American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition 9780814776698

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American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition

The American Social Experience S

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General Editor: J A M E S KIRB

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Editors: P A U L AS

. FASS

, S T E V E

J A M E SW

. R E E

NH D&

. MINTZ P E T E

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, CAR

L PRINCE

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I. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns J O S E P HT

. G L A T T H A A

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2. Childbearing in American Society: 1650-1850 C A T H E R I N EM

. S C H O L T E

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3. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1870-1920 J O H NM

. O ' D O N N E L

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4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 G R A H A M R U S S E L

L H O D G E

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5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 C H R I S T I N EA

. L U N A R D I N

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6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 T H E O D O R EJ

. CRACKE

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7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture among the Gullahs M A R G A R E T W A S H I N G T O

N C R E E

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8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania S A L L Y S C H W A R T

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9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN H O U S E H O L D E

R VA

N H O R

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io. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARLJ

. HES

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n. Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing H E N R YL

. MINTO

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12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI

S CHAPMA

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13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1823-1860 J O H NC

. SPURLOC

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14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETERN

. STEARN

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ZJ. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI

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16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle JOHN MORGA

N DEDERE

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17. An American Vision: Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 ANNE FARRA

R HYD

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18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU

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19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy KENNETH ALLE

N D

E VILL

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20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEYD

. OLSE

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21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 MERRILD

. SMIT

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22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s-1930s ERICC

. SCHNEIDE

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2j. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 JAMESM

. MCCAFFRE

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24. The Dutch-American Farm DAVID STEVE

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25. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945 STEVEN BIE

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26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving W I L L I A MB

. WAIT

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27. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America KEVIN WHIT

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28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHN BURNHA

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29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HALT

. SHELTO

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JO. From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community MICHAEL SHIRLE

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31. The Social Dynamics of Progressive Reform: Atlantic City, 1854-1920 MARTIN PAULSSO

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32. America Goes to War: A Social History of the Continental Army CHARLES PATRIC

K NEIMEYE

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33. American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition K E N N E T HD

. ROS

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34. Making Men Moral: Social Engineering During the Great War N A N C YK

. BRISTO

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American Women and The Repeal of Prohibition

KENNETHD

. ROS

N E W YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S

New York and London

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NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k and Londo n Copyright © 199 6 by Ne w Yor k Universit y All rights reserve d Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Rose, Kennet h D . (Kennet h David) , 1946 American wome n an d th e repeal of prohibition / Kenneth D . Rose , p. cm.—(Th e America n socia l experience serie s ; 32) Includes index . Contents: Introduction—American wome n an d th e prohibitio n movement—Women's politics , hom e protection, an d th e morality o f prohibition i n the 1920s—Wome n an d th e repeal issue : three visions—The campaign—Nonpartisanship , nationa l politics , an d the momentum fo r repeal—Aftermat h an d conclusion . ISBN 0-8147-7464- 4 1. Prohibition—Unite d States—History . 2 . Wome n i n politics— United States—History . 3 . Wome n i n social reform—United States — History. I . Title . II . Series . HV5089.R67 199 6 363.4'!—dc20 95-439 6 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s are printed o n acid-free paper , and thei r bindin g materials ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the Unite d State s of Americ a 10 9

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To my parents, who would have loved to see the completion of this; to Bob Burke, who started me on the right road; and to Jeanne Lawrence, for sustaining me through this project and so much more.

EIGHTEENTH AMENDMEN T ( i o i o ) SECTION i Afte r on e yea r fro m th e ratificatio n o f thi s articl e th e manufacture, sale , o r transportatio n o f intoxicatin g liquor s within , th e importation thereo f into , o r th e exportatio n thereo f fro m th e Unite d States an d al l territor y subjec t t o th e jurisdictio n thereof , fo r beverag e purposes, i s hereby prohibited . SECTION 2 Th e Congres s an d th e severa l State s shal l hav e concur rent powe r t o enforce thi s articl e by appropriat e legislation . SECTION 3 Thi s articl e shal l b e inoperative unles s i t shal l hav e bee n ratified a s a n amendmen t t o th e Constitutio n b y th e legislature s o f th e several States , a s provided b y th e Constitution , withi n seve n year s fro m the date of the submission thereo f t o the State s by th e Congress. TWENTY-FIRST AMENDMEN T (1933 )

i Th e eighteent h articl e of amendment t o the Constitutio n of the United State s is hereby repealed . SECTION

SECTION 2 Th e transportatio n o r importatio n int o an y State , Terri tory, o r Possessio n o f th e Unite d State s fo r deliver y o r us e therei n o f intoxicating liquors, in violation of the laws thereof, i s hereby prohibited . SECTION 3 Thi s articl e shal l b e inoperativ e unles s i t shal l hav e bee n ratified a s a n amendmen t t o th e Constitutio n b y convention s i n th e several States , a s provide d i n th e Constitution , withi n seve n year s fro m the date of submission thereo f t o the State s b y the Congress .

Contents

List of Illustrations xv Acknowledgments xvii Abbreviations xix Introduction i i. American Women and the Prohibition Movement p 2. Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition in the 1920s 34. 3. Women and the Repeal Issue: Three Visions 63 4. The Campaign po 3. Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal 114 6. Aftermath and Conclusion 130 Notes Index 2

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Illustrations

All illustrations appear as an insert following p. 122. 1. "Th e Ba d Husband " 2. "Th e Fruit s of Temperance " 3. "Th e Drunkard' s Progress " 4. France s Willard : "America n Woma n an d He r Politica l Peers " 5. "Kin g Alcohol" 6. "Th e Overshadowin g Curse " 7. WCT U Presiden t Ell a Bool e 8. "Tw o Birds—On e Stone " 9. "Bootle g War Terrorize s Wilshire " 10. Agen t Violenc e in Sa n Francisc o 11. Protectin g th e Eighteenth Amendmen t wit h the Nineteent h 12. Luc y Peabod y 13. Louis e Gros s 14. Paulin e Sabi n 15. Th e Glamo r Ga p 16. Th e WONP R Nationa l Leadershi p 17. Th e WONP R Nationa l Leadershi p 18. Mar y T . Norto n 19. Florenc e Pra g Kah n 20. Paulin e Sabi n an d He r Son s 21. WONP R Leafle t xv

xvi • Illustrations 22. WONP R Leafle t 2 3. "Prohibitio n Failed! " 24. "Thei r Securit y Demand s Yo u Vot e Repeal " 25. "Woman' s Hol y War " 26. Paulin e Sabi n an d th e WONPR Endors e Roosevel t 27. Mabe l Walker Willebrand t

Acknowledgments

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o scholarl y effor t coul d succee d withou t considerabl e institu tional support . I woul d lik e t o than k th e Hagle y Museu m an d Library fo r a Grant-in-Aid Fellowshi p an d fo r puttin g th e con siderable resource s o f thei r librar y a t m y disposal . Thank s als o t o th e efforts o f th e staf f a t th e Librar y o f Congress , wh o wer e almos t alway s able t o locat e th e mos t obscur e references , an d t o th e staf f a t th e Ne w York Publi c Library . Th e histor y departmen t a t th e Universit y o f Cali fornia, Lo s Angeles, showe d thei r fait h i n m e during m y graduat e schoo l days throug h a number o f fellowship s an d teachin g assistantships , an d I greatly appreciat e it . A specia l not e o f thank s goe s ou t t o Barbar a Bern stein, residen t ange l a t th e UCL A histor y department , whos e dedicatio n to he r jo b an d persona l interes t i n th e welfar e o f he r graduat e student s made lif e a lot easier for me , an d fo r countles s others . This projec t bega n a t th e Universit y o f Washington , wher e I learne d the basic s o f histor y (an d prohibition ) unde r th e patien t tutelag e an d guidance o f Rober t Burke . I wa s fortunat e t o hav e ha d Bo b Burk e a s a mentor an d a m fortunate t o continue t o count hi m a s a friend. A t UCL A Stan Cobe n ver y generousl y too k m e on a s a student whe n I first arrive d and ha s provided m e with muc h valuable scholarly advic e and encourage ment. Elle n Dubois , wh o directe d m y dissertaion , introduce d m e t o women's history , an d he r insight s an d comment s mad e m y dissertatio n a better wor k tha n i t woul d hav e bee n otherwise . Whil e w e sometime s disagreed ove r interpretations , Elle n was always broad-minded enoug h t o xvn

xviii • Acknowledgments acknowledge tha t histor y ca n encompas s man y point s o f vie w an d t o encourage me to find m y own. Thank s als o to Debra Silverma n and Mar y Yeager fo r servin g on m y committe e an d givin g generously o f their time . A specia l thank s t o Marth a Banta , wh o ha s continue d he r man y kind nesses towar d m e despit e m y distanc e fro m Lo s Angeles . I als o muc h appreciate the efforts o f two great guys—Jim Fishe r and Michael Allen — for thei r tireles s work on my behalf . In Washington, D.C. , I owe a great debt of gratitude to Kim Hoaglan d for he r kindnes s i n puttin g m e u p fo r month s a t a tim e a t th e Hote l Hoagland. I am also indebted t o Gray Fitzsimon s for finding employmen t for m e (an d fo r servin g a s m y tenni s partne r fo r twelv e year s o r so) . T o the colleagues I served wit h at the Historic American Engineering Recor d and th e Histori c America n Building s Survey , than k yo u fo r you r com panionship an d intellectua l stimulation . Crystal Fulto n wa s kin d enoug h t o shar e wit h m e he r excellen t mas ter's thesi s o n th e Women' s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Re form, an d th e comment s o f m y readers , includin g Jack Blocker , Rober t Burke, Nanc y Cott , Ji m Fisher , Gra y Fitzsimons , Roge r Green , an d others unknown , hav e bee n o f invaluabl e servic e t o m e i n honin g m y manuscript. I hav e no t alway s followe d th e advic e o f m y readers , how ever, s o an y deficienc y i n th e manuscrip t i s entirel y m y doing , an d no t theirs. M y edito r a t New Yor k Universit y Press , Niko Pfund, ha s alway s been prompt , efficient , an d encouraging—attribute s tha t ar e no t alway s in abundan t suppl y i n th e publishin g business . A specia l wor d o f thank s goes ou t t o Dal e Steine r a t Californi a Stat e University , Chico , fo r hi s kindness an d generosit y t o tw o stranger s ne w i n town . Finally , than k you, Jeanne Lawrence , fo r you r patience , encouragement , an d devotion .

Abbreviations

AFL America ASL Anti-Saloo AAPA Associatio ERA Equa NCM VA Nationa WCTU Woman' WKKK Wome WONPR Women' WWCTU World'

n Federatio n o f Labo r n Leagu e n Agains t the Prohibition Amendmen t l Right s Amendmen t l Committe e for Modificatio n o f the Volstead Ac t s Christian Temperanc e Unio n n of the Ku Klu x Kla n s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Refor m s Woman's Christian Temperanc e Unio n

xix

American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition

Introduction

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n 5 December 193 3 an event occurred tha t was unprecedented i n American history : a n amendment t o the U.S . Constitutio n wa s repealed. Th e Eighteent h (prohibition ) Amendmen t wa s nulli fied b y th e enactmen t o f anothe r amendment , th e Twenty-First ; th e method use d t o pas s thi s amendment—th e convenin g o f stat e constitu tional conventions—ha d no t bee n use d sinc e th e origina l ratificatio n o f the Constitution . Mor e importan t tha n it s statu s a s a political landmark , however, wa s th e dramati c reversa l i n publi c sentiment s tha t th e repea l of prohibitio n represented . Indeed , passag e o f th e prohibitio n amend ment an d of the amendment tha t repealed prohibitio n too k approximatel y the sam e tim e (abou t a year ) an d enjoye d th e sam e approva l percentag e (over 7 0 percent). Many factor s helpe d creat e thi s remarkabl e tur n o f events . Contribut ing significantl y t o th e sentimen t fo r repea l wa s th e deepenin g o f th e Depression, whic h enhance d th e popularit y o f th e argumen t tha t repea l would mea n mor e mone y i n th e for m o f taxe s fo r stat e an d federa l governments (an d mor e job s fo r American s i n alcohol-relate d industries) . The inabilit y o f th e dr y coalition , compose d chiefl y o f th e Woman' s Christian Temperanc e Unio n (WCTU) , th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e (ASL) , and evangelica l Protestan t churches , t o fashio n a n effectiv e defens e o f prohibition wa s als o a n importan t factor . Th e media , too , playe d a rol e in prohibition' s decline , alternatel y plyin g th e publi c wit h titillatin g ac counts o f bootleggers , flappers, an d speakeasies , an d horrifyin g i t wit h stories o f gangster violenc e an d la w enforcemen t inefficienc y an d corrup 1

2 • Introduction tion. An d althoug h politic s frequentl y bring s together od d assortment s o f individuals, prohibitio n repea l attracte d a n especiall y disparat e constitu ency. Th e repea l coalitio n include d America n intellectuals , wh o viewe d prohibition a s an infringemen t upo n persona l liberty ; businessmen , wh o seized upo n repea l (an d th e prospec t o f a renewal o f taxe s on liquor ) a s a way o f reducing thei r ow n ta x burden ; an d labo r leaders , wh o welcome d the chanc e t o b e ri d o f a law tha t the y ha d lon g considere d t o b e biase d against workers . All o f thes e element s wer e importan t i n contributin g t o th e declin e i n support fo r prohibition , bu t th e on e facto r tha t wa s essential— I woul d argue decisive—i n obtainin g th e repea l o f prohibitio n wa s th e presenc e of a large number o f well-organized wome n promotin g repeal. Eve n mor e significant tha n the fact o f organized women' s suppor t fo r repea l wa s who these wome n wer e an d how they expresse d thei r suppor t fo r prohibitio n repeal. Som e wome n ha d alway s bee n outspoke n i n thei r oppositio n t o prohibition, an d throug h suc h earl y women' s repea l group s a s the Moll y Pitcher Clu b the y ha d argue d tha t prohibitio n wa s "sumptuar y legisla tion," tha t drinkin g wa s no t a criminal act , an d tha t governmen t ha d n o business involvin g itsel f i n wha t shoul d b e a strictly persona l realm . Ye t relatively fe w America n wome n foun d thes e argument s compelling , an d women's prohibitio n repea l organization s languishe d durin g mos t o f th e decade of the 1920 s with onl y a small national following . Not unti l th e creatio n o f th e Women' s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibition Refor m (WONPR ) i n 192 9 woul d a women' s prohibitio n repeal organizatio n begi n t o hav e a significan t impac t o n America n poli tics. Drawin g it s nationa l leadershi p fro m th e elit e o f societ y an d it s membership fro m al l economi c strata , th e WONP R succeede d wher e other women' s prohibitio n repea l group s faile d becaus e i t deemphasize d the personal libert y argumen t an d instea d stresse d tha t prohibitio n repre sented a moral wron g that threatene d th e American home . Th e WONP R claimed tha t prohibitio n ha d nurture d a crimina l class , create d a "crim e wave," corrupted publi c officials, mad e drinking fashionable , engendere d a contempt fo r th e rul e of law, an d se t back the progress o f "true temper ance." Al l o f thes e developments , WONP R wome n insisted , threatene d their home s an d th e welfar e o f thei r children . Th e us e o f thi s hom e protectionist lin e to argue for the repeal of what many temperance wome n still referre d t o a s th e "hom e protectio n law " create d a n uproa r amon g organized wome n an d prompte d a publi c (an d political ) reevaluatio n o f

