a glossy, uneven surface. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/13. P.H. 2.5 cm.; Th. 7-9 mm. From Trench UU, Context 40.

15

Fragment of rim and body. Fabric: D11 red, medium porosity, slightly micaceous with tiny black and white inclusions, medium fine textured, and hard; slip: cream; glaze on interior: clear, matt colourless, with fine cracks; on exterior: azure blue, with a smooth, glossy surface, well adhered to slip and clay, tiny impurities and pieces of grit on surface. Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue and manganese purple on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pls. VII/14-15. P.H. 2.5 cm.; Th. 8-9 mm. From Trench L, Context 261.

16

Body fragment. Fabric: D11 red tone, very porous, fine white medium-sized inclusions, soft; slip: cream; glaze on interior: clear colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface, fine cracks and no impurities. Very little of the green glaze remains on the exterior. Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue and manganese purple on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/16. P.H. 2.6 cm.; Th. 4.5-9 mm. From Trench L, Context 151.

17

Body fragment. Fabric: E8 red, very porous with short horizontal lines, some tiny black and many white inclusions, and soft; slip: dark cream; glaze on interior: clear, matt colourless, partially flaked off; glaze on exterior: matt, uneven, with tiny impurities and pieces of grit on surface. The slip and a green glaze were applied to about half of the exterior. Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue and manganese purple on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pls. VII/17, 19. P.H. 2.5 cm.; Th. 8-9 mm. From Trench L, Context 264.

18

Body fragment. Fabric: E10 dark red, little porosity, a little mica with fine black and medium-sized white inclu-

Miletus ware 10

Base fragment. Broken on all sides. Fabric: A9-D11 overfired red in different tones, little porosity, tiny black and white inclusions with a little mica, fine textured, and hard; slip: thick and overfired; glaze on interior: clear colorless, but details are unclear because of overfiring; no slip or glaze on exterior Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/10. Th. 11-14 mm. From Trench TT, Context 52.

11

Base fragment. Broken on all sides. Fabric: D11 red, little porosity, tiny white and medium-sized black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: light cream; glaze on interior: clear, colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface and very fine cracks, no impurities, poorly adhered to slip; no slip or glaze on exterior. Decorated with a floral design in cobalt blue and manganese purple on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/11. Th. 12-9 mm. Surface find.

12

13

Base fragment. Fabric: D10 red, medium porosity, slightly micaceous with fine white and medium-sized black inclusions, and soft; slip: cream, very thinly applied; glaze on interior: clear, matt turquoise, with impurities, poorly adhered to slip and partially flaked off. No slip or glaze on exterior. Decorated with a floral design in manganese purple (?) on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/12. P.H. 2.2 cm.; B.H. 1.5 cm.; est. Diam. of base 8 cm.; Th. 14 mm. From Trench L, Context 264. Fragment of base and body. Fabric: D9 red, little porosity, small black and medium-sized white inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: cream, thickly applied; glaze on interior: clear, colourless, with a smooth, glossy

110

19

sions, fine textured; slip: cream; glaze on interior: clear, matt colourless, with fine cracks, flaked off in part with slip; on exterior: green, with a smooth, glossy surface, tiny impurities and pieces of grit on surface, well adhered to slip and clay. The whole of the exterior is covered with slip and green glaze. Decorated with a floral design in manganese purple on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pls. VII/17, 19. P.H. 2.3 cm.; Th. 4.5 mm. Surface find.

22

Rim fragment, broken into two pieces; chip missing at centre. Paste: B2 white, little porosity, tiny black and white inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: matt turquoise, with uneven surface and some impurities, partially flaked off. No decoration. Fig. VII/4, Pl. VII/24. P.H. 1.8 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 8.8 cm.; Th. 2.53 mm. From Trench L, Context 411.

Rim fragment. Fabric: D11 red, little porosity, slightly micaceous, with fine black and medium-sized white inclusions, fine textured; slip: cream; glaze on interior: clear colourless; on exterior: matt, with uneven surface, cracks, tiny impurities and pieces of grit on surface. Very little of glaze and paint remaining on interior; whole of exterior is covered with slip and green glaze. Decorated with a floral design in coblat blue and black on interior. Fig. VII/3, Pl. VII/18. P.H. 1.6 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 14 cm.; Th. 4-5 mm. From Trench L, Context 151.

23

Rim fragment. Paste: C4 yellowish white, little porosity, tiny black and white inclusions, soft textured; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: matt turquoise, with uneven surface, cracks and pits, partially flaked off. No decoration. Fig. VII/4, Pl. VII/25. P.H. 2 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 28 cm.; Th. 4-6 mm. From Trench L, Context 234.

Blue-and-white Kütahya ware 24

Base frament. Paste: B3 white, very little porosity, tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface. On exterior, the glaze extends up 2 cm. from base and inside of base ring, with small black surface impurities in places. Decorated with floral design in blue on interior and exterior. Fig. VII/5, Pls. VII/26-27. P.H. 2.2 cm.; B.H. 1.1 cm.; Diam. of base 3.2 cm.; Th. 3 mm. From Trench L, Context 264.

25

Base fragment. Paste: D2 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface, partially flaked off. On exterior, glaze extends up 2 cm from base and inside of base ring, with small black surface impurities in places. Decorated with floral design in blue on interior. Fig. VII/5, Pls. VII/28-29. P.H. 1.5 cm.; B.H. 1.2 cm.; Diam. of base 3.5 cm.; Th. 3mm. From Trench L, Context 162.

26

Base fragment. Paste: B3 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear matt, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth surface and small black impurities in places, partially flaked off. Decorated with floral design in

WHITE FABRIC Monochrome glaze 20

21

Bottom fragment, reconstructed from five smaller pieces. Paste: B1 white, very little porosity, a few fine black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: uncertain; glaze on interior and exterior: opaque white, with small cracks, impurities and pieces of grit on surface. The glaze was thinly applied on upper sides but has run down and accumulated as a thick layer in the center of the bottom on the interior and around the base on the exterior. No decoration. Fig. VII/40, Pls. VII/2021. P.H. 3.7 cm.; B.H. 1.4 cm.; est. Diam. of base 4.2 cm.; Th. 4-6 mm. From Trench L, Context 327. Base fragment. Paste: B2 white, little porosity, tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: none; glaze: none on interior; on exterior, extending to within 1.5 cm. of the base: thick, opaque, matt white, with uneven surface, cracks and partially flaked off. The glaze has run down the sides and accumulated as thick layer underneath; on one side blue has been mixed with the glaze, and both run down towards the base. No decoration. Fig. VII/4, Pls. VII/22-23. P.H. 4.4 cm.; B.H. 1 cm.; est. Diam. of base 6 cm.; Th. 5-10 mm. From Trench AB, Context 95.

111

27

28

29

30

31

blue on interior. Fig. VII/5, Pl. VII/30. P.H. 1 cm.; B.H. 0.7cm.; est. Diam. of base 3.6 cm.; Th. 3 mm. Surface find.

32

Rim fragment of bowl. Paste: B2 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface and no impurities. Decorated with floral design in blue on exterior. Fig. VII/5, Pl. VII/31. P.H. 1.5 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 8 cm.; Th. 2-3 mm. Surface find.

Rim fragment of dish. Paste: B1 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface. Decorated with floral design in blue around rim on interior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/38. P.H. 2.2 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 16 cm. Th. 2.5-3 mm. From Trench UU, Context 67.

33

Body fragment. Paste: C5 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface. Decorated with floral design in blue on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/39. P.H. 2 cm.; Th. 7.5 mm. Surface find.

34

Body fragment. Paste: B3 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear matt colorless, with a smooth surface and no impurities. Decorated with floral design in blue and black on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/40. P.H. 2.2 cm.; Th. 4.5 mm. Surface find.

35

Rim fragment of cup. Paste: C6 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior: clear colorless, with a smooth, glossy, and cracked surface; on exterior, matt, uneven, and partially flaked off. Decorated with floral design in blue and black on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/41. P.H. 1.3 cm.; est. Diam of rim 8 cm.; Th. 2-3 mm. From Trench UU, Context 62.

mm. Surface find from UTS85.

Rim fragment of bowl. Paste: B2 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior: clear colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface; on exterior, matt and uneven, with small black surface impurities in places. Decorated with floral design in blue on exterior. Fig. VII/5, Pls. VII/32-33. P.H. 2.3 cm.; Diam. of rim 8 cm.; Th. 2-3.5 mm. Surface find. Rim fragment of bowl. Paste: B2 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface and small black surface impurities in places. Decorated with floral design in blue on exterior. Fig. VII/5, Pls. VII/34-35. P.H. 2.6 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 8 cm.; Th. 23mm. From Trench L, Context 57. Rim fragment of cup. Paste: A1 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear, matt, slightly greenish colourless, with small black surface impurities in places, partially flaked off. No decoration. Fig. VII/5, Pl. VII/36. P.H. 1.8 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 6.4 cm.; Th. 1.53.5 mm. From UTS7.

Polychrome Kütahya ware 36

Rim fragment of bowl. Paste: B3 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear, matt, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth surface and small black impurities in places, partially flaked off. Decorated with floral design in blue on exterior. Fig. VII/5, Pl. VII/37. P.H. 1.6 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 12 cm.; Th. 2.5

112

Rim fragment of cup. Paste: B3 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze: clear, slightly greenish colourless, with smooth, glossy surface and no impurities. Floral design in blue, green, black, and red on exterior; blue lines on interior. Fig. VII/6, Pls. 42-43. P.H. 3.8 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 6.8 cm.; Th. 2.54 mm. From Trench L, Context 57.

37

Rim fragment of cup. Paste: D1 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior: clear, thick, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface, partly flaked off; on exterior: matt, very thinly applied, with impurities, partially flaked off. Floral design in blue, green, black, red, and yellow on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/44. P.H. 2.1 cm.; est. Diam of rim 8 cm.; Th. 2-3 mm. From Trench L, Context 54.

38

Body fragment. Paste: B2 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior: clear, matt colourless, with an uneven surface; on exterior, smooth and glossy, with no impurities. Floral design in blue, yellow, green, black, and red on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/45. P.H. 1.8 cm.; Th. 3 mm. From Trench L, Context 260.

39

Body fragment. Paste: C4 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior and exterior: clear colorless, with a smooth, glossy surface. Floral design in blue, black, and green on exterior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/46. P.H. 2.1 cm.; Th. 5 mm. From Trench L, Context 257.

40

Rim fragment of dish. Paste: B1 white, very little porosity, a few tiny black inclusions, fine textured, and hard; slip: white; glaze on interior: clear, thick, slightly greenish colourless, with a smooth, glossy surface. Floral design in blue, black, green, red, and azure blue on interior. Fig. VII/6, Pl. VII/47. P.H. 2.5 cm.; est. Diam. of rim 30 cm.; Th. 6-7 mm. From Trench L, Context 16.

Dowsett 1972 C.J.F. Dowsett, Kütahya Tiles and Pottery from the Armenian Cathedral of St. James, Jerusalem, Oxford 1972. Erdmann 1963 K. Erdmann, “Neue Arbeiten zur türkischen Keramik,” Ars Orientalis 5 (1963), 191-219. Fehérvári 1973 G. Fehérvári, Islamic Pottery. A Comprehensive Study based on the Barlow Collection, London 1973 Lane 1957 A. Lane, Later Islamic Pottery. Peria, Syria, Turkey, Egypt, London 1957. Lightfoot 2000 C.S. Lightfoot, “Amorium: The History and Archaeology of an Ancient City in the Turkish Period,” in A. Aktaş-Yasa (ed.), Uluslararası Dördüncü Türk Kültürü Kongresi Bildirileri (4-7 Kasım 1997, Ankara), vol. 2 (Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Yayını 229), Ankara 2000, 79-89. Otto-Dorn 1957 K. Otto-Dorn, Türkische Keramik, Ankara 1957. Özkul Fındık 2001a N. Özkul Fındık, İznik Roma Tiyatrosu Kazı Buluntuları (1980-1995) Arasındaki Osmanlı Seramikleri, Ankara 2001. Özkul Fındık 2001b N. Özkul Fındık, “Erken Osmanlı (Milet Tipi) Seramiklerde Bilinmeyen Bazı Örnekler,” V. Ortaçağ ve Türk Dönemi Kazı ve Araştırmaları Sempozyumu, Ankara 2001, 419-36. Rackham 1935 B. Rackham, “Turkish Pottery,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (1935), 35-48. Sarre 1931 F. Sarre, “The Seljuk and Early Ottoman Pottery of Miletus,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society (1931), 20-23. Sarre, Wulzinger and Wittek 1935 F. Sarre, K. Wulzinger, and P. Wittek, “Die Keramik der islamischen Zeit von Milet,” Das islamische Milet, Berlin 1935, Şahin 1979-1980 F. Şahin, “Kütahya Çini ve Keramik Sanatı ve Tarihinin Yeni Buluntular Açısından Değerlendirilmesi,” Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı 9-10 (1979-1980), 259-73. Şahin 1981 F. Şahin, “Kütahya Seramik Teknolojisi ve Çini Fırınları Hakkında Görüşler,” Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı 2 (1981), 133-63. Şahin 1987 F. Şahin, “Kütahya’da Eski Bir Keramik Fırını Üzerine Notlar,” Antika 27 (1987), 36-41. Ünver 1958 S. Ünver, Fatih Devri Saray Nakışhanesi ve Baba Nakkaş Çalışmaları, İstanbul 1958.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ___________________________________________ Aslanapa 1965a O. Aslanapa, “Kırmızı Hamurlu İlk Osmanlı Keramikleri,” Türk Kültürü 3 (1965), 35-43. Aslanapa 1965b O. Aslanapa, Anadolu’da Türk Çini ve Keramikleri, İstanbul 1965. Carswell 1991 J. Carswell, “Kütahya Çini ve Seramikleri,” Sadberk Hanım Müzesi Türk Çini ve Seramikleri, İstanbul 1991, 50-102.

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VII. CONTEXT CONCORDANCE: GLAZED POTTERY OF THE TURKISH PERIOD 1. Lower City Wall ________________________________ Trench AB AB95 No. 21

L260

No. 38

L261

No. 15

L264

No. 12 No. 17 No. 24

2. Upper City, Southern Sector ________________________________ Trench L L16 No. 40

Trench UU UU4 No. 13

L276

No. 5

L327

No. 20 cf. No. 22

L331

No. 2

No. 14

UU62

No. 35

UU67

No. 32

4. Surface ________________________________ Upper City UTS7 No. 30

L54

No. 37

L57

No. 29 No. 36

L409

No. 7

L135

No. 1

L411

No. 22

L151

No. 16 No. 19

L593

No. 6

L162

No. 25

________________________________

L234

No. 23

Trench TT TT52 No. 10

L257

No. 39

3. Upper City, Northern Sector

TT67

UU40

UTS85 -

No. 31 No. 26 No. 27 No. 28 No. 33 No. 34

Lower City No. 9 General Site No. 8 No. 11 No. 18

No. 3 No. 4

114

Fig. VII/1. Monochrome glaze ware fragments, Nos. 1-5.

Fig. VII/2. Underglaze painted ware fragments, Nos. 6-9.

115

Fig. VII/3. Miletus ware fragments, Nos. 10-19.

116

Fig. VII/4. Monochrome glaze fragments, Nos. 20-23.

Fig. VII/5. Blue-and-white Kütahya ware fragments, Nos. 24-31.

117

Fig. VII/6. Kütahya ware fragments: blue-and-white, Nos. 32-35; polychrome, Nos. 36-40

118

VIII. POLYCHROMY IN THE LOWER CITY CHURCH: AN OVERVIEW Eric A. Ivison * art historians. This scholarly omission is largely due to the poor rate of paint survival, and the problems of its dating. The fugitive nature of many pigments means that Byzantine paint rarely survives on stone sculpture. Many carved elements have been exposed for centuries on buildings, resulting in weathering and the concomitant problems of later over-painting. Byzantine sculptures in museums may also suffer from the effects of the environment and misguided attempts at cleaning that can remove traces of paints. To judge from the Amorium pieces, excavated stones can preserve pigments, but no comprehensive study of such survivals has been published. The resulting impression from the modern literature is either that as a rule middle Byzantine sculptures were not painted, or that their aesthetic effect lay more in shallow relief carving than in colourising. Instead, scholarly attention has been drawn to the better preserved examples of inlaid polychromy in sculpture, using coloured inlays of stones, mastic pastes and 4 glass to create a so-called cloisonné effect. Rather than viewing such inlaid sculptures as a special group, I would argue that such sculpture sought to reproduce in more costly materials what could also be achieved by cheaper paints and gilding. In other words, that the practice of inlaid sculpture should be seen as part of and in the context of a more widespread tradition of painted polychrome sculpture in medieval Byzantium.

INTRODUCTION _______________________________________________ The working methods of Byzantine artisans and the intended appearance of Byzantine art and architecture are central questions in the field of Byzantine art history. This paper and the two that follow, discuss these questions in the light of the polychrome decorations from the interior of the Lower City Church at Amorium. The report of Johanna Witte-Orr (JWO) offers a technical study of the monumental frescoes and mosaics that adorned the interior of the church. That by Elizabeth A. Hendrix (EAH) examines the painted polychromy discovered on fragments of the church’s stone architectural elements and liturgical furnishings. The present paper aims first to place both these reports in the context of the architecture and history of the Lower City Church, as it is currently understood. The second part of this essay is devoted to a discussion of the polychrome sculptures from the Lower City Church and their significance. The report of Elizabeth Hendrix is the first scientific study of painted polychromy on a corpus of middle Byzantine stone sculpture, combining pigment analyses with ultraviolet florescence and reflectance photography. These photographic techniques were first developed to reveal painting invisible to the unaided eye on 1 ancient sculpture. Only a recent study by Carolyn Connor of polychromy on ivories has applied similar techniques to 2 The Amorium small-scale Byzantine sculpture. polychromy can be firmly dated to the middle Byzantine period and placed within an architectural context. Its survival, therefore, offered a rare opportunity to study this form of decoration, and to assess critically the role of polychromy in the intended appearance of Byzantine 3 sculpture.

THE LOWER CITY CHURCH AT AMORIUM: PAINTED DECORATION AND CHRONOLOGY ______________________________________________ Excavation of the structure designated the Lower City Church began in 1990 and lasted ten seasons (1990-1998, 2002). The church site is located near the centre of the Lower City, standing north of the so-called Large Building, and southeast of the structure designated the Enclosure. Excavations have been restricted to the interior of the church, but it is clear that it forms part of a larger complex that extends along its north and south flanks. The site of the church was divided into trenches A1-A9, the boundaries of which became co-terminus with the principal architectural spaces of the building (Fig. VIII/1). At the time of writing (2003), the entire plan of the church has been revealed, and its interior fully excavated to pavement levels. Two principal building phases have been identified. The building as it now stands

Much has been written concerning the style and carving of middle Byzantine stone sculpture, but the significance of any paint on their surfaces has received little attention from * 1 2 3

Department of History, College of Staten Island, City University of New York. See for example Hendrix 1997-98, and Hendrix 2001. Connor 1998, passim. See also review of Connor 1998 in AJA 103 (1999), 173-4. An abstract of a presentation outlining the Amorium polychromy project given at the 1996 meeting of the Archaeological Institute America was published in 1997: Ivison and Hendrix 1997, 387. Research and discoveries by the present author since 1997 have led to revisions in the dating and attribution of some carved stone elements from the church included in EAH’s study. Consequently, editorial footnotes have been added to EAH’s text to clarify certain points, without interfering with its essential integrity.

4

119

Orlandos 1951, 178-224, esp. 190ff; Grabar 1963, 100-22; Macridy 1964, 272-6, 304-6; Fıratlı 1969, passim; Grabar 1976, 41-2, pls. V,a-e, VI, VII,a, VIII,a-b, IX,a-b; Sodini 1980, 134-5; Epstein 1981, 12; Barsanti 1988, 291-4; Fıratlı 1990, 186-7; Sodini 1995, 294-9; Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 23-5, 55-7.

extends from the floor up the walls and may be interpreted as a mixing area for batches of wall plaster. JWO has tentatively identified similar plaster on three blocks, but evidence of a fire and the extant bare walls 8 show that this planned redecoration was abandoned.

is in fact two churches, the second having been constructed within the shell of the first. The first church th was an aisled basilica, built sometime in the late 5 to th early 6 century. Following the complete destruction of this late antique basilica by fire, the building was reconstructed in the middle Byzantine period as a domed basilica church. The outer walls of the old basilica were retained, but massive piers were constructed within this framework to support masonry vaults and a central dome. The new church’s interior was lavishly decorated with monumental wall paintings and vault mosaics. A marble opus sectile pavement was laid in the naos and bema, and a new stone templon and ambo were commissioned. The windows were filled with moulded plaster transennae set 5 with coloured glass. The size and elaborate decoration of this new church indicate that it must have been one of the most imposing buildings at Amorium. An inscribed epistyle from the main templon indicates that an unnamed bishop, presumably of Amorium, acted as the principal 6 patron of the new church.

Owing to the destruction of the upper walls and vaults, none of the mural mosaics were found in situ. Mention should be made, however, of the small mosaic ring preserved in the western naos pavement, which is 9 tentatively identified as an omphalos. The overwhelming majority of the mosaic tesserae found at the church were of glass, with a small minority cut from stone. Most were recovered as loose tesserae, but there were also fist-sized chunks of plaster setting beds, some retaining tesserae in situ. Mosaic tesserae had been found scattered throughout the church since 1990, but the densest concentrations were discovered during the 1993-94 excavations of the medieval Turkish levels over the middle Byzantine 10 pavements in the bema and apse (Trench A3). Of a total of 23,672 tesserae recovered by 2002, over 16,200 were found east of the chancel arch in 1993-94, suggesting that the vault of the bema and the conch of the apse were covered with mosaics. It would seem, therefore, that the costliest form of mural decoration was reserved for the most sacred area of the building. Lesser numbers of tesserae found in the central naos suggested to JWO that the central dome was also adorned with mosaics.

Many thousands of fragments of painted wall plaster were retrieved from the mural decoration of the Lower City 7 Church’s interior. These mostly survive as detached fragments collected from post-Byzantine contexts, and larger pieces preserved on fallen wall blocks from the upper walls. Denser concentrations of fragments were often encountered at the foot of walls, presumably having flaked from above. Relatively few patches of painted plaster remained in situ since it became clear upon excavation that the walls had been scraped down to bare masonry in medieval times. In general, this removal had been fairly comprehensive, extending at least to the height of surviving walls (on average a maximum of c. 3.00 m.). Patches survived only occasionally in the corners of rooms, at the bottoms of walls and in isolated fragments in the western naos and south aisle. This scraping down of the walls formed part of a general transformation of the th building by the Seljuk Turks in the early 13 century, after the end of Christian use. A thick spread of coarse, white plaster from this period was discovered in the corner of the central bay of the north aisle. The patch 5

6

7

Upon excavation, fresco fragments and mosaic tesserae were stored separately by context, and were later cleaned, 11 conserved and stored at the excavation depots. Fresco and mosaic setting bed fragments were placed on trays and covered with acid-free paper, while loose fragments were stored in bags. Christine Zitrides carried out the preliminary sorting of the fresco and mosaic fragments. Of particular importance was the discovery of the large stone bocks that retained layers of painted plaster. Each block was assigned a ‘Painted Plaster’ (PP) catalogue number, and inventoried separately. Small areas of painted plaster found on the church walls were detached, if at risk, and stored in the excavation depots. Other pieces, such as that on the south wall of the south aisle were conserved and protected in situ (see below, pages 12 This evidence, although fragmentary, 142-143). revealed ‘at least three consecutive layers of painted

Principal bibliography: AnatSt 45 (1995), 105-120, 127130, pls. XIII-XIV, XVI-XVIII; AnatSt 46 (1996), 92-97, 102-103, pl. XIII; DOP 51 (1997), 292-297; Lightfoot 1998, 67-68; DOP 52 (1998), 324-326. For the most recent overview see Lightfoot and Ivison in Gill 2002, 14-15, and Ivison, forthcoming. Ivison, forthcoming. For the revised edition of the inscription, see AnatSt 44 (1994), 122, pl. XXIII, (a): + Cªristoº◊ Profªhtav...(vacat)...ejpivskoºpon fuvlatte ªto;n º pivstei kai; povqw/ ajnakainou'nta to;n tivmion naovn sou eij" luvtron, eij" a[fesin aJmaªrtiw'nº See also AnatSt 42 (1992), 212, pl. XLVIII, (b)-(c), translation by Cyril Mango. AnatSt 41 (1991), 224; AnatSt 42 (1992), 210; AnatSt 43 (1993), 150; DOP 329, fig. 3.

8 9 10 11 12

120

DOP 51 (1997), fig. 5, with plastered area over tiled floor and walls. AnatSt 44 (1994), 109, pl. XVII (b). AnatSt 44 (1994), 108; AnatSt 45 (1995), 130-131. On excavation and storage procedures, see Lightfoot and Ivison in Gill 2002, 5-6. The Amorium Excavations Project is grateful for the efforts of site conservators Karen Barker, Linda Mulvin, Hande Günyöl, Gülseren Dikilitaş, Ekaterina Churakova, and Jane Foley in safeguarding the surviving frescoes and mosaics.

17

in Italy, dated to the decades after 875/6. No evidence has yet been discovered to date the destruction of the first basilica, but these dates raise the possibility that it was destroyed in the 838 Arab sack of Amorium, evidence for 18 which has been identified elsewhere on site. This date for the church’s reconstruction also places the first layer of frescoes (JWO’s layer 1) and the vault mosaics in the th th later 9 to early 10 century. The presence of figures on painted plaster layer 1 certainly suggests a date after the 19 final end of iconoclasm in 843. Any final alteration and decoration of the church must have been made no later th than the 11 century, but in all likelihood prior to the 20 Seljuk invasions that began in 1068. The most extensive feature of these restorations was the plastering over of the th th earlier 9 -10 century frescoes, and the redecoration of all or parts of the church with new wall paintings (JWO’s layers 2 and 3). Further research is needed to date these later layers more precisely on stylistic and technical grounds.

plaster’ (below, page 139), and that the church had been successively plastered and painted on at least two, possibly three occasions. The church excavation also produced several hundred fragments of carved stone that once formed the architectural fixtures and liturgical furnishings. All these stones have been catalogued and received a ‘T(aş)’ inventory number before storage in the site depots. None of the stones were found in their original locations, having been built into medieval Turkish partition walls or having been found in rubble and later fills. Nonetheless, the preservation of the foundations of the templon screen and ambo, and the dimensions of the stones permit a reconstruction of their original emplacement. Upon examination, many of the carved surfaces of these stones were found to retain remnants of Byzantine painted polychromy. Paint survived best on limestones, and to lesser degrees on andesites, and on white and breccia marbles, although the preservation of pigments varied 13 greatly from stone to stone. Local soils and the circumstances of burial must have played a role in this process. The incorporation (and protection) of many stones in Turkish structures within the church probably also contributed to the preservation of their painted surfaces.

This chronology situates the polychromy on the sculpture firmly in the middle Byzantine period, with two groups or periods of painting proposed. This division was based a priori upon the dates assigned to the sculptures concerned, but was also later found to be consistent with the method of paint application, pigments, and overall aesthetic, as far as they could be recovered. Evidence of vertical dribbles of paint on some cornice and string course blocks suggests that the stones were painted after their placement in the building, possibly while scaffolds were in place for painting the frescoes and installing the mosaics. If so, then this evidence would support a correlation in date between the groups of polychromy and the principal phases of decoration detected in the layers of wall paintings. The first group of polychromy was found on sculptures installed during the reconstruction of the th th church in the late 9 to early 10 century (T102, T106, T107, T120, T121, T132, T245, T456, T457, T486, T622, T681, T749, T761, T765, T783, T850, T887, T905, and, possibly, T114). The second group, found th upon sculptures stylistically datable to the 11 century, is associated with a refurbishment that saw the installation of newly carved closure slabs and epistyles on the western templon (T108, T128, T246, and T471). Other painted stones that were analysed remain unattributed, and are

Recent studies of the architecture, sculptured fittings and furnishings, and other archaeological evidence suggest that the middle Byzantine reconstruction of the Lower City Church took place sometime between ca. 850 and 950, and comparanda for the church and its decorative 14 program may narrow this date to ca. 900. Tombs built into the narthex provide a fixed terminus ante quem of 963 for construction, and indicate that the domed church th 15 was extant in the first half of the 10 century. Architecturally, the Amorium church belongs to the same family of domed basilicas as Dereağzı, Aya Sofya at Vize, and St. Nicholas at Myra, which can be dated to the th th 16 9 -10 centuries. The closest comparanda for the opus sectile pavements at Amorium are to be found in th th monuments of the later 9 and early 10 centuries. These include Aya Sofya at Vize, now dated to shortly after 833, th th pavements dated to the 9 -10 centuries in churches on the shores of the Sea of Marmara, and in churches at Bari

17 13 14 15

16

AnatSt 43 (1993), 158-159; AnatSt 44 (1994), 121; AnatSt 45 (1995), 129; DOP 52 (1998), 330. The most recent discussion, repeated here, is to be found in Ivison, forthcoming. For tomb #5, excavated in 1998, see KST 21/2 (2000), 144, illus. 4-5; DOP 55 (2001), 374-79. See also below, pages 169-171. A fuller report on all the tombs will appear in DOP 59 forthcoming. Buchwald 1999, 9-17, figs. 10-11; Ousterhout 1999, 89 and fig. 56; Morganstern 1983, 169-73.

18 19 20

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Kuniholm 1995, 35 (Vize, Aya Sofya); Peschlow 1983, 441-2, pls. 92.2-3, 93.1; Ertuğrul 1995, 22 (illustration of marble pavement), 32 (sketches of opus sectile); Andreassi and Radina 1988, 551-7, fig. 776. For another church of comparable plan, with opus sectile pavements like the Lower City Church, see Eyice, 469-96, esp. pls. XLVI/7, XLIX/13, and L/14-15 (9th-10th century ?). Lightfoot, 1998, 61-62, 66-69; DOP 51 (1997), 293-294; 299, 300; Ivison 2000, 14-18. AnatSt 45 (1995), 119-120. Lightfoot and Ivison in Gill 2002, 8, 14-15.

th

th

assigned a date either in the 10 or 11 century (T763, 21 T458, and T462).

used on the sculptures were less expensive in terms of pigments than those used for the frescoes. The blue pigment used on the sculpture has been identified as smalt, a far less costly compound than the ultramarine 23 (from lapis lazuli) that was used in the frescoes. On the other hand, gamboge, an exotic (and no doubt expensive) product of southeast Asia, has been tentatively identified as a yellow on the sculptures. In fact, these identifications emphasise the high quality of the materials and the prestigious nature of the project. The Lower City Church at Amorium, therefore, ranks with the Tokalı Kilise New th Church, dated to the mid-10 century, as one of a small and exclusive group of Byzantine monuments that make 24 extensive use of ultramarine. Such pigments may demonstrate links with the capital and to a wider world, and the use of exotic materials in painting in Anatolia.

One of the goals of the polychromy project had been to test the rationale of this division of materials, since stones, regardless of their date of carving, conceivably could have been painted (or repainted) in a later period. In a few cases this supposition is borne out: capital T681, th th one of a set from the 9 -10 century templon, bears a th painted inscription with an 11 -century date (see below, page 131). Similarly, slab T132 may be assigned to the th th reconstruction of the 9 -10 century, yet it exhibits painting more characteristic of stones certainly carved at a later date. In general terms, however, EAH’s report supports the concept of two main groups or periods of painted polychromy. Although similar pigments were used on both groups of stones, ‘on the whole pigments were applied more carefully in the later refurbishment, and that [unlike on stones of the first group] they were then more closely confined to the sculpted forms’ (below, page 129). In this respect, it is surely significant that these forms of paint application parallel the style of carving found on the two groups of stones. Stones dated to the th th century are reconstruction phase of the 9 -10 characterized by sculpted forms carved well within or th outside inscribed guidelines, whereas in the 11 -century group stone-cutters followed the guidelines precisely, 22 cutting away all traces of preparatory work.

THE AMORIUM POLYCHROMY AND BYZANTINE SCULPTURE ______________________________________________ In general it appears that most, if not all, the architectural fixtures and liturgical furnishings in the Lower City Church were painted. The middle Byzantine stones at Amorium were not polished to display their natural colours to best effect, in contrast to carved stones of the late antique period. The use of polished marbles in medieval Byzantium survived in opus sectile pavements 25 and marble revetments in the wealthier churches. The lack of polish on sculpture may well have been intentional, since the chiselled and worked surfaces of middle Byzantine pieces better aided the adhesion of 26 Carved stones with polychromy included paint. architectural string courses from the dome cornice (T102, T245, T622, T749, T761, T765, and T887), and cornice blocks probably once set above the arcades that once flanked the central naos (T486, T783, T850, and T905). As yet unattributed architectural elements also have polychromy (T114, double-column; T763, cornice; T458 and T462, column capitals). Pieces identified as belonging to the templa, together with fragments of other furnishings were also painted (T106, from the north or south templon; T132, slab; T246, epistyle; T681, templon colonette; T108 and T128, epistyle; T107, curved epistyle; T120, T121, T456 and T457, curved epistyle; 27 T471, slab). The 2002 season unearthed pieces that demonstrated that the middle Byzantine ambo was similarly painted. Upon discovery, orange-red and blue paint could be observed serving as a ground for raised strapwork on closure slabs that can be assigned to the ambo pulpit. Orange-red paint had also been used to

The question of whether the same artisans were responsible for painting both the polychromy and the layers of frescoes remains unresolved. Analyses of the pigments used on the sculpture and in the frescoes offer some clues, but by necessity constitute only a small sample of the overall painted decoration (see below, pages 136 - Table 2, and 158 - Table). Comparison of these two groups of samples does show some pigments common to both media: red ochre for red, carbon black for black, and calcium carbonate for white. Such a correlation may simply reflect those colours common to painting, however, rather than the hand of the same artisan. In other respects, the groups of pigments used differ considerably in both type and range. The yellows and shades of orange and red-orange on the sculpture are derived from burnt and raw sienna, pigments that have not yet been attested amongst the fresco fragments. Yellows in the fresco fragments analysed utilised yellow ochre. The range of colours used on the sculptures is narrower than in the frescoes. To date, no greens have been detected on the sculptures, although one must also bear in mind that such pigments may not have survived. Perhaps, as is discussed below, a more limited, saturated range of colours was applied to carved stone for different aesthetic purposes. Certainly, one should not assume that the paints

23 24 25

21 22

26

Discussed in Ivison, forthcoming. Ivison, forthcoming.

27

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James 1996, 29-30; Connor 1998, 29-30. Epstein 1986, 23. Ousterhout 1999, 235-236, and Peschlow 1983, passim. AnatSt 43 (1993), 158. For these attributions see Ivison, forthcoming.

