Amilcar Cabral's Revolutionary Theory and Practice: A Critical Guide 9781685853242

Table of contents :
Contents
Photographs
Preface
Introduction
1 Cabral and His Historical Context
2 Theory of Colonialism and Imperialism
3 Theory of Revolutionary Nationalism and National Liberation
4 Theory of Class and Class Struggle
5 Theory of State and Development
Conclusion
Photographs
Appendix: Perspectives of the Revolutionary Vanguard
An Annotated Bibliography
Index
About the Book and the Author

Citation preview

Amilcar Cabrais Revolutionary Theory and Practice

Amilcar Cabrais Revolutionary Theory and Practice A Critical Guide

Ronald H. Chilcote

Lynne Rienner Publishers • Boulder & London

All photos courtesy of the Commissary of Information and Culture of Guinea-Bissau unless otherwise indicated.

Published in the United States of America in 1991 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, Colorado 80301 and in the United Kingdom by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London WC2E 8LU

© 1991 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Chilcote, Ronald H. Amflcar Cabral's revolutionary theory and practice : a critical guide / by Ronald H. Chilcote. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55587-058-9 1. Cabral, Amflcar, 1924-1973—Contributions in revolutionary t h e o r y . 2. R e v o l u t i o n s — P h i l o s o p h y . I. T i t l e . D T 6 1 3 . 7 6 . C 3 C 5 4 1991 322.4'2'092—dc20 91-11829 CD? British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library.

Printed and bound in the United States of America The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1984.

For Amilcar Lopes Cabral September 12,1924-January 20,1973

May his example guide people everywhere in unity and struggle

Contents

List of Photographs Preface

ix xi

•

Introduction

1

1

Cabral and His Historical Context

3

2

Theory of Colonialism and Imperialism

23

3

Theory of Revolutionary Nationalism and National Liberation

35

4

Theory of Class and Class Struggle

47

5

Theory of State and Development

65

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Conclusion

85

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Appendix: Perspectives of the Revolutionary Vanguard Luis Cabral, 104; Fernando Fortes, 110; Felinto Vaz Martins, 113; Paulo Correia, 117; Domingos Brito Dos Santos, 120; Manuel Boal, 123; Juvencio Gomes, 128; Carmen Pereira, 134; Augusto Pereira da Graqa, "Neco," 138; Francisco Coutinho, 141; Manuel Dos Santos, "Manecas," 143; José Araujo, 145; Pascoal Alves, 149; Lay Seek, 152; Chico Bà, 155; Otto Schacht, 158; Joseph Turpin, 161; André Corsino Tolentino, 163; Fernando Lopes, 169; Carlos Nunes Fernandes Dos Reis, 173.

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An Annotated Bibliography

179

Books, Collections of Writings, Pamphlets, and Ephemera by Amilcar Cabral, 180; Amilcar Cabral's Articles in Periodicals, 210; Interpretations and Review of Cabral, His Thought, and His Work, 232.

Index About the Book and the Author

289 292

Photographs

Amilcar Cabral, speech in Rome, where he received an honorary doctorate

89

Luis Cabral, half-brother of Amilcar and president of Guinea-Bissau from 1975 to the November 14, 1980, coup

90

Chica Vaz, deputy of the Popular National Assembly

90

Children at school in a liberated zone of Guinea-Bissau

91

Aristedes Pereira and Nino Vieira, who became presidents of Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau

91

Children in a liberated zone of Guinea-Bissau learning to handle arms

92

A Portuguese air force bombing of a village in a liberated zone

92

PAIGC marines at attention

93

FARP action on the Northern Front

93

Representatives of the region of Balana-Quitafine at the Popular National Assembly