Introduction • 3 the WCT U clai m tha t "normal " wome n woul d alway s suppor t prohi bition. Intriguingly, eve n thoug h wome n o n th e tw o side s o f th e prohibitio n issue ha d diametricall y oppose d politica l agendas , th e argument s em ployed b y prohibitio n wome n an d b y repea l wome n wer e ofte n mirro r images o f eac h other . Fa r fro m bein g a moribund reli c o f th e nineteent h century, th e domesti c philosoph y o f hom e protectio n dominate d th e rhetoric an d iconograph y o f wome n wh o involve d themselve s i n thi s debate. An d eve n thoug h woma n ha d becom e man' s politica l equa l b y the 1920s , large numbers o f women durin g this era continued t o cleave to women's organization s t o mak e thei r politica l presenc e felt—jus t a s the y had don e during the nineteenth century—an d continue d t o believe in th e antebellum notio n tha t wome n wielde d a decisiv e mora l authorit y o n issues dealing with hom e and family . The debat e betwee n prohibitio n wome n an d repea l wome n woul d b e bitter an d divisive , an d occasionall y ugl y an d personal . Repea l wome n would intrud e o n tur f tha t prohibitio n wome n ha d alway s considere d their ow n an d woul d emplo y th e technique s tha t dr y wome n themselve s had perfected . Th e pollin g of political representatives , th e mass mailings, the congressional testimonies , th e home visits—all o f these tactics woul d be used successfull y b y repea l wome n i n an approac h t o politics that wa s virtually a carbo n cop y o f th e pioneerin g effort s o f th e WCTU . Ironi cally, a s w e shal l see , th e bitternes s tha t develope d betwee n prohibitio n women an d repea l wome n ha d it s origin s no t i n th e clas h betwee n radi cally oppose d worl d views, no r i n fundamentall y differen t approache s t o politics, bu t i n th e tensio n tha t i s created whe n worl d views an d politica l strategies ar e similar , ye t politica l goals ar e ver y different . I t i s thi s juxtaposition, playe d ou t agains t th e historica l centralit y o f th e liquo r issue t o women , tha t make s th e women' s debat e o n th e repea l issu e s o fascinating an d s o revealin g o f th e wa y concept s o f gende r an d moralit y are sometimes expressed i n the political arena . But whil e prohibitio n wome n an d repea l wome n shared , fo r th e mos t part, a commo n domesti c philosophy , ther e wer e importan t differences between th e two groups. Th e clas s composition o f the WCTU leadershi p slipped steadil y downwar d durin g th e 1920s , an d man y o f th e middle and upper-middle-clas s wome n who , i n a differen t generation , migh t have joine d th e WCT U wer e no w finding thei r wa y int o th e WONPR . And whil e i t i s tru e tha t bot h th e WCT U an d th e WONP R favore d a

4 • Introduction "moral" approac h t o th e issu e o f repeal , th e moralit y o f th e WCT U was deepl y religious , wherea s th e mora l syste m o f th e WONP R wa s strictly secular . The presenc e o f prohibition repea l wome n als o signaled a new realis m in feminine politic s that acknowledge d tha t legislatio n could not eliminat e temptation an d tha t virtu e coul d no t b e compelled . Prohibitio n ha d bee n just suc h an attempt, an d it s failure force d man y women t o reappraise th e value of attempting t o totally eradicat e alcohol from society ; instead, the y began t o loo k bac k t o th e antebellu m definitio n o f temperanc e a s th e temperate us e o f alcohol . I n addition , th e spli t amon g wome n o n th e prohibition issu e pu t t o rest , fo r th e moment , an y notion s tha t stil l lingered afte r th e Equa l Right s Amendmen t turmoi l tha t a "women' s bloc" was a political reality .

Repeal Women and the Dearth of Conservative History Before examinin g th e historiography specifi c t o repeal women, w e shoul d briefly loo k a t a broade r problem : th e genera l reluctanc e o f historian s t o make full-lengt h studie s o f conservativ e groups . Th e discussio n i s rele vant here , a s bot h th e WCT U an d th e WONPR , despit e thei r differen t political goals , fit int o th e territor y tha t historian s hav e demarcate d a s conservative. I n a recen t American Historical Review forum o n America n conservatism, Ala n Brinkle y observe d tha t althoug h historians hav e displaye d impressiv e power s o f imaginatio n i n creatin g empathetic account s o f man y once-obscur e area s o f th e past , the y hav e seldom done so in considering the character of conservative lives and ideas. That has no doubt been a result in part of a basic lack of sympathy for the Right among most scholars . Bu t it i s a result, too , of the powerful, i f not always fully recognized , progressiv e assumptions embedded i n most of the leading paradigms with which historians approach their work. l In his response to Brinkley, Le o P. Ribuff o argue s that "the chief historiographical 'proble m o f America n conservatism ' i s not th e absenc e o f goo d scholarship bu t th e profession' s failur e (i n th e curren t locution ) to 'main stream' the copious good scholarshi p tha t alread y exists . Th e Righ t hold s a historiographica l plac e comparabl e t o tha t allocate d t o industria l work -

Introduction • 5 ers, Africa n Americans , an d wome n tw o decade s ago." 2 Ribuff o agree s with Brinkley , however , tha t ther e i s a progressiv e paradig m a t wor k i n the professio n an d tha t "no t onl y ar e groups celebrate d whe n the y pla y a 'progressive' role, bu t the y als o tend t o disappear whe n the y don't." 3 In th e field o f women' s history , th e dominanc e o f th e progressiv e paradigm (an d th e tendenc y o f individua l wome n o r group s o f women t o disappear whe n the y fal l outsid e o f progressiv e parameters ) ha s bee n especially striking . W e hav e any numbe r o f book s an d article s o n woma n suffrage activities , bu t fe w indee d o n women' s antisuffrag e activities . Likewise, th e "progressive " period o f th e WCT U ha s been th e subjec t o f some excellen t historica l works , bu t ther e i s virtuall y nothin g o n th e "conservative" WCTU o f the 1920s . We have a biography o f the interest ing, bu t relativel y obscure , Moll y Dewson , bu t nothin g o n Paulin e Sa bin, wh o ha d a muc h greate r impac t o n he r society , bu t wh o wa s als o more conservative tha n Dewson . Women's histor y i s a relativel y ne w field o f study , an d lik e othe r historical fields o f recen t vintag e (labo r history , African-America n his tory, etc. ) it s origin s wer e par t scholarl y endeavo r an d par t politica l movement. Thus , eve n mor e tha n i n mos t historica l fields, th e prac titioners o f women' s histor y hav e ofte n bee n a s intereste d i n discoverin g role model s a s i n discoverin g subject s tha t illuminat e history . Ther e i s nothing wron g wit h this , an d fo r th e schola r i t i s undeniabl y helpfu l t o have some fondness fo r a subject wit h whic h h e or sh e is going to have t o spend a great man y years . A s I foun d out , however , allegedl y conserva tive wome n ar e a s interestin g an d a s diverse a s their progressiv e counter parts, an d eve n a singl e conservativ e ide a ca n hav e a wid e variet y o f interpretations. Indeed , ther e ar e a s man y shading s an d meaning s unde r the rubri c o f "conservative " a s ther e ar e unde r "progressive, " an d th e subject o f thi s study—th e rol e o f America n wome n i n th e repea l o f prohibition—is a goo d case i n point . Here , a t th e cente r o f th e debate , we hav e tw o so-calle d conservativ e women' s groups , eac h employin g political tactic s an d a styl e o f organizatio n tha t originate d i n th e nine teenth century, eac h espousing the venerable home protection ideology — and eac h with a political goa l totally oppose d t o the other . I als o discovere d tha t thes e wome n coul d b e personable , intelligent , and hav e thought s worth y o f consideration . Othe r historian s ar e dis covering the same thing about conservativ e women . Kathlee n Blee , in he r work o n th e Wome n o f th e K u Klu x Kla n (WKKK) , foun d he r subject s

6 • Introduction frequently quit e engaging and was surprised tha t sh e "shared th e assump tions an d opinion s o f my informant s o n a number o f topics (excluding, o f course, race , religio n an d mos t politica l topics)." 4 Hopefully, Blee' s wor k will inspir e other s t o stud y wome n an d women' s organization s tha t fal l outside th e dominan t politica l orientatio n o f th e historica l profession . I t seems clear that i n order t o understand th e roles that wome n hav e playe d in ou r society , w e mus t devot e t o conservativ e women , n o les s tha n t o other women , ou r tim e an d ou r scholarl y efforts . An d rathe r tha n allowing our own political agendas to color our responses to these women , we mus t a t th e minimu m giv e thei r idea s a respectfu l hearing . Thi s includes acknowledgin g thei r intelligenc e an d humanit y an d a t least mak ing an attempt t o view th e world a s they viewe d it . Despite th e ver y visibl e rol e tha t wome n assume d i n th e prohibitio n repeal movement , historian s hav e ha d difficult y accuratel y assessin g th e nature an d qualit y o f women' s contribution s t o prohibitio n repeal . In deed, mos t hav e bee n conten t t o repea t th e accusation s levele d agains t repeal wome n b y dry s durin g th e repea l campaig n itself . Fo r instance , the clas s critique—tha t repea l wome n kne w nothin g an d care d nothin g about th e poo r an d th e condition s o f th e communit y becaus e the y wer e only intereste d i n thei r ow n economi c an d socia l interests—wa s em ployed repeatedl y b y th e WCT U durin g th e repea l campaign . Thi s unfounded assertio n wa s subsequentl y adopte d b y a numbe r o f histori ans, som e of whom too k the argument eve n further t o propose that i t was the bi g mone y me n o f th e Associatio n Agains t th e Prohibitio n Amend ment (AAPA ) wh o manipulate d th e repea l movemen t t o furthe r thei r own economi c an d politica l agendas , an d tha t i n th e proces s the y turne d groups suc h as the WONPR int o mere puppet organizations . Other s hav e acknowledged women' s success i n th e repea l campaig n bu t hav e dis missed tha t succes s a s onl y a by-produc t o f th e suppose d fashionabl e cachet o f prohibitio n repeal . Stil l other s hav e overlooke d th e continuin g importance o f a conservativ e hom e protectionis t orientatio n fo r women , arguing instea d tha t woma n suffrag e an d women' s ne w politica l align ments supersede d thei r loyalt y t o a domestic philosophy. 5 A carefu l examinatio n o f repea l wome n an d thei r activities , however , reveals quit e a differen t picture . Th e crucia l missin g ingredien t fro m most discussion s o f repeal women i s any engagemen t wit h th e paramoun t moral aspects o f prohibitio n an d repeal . Muc h o f th e dialogu e durin g th e

Introduction • 7 repeal debat e centered o n the morality o f prohibition, a question tha t ha d a specia l resonanc e amon g women . I t ha d bee n women , afte r all , wh o had s o ofte n bee n th e victim s o f intemperanc e i n th e past , an d wome n who ha d bee n th e dominan t mora l forc e behin d th e prohibitio n move ment. Th e movemen t t o repea l prohibitio n raise d thes e mora l concern s once again and called int o question th e morality o f prohibition itself . Als o missing fro m th e assessment s o f most historian s i s an acknowledgmen t o f the importanc e o f th e WONP R a s a women's organization , muc h les s a willingness t o entertai n th e notio n tha t th e influenc e o f women' s repea l organizations ma y hav e exceeded that o f mal e groups. I n the concerns the y repeatedly expres s abou t moralit y i n th e home , i n thei r devotio n t o a gender-based politica l independence , i n their larg e numbers, an d i n thei r political impact , thes e wome n an d thei r opponent s combine d t o mak e prohibition repea l th e mos t importan t women' s issu e betwee n th e ER A controversy o f the early 1920 s and th e era of the New Deal. 6 Like the Equal Right s Amendment, prohibitio n repea l raised question s that fo r wome n move d i t beyond th e realm of everyday part y politics . T o understand wh y thi s wa s so , i t i s necessar y first t o examin e th e centra l importance o f temperanc e an d prohibitio n t o generation s o f America n women an d th e wa y i n which , ove r th e cours e o f a hundre d years , women gathere d t o themselve s a mora l authority , no t onl y o n question s of alcoho l us e bu t als o on a wide rang e o f othe r socia l issues . Thi s stud y will undertak e suc h a n examination , whic h wil l enabl e u s t o gai n som e appreciation o f wh y th e activitie s o f repea l wome n i n th e lat e 1920 s an d early 1930 s produce d th e socia l disorientation—an d politica l impact — that the y did . Bot h nationa l woma n suffrag e an d nationa l prohibitio n were implemented i n 1920 , and we will briefly revie w the political experi ences of newly enfranchise d women , a s well as the efficacy an d politic s of prohibition, durin g the decade of the 1920s . I n addition , w e will examin e the live s o f three femal e leader s wh o approache d prohibitio n repea l fro m very differen t perspective s an d analyz e th e way s i n whic h thes e perspec tives were played ou t i n the political arena . Th e tactic s and countertactic s of th e campaig n t o repea l prohibitio n will receiv e ou r attention , a s wil l the issu e o f women' s partisanshi p durin g th e campaign . Prohibitio n re peal wa s th e mos t contentiou s issu e a t th e nationa l politica l convention s in 1932 ; the influenc e o f repea l o n thes e convention s an d th e evidenc e o f a growing public sentiment agains t prohibition will be described. W e will

8 • Introduction also tak e a loo k a t th e subsequen t career s o f wome n wh o wer e activ e i n the repea l campaig n an d observ e ho w thes e late r activitie s reflec t o n th e repeal issue . Whil e th e prohibitio n er a ha s passed , th e liquo r issu e ha s not, an d w e wil l en d ou r discussio n b y examinin g way s i n whic h th e alcohol question i s evolving in our contemporary societ y an d b y speculat ing on what rol e women migh t b e called upo n t o play .

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American Women and the Prohibition Movement

The ladies joining the drinking forces and organized to repeal the Eighteenth Amendment can never make drink decent nor themselves a moral force. The trend of a thousand years is in the opposite direction and it will continue in that direction.

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—Carrie Chapman Catt, ipjo

he beginnings of a revolution in American feminist politic s started off innocuously enough at a congressional hearing in 1928 . At that hearing Ella Boole, president of the WCTU an d avid supporter of prohibition, proclaimed , " I represen t th e wome n o f America. " Listenin g to Boole was Pauline Sabin , a Republican nationa l committeewoma n an d formerly a supporter o f prohibitio n herself . Sabi n recalle d sayin g to her self, "Well lady, here's one woman you don't represent." l Fo r a prominent Republican woma n t o express doubts abou t prohibition jus t ten years ear lier woul d hav e bee n almos t unthinkable . I n thos e days , dr y advocate s were predicting that the passage of prohibition would herald the dawn of a new age and that by halting the "liquor traffic," man y of society's other ills would also be eliminated, thereby bringing humanity to the verge of a new era. The claims made by prohibitionists, both male and female, were nothing less than millennial. The WCTU declare d that "in the history of Christian civilizatio n i t [th e prohibitio n amendmen t t o th e Constitution ] wil l rank wit h th e Magn a Charta , th e Declaratio n o f Independenc e an d th e Emancipation Proclamation. " Whe n th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wa s ap proved b y a wide margi n i n 1919 , many believe d tha t thei r visio n o f a liquor-free worl d woul d soo n be realized. 2 9

io • American Women and the Prohibition Movement Prohibition, unfortunately , di d no t produc e al l the result s expecte d o f it, an d produced othe r results that were both unexpected an d unwelcome . These result s include d th e growt h o f organize d crim e syndicate s t o sup ply illega l liquor (an d a n accompanying increas e in violence), an epidemi c of corruptio n amon g publi c officials , spiralin g enforcemen t costs , a cour t system clogged wit h prohibitio n cases , class inequities i n the law, an d th e willingness o f person s o f all classe s t o ignor e thi s law . Althoug h thei r efforts wer e poorl y organize d unti l a t leas t 1926 , representative s fro m labor, bi g business , an d th e intelligentsi a al l declare d themselve s quit e early i n favo r o f repealing, o r a t leas t modifying , prohibition . (Th e Asso ciation Agains t th e Prohibitio n Amendment , th e mai n male-dominate d repeal group , wa s incorporate d i n 1921. ) America n women , however , showed littl e inclinatio n t o organiz e agains t a la w whos e progres s ha d claimed th e energies of so many generation s o f women reformers . Thus, whil e i t wa s obviou s b y th e lat e 1920 s tha t prohibitio n ha d it s problems, fo r a large numbe r o f American wome n th e menac e o f alcoho l was stil l bes t personifie d bot h i n th e liquo r traffi c o f th e ba d ol d day s before prohibitio n an d i n th e contemporar y threa t o f prohibitio n repeal . Ella Bool e insiste d tha t prohibitio n ha d bee n a remarkable success story , claiming that u the America n hom e i s brighter, better , mor e homelike an d there i s mor e jo y i n th e live s o f th e averag e America n famil y becaus e o f prohibition." 3 Bool e observe d tha t wome n ha d alway s bee n th e one s t o pay th e price for mal e drinking i n the past and argue d tha t the y woul d b e the one s payin g th e pric e i n th e futur e i f prohibitio n wer e repealed . T o Boole, the logic was inescapable: "wherever me n drink, wome n are boun d to suffer." 4 Evangelin e Boot h o f th e Salvatio n Arm y agreed , callin g liquor a "masculine indulgence" : "Where it is legalized, i t reduces wome n to a n economi c inferiority . I t i s t o m e unthinkabl e tha t th e America n woman, havin g achieve d he r emancipatio n fro m thi s curse, wil l return t o the bondag e o f bee r an d th e humiliatio n o f the ol d Saturda y night." 5 T o Booth, drunkennes s wa s "th e greates t curs e eve r t o com e int o th e world." 6 Other women , however , ha d com e t o th e painfu l conclusio n tha t th e destructiveness o f alcoho l wa s no w embodie d i n prohibitio n itself , a reform tha t ha d begu n lif e a s a benevolent Dr . Jekyll bu t ha d appallingl y transformed int o a hideous, mockin g Mr. Hyde . Paulin e Sabin , wh o ha d been active in politics throughout th e 1920 s and had bee n the first woma n to serv e o n th e Republica n Nationa l Committee , wa s on e wh o ha d ini -