34

Constantinople. Indeed, the application of polychromy, like the use of coloured glass, marble and paste inlays, has been interpreted as imitation of such costly ornaments, with coloured grounds perhaps imitating 35 enamels.

outline carved decoration on the stone rails that once 28 capped the slabs. Contrasting colours were usually used to fill the panels or fields surrounding raised ornament. This style can be observed on the cornices T486, T783, T850, and T905, where red-orange was predominantly used as a ground for a rinceau of acanthus leaves. The same technique was employed on blocks attributed to the dome cornice (T102, T245, T622, T749, T761, and T887), using black, red, and blue paint to highlight a guilloche frieze. Blue paint was also observed by EAI in 1992 as the ground for leaved crosses on the templon 29 epistyle, T106. Carved and painted ornament were thus regularly combined at Amorium, and indeed were interchangeable to judge from T850 and T887, where the carved design was continued in paint onto a blank section. This interchangeability of painted and carved features has also been observed in Palaeologan churches at 30 Constantinople.

Polychromy in red and ochre, with applied gilding, in combination with inlays of red, green, yellow, and blue glass, was found on the templon from Sebaste-Selçikler, 36 dated by Claudia Barsante to 1019-1025. The templon epistyle of the contemporary katholikon church at Hosios Loukas also retains traces of polychromy and gilding, together with sockets that could have been set with 37 Fragments of marble icons in bas-relief inlays. excavated in the Mangana monastic complex at th th Constantinople and dated to the 11 -12 centuries made extensive use of polychromy and inlays. A number of panels represented angels and archangels with garments, nimbi, and insignia painted in purple, red, and blue, and 38 further embellished with inlays. Another fragment depicts a male figure, probably Christ, seated on a lyrebacked (?) throne. A lattice pattern was painted between the inlays on the back of the throne, quite independent of the carved ornament. Yet another inlaid fragment, possibly from the same relief, preserves textured surfaces 39 for the application of red paint. A well-preserved panel, now in Vienna, representing St. Pantaleimon, still preserves paint and inlays on vestments, shoes, and other 40 details. Applied pigment of uncertain date has also been detected recently on the relief panel of a Comnenian 41 emperor now at Dumbarton Oaks.

Far more work needs to be done to determine the prevalence of painting on middle Byzantine sculpture, but I would contend that such polychromy was much more widespread in medieval Byzantium than has been realised. Remnants of polychromy have been observed on sculptures from other contemporary churches in the provinces and the capital. These include those that of the Dormition at Skripou, Greece (dated 873/4), the so-called th th Round Church at Preslav (late 9 to early 10 century), and the Theotokos church of the Constantine Lips 31 monastery at Constantinople (founded 907). Like their counterparts at Amorium, the artisans engaged on these buildings used contrasting colours to highlight carved ornament. Cornices in the Theotokos church of the Lips monastery had relief carving painted in red on a blue 32 background. Such painting can also be seen in situ on th sculptures of the mid-10 -century church of the Theotokos in the Hosios Loukas Monastery in Greece. Paint is still visible on a number of elements, including column capitals and templon epistyles. In her publication of the sculptures, Laskarina Boura dated these applied colours to the Byzantine period, and observed that raised relief ornament on the column capitals of the naos were gilded, while reds and blues were used for the 33 surrounding grounds. The use of yellow paints on some of the Amorium stones may have aimed to imitate such gilding, which itself recalled the silver and gold revetments known to have adorned imperial churches at 28 29 30 31 32 33

Polychromy on stone sculpture apparently remained standard in Palaeologan churches, to judge from the interior decorations of the Chora monastery at th Constantinople (dated to the 14 century). The templon of the main church was painted, and the shallow relief decoration on tomb canopy D was gilded, while the background was painted blue to emphasise the carving. 34

35 36 37

DOP 59, forthcoming. AnatSt 43 (1993), 158. Ousterhout 1987, 139. Papalexandrou 1998, 232, and fn. 181; Macridy 1964, 307; Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 36-8, fig. 31. Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 36-7, fig. 31. Boura 1980, 130, colour frontispiece (capital), pl. 145 (epistyle, black and white); Schultz and Barnsley 1901, 378 (where the polychromy is referred to as ‘late colouring’).

38 39

40 41

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On yellow standing for gold, see James 1996, 31. For an example of contemporary revetment in precious metals, see Mango 1986, 185-9 (Photius’ Homily on the Church of the Virgin of the Pharos, dated ca. 880). See Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 56-7 (in the context of ceramic plaques and marble inlaid sculpture). Fıratlı 1969a, 161; Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 55; Barsante 1986, 28-9, and 291-4 for date. Barnsley and Schultz 1901, 32. Demangel and Mamboury 1939, 129-30 nos. 39, 42-43, figs. 168, 171-2. Demangel and Mamboury 1939, 130 no. 46, fig. 175.2, and Tezcan 1986, 90 fig. 89 (showing polychromy); Demangel and Mamboury 1939, 131 no. 47, fig. 175.4, foot with jeweled buskin and throne leg (?). Tezcan 1986, 91, fig. 92. Evans and Wixom, eds., 1997, 200-201, #137.

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Constantinople. Ultraviolet florescence and reflectance photography may yet reveal ‘lost’ painted inscriptions, although the Amorium study shows that freshly excavated stones offer the best chances for success. Future research could also consider possible stylistic and aesthetic links between painted stone, wood-carving, and small scale 45 works in steatite.

Carved inscriptions on the tomb canopy were picked out in paint. The same technique can be seen on the spolia Corinthian capitals of the tribelon of the Chora parekklesion, where the acanthus leaves were painted with yellow paint on a blue background. Even undecorated marble cornices and wooden tie beams at the Chora were gessoed and painted with a rinceau on a blue 42 background. Similar polychromy has also been found in the contemporary parekklesion of the Pammakaristos monastery (Fethiye Camii) at Constantinople, and in the 43 monastery church of Gračanica in Kosovo (ca. 1311).

CONCLUSION: THE PURPOSE OF POLYCHROMY ______________________________________________ On a practical level, applied colour greatly enhanced the visibility of such sculptures in their original setting. In general, the carving at Amorium was very shallow, being no more than 0.5-1.5 cm. in depth, and was restricted to cutting down from a prepared surface, thus creating a very flat, two-dimensional style. Such carving is appreciated best in raking light, but it seems that natural light was only admitted through exterior doors leading into the aisles and narthex. The plaster transennae in the windows had only narrow openings filled with coloured glass 46 panes. Lamps and candles must, therefore, have been the principal forms of illumination in this dim interior. The visual effect of such shallow carvings, especially those in elevated and prominent positions such as cornices and epistyles, would have been reduced considerably without polychromy to highlight their forms.

The apparent horror vaccui found on the above examples can also be detected on the Amorium stones, such as the cornice blocks T850 and T763, where painted designs were traced independent of any carving. This evidence also forces us to consider that painted patterns, now invisible to the unaided eye, could have decorated apparently plain surfaces on many Byzantine sculptures. These could have included painted inscriptions, to judge from a templon capital (T681), carved from grey breccia. The flat, smooth surface on the back of the capital bears a depinto painted in black paint or ink that runs to at least three lines (Pls. VIII/1-2). The letters were copied by the present author in 1994, and again in 1995 by Margaret Gill. The capital was photographed by EAH in 1996, and the resulting image was computer enhanced in an attempt to reveal more letters. Cyril Mango kindly prepared the following preliminary transcription. Letters vary from 0.5 cm. to 1.7 cm. in height.

From the aesthetic standpoint, the application of polychromy, gilding, and inlays to stone sculpture is best explained in the context of Byzantine perceptions of colour. The inscription on the inlaid templon from Sebaste-Selçikler in Phrygia, dated to 1019-1025, is suggestive of the desired effect of a marble furnishing ornamented with painting, gilding, and glass inlays. The inscription reads: ‘The Bishop Eustathios, having removed the old [...] has wisely replaced it with new ornamentation on the cornices (kosmivte", probably to be understood here as templon epistyles), which he caused to be decorated with gold and another shining (lamprov") and translucent (diaaughv") material for the [...] of the 47 church.’ As this inscription and the literary tradition makes clear, the Byzantines emphasised not so much the hues of the colours, but rather their brilliance and sparkling qualities, which they associated with divine light. On another level, Byzantine observers stressed the role of colour in defining or enhancing the spiritual and 48 symbolic meaning of shapes and images. In the words of

ω ...]µ µαι ... ε [τ.4]φλ ... …!Α]βέρκιo(ς) (kai;) !Iw(annhv") ... ΝΥ .........υλης ...... Line 1: m(hni;) Maivw/ F probably followed by L, giving a date of 653(.), i.e. 1022+. Line 3: puvlh" (?) This fragmentary inscription names at least two men, and offers a putative date, suggesting that it may be a commemorative inscription, perhaps part of a prayer for the individuals mentioned. Many epistyles and architectural cornices may once have carried painted inscriptions that have now disappeared. Such painted th inscriptions have survived in the 14 -century parekklesion of the Pammakaristos monastery at

44 45 42

43

Hjort 1979, 224, 226-7, 237-8, 247, 253, 264, 279-81; Ousterhout 1987, 55-6, 58, 139-40; Ousterhout 1999, 2356; Ousterhout 2002, 86 (Tomb D), 95 (parekklesion view), 97 (view of esonarthex), 115 (columns of tribelon). Belting, Mango and Mouriki 1978, 20-2, figs. 92-93, colour pl. XI; Ćurčić 1979, 68-9, figs. 96-7.

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Megaw 1963, 368-9, figs. M and N; 370-1, and fig. 33. See, for example, Evans and Wixom 1997, 299-301, nos. 202-203. Gill 2002, 263. Fıratlı 1969, 162 (with notes); Barsanti 1986, 28-9, and Barsanti 1988, 291-4 (for date); see also Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, 55-7. James 1996, 69-90; Connor 1998, 72-5.

H. Belting, C. Mango and D. Mouriki, The Mosaics and Fresoces of St. Mary Pammakaristos (Fethiye Camii) at Istanbul, Washington, D.C. 1978. Boura 1980 @O glupto;" diavkosmo" tou' naou' th'" L. Boura, Panagiva" sto; movnasthvri tou' @Osivou Louka', Athens 1980. Buchwald 1999 Hans Buchwald, “Retrofit - Hallmark of Byzantine Architecture?” in Form, Style and Meaning in Byzantine Church Architecture (Aldershot 1999), VIII, 1-22. Connor 1998 C.L. Connor, The Color of Ivory: Polychromy on Byzantine Ivories, Princeton 1998. Ćurčić 1979 S. Ćurčić, Gračanica. King Milutin’s Church and Its Place in Late Byzantine Architecture, University Park, PA and London 1979. Demangel and Mamboury 1939 R. Demangel and E. Mamboury, Le Quartier des Manganes et la Première Région de Constantinople, Paris 1939. Epstein 1981 A.W. Epstein, “The Middle Byzantine Sanctuary Barrier: Templon or Iconostasis?” Brit. Arch. Assoc. 134 (1981), 1-27. Epstein 1986 A.W. Epstein, Tokalı Kilise. Tenth-Century Metropolitan Art in Byzantine Cappadocia Washington, D.C. 1986. Ertuğrul 1995 Ö. Ertuğrul, in A. Kahramankaptan, “Vize’den tarih fikiriyor,” Mozaik 1.1. (1995), 22-33. Eyice 1951 S. Eyice, “Amasra ‘Büyükada’sında bir bizans kilisesi,” Belleten 15 (1951), 469-96. Evans and Wixom 1997 H.C Evans and W.D. Wixom, The Glory of Byzantium. Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era A.D. 843-1261, New York 1997. Fıratlı 1969 N. Fıratlı, “Découverte d’une Église byzantine à Sébaste de Phrygie, Rapport préliminaire,” CahArch 19 (1969), 151-66. Fıratlı 1990 N. Fıratlı, La Sculpture byzantine figurée au Musée Archéologique d’Istanbul, Paris 1990. Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001 S.E.J. Gerstel and J.A. Lauffenburger (eds.), A Lost Art Rediscovered. The Architectural Ceramics of Byzantium, University Park, PA 2001. Grabar 1963 A. Grabar, Sculptures byzantines de Constantinople (IVe-Xe siècle), Paris 1963. Grabar 1976 A. Grabar, Sculptures byzantins de moyen âge (XIe-

Liz James, ‘texts suggest that the function of colours is to distinguish things, that colour is an element in the 49 definition of being.’ From this perspective, Byzantine sculpture would have been unfinished without polychromy. The profusion of rich, saturated colours found on the Amorium sculptures must have contributed to the desired effect, producing the appearance of brilliant and sumptuous ornament. We should not view such polychrome sculpture in isolation, however; the full visual effect on the Byzantine beholder needs to be understood in its original setting. The architectural context of the Amorium polychrome sculpture has yet to be fully reconstructed, but it should be seen as part of an interior that included the frescoes, mosaics, and opus sectile pavements, as well as the plaster transennae of the coloured glass windows. It is of interest that the transennae were carved and ornamented with red-orange paint, creating in effect ‘illuminated’ polychrome sculptures very different in appearance from the stained 50 glass windows of the West. Combined with moveable furnishings such as candelabra, lamps, curtains, and wooden furniture, the interior of the Lower City Church could have been one of ‘extreme opulence, if not garishness,’ perhaps similar to the effect envisaged at the 51 To Byzantine eyes, 14th-century Chora church. however, the lavish profusion of colour and costly 52 materials conveyed the impression of wealth and power. Painting, gilding, and inlays on carved ornament should, therefore, be regarded as part of a range of applied decoration in Byzantine interiors that included gold, silver and bronze revetments, enamel, and decorated 53 polychrome tiles. It is to be hoped that further scientific study of remnants of such polychromy will help us to understand better the intended appearance of Byzantine sculpture. BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Andreassi and Radina 1988 E. Andreassi and F. Radina (eds.), Archeologia di una città. Bari dalle origini al X secolo, Bari 1988. Barsanti 1986 C. Barsanti, The 17th International Byzantine Congress. Abstracts of Short Papers, Washington, D.C., 1986, 28-9. Barsanti 1988 C. Barsanti, “Scultura anatolica di epoca mediobizantina,” Milion I (1988), 275-95. Belting, Mango and Mouriki 1978 49 50 51 52 53

James 1996, 80. Gill 2002, 263. Ousterhout 1987, 139; Ousterhout 1999, 235-6. James 1996, 69-90; Connor 1998, 72-81. For polychrome tiles, see now Gerstel and Lauffenburger 2001, esp. 36-8, 56-7.

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XIVe siècle), vol. 2, Paris 1976. Hendrix 1997-98 E. Hendrix, “Painted Ladies of the Early Bronze Age,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 55 (Winter 1997-98), 8. Hendrix 2001 E. Hendrix, “Polychromy on the Amathus sarcophagus: a ‘rare gem of art’,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Journal 36 (2001), 43-58. Hjort 1979 Ø. Hjort, “The Sculpture of the Kariye Camii,” DOP 33 (1979), 199-289. Ivison and Hendrix 1997 E.A. Ivison and E. Hendrix, “Reconstructing Polychromy on Middle Byzantine Sculpture,” AJA 101/2 (1997), 387. Ivison 2000 E.A. Ivison, “Urban Renewal and Imperial Revival in Byzantium (730-1025),” ByzF 26 (2000), 1-46. Ivison forthcoming E.A. Ivison, “Middle Byzantine Sculptors at Work: Evidence from the Lower City Church at Amorium,” in Ch. and V. Pennas, and C. Vanderheyde (eds.), La sculpture byzantin (VIIe-XIIe siècles). Actes du colloque internationale organisé par l’École française d’Athènes et l’Ephorie byzantin des Cyclades-golfe Saronique (6-10 septembre 2000), Supplément au Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, Paris, forthcoming. James 1996 Liz James, Colour in Byzantine Art, Oxford 1996. Kuniholm 1995 P.I. Kuniholm, “New Tree-Ring Dates for Byzantine Buildings,” Twenty-First Annual Byzantine Studies Conference. Abstracts of Papers (New York, 1995), 35. Lightfoot 1998 C.S. Lightfoot, “The survival of cities in Anatolia: the case of Amorium,” Byzantion 68 (1998), 56-71. Macridy 1964 T. Macridy, A.H.S. Megaw, C. Mango, E.J.W. Hawkins, “The Monastery of Lips (Fenari Isa Camii) at Istanbul,” DOP 18 (1964), 249-315. Mango 1986 C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453, Toronto 1986. Megaw 1963

A.H.S. Megaw, “Recent Work of the Byzantine Institute,” DOP 17 (1963), 333-72. Morganstern 1983 J. Morganstern, The Byzantine Church at Dereağzı and its Decoration, IstMitt Beiheft 29, Tübingen 1983. Orlandos 1951 A.K. Orlandos, “@H !Piskoph' th'" Santophvnh",”Archeion ton Byzantinon Mnemeion tes Hellados 7 (1951), 178-224. Ousterhout 1987 R.G. Ousterhout, The Architecture of the Kariye Camii in Istanbul, Washington, DC 1987. Ousterhout 1999 R. Ousterhout, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton 1999. Ousterhout 2002. R. Ousterhout, The Art of the Kariye Camii, London 2002. Papalexandrou 1998 A. Casson-Papalexandrou, The Church of the Virgin at Skripou: Architecture, Sculpture and Inscriptions in Ninth Century Byzantium, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Princeton University, 1998. Peschlow 1983 U. Peschlow, “Zum Byzantinischen opus sectileBoden,” in R.M. Boehmer and H. Hauptmann (eds.), Beiträge zur Altertumskunde Kleinasiens. Festschrift für Kurt Bittel, Mainz 1983, 435-47. Schultz and Barnsley 1901 R.W. Schults and S.H. Barnsley, The Monastery of Saint Luke of Stiris and the Dependant Monastery of Saint Nicolas in the Fields, near Skripou, in Boeotia, London 1901. Sodini 1980 J.-P. Sodini, “Une iconostase byzantine à Xanthos,” in Actes du Colloque sur la Lycie Antique, Bibliothèque de l’Institut Français d’Études Anatoliennes d’Istanbul 27, Paris 1980, 119-48. Sodini 1995 J.-P. Sodini, “La sculpture médio-byzantine: le marbre en ersatz et tel qu’en lui-même,” in C. Mango and G. Dagron (eds.), Constantinople and its Hinterland, Aldershot 1995, 289-311. Tezcan 1986 H. Tezcan, Topkapı Sarayı ve Çevresinin Bizans devri Arkeolojisi, Istanbul 1986.

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Fig. VIII/1. State plan of the Lower City Church (2002), showing trench designations, wall numbers, and principal furnishings.

Pl. VIII/1. Colonette capital with painted inscription: T681.

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IX. PAINTED POLYCHROMY ON CARVED STONES FROM THE LOWER CITY CHURCH Elizabeth A. Hendrix * INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________

later refurbishment, and that they were then more closely confined to the sculpted forms.

Numerous examples of sculpted stone from the Lower City Church, belonging to both its reconstruction in the late 9th to early 10th-century, and its 11th-century refurbishment, preserve traces of their original painted polychrome decoration.1 The patterns and range of colours preserved on the sculpted surfaces can be discerned by close visual inspection with the unaided eye, and, when necessary, by other methods. In some cases, ultraviolet reflectance photography was used to reveal traces of painting no longer visible on the stone. Normal colour and black and white photography clarified other traces of painting with additional computer enhancement. The results of all these observation and documentation techniques were combined to make coloured drawings showing the extent of the preserved colours. Finally, in order to gain some idea of the artists’ materials, fifteen samples of pigments from stones, representing the first reconstruction and later refurbishment of the church were analysed to identify some of the actual pigments used on carved stone architecture at Amorium.

THE LATE 9TH/EARLY 10TH CENTURY: THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE RECONSTRUCTION ______________________________________________ Eighteen sculpted blocks belonging to the middle Byzantine reconstruction were examined. They were obtained from at least five different find-spots inside the church. They were found to be painted with red-orange, black, yellow, and blue; some blocks preserved only one of these colours, while others preserved several or all of them (Table 1). Often the paint is still fairly well preserved, perhaps in part because of the rough texture of the limestone or andesite substrates favoured in this period. It is evident, therefore, that these architectural elements were brightly painted, and that the colours were not always applied merely in order to accentuate the sculpted forms. Fragments from a limestone string course and templon epistyle (Pls. IX/1-2), and a limestone cornice block (Pls. IX/3-4) suggest that, while the raised plane of decoration might be considered when the colours were applied, the background was freely painted with a variety of colours. Even the sculpted forms posed no restrictions to the painter of the epistyle, as can be seen from the lower block shown in Plate IX/2, where yellow and black occur on the upper plane as well as in the background in no discernible pattern.

The results show that, for the most part, the artisans at Amorium used a similar set of pigments throughout the middle Byzantine period, with only slight modifications in the 11th relative to the 9th-10th century. This might be taken as evidence for consistency in trade relations as well as in the artisans’ material requirements. However, comparison to analyses from other sites and contemporary accounts reveals that the pigments used at Amorium are unusual and may point to eastern connections. Additional issues that were considered during the study included the quality of application, whether the relationship of the colour to the sculpted forms could be identified in each period, and whether or not that relationship changed over time. The conclusions that could be drawn from the limited number of samples from Amorium suggest that on the whole pigments were applied more carefully in the *

1

The architectural string course (Pl. IX/1: T102, T245, T622, T749, T761, T765, T887), sculpted with a continuous horizontal double twisted ribbon, is visually broken up by the painter, who took the opportunity to alternate colours in the background of the ribbon but without repeating the order of colours.2 Red-orange (the dominant colour here, as elsewhere), yellow, blue, and black can be found in discrete areas of the background, while the centre drill holes were painted with some eye to order, arranged in the pattern red-orange, black, black, red-orange, black, black, etc. Both blue and red-orange were found on the raised plane of the ribbon; only a small amount is preserved, but may indicate that one of the ribbons was conceived in blue, the other in red. Block T887 (Pl. IX/1, top right) may be a terminus of the string course, since the sculpted ribbon is replaced by traces of a painted ribbon on fine white plaster, with red-orange describing the ribbon and traces of black possibly

Research Scientist DMSE, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA. I wish to thank Chris Lightfoot and Eric Ivison for their interest in documenting the painted surfaces of the architectural remains at Amorium. I am also grateful to thank the staff of the Afyon Archaeological Museum, and notably Mr. Ahmet Ilaslı, for permitting samples of pigments to be taken and analysed. For the history and excavation of the church, see AnatSt 45 (1995), esp. 105-20; Gill 2002, 14-15. A short report on the work was presented at the of the 98th Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, held in New York, December 1996; Ivison and Hendrix 1997.

2

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These blocks are attributed by Eric Ivison (EAI) to the dome cornice.

restricted to the background. Why the pattern changed from painted low relief to painted flat plaster is unknown. A large chip at the base of the sculpted design of block T761 (Pl. IX/1, centre block) appears older than at least part of the painting campaign, as some of the red-orange colour can be found within the chip.

interior geometric form encircling the central vegetal motif. No other colours were extant, and the remains of the red-orange are too scant to be able to identify quality or extent of application. On the examples attributed to the middle Byzantine reconstruction with enough remains to be able to make a determination, it seems as though the paint was applied rather sloppily, since it is often present as drips or accidental marks on surrounding stone, and even on broken surfaces. This last feature suggests that the stones had been carved and weathered to some degree before being painted, or perhaps re-painted. On occasion, as on the key design on the templon epistyle T106, and in the background of the cornice blocks T486, T783, T850 and T905, two colours appear at the same location in a random mixture, as though the painter was hurrying through the job and applying a bit of colour to an area already painted. It is possible that the polychromy that appears on those stones today was not part of the original conception of the decorative program when the stones were carved (see above, page 121).

The red-orange that was applied to the guilloche on the epistyle (Pl. IX/2: T106) was used on both the vertical sides and on the background of the guilloche pattern.3 A thin line of the same colour was painted at the centre of the guilloche plane. The result would have flattened the relief and emphasised the two-dimensional design; any sense of depth would depend on raking light conditions. The same holds true for the yellow and black found on the key pattern on this epistyle. As mentioned above, both colours were found on the raised plane of the key design as well as in the background, so that the colours disrupt the continuity of the pattern. Fragments of at least two architectural cornice blocks (Pls. IX/3-4: T486, 783, 850, 905) preserve a great deal of redorange, black, and yellow paint.4 The colours appear only in the background, the yellow and black areas playing much less of a role than the red areas. Like the distribution of colour on the string course and templon epistyle (Pls. IX/1-2), the colours in the background of the cornice blocks do not conform to specific sculptural forms. Rather, the red-orange, while it dominates the background, is replaced here and there by black or yellow in a seemingly random manner. At the end of block T850 (Pl. IX/3, top) the design of the carving is continued on an unworked stone surface (no ground layer is visible) in red-orange paint. Perhaps this colour was applied as a guide for the sculptor in addition to being used to decorate background surfaces. Its occurrence on a small area of broken surface, however, suggests that some of the paint may have been applied later in the use-life of the block. Likewise, the left end of T783 (Pl. IX/4, top) seemed to have vestiges of some painted design. An ultraviolet reflectograph was computer enhanced in order to assess better the possibility of a painted motif in this area; there does seem to be a general pinwheel pattern of three curling leaf shapes reminiscent of the carved shapes further to the right.5

Table 1 shows that the pigments used on stones attributed to the middle Byzantine reconstruction include raw and burnt sienna for the red-orange hue, gamboge or raw sienna for the yellows, smalt for the blue, and bone black or charcoal for the black. The uses of these pigments in the Byzantine period will be discussed below in the concluding remarks. Microphotographs of the pigments at 400x magnification are provided in the Plates to show the morphology and other characteristics of the pigments, as well as to illustrate where the particles were taken on the sampled blocks.7 THE 11TH-CENTURY REFURBISHMENT AND UNATTRIBUTED FRAGMENTS ______________________________________________ Nineteen fragments from at least eight find-spots associated with an 11th-century refurbishment of the church, or as yet unattributed, preserve traces of colour. Two of the blocks are very well preserved, with enough pigment to get an idea of the quality and technique of the painting. The polychromy on the marble architectural fragments is

A double-column of andesite, in five fragments, was decorated with a combination of sculpted vegetal and geometric motifs (Pl. IX/5: T114a-e).6 Traces of redorange were found on the outside frame as well as on the 3 4 5

6

7

T106 is attributed by EAI to either the north or south templon. These blocks are attributed by EAI to above the naos arcades. Visible light was barred from the film in the camera by placing a Kodak Wratten 18A filter over the camera lens. Computer enhancement was done using Photoshop 3.0 on a PowerMacIntosh 6100 computer. th Unattributed, dated 10 century (?).

130

Samples were mounted in Arcolor™ mounting medium (refractive index 1.66) and examined with a Zeiss Axioplan 2 polarising light microscope (PLM) in the Sherman Fairchild Center for Objects Conservation at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Characteristics, including size, shape, and colour, in plane polarised light as well as with crossed polars, refractive index, and birefringence were noted and compared to known pigment samples mounted in the same medium. The results were also compared to pigments described in the literature, in particular those described in McCrone and Delly 1973. My thanks go to James H. Frantz for making this equipment available to me.

less well preserved, most likely because of the smoother surface of the stone. Alternatively, the occasional application of a ground to the stone, which functioned as a substrate for the polychromy, was more prone to flaking than the colours applied directly to more porous varieties of stone. An example can be seen on a slab fragment of white marble dated to the reconstruction phase, which preserves a tiny amount of red and black paint on a white ground, on a broad, unsculptured area of the slab (Pl. IX/6: T132). Unfortunately, too little of the colour survives to reconstruct the motifs, or to sample for pigment identification. But it is intriguing to imagine the broad, flat left-hand side of this finely carved block decorated with another motif in paint. Clearly, a significant portion of the decorative program is lost.

IX/10: T108, T128), and two curved white marble epistyles (Pl. IX/11: T107, and T120, T121, T456, T457) preserve red-orange and yellow (Pl. IX/10), and red (Pl. IX/11) pigments.11 Although the colour is poorly preserved on the epistyle fragments (T107 and T120, 121, 456, 457), red can be found on both the sculpted motifs and on the flat areas surrounding them. The spontaneous application of colour (i.e., incidental to sculpted forms) is a feature that is typical of pieces attributed to the reconstruction phase. By contrast, the red-orange and yellow on the limestone templon fragments (T108, T128) follow the tendency of other 11th-century examples from the church. The red-orange is restricted to the raised planes of the foliate motif, while the yellow was reserved for the background, emphasising the carved motifs. The painting techniques observed on these epistyles, therefore, confirm the division of materials based on the style of carving (see above, page 122). One may further note that the use of ochre for the red colour on the marble epistyle fragments is unusual. Although red ochre is known to have been used elsewhere in the Byzantine period, this is the only occurrence identified in the present study.

A small but well-preserved limestone fragment from a templon epistyle (Pl. IX/7: T246) exemplifies the high quality of paint application characteristic of these pieces. Black, yellow, and red-orange conform to the carved planes, even while they do not extend to the edges of the planes; the painter kept the edges of the colour straight, and parallel to the edges of the carved forms, reserving a small strip of bare stone that in effect isolates each colour like a cloisonné.

Two capital fragments (Pl. IX/12: T458 and T462), one marble and one pale blue-grey breccia, preserve traces of red-orange colour.12 Although very little colour remains, it can be found scattered over raised as well as background surfaces; on the marble fragment (T458) it is even evident on a broken surface.

A large cornice block (Pl. IX/8: T763) was carved with a series of medallions linked by curving and looped ribbons.8 Five of the seven medallions were carved with geometric designs whose interior forms were painted with blue, yellow, and orange; black paint enhances the surrounding ribbons. The two blank medallions were suspected of having a painted design, so photographs of these areas were made with ultra-violet light and then subjected to computer enhancement.9 The results show that the medallions were also painted with a geometric design, although the pattern is still difficult to distinguish clearly, and the colours cannot be restored. With the exception of the non-sculpted medallions, each colour was confined to a specific sculptured plane, a feature that is characteristic of painting on other fragments dated to the 11th century.

Finally, a fragment of a crisply carved white marble closure slab preserve scant traces of red-orange colour on raised ornamental surfaces as well as recesses and flat areas surrounding the carved motifs (Pl. IX/13: T471, sides A and B).13 Here, too, this colour can be found on broken surfaces. As stated above with regard to the redorange colour on broken surfaces of older blocks (Pls. IX/1, IX/3), one may infer either that the colours preserved today are not necessarily part of the original design scheme, or that damage occurred prior to painting. CONCLUSIONS ______________________________________________

The same combination of ultraviolet reflectography and computer enhancement was applied to a templon colonette capital that preserves part of a painted inscription (Pl. IX/9: T681).10 It was hoped that epigraphical experts would be able to discern more of the inscription in the enhanced image (see above, page 124 and Pls. VIII/1-2). Two fragments from a limestone templon epistyle (Pl.

The evidence of polychromy collected in this brief survey suggests that in general the palette found on the 11thcentury pieces stayed consistent with that used on the late 9th-early 10th century stones, but that the application of the paint to the former was generally more careful. In addition, most of the pigments used in the later period were the same as those used on the older stones and

8

11

9 10

th

th

Unattributed, dated 10 or 11 century. Using the same methods and equipment as described above, footnote 5. T680 was excavated in Trench A3-1 (north bema), Context 3 in 1994, and is assigned by EAI to the templon erected during th th the 9 -10 century reconstruction.

12 13

131

th

T108 and T128 are dated to the 11 century. T107, while T120, T121, T456, T457 are attributed by EAI to a ciborium, th th and dated to 9 -10 century. th th Unattributed, 10 or 11 century. th Dated 11 century and attributed by EAI to the western templon.

showed a similar morphology with 400x magnification.

droplet of aqueous sodium hydroxide, the colour shifted to a strong orange, indicative of gamboge.17 Moreover, the same pigment did not change to purple when particles of sodium borate were introduced, which would have provided evidence of another organic colorant, tumeric.18 Nevertheless, my identification of this pigment should be considered provisional until it can be confirmed by additional methods of analysis (such as thin layer chromatography). Gamboge is most often found further east, where it may occur as early as the 8th century.19 If it was indeed used at Amorium at this very early date, it would provide evidence for an eastward-looking trade in craft materials at this time.

The pigments used in the Lower City Church include red ochre, raw and burnt sienna for the red/red-orange colour, gamboge, and/or organic dyes for the yellow, smalt for the blue, and bone black and charcoal for the black. There may be more pigments not represented in the samples that were analysed (Table 1). Some of these pigments are traditional, well-documented pigments, such as the red ochre and charcoal, but most are less common (see Table 2). Table 3 lists the optical properties for the pigments identified at Amorium, compared to standard pigments used on other Byzantine contexts. The use of siennas at Amorium for both yellow and red colours may reflect a tendency to use locally available materials; to my knowledge, neither raw nor burnt sienna has been identified in other early or middle Byzantine architectural contexts, where red ochre, red lead, and cinnabar are used, giving a cooler red effect. The red-orange colour on the double column (Pl. IX/5: T114a-b), for example, was identified by PLM as a combination of raw and burnt sienna.14 This combination was most likely inherent in the natural pigment rather than a deliberate mixture made by the painter.

Smalt, too, has not often been associated with early Byzantine palettes, although it has been identified in middle Byzantine contexts, such as on wall paintings in the Kariye Camii (Chora monastery church) in Istanbul.20 Its absence in Western Europe suggests that it was primarily used by artisans with Near Eastern associations, particularly when an inexpensive pigment was desired.21 It can be distinguished from other blue pigments under the microscope by its low refractive index and pale transparent blue colour, combined with absence of birefringence and pleochroism.22 Although charcoal has been used as a black pigment throughout the history of painting, bone black is not common in Byzantine contexts. Indeed, Thompson states that it ‘seems to have been unknown’ in the Middle Ages.23 It can be distinguished from charcoal under the microscope by its complete opacity and angular contours.

Gamboge, which most closely matches the yellow identified on a fragment of the templon epistyle dating to the reconstruction phase (Pl. IX/2: T106), is not attested on decorated architectural fragments elsewhere, either in modern analyses of Byzantine paints, nor in contemporary literature or recipe books. It has been tentatively identified, however, in the Armenian Glajor Gospel Book (dated ca. 1300), and other manuscript illuminations.15 Its susceptibility to fading in light would imply that it is not a good choice for use in an outdoor context. Furthermore, its principal component is gambogic acid, which one would expect to react adversely with an alkali substrate such as limestone.16 On the other hand, the yellow material itself shows resinous characteristics in the sample container, smeared against the side of the container rather than clumped as particles on the bottom. Under the microscope it appears as a pale, transparent, cool yellow with plane polarised light, in a very large amorphous shape with a low refractive index, very different from the characteristics of the iron oxides that I expected to identify here. Its lack of birefringence under crossed polars precluded an identification of dye precipitated onto calcium carbonate. In addition to microscopic analysis, a microchemical test was performed. When a sample of this yellow was placed in a 14 15 16

The pigments identified thus far are different from those used at other sites in Byzantine Asia Minor, suggesting that Amorium’s artisans may have been isolated from the larger community of Byzantine workshop practices, at least in terms of materials acquisition (which is, arguably, one conduit for the exchange of ideas). However, both smalt and gamboge, if correctly identified, hint at a craft industry more closely allied with neighbours to the east. The difference in application technique from one period to the next indicates that the aesthetic standards for painted architecture at Amorium changed; it seems they were stricter when the Lower City Church was 17 18 19 20

As described above, page 130 fn. 7. Orna and Mathews 1981, 57, 64, 67, and 68. For lightfastness and chemical structure, see Winter 1997, 146-7. This, however, also mentions that gamboge has been found unaltered with calcium carbonate on Japanese paintings

21 22 23

132

Winter 1997, 147. Personal communication from Richard Stone. Winter 1987, 111 (and bibliography); Winter 1997, 144. Darrah 1996, 73-4; Mühlethaler and Thiessen 1993, 128. Neither gamboge nor smalt is mentioned in Thompson 1956. The only occurrences of smalt I have been able to find come from wall paintings rather than painted architecture, and two the contexts may not have been treated identically by Byzantine painters. Darrah 1996, 73-4; Mühlethaler and Thiessen 1993, 114. Mühlethaler and Thiessen 1993, 121. Thompson 1956, 88.

refurbished in the 11th century.