94

Carmen Pereira

94

Aristides Pereira, speech to the Popular National Assembly

95

Representatives at the Popular National Assembly

95

PAIGC soldiers after his deathalongside in 1973 a poster of Amilcar Cabral

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ix

Preface

This guide is the product of effort related to my interest in the life and thought of Amflcar Cabrai. In the early 1960s I began to collect materials on the emerging national liberation movements in Lusophone Africa, including ephemeral documents issued by the movements and their leaders. My purpose was to build an archive that could serve as a foundation for understanding the African struggle for independence (see Chilcote, 1972). During 1960 and 1961 I studied at the University of Lisbon, where I first met African students from the colonies. At the time the Salazar dictatorship faced a multidimensional crisis, conspicuously marked by the visibility of the opposition at home and in exile; the dramatic seizure of the luxury liner, Santa Maria, by Henrique G a M o , a former colonial official and writer; and African uprisings in Angola (and later in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique). During the summer of 1965 I traveled to Conakry and first met Cabrai and his brother, Luis, and Aristides Pereira, who later became presidents of independent Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, respectively. (See Luis Cabrai fi978A] and Pereira [1976A] for memoirs of these developments.) This association with them helped me in my initial effort to write about the struggle for independence from an African perspective (Chilcote, 1967). It also led to the founding of the Research Group for the Liberation of Portuguese Africa (perhaps the first solidarity movement in the United States concerned with the liberation of Portugual's African colonies), established by myself and students at the University of California, Riverside. Cabrai formally endorsed this group, which worked to raise consciousness about the liberation struggle through research, publications, films, and lectures. My early assessment of Cabrai focused on his political thought and writings (Chilcote, 1968, 1974); later work included a reappraisal and a retrospective view (Chilcote, 1983, 1984) stimulated by a conference in commemoration of Cabrai on the tenth anniversary of his assassination, held in Praia in January 1983 (see Simpòsio Internacional Amflcar Cabrai, 1984). Just before Amflcar's death, and with his encouragement, I had seriously

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Preface

considered writing his biography, but his passing and other pressing commitments at that time distracted me from that possibility. The present contribution represents a culmination of all my work and a fulfillment of my desire to contribute to a further understanding of Cabral, his life, and his work. I feel strongly that Cabral ranks high among African and Third World revolutionaries and that his example as theorist and practitioner is firmly embedded in the historical record. This guide is also a product of field research in Cape Verde and GuineaBissau during the summer 1975. I wish to acknowledge the support of the Social Science Research Council, which provided me a postdoctoral grant to travel and carry out research in Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau. An intramural grant from the Senate Research Committee and typing assistance from the office of the Dean of Humanities and Social Science of the University of California, Riverside, are also gratefully acknowledged. Claudia Moura Pompan, a doctoral recipient in political science at the University of California, Riverside, translated the interviews from Portuguese to English. I am also thankful to Luis Moita and Elena and Luisa Pereira for assistance in examining the archives and library of the Centro de Informagao e Documenta^ao Amflcar Cabral (CIDAC) in Lisbon. Rosemary Galli, Carlos Lopes, and Lars Rudebeck accompanied my attempts to bring this guide to a closure, and although I was unable to contribute to their important research, in spite of my promises to collaborate with them, I hope my own modest effort will prove useful to them and other scholars who are interested in Cabral. Thanks also to Lynne Rienner for her confidence in my work and patience in seeing it through to completion. Steve Barr, the project editor, and Alice Colwell, who copyedited parts of the manuscript, were instrumental in the final phase, as was Jennifer DuganAbassi, who prepared the index. The present work has evolved over many years and thus differs substantially from its original conception. I hope that Gerald Bender, Allen Isaacman, and John Marcum will not be surprised at its appearance fifteen years after their endorsement of my applications for research support. Now they can rest assured that I never deterred from my objective of synthesizing and analyzing the available information on Cabral. Ronald H.