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 1 1 tially supporte d prohibition , explainin g tha t " I fel t I should approv e of i t because i t woul d hel p m y tw o sons . I though t a worl d withou t liquo r would b e a beautiful world. " B y th e lat e 1920s , however, Sabi n wa s on e among man y wome n wh o ha d travele d a lon g road , fro m th e "beautifu l world" tha t prohibitio n ha d promise d t o a real m tha t sh e believe d ha d been perverte d b y lawlessnes s an d licentiousness . "Th e youn g se e th e law broke n a t hom e an d upo n th e street . Ca n w e expec t the m t o b e lawful?" aske d Sabin . "Toda y i n an y speakeas y i n the Unite d State s yo u can fin d boy s an d girl s i n thei r teen s drinkin g liquor , an d thi s situatio n has become s o acute that th e mother s o f the country fee l somethin g mus t be done to protect thei r children." 7 The alar m tha t man y wome n wer e expressin g abou t th e effect s o f prohibition cu t acros s part y lines . Emm a Guffe y Miller , a Democrati c party leade r from Pennsylvania , calle d prohibitio n a "colossal failure" an d claimed tha t te n year s o f prohibitio n ha d resulte d i n "mor e an d mor e money spen t fo r illega l liquor , mor e an d mor e bootlegger s plyin g thei r illicit trade , mor e an d mor e nigh t club s enticin g th e youn g throug h th e lure o f liquor , mor e an d mor e roa d house s opene d a s place s fo r liqui d refreshment an d assignatio n an d mor e an d mor e disrespec t fo r law." 8 Convinced tha t moralit y i n th e hom e woul d continu e t o deteriorat e a s long as prohibition remaine d th e law , Sabi n an d othe r influentia l wome n formed th e Women' s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Refor m (WONPR)ini929. The apostas y o f this women' s stan d agains t prohibitio n an d th e subse quent impac t o f women' s repea l organization s ca n b e understoo d onl y i n the contex t o f development s o f th e previou s century , whe n women' s support o f temperanc e an d prohibitio n refor m becam e axiomati c i n American politics . Feminin e advocac y o f temperanc e wa s onl y on e ele ment o f a maternalis t philosoph y tha t emerge d ou t o f comple x social , economic, an d religiou s developments tha t bega n i n antebellum America . Home protectionism , a s thi s philosoph y woul d becom e known , repre sented a domesti c idea l unde r whic h middle-clas s wome n assume d re sponsibility fo r th e mora l arrangement s o f th e bourgeoi s hearth . A n amalgam o f severa l elements , hom e protectionis m dre w o n th e so-calle d separation o f spheres , Protestantism' s elevatio n o f woma n a s morall y superior t o man , an d th e Arminia n activis m o f th e Secon d Grea t Awak ening. 9 Home protectionis t idea s an d women' s assertion s o f mora l authorit y

12 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement first converge d wit h th e liquo r issu e i n a n antebellu m societ y tha t wa s besotted wit h drink. I n the same decades in which women wer e establish ing primac y ove r domesti c morality , American s wer e goin g o n a n alco holic bing e th e like s o f whic h ha d neve r bee n see n before , an d ha s not occurre d since . Whil e th e problem s associate d wit h alcoho l us e ar e considerable i n ou r ow n era—almos t 2. 4 gallon s o f absolut e alcoho l per perso n consume d b y th e drinking-ag e populatio n i n 1989—w e ar e abstemious b y antebellu m standards : I n 1830 , it i s estimated tha t Ameri cans o f drinkin g ag e wer e consumin g ove r 7 gallons o f pur e alcoho l pe r year—an alcoholi c plagu e o f biblica l proportions. 10 Wh y i t wa s tha t Americans consume d s o muc h alcoho l i n th e first thirt y year s o f th e nineteenth centur y i s a matter o f some debate, bu t i t was an urban a s well as a rural phenomeno n an d seeme d t o be rooted i n anxietie s generated b y a society i n extreme flux. 11 I t i s also important t o note the great disparit y between mal e drinker s an d femal e drinker s i n thei r consumptio n o f dis tilled liquor . Accordin g t o on e estimat e me n wer e outdrinkin g wome n and childre n durin g thi s perio d b y a rati o o f five t o one , wit h one-hal f of th e adul t mal e populatio n accountin g fo r two-third s o f tota l spirit s consumption.12 A genuin e civi c alar m tha t intemperanc e wa s threatenin g th e founda tions o f th e youn g republi c le d t o th e formatio n o f th e first grea t Ameri can temperanc e societies , bu t ther e wer e man y othe r reason s fo r temper ance activism . Th e increasin g nee d fo r employer s t o maintai n a sobe r work force , th e proselytizin g moralit y tha t emerge d fro m th e Secon d Great Awakening , an d th e aspiration s o f a redefine d middl e clas s tha t increasingly sa w th e consumptio n o f alcoho l a s inappropriat e wer e al l elements o f th e temperanc e impulse . Fo r wome n th e stake s wer e espe cially high . A s lat e a s 185 0 wife beatin g "wit h a reasonable instrument " was lega l i n nearl y ever y state , wit h th e consequenc e tha t i f a woma n found hersel f saddle d wit h a drunken, abusiv e husband, sh e had fe w lega l options wit h whic h t o protec t hersel f (ills . 1 an d 2). 13 I n 1821 , fo r instance, Margare t Ramsa y applie d fo r a divorce i n Tennessee, testifyin g that he r husban d whippe d he r durin g bout s o f drunkenness, hel d a knif e to her throat , brough t prostitute s int o the hous e (an d contracte d venerea l disease fro m on e o f them) , provide d he r wit h onl y on e dress , an d woul d not allo w her t o visit her friends . Ramsay' s divorc e petition wa s denied. 14 Such horrifyin g circumstance s le d som e temperance reformers , includin g

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 1 3 Elizabeth Cad y Stanton , t o advocat e liberalize d divorc e law s a s par t o f their antidrin k programs. 15 The earlies t antebellu m temperanc e organization s ofte n exclude d women fro m membershi p becaus e of a pervasive belief tha t publi c femal e participation i n th e temperanc e debat e wa s no t seeml y an d tha t wome n could bes t advance the cause of temperance b y exercising "moral suasion " at home . Thi s idea , tha t woma n wa s endowe d wit h uniqu e mora l quali ties an d tha t th e applicatio n o f he r mora l goodnes s coul d produc e a decisive influenc e fro m withi n th e domesti c realm , pu t a premiu m o n womanly responsibilitie s tha t include d th e maintenanc e o f a temperat e home environment. Th e temperat e hom e quickly becam e the cornerston e of home protection. B y 184 1 Catharine Beeche r was proclaiming, "Intem perance i n drin k ha s produce d mor e guilt , misery , an d crime , tha n an y other on e cause . An d th e responsibilitie s o f a woman, i n thi s particular , are ver y great ; fo r th e habit s an d liabilitie s o f thos e unde r he r car e wil l very muc h depen d o n he r opinion s an d practice." 16 A decad e later , a s increasing number s o f women wer e involvin g themselve s i n socia l purit y movements, Mar y C . Vaughan , presiden t o f th e Daughter s o f Temper ance, insisted , "Ther e i s n o refor m i n whic h woma n ca n ac t bette r o r more appropriately tha n temperance." 17 Not surprisingly , temperanc e soon becam e a signifie r o f class . I n antebellum Oneid a County , Ne w York , fo r instance , intemperanc e wa s viewed "a s the classic precipitant o f downward mobility " (ill. 3) , whereas abstinence wa s "th e highwa y t o wealt h . . . a sur e guarante e o f respect ability, reliability , an d genera l mora l an d economi c worth." 18 Change s i n the workplac e als o greatly contribute d t o changin g view s o f alcoho l use . As artisa n shop s wer e "rationalized " i n respons e t o th e creatio n o f a national market , liquo r wa s banishe d fro m th e sho p floor, an d drinkin g became weighte d wit h symboli c significance. Worker s no w sa w alcoho l use as emblematic of an "autonomous working-clas s socia l life," while th e middle clas s associate d liquo r wit h "sulle n an d disrespectfu l employees , runaway husbands , paupers, Sabbath breakers, brawlers, theatergoers" — in other words , th e "drink-craze d proletariat. " 19 Most antebellu m women' s temperanc e organization s ha d a Protestant , middle-class (rathe r tha n working-class ) orientation , an d whil e wome n i n these group s wer e genuinel y move d b y th e pligh t o f thei r fello w huma n beings laborin g unde r th e curs e o f drink , the y als o tended t o believe tha t

14 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement the victims o f suc h a curse coul d onl y transfor m thei r live s by embracin g the value s an d moral s tha t temperanc e wome n themselve s personified . The eliminatio n o f alcoho l wa s a n especiall y crucia l issu e t o th e man y reformers wh o believe d tha t liquo r no t onl y imperile d th e individual s that use d it , bu t als o sprea d it s "contagion " throughou t th e community . Referring t o antebellu m alcoho l use , th e America n Temperanc e Societ y observed: If som e fata l plague , o f a contagiou s character , wer e importe d int o ou r country, an d ha d commence d it s ravage s i n our cities , w e should se e the most prompt an d vigorous measures at once adopted t o repress and extinguish it: but what ar e the most fearful plague s that ever carried deat h and havoc i n thei r trai n throug h th e easter n countrie s compare d wit h this ? They are only occasional; this is perennial.20 To counterac t thi s threat , middle-clas s temperanc e wome n bega n th e process o f extendin g thei r ow n domesti c value s t o th e res t o f societ y b y expanding th e ide a o f "home " t o includ e th e entir e community . Thi s moral colonialis m coul d tak e severa l forms . Fo r instance , women' s tem perance groups frequentl y wrot e letters to women in the community wh o made "to o fre e use " o f alcohol . Suc h letter s "warne d o f consequence s such a s illness, los s of reputation, suicida l passion , o r a n eternit y i n hell , and the n appeale d o n ground s o f femal e solidarity : 'D o regar d you r reputation, you r influence , th e happines s an d respectabilit y o f you r friends—regard th e hono r an d dignit y o f th e femal e sex. ' " 2 1 Middle class women als o began venturing int o the neighborhoods o f the poor an d working class on home visits, with one of the objects bein g the impositio n of th e standard s o f th e bourgeoi s hom e o n th e lowe r classes. 22 When , a s it frequentl y happened , hom e visitor s encountere d a way o f lif e tha t wa s disturbingly unlik e thei r own , a s wel l a s evidenc e tha t lowe r classe s di d not, o r coul d not , maintai n middle-clas s standards , th e conclusio n wa s often tha t th e resident s o f these neighborhood s wer e guilty o f " a belliger ent iniquity." 23 While th e degre e t o whic h poo r an d working-clas s wome n shared , o r at least aspire d to , th e domestic philosoph y o f their middle-clas s counter parts i s a matter o f some debate, ther e i s at least one importan t exceptio n to th e middle-clas s characte r o f mos t women' s temperanc e groups . Tha t exception wa s the Martha Washingtonians , a working-class women' s aux iliary o f th e Washingtonia n temperanc e society . Washingtonia n wome n

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 1 5 shared wit h middle-clas s wome n thei r belief s i n th e materna l an d mora l duties of their sex , though a s Ruth Alexande r observes, these beliefs wer e shaped no t b y "domesti c privac y an d comfort , bu t b y familiarit y wit h poverty, insecurity , an d violence." 24 Likewise , th e languag e use d b y Martha Washingtonians , a s Ia n Tyrrel l ha s noted , tende d t o emphasiz e domestic virtues : on e Marth a Washingtonia n expresse d th e sentimen t that "althoug h dut y doe s no t cal l u s t o th e battl e field, o r th e strif e o f politics, ye t w e canno t congea l [sic] th e gushin g fountai n o f ou r heart' s sympathy fo r a cause which has for it s object th e restoration o f tranquilit y to the sanctuar y o f the home." 25 Although th e women' s temperanc e movemen t wa s stil l dominate d b y moral suasionist s i n th e middl e o f th e nineteent h century , ther e wer e some wh o ha d begu n t o pai r temperanc e wit h woma n suffrage , pres enting them a s two components o f a single moral—and political—whole . Two o f thes e women , Susa n B . Anthon y an d Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , became acquainte d i n 1851 , wit h importan t consequence s fo r bot h th e women's temperanc e an d th e woma n suffrag e movements . Anthon y ha d been activ e in the women's temperanc e movemen t i n New Yor k (with th e Daughters o f Temperance) , an d Stanto n ha d becom e prominen t i n th e woman suffrag e movement , an d a s thei r friendshi p developed , Stanto n was abl e t o convinc e Anthon y tha t ther e wa s a n importan t lin k betwee n the temperanc e an d suffrag e movements . Whe n Anthon y wa s forbidde n to spea k a t a Son s o f Temperanc e meetin g i n 185 2 becaus e o f he r sex , Anthony an d Stanto n forme d th e independen t Ne w Yor k Stat e Women' s Temperance Societ y t o pres s fo r bot h dr y law s an d woma n suffrage . Anthony tol d member s o f he r organizatio n i n 185 2 tha t "woman' s tem perance sentiment s wer e no t truthfull y represente d b y ma n a t th e Ballo t Box," an d Stanto n mad e a simila r clai m i n 185 3 whe n sh e spok e befor e the Ne w Yor k legislature , whic h wa s considerin g passag e o f a stat e prohibition law . Stanto n aske d legislator s t o "eithe r remode l you r Stat e constitution, tha t woma n ma y vot e o n thi s grea t politica l an d socia l evi l [the liquo r traffic] , an d thu s reliev e hersel f o f th e terribl e injustic e tha t now oppresse s her, " o r ac t a s woman' s "chivalrou s knights " an d pas s prohibition. I f wome n ha d th e vote , promise d Stanton , "w e shoul d no t long stan d gapin g int o th e heaven s a s ou r temperanc e saint s no w do , voting rum int o high places , an d the n prayin g i t to walk out." 26 Stanton's idea s wer e to o advance d fo r th e times , however , an d whe n she bega n pressin g th e temperanc e societ y o n suc h issue s a s liberalize d