(ed.), Artists’ Pigments: A Handbook of Their History and Characteristics, Vol. 2, Oxford/New York 1993, 113-30. Orna and Mathews 1981 M.V. Orna and T.F. Mathews, “Pigment Analysis of the Glajor Gospel Book of U.C.L.A.,” Studies in Conservation 26 (1981), 57-72. Restle 1967 M. Restle, Byzantine Wall Paintings in Asia Minor, Greenwich, Conn. 1967. Thompson 1956 D.V. Thompson, The Materials and Techniques of Medieval Painting, repr., Dover/New York 1956. Waetzoldt 1952-53 S. Waetzoldt, “Systematisches Verzeichnis der Farbnamen,” MünchJb Ser. 3, 3-4 (1952-53), 156-7 table of colours. Winter 1987 J. Winter, “Organic Colours in East Asian Paintings: The Identification of Gamboge,” in ICOM Committee for Conservation, 8th Triennial Meeting, Sydney, Australia, 6-11 September, 1987, Preprints, Los Angeles 1987, 111-17. Winter 1997 J. Winter, “Gamboge,” in E.W. Fitzhugh (ed.), Artists’ Pigments: a Handbook of their History and Characteristics, Vol. 3, New York/Oxford 1997, 14355.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Darrah 1996 J.A. Darrah, “Connections and Coincidences: Three Pigments,” in A. Wallert, E. Hermens, and M. Peek, “Historical Painting Techniques, Materials, and Studio Practice,” Preprints of a Symposium, University of Leiden, the Netherlands, 26-29 June, 1995, Malibu 1996, 70-7. Ivison and Hendrix 1997 E.A. Ivison and E. Hendrix, “Reconstructing Polychromy on Middle Byzantine Architectural Sculpture,” AJA 101/2 (1997), 387. Jenssen and Majewski 1974 V. Jenssen and L. Majewski, “The Church of the Panagia Amasgou, Monagri, Cyrpus. Appendix 1. A Technical Study of Paint Samples from the Frescoes,” DOP 28 (1974), 329-45. McCrone and Delly 1973 W. McCrone and J.G. Delly, The Particle Atlas. Volume II: The Light Microscope Atlas, 2nd edition, Ann Arbor 1973. Mühlethaler and Thissen 1993 B. Mühlethaler and J. Thissen, “Smalt,” in A. Roy

133

TABLE 1: LIST OF STONES EXAMINED AND SAMPLED Inv. Numbers

Description

Colours

PLATE IX/1 dome cornice or T622, T102, T245 string course T761, T749, T765, T887

orange = burnt sienna yellow = raw sienna black= bone black blue= smalt

templon epistyle

orange = burnt sienna + CaCO3 yellow = gamboge black = charcoal

Notes

substrate = limestone sloppy application; orange on break; colours on raised design as well as background ___________________________________________________________________________________ substrate = limestone sloppy application mixed colors on design and background; orange on both design and background ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/2 T106

PLATE IX/3 cornice block T905, T850 Publ. AnatSt 45 (1995), 129 and pl. XVIII(a) noted as ‘retains its red paint’.

(no samples taken) orange yellow black

substrate = limestone sloppy application; orange guidelines; orange on break; mixed colors on background

___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/4 T783, T486

cornice block

(no samples taken) orange yellow black

substrate = limestone sloppy application mixed colors on background

___________________________________________________________________________________ substrate = andesite only preserved at top of relief ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/5 T114a-e

double column

substrate = white marble pigments on ground, only on unsculptured flat area ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/6 T132

slab fragment

orange = raw and burnt sienna

(no samples taken) orange black

(no samples taken) substrate = limestone orange very precise yellow application black colors do not fill form ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/7 T246

epistyle fragment

orange = burnt sienna substrate = limestone form-determined + CaCO3 yellow = dye on CaCO3 2 medallions have blue = smalt painted designs black = bone black ___________________________________________________________________________________

PLATE IX/8 T763

cornice block

134

TABLE 1: (CONT.) Inv. Numbers

Description

Colours

Notes

PLATE IX/9 colonette capital (no samples taken) substrate = marble T681 black inked inscription Publ. AnatSt 45 (1995), 130 noted as ‘in black ink’. ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/10 templon epistyle T128, T108 (joining pieces)

orange = burnt sienna substrate = limestone form-determined + CaCO3 yellow = burnt sienna no paint on breaks + CaCO3 ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/11 curved epistyle red = red ochre substrate = marble T107, and T120, T456, purple = dye? scattered spots T457, T121 (joined) preserved ___________________________________________________________________________________ substrate = marble orange on breaks; scattered spots preserved ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/12 T462, T458

capital fragments

(no samples taken) orange

closure slab fragments

(no samples taken) red

substrate = marble red on breaks scattered spots preserved ___________________________________________________________________________________ PLATE IX/13 T471a-b

135

TABLE 2: COMPARATIVE PIGMENTS

Amorium COLOUR yellow yellow

Byzantine Comparanda PIGMENT dye on CaCO3 burnt sienna + CaCO3 raw sienna gamboge

COLOUR yellow

PIGMENT (source) yellow ochre (1)

yellow

orpiment (5) saffron (5) yellow ochre (5) cinnabar (5) red lead (5) red ochre (5) red ochre (1) (2) cinnabar (1) (2) (3) (4) haemetite (2) red lead (2) (3) azurite (2) (5) indigo (3) (4) (5) ultramarine (5) bone black (1) charcoal (1) (2) (3) (5) burnt gypsum (1) CaCO3 (lime) (1) (3) egg shell (1) lead white (3) (4) organic (lake) (1) chrysocolla (malachite) (1) terre verte (2)

orange red-orange

burnt sienna burnt sienna raw sienna

red

red

red ochre

red

blue

smalt

blue

black

bone black charcoal CaCO3

black

white (base for yellow)

white

green

Sources: (1) Restle 1967: Cappadocian wall paintings, 8th-10th c. (2) Jenssen and Majewski 1974, 336-7: tables of Cypriot wall paintings, 12th c. (3) Waetzoldt 1952: “Heraclius,” 11th c. artists’ manual. (4) Waetzoldt 1952: “Mappae Clavicula,” 11th c. artists’ manual. (5) Waetzholdt 1952: Pliny, Vitruvius.

136

TABLE 3: OPTICAL PROPERTIES OF PIGMENTS IN AROCLOR (N=1.66), AT 400X MAGNIFICATION

pigment burnt sienna

colour ppl1

colour xp2

dk maroon w dk borders

gold to deep maroon

dk maroon to black golden w browner centers cool yellow transparent

hazy rust, some spots none

med.- pale yellow, no borders purplish blue, transparent

brilliant white to yellow none

opaque black

none

black w brown edges cool greenish yellow

size (x

shape

0.0024 mm.) ave. 12 x 8

subrounded clump of grains subangular in clumps clumps of grains

refract. index > 1.66

birefringence

> 1.66

bright spots show extinction spots show extinction -

< 1.66

-

< 1.66

pleochroic

< 1.66

-

> 1.66

-

> 1.66

brown bits bright hazy yellow with bright spots

5x2 5x8 1 x 2, up to 20 unit clumps 50 - 60 diam. subrounded flakes w grainy int. 10 x 25 angular, concoidal fracture 3x5 angular, 7 x 10 concoidal fracture 4x2 angular to 12 x 15 subrounded 50 x 20 angular, splinters 1 x 1 to fibrous, 5 x 30 angular, very thin

> 1.66

full extinction

warm golden brown to orange maroon to black

glowing brown w bright spot maroon/ orange spots

1 x 1 up to 20 unit clumps lg range, ave. 10 x 15

clumps of grains

> 1.66 > 1.66

red lead

dk orange to red to black

< 1 up to 25 unit clumps

hematite

maroon to black

hazy orange w orange & green spots intense scarlet spots

thick, subang.subrounded subrounded

cool dark blue - black violet blue

very few dull spots none

transp. blue

whites to blues

red ochre raw sienna gamboge org.yellow on chalk smalt bone black charcoal orpiment saffron yellow ochre cinnabar

indigo ultramarine azurite

yellowish haze

< 1.66

lg range, 5 x 5, 5 x 30 amorphous

thick, angular > 1.66 w int. lines amorphous

< 1.66

1 x 2, 5 x 10

thick, ang. (nat) or subrounded concoidal, thin

< 1.66

bright spots show extinction bright spots show extinction bright spots show extinction bright spots show extinction dull spots show ext. -

> 1.66

pleochroic

10 x 15 20 x 50

1 plane polarized light 2 crossed polars

137

> 1.66

138

X. TECHNICAL STUDY OF FRESCOES AND MOSAICS FROM THE LOWER CITY CHURCH Johanna Witte-Orr * INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________ The fragmentary state of the frescoes and mosaics found during the excavation of the Lower City Church has allowed a detailed study of the production and work processes that were employed.1 Fresco and mosaic techniques have been studied elsewhere, but except for detailed research conducted on the mosaics of Hagia Sophia, these studies documented the technology used in the 11th to 14th century.2 The Amorium fragments offered a chance to add information concerning the 9th-10th centuries. The methods described here indicate that a master painter and an expert mosaicist were hired at least for the original decoration of the 9th-century church. Some features allow a distinction to be drawn between this master painter and another painter who worked on the latest frescoes painted in the south aisle. THE FRESCOES ______________________________________________ At least three consecutive layers of painted plaster can be observed on the fragments and in several places on the church walls.3 In the following description, the plaster * 1

2

3

Farmington, IA. The fresco fragments were mentioned initially in DOP 52 (1998), 325, 329, fig. 4. A shorter version of the study presented here was included in the preliminary reports for the 2000 and 2001 excavation seasons; DOP 57 (2003), forthcoming, and DOP 58 (2004), forthcoming. As stated in these publications, my use of the term ‘fresco’ does not imply painting buon fresco on a lime-based wet plaster. Rather, it is used to describe the work of a master painter in contrast to ‘wall painting’ that can be the work of anyone attempting to decorate a room. For paint pigments and the composition of the plaster, see the analyses by M. Wypyski (below, pages 157-158). For a description of wall painting techniques, see Belting and Naumann 1966, 116f, and fn. 5; Winfield 1968, 74-9; Restle 1995, 1241f, 1248ff, 1255f; Kostof 1972, 150; ODB sv. Fresco technique, 805-6 (A.J. Wharton); ODB sv. Mosaic, 1412-13 (A. Cutler); Ousterhout 1999, 234-6, 2403; Cutler 2002, 549-57. On painters in general, see Mystras 2001, 118-24. The subjects and iconography of the Amorium frescoes will be discussed in a separate volume in which the archaeology, history, and architecture of the Lower City Church will be treated in extenso. Hagia Sophia: Teteriatnikov 1998; Kariye Camii: Underwood 1966, 172-83 (mosaics), 300-9 (frescoes); St. Sophia in Kiev: Lazarev 1966, 11-29; Nea Moni: Mouriki 1985. Much more is known about western medieval mosaics; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, passim. See DOP 52 (1998), 325.

layers are numbered in the order of their age; i.e., the lowest and oldest layer, later on covered by others, is layer 1, while the most recent layer is layer 3. During the disintegration of the building these layers shattered into small pieces and separated into many single-layered fragments with few indications of where they originally belonged. This problem is aggravated by the fact that the colour and consistency of the plaster layers show only minor variations, and that almost all of the plaster contains chaff (small pieces of cut straw or grass) in varying amounts.4 Only fragments from the south aisle show a second layer with a very high percentage of chaff. This allows identification of similar pieces with only one remaining layer as belonging to the same group (see below). Traces of the older frescoes are sometimes preserved on the back of the newer plaster, but this occurs only on a small percentage of the fragments. It is possible that in many cases the adhesion between old paint and new plaster was not very strong, so that none of the older pigments were lifted off their layer when the newer plaster separated from it. Most of the stone blocks collected during excavation of the church show fragments of layer 1 fresco, and only a few still have two layers in situ. This is another indication that the adhesion between the layers was not very strong, and suggests that layer 2 detached and shattered into smaller pieces when the stone blocks fell. Some of the layer 1 frescoes have a porous surface and remind one of watercolours or blotting paper. This might mean that here the layer 1 frescoes lost their topmost pigments during their separation from a later plaster layer. Three stone blocks show a layer of coarse, unpainted plaster that might belong to the Seljuk ‘redecoration’ of the building.5 Another block suffered damage by fire while it was still part of the wall. The fresco surface here shows an intact cover of pigment that was chemically altered by the heat to reddish black and reddish orange; the original colours are unknown. The plaster itself has become hardened and blackened down to a depth of 1 mm., and contains holes where pieces of chaff have been scorched away. This damage seems to have been the result of a localized fire and might be connected with the burnt floors of the Seljuk era.6

4 5 6

139

On binders and fillers in plaster, see Winfield 1968, 64-9. DOP 55 (2002), 373. DOP 52, 325; DOP 55, 373. This block (PP021), together with smaller fragments of burned fresco, was found near the southeastern corner of the center bay in the south aisle (Context AM96/A8-6 wall 16). The plaster is similar to the patches still visible on the south wall in A8 and to the layer 3 plaster in the southwest bay. It could, therefore, belong to

The masonry had been decorated with red before the church received frescoes and mosaics (Pl. X/1). Architectural features like window openings, wall joints, pier corners and arches were decorated with red lines and circles (Pls. X/2-3). Since these would not have required templates or sinopia, the red line decoration cannot be considered a preliminary sketch for the frescoes that followed. It is more likely that there was an interval between the time the church building was finished and the time the mosaicists and painters started their work. In the meantime a decoration of some kind was considered necessary.7 The plaster of a few single layer fresco fragments found in the northwest corner of the church (Pl. X/4; Contexts AM90/A4-2 and AM90/A4-4) does not contain any chaff at all but brick dust or sand instead. The technique and paint colours used on these pieces are different from all other fragments as well. Remains of the same plaster are still visible in many patches along the entire length of the north wall, on its northern face, and on the north face of the apse wall (Pl. X/5). Small fragments from these contexts reveal that the paint palette was restricted to yellow ochre, black, red, light pink (red mixed with a pasty white), and medium pink (red diluted with water). The fragments on the north face of the apse wall show traces of red, yellow ochre, and green.8 Plaster consistency and palette indicate that these frescoes belong to a decoration phase distinct from the church frescoes, and that they once decorated rooms to the north of the church.9 1. Applying the layer 1 plaster The backs of the painted plaster fragments of layer 1 show that the plaster covered masonry walls built of large stone blocks and a collection of smaller stones, spolia,

7

8 9

the same attempts at late repair, which would explain why there is a single layer on this block. Preliminary decorations are known from other churches; for example, the cave churches of Cappadocia; Kostof 1989, 93, 146, 253. The Vita S. Pancratii, in describing the construction of the martyrium church for the saint, mentions that a year elapsed between the completion of the construction and its decoration with biblical scenes; Mango 1986, 138. In Russia it was necessary to let the building dry out over a longer time, and plaster and fresco work was only possible in the summer; see Lazarev 1966, 16. The drying time might have been a factor in other places as well; see also Underwood 1966, 303, and Ousterhout 1999, 234. These fragments are mentioned in AnatSt 43 (1993), 149; unfortunately, they were not described in detail. But it is also possible that they decorated the exterior of the church. For examples of exterior paintings, see Morganstern 1983, 127ff; Ousterhout 1999, 179. The Amorium plaster is very hard compared to the plaster used in the interior of the church. It is possible that it was intended as exterior decoration, although it cannot be dated in context with the interior frescoes. Only further excavation in the area immediately to the north of the church will clarify this point.

and an appreciable amount of mortar, which was needed to hold the odd shaped stones together. Fragments that have thick and very uneven remnants of mortar or small pieces of brick adhering to them belong either to the brick bands or a wall area that incorporated stones of varying sizes and shapes. These irregular surfaces had to be levelled before the frescoes were applied. Fragments with somewhat thinner and less uneven plaster layers once covered the large blocks of early Christian masonry that had been incorporated into the middle Byzantine building. (Pl. X/6, Fig. X/1). Another group of layer 1 fresco fragments shows no traces of masonry mortar or brick but is very thick and extremely uneven on the back. They were applied to fossiliferous limestone blocks with deep holes in their surface. Such blocks were used principally in the construction of the vaults.10 Some of the blocks found in the south aisle that are made of ordinary limestone and are still decorated with fresco had been shaped for arches, vaults or window openings. Several of the thick plaster fragments are concave as well (Pl. X/7, Figs. X/2-3).11 A single plaster layer served as a leveling undercoat and at the same time as the surface to be painted. This is a shortcut compared to applying a very white and finegrained thin paint surface on top of a much coarser leveling plaster or the two-layer approach used, for example, in the Kariye Camii.12 It is, however, documented for most of the churches studied by Winfield in Anatolia.13 It was only possible to use this plaster as a paint surface because it is in itself very light-coloured and fine-grained except for the chaff, and it had been leveled carefully. Chaff that happened to come to the surface was laid flat and was subsequently painted with the plaster. On some fragments these chaff bits have disappeared, leaving tiny rectangular holes in the painted picture. Restle observed in his studies of frescoes in Asia Minor that the composition of plaster depends on local resources, and that there is no single ‘recipe’ for Byzantine plaster, as earlier scholars had assumed.14 The painters were expert at adapting their technique to local supplies and the structure they were working on, and the Amorium painters obviously knew that applying only one layer would be sufficient. Because only a fraction of the church frescoes has sur10 11

12

13 14

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DOP 55, 373. Three fragments from the same arch, showing remnants of the same ornamental pattern: PP006, PP007, PP024, all from Context AM96/A8-6. Two other block fragments found in the same context show a concave painted surface as well, and must have been parts of a painted vault. Kariye Camii: Underwood 1966, 302. Two layers: Lazarev 1966, 22f. A very detailed study of plaster composition and layer numbers was made by Restle; see Restle 1995, 124752. Winfield 1968, 67f, Table II; Morganstern 1983, 96; Kostof 1989, 147. Restle 1995, 1248-9.

vived we have no indication of how the application of the plaster was organized; that is, how much of a surface was covered at a time. Most likely, the construction type of the scaffolding, and its width and height were determining factors in this.15 2. Painting the layer 1 frescoes The framework for the pictures was sketched on the (as yet) unpainted plaster with watery yellow paint. The painters divided the available space for designs, and constructed figures with the help of guidelines incised into the fresh plaster, using a compass to incise nimbus outline circles (Pls. X/8-9). They also used watery red, yellow, and black paints to sketch bodies and faces (Pl. X/10), and they employed a yellow ground coat for those garments where yellow would not interfere with the final garment colour (Pl. X/11).16 The yellow coat was not used underneath pink or very light-coloured garments. For the lines of text in inscriptions, guidelines were pressed into the plaster with a cord (Pl. X/12), in one case this seems to have happened when the plaster was fairly dry, so the cord left an impression with very broken edges. Other inscriptions were painted with the help of light brown text lines (Pl. X/13). The red framework was painted first, and then the background around the figures was coloured. Several fragments show that a black background colour was applied first, followed by bright blue. Both colours cover the edge of the red framework (Pl. X/14). The blue appears to have had a pastier consistency than the black, and has more lustre.17 A bright blue or sometimes sky blue background seems to have been used for all the pictures, but in the lower part of the pictures it changed to a green ground, painted over the black ground coat. Finally, the figures were painted. Their colours slightly overlap the blue and black background paint coats (Pl. X/15). In some cases, especially when the difference between background and figure colours is not very great, a thin white (Pl. X/16) or broad black contours (Pls. X/17, X/26) were added as outlines to the bodies, and the nimbus disks are outlined with an inner black and a thin outer white frame (Pl. X/9). For faces (Pls. X/18-20) and hands (Pl. X/21) of figures a

green (probably terre verte) ground coat was painted over the yellow or red sketch. Then a light yellowish-pinkish skin colour was applied over it, and for darker areas a bit of orange was added to this colour, while for lighter areas more white. Green is used in shadows, thin lines of dark red for details, and pinkish white for highlights.18 The fragment with eye and nimbus edge (Pl. X/19) shows an abbreviated technique; here the skin colour was omitted, and detail lines in black, dark red, and white highlight lines were painted directly onto the green base coat, which seems to cover a yellow area.19 Three small fragments (Pls. X/9, X/22-23) show hair; the painting technique is always the same: on a reddish brown or yellow ground thin short black and white strokes shade and highlight waves of hair strands.20 Many different fragments show how garments were painted. They belong to two groups. The first group is illustrated by a fragment found in the bema area belonging to a green garment (Pl. X/11). It shows how the paint was layered for fold shadows and ridges. On a dark yellow base coat wide dark grey-green areas were painted first. Next, the lighter green garment areas were partially painted over the darker areas so that the former now appeared as shadow lines; and finally, the painter finished with whitish green highlights. The same technique was used for garments of different colours. One fragment shows a red and pink garment (Pl. X/16),21 while another depicts a brownish purple garment with strings of white dots representing pearl ornamentation (Pl. X/24).22 A dark blue or bluish purple garment has a dark brown ground that was overpainted with areas and lines of 18

19 15

16

17

On the edges of work zones, see Underwood 1966, 301; and on different types of scaffolding used in the Byzantine world, see Ousterhout 1999, 184. Painted drawings: Restle 1995, 1265f; Winfield 1968, 8096, pls. 4-10; Underwood 1966, 304f. Incised guidelines: Winfield 1968, 96-9, pls. 11-12, Table II; Underwood 1966, 306, pl. 359. For incised guidelines for mosaics, see Hawkins 1968, 163. Theophilus, in De diversis artibus, describes the painting of background colours in a similar way, and the same method can be found in other frescoes; see Winfield 1968, 100 (except that in our case the figure colours were painted after both background colours had been applied). The pastiness is caused by relatively coarse pigment particles. For the scientific analysis of pigments, see below pages, 147, 157158.

20

21

22

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Fragments found in the bema area (Pl. X/21) show the same technique, but the scale is much larger. They represent hands, a neck or a face, and were found in Context A3/43. It has, unfortunately, not been possible to reconstruct these parts, but they can be recognized by comparison with intact frescoes and mosaics. None of the ‘body part’ fragments show an underpainting that could be interpreted as the proplasmos (dark green, yellow and black) proper; Underwood 1966, 305. The technique used at Amorium, however, seems similar to the one used in the Kariye Camii, Underwood 1966, 307f. From Context AM96/A7-5. The fragment has been treated with stabilizer, which has caused a yellowing of all the colours. The original colours can be seen on photographs. Fragments of blonde hair with blue shadow lines were found in Context AM91/A3-27. One small fragment of brown hair (Pl. X/23) comes from Context AM96/A7-35, the other (Pl. X/9) from Context AM96/A7-5; the two do not seem to belong to the same head. See Underwood 1966, 308. Block PP001, together with smaller fragments from Context AM91/A3-31 that belong to the same picture. The block is a fossiliferous limestone block and so probably belonged to a vault or arch. The brush strokes on these fragments are broader than on other fragments, which is another indication that the picture was higher up in the building. Block PP030, and smaller fragments from Context AM96/A8-6.

medium blue and a lighter blue, while the highlight lines are whitish blue (Pl. X/25).23 A fragment found in the east bay of the south aisle shows a variation of this technique (Pl. X/26). In this case the ground colour is again yellow, covered in large areas by greyish brown. But then additional dark red fold lines were painted before the light green highlights and a final thin black outline were applied.24 The second group of fragments shows light-coloured garments with greenish or brownish tints. Here the lines for the shadows were drawn first, then a base coat was applied, followed by shadows, and finally highlights were painted over with many fine brush strokes (Pls. X/27-28). Several fragments of faces have survived; measurements of nose length, chin to nose tip distance, and eye width or nimbus diameter were taken to calculate the head and body size.25 On the smallest piece (Pl. X/20) a very small mouth with nose tip and chin are visible. This must have been the face of a small person or child. Another piece shows the face of a young adult (Pl. X/18), and on two other fragments only the upper right part of a face with eye, eyebrow and wavy hair is visible (Pls. X/9, X/19). In these cases the body size of the figures was approximately 1.60-1.70 m.; the paintings, therefore, were lifesize. If the fragment of the smaller face belonged to an infant Christ seated on the Virgin’s arm or lap, his body size would have been 0.70-0.80 m. If, however, this were a different individual in a standing position, his or her body size would have been 1.10-1.20 m. Some architectural features in the south aisle, such as windows or niches, show that they were decorated with yellow, red and black, but not enough is visible to detect a pattern (Pl. X/7: layer 1 is visible along the corner and the broken edges of layer 2). The pictures were framed by a red border, set off from the blue and green picture background by a narrow white line. A large fragment in situ in the southeast corner of the bema (Pl. X/29) shows traces of colour that suggest a large square or rectangular field with a single colour in 23

24 25

A group of three fragments found in Context AM96/A7-34. The technique to paint a blue garment was somewhat different in the Kariye Camii. There the ground colour is the black background; Underwood 1966, 306f. Block PP019, from Context AM96/A7-5. For the measurements, see Tables 1a and 1b. The calculation is based on the proportional systems of Dionysos of Fourna and Panselinos, described by the Winfields, and a comparison of these two systems and the proportions used in several of the Hagia Sophia mosaics; Winfield 1982, 54-66, 67-93; Mango 1962, pl. 50 Alexander, pl. 62 (Ignatius the Younger), pl. 70 (St. John Chrysostomus), pl. 72 (St. Ignatius Theophorus), pl. 106 (apse mosaic). For the same mosaics, see also Teteriatnikov 1998, fig. 27 (Chrysostomus), fig. 28 (Ignatius), fig. 38 (Alexander), fig. 49 (Virgin and Child).

the dado area. It is reminiscent of the squares and rectangles in St. Sophia in Kiev, although these contain ornamental designs, whereas the Amorium fragments show no traces of ornament.26 Layer 2 plaster and paintings The plaster consistency and colour is, as stated above, very similar to that of layer 1. Since the frescoes of layer 1 were not hatched and most likely not even washed down before the next layer was applied, the adhesion between the two was not strong. Some of the plaster fragments with a smooth back have a very faint greyish layer that looks more like dust or dirt than pigment and suggests that dust had accumulated over a number of years and was not washed off before the next layer of plaster was applied. The fact that this essential step in surface preparation was left out is hard to explain; it, perhaps, hints at haste or lack of time. The layer 2 frescoes revealed several instances in which pictures were left unfinished. Garment folds were sketched with thin lines after the background had been painted around the figure and a white base coat had been painted for the garment, covering the edges of the background colours (Pl. X/30). The sketch colour depended upon the final garment colour (Pl. X/31): watery green for a greenish white garment with green fold shadows, watery pink red for a pinkish garment with red and brown fold shadows, and watery blue for a bluish garment. In general, the technique used to apply the layer 2 frescoes is very similar to that of layer 1, and (as can be seen in Table 2) the pigments available to the artists were the same as for layer 1. The layering of colour coats for garments is similar to the second group with finely painted garment parts in layer 1. There are a few minor differences. No indications of incised guidelines have been found, except for the nimbus outlines incised into the wet plaster (Pl. X/17: upper layer). The nimbi were later on outlined with only a white line, not white and black as in layer 1. Some architectural features in the south aisle, such as windows or niches were redecorated with ornamental patterns in a light pink, white, and red colour scheme (Pl. X/7). This is a strong contrast to the yellow, black, and red decoration of layer 1. Layer 3 plaster and paintings The fresco fragment on the south wall, and a few fragments from the south aisle center bay show a third layer of painted plaster with a thickness varying between 5 and 15 mm. A very close and thorough study of the plaster surface under the south wall saint (Pl. X/32) revealed that the uppermost layer carrying the image is a repair. It covers two older layers at the eastern end of the fragment, but in a few places on the western end it covers 26

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Schug-Wille 1988, 236.

the bare stone surface of the wall masonry. Thus it must have been applied to cover an irregularly shaped hole in the lower plaster layers. The plasterer tried to level the surface of the newest layer, but since it covers older layers with holes in them, the levelling resulted in a buckled, uneven surface that can be clearly seen when one looks across the fresco from the side. The plaster itself is very similar to some layer 2 fragments in the central bay of the south wall and to stone blocks found there (Pls. X/33-34). It is, therefore, possible that the south aisle required repairs in several places after pieces from layer 1 and/or 2 had fallen. The fragment in situ in the west bay of the south aisle also illustrates an interruption in the work process in which the new plaster layer was either applied across the entire wall of the bay and painted panel by panel, or was applied separately for each panel. The area to the left of the frame was never completely painted. One brush stroke of dark background colour tapers off halfway down, and the remainder of the plaster is unpainted. After the picture of the saint was finished, the painter must have planned to come back and start the next panel to the left on the following day, either continuing on the plaster already in place or by cutting back the plaster to the outer edge of the red frame and applying fresh plaster for the next panel. Why this never happened is a mystery. The fact that the wall was left unfinished strongly suggests that this was the last painting activity in the church. Compared to layer 1 and 2, the work of layer 3 is technically less elaborate, and the range of colours available to the painter is restricted. The painting lacks incision marks. The combination of black underpainting and bright blue on layers 1 and 2 creates a very vibrant medium blue background. The painter of layer 3, to whom this blue pigment was not available, tried to create a related effect by mixing black and green. The figures were laid out on the unpainted plaster with yellow and watery orange-red paint, then the background was applied, and after this the figure was finished. For the green garment of the saint on the south wall, the painter did not layer the colour coats as described above for the layer 1 and 2 frescoes, but applied a medium green ground with darker shaded areas towards the outside of the legs and under the knees. Thin fold shadows are drawn in with dark green lines, and thin greenish white highlights were drawn last. The hand and arm fragments (Pls. X/33-34) show that for body parts a dark yellow base coat was applied, which was painted over with orange, dark pink, and pinkish white. Detail lines were painted on last with dark red, and the figure was outlined with a thin black contour. The jewels on the brocade bands of the south wall saint’s garments were painted without much pre-planning, so that the painter had to squeeze the ornaments into the colour field. The lower picture frame runs slightly diagonal because it was painted freely. A drip of green

paint has run down into the brocade hem on the left side, and the yellow of all the brocade bands only barely covers the underlying green. Beside the right knee the yellow of the cloak border extends below its red outline, and the left red outline of the vertical brocade band does not match the edge of the underlying yellow, which is much further to the left. It seems that the painter was not able or willing to work carefully.27 A fragment found on the west wall of the naos (Pl. X/35) and several other fragments show an area painted with imitations of diagonally veined marble slabs. This appears as a dado below the main picture area.28 Fragments of the image above the marble imitation show a pair of black shoes on a burgundy red background. Because of the different background and the awkward composition of the figure it is not clear to which fresco phase it belongs. MOSAICS ______________________________________________ The original mural decoration of the middle Byzantine church of the first layer included mosaics, and it can be assumed that they were installed in vaults and dome, although there is scant factual evidence for this. Over 23,000 tesserae were recovered during excavation.29 By calculating the tessera density from the surviving mosaic fragments and applying this rate to the number of recovered tesserae it appears that this sum comprises only about 1% of the tesserae needed to cover the apse conch, the bema vault, and the dome. More than 80% of all tesserae found in the church came from the bema and apse (Fig. X/4); half of the remaining tesserae were found in the center of the nave, and a quarter in the western part

27

28

29

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Paint drips, unfinished parts of paintings, and colouring beside outlines can be found in other frescoes as well; Winfield 1968, 132, pls. 22, 35, 36. However, since no one has done a survey on this topic, we have no idea whether such features are common or rare. Cutler sees this kind of sloppiness as evidence of speedy work necessitated by contract deadlines or by the need to move on to the next commission; Cutler 2002, 555. A large fragment, removed from the west wall of the naos (Context AM92/A1-10), has an imitation of grey-veined marble slabs. A smaller fragment with imitations of red- and yellow-veined marble slabs was found in Context AM90/A4- 4. The large fragment also shows an incised line along the edge of the imitated marble where the painter had divided the available plaster area. Many early Christian and early Byzantine churches show painted imitations of marble revetments; see Witte-Orr 2000, 245-9. The tesserae were first counted in 1994 and 1996; AnatSt 45 (1995), 130-31, fig. 7; DOP 53 (1999), 343-4. The count was repeated in 2001; this time the glass colours were sorted by values and hues.

of the nave.30 Much smaller amounts of tesserae were found in all bays of the south and north aisles, decreasing in numbers from east to west. This pattern suggests that only the apse, the vault above the bema, and the dome had been decorated with mosaics. There are only a few examples of churches with a combination of mosaics above frescoes, the closest parallel is the church at Dereağzı.31 The so-called Kataphyge at the Church of the Virgin of Pege in Constantinople might have been decorated in a similar way.32 The earliest surviving examples of a combination of mosaics above frescoes are the 5th century apse decoration in the church of Photios in Apamea-Huarte and the apse of the 7th-century church of C’romi in Georgia.33 Because the percentage of mosaics found is so small, it remains unclear what their design was. There are indications that some showed a gold background, and that figures were included, as will be shown below. Setting bed, plaster and work sketches The dome mosaics were installed first; then, working downwards the walls were plastered and the vault mosaics were set, and further down the frescoes were painted. It is reasonable to assume that both mosaicists and painters used the same scaffolding.34 One fragment of plaster found in the bema area contains a tessera that matches those used in the mosaics, so it is possible that plaster for the frescoes was applied while work on the mosaics was still in progress. This also indicates that a number of painters and mosaicists were at work.35 The mosaic setting bed is made up of plaster with a very similar consistency and colour to some of the plaster underneath the layer 1 paintings (Fig. X/5). The plaster is made up of two layers, but they are so similar in composition and colour that it is often very difficult to distinguish one layer from the other. It is most likely that the setting bed layer was applied while the lower plaster layer was still wet, and that the strong adhesion between them

hinders proper identification of each.36 Two fragments show cut edges (Fig. X/5, upper left) in the setting-bed but not the lower layer of plaster, indicating that the mosaicists worked on smaller subdivisions, ensuring that the setting bed would remain soft while the tesserae were set.37 The setting-bed consists of a brittle, fine-grained mortar, with some chaff added, and is 8-15 mm. thick. The lower layer consists of the same mortar, but has more chaff added to it and is 12-16 mm. thick (Fig. X/5, Table 3). Plaster applied to a vault or arch was thicker. Since it is impossible to set mosaics along sharp wall corners or edges, the lowest plaster layer was built up to produce rounded edges and corners.38 Some fragments show a rough underside, which might mean that the lower layer was applied to stone masonry. All the other mosaics listed in Table 3 were set on three plaster layers. Among the Amorium fragments none was found that could definitely indicate the existence of a third layer.39 The total thickness of plaster and tesserae varies. It should be noted that Mango and Hawkins measured the total thickness of the apse mosaic in Hagia Sophia as 3.5-4.5 cm., which is very close to that of the Amorium mosaics.40 The measurements given in Table 3 are average values and therefore cannot be used to support or reject the idea that a third layer existed underneath the Amorium mosaics. Other cases of mosaics set on two or even one layer of plaster exist however.41 Since the Amorium mosaics seem to have been applied to vaults and dome constructed of a very porous stone and an apse constructed of bricks, it seems that the mosaicists were expert enough to omit a plaster layer and so save a step in surface preparation.