Chilcote

Introduction

This is a guide to the life and thought of Amflcar Lopes Cabral (1924-1973), one of the important thinkers of the Third World, who fought and died for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. This volume is organized to facilitate its use by both layman and specialist. Beyond the preface, which describes my personal experience and investigation of Amflcar Cabral and Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and the photographs, which give a glimpse into the revolutionary struggle that led to independence, this guide is organized into three principal parts. The main text is divided into five chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter identifies Cabral's life, and the ensuing four chapters focus on particular themes in his thinking. These themes necessarily deal with the ideas that emanate from his revolutionary experience, but they also are themes found in most twentieth-century revolutions. Although Cabral was aware of other revolutionary experiences and their theoretical contributions, he rarely drew upon them formally, tending instead to build around the unique revolutionary conditions in his own movement's struggle for liberation and independence. In his writings and speeches, a theory of colonialism and imperialism thus emerges, based on the colonial system in which he evolved, the mystique of the Portuguese empire, and penetration of outside influence in the form of capital and investment, as well as foreign cultural influences that impacted on the colonies in Africa. A theory of revolutionary nationalism and national liberation evolved from the leadership and contributions Cabral provided to the liberation movement, its armed struggle, and the drive for independence around a theme of unity of the diverse ethnic and other groupings that historically had divided African peoples in the Portuguese colonies. Cabral also emphasized a theory of class and class struggle, noting especially the role of the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry. At the same time he was sensitive to the fact that Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde were relatively undeveloped and lacking an industrial base and a salaried working class, both in urban areas and the countryside. Finally, he

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offered perspectives on the state and development, in particular with the construction of state institutions in liberated areas and the provision of human needs though schools, health clinics, food distribution centers, and so on; these, in turn, were to provide the foundation for the new state after independence and Cabral's own untimely death by assassination. The second part of this volume comprises the perspectives of important members of the revolutionary vanguard, based on my interviews with them in 1975, shortly after independence, when Cabral's movement had come to power. The purpose of the interviews was to delve into the respondents' understanding of Cabral through a series of questions that related to the major themes in his thinking. The results are synthesized into two tables and a brief discussion, followed by the verbatim interviews. These interviews have never been published, and they constitute part of the historical and documentary record. They were obtained under very difficult conditions in the wake of independence and the confusion of organization under the new states of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Some of the revolutionary leaders provided insightful and significant analysis, whereas others appeared to be somewhat superficial and lacking comprehension of the complexity of ideas and concepts in the theories of Cabral. Yet this diversity in comprehension and interpretation reveals some of the underlying tension and differences that were to impact the revolutionary movement in later years. The final part of this work consists of a full annotated bibliography of writings by and about Cabral. It is based on a quarter century of gathering and reading documents, the organization of a large personal archive, and the delving into several other important archives. Each entry has been examined carefully and annotated to guide the reader to the source, suggest its usefulness, and reveal its content. I have attempted to identify where many of these items can be found. The entries are organized into several sections: first, books, collections of writings, pamphlets, and ephemera under Cabral's authorship; second, articles by Cabral that appeared in periodicals, ranging from an early poem in 1946 to articles written just before his death, as well as reprints of his work until the present; and third, interpretations and reviews of books and articles by journalists, historians, social scientists, and others interested in Cabral and his thinking. The bibliography reveals the writings not only of Cabral but of the hundreds of biographers, scholars, and journalists who have focused on him and his movement. Although some very important work has appeared, the study of Cabral has not been exhausted. It is my hope that this guide will stimulate scholars to delve more deeply into his thinking, but even more important it is also my desire that this guide will serve to perpetuate interest in Cabral and ensure that future generations be aware of his substantial contributions to the theory and practice of revolution in the Third World.

1 Cabrai and His Historical Context

Amflcar Cabral's lifetime, from birth in Bafatá, Guinea-Bissau, on September 12, 1924, until his death by assassination on January 20, 1973, spanned the period prior to independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. In the tradition of intellectuals of Cape Verde, where he lived and studied for many years, Cabral wrote poetry, reflecting on the harsh insular conditions and learning to interpret culture as a weapon in the struggle for independence (Moser, 1978). Later, as an agronomist, his agricultural surveys and analyses provided a basis for planning the future economy of his homeland (see Cabral, Unity and Struggle, 1979: 4-16; 1988; and McCulloch, 1983: 3 6 58). As a revolutionary and political organizer, Cabral confronted Portuguese colonialism by guiding a vanguard party through a decade of war while constructing an infrastructure of social, economic, and political institutions among his people in the liberated areas. Finally, his independent Marxist analysis and original thought assessed the possibilities and limitations of struggle for independence. As poet, agronomist, fighter, theorist, and diplomat, Cabral approached life dialectically. On the one hand, he was an intellectual and theoretician; on the other, he was an organizer and unifier. Throughout his life he struggled to eliminate the Portuguese presence in the colonies and strove to undermine imperialism in the broader international context. A comprehensive but inexhaustible view of Amflcar Cabral now exists. Patrick Chabal (1983A), the Cambridge historian, gave us what he called "the first full biography" of Cabral. Chabal drew from primary and secondary sources as well as personal interviews with those who associated with Cabral, but he did not personally know Cabral nor did he observe the independence movement first hand as had French political writer Gérard Chaliand (1964) and English historian Basil Davidson (1964), who wrote the early journalistic portraits of Cabral; or Angolan expatriate Mário de Andrade (1980), the cultural writer whose biography of Cabral includes useful insights, analysis, and documents; or Russian