16 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement divorce, sh e wa s ouste d fro m th e organization , an d Anthon y followed . Neither woma n returne d t o temperanc e work. 27 Th e temperanc e move ment di d succee d i n passing prohibition law s in thirteen state s during th e 1850s, th e so-calle d Main e Laws . Bu t th e unwillingnes s o f stat e legisla tures t o appropriate fund s fo r enforcement , th e hostility o f urban area s t o these laws (there was such a negative reaction to the 185 5 state prohibitio n law in Ne w Yor k Cit y tha t Mayo r Fernand o Woo d refuse d t o enforce it) , and a growing preoccupatio n o f reformer s wit h th e slaver y issu e blunte d the impac t o f thes e law s an d temporaril y postpone d th e nationa l debat e on temperance . Main e Law s als o tende d t o ru n afou l o f stat e constitu tions, an d eigh t o f thirtee n stat e prohibitio n law s enacte d durin g thi s period wer e struc k dow n becaus e the y wer e inconsisten t wit h stat e con stitutions. 28 The firs t rumbling s o f a female impatienc e wit h mal e progres s o n th e temperance issu e were interrupte d b y th e Civil War, bu t th e issues raised by wome n lik e Susa n B . Anthon y an d Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n returne d with startlin g forc e i n the Woman's Crusad e i n 187 3 and i n the formatio n of th e Woman' s Christia n Temperanc e Unio n a yea r later. 29 Th e Woman's Crusad e wa s th e first mas s women' s movemen t i n th e Unite d States, an d i t sen t a clea r signa l tha t man y wome n wer e no w seein g temperance a s a "gender " issue . Th e Crusad e bega n whe n thousand s o f Ohio wome n too k t o th e street s t o pra y i n fron t o f saloon s an d othe r liquor outlet s becaus e thes e wome n believe d tha t b y doin g s o they coul d eliminate th e presenc e o f liquor i n thei r communities . The y wer e a t leas t temporarily successful . Thousand s o f saloon s closed unde r thi s extralega l pressure, an d th e movemen t sprea d t o th e res t o f th e country , claimin g the energie s o f an untol d numbe r o f women wh o had forme d th e opinio n that liquor , an d liquor' s mos t publi c symbol , th e saloon , wa s a threat t o their communities. 30 Yet was this the case? Americans in the 1870 s were actually consumin g less alcoho l tha n a t an y tim e i n thei r histor y an d ha d begu n t o shif t their allegiance s fro m distille d liquo r t o th e mor e healthfu l beer . T o a remarkable degree the American temperanc e movement o f the antebellu m period ha d succeede d i n wha t i t ha d se t ou t t o do : t o reduc e radicall y Americans' consumption o f alcohol. 31 How , then , t o explain th e passion s generated b y th e Woman' s Crusade ? Som e o f th e anxiet y fuelin g th e Crusade wa s n o doub t relate d t o th e ongoin g traum a o f th e country' s worst depressio n i n history , ye t depression-induce d anxiet y doe s no t

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 1 7 explain wh y Crusad e wome n becam e mor e anxiou s ove r th e liquo r issu e than ove r othe r issue s mor e directl y relate d t o th e economy . No r doe s i t explain wh y mor e wome n woul d b e attracte d t o th e prohibitio n move ment i n th e remainin g decade s o f th e nineteent h centur y tha n t o an y other socia l movement . While a vulnerability t o drunken husband s an d a lack of legal recours e continued t o provide ampl e motivation fo r wome n temperanc e advocates , more tha n an y othe r singl e facto r i t wa s probabl y th e dramati c increas e in th e numbe r o f saloon s tha t impelle d larg e number s o f wome n int o th e prohibition movemen t i n th e lat e nineteent h century . I t i s impossibl e t o determine th e exac t numbe r o f saloon s operatin g durin g thi s period , because there were always a large number o f unlicensed saloon s operatin g alongside license d ones. 32 Bu t accordin g t o on e estimat e ther e wer e ap proximately 100,00 0 saloon s i n th e countr y i n the earl y 1870 s (about on e for ever y 400 persons) , a total tha t increase d t o 150,00 0 b y 188 0 an d t o almost 300,00 0 by 1900—on e saloo n for ever y 25 0 persons. 33 Saloon concentration s i n urba n area s wer e especiall y dense . Boston , which had bee n subjec t t o a state prohibition la w between 185 2 and 1868 , had amasse d mor e tha n 2,50 0 unlicense d drinkin g establishment s durin g that perio d (on e for ever y 9 7 people). I n 188 5 Chicago ha d 3,50 0 saloon s (a tota l tha t exceede d th e numbe r o f saloon s i n al l th e fiftee n Souther n states combined) , o r on e fo r ever y 20 3 persons. 34 B y 191 2 Chicag o ha d more tha n 7,00 0 saloon s (an d ha d actuall y improve d it s saloon-to-perso n ratio t o 1:300) , whil e Ne w Yor k Cit y ha d ove r 8,60 0 saloons. 35 A t th e peak of Sa n Francisco' s gaudies t perio d i n 1890 , that cit y accommodate d more tha n 3,00 0 license d saloon s (on e fo r ever y 9 6 inhabitants ) an d perhaps a s man y a s 2,00 0 wwlicense d drinkin g places. 36 Temperanc e re formers o f th e lat e nineteent h centur y logicall y assume d tha t becaus e there wa s a n increas e i n th e numbe r o f saloons , ther e mus t als o b e a n increase i n alcoho l consumptio n (alon g wit h a n increase d socia l threa t t o the community) . The y wer e ofte n right , bu t a s we hav e seen , wha t me n were drinkin g i n thes e saloon s was , increasingly , beer , an d i n term s o f pure alcohol , America n pe r capit a consumptio n wa s les s i n th e lat e nine teenth centur y tha n i n almost an y perio d i n history . Reformers an d prohibitionist s to o often dismisse d th e saloo n a s simply a venu e fo r drunkenness , whil e underestimatin g it s appea l a s a plac e o f sociability. Me n frequente d saloon s fo r a variet y o f reasons , an d fo r working-class me n especially , th e saloo n coul d serv e th e socia l function s

18 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement of hirin g hall , bank , meetin g place , politica l headquarters , an d mos t importantly, a plac e wher e thos e livin g i n boardin g house s an d othe r modest dwelling s coul d com e to socialize with thei r friends. 37 Thus , tim e spent i n a saloon wa s not alway s th e sam e as time spen t drunk in a saloon. For instance , a young ma n i n Ouray, Colorado , confide d t o a temperance worker tha t h e frequented a local saloo n becaus e i t was only ther e that h e could find a warm plac e to sit . Th e Commissio n t o Investigat e Drunken ness in Massachusetts foun d a similar situation i n that state and conclude d that th e saloo n wa s th e onl y plac e wher e a poor ma n coul d b e assure d o f "warmth, comfor t an d companionship." 38 An d on e stud y conducte d b y the Illinoi s Burea u o f Labo r i n 188 4 noted wit h surpris e tha t th e stead y work habit s an d hig h earning s o f on e individua l indicate d "sobriet y an d industry, notwithstandin g muc h o f hi s leisur e tim e i s spen t i n bee r gar dens an d lik e places of amusement." 39 But whil e saloon s ofte n serve d importan t socia l functions , i t i s im portant no t t o overl y romanticiz e th e late-nineteenth-centur y saloon . Sa loons wer e i n busines s t o mak e money , an d the y mad e mone y b y sellin g alcohol. Frequentl y the y als o mad e mone y b y eve n les s savor y means . One reaso n fo r th e proliferatio n o f saloon s durin g thi s perio d ca n b e found i n th e expansio n an d overcapitalizatio n o f th e brewin g industry , culminating i n a period o f fierce competition amon g brewer s tha t Georg e Kibbe Turne r i n 190 9 calle d " a carniva l o f throat-cutting." 40 Obtainin g prime saloo n propertie s becam e a matter o f surviva l fo r America' s brew ing industry, becaus e mos t saloon s were "tie d houses, " that is , they wer e owned b y a brewin g compan y tha t require d o f thos e wh o wer e leasin g that onl y tha t company' s bee r b e sol d o n th e premises . An d wit h mor e saloons competin g fo r fewe r customers , America n brewer s becam e in creasingly willin g to turn a blind ey e to the inducements saloo n operator s were using to attract customers. 41 These inducement s include d gambling , prostitution, an d liquo r sale s to children , an d b y th e tur n o f th e centur y many saloon s ha d becom e the blight s o n the community tha t th e WCT U said the y were . I n it s 191 0 investigation o f th e "socia l evil " (prostitution ) in Chicago, tha t city' s Vic e Commission conclude d tha t nex t to houses of prostitution themselves , saloon s wer e "th e mos t conspicuou s an d im portant element " i n contributin g t o prostitutio n an d tha t "a s a contribu tory influenc e t o immoralit y an d th e busines s o f prostitutio n ther e i s n o interest s o dangerou s an d s o powerfu l i n th e Cit y o f Chicago " a s th e liquor interest. 42

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 1 9 Many othe r saloons , however , continue d t o provid e valuabl e socia l services t o th e workin g ma n an d th e immigran t a s wel l a s a welcom e retreat for al l classes from thei r worldly (an d domestic) cares. The nicetie s of a "good" saloon , however , wer e los t o n Crusad e women . T o the m th e logic was obvious: saloons dispensed alcohol , alcoho l was the most poten t of all evils, therefore all saloons must b e eradicated. Lik e their sister s wh o had participate d i n antebellu m temperanc e activities , Crusad e wome n were overwhelmingl y fro m th e middl e clas s o r th e loca l elit e class. 43 Also lik e previou s generation s o f temperanc e women , Crusad e wome n harbored fe w doubt s a s to the necessity o f eradicating liquor . The attitude s o f middle-clas s males , however , wer e mor e complex . While i t i s tru e tha t a n importan t elemen t i n th e success o f Crusad e women wa s th e widesprea d suppor t o f middle-clas s males , i t i s als o tru e that thes e me n ofte n maintaine d a n uneas y ambivalenc e towar d liquor . The exten t t o whic h middle-clas s male s wer e drinkin g i s a n interestin g question. The y ha d certainl y promote d th e banishmen t o f liquo r fro m the workplace , an d the y ha d generall y acquiesce d i n th e banishmen t o f liquor fro m th e home . Bu t th e middle-clas s hom e ha d becom e a feminin e realm wher e me n wer e no t entirel y comfortable . Th e bourgeoi s interio r reflected feminin e taste s i n deco r an d feminin e idea s o f propriety , wit h the result that th e father i n such a home was often "somethin g of a bull i n a chin a shop, " wh o wa s il l a t eas e wit h femal e domesti c arrangements. 44 Although i t i s doubtfu l tha t middle-clas s male s di d muc h i n th e wa y o f heavy drinking , man y wer e occasionall y stoppin g of f fo r a drin k a t a n establishment (ofte n euphemisticall y referre d t o a s "clubs " rathe r tha n "saloons") tha t catere d t o thei r class. 45 Here , a t least , male s coul d spen d some tim e fre e o f th e stiflin g comfort s o f th e domesti c nest . Bu t middle class males walked a thin lin e between thei r belie f i n maintaining sobriet y at hom e an d a t th e workplac e an d thei r nee d fo r releas e afte r work , an d the mora l theme s emphasize d b y Crusad e wome n mus t hav e left man y o f these men feelin g mor e than a little uncomfortable. 46 Thus, asid e fro m th e saloon' s functio n a s a dispenser o f alcohol , ther e were other , mor e subtle , reason s fo r wome n t o focus thei r hatre d o n thi s institution. Th e saloo n (an d t o a lesse r exten t th e privat e club ) wa s a vigorous competito r t o the bourgeoi s parlor— a mockin g cultura l alterna tive that wa s anathem a t o middle-clas s femal e domesticity . I n contras t t o the idealize d home , th e saloo n ha d become , i n Norma n Clark' s words , "an increasingl y ominou s counter-symbo l o f filth , permissiveness , an d

20 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement irreverence." 47 Som e understandin g o f ho w offensiv e suc h place s coul d be, especiall y t o women , ca n b e gleane d fro m th e observation s o f Luc y Adams, a New Jersey schoolteache r wh o move d t o Portland, Oregon , i n 1903. Th e rud e qualit y o f lif e i n Portlan d mad e a vivi d impressio n o n Adams, an d sh e wa s especiall y shocke d a t th e impac t o f saloon s o n the town : The stench of stale beer and whiskey often mixed with the nauseating smell of vomit on the sidewalks, and drunken staggerin g men blocking my way almost turned m y stomach. . . . T o my astonishment, fo r I had never seen the lik e before , almos t ever y othe r stor e seeme d t o b e a beer taver n o r a saloon in and out of which a constant flowof seedy looking men streamed. 48 Saloons were , moreover , place s tha t exclude d "respectable " wome n an d their children , an d place s tha t continue d t o hol d a n attractio n fo r men. 49 Women coul d no t help but b e resentful tha t me n were still choosing to go to saloons, even though wome n ha d created th e sort of home environmen t that societ y ha d assure d the m me n woul d find nurturing . T o thi s exten t the Crusad e wa s a dram a o f sexua l antagonism , a critiqu e directe d a t males. 50 But mos t o f th e obviou s publi c drinkin g bein g don e wa s b y me n wh o lay outsid e th e clas s orientation o f temperanc e women , tha t is , b y work ing-class males, and mos t significantl y b y working-class immigran t males . This turne d th e Woman' s Crusad e an d mos t subsequen t effort s b y women's temperanc e group s int o a class an d nativis t critiqu e a s well a s a gender critique . I n he r histor y o f th e Crusade , th e WCTU' s first presi dent, Anni e Wittenmyer, pointedl y note d tha t u more than two-thirds of the entire liquo r busines s i s i n th e hand s o f a lo w clas s o f foreigners." 51 Regardless o f the accurac y o f Wittenmyer's statement , mos t o f the immi grant group s comin g t o th e Unite d State s durin g th e lat e nineteent h century wer e coo l towar d temperanc e activism , an d consequentl y th e Crusade wa s leas t successfu l i n large r towns , wher e ther e wa s a signifi cant immigran t component . Thus , i t i s not surprisin g tha t th e Crusade' s greatest successe s wer e registered i n smal l towns , bu t i t is also ironic tha t Crusaders prove d mos t effective i n communities that contained th e fewes t number o f saloons per capita. 52 While the efforts o f Crusade wome n t o close saloons were only tempo rarily successful , th e Crusad e itsel f ofte n ha d a permanent, transformin g

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 2 1 effect o n temperanc e women . On e participant , Hele n Macbeth , foun d i n the Crusad e a divinel y ordaine d missio n fo r women , insistin g tha t u the time fo r freedo m fro m alcoho l ha s com e jus t a s th e tim e t o en d slaver y came—and h e [God ] ha s chose n them—th e wea k vessel—t o d o hi s work." 53 Anni e Wittenmyer calle d i t the "grea t Iconoclast" : It broke down sectaria n barriers ; it taught wome n their powe r t o transact business, t o moul d publi c opinio n b y publi c utterance , t o influenc e th e decisions of voters, and opened the eyes of scores and hundreds to the need of the Republic for the suffrages o f women, and made them willing to take up for thei r homes and country's sak e the burdens of that citizenship they would never have sought for their own. 54 With th e exhilaratio n o f the Woman' s Crusad e stil l hangin g i n th e air , the Woman' s Christia n Temperanc e Unio n wa s forme d i n 1874 . Th e WCTU share d th e sam e concern s (an d ha d th e sam e class orientation ) a s the Woman' s Crusade , bu t i t replace d th e Crusade' s a d ho c spontaneit y with a well-organized nationa l program . Althoug h ther e wa s a consensu s among WCT U wome n tha t th e us e o f alcoho l pose d th e dires t o f threat s to America n society , ther e wa s muc h els e tha t thes e wome n di d no t agree on . Fro m th e beginnin g th e WCT U wa s ideologicall y a bipola r organization. Containin g wha t futur e WCT U presiden t France s Willar d called a "conservative" wing and a "liberal" wing, th e WCTU wa s subjec t to frequen t dispute s betwee n thos e wh o favore d a mora l suasionis t ap proach t o liquo r refor m an d thos e wh o sough t t o fashio n a progressive , politically activ e agenda devote d t o a wide range of reforms. 55 The issue s o f politica l activism , woma n suffrage , part y politic s an d even th e structur e o f th e organizatio n itsel f produce d intens e debat e within th e WCTU, an d especiall y i n th e organization' s earl y year s man y members questione d th e propriet y o f politica l actio n i n genera l an d th e promotion o f prohibitio n i n particular. 56 Reachin g a n accor d o n woma n suffrage als o prove d t o b e difficult . I n 187 6 France s Willard , the n th e WCTU's travelin g secretary , mad e he r first speec h promotin g a form o f woman suffrag e tha t woul d b e limite d t o votin g o n liquo r issues . Th e response of her WCT U audienc e t o even thi s restricte d for m o f franchis e was a shocked silence. 57 Conservatives suc h a s Annie Wittenmyer contin ued t o argu e tha t woma n suffrag e woul d "strik e a fata l blo w a t th e home." 58 There wer e a numbe r o f othe r issue s an d approache s t o issue s o n