36

37 30

31 32

33

34 35

Reference to tesserae in the bema area is made in several preliminary reports; AnatSt 43 (1993), 149; AnatSt 44 (1994), 108; AnatSt 45 (1995), 130. Morganstern 1983, 94; for other examples, see Ousterhout 1999, 239, 243. According to the De Sacribus Aedibus Deiparae ad Fontem, the church and the Kataphyge were redecorated under Leo VI; Mango 1986, 205-6. Canivet 1982, 315-17; Skhirtladze 1997, esp. 173 fn. 13; Velmans and Alpago Novello 1996, 17, 264, figs. 2-3. The apse of the basilica of Photios was decorated with mosaics above a dado of painted marble imitation, whereas the apse at C’romi had figural mosaics above figural frescoes. Ousterhout 1999, 184. On the relations between mosaicists and painters, see Restle 1995, 1265; Winfield 1968, 91; Lazarev 1995, 356, and especially Ousterhout 1999, 184, 234, 240 ff; Mystras 2001, 22-3.

38 39

40 41

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Underwood suggests that the application of both layers helped to extend the drying time and, therefore, enabled the mosaicists to work on larger surfaces at a time; Underwood 1966, 177. Teteriatnikov 1998, 53. Underwood 1966, 173. In the Kariye Camii the lower plaster layers were keyed to improve adhesion between them; Underwood 1966, 173. There are no traces of such action on the Amorium fragments. Teteriatnikov 1998, 53f; Mango and Hawkins 1965, 117, fn. 8. Underwood reports that in the church at C’romi the setting bed was laid on the masonry and occasional thin plaster patches, and that the plaster layer underneath the apse mosaic of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai is only 2-3 cm. thick; Underwood 1966, 176. Both mosaics were applied to masonry walls. He also cites, with some uncertainty, San Marco, Hosios Lukas, Cefalu, and mosaics in Sicily as examples of mosaics with only two layers. This has been confirmed by later research; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 200. The mosaics at Kiti on Cyprus were set on a single plaster layer; ibid., 200.

Immediately after the setting-bed had been applied, it was painted with a detailed sketch of the planned mosaic image. On some fragments the impressions left by brush strokes in the wet plaster can be seen (Pl. X/36). Three different paint colours were used, they are black, brown, and dark red, all diluted with water (Pl. X/37-38). Changes in the sketch colour were meant to indicate a change in mosaic colour, but no specific paint colour was assigned to a certain tessera colour. Sketches on the setting bed instead of cartoon drawings on a lower layer are known from other monuments; for example, the middle Byzantine mosaics at Hagia Sophia, the church at Dereağzı, and the Kariye Camii.42 Unfortunately, not enough setting bed fragments have survived to restore them to an identifiable drawing. After the sketch had been drawn, the tesserae were set; the sequence of steps the mosaicist took to apply the mosaics cannot be determined. The tesserae were set with some pressure, compacting the setting bed plaster and squeezing its painted surface up between them, thereby giving the space between the tesserae additional colour.43 About 2 mm. of the tessera top remained above the surface of the setting bed. Some fragments show that the tesserae were set at an angle (Fig. X/5); this could indicate that their original position was on a vault or dome, but it could also mean that the mosaicist tried to achieve a slightly different shade of the same colour in this area, because the tesserae would reflect light differently and therefore appear to have a different shade.44 A few fragments (Pls. X/36-37) show that small areas were left unset, but since the setting bed was painted, these gaps blend into the mosaics. A contemporary example for similar work is the Alexander mosaic in Hagia Sophia, where somewhat larger areas were left unset. That this was not an oversight on the part of a mosaicist hurrying to set all the tesserae before the plaster dried is indicated by the way he set tesserae in Alexander’s hand in front of the globe but left the part that was meant to show through the glass globe in fresco.

He also left a pupil-shaped area in the eyes unset so that the dark purple fresco shows.45 In the panel above the narthex door a round patch of setting bed was left unset and surrounded with rings of gold and dark tesserae to depict a circular fibula on the emperor’s mantle.46 Morganstern noted a similar wide spacing of tesserae in the mosaic fragments at Dereağzı and used this as an argument for a 9th-century date for the church and its mosaics. Although this hypothesis seemed unlikely at first, it is now confirmed by the Amorium fragments. A close study of the watercolours documenting the 9thcentury mosaics of the Koimesis in Nicaea also confirms Morganstern’s theory, since here as well wide areas were left unset.47 Tessera material and colour The materials used for tesserae comprise opaque and translucent glass, marble, and stone (Table 4). All of the red tesserae are made of glass; there are no terracotta substitutes.48 Some of the recycled gold tesserae appear to have been dipped or painted with dark red, but it is not clear whether this happened during their first use or the recycling. A very small number of pink stone, white and grey limestone, and marble tesserae have survived, many of which have relatively small dimensions. Since small stone tesserae were mainly used in faces and other body parts of figures, it is very likely that the Amorium mosaics included figures.49 Tesserae cut from a medium grey to brown to black chert with white, cream, light brown or reddish layers make up the largest percentage of the stone tesserae.50 Traces of setting-bed mortar on them, together with a few mosaic fragments (Pl. X/38), allow identification of their mosaic surface side. It seems that in some cases the white side was used to take the place of a white tessera, but often the grey side was used in the picture surface.51

45 46 42

43

44

Teteriatnikov 1998, 55-56, fig. 60; Morganstern 1983, 102; Underwood 1966, 174 (with further examples). Also in Kiev; Lazarev 1966, 18; Powstenko 1954, 111. For further examples, see Winfield 1968, 86f, 89; Underwood 1966, 174 fn. 5; Lowden 1997, 258-259; Demus, Dorigo, Niero, Perocco, and Vio 1991, 84; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 210. Sketches of the figures to be shown in mosaic on the setting bed are known from Roman times onwards; Meyer 1990, 458ff; Sear 1977. A colouring of the setting bed to reduce the contrast between tessera colour and mortar colour was common; for example, in the mosaic over the emperor door of Hagia Sophia; Whittemore 1933, 17; see also Underwood 1966, 174f; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 201f. Vault or dome; DOP 53 (1999), 344. Glitter effect; Teteriatnikov 1998, 56-8; Whittemore 1933, 12 (where the background gold tesserae are set at an angle); James 1996, 5ff; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 208f.

47 48 49 50

51

145

Underwood and Hawkins 1961, 194, 196, pls. 7, 9. Whittemore 1933, 163. Morganstern 1983, 104, 112, 125. For Koimesis, see Schmit 1927. Mouriki 1985, 101f; Cutler 2002, 550; Morganstern 1983, 104. Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 209; Mouriki 1985, 97, 100. The chert tesserae may have been heated before they were cut. It is uncertain, however, whether the mosaicists deliberately heated pieces of chert to create differently coloured tesserae or merely took advantage of ones they found in fire-damaged rubble. Morganstern records several kinds of grey stone used in the mosaics at Dereağzı; Morganstern 1983, 104. Mango and Hawkins observed a ‘decayed granite of a grey-brown or khaki-brown colour’ in the garments of the archangel and the Virgin’s throne in the Hagia Sophia; Mango and Hawkins 1965, 141. The Amorium chert might be a local stone since chert, flint, and their translucent relative, chalcedony, are found in many areas in Anatolia.

About 30% of all the tesserae found are red glass, followed by 17 % gold, and 11% dark turquoise (Table 4). The remaining colours of glass tesserae comprise light and medium yellow-green, light and dark emerald green, light turquoise, black, dark blue, several shades of grey, light olive, brown, and a few brownish yellow tesserae, which might have been used as brown. The red tesserae show dark, almost brown red, sealing wax red, and orangish red streaks – the result of the uneven mixing of the glass batch. Tesserae with such streaks were all cut from the same glass but must have been sorted and set according to which shade was intended in the mosaic. The surviving mosaic fragments show that some tesserae were set on their side so that the streaks are visible. Some red tesserae show a quarter round profile on one side or curved streaks, so it is possible that the red glass was supplied in thick rods instead of as flat slabs.52 No white or true yellow glass tesserae were found in the church. Amongst the opaque glass tesserae the palest colour is a light grey with a bluish tint; they consist of a very porous glass with many air bubbles, and it is very difficult to describe the colour precisely. Set within a field of contrasting colours, it would have appeared as light grey or even white. The red glass is the heaviest, while light colours such as the light grey are much lighter because of the air bubbles trapped in the glass.53 Besides transparent amber coloured tesserae, there is also a smaller number made from transparent bottle green, and a larger number of tesserae made from a transparent glass with a pinkish, honey-coloured tint. These are usually tiny, and must have been used in fine details. Examples of tessera dimensions are given in Table 5. A comparison of the tessera colours with colour charts was not very successful since printed colour charts (such as the Munsell charts) cannot reproduce the glossy quality or the translucence of glass. The technology and raw materials available to Byzantine glassmakers were not as elaborate or sophisticated as modern-day ones are, and we can assume that there were only a few recipes for each colour. Therefore, it is probably best to identify the glass colours by their chemical composition. My descriptions are based on the terms used by Doula Mouriki for the Nea Moni mosaics.

they may have been used to some extent in the background.55 The mosaic fragments (Pls. X/36-37) show, however, that lines of gold and silver were also used separately within figures or ornaments. The only Hagia Sophia mosaics in which silver lines were used within garments are those in the room above the southwest vestibule.56 All metallic tesserae are made up of three layers: a 4-6 mm. thick base glass, the metal foil, and, covering the foil, a very thin (between 0.3-0.6 mm.) cover glass (‘cartellina’) (Fig. X/6).57 The base glass had been poured onto a red powdery substance, so it is easy to distinguish between tessera top and underside.58 Some amber tesserae were cut from the edges of the gold glass slabs where the cover glass was fused to the base glass without any foil in between (Fig. X/6).59 The metallic glass was supplied in slab form, and the gold tesserae were probably cut on site.60 Variations in the tint of the base glass of both the gold and silver tesserae indicate that several sources were used to obtain sufficient metallic tesserae for the mosaics. Most gold tesserae have a medium amber base, although some are light amber, honey-coloured, or pale pink transparent. Most silver tesserae have a bottle green base glass, but there is also pale rose and colourless base glass. The transparent glass tesserae mentioned above show the same range of tints as the base glass for gold and silver tesserae.61 Almost half of the gold tesserae were recycled after they had been damaged by fire (Pl. X/39: new gold on left, damaged gold on upper right). Their surface is in many 55

56

57

Besides gold tesserae there is also a large number of silver tesserae (Pl. X/39).54 The proportion of silver tesserae to freshly cut gold tesserae is about 1:3 to 1:2. Since many have a very similar and very regular size,

58

52

60

53 54

James 1996, 25. Glass ‘lingue’ and ‘pizze’ were found in S. Marco and in Monreale; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 199, figs. 1 a-b, 2. Similar observations were made by Underwood; Underwood 1966, 182. Cutler sees the use of gold and silver as an indicator of the economic circumstances of the mosaics, and the lack of silver as the result of problems in the supply infrastructure; Cutler 2002, 550.

59

61

146

The proportion of gold to silver tesserae in the mosaics of Hagia Sophia varies. Mango and Hawkins noted that the mosaics of the 6th century and those set after the 10th century do not contain any silver at all; Mango and Hawkins 1965, 141; Mango and Hawkins 1972, 7. One of the conservator’s diaries, however, describes silver tesserae in the background of the Deesis panel; Teteriatnikov 1998, 61, fn. 53. Cormack and Hawkins 1977, 222, 230. In the apse mosaic of Hagia Sophia and in the dome of St. Sophia in Thessaloniki, Christ’s garments are gold with dark red shadows; Lowden 1997, figs. 99 and 107. Fig. X/6: AM93/A1-62a, light amber coloured glass, with reddish brown powder on underside; AM93/A1-62c, amber coloured glass, with reddish brown powder on underside, cover glass very thin. Underwood 1966, 181; Mouriki 1985, 99, fn. 3; Hawkins 1968, 54; James 1996, 25. Fig. X/6: AM93/A1-62b, dark amber coloured glass, with grainy underside surface but no powder remaining, no metal. Only edge pieces of metallic glass were found. There is no indication of how the glass of other colours was supplied. ‘Lingue’, i.e. uncut slabs, of silver and gold glass were found at S. Marco; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 199, fig. 1 a-b; see also ibid., 188 ‘cartellina’, and 205-8 ‘tesserae – metallic’. Tesserae found in the Church of the Dormition in Nicaea show a very similar tint; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 207 figs. 5, 6.

cases blackened, and the heat of the fire had softened the glass sufficiently to allow gravity to stretch them and form a rounded top, but not enough to let the glass melt or drip.62 These tesserae were found in all areas in the nave and in contexts containing undamaged freshly cut gold tesserae and other undamaged glass tesserae. Traces of setting-bed mortar on the top of some revealed that they had been set upside down, so that their undersides, with a red, pitted surface from pouring the base glass on a red substance, were visible in the mosaic. Thus the tesserae were molten before they were set, they had been recycled and were not necessarily intended for gold surfaces in their new setting. None of the silver tesserae were damaged by fire. Of all the other glass tesserae less than a handful are molten (Fig. X/6), and in one area molten glass had dripped onto mortar.63 There is no indication that a major fire caused the mosaics to melt across the entire nave, and it can be assumed, therefore, that the molten gold tesserae were recycled from an earlier phase of the church or from another, older building. This is so far the first known case of evidence for recycling tesserae and allows one to put the reports that Basil I used tesserae and marble from other monuments for the decoration of his Nea Ekklesia into a wider context.64 A few of the recycled tesserae also have traces of a dark red layer around the top and the sides. Without chemical analysis it remains unclear whether they had been dipped in red paint or whether this material is a by-product of the fire damage. Dipped tesserae are known from other mosaics; for example, they occur in several 9th-century mosaics at Hagia Sophia. There, and at the Kariye Camii, some areas were painted over after they had been set.65 The mosaic fragments at Dereağzı also provided examples of dipped tesserae.66

62

63 64

65

66

For an example of tesserae that had reached melting point and had started to drip, see Demus, Dorigo, Niero, Perocco, and Vio 1991, 82. DOP 53 (1999), 344, fn. 32, and fig. 5. Mango 1986, 181 fn. 1; Cutler 2002, 552f. For the recycling of architectural elements; Ousterhout 1999, 140-5; Bouras 2002, 553. Two instances are known from the West: Pope Hadrian I gave permission to Charlemagne to recycle tesserae from the former exarch’s palace in Ravenna in the mosaics of his chapel at Aix-la-Chapelle, and older tesserae were brought from Constantinople to be used in the mosaics of San Marco; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 203. Painted mosaic surfaces at Hagia Sophia (emperor panel above narthex door); Coche de la Ferté 1982, pl. 70; Hawkins 1968, 159, 161, 164; and the Kariye Camii; Underwood 1966, 183. Dipped tesserae; James 1996, pls. 43, 44. Further examples for the use of dipped tesserae; Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000, 209-10. Morganstern 1983, 104, 118 fn. 106.

POSTSCRIPT ______________________________________________ The pigment analyses (see below, pages 157-158) were provided after this text had been prepared and submitted for publication. It is only possible, therefore, to make some brief preliminary observations here regarding them. With one exception, all of the pigments are standard materials that have been used in wall painting for centuries. The presence of ultramarine, however, is remarkable and quite unexpected, especially given the date of the wall paintings in the Lower City Church at Amorium. This now provides one of the earliest pieces of evidence for the use of ultramarine in Byzantine painting. BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Belting and Naumann 1966 H. Belting and R. Naumann, Die Euphemia-Kirche am Hippodrom zu Istanbul und ihre Fresken, Berlin 1966. Borsook, Gioffredi Superbi, and Pagliarulo 2000 E. Borsook, F. Gioffredi Superbi, and G. Pagliarulo, Medieval Mosaics. Light, Color, Materials, Milan 2000. Bouras 2002 C. Bouras, “Craftsmen and Building Activities,” in A. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium, vol. 2, Washington, DC 2002, 539-54. Canivet 1982 P. Canivet, “Peintures murales et mosaïques d’abside en verre à Huarte (IVe-Ve s.),” in L. HadermannMisguich, G. Raepsaet, G. Cambier (eds.), Rayonnement grec. Hommages à Charles Delvoye, Brussels 1982 (Université Libre de Bruxelles. Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres LXXXIII), 313-24. Coche de la Ferté 1982 E. Coche de la Ferté, Byzantinische Kunst, Freiburg 1982. Cormack and Hawkins 1977 R. Cormack and E.J.W. Hawkins, “The Mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul: The Rooms above the Southwest Vestibule and Ramp,” DOP 31 (1977), 175-251. Cutler 2002 A. Cutler, “The Industries of Art,” in A. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium, vol. 2, Washington, DC 2002, 549-57. Demus, Dorigo, Niero, Perocco, and Vio 1991 O. Demus, W. Dorigo, A. Niero, G. Perocco, and E. Vio, Venise Saint-Marc, Paris 1991. Hawkins 1968 E.J.W. Hawkins, “Further observations on the narthex mosaics in St. Sophia at Istanbul,” DOP 22 (1968), 151-66. James 1996 L. James, Light and Colour in Byzantine Art, Oxford 1996.

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Kostof 1989 S. Kostof, Caves of God: Cappadocia and its Churches, Cambridge, MA 1989. Lazarev 1966 V.N. Lazarev, Old Russian Murals and Mosaics from the XI to the XVI Century, London 1966. Lazarev 1995 V.N. Lazarev, Studies in Byzantine Painting, 1995. Lowden 1997 J. Lowden, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, London 1997. Mango 1962 C. Mango, Materials for the Study of the Mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul, Washington, DC 1962. Mango 1986 C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453, 1986. Mango and Hawkins 1965 C. Mango and E.J.W. Hawkins, “The Apse Mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul. Report on Work carried out in 1964,” DOP 19 (1965), 113-51. Mango and Hawkins 1972 C. Mango and E.J.W. Hawkins, “The Mosaic of St. Sophia at Istanbul: The Church Fathers in the North Tympanum,” DOP 26 (1972), 1-41. Meyer 1990 A. Meyer, “Mosaik,” Reclams Handbuch der künstlerischen Techniken 2. Wandmalerei und Mosaik, Stuttgart 1990. Morganstern 1983 J. Morganstern, The Byzantine church at Dereağzı and its decoration, Tübingen 1983 (IstMitt. Beiheft 29). Mouriki 1985 D. Mouriki, The Mosaics of Nea Moni on Chios, Athens 1985. Mystras 2001 The City of Mystras. Mystras August 2001 - January 2002, Athens 2001. Ousterhout 1999 R. Ousterhout, Master Builders of Byzantium, Princeton 1999. Powstenko 1954 O. Powstenko, “The Cathedral of Saint Sophia in Kiev,” Annals of the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US III-IV (1954). Restle 1995

M. Restle, “Maltechnik,” RBK 5, 1247-52, Stuttgart 1995. Schmit 1927 T. Schmit, Die Koimesis-Kirche von Nikaia, das Bauwerk und die Mosaiken, Berlin 1927. Schug-Wille 1988 C. Schug-Wille, Byzanz und seine Welt, Munich 1988. Sear 1977 F.B. Sear, Roman Wall and Vault Mosaics, Heidelberg 1977 (MDAIRA Ergänzungsband 23). Skhirtladze 1997 Z. Skhirtladze, “Early Medieval Georgian Monumental Painting: Establishment of the System of Church Decoration,” OC 81 (1997), 169-206. Teteriatnikov 1998 N.D. Teteriatnikov, Mosaics of Hagia Sophia, Istanbul. The Fossati Restoration and the Work of the Byzantine Institute, Washington, DC 1998. Underwood 1966 P.A. Underwood, The Kariye Djami. 1, New York 1966. Underwood and Hawkins 1961 P.A. Underwood and E.J.W. Hawkins, “The Mosaics of Hagia Sophia at Istanbul. The Portrait of the Emperor Alexander. A Report on Work Done by the Byzantine Institute in 1959 and 1960,” DOP 15 (1961), 187-217. Velmans and Alpago Novello 1996 T. Velmans and A. Alpago Novello, Miroir d’invisible. Peintures murales et architecture de la Géorgie (VIe - XVe s.), Saint-Léger-Vauban 1996. Whittemore 1933 T. Whittemore, The mosaics of St. Sophia at Istanbul. Preliminary Report on the first year’s work 1931-32. The Mosaics of the Narthex, 1933. Winfield 1968 D.C. Winfield, “Middle and Later Byzantine Wall Painting Methods,” DOP 22 (1968), 74-9. Winfield 1982 J. and D. Winfield, Proportion and Structure of the Human Figure in Byzantine Wall-painting and Mosaic, Oxford 1982. Witte-Orr 2000 H. Witte-Orr, “Rez. R. Pillinger / V. Popova / B. Zimmermann, Corpus der spätantiken und frühchristlichen Wandmalereien Bulgariens (Wien 1999),” JbAC 43 (2000), 245-9.

148

TABLE 1A: FACE MEASUREMENTS AND CALCULATION OF BODY HEIGHT FOR LAYER 1 FRAGMENTS

Fragment Context No. Nose tip – chin tip Length of nose Width of eye Diameter of nimbus Dionysos of Fourna2 Nose length, equals nose tip – chin tip Face length = 3 noses Body height = 9 faces or 27 noses Panselinos3 Nose length, equals nose tip – chin tip or 2 eye widths Head length Body height Hagia Sophia4 Nimbus diameter = 5-6 noses

1 2 3 4

NO LABEL #6 6 cm.

AM96/A7-5

AM96/A8-27 3.5 cm.

3.2 cm. 32-34 cm.1

6 cm.

3.5 cm.

18 cm. 1.62 m.

10.5 cm. 94.5 cm.

6 cm.

6.4 cm.

3.5 cm.

24 cm. 1.68 m.

Approx. 24 cm. Approx. 1.68 m.

16.5 cm. 74.25 cm.

30-36 cm.

Nimbus was 32-34 cm. = approx. 10 eye widths = 5 noses

The nimbus fragment belongs to the neighbouring figure, not the figure whose eye and forehead are preserved on the fragment. For the value the curvature of the nimbus fragment was compared to a set of circles. Calculations according to Winfield 1982, 58, fig. 1. Calculations according to Winfield 1982, 93 (for the child), 71 (for an adult head), 85f. (for the relation of eye width and nose length). The proportional system used in Hagia Sophia seems to be related to the one used by Dionysos of Fourna and the one detected at the Panaghia Kanakaria by the Winfields; see above, fn. 3. Measurements of the Hagia Sophia faces (see above, text fn. 25) were taken from photographs and can only give a general idea. One should allow for a margin of error since it is not known whether the film was parallel to the mosaic surface, and any angle between film and mosaic could have distorted lengths.

149

TABLE 1B: CALCULATION OF BODY HEIGHT FOR LAYER 3 FRAGMENTS 5

Fragment Context No. Length of lower arm Length of hand Length of lower leg Diameter of nimbus6 Dionysos of Fourna7 Nose length, equals Nose tip – chin tip Face length = 1/2 lower leg Body height = 28 noses Panselinos8 Nose length = 1/6 lower leg Lower leg = 6 noses Body height = 28 noses Hagia Sophia9 Nimbus diameter = 5-6 noses

Block PP026

AM96/A8-15 Approx. 13 cm. Approx. 11 cm.

Approx. 36 cm.

AM96/A9-9 38 cm.

19 cm. 1.71 m. 6.33 cm. 38 cm. 1.77 m. 1 nose = 6 cm. Body height = 1.68 m.

SOUTH WALL SAINT: Estimated length from tip of knee (her right knee) to toes: 50 cm. Width across garment right below knees: 40 cm. Width of panel within red frame (frame inside to inside, again just below knees): 83 cm. Frame width (left at height of knees): ca. 8 cm. Space from left frame outside to southeast corner of wall: 120 cm. From right frame outside to southwest corner (= wall and pier): ca. 36 cm.

5

6 7 8 9

Only the fragment in situ on the south wall (AM96/A9-9) is painted on a third layer, the other two are layer 2 fragments. However, the fragment from AM96/A8-15 shows similar plaster, colours, and painting methods as the layer 3 fragment, so it must belong to the same phase of decoration. The diameter of the nimbus was calculated by comparing its incised outline to circular graph paper. Calculations according to Winfield 1982, 58, fig. 1. Calculations according to Winfield 1982, 71ff., fig. 13. The proportional system used in Hagia Sophia seems to be related to the one used by Dionysos of Fourna and the one detected at the Panaghia Kanakaria by the Winfields; see above, fn. 3. Measurements of the Hagia Sophia faces (see above, text fn. 25) were taken from photographs and can only give a general idea. One should allow for a margin of error since it is not known whether the film was parallel to the mosaic surface, and any angle between film and mosaic could have distorted lengths.

150

TABLE 2: PIGMENTS USED IN PAINTING Layer 1 bluish green terre verte bright blue bluish light grey yellow red sienna brown white black

Layer 2 bluish green terre verte bright blue bluish light grey yellow red sienna brown on arch fragment (?) white black

Layer 3 terre verte yellow red white black

TABLE 3: COMPARISON OF MOSAIC SETTING BED AND PLASTER LAYERS Layer 1 Amorium Hagia Sophia10 Dereağzı12 Nea Moni13 St. Sophia Kiev14 Kariye Camii15

10 11 12 13 14 15

Setting bed

Total thickness

25 mm. or less

Layer 2 (intermediate) 12 - 22 mm. 25 mm. or less

8 - 15 mm. 17 mm.

20 - 30 mm. 25 mm. 15 - 20 mm.

10 - 15 mm. 15 - 20 mm. 18 - 25 mm.

5 - 10 mm. 10 - 15 mm. 20 - 30 mm.

3.5 - 4 cm. 6 - 7 cm. apse: 3.5 - 4.5 cm. 11 4 - 5 cm. 5 - 6 cm. 6 cm. on average

17.5 mm.

15 mm.

12.5 mm.

4 -5 cm.

Teteriatnikov 1998, 53f. - the thickness of the plaster varies; for this comparison the measurements in fig. 54 were used. Mango and Hawkins 1965, 118, fn. 8. Morganstern 1983, 105 (diaconicon), 123 (north octagon, where the lower plaster layers are slightly thinner). Mouriki 1985, 95. Lazerev 1966, 18 - the total thickness of the 12th-century mosaics in the church of the Archangel Michael is an astonishing 8-10 cm. Underwood 1966, 173.

151

TABLE 4: LIST OF TESSERA COLOURS16 Glass: new gold recycled gold silver red black dark emerald light emerald yellow-green light yellow light olive brown & dark grey translucent amber translucent green dark blue dark turquoise light turquoise light blue-grey yellow-brown not recognisable

Number of tesserae 2,531 1,716 942 7,407 1,515 673 434 327 282 60 644 613 194 579 2,635 484 446 16 1,456

Stone and other material: chert limestone & marble (white, grey, or pinkish) pink stone cream-coloured stone grey stone brown stone red terracotta (?) yellowish pink terracotta (?)17 yellowish gold-coloured stone18

16

17 18

649 72 6 1 10 1 1 1 1

The colours listed here were determined by visual inspection of all tesserae in sunlight. The laboratory analysis of tesserae samples revealed that some light grey tesserae were weathered glass of a different colour, not recognisable from the exterior surface, and that some of the tesserae listed as black were very dark purple. Anaylsis of glass tessera samples from the Lower City Church at Amorium have been carried out be Mark Wypyski in New York. The results were reported at the Byzantine Glass Workshop, held at Dumbarton Oaks in November, 2002, and will be published separately in the Proceedings of that conference. Tesserae counted as ‘unrecognisable’ have a thick layer of surface weathering, which made it impossible to determine the glass colour. Both terracotta pieces have worn edges, so it is not clear whether they were intended as tesserae or are simply small pottery sherds unrelated to mosaics. This chip of stone is almost round, measuring 12 x 10 x 3 mm.

152

TABLE 4: CHART OF TESSERA COLOURS

153

TABLE 5: EXAMPLES OF TESSERA DIMENSIONS Dimensions are given in the following formula: Width x Length x Height or Width x Length x (Base thickness + Cover thickness). Only metallic tesserae show which sides were top and bottom; all other tesserae were measured three ways, but the top and bottom could not be determined. New gold :

Red: Dark blue: Dark emerald: Olive: Brown: Dark turquoise: Light turquoise: Black: Yellow-green: Marble:

6 x 4 mm. x (5 mm. + 1 mm.); 4 x 4 mm. x 6 mm.; 6 x 6 mm. x (5 mm. + 1 mm.); 8 x 8 mm. x (5.5 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 7 x 9 mm. x (5 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 7 x 8 mm. x (4 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 6 x 6mm. x (7.5 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 5 x 3 mm.. 5 x 4 mm. (6 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 4 x 7 mm.x (6.5 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 5 x 5 mm. x (6 mm. + 0.9 mm.); 7 x 5 mm. x (6.2 mm. + 1 mm.); 7 x 6 mm. x (5.5 mm. + 1 mm.); 6 x 6 mm. x (6.5 mm. + 0.5 mm.). 7 x 7 mm. x (5 mm. + 0.6 mm.); 7 x 7 mm. x (6 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 7 x 8 mm. x (5 mm. + 0.5 mm.); 5 x 5 mm. x (5 mm. + 0.3 mm.); cut as triangle: 6 mm. x 9 mm. x 5 mm. 7 x 7 x 7 mm.; 9 x 8 x 7 mm.; 5 x 5 x 7 mm.; 4 x 5 x 9 mm.; 10 x 9 x 9 mm. 7 x 5 x 5 mm.; 8 x 8 x 10 mm.; 9 x 5 x 6 mm. 5 x 6 x 9 mm.; 10 x 5 x 7 mm.; 4 x 5 x 7 mm.; (in setting bed): 7 x 8 mm., 6 x 8 mm., 8 x 8 mm. 7 x 6 x 6 mm.; 5 x 6 x 6 mm.; 10 x 9 x 5 mm.; 8 x 6 x 6 mm. 6 x 5 x 4 mm.; 7 x 5 x 6 mm.; 9 x 5 x 5 mm. 6 x 5 x 6 mm.; 6 x 7 x 7 mm.; 8 x 8 x 6 mm.; 7 x 7 x 8 mm. 8 x 7 x 4 mm.; 5 x 7 x 6 mm.; 7 x 5 x 6 mm.. 7 x 8 x 6 mm.; 7 x 6 x 8 mm. 6 x 6 x 8 mm.; 7 x 7 x 7 mm.; 10 x 4 x 4 mm.; 6 x 6 x 6 mm. 6 x 9 x 8 mm.; 3 x 6 x 8 mm.; 7 x 5 x 9 mm.

Chert: Limestone: Pink stone:

9 x 9 x 6 mm.; 9 x 8 x 9 mm.; 5 x 9 x 8 mm.; 6 x 6 x 14 mm.; 5 x 4 x 4 mm. 6 x 6 x 6 mm.; 10 x 5 x 7 mm. 4 x 6 x 5 mm.

Recycled gold: Silver:

154

Fig. X/1. Fresco fragment on plaster and brick, Context AM96/A7-36, sketch of brick and mortar layers underneath painted plaster.

Fig. X/2. Concave fragment with bright blue fresco, Context A3-25, from ‘by southeast pier’.

Fig. X/3. Concave fragment with pink and white fresco, Context A3/31.

155

Fig. X/4. Distribution of tesserae and mosaic fragments found in the Lower City Church.

Fig. X/5. Mosaic tesserae and setting bed fragments.

Fig. X/6. Tesserae cut from glass plate edges, molten tesserae.

156

X. APPENDIX: ANALYSIS OF THE PIGMENTS USED IN THE LOWER CITY CHURCH FRESCOES Mark T. Wypyski * SEM/EDS ELEMENTAL ANALYSIS: SUMMARY OF RESULTS ______________________________________________

intentionally added. 4. This green sample, darker than sample #2, appears to be the same as the light green, except that a higher concentration of iron was found, and apparently contains more of the green pigment than the light green.

Introduction: Compositional analysis by energy dispersive X-ray spectrometry (EDS) was performed on the eleven samples of fresco submitted for analysis in order to identify the pigments used.1 Each sample was first examined with the light microscope, and a small amount of each layer found was sampled for separate EDS analysis. The results for each sample are summarized below, with the descriptions as given on the sample containers (the colors or descriptions in parentheses are mine). The probable identifications of the pigments are also summarized in a separate table.

5. This sample, described as a bluish black or dark blue, is actually a black layer covered with streaks of blue. The black contains large amounts of silicon and aluminum as well as calcium and carbon, along with some magnesium and potassium, and small amounts of iron, titanium, sodium, phosphorus and sulfur. This appears to be a mixture of clay, calcium carbonate and carbon black. The blue was found to contain crystals that consisted mainly of sodium, aluminum, silicon and sulfur, and appears to be ultramarine, the mineral lapis lazuli.

Results: 1. Mortar from back of mosaic fragment (white). This sample was found to consist mainly of calcium, along with a large amount of magnesium, together with small amounts or traces of silicon, aluminum, phosphorus, sulfur, chlorine and potassium. This mortar appears to have been made from a dolomitic limestone; that is, one that contains a large amount of magnesium carbonate as well as calcium carbonate. The other elements are probably present in the form of clay contamination which is often found in limestone.

6. This sample, described as black, actually has a black layer over a red layer. The top black layer appears to be the same as in sample #5, although somewhat more iron was detected in this black layer. The red layer also appears to contain clay, although with a much higher concentration of iron. This appears to be the pigment red ochre. 7. This blue, described as sky blue background, also appears to contain the pigment ultramarine. 8. This sample of blue background, as in sample #5, consisted of blue over a black layer, although more blue is present in this sample. The blue here also appears to be ultramarine. However, the black layer in this sample is more similar to the black in sample #3 than that of sample #5, although more carbon appears to be present in this sample. Slightly more silicon and aluminum were also observed in this black, possibly due to the addition of some clay, as appears to be the case in samples #5 and #6.