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j o u r n a l i s t Oleg Ignatiev (1975A), who also provided impressionistic but detailed accounts based on personal contact and experience with Cabral. Of all these and other writers Davidson did well in capturing the character and spirit of Cabral. In the introduction to Cabral's (1979) Unity and Action, Davidson wrote of Cabral's spirituality and sympathy, his directness, his love for life, his enduring interest in everyone and everything that came his way . . . the depth and c o m p l e x i t y of his thought and meditation . . . large hearted, entirely committed, devoted to his people's insistence on the study of reality . . . the intellectual groundwork of an overall theory of society . . . always riveted to the reality of time and place. [His texts] deal repeatedly with the n e c e s s a r y b a s e s o f revolutionary d e m o c r a c y , whether in the liberation of w o m e n , in anti-elitist education, in a decentralized system of public health . . . in the building of participatory political structure at and from the grassroots, (pp. x - x i i )

It is essential to deal briefly with recent scholarly accounts that tend to misrepresent Cabral's thinking with hindsight analysis or to attribute many of the problems and policies of the Luis Cabral and Nino Vieira regimes to the legacy of Amflcar's theory and practice. Serious criticisms are leveled by these writers in an effort to expose some of the mythology that emanated from the liberation struggle and those who observed and wrote about it. Either consciously or unconsciously these criticisms serve to discredit Cabral and the significant role he played in the struggle and the ideas he contributed to it. Chabal (1978: 4) correctly identified some of the ambiguity and contradiction in the experience of Cabral: he was an African born in a Portuguese colony; he was an African of mixed origins; he held Portuguese citizenship under an oppressive colonial system; he was highly educated in a land of illiteracy; and as a pacifist he resorted to one of the longest liberation struggles in Africa. Chabal, however, arrived at some controversial assertions: he suggests that what emerges from Cabral's university thesis and agricultural writings is attention to a scientific approach mixed with "loose Marxist notions" (Chabal, 1983A: 39). In my view, Cabral's (1988) work as an agronomist and the writing of many scientific papers imbued him with a disciplined approach to problems and emphasis on detail leading to resolution of problems; his use of Marxism was intended not to mimic approaches of others but to set his own political thinking and teachings within a coherent f r a m e w o r k and to provide a means and a method for analyzing the difficult problems encountered in the liberation wars. Chabal (1983A: 51) believed that the writings on agriculture made use of Marxist concepts in a m a n n e r that "was crude, simplistic, uncertain and somewhat naive . . . an indication of the sort of Marxist theory to which he had been exposed in Portugal." But in all fairness, it is important to recognize that