22 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement which Willar d an d Wittenmye r disagreed , an d th e conflict betwee n thes e two women wa s only th e most visibl e aspect o f the more general struggl e that wa s takin g plac e betwee n liberal s an d conservative s withi n th e WCTU. Willar d defeate d Wittenmye r fo r th e WCT U presidenc y i n 1879, bu t thei r philosophica l an d politica l difference s di d no t disappea r with Willard' s election . B y 187 9 a serie s o f dr y defeat s ha d convince d most conservativ e WCT U wome n o f th e importanc e o f prohibition , bu t it wa s no t unti l 188 1 tha t Willar d wa s abl e t o convinc e th e WCT U National Conventio n t o declar e fo r woma n suffrag e a s a temperanc e measure. Thi s resulte d i n a crisis tha t ende d i n th e withdrawa l fro m th e WCTU o f Wittenmye r an d he r followers . Th e progres s o f a n endorse ment o f full suffrag e a t th e WCT U wa s muc h slowe r (ill . 4) . Onl y five state union s endorse d ful l suffrag e befor e 1885 , an d th e suffrag e issu e continued t o caus e problem s fo r th e WCT U i n mor e conservativ e states. 59 What hel d WCT U conservative s an d liberal s togethe r (t o th e degre e that the y were hel d together ) wa s th e persona l magnetis m o f WCT U president France s Willar d an d Willard' s abilit y t o convince members tha t a desire t o protect th e hom e wa s somethin g tha t the y al l shared. Comin g to ful l fruitio n b y th e lat e nineteenth century , th e hom e protectio n argu ment ha d undergon e a transformatio n i n whic h woman' s stewardshi p over th e hom e an d he r dutie s t o th e domesti c real m ha d combine d wit h the notio n tha t thes e dutie s require d a n activ e female participatio n i n th e political aren a i n orde r t o hal t th e liquo r traffic. 60 I n he r first addres s a s WCTU presiden t i n 1879 , France s Willar d claime d tha t th e women' s movement t o eradicat e th e liquo r traffi c ("bor n i n th e churc h an d nur tured a t th e Crusad e altars" ) wa s "educatin g wome n t o th e leve l o f tw o most solem n an d ominou s ideas : 1st. That they ought to vote. 2nd. That they ought to vote against grog-shops."61 It wa s Willard wh o gave home protectio n it s name (which sh e adapte d from a speech i n whic h tariff s ha d bee n referre d t o as "home protection" ) and who , mor e tha n anyon e else , perfecte d thi s maternalis t argument. 62 As wit h mos t politicall y astut e persons , Willar d base d he r argument s partially o n heartfel t convictio n an d partiall y o n shrew d calculatio n ( a trait sh e share d wit h prohibitio n repealis t Paulin e Sabin) . Willar d under stood th e tremendou s emotiona l appea l tha t hom e protectionis m ha d fo r American women , no t onl y becaus e o f th e sens e o f dut y wome n fel t toward thei r home s an d families , bu t als o becaus e o f th e grav e physica l

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 2 3 and economi c threa t pose d b y th e intemperat e us e o f alcohol . Thi s gav e the maintenanc e o f a sobe r hom e an d husban d a n immediac y tha t fe w other issue s coul d match , an d i t enabled th e WCTU t o amass a member ship tha t wa s large r b y fa r tha n an y othe r women' s organizatio n o f th e nineteenth century. 63 Hom e protectio n thu s becam e th e WCTU' s com mon denominato r betwee n member s wh o wer e dubiou s o f suc h innova tions a s woma n suffrag e an d femal e participatio n i n partisa n politics , o n the on e hand , an d thos e wh o favore d bot h a greater femal e participatio n in politic s an d a mor e involve d critiqu e o f society , o n th e other . I n Willard's hands , hom e protectio n becam e a n all-purpos e concept , a rhe torical devic e she could us e to advance her ambitiou s slat e of programs. Willard produce d skillfull y crafte d metaphor s tha t combine d idea s o f primordial instinc t wit h divin e callin g t o illustrat e woman' s "natural " maternalist inclinatio n towar d temperance. 64 Claimin g tha t throug h th e "changeless instinct s o f he r nature " woma n understoo d tha t liquo r wa s the graves t o f al l threat s t o domesti c tranquility , Willar d insiste d tha t "God ha s indicate d woman , wh o i s th e bor n conservato r o f home , t o be th e Nemesi s o f home' s arc h enemy , Kin g Alcohol. " Thi s pointedl y masculine personification wa s rooted i n the nineteenth-century convictio n that intemperanc e wa s th e fathe r o f sins—th e singl e evi l tha t mos t ofte n produced othe r evils (ill. 5). 65 Temperance reformer s foun d link s betwee n alcohol an d domesti c violenc e an d a n affinit y betwee n alcoho l an d sexua l seduction. Mar y Hanna h Hunt , wh o heade d th e WCTU' s Departmen t of Scientifi c Temperanc e Instruction , describe d alcoho l a s " a dangerou s and seductiv e poison." 66 France s Willard , wh o i n additio n t o he r dutie s as WCTU presiden t le d the WCTU's Socia l Purity Department , passion ately declaimed , "Whe n a ma n woul d ro b a woma n o f he r virtue , o r a woman i s abou t t o sel l hersel f i n th e mos t degrade d bargai n tha t th e mind ca n contemplate , wha t doe s h e giv e he r an d wha t doe s sh e take ? STRONG DRINK!"

67

Willard's us e o f hom e protectionis m wa s sl y an d potentiall y subver sive, payin g homag e to conservative, home-centere d idea s and simultane ously establishin g the base from whic h these ideas could b e extended wel l beyond th e home. 68 Willar d accomplishe d thi s fea t b y makin g th e entir e world analogou s t o the home, insistin g that "i t is not enough tha t wome n should b e home-makers , bu t the y mus t mak e th e worl d itself , a large r home." 69 Emphasizing woman' s duty over the mor e dangerous concep t of woman's right, Willard' s earl y argument s fo r suffrag e emphasize d tha t

24 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement "the reaso n fo r seekin g thi s adde d weapo n i n women' s hand s i s i n eac h case that it may be used against the rum power, in defense of Home." "Th e Home Protectio n Petition, " which Willar d devise d a s a model for wome n seeking th e vote , calle d "th e legalize d traffi c i n stron g drink " th e home' s "worst enemy, " describe d woma n a s "th e natura l enem y o f th e saloon, " and i n inexorabl e logi c concluded tha t wome n shoul d thu s b e allowe d t o vote on an y questio n tha t concerne d a liquor license. 70 It wa s importan t fo r th e WCTU' s futur e a s a politica l forc e tha t Willard's contentio n tha t wome n wer e inherentl y hostil e towar d saloon s and alcoho l wa s als o endorse d b y a large proportio n o f th e mal e popula tion, includin g thos e wh o viewe d thi s clai m wit h satisfactio n (suc h a s temperance reformers ) a s well a s those who viewed i t with alar m (suc h as the Unite d State s Brewers ' Association) . On e o f th e forme r wa s Henr y William Blair , a prohibitio n advocat e an d a U.S . senato r fro m Ne w Hampshire fro m 187 9 to 1891 . Blair's thinkin g ra n paralle l t o Willard's , and i n 188 8 he expressed th e belief tha t the woma n nature , i f no t th e better , i s less inclined t o the indulgenc e of coarse animal tendencies , lik e gluttony an d drunkenness , tha t woma n has fewer temptations , and , whe n ther e i s opportunity , i s mor e readil y re claimed. Then , again , woma n i s th e suprem e bein g i n th e family , an d instinctively persevere s longes t agains t temptation, adversit y an d unfortu nate environment, in the effort t o sustain and preserve the family bark from wreck on the sea of dissipation. 71 When Willar d decide d tha t th e WCT U shoul d becom e activ e i n part y politics, sh e onc e agai n emphasize d hom e protectio n t o mak e thi s notio n more palatabl e t o WCT U conservatives . Creatin g wha t sh e calle d th e Home Protectio n part y i n 1881 , Willar d attempte d t o merg e thi s ne w entity wit h th e Prohibitio n part y i n 1884 . Willard' s propose d affiliatio n with th e Prohibitio n party , however , prove d t o b e eve n mor e divisiv e than he r idea s on suffrage . Ther e wa s a contingent o f temperance wome n who clun g t o th e notio n tha t temperanc e shoul d b e nonpartisan , whil e others ha d develope d loyaltie s to the Republica n party . In th e perso n o f J. Elle n Foster , th e woma n wh o le d th e resistanc e t o Willard's liaiso n wit h th e Prohibitio n party , w e hav e a n exampl e o f a WCTU membe r wh o seemingl y ha d loyaltie s bot h t o nonpartisanshi p and t o th e Republica n party . Foste r ha d bee n a leade r i n th e fight fo r prohibition bot h i n Kansa s an d i n Iow a an d ha d alway s insiste d tha t

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 2 5 women could b e most effective i n temperance campaigns i f they remaine d untainted b y partisa n politics . Fo r instance , sh e had reassure d th e wome n of Ohio i n 188 2 that th e movement fo r prohibitio n i n that stat e would no t interfere wit h an y o f the mor e traditiona l line s of temperance work , "an d being non-partisan , i t i s particularl y adapte d t o b e a woman' s move ment." 72 Bu t Foste r ha d als o expende d a great dea l o f energ y t o ge t th e Iowa Republica n part y t o declar e fo r prohibition , an d i t i s therefor e no t surprising tha t Foste r sa w th e propose d WCT U alignmen t wit h th e Prohibition part y a s destructive t o these efforts, sinc e votes gained b y th e Prohibition part y wer e usuall y a t th e expens e o f th e Republica n party. 73 Eventually, thi s issu e woul d prope l Foste r an d he r follower s ou t o f th e WCTU an d woul d resul t i n th e formatio n o f th e nationa l Nonpartisa n WCTU i n 1890. 74 While th e Republica n part y ha d historicall y trie d t o avoi d th e volatil e prohibition issu e a s muc h a s possible , Republican s ha d a t leas t showe d some sympath y towar d temperanc e measures , havin g inherite d a portio n of th e Whiggis h enthusias m fo r reform . Member s o f th e Democrati c party, fo r muc h o f th e sam e era , foun d temperanc e activis m eve n les s appealing, partl y becaus e of the party's larg e immigrant constituency . B y default, then , th e Republica n part y becam e th e part y o f choic e fo r dr y women suc h a s Foste r an d eve n Willar d herself . A s lat e a s 188 0 Willar d had resiste d an y affiliatio n wit h the Prohibition part y becaus e (in her ow n words) sh e ha d bee n "traine d t o b e a staunch Republican , [and ] both m y education an d sympathie s wer e arrayed o n Garfield's side." 75 The loyalt y of larg e number s o f temperanc e wome n t o th e Republica n part y woul d extend wel l int o the twentiet h century , an d whe n th e Women' s Nationa l Republican Clu b vote d i n favo r o f prohibitio n repea l i n 1930 , i t woul d mark an important shif t i n orientation fo r Republica n women . More profoun d tha n th e WCTU' s interna l divisions , an d mor e im portant i n illustratin g th e tension s tha t accompanie d th e prohibitio n movement, wa s the WCTU's attitud e toward wome n who fell outside th e middle-class, nativ e stoc k ambi t o f th e organization . I n theory , bot h th e WCTU an d th e Nonpartisa n WCT U wer e officiall y ecumenical ; bot h organizations mad e attempt s t o reac h wome n wh o fel l outsid e th e main stream orientatio n o f thei r groups . Blac k wome n wer e brough t int o th e WCTU (i n segregate d chapters) , an d th e WCT U trie d t o recrui t wome n in immigrant communities . Bu t the practice of ecumenism ofte n fel l shor t of th e theory. 76 Amon g immigran t group s th e WCT U registere d it s

26 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement greatest successe s amon g Germa n an d norther n Europea n wome n an d it s greatest failure s amon g easter n an d souther n Europea n wome n an d among Catholi c an d Jewis h women . WCT U women , lik e thei r mal e counterparts, tende d t o shar e th e prejudice s o f thei r clas s an d o f thei r Protestant Christianity . Since th e bul k o f late-nineteenth-centur y an d early-twentieth-centur y immigration t o th e Unite d State s originate d i n th e Catholi c countrie s o f southern an d easter n Europ e (an d i n th e Jewish enclave s o f Russi a an d eastern Europe) , hostilit y towar d immigrant s becam e entwined wit h hos tility towar d individual s wh o wer e no t Anglo-Saxo n Protestants—espe cially th e numerou s Catholi c immigrants. 77 Th e 1890 s produce d som e especially virulen t nativis t attack s fro m bot h sexe s o f th e native-bor n middle class . Carri e Chapma n Cat t an d Ann a Howar d Sha w rankle d against th e politica l subjugatio n o f wome n o f thei r clas s b y immigran t males wh o ha d bee n give n th e vote , an d France s Willar d too k th e oppor tunity i n one of her last addresse s to a WCTU nationa l conventio n t o call on Congres s t o "enac t a stringent immigratio n la w prohibitin g th e influ x into ou r lan d o f mor e o f th e scu m o f th e Ol d World , unti l w e hav e educated thos e wh o ar e here." 78 Willar d maintained , " I a m first a Christian, the n I am a Saxon, the n I am a n American " an d expresse d th e hop e that a national prohibitio n campaig n coul d wip e ou t sectiona l differences between Nort h an d Sout h an d "wel d th e Anglo-Saxon s o f th e Ne w World int o one royal family." 79 Th e racialis t theorie s o f Willard receive d an internationa l expressio n i n th e formatio n o f th e World' s WCT U (WWCTU) i n th e 1880s . Basin g he r concep t o f th e WWCT U o n a n Anglo-American alliance , Willar d envisione d a n organizatio n i n whic h "the imperia l mothe r an d th e dauntless daughte r o f the Anglo-Saxon rac e clasp hands i n union neve r t o be broken." 80 In th e Unite d State s th e undercurren t o f bia s i n th e WCT U agains t Catholics wa s enunciate d i n way s bot h subtl e an d no t s o subtle. Becaus e the charitable and refor m activitie s of Catholic women, lik e many o f their Protestant counterparts , tende d t o cente r aroun d thei r churches , an y affiliation o f Catholic wome n wit h th e Protestant-dominate d WCT U wa s problematic. (Th e difficultie s wer e compounde d b y th e frequenc y wit h which WCT U chapter s chos e t o hol d thei r meeting s i n Protestan t churches.) I n Oberlin , Ohio , WCT U wome n circulatin g a total-absti nence pledge note d wit h disapprova l tha t certai n "Germa n an d Iris h girl s who were Catholics, declined t o sign." 81 Th e Bosto n WCTU complaine d

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 2 7 of "th e inroad s tha t Romanist s ar e makin g i n ou r ranks, " an d th e Cleve land WCTU , whic h ha d bee n hostin g "Mothers ' Meetings " in the ethni c Haymarket distric t o f Clevelan d i n th e lat e 1870s , reporte d wit h som e pride, an d n o trac e o f irony , tha t fiv e o f th e wome n wh o ha d bee n attending thos e meeting s "wer e formerl y Catholics , bu t no w trus t i n Christ fo r salvation." 82 Exacerbating th e difficultie s tha t th e WCT U ha d i n attractin g immi grant wome n wa s th e transformatio n o f th e "temperance " movemen t o f the antebellu m year s int o th e "prohibition " movemen t o f th e lat e nine teenth century. 83 Th e ultrais t vie w tha t no w dominate d America n tem perance thinkin g wa s tha t tru e temperanc e consiste d o f tota l abstention , as wel l a s a n advocac y o f eliminatin g alcoho l entirel y fro m society . Thi s insistence o n a proscription o f al l alcoholi c beverage s ofte n struc k immi grant wome n fro m countrie s wit h tradition s o f ritualistic an d recreationa l drinking a s a n alien , eve n a hostile , concept . No r di d on e hav e t o loo k very fa r t o find thi s hostilit y expresse d i n plai n language . Describin g hi s trip to southern Europe , th e temperance reforme r Di o Lewis asked , And wha t i s the secre t of their demoralizatio n there ? Th e wome n drink! ! every woman , a s well a s every man ; an d durin g th e tim e I wa s there , I never heard a woman decline to drink, excep t because of sickness; and one hour after dinne r you could see the effects o f wine-drinking in the face and eye of every woman of the company.84 As Pau l Boye r ha s observed , "on e man' s vic e wa s anothe r man' s folk ways," an d nowher e wa s thi s clas h o f value s betwee n middle-class , na tive-born reformer s an d immigran t group s bette r illustrate d tha n i n th e prohibition issue. 85 A t a Senat e hearin g i n 1914 , fo r instance , dozen s o f women representin g variou s mainstrea m women' s organization s appeare d to urge senator s t o support th e Hobso n proposa l fo r nationa l prohibition . A notabl e exceptio n wa s th e testimon y o f Carri e Fischer , representin g the Women' s Branc h o f th e German-America n Alliance . Fische r note d that German-America n wome n fel t tha t a prohibition la w "ca n not b e fo r the bes t o f our countr y o r ou r individua l hom e life . W e do no t believ e i n the principle of prohibition, an d therefor e d o not desire it." 86 There i s ampl e evidenc e t o sugges t tha t wome n i n othe r first- an d second-generation immigran t group s als o ha d a ver y differen t vie w o f alcohol consumptio n tha n th e native-stoc k wome n o f th e WCTU . Irish -