2. This light green was found to contain a large amount of calcium, along with some magnesium, aluminum, silicon, potassium and iron, as well as traces of phosphorus, sulfur and titanium. The green pigment here appears to be terre verte (green earth), a mix of potassium, magnesium, aluminum, iron silicates. The calcium is presumably present mainly in the form of calcium carbonate mixed with the green to achieve a lighter shade. 3. Described as a burnt piece, this sample appears black or gray. This was found to consist mainly of calcium, along with a large amount of carbon, and appears to be calcium carbonate with a carbon black, such as lamp black, which may or may not have been

9. This sample, described as lavender and black, was found to consist of a black layer over a thin red-brown layer. The black appears very similar to sample #3, although more the carbon appears to be more concentrated in this sample. Slightly more silicon and aluminum were also observed in this black, possibly due to the addition of some clay, as appears to be the case in samples #5 and #6. The red-brown layer was found to contain a large amount of iron, with only relatively small amounts of aluminum and silicon, and appears to be hematite (iron oxide) rather than red ochre, which is a clay containing red iron oxide.

* Associate Research Scientist, Sherman Fairchild Center for 1

Objects Conservation, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. The samples were collected by Johanna Witte-Orr and were exported from Turkey with the permission of the Afyon Archaeological Museum.

157

10. This sample of red contains large amounts of silicon and iron, as well as some magnesium, aluminum, potassium, phosphorus, sulfur and titanium, and appears to be red ochre, as in sample #6.

11. The yellow was found to be similar in composition to the red in sample #10, although with somewhat less iron and more silicon. This appears to be yellow ochre.

TABLE: FRESCO SAMPLE PIGMENT IDENTIFICATION No.:

Identification:

Description:

Pigments:

#1

AM93/A3-77 Mortar from back of mosaic fragment

White

Calcium and magnesium carbonates.

#2

AM96/A7 South fill Green

Light green

Terre verte

#3

AM96/A8-32 Burnt piece (?)

Gray/black

Calcium carbonate and carbon black

#4

AM91/A3-31 Dark green

Dark green

Terre verte

#5

AM96/A7 South fill Bluish black or dark blue (?)

Blue over black layer

Ultramarine Carbon black and clay

#6

AM96/A8-32 Black

Black over red layer

Carbon black and clay Red ochre

#7

AM91/A2-8 Sky blue background

Blue

Ultramarine

#8

AM96/A8-56 Blue background

Blue over black layer

Ultramarine Calcium carbonate and carbon black

#9

AM96/A8-15 (Painting Phase I) Lavender and black

Black over red-brown layer

Calcium carbonate and carbon black Hematite

#10

AM96/A8-32 Reds

Red

Red ochre

#11

AM96/A8-32 Yellow

Yellow

Yellow ochre

158

XI. HUMAN SKELETAL REMAINS, 1993-2001 Kate Brayne and Julie A. Roberts * metrical measurements (for example, vertical diameter of head of humerus and femur) are in the range normally indicative of a male. These measurements are very population-specific, however, so large bone articulations may be a regional characteristic. Therefore, it is more likely that this individual was female.

INTRODUCTION (C.S. Lightfoot) ______________________________________________ During the course of the excavations at Amorium a considerable amount of human remains has been recovered from the site. No human bones were recorded, however, during the first five years of excavation (19881992). Whether this accurately reflects the lack of such material in the various trenches that were opened during that time or whether disarticulated human remains failed to be recognised by the excavators cannot for the present be ascertained. However, the fact that remains were subsequently found in intramural contexts in several trenches, both on the Upper City mound and in the Lower City, shows that burials, formal or otherwise, were not uncommon within the Byzantine city.

Age at Death 1) Epiphyseal Fusion All the heads of the long bones are fused, although the fusion line is still visible on the head of the femur, suggesting that this had occurred only shortly prior to death. This indicates an age in the early 20s. The fact that the medial clavicle epiphysis is not yet fused supports this estimation of age. The sacral vertebrae are not yet fully fused, which again supports the view that the individual was a young adult.

The material discussed here has been the subject of study for a number of years. Kate Brayne participated in the excavations in 1994 and, in addition to acting as a trench supervisor, studied the two skeletons that had been found in the previous season.1 Likewise, after the tomb in the south-west necropolis had been the subject of a rescue excavation in 1995, Julie Roberts was invited to join the team specifically to record the mass of bones that had been recovered. This study took the best part of two field seasons, 1996 and 1997. Additional finds in the following seasons, both at the Lower City Church and elsewhere, brought Julie back to Amorium in 2001. All the material found up to that year has thus been included here.

2) Pubic Symphysis Using the Todd scheme of ageing, the left pubic symphysis, which is intact, appears to fall within the range between Stage IV (age 25-26) and Stage V (age 2730). 3) Sternal End of Ribs The sternal end of the fourth rib appears to represent Phase 4 (age 25.7-30.6).2 Using all the above indicators of age, the skeleton from context 340 may be aged 25-30.

REPORT ON TWO SKELETONS FROM TRENCH L, 1993 (Kate Brayne)

Stature

Skeleton 1, Context 340 ______________________________________________

If this skeleton is female, her height is 1.64 metres (5’ 4”), if male, his would be 1.69 metres (5’ 5”).3

The skeleton was lying supine with its right leg flexed. It was orientated east-west, with the head towards the west, suggesting that this may have been a Christian burial (Pl. XI/1). The stratigraphic position of the grave cut is uncertain, although it appears to post-date the adjacent architecture.

Handedness The bones of the right arm are approximately 5mm longer in each case than the equivalent bone of the left arm. This suggests that the individual was right-handed. Anomalies

Sex

On each scapula the epiphysis of the acromion is unfused, which is untypical of an individual age 25-30 (Pl. XI/2). This may be a genetic anomaly, or it may be related to the individual’s occupation. The conoid tubercle of the left clavicle is greatly enlarged in comparison with its right

The majority of sexually dimorphic features of the skull and pelvis suggest that the skeleton is female. This is supported by the gracile nature of the bones. However, * 1

KB: Codford St. Peter, Warminster, Wilts. JAR: Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division. Reported briefly in AnatSt 44 (1994), 113; see also KST 16/2 (1995) 135, illus. 6.

2 3

159

Using Iscan, Loth and Wright 1984. Using Trotter and Gleser 1952.

counterpart (Pl. XI/3). This also may be occupation related.

Age at Death Although it is not possible to age definitively an individual with so much of the skeleton missing, there are certain features on the remaining bones that give some indication of age. It was not possible to identify the 4th rib confidently, but a general survey of the sternal ends of the ribs suggests analogies with Phase 6c (age 43.3 - 58.1).4 The articular surfaces of the remaining vertebrae, although in very fragmentary condition, demonstrate moderately severe degenerative changes, which is suggestive of an age of 50+.

Dentition This individual was in poor dental health. Three teeth in the maxilla (both left premolars and the left third molar) had been destroyed by caries. The decayed premolars are also associated with periapical abscesses. This individual was also suffering from severe periodontal disease – present as subgingival calculus and alveolar resorption, which exposed the tooth roots. The mandibular third molars are congenitally absent. The maxillary incisors are noticeably prognathic, with a significant overbite (Pl. XI/4).

Stature The height of this individual can be estimated as approximately 1.76 metres (5’ 8”).5

General Condition and Conservation Although the bone assemblage was largely in very good condition, a number of fragmentary pieces (e.g. the head of a femur) were consolidated with 1:3 PVA: water, while broken bones were reconstructed with undiluted PVA.

Pathologies The skeleton presents severe degenerative arthritis of the right elbow joint (Pl. 1/9). As the arthritis is unilateral (the left elbow is unaffected), it suggests that this is a secondary condition that developed as a consequence of an abnormality in the joint capsule, possibly caused by trauma or an inflammation of the joint. Degenerative arthritic changes have affected the distal humerus and the proximal radius and ulna. As a consequence of the bone changes, it appears that this individual could not fully extend his right arm, and always had a partially flexed elbow (Pl. XI/6). There are also degenerative arthritic changes in the second metacarpal and second proximal phalange of the right hand.

Skeleton 2, Context 351 ______________________________________________ The grave of this skeleton had been disturbed in the past and most of the left side bones – the scapula, clavicle, humerus, ribs, pelvis and femur – are missing (Pl. 1/8). The skull was also absent. Additionally, the lower legs and feet lay beyond the trench edge, so these were not recovered. The skeleton was lying supine, and the position of the right femur suggested that the leg was semiflexed. The skeleton was orientated east-west, with the head towards the west (Pl. XI/5). This is the same position as the skeleton from Context 340, suggesting that both individuals were buried by the same cultural group, possibly of Christian faith. In the west-facing section of Trench L, the cut for the grave pit for the skeleton from Context 351 appears to start from the level of the subsoil, suggesting that the burial post dates the surrounding architecture. Both skeletons (Contexts 340 and 351) appear to be in a similar stratigraphic position, suggesting that they were buried contemporaneously.

Skeletal Anomalies On the posterior of the right femur the gluteal tuberosity, pectineal line and the linea aspera are roughened and enlarged to form a distinct bony spur (Pl. XI/7). The presence of pronounced muscle attachment on the back of the femur has been linked to frequent horse riding. There are bony exotoses on the anterior surface of the right patella, which are also associated with frequent use of the muscles.

Sex

General Condition

Although the skull and the left pelvis are absent, the right pelvis exhibits sexually dimorphic features indicative of a male individual. This is supported by metrical measurements of the long bones. In addition, the robusticity of the skeleton and its pronounced muscular attachments strongly suggest that this individual was male.

This skeleton was in a very poor condition; the spongy bones such as the vertebrae and pelvis were completely fragmentary. Therefore, these bones were consolidated with 1:3 PVA: water, while any broken bones were consolidated with undiluted PVA.

4 5

160

Iscan, Loth and Wright 1984. Trotter and Gleser 1952.

ANALYSIS OF THE DISARTICULATED SKELETAL REMAINS FROM THE ROCK-CUT TOMB MZ01, 1995 (Julie A. Roberts)

within it. Some inferences could be drawn, however, with regard to metric and non-metric data, and the health and nutritional status of the individuals from the tomb.

INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________

METHODOLOGY _____________________________________________

In 1995 a large amount of disarticulated human bone was recovered from an underground rock-cut tomb, located approximately 0.5 km to the southwest of the Lower City gateway at Amorium (Trench AB). The interior of the tomb measured 2.9 m x 6.2 m and contained three stone burial ‘couches’, suggesting that it was originally used as a family tomb.6 It is an example of a typical Roman arcosolium or underground chamber tomb. Grave goods were sparse and generally fragmentary, but they included two pottery vessels whose profiles could be reconstructed. Both are examples of late Roman ware, dating between the 5th and early 7th centuries. A bronze belt buckle, also dating to the early 7th century, was the only intact object recovered from the tomb. The architecture and finds thus indicate that the tomb was probably in use for several centuries, stretching from the Roman period when the tomb was first built (ca. 2nd century) to the end of the early Byzantine period (ca. mid-7th century).7

Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) The minimum number of individuals present in the tomb was calculated by the identification of repeated skeletal elements. It must be stressed that the final estimate could only be a minimum total, and that more individuals may have been present but represented by elements that were not repeated. There were, however, no fewer individuals than the number calculated. Determination of Age at Death Determination of age at death was problematic owing to the disarticulated state of the remains. Single elements had to be looked at in isolation since the sheer number of fragments made it impossible to group bones together to form individuals. The age of each element, depending on its state of preservation, was estimated and the accuracy of this was dependent on the type of bone examined and the age of the individual concerned (age estimations being more accurate in immature individuals).

It was stated in the interim report that the data from the burials would be used to produce ‘a demographic profile of the population that will provide information about birth and death rates, life expectancies, and sex specific mortality patterns’, but the validity of such an exercise has since been re-evaluated.8 The deaths of some of these individuals may have been separated by hundreds of years, and any attempt to make them into one large discrete community would be misleading. It is possible that there were groups of individuals within the assemblage that were buried contemporaneously or at least within the same generation as each other, and that there were long periods of time when the tomb was not in use. It is equally possible, however, that one or two individuals were buried every few years (see below). Neither interpretation can be proven without an extensive radio-carbon dating programme and, even if a more accurate chronology were established, the disarticulated nature of the remains means that any information relating to the age at death and sex of individuals based on single skeletal elements is not totally reliable.

Dental development and stages of epiphyseal fusion were used to determine the age at death in those elements from individuals under the age of 25 to 29 years.9 Where dental and skeletal maturity were complete, current methods based on standardised degenerative changes that occur in particular joint surfaces, cranial suture closure, and dental attrition were employed (depending on the element being examined). As ageing techniques in adults are less precise than in immature individuals, the following wider age ranges were given: Young Adult: Middle Adult: Mature Adult:

Where a non-immature element could not be assigned to a specific category, it was simply termed ‘adult’. Determination of Sex

With the above in mind, it was decided simply to present the age and sex data without attempting to draw conclusions regarding the demographic structure of the ‘population’, and the mortality rates and life expectancies 6 7 8

18 to 30 years 31 to 45 years 46 plus years

The determination of sex in the adult skeletal remains was based primarily on the sexually dimorphic features of the pelvis and cranium.10 Indicators relating to the sizes of the articular surfaces of the long bones and scapulae were also used to estimate a possible sex. As yet there are no

For the preliminary report on the tomb, compiled by Paola Pugsley, see AnatSt 46 (1996), 97-102, figs. 3-6. Gill 2002, 18. Roberts 1996.

9 10

161

Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994. Krogman and Iscan 1986; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994.

the skeleton that would have displayed the trait was not present. Cranial traits that were related to sites of articulation were also difficult to identify. As with the demographic data, the uncertainty surrounding the duration of use of the tomb meant that true frequency rates of the traits could not be calculated. Inferences could be made, however, regarding traits that may have been genetically determined and those that were more likely to have been related to activity or occupation.

widely accepted osteological standards for the determination of sex in immature individuals, and DNA analysis remains the only accurate method. Stature and Body Build Living stature was estimated by measuring intact long bones and adding a pre-calculated factor for the ‘nonbone’ contribution.11 The length of the femur and tibia combined carry the smallest margin of error but, as the remains were all disarticulated, it was not possible to use this formula. Any single, intact long bones were therefore used, and standard deviations are presented together with the results.

Health and Disease The recognition of specific diseases is often dependent on the whole of the skeleton being present in order that the character and distribution of the lesions throughout the body might be observed. In this respect, the disarticulated state of the remains from Amorium immediately presented problems in terms of differential diagnosis. It was possible, however, to identify several pathological conditions, including traumatic injury, infectious disease, nutritional disorders, dental disease and degenerative joint disease. Although the true prevalence rates of these conditions could not be calculated, all were recorded and classified according to cause.14

Standard measurements of the proximal shafts of the femora and tibiae were made in order that meric and cnemic indices could be calculated. The meric index measures the degree of anterior-posterior flattening of the femoral shaft, and the cnemic index measures the degree of medio-lateral flattening of the tibial shaft. The extent of flattening is thought to be related to physical activity.12 The sizes of the bones (length and diameter of articular surfaces), and any pronounced muscle insertion points observed, were recorded. Heavy and repeated usage of specific muscles during life can result in excess bone production at the point where the muscle inserts into the bone. In some cases it is possible to make inferences about what activities might have caused the bone growth, or to comment on the musculature of the individual concerned. A fundamental problem in attempting to do this with disarticulated remains is that skeletal elements can only be looked at in isolation. It is, therefore, not possible to determine whether the changes observed exist only on the right or left side of the body, or whether they are bilateral. This could make a significant difference to the type of action being performed.

RESULTS _____________________________________________ Minimum Number Preservation

13

and

State

of

Although ninety-six individuals in a tomb of this size may seem excessive, it must be remembered that the potential period of use of the tomb spanned many centuries. Even if this is estimated at the lower end of the range, with the tomb only in use for 400 hundred years, this would give an average of 24 burials every 100 years (or less than 1 burial every 4 years). Such prolonged and consistent periodic use would help to explain some of the practical difficulties involved in fitting so many individuals into such a small space. As new bodies were placed in the tomb the remains of the previous individuals, in varying stages of decay, would probably have been pushed to the back of the tomb and become disarticulated and fragmented. Some mixing of the remains of different

Non-metric traits are skeletal variants that cannot be measured on a metric scale but are simply recorded as being present or absent. They are thought to be genetically or environmentally determined and are generally used in population studies to identify and compare different genetic groups. Cranial traits are thought to be of greater significance in population studies, as they are less dependent on external factors such as occupation or habitual activities. Reference was made to a standard list of cranial and post-cranial traits.13 The fragmented state of the bones meant that many of the traits were not observable; i.e., the part of

12

Individuals

A total number of 8,496 bones from the tomb were recorded. All of the remains were disarticulated and thoroughly mixed together. From this assemblage a minimum number of ninety-six individuals was identified. The most commonly repeated skeletal elements, on which this figure was based, were the left mandible, followed by the right mandible, the left and right petrous temporal bones, and the left ulna (proximal end). The pelvic bones were also of some use.

Non-metric Traits

11

of

Trotter 1970. Brock and Ruff 1988. Standards used were after Bass 1995. Berry and Berry, 1967; Finnegan, 1978.

14

162

Ortner and Putschar 1981; Roberts and Manchester 1997.

female. In terms of sex specific mortality, the numbers were fairly equal within each age category (see Table Three) with the exception of the young adults, where the females outnumbered the males by 3:1. If the individuals had all been from the same community, then this might have been accounted for in terms of deaths during childbirth, although even then the differences would need to prevail in a much larger sample size for such a suggestion to be valid.

individuals would also undoubtedly have occurred during this process.15 The state of preservation of the remains varied. Most of the adult long bones were fragmented in some way, but many of the smaller elements, such as the vertebrae, the tarsal and carpal bones, and the immature long bones and pelvic bones, were intact. There were also a number of well preserved crania present, which were useful in the determination of sex. The dentition, in particular that of the immature individuals, was generally in a good condition. Many hundreds of small fragments of eroded bone that had broken off the larger elements were also recovered. These were given a cursory examination but, unless they displayed any unusual trait or pathological condition, they were not recorded.

Stature Owing to the fragmented state of the majority of the long bones, it was only possible to calculate the stature of five individuals. Three of these were male and two were female. The males measured 1.69, 1.70, and 1.76 metres (5’5”, 5’6” and 5’8”) in height, and the females were 1.64 and 1.54 metres (5’4” and 5’1”) tall. Interestingly, these statures are comparable to the mean statures observed at ten medieval sites in Scotland, based on a total sample size of 268 males and 228 females.16 The male mean was also not that far short of the average British male height in 1979 of 175 cm.17

Age at Death and Sex Fifty-four of the ninety-six individuals recovered from the tomb were adult, and forty-two were aged less than 18 years at death. Twenty-two of the adults, represented primarily by pelvic bones, could be categorised as either ‘young’, ‘middle’, or ‘mature’. It was possible to be far more precise regarding the ages of the immature individuals because the mandibles and developing dentition had been well preserved. There were also more intact immature long bones and pelvic bones, which could be used to corroborate dental age. Tables 1 and 2 present the numbers of individuals within each age category.

Body Build It was possible to calculate 29 meric indices in total, 15 right and 14 left. These could not be related to specific individuals. Values ranged from 72 to 97, with 18 of the femora being platymeric (flattened from front to back in the region of the upper shaft), and 11 being eurymeric (rounded in the region of the upper shaft). Pre-modern populations generally show a tendency towards a flattened proximal shaft, whereas those in modern individuals tend to be more rounded since this phenomenon is thought to be related to the reduction in the amount of stress placed upon the bone that has accompanied the adoption of a less physically demanding lifestyle. It is, therefore, interesting to note that a relatively high proportion of the femora from Amorium were eurymeric. This may be an indication that these individuals were not consistently engaged in hard physical labour. It is also possible, however, that genetic factors play a role, and further research into the relationship between lifestyle and upper femoral (and tibial) shape is required. An additional observation was that a discrepancy existed between the right and the left meric indices. Only three (21%) of the left femora were eurymeric, whereas eight (53%) of the right were eurymeric.

It can be seen from Table 1 that the greatest number of immature individuals belongs within the four to seven year old age group. There were fewer individuals aged less than 12 months than might have been expected, and this may not have been due entirely to differential preservation. The neonatal and early infant remains that had survived were, in many cases, better preserved than the adult remains, and a possible explanation is that the tomb was not commonly used for the burial of infants aged under 12 months. Adults of all ages, from 18 to 46 plus years, were identified. Little more can be said regarding this, particularly in view of the fact that some 59% of the adult individuals could not be assigned to a specific age category. The sex of twenty-one of the fifty-four adults was determined using largely intact pelvic or cranial bones. Eleven of these individuals were male and ten were 15

This, however, cannot be posited as the main reason for the thorough mixing of the remains. Before the tomb was excavated in 1995, it had clearly been visited on numerous occasions by tomb robbers, who had churned up and dug through the deposits, causing them to lose any semblance of order or stratigraphy. As evidence of this clandestine work, part of a modern, rubber soled shoe was found within the tomb.

The tibiae were slightly less well preserved than the femora. It was only possible to calculate ten values, six right and four left. Values ranged from 59 to 75 with 16 17

163

Brown and Roberts 2000. Roberts and Manchester 1997.

former is not uncommon, it is unlikely to be related to function and, therefore, may be related to a discrete genetic group. Septal apertures (small holes at the distal end of the humerus in the elbow joint) are less frequently observed and are generally more common in females than males. They are likely to be related to development and function and so could also have different prevalence rates in different populations. Exostosis in the trochlear fossa are almost always found in older individuals and most likely attributable to age and physical activity.

equal numbers (n=3) being platycnemic and mesocnemic (flattened from sided to side and moderately rounded in the region of the upper shaft), and four being eurycnemic (rounded). As with the femur, upper tibial shape is thought to be related to the amount of mechanical strain imposed upon the bone, and it is possible that the variety seen amongst this particular group of individuals is connected to differences in specific patterns of mechanical loading. This might reflect different lifestyles or occupations within the same community, or, taking into consideration the duration of use of the tomb, differences between societies. Again a discrepancy was noted between the right and the left tibial shape, in that none of the left tibiae were platycnemic, and none of the right were mesocnemic. It is possible that there is a relationship between these differences and those observed in the femora, which may relate to specific physical activities undertaken by different individuals, but the nature of the assemblage meant that the elements could not be matched up with any degree of confidence.

Health and Disease Whilst only limited conclusions could be drawn regarding disease prevalence rates within the assemblage as a whole, an assessment could be made of the pathological condition present, and a general overview of the health of individuals could be obtained. Pathological conditions identified included traumatic injury (fractures, enthesopathies and osteochondritis dissecans), infectious disease (periostitis, osteomyelitis, maxillary sinusitis and septic arthritis), degenerative joint disease, dental disease, and other minor miscellaneous disorders.

A number of the bones displayed evidence of pronounced insertion points for particular muscles. Those most frequently observed related to the hamstring and adductor muscles on the ischial tuberosities and the femora. These muscles are involved in flexion of the knee joint and adduction (pulling towards the mid-line of the body) of the thigh. Both of these actions are required, and must be sustained, during horse riding. Alternatively, a phenomenon termed ‘weavers bottom’ has been identified, whereby the ischial tuberosities of weavers were found to be particularly enlarged and rugged.18 This condition was also identified in coachmen, bargees and tailors, whose professions also involved long periods of sitting. Several of the humeri (particularly from the left side) displayed pronounced insertions for deltoid, pectoralis major, and latissimus dorsi. These trunk and shoulder muscles would have been used during horse riding, and in a number of other activities such as archery and climbing.

Dental disease Oral pathology was the most frequently observed condition amongst these individuals. 213 fragments of maxilla and mandible, and a total number of 464 teeth (some loose and some in situ) were examined. Examples of periodontal disease, ante-mortem tooth loss, caries and periapical abscesses were abundant. Less frequently observed were dental calculus and dental enamel hypoplasia. A brief summary of each condition is given below. Periodontal disease is a term used to describe the inflammatory changes that can occur in the soft tissues and bone around a tooth in response to plaque. As the disease progresses resorption of the alveolar bone of the maxilla and mandible may occur and, if the periodontal ligament becomes affected, then the result can be antemortem tooth loss (AMTL). The majority of the individuals from the tomb suffered from the condition to some degree, and in 15 cases this was severe, causing extensive resorption of the alveolar bone. 61 maxillae and mandibles showed evidence AMTL, with a total of 156 teeth having been lost.

Non-metric Traits Table 4 presents the type and number of cranial and postcranial non-metric traits observed in the collection. It can be seen that the most frequently observed cranial traits were ossicles in the lamdoid suture, followed by parietal foramen. These traits are amongst the most commonly identified in archaeological populations, and little significance can be attached to their occurrence. The most frequently observed post-cranial traits by far were double anterior calcaneal facets, again, a variant that occurs so often, it can hardly be termed a variant. More interesting, perhaps, were the relatively high numbers of bipartite transverse foramen and septal apertures. Although the 18

Carious lesions were identified on 44 of the 464 teeth examined. The most frequently affected teeth were the mandibular molars, and many of the lesions were large. Caries is an infectious progressive disease that occurs when oral bacteria metabolise any fermentable carbohydrates present on a tooth. The tooth becomes demineralised and carious lesions form. Research has shown there to be a greater prevalence in populations whose diet

Described by Wells in Kennedy 1989.

164

is primarily carbohydrate consumption is high.19

based

or

where

diet and nutrition. They may be caused by an inadequate diet or by problems with metabolism that prevent the absorption of the vitamins and minerals necessary to ensure good health. Very few examples of metabolic disorders were observed in the skeletons from Amorium, which was unusual given the date and size of the assemblage. This suggests that the individuals buried in the tomb had enjoyed a well-balanced nutritious diet, and sufficient exposure to fresh air and sunlight.

sugar

There was little evidence of dental calculus (mineralised plaque) on the teeth. This condition is frequently observed in archaeological skeletons and is attributed to a meat- based diet and poor oral hygiene. The sparsity of it in these individuals, in comparison to the amount of caries observed, may be an indication that the high caries rate was dietary rather than hygiene related; i.e., adequate oral hygiene prevented the formation of calculus, but a cereal based diet that may also have been high in sugar predisposed the individuals towards caries.

The metabolic disorders identified included six cases of iron-deficiency anaemia, and one possible case of rickets. There are many causes of iron-deficiency anaemia, amongst the most common being lack of absorbable iron in the diet and a high pathogen load within the body.22 In skeletal remains, the condition is characterised by a pitting and thickening of the outer layer of the skull (porotic hyperostosis) or lesions in the eye orbits (cribra orbitalia). Three individuals, one infant and two adults, showed evidence of severe and moderate cribra orbitalia (respectively), and three individuals, all adults, displayed signs of moderate porotic hyperostosis.

14 periapical abscesses were identified on the mandibles and maxillae. Abscesses are formed when the pulp inside a tooth dies due to infection or trauma. Toxic products then diffuse out of the apex of the tooth and into the periodontal ligament. Localised resorption of the bone around the tooth root follows and finally a draining sinus, through which pus escapes, is formed. All of the abscesses observed were associated with carious lesions and/or ante-mortem tooth loss.

The possible case of rickets was identified in the femur of a young child. The bone was slightly flattened and bowed anteriorly in the region of the upper shaft. Rickets is caused by a vitamin D deficiency and is generally associated with industrialised societies where malnourishment and under exposure to sunlight are prevalent due to overcrowded conditions and long working hours. Given the lack of skeletal evidence for this in any of the other remains, these conditions seem unlikely. It is probable, therefore, that the child suffered from a metabolic condition that prevented the synthesis or absorption of vitamin D.

43 teeth were affected by dental enamel hypoplasia (DEH). DEH is the name given to the defects that appear in the enamel of the teeth representing a cessation in its growth and development. They are considered to be indicators of physiological stress, and febrile infections, malnutrition, and metabolic disorders have all been cited as possible causes.20 In the majority of cases the hypoplastic changes observed in the teeth from Amorium were not severe. Neoplastic Disease Neoplasms can be defined as new growths of tissue cells, which may be benign or malignant.21 There are many types that affect bone, ranging from the virulent and frequently fatal to the minor and asymptomatic. The single neoplastic lesion observed in the Amorium assemblage was a ‘button osteoma’, which fell into the latter category. The growth was located on the left parietal bone of one of the better-preserved crania, belonging to a mature adult male. It was small in size, measuring only 4 mm in diameter, and it is unlikely that the individual concerned would have been aware of its existence.

Traumatic Injury The term trauma may encompass fractures, dislocation or displacement of joints, disruption of nerve or blood supply, soft tissue injury, or artificially induced deformity. Examples of traumatic injury in the Amorium assemblage were rare, and almost all were of the type more likely to have been sustained accidentally, rather than as a result of inter-personal violence. Eight examples of fractured bones were observed. These included fractures of the humerus, clavicles, tibia, fibula, rib and vertebrae. The most severe fractures were those of the humerus, the tibia, and one of the clavicles. The spiral fracture of the left humerus was in the process of healing, but a large amount of callus was still present around the site of break in the region of the mid-shaft. The bone was well aligned, but there was a slight shortening of the limb, caused by the overlap of the two broken ends. It is

Metabolic Disorders Disorders that fall into this category are those related to 19 20 21

Larsen 1984. Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998; Goodman, Martin, Armelagos and Clark 1984. Roberts and Manchester 1997.

22

165

Stuart Macadam 1992; Grauer 1993.

possible that some nerve damage may have been incurred as a result of this injury, but there was no evidence of secondary infection. Such a fracture was probably the result of a twisting motion of the type that might be sustained in a heavy fall. The fact that the bone was well aligned and healing without complication is a good indication that the injury was actively treated by reduction and immobilisation. This would have involved temporary traction on the arm to pull the two fractured ends into opposition, and subsequent immobilisation of the limb for at least eight weeks.

unhealed.

The fracture to the tibia was at the proximal end of the bone, just below the knee joint. It was severe in that it would also have caused nerve damage, and damage to the joint capsule itself. There was displacement of the bones, and they were only partially healed, indicating that the individual died probably less than three months after sustaining the injury. The fractured clavicle belonged to a neonate. It was broken mid-shaft, and a secondary infection had ensued. It is likely that the fracture occurred during birth, and the extent of healing, and size of the element, indicated that the infant had not survived for long after that.

Infectious Disease

Several cut marks were observed on the remains, most of them superficial in nature. Amongst the more severe were cut marks to the occipital bones (at the back of the head) of two separate individuals. Both fragments were incomplete so the full extent of the cuts could not be determined. Both showed no evidence of healing, and both appeared to have been made by a sharp, thin blade, such as a knife or sword. It is probable that these two injuries are rare examples of inter-personal violence at the site.

A number of bones showed evidence of infectious disease. This took the form of periostitis, osteomyelitis, maxillary sinusitis, and septic arthritis. Seventeen examples of periostitis were observed, largely affecting the tibiae and fibulae. Periostitis is the name given to inflammation of the soft tissue and periosteum surrounding the bones, and it is extremely common in archaeological skeletons. It is often not possible to determine the cause of the infection, which may be related to a specific disease or to traumatic injury. The problem of differential diagnosis is compounded when dealing with disarticulated remains where the distribution of the infection throughout the skeleton cannot be determined. The majority of the examples seen in the Amorium assemblage were mild and in the process of healing, characterised by patches of striated lamellar bone. The more severe cases included a tibia and two fifth metatarsals, all of which were covered with large areas of thick woven bone. This type of bone is an indication that the infection was recent and still active at the time of death.

Examples of soft tissue injury were identified on four bones, a tibia and fibula from the same individual, a humerus and a tibia. As with pronounced muscle insertions relating to repeated activities, soft tissue damage may be seen in the actual skeleton where trauma to a muscle has resulted in an enthesopathy (bony outgrowth) at its insertion point. The tibia and fibula from the same individual had fused together where, prior to the injury, they would have been connected by the tibiofibular ligament. This would have been a very painful injury, caused by a severe twist to the ankle. The second tibial enthesopathy observed was in the region of the medial malleolus and related to the insertion of the inferior extensor retinaculum. Again, this injury is likely to have been the result of a severely twisted ankle. The enthesopathy on the humerus was caused by damage to the proximal end of extensor carpi radialis longus, one of the muscles responsible for movement of the wrist. If the hand was bent sharply forward at the wrist, such an injury might occur.

Osteomyelitis is the term used to describe infection of the whole of the bone including the medullary canal, rather than just the periosteum and the cortex. Four cases were observed, affecting two fibulae, a clavicle, and a hand phalanx. Two of these were related to traumatic injuries, the bone having become infected following compound (open) fractures. These included a comminuted fracture of the distal fibula, and a transverse fracture of the clavicle of an infant (see above).

Osteochondritis dissecans, a trauma-related circulatory disorder was identified on four bones, two femora and two radii. The condition is thought to be caused by the impaction of one joint surface on another, which leads to a fracture of the articular cartilage and underlying bone.23 Symptoms can include pain and ‘locking’ of the knee, as the fragment of bone within the joint causes irritation or becomes trapped. The two lesions on the radii were partially healed, while the lesions on the femora were both

Maxillary sinusitis may be caused and exacerbated by a number of factors including dust, pollution, dental infections, and allergies.24 Two of the three cases observed at Amorium were severe, and both were associated with ante-mortem tooth loss of the maxillary teeth and extensive periodontal disease. During life the pain suffered by the two individuals as a result of the dental disease must have been intensified by the involvement of the maxillary sinuses.

23

24

Forrester and Brown 1987.

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Roberts and Manchester 1997.

porosity, and eburnation of the entire joint surfaces. Owing to the disarticulated nature of the remains, it could not be determined whether DJD was prevalent in the rest of the hand bones from the same individuals, or whether the changes were unique to this particular joint. Whichever the case, the condition suggested repeated, fine movement (and subsequent wear and tear) of the hand/wrist joint below the base of the thumb. This could be attributed to an activity such as knitting, weaving or spinning. If this was a common occupation amongst the individuals buried in the tomb, then this might account in part for the relatively high prevalence of DJD in the small bones of the hands and feet.

Septic arthritis, infection of the actual joint, was seen in a lunate (hand) bone, and the proximal end of an ulna. Both bones had new bone growth on and around the joint surfaces, and cloacae, holes that form in the surface of the bone through which the pus drains out. Septic arthritis may be caused by direct injury to a joint that subsequently becomes infected or by haematagenous spread of an infection elsewhere in the body. The disarticulated nature of the remains meant that it was not possible to determine which was the more likely cause in either instance. Degenerative Joint Disease (DJD) Several skeletal elements showed evidence of degenerative joint disease (osteoarthritis). This frequentlyobserved condition can be primary, the most common causes being age and repeated stress, or secondary, occurring after an injury to a joint. It is characterised by collagen breakdown at the joint, which results in the degeneration and erosion of articular cartilage and exposure of the bone beneath. Osteophytes (bony projections) are commonly formed around or away from the joint margins in an attempt to compensate for excessive or altered stress, and porous areas and cysts can occur beneath and on the joint surface. Eburnation, or polishing, of the joint surface may also be present.25

Other Defects of the articular surfaces of the joints characterised by ‘pinprick’ deformities are frequently observed in archaeological skeletons. The individuals from Amorium were no exception, and sixteen examples were identified. Apart from two that were located on a navicular bone and a third metatarsal, all lesions occurred either on the proximal surface of the proximal phalanx of the first metatarsal, or on the proximal surface of the first metatarsal itself. Genetic or environmental factors may play a role in the aetiology of this condition, which is almost certainly asymptomatic.