Cabrai

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5

awareness of Marxism under a repressive dictatorship was possible in only clandestine circles, and, further, scientific practice as well as political reality within Portugal limited the application of Marxist concepts, not to mention that Cabral was working out his ideas in an early formative stage of his career. Chabal (1983A: 34) also affirmed that culturally and intellectually Cabral "was seen by many, and he probably viewed himself, as Portuguese despite the fact that he looked very much like an African." Undoubtedly, as Chabal demonstrated, Cabral fully comprehended Portuguese life and culture; as a bright and intellectually curious African, he impressed peers and teachers, but there is no doubt that he was profoundly African in his thinking, as the historical record abundantly confirms. Mirio de Andrade (1973B) recalled Cabral's clandestine activity in Angola: "Today many young Angolan youth were his students of revolution because the revolutionary always is a teacher" (p. 21) and, as Andrade stated, despite his work as an agronomist "Cabral was a revolutionary messenger, always available for all fronts of common struggle in the Portuguese colonies" (p. 27). Chabal's observations thus distort an otherwise solid treatment of the man and his thought and account for the strong criticism emanating from some specialists such as Andrade and others who expose some of its limitations. (See the reference to their reviews in my annotation under Chabal [1983A].) Two other recent studies deserve mention because they are also critical of Cabral. Rosemary Galli and Jocelyn Jones (1987: 4) described Cabral as a Leninist and hardliner: "Cabral and other leaders of the PAIGC shared Lenin's and the Bolsheviks' conception of socialism and combination of political control and technological development." Although they correctly identified the locus of power during the liberation struggle as being in the hands of Amilcar Cabral, Luis Cabral, and Aristides Pereira, they played down the seemingly insurmountable obstacles facing the movement. They attributed the problems of the postindependence period to the tendency in the past to consolidate power in a small circle of leaders and to ignore the demands and needs of the peasantry, precluding the possibility of open democratic politics. Further, Galli (1986) argued that the contemporary leadership has confused politics with control, the consequence of a misunderstanding based on Cabral's idealistic conception of the state's role in economic development and the power relationship of the state to the Guinean peasantry. Elsewhere, Galli (1987) asserted that the new state has appropriated as much surplus as possible from the peasants for purposes other than rural development and that this also is an outcome of contradictions in Cabral's thinking and PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independencia da Guin6 e Cabo Verde) policies and practices. Such views overlook the firsthand accounts by observers such as Davidson (1974C) and Rudebeck (1974), who noted both democratic trends and the provision of people's needs in the preindependence period; and they

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contradict the analysis of another observer, Paulo Freire (1978: 18), who saw Cabral as pragmatic and progressive: His political clarity, the coherence between his choices and his practice, is at the root both of his refusal to be drawn into making undisciplined responses and of his rejection of manipulation. He dismissed any idea of the m a s s e s d i v i d e d , f o l l o w i n g their o w n inclinations, marching in response to whatever happened, without a revolutionary party or leaders w h o c o u l d m o b i l i z e , organize and orient. In the s a m e w a y he also rejected a leadership w h i c h felt it "owned" the m a s s e s . U n l i m i t e d freedom and bureaucratic authoritarianism were equally abhorrent.

But in fact the serious contemporary problems of Guinea-Bissau do not stem from the thought and practice of Amflcar Cabral, and it is unreasonable to distort the historical record and blame him for current practices. Clearly, there have been problems in the postindependence period, and Cabral's absence during these times has lessened the prospects for balancing direct and indirect democratic practices with efficient and egalitarian economic policies. Joshua B. Forrest (1987A) abruptly dismissed the majority of foreign observers, journalists, and academicians who interpreted Cabral and the liberation movement as representing a popularly supported, peasant-oriented, and nationally integrated political system. Although initially caught up on these interpretations, Forrest (1987A) took issue with Cabral's argument that political and economic divisions are the result of class conflicts or ideological disputes and argued that at the heart of politics in the postcolonial period are struggles for power among competing institutions, ethnic groups, and individuals: "I finally came to the conclusion that neither class nor ideology are important in explaining political conflict in the centralized political arena" (pp. xxi-xxii). Forrest's (1987B: 116) observation that "Amflcar Cabral's goals of national integration and revolutionary democracy have receded onto a distant plane of historical thought, as the country remains mired in conflicts" simply overlooked that those goals serve as measures against which the historical experience since Cabral's death can be judged. One can only speculate on how Cabral, had he lived, might have implemented those goals in the postcolonial period, but his success in guiding the reconstruction of liberated areas under PAIGC control prior to 1973 was one positive indicator. The remainder of this chapter briefly examines and highlights some important aspects of Cabral's life. Chabal divided his biography into three periods: the formative influences (1924-1959); nationalist agitation (1956— 1964); and consolidation of power and creation of the new state (1964-1973). However, the discussion here does not follow this chronological pattern. Instead I concentrate on Cabral as student, agronomist, political organizer, theorist, and diplomat.