28 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement American women , fo r instance , bot h consume d greate r quantitie s o f alcoholic beverages than their native-stock counterpart s an d suffere d fro m more alcohol-relate d problems . Iris h wome n die d fro m alcoholis m a t a higher rat e tha n wome n o f an y othe r ethni c group , an d on e stud y eve n found Iris h wome n succumbin g t o alcohol-relate d live r diseas e mor e frequently tha n Iris h men. 87 I n hi s stud y o f Worcester , Massachusetts , Roy Rosenzwei g ha s foun d tha t som e Irish-America n wome n operate d shebeens (home o r kitchen-base d liquo r shops ) i n America , notin g tha t "i n Ireland th e keepin g o f a shebee n wa s a 'recognize d resourc e o f widows, ' and the y ha d a 'privileged ' statu s i n th e liquo r trade . . . . Iris h immi grants continue d t o insis t o n th e propriet y o f thi s for m o f communa l charity, despit e th e failur e o f America n law s t o recogniz e it." 88 Rosen zweig insist s o n "th e centralit y o f wome n a s bot h sellers an d consumer s of liquo r i n th e kitche n gro g shops, " notin g tha t "arres t record s giv e ample evidenc e o f th e prominenc e o f Iris h wome n drin k sellers i n Worcester." 89 Easter n Europea n wome n als o occasionall y resorte d t o the sellin g o f illega l alcohol ; i n citie s a s widel y scattere d a s Johnstown , Pennsylvania, an d Butte , Montana , bootleggin g wa s a popula r wa y fo r immigrant an d working-clas s wome n t o supplement th e famil y income. 90 One thing that generally remaine d th e same for wome n regardless of their class or ethni c origin s wa s a hostility towar d th e saloon , mos t frequentl y as a cultural competito r an d occasionall y a s a business competitor. 91 Despite th e WCTU' s lac k o f succes s i n attractin g larg e number s o f immigrant women , an d despit e occasiona l interna l discor d withi n th e organization, th e WCT U continue d t o grow durin g th e 1880s . Bu t whil e Frances Willar d succeede d i n he r attempt s t o commi t th e WCT U t o woman suffrag e an d th e Prohibitio n party , i n othe r area s he r reac h exceeded he r grasp . On e o f Willard's dream s was to forge a n alliance tha t would includ e the WCTU, th e Prohibition party , an d th e Populists. Th e WCTU an d th e Prohibitio n part y dre w thei r member s fro m a differen t social strat a tha n di d th e Populis t party , bu t th e Populis t part y di d contain a stron g prohibitionis t faction , whic h gav e France s Willar d hop e that sh e coul d brin g abou t a WCTU-Prohibition party-Populis t fusion . All hope s fo r suc h a n allianc e wer e scuttle d i n 1892 , however , whe n th e Populist conventio n refuse d t o adop t a prohibitio n plan k an d produce d only a watered-dow n endorsemen t o f woma n suffrage. 92 Willar d als o failed t o persuad e th e WCT U t o embrac e socialis m (a n enthusias m sh e had acquire d o n extende d sojourn s t o Europe) , an d b y removin g hersel f

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 2 9 both physicall y an d emotionall y fro m th e affair s o f th e WCTU , Willar d clearly ha d los t touch wit h th e views of her constituents. 93 Thus, b y th e earl y 1890 s th e WCT U wa s suffering fro m a n identit y crisis. Th e organization' s liaiso n wit h th e Prohibitio n part y ha d no t pro duced th e expecte d victories , th e charismati c France s Willar d wa s in creasingly withdraw n fro m WCT U affairs , an d financia l problem s plagued WCT U enterprises . Whil e thi s wa s a period i n whic h th e prohi bition movemen t i n general wa s lackin g bot h i n focus an d leadership , th e movement wa s actuall y o n th e verg e o f it s mos t brillian t era , an d th e organization tha t woul d lea d prohibitionist s t o th e dr y promise d lan d already existe d a s a small Ohio temperance organization . Calling itsel f th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e (ASL) , an d focusin g it s effort s on th e eliminatio n o f saloon s rathe r tha n o n drinkin g pe r se , thi s grou p adopted it s approac h fro m th e growin g middle-clas s consensu s tha t th e saloon ha d becom e a noxiou s breedin g groun d fo r vic e an d a threa t t o society (ill . 6) . The AS L wen t nationa l i n 189 5 an< i establishe d itsel f a s a nonpartisan organizatio n largel y becaus e i t believe d tha t th e WCT U ha d erred politicall y b y affiliatin g itsel f wit h th e Prohibitio n party . Thi s decision, o f course , mad e i t a natura l all y o f th e Nonpartisa n WCTU , and i n th e earl y day s th e Nonpartisa n WCT U provide d th e fledgling ASL wit h muc h neede d mone y an d contacts . Th e AS L als o borrowe d many lobbyin g technique s tha t th e WCT U ha d bee n perfectin g ove r the previou s twent y years , includin g massiv e lette r an d petitio n writin g campaigns, th e productio n o f ream s o f prohibitionis t literature , an d th e occasional politic s o f theater. 94 Bu t mos t importantl y th e Nonpartisa n WCTU provide d th e AS L wit h a strateg y fo r a moder n prohibitio n movement base d o n nonpartisanshi p an d concentratio n o n a singl e issue. 95 ASL cooperation wit h the main body o f the WCTU wa s not forthcom ing unti l France s Willar d die d i n 189 8 an d th e WCT U wa s abl e t o disencumber itsel f fro m th e politica l burde n o f th e Prohibitio n party . Thereafter th e AS L an d th e WCT U bega n regularl y consultin g o n lob bying strategie s an d cooperatin g i n prohibitio n campaigns. 96 Th e com bined effort s o f these two organizations, no w operating within th e contex t of Progressivis m an d a n improve d atmospher e fo r reform , produce d im pressive result s ove r th e nex t twent y years . B y 191 3 th e coalitio n ha d successfully lobbie d fo r numerou s "loca l option " ordinances , ha d in creased th e numbe r o f state s wit h state-wid e prohibitio n law s t o nine ,

30 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement and ha d gaine d passag e o f ke y federa l legislatio n (mos t notably , th e Webb-Kenyon Law , whic h prohibite d th e shipmen t o f liquo r int o dr y states where suc h shipment s wer e proscribed). I n November o f that year , at a "Jubile e Convention " sponsore d b y th e Anti-Saloo n League , dr y forces announce d tha t the y woul d hencefort h b e seekin g a constitutiona l amendment fo r nationa l prohibition . Ove r th e nex t severa l year s th e prohibition movemen t picke d u p eve n mor e momentum , wit h five state s adopting stat e prohibitio n law s i n 1914 , five i n 1915 , an d fou r i n 1916 . On th e ev e o f America' s entr y int o Worl d Wa r I , twenty-si x state s ha d state-wide prohibitio n laws. 97 These numbers , whil e seemingl y reflectin g a n overwhelmin g enthusi asm fo r prohibition , ar e les s impressiv e whe n examine d mor e closely . Only thirtee n state s wit h prohibitio n law s befor e th e wa r wer e "bon e dry"; th e res t mad e som e provisio n fo r home-mad e win e o r bee r o r fo r the periodi c importatio n b y stat e resident s o f a prescribe d quantit y o f alcohol. O f th e thirtee n mos t heavil y populate d industria l states , onl y two, Indian a an d Michigan , ha d vote d fo r prohibitio n (an d Detroi t ha d voted wet). 98 Undeniably , prohibitio n wa s mos t popula r i n th e less populated state s o f th e Wes t an d th e South , bu t eve n i n thes e state s th e urban center s tended t o vote wet (Seattle and Sa n Francisco, fo r instance , both turne d i n large wet majoritie s i n state prohibition referendums). 99 At leas t som e dr y leader s wer e anxiousl y awar e o f th e implication s o f these numbers . Whil e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e officer s Purle y Bake r an d Howard Russel l fel t tha t nationa l prohibitio n coul d b e accomplished ove r a perio d o f twent y years , th e hea d o f th e ASL' s publishin g interests , Ernest Cherrington , believe d tha t prohibitio n woul d hav e t o b e i n plac e within five years—o r perhap s no t a t all . Cherringto n base d hi s fear s o n the growin g populatio n o f America' s urba n center s an d th e politica l reality tha t America' s urba n center s wer e als o America's immigran t cen ters an d largel y hostil e to prohibition (th e population o f dripping wet Sa n Francisco, fo r instance , wa s 6 8 percen t foreig n bor n o r th e childre n o f foreign bor n parent s i n 1910). 100 On e o f th e reason s dr y force s ha d enjoyed s o many successe s o n th e stat e level was related t o the underrep resentation o f urba n area s i n stat e legislatures. 101 Th e sam e bia s i n favo r of rura l representatio n prevaile d o n th e nationa l level , bu t seat s i n th e House o f Representative s woul d b e reapportione d afte r th e 192 0 census, and a n increase d urba n populatio n woul d b e translate d int o increase d urban politica l power . I n suc h a scenario , th e predictabl e oppositio n o f

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 3 1 urban congressiona l representative s t o prohibitio n woul d mak e i t nearl y impossible to get a prohibition submissio n vot e through th e House. 102 The WCT U wa s als o well awar e o f th e urban/immigran t resistanc e t o prohibition, an d i n th e year s tha t precede d th e final passag e o f nationa l prohibition th e WCT U heavil y emphasize d it s "Americanization " pro gram. Attempt s b y th e WCT U t o dra w immigran t wome n int o it s ow n moral syste m ha d bee n par t o f WCT U effort s fro m th e beginning , bu t the pac e an d urgenc y o f suc h effort s quickene d afte r th e announcemen t that a driv e woul d begi n fo r nationa l prohibition . A s Americ a move d closer t o becomin g involve d i n Worl d Wa r I , th e WCT U narrowe d an d nationalized it s standar d hom e protectio n argument . Fro m a universa l woman's instinct , hom e protectio n becam e a n America n woman' s in stinct, informe d b y patriotism . State d simply , suppor t fo r prohibitio n was "American," opposition t o it was not. Th e WCTU dedicate d itsel f t o "Americanizing immigran t women , an d fo r securin g the m a s allies in ou r great battl e fo r righteousness " becaus e "upo n [th e immigran t woman] , and he r abilit y t o mak e he r hom e correspon d t o America n conditions , depends th e real 'Americanization ' o f her family." 103 Inherent i n th e WCTU' s Americanizatio n progra m an d i n th e driv e for nationa l prohibitio n i n genera l wa s a centralizin g sentiment . I t wa s not enoug h tha t thos e communitie s an d state s tha t wante d prohibitio n could hav e it— a unifor m standar d o f moral s an d behavio r wa s t o b e imposed o n the entire country, eve n on those communities an d state s tha t did no t wan t it . I n Senat e testimon y i n 1914 , WCT U presiden t Ell a Boole argue d tha t "differen t way s o f dealin g wit h th e liquo r traffi c i n different State s hav e a n effec t upo n publi c morals " an d tha t nationa l prohibition woul d "establis h a singl e publi c standar d o n th e questio n o f the liquor traffi c throughou t th e whole Nation" 104 (ill . 7). Standing i n th e way o f suc h a syste m wa s a significan t immigran t populatio n tha t wa s generally hostil e t o prohibition . Wit h he r geniu s fo r cuttin g t o th e hear t of the issue , Bool e emphasize d i n 191 8 the importanc e o f reaching immi grant women , man y o f who m wer e "dominate d b y thei r priests" : "In struction i n favo r o f tota l abstinenc e an d prohibitio n mus t g o han d i n hand wit h instructio n i n citizenship . Otherwis e th e foreig n wome n vote , as wel l a s th e foreig n me n vote , become s a menac e t o th e prohibitio n movement." 105 Joining the immigrant/urban oppositio n to prohibition wer e American s who wer e oppose d t o prohibitio n fo r othe r reasons . Organize d labo r wa s

32 • American Women and the Prohibition Movement critical o f th e sumptuar y an d clas s aspect s o f prohibition , an d som e intellectuals too k not e o f prohibition' s potentia l t o intrud e o n individua l liberties. Man y businessme n wer e als o uneas y wit h th e massiv e govern ment intrusio n int o th e commercia l secto r represente d b y prohibition . Historically i t ha d frequentl y bee n th e cas e tha t th e votin g o n loca l prohibition issue s ofte n pitte d th e nativ e bor n middl e an d lowe r middl e classes (wit h evangelica l churc h backing ) agains t immigran t group s an d business an d professiona l elites. 106 Voice s i n oppositio n t o prohibitio n were largel y stille d durin g th e hysteri a o f th e wa r years , however , an d did not surfac e agai n until afte r nationa l prohibition ha d been established . While a number o f factors converge d a t the end o f the decade to assur e the passag e o f th e nationa l prohibitio n amendment , a great dea l o f credi t must g o t o th e combine d effort s o f th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e an d th e WCTU. Throug h innumerabl e stat e an d loca l optio n efforts , thi s coali tion ha d gaine d a thorough understandin g o f the refinement s o f pressur e politics an d wa s abl e t o dra w successfull y o n pas t prohibitio n campaign s and appl y the m t o a national effort . The wets , o n th e othe r hand , remaine d fragmente d an d incapabl e o f mounting a united effor t t o tur n bac k th e tid e o f prohibition. 107 Leader s of th e brewin g an d win e industrie s fo r th e mos t par t seeme d blissfull y unaware o f th e growin g publi c antipath y towar d saloon s (mos t o f whic h were tie d house s owne d b y bi g nationa l brewers ) an d o f the threa t pose d by th e growt h o f th e femal e vote . Eve n afte r Unite d State s Brewers ' Association secretar y Hug h F . Fo x warne d a gatherin g o f brewer s i n 1913 that the y mus t tak e action to clean up drinking places because "wit h the sprea d o f woma n suffrag e th e wome n ar e goin g t o pas s judgmen t upon th e saloon, " producer s o f fermente d beverage s stil l flattere d them selves tha t th e nation' s alcoho l proble m coul d b e lai d a t th e doorste p o f the wicke d distillin g industry. 108 A s lat e as 191 7 American brewer s actu ally joine d th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e i n promotin g passag e o f th e Foo d Control Act , a measure tha t prohibite d distillin g durin g th e wa r i n orde r to preserv e grain. 109 Whe n brewer s an d distiller s finally bega n cooperat ing, i t wa s to o littl e to o late , becaus e America' s entr y int o th e wa r ha d effectively seale d th e fat e o f America' s liquo r industry . Th e stron g anti German sentimen t tha t emerge d durin g the war, alon g with th e German American dominatio n o f th e brewin g industry , wa s a fortuitous circum stance fo r prohibitionists . Th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e especiall y wa s suc cessful i n linkin g Germa n militaris m an d th e brewin g industry , "Hun "

American Women and the Prohibition Movement • 3 3 atrocities an d a n appetit e fo r alcohol , an d prohibitio n an d patriotis m (ill. 8). 110 In 191 7 the Hous e of Representatives an d th e Senat e passed th e prohibition amendmen t wit h th e neede d two-third s majorit y an d sen t th e amendment o n t o th e stat e legislatures . Aidin g th e progres s o f th e Eigh teenth Amendmen t wer e votin g wome n i n te n state s wh o wer e no w making thei r politica l presenc e fel t i n election s fo r stat e an d nationa l legislators.111 I n Januar y o f 191 8 Mississipp i becam e th e first stat e t o ratify th e Eighteent h Amendment , an d a year later , o n 1 6 January 1919 , Nebraska vote d fo r th e amendmen t an d becam e th e las t stat e neede d t o approve nationa l prohibition . Th e passag e of the Eighteenth Amendmen t was extraordinaril y swift , an d fo r th e WCT U especially , th e prohibitio n law represente d a n unvarnishe d triumph , a validatio n o f th e effort s o f generations o f wome n t o brin g abou t a dry America . Speakin g i n 1918 , the ASL's genera l superintendent , Pu r ley Baker, noted , "Th e prohibitio n reform i n Americ a ha s ha d behin d i t tw o factors , bot h o f whic h hav e been an d ar e absolutel y essentia l t o complet e victor y . . . th e organize d backing o f th e Christia n womanhoo d o f th e natio n a s officiall y repre sented b y th e Woman' s Christia n Temperanc e Unio n . . . [and ] th e backing o f th e Church , o r tha t par t o f it , a t least , tha t count s fo r vita l Godliness." 112 Yet , thirtee n year s late r prohibitio n woul d b e repudiate d by anothe r constitutiona l amendment , a n amendmen t approve d eve n more swiftl y tha n th e Eighteent h Amendmen t an d aide d i n great par t b y some o f th e sam e America n wome n wh o ha d supporte d prohibition' s passage. Thi s wa s a stunning reversa l tha t almos t n o one on either sid e of the issu e ha d predicted . An d whil e repeal' s impac t o n America n societ y was considerable, it s effect o n organized America n wome n wa s especiall y pronounced. Afte r th e repea l campaign , woman' s imag e a s mora l an d political acto r would neve r b e the same .