The majority of examples of DJD were slight. However, certain types of joint did appear to be more frequently affected than others, and a number of severe cases were observed. The elements affected included a left and a right femur, a right acetabulum (pelvis), a left humerus, three first metatarsals, four first metacarpals, and several carpals and hand phalanges. The condition was most prevalent (but not always present in its most severe form) in the hand and foot phalanges, the vertebrae and the tubercular facets of the ribs. The right and left femurs were male in dimension, and the heads of both were grossly porous with sub-chondral cysts. Profuse osteophytes were present around the joint margins, and there was some eburnation and flattening of the joint surface. It is possible that the bones, together with the acetabulum that also displayed severe changes, belonged to the same individual. Arthritis of this severity in both hips would have caused a considerable amount of pain as well as limited mobility. A group of seven vertebrae, three lumbar, three thoracic and one cervical, that were analysed consecutively, also displayed more severe changes than the majority of others. Again, it is possible that all of the vertebrae came from the same individual. Three of the first metacarpals and three of the trapezium bones that were affected by severe DJD could be placed in articulation. In all cases there were profuse osteophytes, some 25

Additional information Traces of textile were found on two adult vertebrae and one femur belonging to a child. Analysis of the material from the vertebrae indicated that the cloth was a coarse plain weave of 10 x 12 threads per cm, based on a 5 cm area. The material found on the femur was by contrast of a much finer weave. It was not possible to determine whether these shreds of material were fragments of shrouds or the individuals’ own clothes. CONCLUSIONS ______________________________________________ A minimum number of ninety-six individuals had been buried within the rock-cut tomb. They ranged in age from newborn to older than 50 years at death, and both sexes were represented. Many of the bones examined were large and robust, and the lack of metabolic disorders and chronic infections suggested that the majority of these individuals had enjoyed a well-balanced nutritious diet and sufficient exposure to sunlight. The high prevalence rate of caries, dental abscesses, and ante-mortem tooth loss suggested a cereal-based diet that was also probably high in sugar. The upper femoral and tibial shape tended to be rounded, and similar to that of modern individuals, who generally lead a less physically strenuous lifestyle than did most of

The system used to categorise the severity of the disease in this instance was in accordance with ‘Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains’; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994.

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their ancestors. There were also few examples of severe degenerative joint disease in the large joints and the spine, which is often associated with heavy manual labour. All of the above factors strongly suggest that the individuals who were buried within the tomb were of a relatively high status.

It is unfortunate that the disarticulated state of the remains, and the uncertainty surrounding the duration of use of the tomb, precluded the production of an accurate demographic profile. Osteological analysis of the bones was, nevertheless, an extremely worthwhile exercise in terms of the amount and type of information that was retrieved. The sheer number of individuals present within the tomb was surprising, and provided an insight into the cultural practices and mortuary rituals of the Roman and Byzantine population at Amorium. The tomb must have been regarded as a special place for its use to have continued over such a long period, despite the fact that it cannot have been a pleasant site to revisit. The information obtained from the bones themselves has provided new primary evidence relating to the health status and lifestyles of the deceased that will supplement the documentary sources already in existence.

Degenerative joint disease was observed most frequently in the small joints of the hands and feet, suggesting occupations that involved repeated fine movements, such as weaving or spinning. The changes observed in some of the ischial tuberosities were also consistent with this type of activity. Pronounced muscle attachments on the femora indicated repeated and prolonged adduction of the thigh and flexion of the knee, a posture adopted in horse riding. The enlargement of the shoulder and trunk muscles that was observed on some of the left humeri is consistent with the bracing action performed in archery. Table 1: Immature Individuals Age at Death Neonate (new born) 2 to 12 months 12.1 months to 3 years 4 to 7 years 8 to 11 years 12 to 15 years 16 to 18 years

Number of Individuals 2 2 8 19 4 4 3

Table 2: Adult Individuals Age at Death Young Adult (18 to 30 years) Middle Adult (30 to 45 years) Mature Adult (46 plus years) Adult of unspecified age

Number of Individuals 6 10 6 32

Table 3: Age at Death of Males and Females Age at Death Young Adult Middle Adult Mature Adult

Male 1 4 3

Female 3 3 3

Table 4: Cranial and Post-Cranial Non-Metric Traits Cranial Traits Ossicles in lambdoid suture Supra orbital notch complete Parietal foramen Bregmatic bone Ossicles in coronal suture Posterior condylar canal patent Metopic suture

Number 12 4 8 2 2 2 1

Post-cranial Traits Third trochanter Exostoses in trochlear fossa Double atlas facet Transverse foramen bipartite Double anterior calcaneal facet Peroneal tubercle Septal aperture Sternal foramen 168

Number 1 6 4 7 24 8 7 1

made.28 All of the bones and teeth were examined for evidence of pathology, which was classified according to cause. As with non-metric traits, it was not possible to make a full assessment of the pathological conditions present due to the partial completeness or disarticulated state of the skeletons.29

ANALYSES OF THE HUMAN SKELETAL REMAINS FROM VARIOUS CONTEXTS, 1997-2001 (Julie A. Roberts) INTRODUCTION _____________________________________________ Human skeletal remains from seven different contexts were analysed. Five of these contexts (Trench XC Contexts 139, 160, 183, 205, and a surface find from the Lower City Walls in Trench LC) were excavated during 2001, and the sixth, the tomb in the narthex of the Lower City Church, was excavated in 1998. A cranium from a rock-cut tomb, discovered by a villager in 1997, was also analyzed. With the exception of the individuals from the narthex tomb, all of the remains were disarticulated. Here only the archaeological context and state of preservation of the remains from the Church and the contexts in Trench XC are discussed.

Results Remains from the Lower City Church, Narthex Tomb, 1998 _____________________________________________ The remains from the tomb comprised two boxes of bone, labelled ‘Individual One’ and ‘Individual Two’.30 Initial examination of the skeletons revealed, however, that there was some mixing of the bones, and also that the remains of some additional individuals were present – presumably the previous occupants of the tomb. Those elements that could be ascribed with certainty to one or other of the individuals were grouped together, and the remainder including those from additional individuals, were treated as a disarticulated assemblage.

Methodology Many of the human remains were mixed with those of animals. Species was determined on the basis of the size, morphology, surface texture and density of the bones. The minimum number of individuals per context was calculated by counting the number of repeated skeletal elements present. The methods used to determine age at death were obviously dependent on the state of preservation of the remains and the survival of the appropriate skeletal elements. The sex of the individuals was determined by cranial and pelvic morphology.26 Where no pelvis or cranium had survived, it was sometimes possible to suggest a probable sex based on the size and robusticity of the post-cranial remains.

The majority of the bones, particularly those from Individual Two, were in a poor state of preservation. Generally speaking the bones of the feet were less eroded and fragmented than the other parts of the skeleton, as they had lain at the drier, eastern end of the tomb. With the exception of two zygomatic bones from Individual Two, no cranial bones had survived, and there were few elements surviving from the torso, upper limbs and pelvis. INDIVIDUAL ONE

Standard measurements of the cranial and post-cranial bones were taken, where possible. None of the long bones from any of the different contexts were intact, and so living statures could not be calculated. It was possible to take measurements of several of the shafts of the femora and tibiae and to calculate meric and cnemic indices. These values measure the degree of flattening of the upper shaft, a phenomenon that is thought to be related to mechanical stress and physical activity.27 Heavy and repeated usage of specific muscles can result in excess bone production at the point where the muscle inserts into the bone. Any examples of this were recorded in order that inferences could be made regarding habitual activities. However, the fragmentary state of most of the remains meant that only a limited assessment of the nonmetric traits (normal skeletal variants) present could be

Elements Represented Individual One was represented by the head of a right humerus, a right ulna, a right first metacarpal and unidentified metacarpal, hand phalanges, fragments of eroded pelvis, a left femur, a right patella, a right and left tibia, a right fibula, and all the right and left bones of the foot, except the left cuboid and right intermediate cuneiform. A number of small animal bones were also mixed in with the remains. Age at Death and Sex Owing to the poor state of preservation of the remains, it was not possible to determine age at death using the pelvis, ribs cranium or dentition. All of the epiphyseal 28

26

27

Age at death and sex of identified individuals was determined using standards outlined by Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994, and Bass 1995. Brock and Ruff 1998.

29 30

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All traits observed were recorded with reference to Berry and Berry (1967) and Finnegan (1978). It may be possible to use the data in future population studies. Roberts and Manchester 1997. For a full report on the excavation of the tomb in 1998, see DOP 55 (2001), 374-9, Figs. B-F and 7-10.

ends of the surviving long bones had fused, indicating an age at death of greater than 16 to 20 years, and the severe degenerative changes observed in both knees suggested that the individual was over 40 years. This was consistent with an age estimate based on the density and organisation of the trabecular bone within the head of humerus.

latter has been associated with a habitual squatting posture.31 Pathological Conditions Severe degenerative joint disease of the left and right knees was identified. The distal end of the left femur had profuse osteophytic growths around the joint margin and grooving on the joint surface. Osteophytes are formed as the body tries to increase the surface area of a joint in response to repeated stress. The proximal end of the tibia showed similar, but less severe, changes. On the right side, the articular surface of the patella showed evidence of severe porosity, osteophytes and eburnation. Porosity and eburnation (polishing) of the joint surface occur when the articular surface becomes worn away, subchondral cysts develop, and bone rubs against bone. The most common causes of degenerative joint disease are stress (‘wear and tear’) and age. The cause of the changes seen in Individual One may have been related to the muscular development seen in the lower limbs, i.e. regularly walking or climbing over rough ground. Severe degenerative changes were also present in the first metacarpal and an unidentified metacarpal, and the phalanges of the hands, feet, metatarsals and tarsal bones displayed slight changes.

The pelvis could not be used to determine sex, and none of the articular surfaces of the long bones was sufficiently intact. The bones were, however, large and robust and many of the muscle insertion points were pronounced. It is more likely that the remains were those of a male rather than a female, but this cannot be stated with absolute certainty. Stature and Body Build No intact long bones were present, and so it was not possible to calculate the living stature of the individual. It was possible, however, to calculate the meric index of the left femur, and the cnemic index of the right tibia. These indices measure the amount of flattening, from front to back, in the upper shaft of the femur, and amount of flattening from sided to side in the upper shaft of the tibia (respectively). As stated above, it is thought that these phenomena are related to physical activity and the amount of mechanical stress placed on the bone. The entire shaft of the femur appeared to be bowed anteriorly, and the meric index was 76, indicating that it was platymeric – flattened rather than rounded. This is a commonly observed shape in pre-modern skeletons. The tibia had a very pronounced, sharp anterior border and flattening of the lateral side. The cnemic index was 69 indicating mesocnemia, a moderately rounded upper shaft.

INDIVIDUAL TWO Elements Represented Individual Two was represented by the right and left zygoma, all seven cervical vertebrae, the first, second and third thoracic vertebrae, one left rib, the right radius, an unsided ulna, the right capitate, all the right metacarpals except the first, seven hand phalanges, some unsided fragments of femur, the right patella, the left tibia, all the left tarsal bones except the talus, and the right cuboid.

A number of pronounced muscle insertions were observed on the long bones. The femur had pronounced insertions for gluteus maximus, adductor magnus and the short head of biceps. On the tibia, the attachment for soleus was pronounced and rugged, as was the attachment for the tendoachilles on the calcaneus (heel bone). These muscles are used during walking, and this level of development suggests that this individual regularly walked for long distances, perhaps over rough terrain.

Age at Death and Sex As with Individual One, few elements that could be used to determine age had survived. All the epiphyses present had fused, including the medial end of the clavicle indicating an age at death of greater than 25 to 29 years. The maxillary-zygomatic suture was fused and obliterated which, together with the degenerative changes observed, suggested an age of greater than forty years at death.

Non-metric Traits The poor state of preservation of the skeleton precluded the identification of the majority of non-metric traits, either because of surface erosion or simply because the appropriate elements were not present. Only two traits were observed, double anterior calcaneal facets on the right side and a small medial squatting facet on the right tibia. It is possible that the two traits were related, and the

No sexually dimorphic elements had survived except for the zygomatic bones (cheek bones), but these were male in appearance, being large and roughened. None of the articular surfaces of the long bones had survived intact, and the shafts were of average size – smaller than those of Individual One, but not particularly slender or gracile. On

31

170

Kennedy 1989.

the basis of this only a tentative estimation of a male sex could be made.

proximal and distal epiphyses of a tibia, the distal epiphysis of a femur, the proximal epiphysis of a humerus and a fragment of vertebra with an unfused centrum. The size of the epiphyses was consistent with a child aged around three to five years.

Stature and Body Build Since no intact long bones were present, living stature could not be calculated, and the lower limbs were also too fragmented for the meric and cnemic indices to be determined. Pronounced muscle insertion points on the femur and the patella were observed, relating to the adductor and the quadriceps muscles. These muscle groups are responsible for adduction of the femur, flexion of the hip and extension of the knee, actions required for walking. The development of the adductor muscles and the quadriceps might also be caused by horse riding on a regular basis.

CONCLUSIONS The tomb found beneath the floor in the narthex of the Lower City Church contained in total a minimum of five individuals – namely, four adults and one young child. It may be assumed that the better-preserved individuals represent secondary burials, whereas the two adults attested only by the remains of their feet, together with the young child, were the primary occupants. The evidence, therefore, may suggest that the tomb was constructed originally for an important family but was later reused for two elderly men, perhaps clerics.

Non-metric Traits Hardly any traits were observed because few of the appropriate elements had survived. Both the right and left zygomatic foramen were absent, and there was a small lateral squatting facet on the left tibia. The latter may again be related to habitual posture, but it is really not possible to draw any valid conclusions from such a small sample size.

Remains from Trench XC Context 139, 2001 ______________________________________________ Background and State of Preservation Two piles of bones were recovered from Context 139, and a single maxilla was found approximately 0.5 m away within the same context. A considerable amount of animal bone was overlying and mixed in with the human remains. The two piles were initially thought to represent two separate individuals, but it quickly became evident that the deposits were mixed and that additional repeated skeletal elements were present.

Pathological Conditions Individual Two also suffered from degenerative joint disease of the left knee (the right was not preserved for examination). The joint surface of the patella was porous, and there were osteophytes on and around the joint margin. Again, this may have been associated with regularly walking for long distances. Spinal degenerative joint disease was present in all the vertebrae, the most severe manifestations being observed in the fourth to the seventh cervical vertebrae and the first and second thoracic. Both individuals are likely to have suffered from some pain and stiffness in the affected areas as a result of this condition.

Many of the fragments were eroded and cracked as a result of weathering and a number were also discoloured. Without exception the shafts of the long bones had been snapped by large carnivores, such as dogs or wolves, and puncture marks made by the canines were observed on several fragments of pelvis. The majority of the fractured ends of the bones had subsequently been gnawed by rodents, and several of the shafts of the bones also showed evidence of gnawing. By contrast, the crania, and in particular the dentition were quite well preserved, although some post-mortem breakage had occurred. The weathering of the bones and the damage caused to them by foraging animals indicates that they had lain exposed above ground while still fleshed prior to burial, probably for a considerable amount of time.

ADDITIONAL INDIVIDUALS The following repeated skeletal elements were also pres??ent: two right navicular, one right cuboid, and two right talus bones, one right medial cuneiform, two right proximal phalanges of the first metatarsal, two right first metatarsals, one right third, fourth and fifth metatarsal, one left calcaneus, one left navicular bone, one left lateral cuneiform, one left cuboid, and one left first metatarsal and proximal phalanx of the first metatarsal. These foot bones represented a further two adult individuals. They showed some slight to moderate degenerative changes, most notably in the distal ends of the first metatarsals.

Minimum Number of Individuals The minimum number of individuals in the assemblage was estimated by counting repeated skeletal elements. The left scapula, left clavicle, left ilium, left femur, right scapula, right humerus and right radius were repeated three times, indicating a minimum number of three individuals.

In addition to adult individuals, the remains of a young child were also identified. These were represented by the

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The destruction of the ends of the long bones and fracturing of the shafts meant that the amount of metric data retrievable was limited. Since no intact long bones were present, it was not possible to calculate the living stature of the individuals. None of the articular surfaces of the long bones were preserved, but the glenoid fossae of one left and two right scapulae were sufficiently well preserved to take some measurements (Table Six). It is possible that the right and left scapulae that fell within the male range belonged to the same individual, or one may have come from each male. The second right scapula belonged to the female.

Age at Death and Sex The sex of two of the individuals could be determined by cranial and pelvic morphology. One was clearly male, and the other female. The male individual had extremely pronounced supra-orbital ridges, supra-meatal crests and large mastoid processes. The external occipital protuberance was also very pronounced. The female skull was by contrast very gracile, with sharp orbital rims and fine zygomatic bones. On the male pelvis, the sciatic notch was very acute, the surviving part of the acetabulum large, and the auricular surface depressed. The female pelvis was less well preserved, but the sciatic notch was wider, and the auricular surface more raised. The sex of the third individual was ambiguous as the remaining pelvic fragment was male in morphology, but the maxilla was more female in appearance. As the female cranium already had a maxilla, this could not have belonged to her, and it was too small to belong to the male whose maxilla was missing. In addition, the loose maxillary teeth did not fit into the sockets. It is possible that the maxilla represented a fourth individual but, as there were no more repeated elements, this seems unlikely. A possible male sex was therefore assigned to the third individual, based on the morphology of the pelvis and size of the postcranial remains.

The shape of the upper shafts of four femora (Table Seven) and one tibia were recorded.32 All of the femora were platymeric, i.e. flattened from front to back in the region of the proximal shaft. As stated in the report on the remains from the narthex tomb, this is a commonly observed shape in pre-modern populations. The right tibia had a cnemic index of 70, indicating an eurycnemic, or rounded upper shaft. A number of the bones had pronounced attachment sites for particular muscles. These included a male left and right humerus (deltoid and pectoralis major), a female left clavicle and humerus (deltoid), a right humerus (common extensor origin and extensor carpi radialis longus) a femur (gluteus maximus) and a tibia (soleus). The well-developed shoulder and trunk muscles on both the male and female suggest that both sexes were regularly involved in strenuous physical labour, perhaps lifting, pushing and pulling.

The dental age of the female was 35 to 45 years, and the cranial sutures were partially fused. The surviving part of the auricular surface of the ilium indicated an age of 30 to 39 years. A probable age at death was, therefore, around 30 to 40 years. The dental age of the male was also 35 to 45 years, and the cranial sutures were partially fused. The two male pelvic fragments gave ages of 30 to 35 years and 40 to 49 years. Taking into consideration dental age and cranial suture closure, and the fact that the maxilla from the third individual looked considerably older, the younger pelvis was ascribed to this male. An estimate of 30 to 40 years of age at death was, therefore, made. The third individual had only one tooth in situ, a left first premolar, which was heavily worn on the occlusal surface. All of the molars and both central incisors had been lost before death, and there was considerable resorption of the alveolar bone. This suggested an age of greater than 45 years at death. The remaining auricular surface fell within the 40 to 49 year age range, although as with the others, the surface was incomplete. Based on this, an age at death of greater than 45 years was estimated.

Non-metric Traits The following non-metric traits were identified in the female crania: ossicles in the lambdoid sutures, and accessory frontal and zygomatic facial foramina. In the male, metopism, ossicles in the lambdoid sutures, accessory frontal and zygomatic facial foramina, a double condylar facet and double anterior condylar canal (both on the left) were identified. No post-cranial traits were observed, but this was due in part to the non-survival of the ends and edges of the long bones, vertebrae, and feet. Pathological Conditions The disarticulated and fragmented state of the remains meant that a complete assessment of any skeletal pathology could not be made. In particular, the almost total absence of any joint surfaces precluded the identification of any kind of joint disease. The dentition was, however, sufficiently well preserved to allow the identification of oral pathology, and examples of traumatic injury, iron deficiency anaemia, and infection were also

Metric Data Tables One to Five show the cranial measurements that it was possible to make. The indices give some indication of the physical characteristics of the individuals. Differences in the size of the female and male crania and mandibles can also be seen.

32

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Values after Bass 1995.

recorded.

In contrast to the above, the maxilla from the third individual showed signs of severe periodontal disease and inflammation of the bone around the teeth. All of the molars and the central incisors had been lost during life, and there was extensive resorption of the alveolar bone. There was also a small, externally draining, periapical abscess above the empty socket of the right canine. The remaining teeth had been lost after death, with the exception of the left first premolar, which though heavily worn was still in situ.

Traumatic Injury: The younger of the two males had sustained a severe fracture to the left parietal bone of the skull. It ran from the posterior region, anteriorly, in an oblique direction, towards the coronal suture. A radiating fracture extended across the frontal bone to the partially fused metopic suture, where it stopped. There was no remodeling of the edges of the fractures indicating that they were sustained around the time of death. The edges of the primary fracture were at an angle and smooth at the posterior and anterior ends suggesting that the injury was caused by a fairly blunt blade. The location of the defect implies that the aggressor was right-handed and standing behind the victim at the time of attack.

CONCLUSIONS The bones from Context 139 represent three individuals: two males, one aged 30 to 40 years, the other aged greater than 45 years at death, and one female aged 30 to 40 years. There was evidence of a severe traumatic injury to the cranium of the younger male, which almost certainly caused his death. The lack of oral pathology in the female and younger male, together with the presence of iron deficiency anaemia in the latter, suggests a diet low in sugar and red meat. This might imply that they were not from the upper echelons of society, unlike the individuals buried in the rock-cut tombs of the necropolis at Amorium. All of the remains had lain above ground for some time before burial and had been badly damaged by scavenging carnivores and rodents. Many parts of the skeleton were entirely missing and all three were disarticulated, although photographs taken of the bones in situ during excavation showed parts of the upper and lower limbs were in alignment, suggesting that they may have been partially articulated when they were buried. A large amount of animal bone was mixed in with or overlay the human bone, and there was little respect or formality accorded to the burials. This again might have reflected their place in society.

Infectious Disease: Four examples of periostitis, inflammation of the periosteum and soft tissues around the bone, were identified on the remains. Two of the cases affected a right and left tibia, and two were observed on fragments of fibulae. This type of superficial infection may be related to a specific infection or, as was likely in this instance, minor traumatic injury to the soft tissues of the lower leg. All of the above cases were not active at the time of death and were almost healed. A lesion measuring 13 x 8 mm was identified on the inner surface of the left mandible belonging to the female. It was located in the region of the submandibular gland, and may have been caused by an infection of the gland itself. The edges of the lesion were remodelled indicating that the infection was of a relatively long-standing duration. Iron Deficiency Anaemia: Porotic hyperostosis, a skeletal manifestation of iron deficiency anaemia, was observed on the cranium of the younger male. It was characterised by moderate pitting of the ectocranial surface of the parietal and occipital bones. The most common causes of iron deficiency anaemia are lack of absorbable iron in the diet or high pathogen load within the body. The symptoms of the condition include lethargy and weakness, and in more severe cases, breathlessness and palpitations.

Miscellaneous Bone from Trench XC Contexts 160, 205, and 183, 2001 ______________________________________________ Context 160 Mixed in with a quantity of animal bone, was a single human left clavicle. Both the medial and lateral ends of the bone were missing, and so the age of the individual could not be determined with any certainty. The shaft was slender and gracile, but approximately adult in size.

Dental Disease: The condition of the dentition of the female and younger male was extremely good. There was no evidence of caries, no periodontal disease and no antemortem tooth loss. Only slight dental calculus, mineralised plaque, was present indicating a high standard of oral hygiene. The molars of both individuals were quite heavily worn, suggesting an abrasive diet, and this probably played a part in preventing the formation of caries. It is also likely that their sugar consumption was low. Dental enamel hypoplasia was identified in the anterior teeth of the female and the younger male. This condition represents a cessation in the growth and development of the tooth during childhood, caused by physiological stress. In both cases the defects were not pronounced.

Context 205 An adult left femur was recovered from this context. It was slightly weathered and the head, greater trochanter and distal ends had been chewed off by rodents, indicating that it had lain above ground for some time. The linea aspera and attachment point for gluteus maximus were pronounced, indicating well developed muscles of the hip

173

and thigh. The bone was robust and there was slight anterior bowing of the shaft. A small third trochanter was also present. The upper shaft was rounded, with a meric index of 80. The bone probably belonged to a male individual.

Cranium from a Rock-cut Tomb, 1997 ______________________________________________ A human cranium, found in the area of the rock-cut tombs in the necropolis to the northwest of the city, was brought to the Dig House in 1997. Although it was weathered, it was in a good condition and completely intact. The morphology of the cranium was male, and the supra-orbital ridges, glabella and mastoid processes were particularly large and pronounced. The cranial sutures were fused and almost entirely obliterated, indicating an age at death of greater than 45 years. All of the molars and the second premolars had been lost before death, and there was considerable periodontal disease and alveolar resorption in the areas of tooth loss. All of the remaining teeth had been lost postmortem. No skeletal pathology was identified.

Context 183 A disarticulated cranium was found lying beneath a large amount of animal bone within the large circular pit formed by the stylobate inside Structure #3. The right and left frontal, parietal, temporal, sphenoid and occipital bones were present, but the right bones were partially fragmented. The morphology of the skull was female. The coronal and saggittal sutures had fused but were visible on the ecto- and endo-cranial surfaces, and the lambdoid and squamous sutures were unfused. The individual was probably aged between 20 and 30 years at death.

The following non-metric traits were identified: right ossicle at the asterion, right and left accessory infraorbital and zygomatic facial foramina, right mastoid foramen extrasutural, right and left open foramen spinosum, right posterior condylar canal open, a precondylar tubercle and a left double anterior condylar canal. In addition, the right jugular foramen was enlarged and measured 15 x 16 mm, whereas the left measured only 15 x 8 mm. Table Eight presents the metric data relating to this cranium.

The following non-metric traits were identified: ossicles in the right lambdoid suture, a right frontal foramen, a precondylar tubercle, and an open left posterior condylar canal. It was possible to take only three cranial measurements: Minimum frontal breadth Foramen magnum breadth Foramen magnum length

103 mm 29.5 mm 36.5 mm

Cribra Orbitalia, of moderate severity, was identified in the left and right orbit. This condition, together with porotic hyperostosis, is symptomatic of iron deficiency anaemia.

Surface, Lower City Wall, 2001 ______________________________________________ A single proximal phalanx of the hand was found during surface cleaning in Trench LC on the Lower City Wall. It was intact, but bleached and weathered. The proximal epiphysis had fused indicating that it was from an individual aged greater than 18 years at death.

Table One: Female aged 30 to 40 years Measurement

Value (mm)

right orbital height right orbital breadth right orbital index nasal breadth nasal height nasal index palatal length palatal breadth palatal index upper facial height

31 35 88 22 47 48 40 40 99 68

Description

mesoconchic: medium width

mesorhinic: medium aperture

brachystaphyline: broad palate

174

Table Two: Mandible that articulates with above individual Measurement

Value (mm)

symphysis height bigonial breadth mandibular length mandibular height ramus breadth

29 95 88 53 29

Table Three: Male aged 30 to 40 years Measurement

Value (mm)

right orbit height right orbit width orbital index minimum frontal breadth fronto-parietal index maximum crania, length maximum cranial breadth crania index

35 39 89 105 84 165 125 76

Description

mesoconchic: medium width eurymetopic: broad face

mesocranic: medium shaped head

Table Four: Mandible that articulates with above Measurement

Value (mm)

symphysis height mandibular length mandibular height

32 90 58

Table Five: (?) Male aged 45 + years Measurement

Value (mm)

nasal breadth

25

palatal breadth

38

Table Six: Measurements of the scapulae (male and female values)33

33

Side

Glenoid length (mm)

Glenoid width (mm)

Sex

left right right

40 damaged damaged

27 25 29

male female male

After Chamberlain 1994.

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Table Seven: Upper femoral shape Left

Right

Sex

83 (platymeric)

male (?) female (?) unknown male (?)

80 (platymeric) 75 (platymeric) 82 (platymeric)

Table Eight: Measurements of cranium from rock-cut tomb Measurement

Value (mm)

Description

maximum length maximum breadth cranial index basion-bregma height length-height index minimum frontal breadth fronto-parietal index upper facial height nasal breadth nasal height nasal index orbital height orbital breadth orbital index palatal length palatal breadth palatal index

183 139 76 134 73

mesocranic: medium shaped head orthocranic: average height skull

101 72.5 73.6 26.4 54.7 48.3 35.4 / 34.9 42.7 / 42.7 83 47.2 42.3 89.6

eurymetopic: broad

average nasal aperture

chamaeconchic: wide eyes

brachystaphyline: broad palate

APPENDIX ONE: BONE FROM TRENCH XC CONTEXT 139, 2001 Element

Side

Cranium 1: R and L frontal, maxilla, R parietal, occipital, temporal, zygoma Mandible Cranium 2: R and L frontal, parietal, temporal, occipital, spenoid, nasal, R zygoma, ethmoid, vomer

Description

Female morphology. Dental age 35-45 years, cranial sutures partially fused. Weathered and cracked.

R and L

Articulates with above. Female morphology. Lytic lesion inner surface in region of sub mandibular gland.

Male morphology, v. pronounced dimorphic features. Dental age 35-45 years. Cranial sutures closed but visible. Post mortem weathering and cracking, but also ante-mortem fractures. Porotic hyperostosis.

176

Mandible

R and L

Articulates with above. Dental age 35-45 years. Lytic lesion inner surface of mandible. Palate intact, ante-mortem tooth loss of all molars and central incisors. Extensive alveolar resorption. 40+ years. Sex (?).

Cranium 3: R and L maxilla Humerus

L

Proximal and distal ends chewed off. Large and robust, pronounced insertion for deltoid and pec. major. Male (?).

Humerus

L

Snapped upper third of shaft by carnivore. Distal end chewed off. Slender and gracile. Female (?). Pronounced insertion for deltoid.

Scapula

L

Glenoid fossa, lateral border and half of fossa, base of acromion and coracoid process. Edges chewed by rodents. Metric data - see report. Male (?).

Scapula

L

Inferior glenoid tubercle and base of acromion. Glenoid and acromion chewed off.

Scapula

L

Superior half of lateral border and lateral two thirds of fossa. Acromion and glenoid chewed off.

Clavicle

L

Medial end snapped off, lateral end chewed off.

Clavicle

L

Snapped mid shaft to lateral end, and medial two thirds.

Clavicle

L

Snapped mid shaft, lateral end chewed off. Small and slender but pronounced insertion for deltoid.

Ilium

L

Lateral half of auricular surface, acetabulum, sciatic notch and medial part of iliac fossa. Age 40-44 years. Male morphology. Weathered and edges chewed by rodents.

Ilium

L

Surviving parts as above. Age 30 to 35 years. Male morphology. Weathered and discoloured. All edges chewed by rodents, and puncture marks of carnivore canines present.

Ilium

L

Lateral part of auricular surface, sciatic notch. Age 30 to 39 years. Female morphology. All edges chewed and puncture marks present.

Radius

L

Proximal and distal ends snapped off.

Radius

L

Tubercle to lower third of mid shaft. Chewing of proximal end. Slender and gracile.

Ulna

L

Snapped mid shaft, proximal end chewed off. Rodent gnawing marks mid shaft. Rugged and robust.

Ulna

L

Proximal and distal ends snapped off. Proximal end chewed, transverse rodent gnawing marks distal shaft.

Femur

L

Head, greater trochanter and distal end chewed off. Rodent gnawing marks. Straight and robust. Meric index 80.

Femur

L

As above chewed off. Weathered. Slender and gracile. Female (?). Meric index 75.

Femur

L

Proximal end chewed off. Weathered. Pronounced insertion for gluteus maximus. Meric index 82.

Tibia

L

Snapped upper shaft. Transverse rodent gnawing marks distal shaft. Weathered

Tibia

L

Distal half of shaft, chewed distal end, snapped proximal end. Robust. Periostitis.

177

Tibia

U

Snapped off fragment of mid shaft.

Fibula

L

Shaft. Snapped at proximal and distal ends. Rodent marks on shaft.

Fibula

L

Shaft. Snapped at proximal and distal ends. Periostitis.

Rib

L

Fragments x seven. All split and chewed.

Scapula

R

Glenoid fossa, most of lateral border and acromion. All edges chewed. Glenoid width 25 mm. Probable female.

Scapula

R

Glenoid fossa, acromion and superior part of lateral border. Inferior part snapped, acromion chewed. Glenoid width 28 mm. Probable male.

Scapula

R

Glenoid fossa, superior half of lateral border and base of acromion. Glenoid length 40 mm.

Humerus

R

Snapped proximal shaft, distal end chewed off. Large and robust. Rugged insertion for pec. Major.

Humerus

R

Snapped mid shaft, distal end chewed off. Rugged insertion for ext. carpi radialis longus and common ext. origin.

Humerus

R

Snapped proximal shaft, distal end chewed off. Weathered. Pronounced insertion for pec. Major.

Ilium

R

Sciatic notch and lateral edge of auriclar surface. Female morphology.

Patella

R

Intact exc. for tooth marks medial edge.

Femur

R

Proximal and distal ends chewed off. Medial and anterior bowing of shaft. Distal shaft rounded. Meric index 83.

Radius

R

Snapped off upper shaft, distal end snapped and chewed.

Radius

R

Proximal and distal ends snapped off. Rodent gnaw marks on shaft.

Radius

R

Snapped at proximal end, distal end chewed off.

Tibia

R

Proximal and distal ends snapped off and chewed. Pronounced rugged soleal line. Cnemic index 70. Periostitis.

Tibia

L

Proximal and distal shaft snapped diagonally. Rodent gnawing marks on shaft. Periostitis.

Fibula

R

Proximal and distal ends snapped off. Large and robust. Periostitis.

Fibula

R

Proximal and distal ends snapped off, transverse rodent gnawing length of shaft. Periostitis.

Ulna

R

Proximal and distal ends snapped off.

Fibula

U

Snapped off fragment of mid shaft.

Tibia

R

Fragment of snapped off proximal shaft. Nutrient foramen and pronounced soleal line.

3rd metacarpal

R

Extensively gnawed.

Rib

R

Fragments of shaft x 5. All split and gnawed. One with periostitis outer surface of shaft.

178

Dentition

and first premolar, and all left mandibular teeth except central incisor. All teeth lost Post mortem. Pathology: Slight dental calculus. Slight DEH right maxillary incisors and left maxillary canine, right and left mandibular canine and second premolar.

Cranium One (female): All adult dentition present except maxillary third molars and left mandibular third molar impacted or congenitally absent. Pathology: Slight calculus. Dental enamel hypoplasia left and right maxillary and mandibular central and lateral incisors and canines

Cranium Three (? male): Maxilla only. All left and right molars and central incisors lost ante mortem. Severe periodontal disease and alveolar resorption around site of tooth loss. All other teeth lost post mortem except left first premolar. Periapical abscess right canine.