Cabrai and His Historical

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7

Formative Years as Student and Poet There is no need to do more than sketch some of the details of the early years of Cabral, for the accounts in Andrade (1980) and Chabal (1983A) are quite complete. Amilcar Lopes Cabral was bom on September 12, 1924, in Bafati, in the Portuguese colony of Guinea. He spent his early youth in Bafati with his mother, Iva Pinhel Evora, and father, Juvenal Cabral. Both parents were originally from the Cape Verdean island of S5o Tiago. Juvenal was from a prosperous family and had studied in Portugal to become a priest but eventually taught elementary school. He seems to have influenced his son with his intellectual curiosity and knowledge of politics and social and economic conditions, as reflected in his memoirs (Juvenal Cabral, 1947), which Amilcar carried with him during his student years (Chaliand, 19771978: 4). Iva Evora, a seamstress of humble origins with no formal education, apparently imbued Amilcar with a sense of commitment and determination. Amilcar's parents separated in 1929, and they both eventually moved to Cape Verde. Amilcar joined his father in Praia, where he studied in elementary school, and at the age of 12 he moved with his mother to Mindelo on Sao Vicente island in order to attend the only secondary school. He finished these studies with exceptionally high marks at age 20, worked a year in the National Printing Office, and in 1945 received a scholarship to study agronomy in Lisbon. During this period Cabral lived both on the mainland and the archipelago, and although Chabal made a convincing case that he was very much a Cape Verdean, his roots tied him to both places and eventually to the vision not only of independence for but of unity between the two colonies. In Cape Verde the drought and famine and his own family's difficulties impressed him with the need to rid the poverty brought by both natural conditions and exploitative colonialism. At the Liceu Infante Dom Henrique (later called Gil Eanes), Cabral was familiar with the movement around the literary journal, Claridade, which reflected a cultural renaissance and consciousness of writers and poets who wished to focus on the realities of the archipelago and seek a break with classical European formulations (Andrade, 1986; Cabral, 1951). Early poems of love (Cabral, 1942-1943) under the pseudonym of Larbac evolved into poems of his youth (Cabral, 1944-1949), some of which focused on concerns about the living conditions and isolation of the islands. (See "A Ilha," written about 1944 but published two years later [Cabral, 1946].) Two essays reflected his outlook: "Fidemar," written in 1942, the story of a young Cape Verdean who seeks to liberate his country and resolve its problems; and "Hoje e amanha," written in 1944 and published in 1949 as a romantic statement on war, hate, injustice, misery, and optimism for a better world. Although there may be doubts that Cabral had been politicized in a serious way by his years in the colonies, his biographers agree that the years

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as a student in Lisbon were decisive. His university training prepared him for a professional career, but contacts with other African students made him aware of the need to rediscover their African heritage, and involvement with the Portuguese political opposition allowed for maturation of his political ideas. At the Instituto Superior de Agronomia he received high marks in his courses and distinction for a thesis (Cabral, 1951) on the Cuba region of the Alentejo, a province of large landed estates and a mass of landless rural workers dependent on seasonal employment where agriculture was affected by soil erosion. Cabral attributed soil erosion to patterns of land tenure and the maximization of crop production by both large and small landowners without attention to the consequences of soil erosion. Soil erosion, of course, was also a major problem in his homeland, and he addressed this problem in a series of articles (Cabral, 1949, 1950, 1952). Cabral married twice. His first wife, Maria Helena Ataide Vilhena Rodrigues, was Portuguese and a fellow agronomy student in Lisbon. His second wife, Ana Maria Filomena de S& Cabral, a Cape Verdean, was with him when he was assassinated and later became Cape Verde's ambassador to the German Federal Republic and head of the Fundagao Amilcar Cabral. Maria Helena recounted their experience together, beginning in the late 1940s and during their marriage from December 1952 to 1966—in the agronomy school and the years in Lisbon, Bissau, Luanda, and Conakry—in an interview (Ant