C

H

A

P

T

E

R

T W

O

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition in the 1920s

A

t th e sam e time tha t temperanc e wome n wer e strugglin g t o enac t the prohibitio n amendment , a parallel effor t wa s takin g place t o . gai n passag e o f th e woma n suffrag e amendment . Th e femal e constituencies o f thes e tw o movement s ha d ofte n overlapped , an d fo r many year s stat e woma n suffrag e initiative s ha d receive d th e heart y support o f th e WCTU . Indeed , on e o f th e unintende d consequence s o f such suppor t wa s tha t i t attracte d th e attentio n o f th e liquo r industry , which coul d wiel d considerabl e politica l an d financial resource s agains t woman suffrage. 1 Thi s long-standin g associatio n i n th e publi c spher e between women' s temperanc e an d woma n suffrag e woul d hav e importan t consequences durin g th e prohibitio n repea l debate , especiall y whe n fe male politica l leader s bega n t o declar e themselve s agains t a refor m tha t generations o f women ha d labore d t o bring about . The beverag e alcoho l industr y mad e onl y th e mos t half-hearte d at tempts t o refute WCT U proclamation s tha t women' s suppor t o f prohibi tion wa s natural , nearl y universal , an d almos t certai n t o b e overwhelm ingly reflecte d a t th e polls . Instead , group s suc h a s th e Unite d State s Brewers' Association (USBA ) launched aggressive , though mostl y covert , campaigns agains t woma n suffrag e initiatives . Thos e involve d i n th e woman suffrag e movemen t ha d suspecte d fo r year s tha t th e brewers ' association ha d bee n bankrolling antisuffrage activities , an d 3191 9 Senat e 34

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 3 5 investigation confirme d thes e suspicions. 2 Subpoenae d record s from thes e hearings include d a confidentia l not e fro m th e association' s Perc y An dreae stating , "I n regar d t o th e matte r o f woma n suffrage , w e ar e tryin g to kee p fro m havin g an y connectio n wit h i t whatever . W e are , however , in a position t o establis h channel s o f communication s wit h th e leader s of the anti-suffrag e movemen t fo r ou r friend s i n an y stat e wher e suffrag e i s an issue. " Suc h state s include d Nebraska , Wisconsin , an d Sout h Dakot a (where a US B A organize r claimed , "W e hav e defeated women' s suffrag e at thre e differen t times") . I n Iowa , th e genera l counse l o f th e Iow a Brewers Associatio n noted , "W e are of the opinion that women' s suffrag e can b e defeated , althoug h w e believ e tha t th e liquo r interes t shoul d no t be known a s the contending forc e agains t this campaign." 3 Just a s Worl d Wa r I acte d a s a catalys t i n passin g th e prohibitio n amendment, s o to o wa s i t crucia l t o th e passag e o f th e woma n suffrag e amendment. Th e wa r provide d a n opportunit y fo r wome n t o displa y both a gratifyingl y martia l spiri t i n suppor t o f th e wa r (th e strateg y o f the Nationa l America n Woma n Suffrag e Associatio n [NAWSA] ) an d a disturbingly militan t insistenc e that suffrag e fo r wome n was long overdue (the Nationa l Woman' s part y strategy. ) Thi s unwittin g carrot-and-stic k strategy provoke d th e gratitud e o f America n voter s whil e raisin g thei r consciousness. Furthe r aidin g woma n suffrag e force s wa s th e oppositio n to suffrag e expresse d b y th e German-American-dominate d brewin g in dustry. In Jun e o f 191 9 Congres s passe d th e woma n suffrag e amendmen t t o the Constitutio n an d sen t i t on t o the stat e legislatures fo r a vote. A littl e more tha n a yea r late r th e Nineteent h Amendmen t wa s ratified , an d i n 1920 man y wome n cas t thei r first vote s i n a nationa l election . I t i s altogether fitting tha t nationa l prohibitio n an d nationa l woma n suffrag e went int o effec t i n th e sam e year . The y ha d ofte n bee n linke d together , by bot h friend s an d foes , an d th e assumptio n tha t th e enfranchise d woman woul d als o b e a prohibitionis t ha d lon g bee n entrenche d a s a political articl e of faith . The passag e of the Nineteenth Amendmen t wa s the occasion for muc h speculation a s t o whic h issue s woul d dominat e femal e politica l concern s as woma n becam e man' s politica l equal . Goin g beyon d th e liquo r issue , many anticipate d tha t enfranchise d wome n woul d constitut e a general ized politica l blo c devoted t o a wide range of reform issues . Afte r all , th e domestic analogie s tha t wome n voter s woul d mak e th e worl d morall y

36 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition more "hom e like " and woul d "clea n up " politics ha d bee n bantere d abou t for years , wit h France s Willar d predictin g tha t wome n voter s "woul d come int o governmen t an d purif y it , int o politic s an d cleans e it s Stygia n pool." 4 A politica l housecleanin g i s precisel y wha t wome n attempte d t o d o after winnin g th e vote , bu t th e brigh t hop e tha t the y woul d b e abl e t o reform part y machine s dimme d quickl y a s wome n wer e first welcome d into politica l partie s wit h grea t fanfare , the n shunte d of f t o th e sid e s o that me n coul d conduc t politic s a s usual . A t th e beginnin g o f th e 1920 s Carrie Chapma n Cat t ha d insiste d tha t "th e onl y wa y t o ge t thing s don e is t o ge t the m don e o n th e insid e o f a politica l party." 5 A decad e late r Catt mad e th e bitte r observatio n tha t "al l ove r th e country , wome n loyal to thei r part y an d intelligen t towar d thei r part y dutie s a s wel l a s voters ' rights hav e bee n peremptoril y discharged , withou t reference , fro m post s they eagerl y accepte d expectin g a n opportunit y fo r part y services." 6 Winifred Star r Dobyns , wh o attempted a reform o f the Republican part y of Illinoi s b y workin g withi n th e part y structure , finally conclude d tha t party wome n face d a hopeless tas k becaus e "onc e i n the organization , w e could b e controlled. Ou r nuisanc e valu e was gone." 7 Id a Tarbel l agreed , noting i n 193 0 that women' s power s ha d bee n neutralized b y th e politica l parties an d tha t i n th e te n year s tha t wome n ha d bee n votin g thei r political influenc e ha d actuall y decreased. 8 The lac k of success on this or any other political front durin g the 1920 s has ofte n prompte d historian s t o describ e women' s politica l fat e i n thi s era i n term s o f failure : th e failur e o f wome n t o refor m th e part y system , the failure o f women t o form a political bloc, the failure o f women t o tur n out a t th e poll s i n grea t numbers , an d th e failur e o f a "socia l feminist " political agenda. 9 Bu t thes e "failures " mor e ofte n tha n no t originate d i n unrealistic expectation s o f wha t enfranchise d wome n coul d accomplish . It was naive to assume that part y regular s would cheerfull y han d ove r th e keys t o th e kingdo m t o ne w femal e voters , an d i t wa s jus t a s fancifu l t o expect tha t on e half o f the huma n rac e would b e voting i n concert o n th e political issue s of the day . It i s probabl y tru e tha t suffragist s oversol d th e vot e an d mad e overl y extravagant claim s fo r wha t woma n suffrag e coul d accomplish . Willia m O'Neill claim s tha t suffragist s "ascribe d t o i t [woman suffrage ] benefit s i t manifestly lacked, " whil e Nanc y Cot t note s tha t "th e unspoke n notio n that addin g wome n t o th e electorat e shoul d hav e transforme d politics "

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 3 7 was "a t th e hear t o f som e suffragists ' disappointmen t i n th e 1920s." 10 Suffragist leader s ha d lon g bee n urgin g wome n t o b e individualists , bu t presented wit h th e opportunity , som e wome n expresse d thei r politica l individuality i n way s tha t thi s sam e leadershi p foun d dismaying . Demo cratic nationa l committeewoma n Emm a Guffe y Miller , wh o woul d late r become activ e i n th e campaig n t o repea l prohibition , wa s discourage d t o find tha t afte r suffrag e "wome n wer e n o mor e motivate d b y altruis m o r sense o f historica l perspectiv e tha n men." 11 Assessin g th e result s o f te n years o f woma n suffrag e i n 1930 , Ladies' Home Journal conclude d tha t "women ar e n o mor e effectiv e tha n me n i n weedin g incompetenc y an d corruption ou t o f publi c life . Th e majorit y o f wome n remai n a s gullible, as subjec t t o prejudic e an d a s indifferen t t o politica l informatio n a s the y were befor e the y ha d th e vote." 12 The mountin g evidenc e tha t women' s politica l view s migh t b e a s diverse a s thos e o f thei r mal e counterpart s greatl y complicate d an y at tempt t o unit e women' s politica l agenda s unde r th e banne r o f gender. 13 In addition t o suffering thi s deflation i n expectations, wome n als o had th e misfortune o f gaining th e vote i n a decade i n which vote r apath y afflicte d the entir e population , mal e an d female . Vote r turnout , whic h ha d bee n running a t nearl y 8 0 percent i n th e lat e nineteenth century , ha d droppe d to just over 5 0 percent b y th e 1920s. 14 Women's unhapp y politica l experience s durin g th e 1920 s tende d t o reaffirm th e convictio n o f man y wome n tha t the y coul d wiel d mor e political powe r throug h th e agenc y o f a women' s grou p tha n throug h male-dominated organizations. 15 I t i s tellin g tha t women' s associationa l activities, whic h i n th e nineteent h centur y ha d bee n base d t o a larg e degree o n women' s politica l ^empowerment , showe d a vigorous persis tence during the first decades of women's empowerment . Th e prohibitio n repeal debat e woul d furthe r highligh t th e tendenc y b y wome n (o n bot h sides o f th e issue) t o rejec t mainstrea m politica l partie s an d male-domi nated association s i n favo r o f women's organizations . Eve n man y wome n who ha d remaine d loyal t o th e part y hierarch y throug h muc h o f th e 1920s (suc h a s Paulin e Sabin ) would , durin g th e prohibitio n repea l de bate, choos e t o wor k towar d thei r politica l goal s throug h th e agenc y o f a women's group . Althoug h th e first o f he r se x t o serv e o n th e Republica n National Committee , Sabi n ha d finally soure d o n part y politic s b y 192 8 because o f th e unwillingnes s o f he r part y t o com e t o grip s wit h th e prohibition issue . Indeed , Sabi n ha d agree d t o campaign fo r Hoove r onl y

38 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition because sh e believe d tha t Hoove r woul d appoin t a commissio n whos e exclusive tas k woul d b e to stud y th e prohibitio n situation . Sabin' s disen chantment wit h Hoove r cam e soo n afte r th e election : "Whe n I hear d hi s Inaugural Addres s I realize d th e Commissio n wa s t o investigat e ou r whole Federa l syste m o f jurisprudence. I made u p m y min d I was foole d and th e da y afte r sen t i n m y resignatio n t o th e Republica n Nationa l Committee." 16 A grea t numbe r o f women ende d u p feelin g "fooled " b y part y politic s in thi s era , wit h dr y wome n ofte n expressin g th e sam e sens e o f betraya l as repeal women . Fo r instance , whe n i t becam e obviou s tha t bot h majo r parties woul d hav e "wet " (o r a t leas t moist ) platform s fo r th e 193 2 elec tion, Mrs . Clemen t L . Shave r o f th e Woman' s Nationa l Committe e fo r Law Enforcemen t an d La w Observanc e suggeste d tha t dr y wome n for m a third party . Shave r implore d wome n t o forget we ever had any party affiliation, an d pledge ourselves in every State in th e Union , workin g togethe r i n a WOMAN' S union , submergin g al l partisan feeling in one of the greatest of humanitarian undertakings; that of bringing the blessing of Prohibition int o every home, working together for the succes s o f a mora l issu e s o vitall y influencin g th e ver y existenc e o f many homes.17 Many scholar s hav e pointe d t o th e 1920 s a s th e decad e i n whic h a social structur e base d o n separat e sphere s finall y expired , wit h wome n retaining neithe r a mora l no r a politica l orientatio n t o th e home. 18 Bu t this perio d o f tim e woul d see m t o b e a n especiall y ric h er a fo r women' s promotion o f a home-oriente d politica l agenda . Whil e i t i s tru e tha t a women's blo c di d no t materializ e durin g th e 1920s , women' s politica l concerns di d ten d t o reflec t th e concern s o f home . Th e politica l issue s that claime d th e energie s o f wome n durin g th e firs t hal f o f th e decad e included consume r legislation , th e Chil d Labo r Amendment , th e Shep pard-Towner Ac t (whic h allocate d federa l mone y t o the state s fo r mater nity an d infanc y programs) , an d eve n the women's peac e movement—al l based o n women' s traditiona l orientatio n towar d hom e an d family. 19 Women's pursui t o f these home-oriented politica l goals was crippled afte r 1924 by th e fallou t fro m th e ER A debat e an d b y a conservative politica l atmosphere. 20 Bu t i n th e nex t grea t politica l issu e i n whic h wome n be came involved , th e prohibitio n repea l debat e o f th e lat e twentie s an d

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 3 9 early thirties , th e concern s tha t wome n expresse d wer e onc e mor e pre dominately formulate d i n the language of home protection . The politica l an d mora l orientatio n o f larg e number s o f America n women t o thei r home s durin g th e 1920 s i s no t greatl y surprising . I t i s often note d tha t th e numbe r o f wome n wag e earner s ha d rise n t o abou t 25 percent o f th e labo r forc e b y th e end o f the 1920s , and i n recen t year s the accurac y o f thes e censu s figures ha s bee n attacke d o n ground s o f gender bias , wit h critic s claimin g tha t governmen t censu s taker s ma y have underestimate d femal e participatio n i n th e labo r forc e b y 2 5 per cent. 21 Bu t on e sourc e o f thi s censu s inaccuracy , accordin g t o Majori e Abel an d Nanc y Folbre , wa s wome n themselves . Abe l an d Folbr e argu e that marrie d wome n especiall y "ha d goo d reaso n t o avoi d mentio n o f their participatio n i n pai d labor, " becaus e "bot h th e middle-clas s 'cul t o f domesticity* an d th e working-clas s concep t o f th e 'famil y wage ' dictate d that a wife's prope r plac e wa s i n th e home." 22 Thus , eve n a s wage earning wome n wer e makin g a n impac t o n th e labo r forc e durin g th e 1920s, th e domesti c realm , o r it s idealization , continue d t o b e centra l t o the lives of many o f these same women . Undeniably, muc h abou t th e America n hom e had change d sinc e Fran ces Willard' s enunciatio n o f th e hom e protectio n idea . Fewe r familie s were takin g i n boarders , an d ther e wer e therefor e fewe r nonrelate d indi viduals residing in the home. Technolog y ha d greatl y altere d th e physica l appearance of the home and th e way work was done in the home: by 192 5 two-thirds o f urban an d rura l nonfarm dwelling s had bee n electrified, an d for thos e familie s tha t coul d affor d them , washin g machines , vacuu m cleaners, an d refrigerator s ha d revolutionize d housework. 23 Marita l rela tions ha d als o changed greatl y sinc e Willard' s day . I n 189 0 one marriag e in ever y seventee n ende d i n divorce , bu t b y th e lat e twentie s ther e wa s one divorc e fo r ever y si x marriages. 24 Th e sexua l theorie s o f Sigmun d Freud an d Haveloc k Elli s wer e popularize d (or , mor e accurately , vulgar ized) durin g th e twenties , producin g a favorabl e climat e fo r mor e ope n sexual expressio n an d movin g societ y towar d "sexua l liberalism." 25 But despit e th e alteration s i n th e wa y wor k wa s done i n th e America n home an d a liberalized moralit y tha t no w include d th e possibility bot h of greater sexua l expressio n an d o f easier divorce, ther e was much abou t th e domestic arrangement s o f th e 1920 s tha t wa s simila r t o earlie r decades . The centra l institutio n o f th e home—marriage—wa s actuall y mor e pop ular than previously , wit h a greater percentag e o f people getting married ,