Cranium Two (male): Loose right maxillary central and lateral incisors and left canine, and right mandibular first second and third molars. In situ left mandibular canine APPENDIX TWO: BONE FROM THE NARTHEX TOMB Element Femur Tibia Calcaneus Talus Lateral cuneiform Intermediate cuneiform Navicular Medial cuneiform Head of femur Femur Femur Tibia Humerus Ulna Tibia Tibia Tibia Fibula Fibula Patella Patella ? Ilium Tibia Calcaneus Talus Cuboid Medial cuneiform Navicular 1st metatarsal 2nd metatarsal 3rd metatarsal 4th metatarsal 5thmetatarsal Calcaneus Talus Navicular Medial cuneiform Cuboid 1st metatarsal 2nd metatarsal 3rd metatarsal 5th metatarsal 1st metatarsal 2nd metatarsal 3rd metatarsal 4th metatarsal

Side L L L L L L L L L L L L R R (?) R R R R R R R U R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R L L L L

Description Head and distal ends broken off Fragmented proximal end. Broken mid-shaft. Flaked and cracked Intact exc. for eroded lateral side Posterior part inferior surface Intact Intact Intact but eroded Intact but eroded Medial condyle. Severe DJD Lateral condyle. Severe DJD Proximal joint surface. DJD Proximal end Mid shaft Shaft Distal end Proximal end Mid shaft Distal end Intact. Severe DJD Intact Extremely eroded and friable Distal end Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact Broken shaft Distal end missing Intact Intact Proximal end missing Intact Intact

179

5th metatarsal Talus Navicular 1st metatarsal 1st metacarpal Metacarpal Proximal hand phalanges Intermed. hand phalanges Navicular Prox. phalanx 1st metatarsal Lateral cuneiform Calcaneus Talus Navicular 1st metatarsal Prox. phalanx 1st metatarsal Prox. phalanx 1st metatarsal Prox. phalanx 1st metatarsal Prox. phalanx 1st metatarsal Proximal foot phalanges Intermed. foot phalanges Distal foot phalanges Zygoma Zygoma Atlas C2 C3 C4 C5 C6 C7 T1 T2 T3 1st rib Radius Ulna Capitate 5th metacarpal 4th metacarpal 3rd metacarpal 2nd metacarpal Proximal hand phalanges Intermed. hand phalanges Frontal Femur Tibia Tibia Tibia Navicular Cuboid Calcaneus Lateral cuneiform Intermed. cuneiform Medial cuneiform Cuboid Patella Patella Tibia Tibia Femur Humerus Long bone Vertebra

L R R R R R R R R L L L L L R L R

R L M M M M M M M M M M L R U R R R R R U U L U L L L L L L L R L L U U U U U U

Intact Intact Intact Broken mid shaft Distal end. DJD Distal end. DJD x3 x4 Intact Intact Intact Anterior half missing Intact Lateral edge missing Broken mid shaft Distal half Intact Intact Intact x 11 x2 x4 Male morphology. Fused to maxillary sinus Male morphology. Frontal process missing. Fused to maxillary sinus Superior and inferior articular facets Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Body only. SJD Head Distal end Distal end Intact Intact Intact Intact Distal end x4 x3 Small fragment Fragments of shaft x 4 Proximal end Tuberosity Distal end Intact Intact Posterior part Intact Intact Intact Intact Intact. DJD Intact. DJD Proximal epiphysis. Child c. 3-5 years Distal epiphysis. Child c. 3-5 years Distal epiphysis. Child c. 3-5 years Proximal epiphysis. Child c. 3-5 years Longitudinal section with unfused epiphysis. Child c. 3-5 years Body with unfused centrum. Child c. 3-5 years

180

APPENDIX THREE: SKELETAL REMAINS FROM OTHER CONTEXTS a) Surface, Lower City Wall

Element Proximal hand phalanx

b) Context 160 Element Clavicle

c) Context 205 Element Femur

d) Context 183

Element Cranium: frontal,

e) Rock-cut Tomb Element Cranium

Side U

Description Intact but weathered.

Side L

Description Medial shaft to lateral end. Lateral end broken off. Adult size but slender and gracile.

Side L

Description Head, greater trochanter and distal end chewed off. Weathered. Adult. Robust but relatively short shaft, pronounced linea aspera and insertion for gluteus maximus. 3rd trochanter.

Side R and L

Description Female morphology. Cranial suture closure suggests 20-30 parietal, occipital, years. Lambdoid ossicles, frontal foramen, precondylar sphenoid tubercle. Cribra orbitalia R and L orbits.

Side

Description Intact. Male morphology. Cranial suture age 40+ years. All molars and both second premolars lost ante mortem. Remaining teeth lost post mortem.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________

Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994 J.E. Buikstra and D.H. Ubelaker (eds.), Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains, Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research Series No. 44, Fayetteville, Ark. 1994. Finnegan 1978 M. Finnegan, “Non-metric Variation of the Infracranial Skeleton,” Journal of Anatomy 125 (1978), 23-37. Forrester and Brown 1987 D.M. Forrester and J.C. Brown, The Radiology of Joint Disease, 3rd edition, Philadelphia 1987. Goodman, Martin, Armelagos and Clark 1984 A.H. Goodman, D.L. Martin, G.J. Armelagos and J. Clark, “Indications of Stress from Bones and Teeth,” in M.N. Cohen and G.J. Armelagos (eds), Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, New York 1984, 13-49. Grauer 1993 A.L. Grauer, “Patterns of Anaemia and Infection from Medieval York, England,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 91 (1993), 203-13. Iscan, Loth and Wright 1984 M.Y. Iscan, S.R. Loth, and R.K. Wright, “Age Estimation from the Ribs by Phase Analysis: White Males,” Journal of Forensic Sciences 29 (1984), 1094-1104. Kennedy 1989 K.A.R. Kennedy, “Skeletal Markers of Occupational Stress,” Reconstruction of Life from the Skeleton,

Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998 A.C. Aufderheide and C. Rodriguez-Martin, The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Human Palaeopathology, Cambridge 1998. Bass 1987 W.M. Bass, Human Osteology. A Laboratory and Field Manual, Missouri Archaeological Society, Columbia 1987. Bass 1995 W.M. Bass, Human Osteology: A Laboratory and Field Manual, 4th edition, Missouri Archaeological Society, Columbia 1995. Berry and Berry 1967 R.C. Berry and R.J. Berry, “Epigenetic Variation in the Human Cranium,” Journal of Anatomy 101 (1967), 361-79. Brock and Ruff 1988 S.L. Brock and C.B. Ruff, “Diachronic Patterns of Change in Structural Properties of the Femur in the Prehistoric American Southwest,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 75 (1988), 113-27. Brown and Roberts 2000 G. Brown and J.A. Roberts, “Excavations in the Medieval Cemetery at the City Churches, Dundee,” Tayside and Fife Archaeological Journal 6 (2000), 70-86.

181

New York, Liss 1989, 000-000. Krogman and Iscan 1986 W.M. Krogman and M.Y. Iscan, The Human Skeleton in Forensic Medicine, Springfield, Ill. 1986. Larson 1984 F.S. Larson, “Health and Disease in Prehistoric Georgia: The Transition to Agriculture,” in M.N. Cohen and G.J. Armelagos (eds.), Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture, New York 1984, 367-92. Ortner and Putschar 1981 D.J. Ortner and W.G.J. Putschar, Identification of Pathological Conditions in Human Skeletal Remains, Washington, DC 1981. Roberts and Manchester 1997 C. Roberts and K. Manchester, The Archaeology of Disease, 2nd edition, Ithaca, NY 1997.

Roberts 1996 J.A. Roberts, Interim Report on Skeletal Remains from Rock-Cut Tomb, Amorium, unpublished. Stewart 1958 T.D. Stewart, “The Rate of Development of Vertebral Osteoarthritis in American Whites and its Significance in Skeletal Age Identification,” The Leech 28 (1958), 144-51. Stuart Macadam 1992 P.S. Stuart Macadam, “Porotic Hyperostosis: A New Perspective,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 87 (1992), 39-47. Trotter 1970 M. Trotter, “Estimation of Stature from Intact Long Limb Bones,” in T.D. Stewart (ed.), Personal Identification in Mass Disasters, Washington, DC 1970, 71 - 83.

182

Pl. XI/2. Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail of unfused acromial epiphysis.

Pl. XI/1. Trench L, Skeleton 1 in situ, Context 340, looking west.

Pl. XI/3. Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail of conoid tubercle on left clavicle.

Pl. XI/4. Trench L, Skeleton 1, detail of dental pathology. 183

Pl. XI/5. Trench L, Skeleton 2 in situ, Context 351, looking southwest.

Pl. XI/6. Trench L, Skeleton 2, detail of degenerative arthritis in right elbow.

Pl. XI/7. Trench L, Skeleton 2, detail of bony spur on right femur. 184

XII. TEXTILE FRAGMENTS FROM THE LOWER CITY, TRENCH AB AND TRENCH LC5 Petra Linscheid * other pieces of discarded textile rather than clothes that were being worn at the time. The fabrics from Context AB325 sample 2, by contrast, were found outside the tower. Close examination revealed that they are partially adhered to remains of what might be bone. So, this textile might be preserved on a dead body. These finds are also dated to the destruction in 838.

INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________ In August 2001 twelve textile samples from the Amorium excavations were recorded on site at Hisarköy.1 Ten finds derive from the 1993 excavation season, while two samples were found in 1996. Each find consisted of several small or minute fragments, some in two pieces, others in more numerous bits. In the case of six samples it is likely that the fragments comprised in each sample belonged to a single textile (Context AB310 sample 1, AB310 sample 3, AB310 sample 6, AB316 sample 7, AB316 sample 10. and AB320 sample 4). In three samples several fabrics could be distinguished (Context AB310 sample 9, LC5/14 sample 10. and LC5/14 sample 48). Three samples (Context AB310. AB310 sample 8 (Pl. XII/1), and AB325 sample 2) comprised a piece of textile and a braid, a knot, and a cord respectively. These might once have been part of the textile, as the braid and the cord might have been the textile’s starting border, finishing border or fringes, but this question cannot be resolved with any certainty.

The 1996 samples were found in Trench LC5, where part of a house was exposed. The interior of the house was destroyed by fire, and the dating of the context to the 9th century is based on the associated ceramic finds.3 The samples from both trenches are close in date, since they both have a terminus ante quem of the 9th century. The textiles may well have been produced some decades before they were buried, since textiles were objects of long-time use, and they were constantly recycled until they finished up as small rags. That, indeed, is what seems to have happened to at least some of the samples from Trench AB, as will be shown below. TECHNICAL DATA ______________________________________________

From the viewpoint of technique fragments from four different samples might belong together, in the sense of once belonging to the same length of cloth. This pertains to all the fragments in half-basket weave, since they possess the same technical features and they were all found in the same archaeological context – Context 310 in Trench AB.

Fibres Owing to the carbonisation of the textiles it is difficult to determine the raw materials used. Under the microscope the high degree of carbonisation is evident from the black shiny surface covering the fibres. So, because of the carbonisation, the fibres were not suitable for optical analysis; they were not transparent, and neither their surface scale pattern nor their structure, which are the most important criteria in fibre identification, were not visible. By analysing the amount of their acidity with the help of litmus-strips, all the samples indicated the pH of animal fibres. This means that they were made of wool, silk or hair. AB310 sample 3 appeared to be animal fibre with a low percentage of plant fibre, and the microscope showed a fibre image similar to linen. One item, AB320 sample 4, did not react to the test. The fact that the threads in AB310 sample 8 fabric 2 and in the cord AB316 sample 10 are not spun might point to silk fibres.

CONTEXT AND DATING ______________________________________________ The samples from 1993 from Trench AB Contexts 310, 316 and 320 were found in the destruction layer inside the triangular tower on the Lower City walls. The tower was destroyed by fire, probably during the capture of Amorium by the Arabs in 838.2 This event, therefore, may provide a terminus postquem non date for these samples. The highly carbonised state of the samples, showing that they had been subjected to extreme heat, confirms the circumstances of their deposition during the destruction of the fortifications. The room at the base of the tower where the textiles were found may have been used as a stable at the time of the siege and fall of the city. No human remains were found in the room, so it may be presumed that the textiles derive from animal trappings or that they were rags, cloths or * 1 2

A fibre sample from Trench LC5/14 sample 10 was kindly analyzed by Heidemarie Farke of the Archäologisches Landesmuseum Schloss Gottorf, Germany. By soaking the sample in a solution of water and a chemical called Komplexon, degraded fibres that were not carbonised could be separated. These fibres could then be identified from their protein origins (Pl.

Kuşadası, İzmir. For a preliminary report, see Linscheid 2001. AnatSt 44 (1994), 110; see also Lightfoot 1998, 62.

3

185

DOP 55 (2001), 379-81.

which thread system is the warp and which is the weft, so the structure may be either warp-faced or weft-faced.

XII/2). Several chemical treatments with Fuchsin, concentrated sulphuric acid and nitric acid gave evidence for wool or hair, whereas tests for silk produced a negative result.4

Half-basket weave: Four samples comprised fragments woven in a halfbasket weave (AB310 fabric 1, AB310 sample 1, AB310 sample 8 fabric 1, and AB310 sample 9 fabric 1). As pointed out above, these fragments might have belonged to the same cloth. A half-basket weave is a tabby weave with paired threads in one of the two thread systems (Fig. XII/3). In all the samples recorded here, a selvedge is present indicating the warp and weft direction of the fabric and showing that the paired threads are in the warp.

Spinning With just one exception, all the threads used in the pres??ent samples were spun in the Z-direction; that is, the fibres were twisted clockwise during the spinning process (Fig. XII/1). S-spun threads, resulting from twisting the fibres anti-clockwise during spinning, were used only for a plied thread in AB310 sample 8 fabric 2. Bundles of threads that were not spun are also tied in this knot. Similar unspun threads may also occur in AB316 sample 10.

The warp count ranges between eight and ten double threads per centimeter, while the weft density varies between 38 and 68 weft threads per centimeter. One of the fragments showed an extremely irregular weft count as the weft density ranges between 44 and 68 threads per centimeter. Owing to the higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads, the weave is weft-faced, producing the effect of ridges (as can be observed in Pl. XII/1).

Weaves The textiles from the 1993 and 1996 finds at Amorium can be divided into the following weaves: tabby weave, half-basket weave, and twill weave. Tabby weave: Seven different textiles in tabby weave have been noted (AB310 sample 3, AB310 sample 6, AB310 sample 9 fabric 2, AB310 sample 9 fabric 3, AB310 sample 9 fabric 4, AB325 sample 2 fabric 1, and LC5/14 sample 10 fabric 1). In tabby weave, also called plain weave, the weft thread crosses the warp in an one-over-oneunder sequence with the next weft thread reversing the order (Fig. XII/2).

Twill weave: AB316 sample 7 consists of fragments of a 2:1 twill weave. In this weave the weft thread crosses the warp in a two-over-one-under sequence. In each successive weft the binding points are set over by one warp thread and thus form characteristic diagonal lines on the surface of the cloth (Fig. XII/4).

The tabby with the finest structure is AB310 sample 9 fabric 2. It counts 18 threads per centimeter in the one thread system, 44 threads per centimeter in the other thread system. This high weave density goes along with a very thin thread of 0.1 mm. in diameter, resulting in an extremely fine cloth. The coarsest tabby, by comparison, is AB325 sample 2, where it counts 6 threads per centimeter in one, 10 threads per centimeter in the other thread system. This low weave density in combination with the use of a relatively thick thread (of 0.81.1 mm. in diameter) produced a relatively coarse cloth.

The weave density of the twill on AB316 sample 7 is high, with 24-26 threads per centimeter in one thread system and 64 threads per centimeter in the other. The high weave density combined with an extremely thin thread (only 0.1-0.2 mm. in diameter) resulted in a very fine texture. The twill is faced owing to a higher density in one thread system, but since warp and weft direction cannot be determined in this fabric, it is unclear whether the twill is weft- or warp-faced.

Three tabbies are of a balanced weave, which means they have more or less the same density in warp and weft (AB310 sample 3, AB310 sample 9 fabric 3; AB 325 sample 2 fabric 1). The tabby AB310 sample 6 counts more threads in the weft than in the warp, thus the weave is weft-faced. In a weft-faced weave the weft threads are so numerous that they cover the warp totally and thus produce the effect of ridges on the textile’s surface. The tabbies AB310 sample 9 fabric 2 and LC5/14 sample 10 fabric 1 also show more threads in one of the two systems, but here it cannot be determined

Four samples in half-basket weave (AB310 fabric 1, AB310 sample 1, AB310 sample 8 fabric 1, and AB310 sample 9 fabric 1) and one sample in tabby weave (AB310 sample 6) preserved a selvedge; that is, one of the two vertical edges of the textile. In all cases the selvedge is plain; the weft simply turns around the last warp thread and then runs back in the opposite direction.

4

Edges

On AB310 sample 8 fabric 1 a starting or finishing border is preserved; that is, one of the two horizontal edges of a textile is present. In such cases the warp ends have to be fastened after the cloth has been taken off the loom, and here they were secured by braiding the loose

Fuchsin is the name of a synthetic red dye used for fibre identification.

186

warp ends together into a fringe. Sewing

pose that this cloth had once been a garment. It was common throughout antiquity (and remains so in many societies) not to throw away a worn-out textile as rubbish but to cut it into pieces and reuse these for a number of different purposes. The purpose of the band AB316 sample 7 remains unclear, but the careful sewing of the hems indicates that, even though re-used, the object was still regarded as having some value.

Two textiles are hemmed (AB316 sample 7, and AB310 sample 9 fabric 2). In both cases the hem is constructed by folding the raw edge back in a double fold and by stitching it in place with a seam of overcasting stitches. On one fragment of AB310 sample 8 fabric 1 a seam is preserved, in which two selvedges are joined by overcasting stitches.

Because of their fine texture the textiles in half-basket weave may also have been garments. The high quality of this fabric contrasts with their context. How did fine textiles get into a stable? A possible explanation could be that they, too, had lost their primary use because they were worn-out, and therefore that they were re-used or thrown away as rags. This hypothesis is supported by the irregular knots in which some pieces (AB310 sample 8 fabric 2, and AB320 sample 4) are tied, and which suggest that the textiles were treated in a rather random or haphazard way.

Decoration Near the edge of AB310 sample 8 fabric 1 three parallel rows of twinings or weft wrappings are twisted in the weave. They appear on the textile’s surface as three lines consisting of short diagonal ridges (Fig. XII/5). One fragment of AB325 sample 2 fabric 1 shows in one thread system alternating threads of thicker and thinner diameter, which must have had the effect of stripes in the cloth structure. Since only one of the fragments of that particular textile possesses such a stripe, it probably occurs merely in certain areas of the cloth and thus might be decorative.

The textiles in tabby weave would be suitable for garments as well. Only the cloth AB325 sample 2 fabric 1 with its relatively coarse structure reminds one of textiles used for furnishings. CATALOGUE ______________________________________________

Non-woven techniques There are three examples of braiding, each of which consists of a three-strand braid (AB310 fabric 2, AB320 sample 4, and AB310 sample 8 fabric 1). In the last sample the braids serve as fringes. In addition, two cords were found amongst the samples (AB316 sample 10. and AB325 sample 2 fabric 2); one was twisted in Z-direction, the other in S-direction.

Because of the carbonisation of the fibres, the original colour of the textiles has not been preserved, and so indications of colours are missing. The fragments are listed in order of context numbers. Finds from Trench AB, 1993

USES ______________________________________________

AB310 (without sample no.) Fabric 1: Numerous minute fragments of a textile in halfbasket weave; warp: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used in pairs, 9 double-threads/cm., thread diameter 0.3+ 0.3= 0.6 mm.; weft: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used as single thread, 44 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.20.3 mm.; weft-faced weave due to a higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads; plain selvedge.

The original use of most of the textiles cannot be determined because characteristic construction details, decoration layout, and traces of shaping are missing. The seams and hems are well-constructed details, but they are too general to allow any conclusions to be made from them regarding the use of the object. The functions of the two loose braids and the two loose cords are also uncertain. They might once have been, respectively, the fringes and the starting or finishing border of a textile, but alternatively they might have been loose strings for fastening or tying.

Fabric 2: Fragment of a 3 strand braid: 3 bundles each one consisting of 2 Z-spun threads are braided together. AB310 sample 1

The most interesting find with regard to the question of use is the narrow band AB316 sample 7, since it is the only item that is at least to some extent complete. The preserved fragments may be reconstructed as a band measuring 1.0 cm. wide and a minimum of 10.0 cm. long. Since the band was cut to shape and not woven to shape, it was presumably cut from a worn-out cloth. The twill weave and the fine texture leads one to sup-

Thirty-six small and minute fragments of a textile in half-basket weave; largest fragment measures in warp direction 3 cm., in weft direction 5 cm.; warp: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used in pairs, rarely used as single thread, 8 double-threads/cm., thread diameter 0.3+ 0.3= 0.6 mm.; weft: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used as single thread, 48-52 threads/cm., thread diameter 187

0.3 mm.; weft-faced weave due to a higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads; plain selvedge.

or twined in S-direction. Numerous single thin and light coloured fibres with dust particles are sticking to the fragments; since they are isolated and do not make up part of the weave, they are probably dirt particles from the soil.

AB310 sample 3 Two fragments of a textile in tabby weave; fragments measuring in direction of thread system I 2 cm. each, in direction of thread system II 1 cm. respectively 1.5 cm.; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: yarn, Z-spun, 18 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.5 mm.; thread system II: yarn, Z-spun, 16 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.5 mm.; the pH concentration of fibres pointed to an animal origin with a low percentage of vegetable origin, therefore either in the two thread systems different fibres were used or else during spinning animal fibres were blended with some vegetable fibres; balanced weave due to same proportion of weft and warp threads.

Fabric 2: A knot, tied irregularly several times, of diameter 2 cm., in which different threads are joined: a Z-plied thread from two S-spun yarns, bundles of Zspun threads and bundles of unspun threads. It is unclear whether this knot was connected to the textile in half-basket weave or belongs to a different item. AB310 sample 9 Fabric 1: Fourteen minute fragments of a textile in halfbasket weave, nearly all the fragments are in a double layer; largest fragment measures 0.7 cm. in warp direction and 0.8 cm. in weft direction; warp: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used in pairs, 10 doublethreads/cm., thread diameter 0.2+0.2= 0.4 mm.; weft: animal fibre, yarn, slightly Z-spun, used as single thread, 44 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.3-0.4 mm.; weft-faced weave due to a higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads; plain selvedge

AB310 sample 6 Twenty small and minute fragments of a textile in tabby weave; largest fragment measures 2.5 cm. in warp direction and 1.5 cm. in weft direction; warp: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 8 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.6-0.7 mm.; weft: animal fibre, yarn, Zspun, 24-28 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.5 mm.; weft-faced weave due to a higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads; plain selvedge; on one side of some of the fragments, light coloured soil.

Fabric 2: One small and seventeen minute fragments of a textile in tabby weave, the largest fragment measures 1.8 cm. in direction of thread system I, 8 cm. in direction of thread system II; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: animal fibre, yarn, Zspun, 18 threads/cm. thread diameter 0.1 mm.; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 44 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.1-0.2 mm.; faced weave due to a higher proportion of threads in thread system II than in thread system I; the small fragment is hemmed in direction of thread system II by folding the edge back in a double fold and by stitching it in place with overcast stitches; width of hem is 0.6 cm.

AB310 sample 8 Fabric 1: Numerous small textile fragments in two bundles, extremely brittle. Some of the fragments are in several layers, at least sometimes from being folded or crumpled (Pl. XII/1). Presumably all the fragments belong to the same textile in half-basket weave; warp: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used in pairs, 8 doublethreads/cm., thread diameter 0.2+0.2= 0.4 mm.; weft: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, used as single thread, 3868 weft threads/cm., thread diameter 0.2 mm.; the wide range of weft density is evidenced in one of the fragments which shows weft counts between 44 and 68 threads/cm.; weft faced weave due to a higher proportion of weft threads than warp threads; plain selvedge; starting or finishing border: each time 4 warp threads were bundled and 3 bundles each were braided together into fringes of minimum 3 cm. length; at 1 cm. from the fringed edge run 3 parallel close rows of twinings or weft wrappings, each row consists of 2 bundles of several weft threads twined around each other or wrapped in Z-direction as they enclose 3 or 4 warp threads. The fringes and the twining had a technical function to secure and space the warp threads, but it also seems certain that they served the additional purpose of decorating the textile’s border. Seam: 2 selvedges are joined with overcast stitches, sewing thread is Z-spun and used double

Fabric 3: Two minute fragments of a textile in tabby weave; largest fragment measures 0.4 cm. in direction of thread system I, 1 cm. in direction of thread system II; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: animal fibre, yarn, slightly Z-spun, 16 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.5 mm.; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, slightly Z-spun, 15 threads/cm.; thread diameter 0.5 mm.; balanced weave due to same proportion of threads in thread system I and thread system II. Fabric 4: Twelve minute fragments of a textile in tabby weave; largest fragment measures 0.7 cm. in direction of thread system I, 1.2 cm. in direction of thread system II; thread system I: animal fibre, spin direction, thread count and diameter not determinable; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, slightly Z-spun, 36 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.6 mm.; faced weave 188

due to a higher proportion of threads in thread system II than in thread system I.

Finds from Trench LC5, 1996 LC5/14 sample 10

AB316 sample 7

Fabric 1: Seven small fragments of a textile in tabby weave; largest fragment measuring 2.5 cm. in thread system I, 2 cm. in thread system II; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: wool or hair, yarn, Z-spun, 10 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.4 mm.; thread system II: wool or hair, yarn, Z-spun, 2832 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.3-0.4 mm.; faced weave due to a higher proportion of threads in thread system II than in thread system I.

Eight small and seven minute fragments of a narrow band, measuring 1 cm. in width and at least 10 cm. in length; the band is woven in twill weave 2:1 in Zdirection; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 24-26 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.1-0.2 mm.; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 64 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.1-0.2 mm.; faced weave due to a higher proportion of threads in thread system II than in thread system I; the long sides of the band are hemmed in the direction of thread system II by folding the edge back in a double fold and by stitching it in place with overcast stitches. Because of the double folding, the edges are likely to be cut rather than woven, thus the band is probably cut to shape and not woven to shape. Some of the minute fragments are stuck to a piece of mortar.

Fabric 2: To one side of the fragments of fabric 1 are stuck fragments of another textile in open tabby weave (not recorded). LC5/14 sample 48 Fabric 1: Minute fragment of a textile in twill or tabby weave; measuring 0.8 cm. in direction of thread system I, 0.5 cm. in direction of thread system II; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 20 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.1 mm.; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, Z-spun, 50 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.1 mm.; faced weave due to a higher proportion of threads in thread system II than in thread system I.

AB316 sample 10 Eight fragments of a cord, diameter 0.6-1.2 cm.; animal fibre, yarn, spin direction not determinable, and the ends of the fibres are unspun; thread diameter 0.2-0.3 mm.; several threads bundled and twisted in S-direction, two twisted bundles plied together in Zdirection.

Fabric 2: To fabric 1 are stuck fragments of another textile (not recorded).

AB 320 sample 4

Fabric 3: Minute fragments of a very fine fabric of undeterminable technique.

Three fragments of a 3-strand braid, diameter 0.7-0.8 cm., length 4 cm., 1.5 cm., 1 cm.; 3 bundles, each consisting of about 30 Z-spun threads of 0.2 mm. diameter, are braided together; one fragment is tied into a knot.

DISCUSSION ______________________________________________ Since the climate in Turkey is not very suitable for the preservation of organic materials, textile finds in excavations are exceptional. Moreover, archaeological textiles from Byzantine Anatolia are so rare that they deserve special attention and are of considerable significance for both Byzantine archaeology and textile history. The textile finds at Amorium, therefore, represent an assemblage of great interest – all the more so since they come from contexts that have reliable, precise dates. The information that the samples provide about textile use, textile traditions, and textile production add a new dimension to the history of the site.

AB 325 sample 2 Fabric 1: Twenty-eight small and minute fragments of a textile in tabby weave; largest fragment measures 4 cm. in direction of thread system I and 2 cm. in direction of thread system II; warp and weft direction not determinable; thread system I: animal fibre, yarn, spin direction and thread diameter not determinable, 6 threads/cm.; thread system II: animal fibre, yarn, Zspun, 10 threads/cm., thread diameter 0.8-1,1 mm.; balanced weave due to the same proportion of threads in thread system I and thread system II; one fragment with alternating threads of usual and of larger diameter in thread system II, presumably for patterning; the largest fragment stuck to remains that might be human (?) bone.

As shown above, at least some of the finds from inside the tower were probably re-used parts from worn-out garments. The fine texture indicates that these garments had been of high quality. As loom weights have been found in Byzantine layers at Amorium, and as the equipment required for producing the present textiles must have been relatively simple, the samples found at

Fabric 2: Fragments of a cord, consisting of Z-spun and S-plied yarns, stuck to remains that might be bone. 189

Amorium might well have been local products.5

and an ‘Anatolian coat’ that were acquired for a high price by an Egyptian lady.13 The term ‘Anatolian’ may point to clothes imported into Egypt from Anatolia, but it is also possible that the clothes were produced in Egypt after an Anatolian model or in Anatolian style.

Tabby weave, half-basket weave, and twill weave, as well as the non-woven technique of weft-twining, make their appearance in Anatolia already in prehistoric times.6 These techniques are also known from other early Byzantine sites (for example, in Egypt and Syria), and so the techniques employed in the Amorium textiles belong to the common repertoire of what we know so far about Byzantine textiles.7

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Barber 1991 E.J.B. Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, Princeton, NJ 1991. Bender-Jorgensen and Vogelsang-Eastwood 1991 L. Bender-Jorgensen and G. Vogelsang-Eastwood, “The Abu Sha’ar Textiles 1991,” Archaeological Textiles Newsletter 13 (1991), 3-4. Cardon 1993 D. Cardon, “A Mysterious Group of Textiles,” Bulletin du Centre International d’Études des Textils Anciens 71 (1993), 183. Hasitzka 1987 M. Hasitzka, Koptische Texte, Vienna 1987. Hundt 1977 H.J. Hundt, “Report on Textile Traces on a Coin of Basil I from the Antalya Hoard,” in D.M. Metcalf, “The Antalya Hoard of Miliaresia of Basil,” NC VII, ser. XVII (1977), 125. Lightfoot 1998 C.S. Lightfoot, “The Survival of Cities in Byzantine Anatolia, the Case of Amorium,” Byzantion 68, Fasc. 1 (1998), 56-71. Linscheid 2001 P. Linschied, “Early Byzantine Textiles from Amorium, Anatolia,” Archaeological textiles Newsletter 32 (2001), 17-18. Pfister 1951 R. Pfister, Textiles de Halabiyeh, Paris 1951. Shamir 2001 O. Shamir, “Byzantine and Early Islamic Textiles excavated in Israel,” Textile History 32/1 (2001), 99.

However, to see the Amorium textiles in the context of Byzantine Anatolian textiles, they have to be compared with contemporary finds from other Anatolian sites. Unfortunately, only a few comparable items are known so far. Textiles probably dating to the 8th century were found at Manazan, near Tazkale in Karaman province. They were examined by Dominique Cardon but so far have not been fully published.8 The remains of a linen textile in tabby weave belonging to the second half of the 9th century were found in Antalya.9 The cloth from Antalya was coarser than the samples from Amorium, and unfortunately the spin direction of the fibres could not be determined. Of particular interest for textile history is the spindirection of the textiles found at Amorium. The samples presented above are – with one exception – Z-spun. The contribution by Lisa Usman in the present volume (see below, pages 197-198) about the finds in the tomb in the Lower City Church shows that not only animal fibres but also fibres of vegetable origin were spun in Zdirection.10 Barber analysed textiles from Anatolia ranging in date from the Neolithic to the Iron Age and noted a Z-spin direction in fabrics found in central and western Anatolia.11 The dates of these samples support the view that Z-spin has a long tradition throughout central and western Anatolia. Z-spun textiles were rare in Egypt and Israel during antiquity, whereas they were common in Persia, Syria, and Europe.12 If it could be shown that Z-spin is traditional in Anatolia as well, some new light would be shed on the question of textile traditions, influences, and trade. That Byzantine Anatolian textiles were exported or, at least, were famous outside Anatolia is indicated by a Coptic papyrus of the 7th/8th century that mentions ‘Anatolian shirts’ 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12

DOP 53 (1999), 344. Barber 1991, 128, 132, and 167. Bender-Jorgensen and Vogelsang-Eastwood 1991; Pfister 1951, nos. 72, 75, and 99. Cardon 1993. Hundt 1977, 125. Similar traces were noted on a coin found at Amorium at the end of the 2001 season; these remain to be studied at a later date. The tomb samples, however, belong to a slightly later date than the present examples. Barber 1991, 65. Shamir 2001.

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M. Hasitzka, Koptische Texte, Vienna 1987, no. 3, pl. 2 (P. Vindob. K 882).

Fig. XII/1. Spin directions.

Fig. XII/2. Tabby weave.

Fig. XII/3. Half-basket weave. Fig. XII/4. Twill weave 2:1.

Fig. XII/5. Twinings of fabric 1 from Trench AB Context 310 sample 8.

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Pl. XII/1. Textile fragments from Trench AB Context 310, sample 8.

Pl. XII/2. Fibre sample from Trench LC5 Context 14, sample 10.

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XIII. EXCAVATION, CONSERVATION AND ANALYSIS OF ORGANIC MATERIAL FROM A TOMB IN THE NARTHEX OF THE LOWER CITY CHURCH Lisa Usman * drain off bodily fluids (outer diameter 0.14 m.). The trough of tomb #6 could have been a Roman spolium, but the massive lid was most probably made in the middle Byzantine period. The lid (Context 049) was composed of separate but joining cover stones of limestone (total length 1.96 m.; width, 0.86 m. (west), 0.82 m. (east); width of lip, 0.07-0.10 m.; height, 0.25-0.28 m.). These massive blocks were roughly dressed on the exterior, with a slight beveling on lower edges. The underside was hollowed out, with a stepped lip to slot onto the raised rim of the trough beneath. Apart from the occasional brick fragment, the edges and interstices of the lid were completely sealed by a thick coating of white plaster mixed with chopped hay or chaff.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION (E.A. Ivison) ______________________________________________ The following technical report by Lisa Usman (Institute of Archaeology, University College London) discusses organic remains found in a tomb in the narthex of the Lower City Church during the 2002 season. This introduction seeks to put her analysis in its wider context by providing an overview of the excavations and the tomb in question.1 The tomb under discussion, designated tomb #6, was one of nine tombs discovered beneath the floor levels of the narthex. All of the tombs were constructed within cuts dug into the late antique fills under the middle Byzantine narthex. Some of this excavated fill was then re-deposited over the cover stones to level up the floor surface (Contexts 018, 069, 076, 080, 089). On average, the lids of the tombs lay some 0.200.30 m. below the narthex floors. Tomb #6 and seven other tombs in the narthex were found sealed and undisturbed.

All the tombs in the narthex were inserted within the framework of walls and piers built during the middle Byzantine reconstruction of the church.3 Tomb #6 may well represent the earliest burial in the narthex, for apart from being the only tomb of its type found in the church, tomb #6 can conclusively be dated earlier than the adjacent tomb #5. The wall tops of tomb #5 were capped with mortar, which also extended over the surrounding earth surfaces. This unbroken mortar surface also partially covered the wall tops of the sarcophagus, thus indicating that tomb #6 was installed prior to the construction of tomb #5. The white plaster used to seal the lid of tomb #6 was also smoothed over the vault of tomb #5, indicating that #6 was last used some time after the adjacent tomb was built. Coins of the Emperor Nikephoros II Phokas indicate that tomb #5 was used some time between 963 and ca. 969, and may have been built either at this time or very shortly before. If so, then a nominal terminus ante quem of ca. 963 can be provided for the existence of tomb #6. It is, therefore, possible that the sarcophagus could have been installed even as early as the proposed date for the church reconstruction; that is, in the late 9th or early 10th century.

Tomb #6 was located in the south narthex, adjacent to tomb #5, a partially vaulted tomb that had been excavated in 1998.2 The lid of tomb #6 was partially revealed at this time, but its significance was not then realized. Excavation in 2002 revealed that tomb #6 was a monolithic limestone sarcophagus closed with two massive cover stones. The sarcophagus trough was rectangular in plan, and had a flat floor and vertical walls rising to a raised inner rim (dimensions: exterior length 2.20 m., interior length 1.90 m.; width 0.52 m.; depth 0.40 m.). The trough was plainly dressed and apparently undecorated on the exterior, which was buried up to the rim. A sinkhole in the center of the floor was designed to *

1

2

AHRB Centre for th Evolutionary Analysis of Cultural Behaviour, Institute of Archaeology, University College London. Acknowledgments: I would like to thank for their assistance in the analysis and identification of the materials excavated, Kevin Reeves, Dr Dafydd Griffiths, Dean Sully, Liz Pye, all based at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London, and Dr. Bryan Turner, Kings College London. I am also grateful to Dr. Adil Özme, the Turkish government representative at Amorium in 2002, and Mr. Seracettin Şahin, Director of the Afyon Museum, for arranging the necessary permissions to be granted for samples to be taken for further study in London.

Four articulated individuals, designated bodies 1-4, were buried in the sarcophagus. The bodies had been laid in an overlapping fashion one on top of the other in layers. The bodies were supine with their heads to west, arms crossed on the lower chest or pelvis. This orientation and disposition of the bodies is typical of the middle Byzantine period. Analysis of the human remains indicates the presence of two males, aged 30-40, and 3045 years (bodies 1 and 2 respectively), an adult of unknown sex (body 3), and a female, aged 18-25 years

A fuller description of all the tombs and their contents is included in the preliminary report for 2002, to be published in DOP. DOP 55 (2001), 374-9, figs. B-F and 7-10 [webpage: www.doaks.org/DOP55ch18.pdf].

3

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This is clear from the way in which tomb #5 was inserted between the Phase II walls of the narthex; DOP 55 (2001), 378.

(body 4).4 The organic remains found in the sarcophagus constitute the materials analyzed in this report. The bones were badly decomposed, and one of the goals of Lisa Usman’s analysis was to explain this process. Fragments of desiccated flesh were detected on some bone fragments during excavation and in the laboratory. A rectangular bundle of dried grasses used as a pillow was found beneath the skull of body 1. Remarkably, this pillow preserved an indentation showing where the head once rested. Pillows of brick and raised earth were found in other tombs in the narthex, but the grass pillow appears to be a unique find.5

attests to the high status of the dead buried in the sarcophagus. Middle Byzantine sources show that dead clerics, monks, nuns, and laymen were dressed in robes appropriate to their rank, while the poet Christopher of Mytilene (c. 1000-post 1050/1068) refers to the shrouds (soudavria), clothes (stovle"), and footwear (sandavlia or sandals) buried with laity at Constantinople.8 The remains of leather shoes found in tomb #6 (and also in Tombs #4, #7, and #8) were, therefore, also significant finds. Those best preserved came from bodies 1 and 2 in tomb #6. These shoes also await further study, but they appear to share common features. The shoes were stitched together from several pieces of leather, and had flat soles. At least some were apparently of the slip-on variety, without laces and rising to the ankle, where they could be folded down. Similar shoes are represented in wall paintings of the 10th-11th centuries in Cappadocia, where they are worn by secular and ecclesiastical elites.9

Of special interest were the remains of burial clothes, wrappings, and shoes found on the uppermost body 1, and to a lesser extent, body 2. Their better preservation was, perhaps, a consequence of a more favorable rate of desiccation on top of the body pile compared with that at the bottom. Few burial clothes from the 10th and 11th centuries have been published, and so the fragments from tomb #6 provide important new evidence. Body 1 had been tightly swaddled with bandages approximately 4 cm. wide, wound around the body to produce a mummiform-shaped corpse. The wrapped body was then secured with a single length of platted cord, stretched around the back and crossed over the stomach, then passed behind the thighs and tied in a knot over the knees. Textile discs were also observed, placed at intervals on the front of the wrapped body. This method of wrapping and tying the dead has seldom been preserved in archaeological contexts, but it is recorded in the textual sources. Funerary bandages are referred to as spargavna ejpitafeiva or spargavna ejntafeiva in patristic literature, and were usually made of white linen, symbolizing purity. Such wrappings are usually represented in depictions of the risen Lazarus and the buried Christ in the arts of the 10th and 11th centuries.6 Tying the limbs of the dead in place kept the body in the desired state of repose in the grave. The Translation and Miracles of Saint Theodora of Thessalonike (composed in 894) records that when the saint’s body was translated it was wrapped in a shroud or winding sheet (sindwvn), and that, ‘the narrow girdle (simikivnqion – perhaps now to be understood as platted cord) that bound her hands to her chest, as is customary for corpses, was preserved intact and undamaged, with not a trace (as they say) of damage, so that its knot could be easily loosed...’.7

A minimum total of 34 individuals were identified from eight tombs in the narthex of the Lower City Church.10 The location and sizes of these tombs, and the relatively discrete numbers of burials within them, suggest that they were private, family graves rather than common burial grounds allocated for general categories of the population. This inference is supported by the presence of both males and females in the tombs, and the relatively consistent age range. This evidence makes it very unlikely that the dead were male clergy, monks or nuns, since such burials were customarily gender specific and separated from those of laity. The presence of very few children or adolescents is also suggestive of restrictions on burial in the church. One may therefore conclude that tomb #6 was a privileged burial place for individuals of wealth and status, who were probably members of the local aristocracy. INTRODUCTION ______________________________________________ A stone sarcophagus, subsequently numbered tomb #6, was uncovered during excavations over the summer of 2002 in the narthex of the lower City Church.11 It was covered with two large, shaped slabs of stone and sealed. When the stones were lifted, they revealed what, at first, appeared to be a double burial with the deteriorated remains of two skeletons clearly visible. The body lying

Lisa Usman’s detection of silk from garments in tomb #6

8 4

5

6 7

Julie A. Roberts (Glasgow University Archaeological Research Division) studied and identified the human remains during the 2002 season. Her report is included in the preliminary report for 2002, to be published in DOP. According to Prof. Dr. Tayfun Yılıdırm (pers. com.), there is in the Emirdağ region an old Turkish tradition of using straw or grass pillows in tombs. Kyriakakis 1974, 48-49, and n. 85. Kurtz 1902, 41; Talbot 1996, 224.

9 10 11

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Goar 1960, 451; Velkovska 2001, 32, 35-39; Kurtz 1903, 52-53, #82, l. 7. See also the comments in Kyriakakis 1974, 49-54. Yenipınar and Şahin 1998, 62 (donor figures). The remaining tomb, tomb #9, was disturbed during the Seljuk period, and its contents had been scattered. I paid a visit to the site in July 2002, a few days after the tomb had been uncovered. Funds for my visit were kindly provided by a special supplementary grant from the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.

uppermost and to the left (body 1) showed evidence of textile remains (Fig. XII/1, Pl. XIII/1). At the foot of the tomb were the remains of three leather shoes. Placed at the head of the tomb was what appeared to be a grass pillow. In the bottom left hand corner there was evidence of soil having trickled in from the outside, probably brought in by rainwater, indicating that the tomb had not been airtight. Despite the presence of air and moisture, initial findings indicated that there was good preservation of textile, leather and other organic materials. Interestingly though, the bone showed very poor preservation.

EXCAVATION ______________________________________________ Prior to lifting the remains, detailed photographic recording was carried out. The tomb was excavated in two stages. Closer examination had indicated that more than two bodies might be present. As this was a very likely possibility, the decision was made to remove the two uppermost bodies in the first instance in order to obtain a clearer idea of what remained underneath. The excavation was started at the bottom of the tomb just above the feet. The reason for this was the very fragile nature of the leather shoes. Examination revealed that lifting the shoes before any treatment was carried out would not be possible. Therefore, while the shoes were being treated in situ, excavation of the skeletons began a safe distance above them. Before starting the excavation supports were made for the textile and any other fragile objects found. These consisted of squares of cardboard, of varying sizes, covered in acid-free tissue paper. Once made, they were kept at the site and used when needed.

Body 1 showed the greatest degree of organic preservation, having been wrapped in bandage secured with a platted cord. There was no visible evidence that the body to the right (body 2) had been prepared for burial in this manner. Owing to the exceptional preservation of the cord, it is likely that, had body 2 been wrapped in this way, some evidence of the cord, if not the textile, would also have survived. The remaining textile bandage on body 1 was draped in patches over the entire area of the body, the average size of the fragments varying between about 8-15 cm., with a few larger pieces. What was clear was that both bodies had been wearing leather shoes. A ‘pair’ of shoes was visible on body 1; these had been bound up inside the bandage, probably with other garments, as they clearly showed evidence of textile remains over the leather. The degree of uncertainty over the other garments was the lack of evidence of any other type of textile remains seen preserved under the bandage but over the body. The third shoe, worn by body 2, showed no evidence of textile over the leather. The bandage appeared to be unadorned except for textile discs, approximately 5 cm. across, placed in what appeared to be roughly the position of buttons running down the front of body 1 (Pl. XIII/2).

Draped in patches over the bones of body 1 were the remains of the textile bandage. At approximately the level of the knee, just above the distal end of the femur, a platted cord came round from under the body and was secured by a knot at the front. This cord crossed up and around the body approximately to the level of the shoulders. The pieces of textile over the lower half of the body, below the cord, were lifted first, one at a time, and placed on the prepared supports. It was not possible to lift the tibia, fibula and femur as the nature of the deterioration process had left them in a state similar to splinters. This type of deterioration is unusual, and the processes that cause it are not fully understood. The bone was lifted in small batches, using squares of Melinex. This made it easier to sort through the bone and check for anything unusual. All the textile and bone was lifted in this manner. Once consolidated, the leather ‘pair’ of shoes was also lifted in this way. It was decided to block lift the single shoe and the grass pillow to preserve their integrity, which would have otherwise been lost. Details of this are given below.

The condition of the bones was such that it was difficult to distinguish clearly one skeleton from the other, although the cord wrapped around body 1 gave the clearest indications of an outline between the two. It was also due to the condition of the bones that, at first appearance, it was not obvious that it might contain more than a double burial. Excavation later revealed that the burial actually consisted of four bodies. As previously mentioned, the bones were in a very poor state of preservation, appearing to have ‘exploded’, with the shafts of the long bones resembling small splinters. Mixed with the splinters was a fine, lighter crystalline substance. The upper body had completely broken apart with most of the bones indistinguishable. None of the bones of the skull had survived, and excavation later revealed that no teeth had survived either.

During excavation large cotton sheets covered the area of the tomb to shield the remains from the midday sun and to give some protection from the wind that caused a few problems when lifting very lightweight fragments. BONE ______________________________________________ The condition of the bone, as previously mentioned, was very poor. It appeared, for the most part, to have exploded into very small fragments. Combined with the bone was a substance that resembled sawdust, being lighter in colour than most of the bone, with a fine, almost crystalline structure. While this phenomenon 195

could be observed in most of the skeletal remains, areas of larger, denser bone showed better preservation.

evidence. The leather was desiccated and very brittle, retaining none of its original suppleness. The quality of the workmanship was high, with evidence of fine stitching from the toe up the front of the foot.

The condition of the bone made it impossible to conserve. Where the bone was stronger, it was lifted. Great care was taken to save, where possible, any bone considered essential to sex and age the skeletons. One of the bones most widely used to determine age and sexual dimorphism is the inominate, or pelvic, bone. The size and density of this bone meant that it had survived better than most. Consolidation of the bone was considered. However, time constraints and the fact that where the bone was in one piece it was structurally robust, argued against the need. Once a material has been consolidated, it becomes very difficult to carry out any reliable analysis and, in the present author’s view, it is for this reason that consolidation should be avoided if not completely necessary.

All three shoes were consolidated and lifted. A number of consolidants have been tested on dry leather with varying degrees of success. Those with a high glass transition temperature (Tg) will tend to be too brittle, while those with a lower Tg can soften too much in warm temperatures. The surface can also be left slightly tacky, attracting dust and dirt. Taking into account local conditions and available materials, it was decided to consolidate the shoes using a 5% solution of Paraloid B 72 in acetone. The solution was initially applied using a plastic pipette. The condition of the leather was so fragile that even the weight of the solution as it was being applied caused cracking. In an attempt to prevent this, a glass pipette was used, which having a smaller nozzle dispensed smaller amounts of solution. The initial application was a slow process, but after the first application it was possible to apply the solution in larger amounts without causing any further damage. The solution was applied three times over a period of four days to all three shoes.

Samples of bone were taken and examined using a scanning electron microscope (SEM) to see if it was possible to determine why it had deteriorated in this way. Examination of the ‘sawdust’ did reveal a crystalline structure. The possibility that the mineral content of the bone (hydroxyapitite) had leeched out and recrystallised was considered, although this was thought unlikely. Further examination showed that the structure was similar to that of gypsum. The author knows of two other occasions where this particular phenomenon has been observed, and both were burials in stone tombs. It is possible that the bones underwent a deterioration process similar to that observed in stone itself. The surface of the stone is lost through a process of spalling or flaking off. This occurs when soluble salts enter the porous material in solution and penetrate below the surface. On drying out the salts recrystalise, creating internal pressure near the surface and causing the surface layer to flake away. The nature of the deterioration and the structure of the material indicated that the bone, on the loss of the protein content, became more porous. Once this occurred soluble salt, possibly from the stone, entered the bone and on drying created internal pressure. A continuous cycle of going into solution and drying out with the change of temperature and humidity throughout the year might eventually cause the bone to break apart. As this phenomenon has been observed in similar burials, there is a good possibility that the stone does play a role in the type of deterioration observed. This conclusion was reached based on observation and limited analysis; further research needs to be carried out to prove or disprove the theory.

Once the shoes were considered strong enough, the ‘pair’ was lifted piece by piece onto a covered support using plastic tweezers. The third shoe was less fragmented. The fragments of the ‘pair’, once lifted, lost their context and structure as an item of clothing, and because of this it was decided to block lift the third shoe with the bones of the foot still in place. It should be noted that the bones of the feet covered by the leather were in a considerably better condition that those of the rest of the body. This is almost certainly due to the protection afforded to the bone by the leather. If the theory given above for the deterioration seen in the bone is correct, it may be argued that the presence of the leather probably inhibited the absorption of moisture with a high salt content. The third shoe was positioned close to the bottom righthand corner of the sarcophagus. This provided an excellent edge for two sides of the box used to lift the shoe. First a strip of cardboard was cut high enough to reach above the highest point of the shoe with a good clearance and long enough to be folded into a square that sat slightly in excess of 8 cm. around the shoe. This was then placed in position and gently pushed down around the shoe. Then a square with shaped edges bigger than the box was carefully slipped underneath. Once in place a larger, ridged board was pushed under the box and the whole thing was lifted. Once lifted, the edges were secured to the sides of the box.

LEATHER ______________________________________________

It is often possible to determine the animal from which a piece of leather is made by looking at the hair follicle pattern that is unique to each species. Samples of the leather from the shoes in Tomb #6 were examined using the SEM to see if a pattern was visible. Unfortunately, it

Although fragmentary, the shoes showed no evidence of having been disturbed since burial. On body 1 both shoes had survived, complete with evidence of the textile bandage still over the surface; the third shoe showed no such 196

was not possible to make out any distinguishing features from the samples examined.

Although the cord was remarkably well preserved, it was very brittle, and the edges of the tassel tested broke apart at the slightest touch. Owing to its very delicate nature and the fact that a long, unbroken strand had survived, it would not have been possible to lift the cord unconsolidated without causing damage. Taking the above into consideration, it was decided to consolidate the cord in situ. Given the limited choice of conservation materials available on site, two consolidants were considered. The first was a polyvinyl acerate (PVA) emulsion soluble in water; the other was Paraloid B72 soluble in acetone, xylene and toluene. It was decided to use Paraloid B 72 in acetone since it was not considered advisable to expose the dry cord to water, which would have caused the fibres to swell and would have placed them under unnecessary pressure. The consolidant was applied in a 3% solution, using a pipette. This was applied three times over four days until the cord was strong enough to be lifted. After consolidation, but before lifting, the excavation continued around the cord to establish how much of it still existed underneath the body. While pieces of the cord had survived, they had broken into small sections. Once the total length of the cord with the knot had been determined, it was lifted onto a purpose-made support. All the sections of cord were treated in the same way.

TEXTILE ______________________________________________ As far as can be determined, five types of textile were identified. One was the bandage around the body, two of these appeared to be cord, one looked as if it might be purely decoration, and the last was a piece of clothing. The bandage (sample 1) and cord (sample 2) found on body 1 were by far the best preserved and found in the greatest quantity. The second piece of textile (sample 3) and cord (sample 4) were found in very small amounts between body 1 and 2. As we know that body 2 was wearing shoes, it is reasonable to assume that other garments were worn. Therefore, it is possible that these remains could have come from either body, but as both fragments came from between the two, with no other examples of this textile found anywhere else, it is impossible to say. The fifth type of textile was what appeared to be discs placed at intervals down body 1. These did not seem to be attached in any way, but this is by no means certain, although closer examination did not reveal any means by which they may have been attached. Sample 1

A sample of the cord was tested using the SEM. It was identified as having been made of a vegetable fibre, very likely jute or hemp, but showed no clear spin direction.

This textile was found in the largest quantity and was the best preserved. Examination revealed that, while it was fragile, it had retained some of its strength and flexibility. Taking into account the quantity of the bandage, its condition, and the time available, consolidation was not considered necessary. The fragments were lifted and place on the prepared supports. The support and textile were then wrapped in acid-free tissue, placed in marked plastic bags, and transported to the lab in plastic containers with lids.

Sample 3 This sample was found adhering to a dark, brittle substance, probably desiccated skin. A very small piece of this textile was found, measuring approximately 3 by 4 cm., between body 1 and body 2. The fragment was fragile but could be lifted, supported by the substance on the back. No attempt was made to separate the two. The textile was not consolidated.

Detailed examination using the SEM showed the bandage was made of vegetable fibres, possibly jute although the degraded nature of the fibres made identification difficult. Close inspection showed the bandage to be of a rather crude, open weave (Fig. XIII/2) with an interesting structure. In the sample studied the fibres in one direction were all thin, while the fibres crossing them were both thin and thick alternately. The thinner fibres could be seen to be a Z spin.

Analysis using the SEM showed the textile to be of a very fine quality. The fibres were a Z spin and woven in a plain (tabby) weave (Fig. XIII/3). Closer examination indicated that the fibre was probably silk. Reference collections used to identify the fibre were not archaeological, so did not show the level of deterioration that was seen in the sample. However, the structure and texture appeared to be that of silk.

Sample 2

Sample 4

The visible areas of the cord wrapped around body 1 were in an excellent state of preservation (Pl. XIII/3). The cord was made using a four-ply plat and tied at the front using two overhand knots. Just below the knot fibres were wrapped tightly around the cord, pinching in the plat, for about 3 cm. Beyond this was another short area of platted fibre, then the fibres were teased out to form a tassel, approximately 9-12 cm. long.

Sample 4 was similar in appearance to sample 2, being platted, only wider. Three small pieces, between 1 and 2 cm. in length, were found and, while fragile, they did not need consolidating. The fragments were lifted as they were found, placed on supports, and wrapped in acid-free tissue paper. At first sight, the style and sizes of the fragments suggested another, slightly different, platted cord. 197

It was clear that one side of the fragments was the actual edge of the original piece, but further examination showed that the opposite side was not an edge, which raised the possibility that the genuine edge identified could be the remnants of a much larger piece of textile.

and tied together in the middle, before being placed under the head. Not all the fibres had survived, the area where the head had been no longer existed, leaving a thin strip above the head and a large area to one side (Pl. XIII/4). In the centre were two areas where the fibres had been secured together by having, it was assumed, the same material wrapped around them. These lay one slightly above the other in the centre of the tomb. This was a unique find, but as it had no structure as such, lifting it in anything other than a block would have made it completely unreadable as an object. As the fibres were brittle the decision to consolidate before lifting was made. A 7% solution of Paraloid B72 in acetone was used. The process was a slow one as the bundle was so open. The consolidant was applied using a plastic pipette, run perpendicular to the fibres across the surface until as much had been consolidated as was reasonably possible.

Examination using the SEM seemed to confirm this. The fibres were Z spun and appeared to be silk. While it is not impossible that the fragments belong to a cord used to bind one of the bodies, it is more likely that they come from a garment made of silk. We also know that the cord on body 1 was not silk, but jute or hemp. The platted appearance may well be the result of a type of weaving called plain-weave platting where the threads are interwoven diagonally, right up to the edge of the garment. Sample 5 Sample 5 was probably the most intriguing. A number of textile discs, approximately 5 cm. across, were found placed at intervals down body 1 (Pl. XIII/2). The discs were brittle, retaining no flexibility, but their dense, compact nature gave them enough strength to be lifted without the need to consolidate. Each was lifted using plastic tweezers, placed on a support, and wrapped in acid-free tissue.

Using the same method employed to lift the shoe, the pillow was removed from the tomb. The only difference was that, since the pillow was right up against the edge of the tomb, it would also be up against the edge of the box, leaving no room to insert the box at a distance. Therefore, the box made to lift the pillow was lined with acid-free tissue first. Analysis showed the pillow to be made of a vegetable fibre but with a structure unlike any of the others. Its appearance in the tomb was that of a dark, almost black, grass. The SEM revealed a woody texture showing a very clear cell structure (Fig. XIII/4). The exact plant used has not been identified.

A disc was examined using a high-powered microscope (x50) and the SEM. The discs were made of vegetable fibres. Examination under the microscope showed the fibres doubling back on themselves, with no evidence of breaks, indicating that they were made in this shape rather than being cut from a larger piece of textile. Both sides were perfect, undisturbed surfaces with no indication that they had been attached to anything else. The disc was of a very fine quality. Using the SEM it was not possible to make out the weave. A very small sample of the textile had been used in the SEM, so to try to identify a weave the whole disc was examined using a highpowered microscope. Areas of it appeared to have been knitted, while the greater part showed no evidence of any type of weaving. The fibres appeared only as a number of tiny wavy lines with no clear indication as to how they interlocked. At one point a number of fibers were at right angles to each other but showed no evidence of how they were joined. Whatever technique was used, it was double thickness with a number of different layers visible when viewed with the SEM. No clear spin could be determined.

INSECT CASES ______________________________________________ The tomb contained four individuals. It is unlikely that they all died at the same time, and it is almost impossible that they were buried on one occasion, since the sarcophagus would barely contain four fully fleshed (and clothed) bodies. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that the stones that make up the lid were removed several times to insert a new burial when earlier burials were already in a state of decomposition. The opening of the tomb would have exposed the bodies to insects such as flies, which can lay their eggs on a corpse as quickly as 15 minutes after death. Therefore, either in the time that elapsed prior to burial of a new corpse or during the removal of the stones on top of the tomb, insects laid their eggs on the human remains. During excavation insect cases were identified, and a sample of these was taken for analysis (Fig. XIII/5). The cases were a light cream colour, with darker brown stripes.

GRASS PILLOW ______________________________________________ At the head (west end) of the tomb, placed over the three lower bodies and under the uppermost body, was what appeared to be a grass pillow. It was clear that this had been placed in the tomb for the final burial, since excavation showed that the vertebrae of the earlier burials disappeared under the pillow. This bundle of fibres had no discernable structure, appearing to have been gathered

During excavation another material was also identified; initially it was thought to be a type of seed. On closer examination this substance was found in patches between the bodies and lining areas of the bottom of the tomb. The possibility that something had been thrown into the 198

grave, perhaps at each opening to disguise the smell, was considered. A sample of this substance was taken for identification. To the present author’s surprise examination of this substance using the SEM revealed a structure identical to that of the insect cases (Fig. XIII/6). Images of both were sent to an entomologist, Dr. Bryan Turner of Kings College London, who was intrigued by this discovery. While unable to make an immediate identification, he noted that no segments could be seen, a feature that you would expect to see with egg cases. He suggested that they might be pupas. At present no definite identification has been made, but research continues on the samples.

the Deceased from Death to the Prothesis,” GOTR 19.1 (1974), 000-000. Kurtz 1902 E. Kurtz, “Des klerikers Gregorios Bericht über Leben, Wunderthaten und Translation der Hl. Theodora von Thessalonich nebst der metaphrase des Joannes Stavrakios,” Mémoirs de l'Académie Impériale des Sciences de St.-Pétersbourg, classe HistoricoPhilologique, 8th Ser., VI, 1 (1902). Kurtz 1903 E. Kurtz (ed.), Die Gedichte des Christophoros Mytilenaiös, Leipzig 1903.

Talbot 1996 A.-M. Talbot (ed.), Holy Women of Byzantium. Ten Saints’ Lives in English Translation, Washington, DC 1996. Textile Institute 1985 The Textile Institute, Manchester, Identification of Textile Materials, 7th edition, London 1985. Velkovska 2001 E. Velkovska, “Funeral Rites according to the Byzantine Liturgical Sources,” DOP 55 (2001), 21-51. White 2000 T. White, Human Osteology, London and San Diego 2000. Wills 2001 B. Wills (ed.), Leather Wet and Dry, London 2001. Yenipınar and Şahin 1998 H. Yenipınar and S. Şahin, Paintings of the Dark Church, İstanbul 1998.

BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ Brothwell 1994 D. Brothwell, Digging Up Bones, 4th edition, New York 1994. Floroan, Kronkright and Norton 1992 M.E. Floroan, D.P. Kronkright, and R.E. Norton, The Conservation of Artifacts made from Plant Materials, The J. Paul Getty Trust: Princeton University Press 1992. Goar 1960 J. Goar, Euchologion sive rituale Graecorum, Venice 1730, repr. Graz 1960. Kyriakakis 1974 J. Kyriakakis, “Byzantine Burial Customs: The Care of

199

Fig. XIII/1. Lower City Church, state plan of tomb #6 on opening, North Narthex, Context 51, showing relative positions of bodies # 1 and #2.

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Fig. XIII/3. SEM image of Sample 3, showing textile fibres. Fig. XIII/2. SEM image of bandage, showing vegetable fibres.

Fig. XIII/5. SEM image of sample insect case.

Fig. XIII/4. SEM image of pillow, showing cell structure.

Fig. XIII/6. SEM image of substance found between the bodies, and lining areas of the bottom of tomb #6.

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202

COLOUR PLATES

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Pl. 2. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 2

Pl. 1. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 1

Pl. 3. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 3 Pl. 4. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 4

Pl. 5. Monochrome glaze ware, Nos. 3-4 interiors

Pl. 7. Underglaze painted ware, No. 6

Pl. 6. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 5 205

Pl. 9. Underglaze painted ware, Nos. 7, 9, exteriors.

Pl. 8. Underglaze painted ware, Nos. 7, 9.

Pl. 11. Miletus ware, No. 11. Pl. 10. Miletus ware, No. 10.

Pl. 13. Miletus ware, No. 14.

Pl. 12. Miletus ware, No. 12.

Pl. 15. Miletus ware, No. 15, exterior.

Pl. 14. Miletus ware, No. 15.

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Pl. 16. Miletus ware, No. 16.

Pl. 17. Miletus ware, Nos. 17-18.

Pl. 18. Miletus ware, No. 19. Pl. 19. Miletus ware, Nos. 17-18, exteriors.

Pl. 21. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 20, exterior.

Pl. 20. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 20.

207

Pl. 22. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 21.

Pl. 23. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 21, exterior.

Pl. 24. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 22.

Pl. 25. Monochrome glaze ware, No. 23.

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Pl. 27. Blue-and-white ware, No. 24, exterior. Pl. 26. Blue-and-white ware, No. 24.

Pl. 29. Blue-and-white ware, No. 25, exterior.

Pl. 28. Blue-and-white ware, No. 25.

Pl. 31. Blue-and-white ware, No. 27, exterior. Pl. 30. Blue-and-white ware, No. 26.

Pl. 32. Blue-and-white ware, No. 28.

Pl. 33. Blue-and-white ware, No. 28, exterior.

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Pl. 34. Blue-and-white ware, No. 29.

Pl. 35. Blue-and-white ware, No. 29, exterior.

Pl. 37. Blue-and-white ware, No. 31, exterior. Pl. 36. Blue-and-white ware, No. 30.

Pl. 39. Blue-and-white ware, No. 33, exterior.

Pl. 38. Blue-and-white ware, No. 32.

Pl. 41. Blue-and-white ware, No. 35, exterior.

Pl. 40. Blue-and-white ware, No. 34, exterior.

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Pl. 42. Polychrome ware, No. 36.

Pl. 43. Polychrome ware, No. 36, exterior.

Pl. 45. Polychrome ware, No. 38, exterior. Pl. 44. Polychrome ware, No. 37, exterior.

Pl.46. Polychrome ware, No. 39, exterior.

Pl. 47. Polychrome ware, No. 40.

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Pl. IX/1. Late 9th/early 10th-century architectural string course: T622, T102, T245 T761, T749, T765, T887 (blocks inverted in photo and drawing).

Pl. IX/2. Late 9th/early 10th-century templon epistyle: T106 (blocks inverted in photo and drawing).

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Pl. IX/3. Late 9th/early 10th-century cornice blocks: T905, T850.

Pl. IX/4. Late 9th/early 10th-century cornice blocks: T783, T486.

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Pl. IX/5. Late 9th/early 10th-century double column: T114a-e.

Pl. IX/6. 11th-century refurbishment, slab fragment: T132.

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Pl. IX/7. 11th-century refurbishment, templon epistyle fragment: T246.

Pl. IX/8. 11th-century refurbishment, cornice block: T763.

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Pl. VIII/9. Colonette capital with painted inscription: T681 (wrongly labelled as ‘T680’).

Pl. IX/10. 11th-century refurbishment, templon epistyle fragments: T128, T108.

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Pl. IX/11. Templon epistyle fragments: T107, T120, T456, T457, T121.

Pl. IX/12. Capital fragments: T462, T458 (with T475).

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Pl. X/2. Block decorated with a carved and painted cross, north-facing recess in east side of pier 52.

Pl. X/1. Block PP008 with traces of red paint underneath fresco layers, Context AM96/A8-6 Block 9.

Pl. X/4. Fragments of external frescoes from wall 7 at western end of north aisle, Context AM90/A4-4.

Pl. X/3. Block in buttress 43, decorated with a painted circle, in northeast wall of narthex.

Pl. X/5. Northwestern apse wall 1, exterior with fresco fragments in situ.

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Pl. X/7. Block PP024, arch or window block with two fresco layers, Context AM96/A8-6.

Pl. X/6. Fresco fragment on plaster and brick, Context AM96/A7-36.

Pl. X/9. Fragment of hair and forehead of figure and nimbus of neighbour, Context AM96/A7-5.

Pl. X/8. Fresco fragments of garment showing construction incision marks, Context AM91/A3-27.

Pl. X/11. Fresco fragments showing yellow ground coat under green garment, Context unknown, possibly from apse.

Pl. X/10. Fresco fragment showing yellow and black sketch under final red coats, Context AM96/A8-54.

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Pl. X/13. Fragments of second scroll, with lines of text underlined, Context AM91/A3-27.

Pl. X/12. Fragments of prophet garments and scroll (Context AM91/A3-27).

Pl. X/15. Fragment showing overlap of garment paint coats over background, Context A3/1-3.

Pl. X/14. Fragment of image with red frame Corner, Context A3 31.

Pl. X/16. Block PP001 (?), garment and green ground, Context A3-31.

Pl. X/17. Block PP026 with two fresco layers, Context AM96/A8-6.

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Pl. X/19. Fragment of face next to nimbus of a neighbour, Context AM96/A7-5. Pl. X/18. Face fragment, Context unknown.

Pl. X/21. Finger and neck fragments, Context A3-43.

Pl. X/20. Face fragment with mouth and chin, Context AM96/A8-27.

Pl. X/23. Hair fragment: short brown hair, Context AM96/A7-35. Pl. X/22. Hair fragment, short reddish locks, Context AM96/A7-5.

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Pl. X/25. Fragments of purple and bright blue garments, Context AM96/A7-34.

Pl. X/24. Fragments of purple garment, Context AM96/ A8-6 Block 8.

Pl. X/27. Fragments of cream-coloured garments, Context A2-11.

Pl. X/26. Block PP019, green garment on bright blue background, Context AM96/A7-5.

Pl. X/28. Fragments of greenish white and white garments, Context A6-17.

Pl. X/29. Southwestern corner of bema with fresco fragments.

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Pl. X/30. Second layer fragment, layering of paint coats, Context AM92/A3-57.

Pl. X/31. Second layer fragments with unfinished garment details, Context AM91/A3-32.

Pl. X/32. South aisle west bay, south wall, fresco in situ, Context AM96/A9-9.

Pl. X/34. Third layer fragment, right hand of a figure, Context AM96/A8-6.

Pl. X/33. Third layer fragment, right elbow of a figure, Context AM96/A8-6.

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Pl. X/35. Fresco fragment on naos west wall in situ, Context AM92/A1-10.

Pl. X/36. Mosaic fragment with blue and silver tesserae, setting bed painted grey, Context AM93/A3-84.

Pl. X/37. Mosaic fragments, Context AM93/A3-84.

Pl. X/39. Silver, new gold, and recycled, partially molten gold tesserae, Context AM93/A3-83. Pl. X/38. Mosaic and setting bed fragments red glass and grey chert tesserae, Context AM96/A3-77. 224

Pl. XIII/2. Tomb #6, detail of textile bandage on body 1, showing one of the discs in situ.

Pl. XIII/1. General view of tomb #6, immediately after opening, viewed from foot - east end.

Pl. XIII/4. Tomb #6, grass pillow overlying bodies 2-4.

PL. XIII/3. Tomb #6, detail of cord wrapped around body 1.

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