40 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition and a t a younger age , than i n previous decades. 26 Nor wer e the twenties a time whe n wome n wer e grante d a greater licens e to shirk thei r "domesti c duties." Whil e th e ol d voic e o f domesti c responsibility , th e mora l press , had declined i n influence, a powerful ne w voice had risen to take its place. That ne w voic e wa s advertising , an d lik e it s predecessor , advertisin g proselytized it s versio n o f wha t constitute d domesti c virtu e throug h a literature o f anxiety . Expenditure s fo r advertisin g ha d increase d fro m $400 million a year before th e war to an astonishing $2.6 billion in 1929. 27 And wit h advertiser s estimatin g tha t som e 8 0 percen t o f al l consume r purchases durin g th e 1920 s were mad e b y women , th e female populatio n was increasingl y targete d a s th e objec t o f specialize d advertisin g cam paigns.28 Advertiser s filled billboards , radi o airwaves , newspapers , an d magazines wit h produc t promotion s tha t emphasize d th e guil t tha t coul d accrue to the woman wh o failed a s a conscientious consumer . Her shortcoming s i n th e real m o f persona l groomin g wer e chronicle d in excruciating detail , bu t i t was in revealing woman's potentia l a s a failed mother tha t advertiser s mad e thei r rea l contributio n t o domesti c angst. 29 In a singl e issu e o f th e Ladies' Home Journal, fo r instance , on e advertise r (Cocomalt) warne d tha t "w e sincerel y believ e tha t n o woma n t o whos e care ha s bee n committe d th e healt h an d well-bein g o f a CHILD . . . can pass ove r thi s page, " anothe r advertise r (Scott ) cautione d mother s t o "watch ou t fo r unsaf e bathroo m tissue, " an d Frigidair e counsele d tha t "baby's health demand s tha t food s b e kept at those temperatures provide d unfailingly b y Frigidaire. " And , i n a n agonizin g tablea u courtes y o f Unguentine, a mothe r scald s he r chil d i n a househol d accident , an d th e reader i s asked, "Wha t i f your ow n chil d wer e burned? Coul d yo u sooth e her, sto p th e horribl e pain ? O r woul d yo u hav e to hold he r screamin g i n your arm s whil e yo u waite d fo r th e doctor—an d Unguentine?" 30 A host o f "experts " similarl y emphasize d mother' s responsibilitie s i n th e developmental progres s o f he r child , whil e a n occasiona l "woman-to woman" articl e chide d thos e whos e enthusias m fo r th e domesti c virtue s seemed t o be flagging. 31 The eagernes s o f advertisers t o commodify hom e protection an d creat e a maternalist consume r cultur e i s one indicatio n tha t a significant portio n of America n wome n i n th e twentie s remaine d oriente d t o thei r home s and families . Nineteenth-centur y notion s of woman's innat e moral purit y and he r materna l rol e i n th e hom e an d i n politic s showe d a vigorou s persistence withi n th e cultur e durin g th e 1920s . I n Middletown, the bes t

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 4 1 study w e hav e o f lif e i n thi s era , Rober t an d Hele n Lyn d foun d tha t i n Muncie, Indiana , a t least , th e "emphasi s upo n th e functio n o f the ma n i n marriage a s ' a goo d provider ' an d o f th e woma n a s home-maker , child rearer, and , amon g th e bul k o f th e busines s group , socia l pace-setter , i s far-reaching a s affectin g th e attitud e o f th e sexe s towar d eac h other. " Notions associate d wit h th e "separat e spheres " of the nineteent h centur y seemed t o hav e survive d intac t i n Muncie , th e Lynd s noting , "Middle town [Muncie ] husbands , whe n talkin g frankl y amon g themselves , ar e like t o spea k o f wome n a s creature s pure r an d morall y bette r tha n men " and "Middletow n wive s appea r i n par t t o accep t th e impressio n o f the m that man y o f their husband s have." 32 Politicians als o continued t o express th e belie f tha t women' s participa tion i n politic s wa s grounde d i n moralit y an d th e concern s o f th e home . Calvin Coolidg e referre d t o th e "ne w force " tha t wome n voter s repre sented an d expresse d confidenc e tha t "th e influenc e o f womanhoo d wil l guard th e home , whic h i s th e citade l o f th e Nation . I kno w i t will b e a protector o f childhood . I kno w i t will b e o n th e sid e of humanity . . . . I want ever y woma n t o vote." 33 A s lat e a s 192 9 A l Smit h expresse d th e opinion tha t i t wa s "unthinkable " that wome n coul d b e part o f " a genera l political corruption . Th e woma n vot e i s a n hones t one . I t i s base d o n principle." 34 The politica l factor s tha t dominate d man y women' s experience s i n th e first hal f o f th e decade—thei r disappointment s wit h th e part y system , their ongoin g loyalt y t o women' s organizations , an d thei r continuin g orientation t o th e mora l imperative s o f hom e protection—woul d deter mine ho w the y woul d fram e th e term s o f the prohibitio n repea l debat e a t the en d o f th e decade . A debat e develope d becaus e prohibition , lik e woman suffrage , di d no t produc e th e transformin g result s tha t it s advo cates had expected . Lik e woman suffrage , prohibitio n ha d bee n oversold , and prohibitionist s helpe d prepar e the way fo r thei r ow n undoin g b y first laying th e blam e fo r to o man y socia l evil s a t Kin g Alcohol' s door , the n promising tha t hi s eliminatio n woul d chang e society . Ther e i s som e evidence tha t nationa l prohibitio n ma y indee d hav e achieve d a modes t success, bu t unde r term s tha t prohibitionist s themselve s established , th e public expecte d considerabl y mor e tha n a modes t success . Echoin g th e words o f John Winthro p som e thre e hundre d year s before , dr y rhetori cians ha d promise d tha t prohibitio n woul d onc e mor e mak e Americ a a "city o n a hill"—a sourc e o f inspiration fo r th e res t o f the world . An d i n

42 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition the ebullienc e wit h whic h dr y force s wen t abou t organizin g a world prohibition movemen t a t th e en d o f Worl d Wa r I ( a movemen t tha t ha d actually bee n starte d i n th e 1880 s b y th e WCTU) , i t i s eas y t o se e th e millenarian optimis m tha t affecte d s o many prohibitionists. 35 Speakin g a t an organizing meetin g fo r th e World Leagu e Against Alcoholis m i n 1918 , Purley Bake r announce d tha t h e an d hi s compatriot s wer e seekin g t o establish nothin g less than " a saloonless and drunkles s world." 36 In hindsigh t thes e expectation s wer e hopelessl y quixotic , bu t fo r it s first fe w year s man y believe d tha t nationa l prohibitio n wa s actuall y ful filling som e o f it s promise . American s seeme d t o b e drinkin g less , hospi tals note d a low incidenc e o f alcohol-relate d diseases , an d socia l worker s were reportin g tha t prohibitio n wa s havin g a positiv e impac t o n th e conditions of working-class families. Unfortunately , i t is difficult t o determine wit h an y accurac y wha t impac t prohibitio n actuall y ha d o n Ameri can life , an d i t becam e characteristi c o f th e prohibitio n debat e tha t argu ments o n bot h side s o f th e issu e tende d t o b e highl y impressionistic , based o n anecdot e an d "conviction " rather tha n o n objective data . On e of the chie f difficultie s inheren t i n gainin g har d evidenc e abou t prohibitio n was th e understandabl e reluctanc e o f thos e producin g beverag e alcoho l during th e prohibitio n year s t o repor t thei r productio n an d sale s figures to th e Treasur y Department . Thi s move s an y argument s abou t alcoho l consumption durin g prohibitio n int o th e real m o f estimate s an d specula tion. Bu t eve n i f w e accep t th e claim s o f prohibitio n supporter s tha t Americans wer e drinkin g les s i n th e earl y 1920s , thi s phenomeno n ma y have ha d les s t o d o wit h enthusias m fo r prohibitio n a s a mora l reform , and mor e t o do with th e fact tha t reliable sources of illegal alcohol simpl y had no t yet bee n established . The claim s o f th e WCT U an d th e AS L tha t th e deat h rat e fro m alcoholism ha d falle n wer e als o base d o n inconclusiv e evidence . Death s from chroni c o r acut e alcoholis m ha d actuall y droppe d mos t dramaticall y between 190 7 an d 192 0 (during th e pea k year s o f stat e prohibition) , an d they ros e steadil y onc e agai n durin g th e firs t seve n year s o f nationa l prohibition. An d whil e th e overal l deat h rat e i n th e Unite d State s fel l during th e 1920s , i t i s impossibl e t o separat e prohibitio n fro m a numbe r of factors tha t contribute d t o an improvement i n the nation's health , suc h as ne w medicine s an d improve d hospita l car e an d standard s o f hygiene . Indeed, th e deat h rat e als o fel l i n we t Europe , wher e onl y Finlan d wa s reaping the "healthfu l benefits " of prohibition. 37

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 4 3 Another benefi t tha t woul d supposedl y accru e to the nation embracin g prohibition wa s the elimination o f liquor-induced violence . Tha t prohibi tion woul d hel p creat e a happier, violence-fre e America n hom e ha d bee n a long-cherishe d belie f amon g refor m group s concerne d wit h domesti c violence. Thes e organization s promote d prohibitio n becaus e the y be lieved tha t intemperanc e wa s th e leadin g caus e o f famil y violence . Bu t both th e consumptio n o f alcoho l an d th e numbe r o f alcohol-relate d inci dences of family violenc e had bee n in decline well before nationa l prohibi tion, an d reformer s wer e dismaye d t o find tha t chil d neglec t an d violenc e against childre n actuall y increased during the prohibition era. 38 One are a wher e prohibitio n ma y hav e registere d a success i s i n th e alcohol consumptio n o f th e workin g class . Temperanc e leader s fo r year s had promote d th e ide a tha t prohibitio n woul d greatl y benefi t th e averag e working-class family , becaus e mone y tha t woul d normall y b e spen t o n liquor woul d instea d b e spen t o n th e family . Thi s notio n receive d a n unexpected boos t i n 193 2 fro m a stud y tha t ironicall y ha d bee n funde d by th e Associatio n Agains t th e Prohibitio n Amendment . I n The Economic Results of Prohibition Clar k Warburto n concluded , "Unde r prohibitio n th e working class is consuming no t mor e than hal f a s much alcoho l pe r capit a as formerly ; an d . . . . th e expenditur e o f thi s clas s upo n alcoholi c beverages i s probabl y a billio n dollar s les s tha n i t woul d b e withou t national prohibition. " Bu t here , a s elsewhere , th e lac k o f dat a worke d against an y definitive conclusio n o n alcohol consumption, an d Warburto n included th e cavea t tha t "o n accoun t o f th e characte r o f th e dat a an d o f the assumptions whic h mus t b e made in interpreting them, " his estimate s on th e expenditure s fo r alcoholi c beverage s "ma y hav e been a s much a s a fourth, o r eve n a third , greate r o r les s tha n th e estimate s give n here. " Warburton believe d tha t alcoho l consumptio n b y th e business , profes sional, an d salarie d classe s had bee n littl e affected b y prohibition. 39 In recen t year s ther e ha s bee n renewe d interes t i n liquo r issues , an d many o f th e argument s originall y mad e b y prohibitionist s hav e bee n exhumed b y a grou p o f historian s an d recas t int o a remarkabl e revisio n of wha t ha s bee n historiographicall y a generall y negativ e treatmen t o f prohibition. Thes e revisionists , chiefl y Joh n Burnham , Norma n Clark , and K . Austi n Kerr , maintai n tha t prohibitio n wa s actually a n impressiv e success rathe r tha n a dismal failure. 40 Th e cor e o f thei r argumen t i s tha t alcohol consumptio n droppe d dramaticall y afte r th e impositio n o f stat e prohibition law s an d tha t alcoho l consumptio n followin g repea l wa s lo w

44 * Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition because, i n Norma n Clark' s words , "Prohibitio n [had ] brough t abou t a substantial revisio n o f American drinkin g habits." 41 I n fact, bot h o f thes e propositions ar e dubious , an d thes e claim s ar e a s difficult t o substantiat e today a s the y wer e durin g th e dr y years . Th e effec t o f stat e prohibitio n laws o n th e consumptio n o f alcoho l i s har d t o ascertai n becaus e alcoho l consumption ha d actuall y decrease d decade s befor e th e ful l flowering o f the prohibitio n movement . I t was , afte r all , i n th e decad e o f th e 1870 s that American s wer e drinkin g les s tha n a t an y tim e i n thei r history—al l without th e benefi t o f th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e o r stat e prohibitio n law s and durin g a n er a whe n th e WCT U an d th e Prohibitio n part y wer e stil l in thei r infancy . Usin g thi s decad e a s a bas e perio d fo r purpose s o f comparison, ther e wa s o n averag e a sligh t increase i n th e consumptio n o f alcohol betwee n 188 0 and 1920 , whe n th e prohibitio n movemen t wa s a t its height. 42 The othe r par t o f th e equation , tha t th e lo w consumptio n o f alcoho l after repea l reflecte d a chang e i n America n drinkin g habits , als o ha s it s problems. Lookin g at the figures immediately afte r repeal , Ker r conclude s that "th e consumptio n o f beverag e alcoho l wen t dow n conservatively , b y one-third t o one-hal f unde r th e dr y statutes." 43 Usin g th e sam e figures, Clark claim s that "American s afte r Prohibitio n wer e drinking les s than a t any tim e sinc e the y ha d learne d th e technolog y o f distillation , an d th e marked chang e ha d surel y take n plac e durin g th e 1920s." 44 Curiously , the authors of the 197 1 study tha t Clark cites as evidence came to a nearly opposite conclusion : "Disregardin g th e artificiall y lo w value s o f 1934 1935 an d th e immediatel y followin g years , whe n th e relegalize d trad e was only beginnin g t o replace the bootle g supplie s o f the prohibitio n era , no grea t swing s ar e eviden t i n th e averag e consumptio n o f tota l absolut e alcohol, pe r perso n i n th e drinking-ag e population , unti l recently." 45 Thus th e lo w level s o f alcoho l consumptio n afte r prohibitio n ma y hav e had les s to do with th e salutar y influenc e o f prohibition o n the America n drinker tha n wit h th e la g tim e neede d fo r brewers , distillers , an d bever age alcoho l retailer s t o reestablis h thei r industries . Also , discretionar y income tha t migh t hav e bee n spen t o n suc h thing s a s alcoholi c beverage s was greatly diminishe d durin g this period, a s Americans suffere d throug h the worst year s of their wors t economi c depression i n history . The recen t wor k o f tw o economists , Jeffre y A . Miro n an d Jeffre y Zwiebel, ha s furthe r advance d th e argumen t tha t prohibitio n ha d littl e effect o n America n drinkin g patterns . Lik e Clar k Warburton , Miro n

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 4 5 and Zwiebe l believ e tha t alcoho l consumptio n droppe d sharpl y a t th e beginning o f prohibitio n (t o abou t 3 0 percen t o f preprohibitio n levels) , then steadil y ros e durin g th e decad e o f th e 1920 s t o abou t 6 0 t o 7 0 percent o f preprohibitio n levels . Alcoho l consumptio n ha d returne d t o preprohibition level s b y th e 1940s , an d Miro n an d Zwiebe l insis t tha t "claims eithe r tha t consumptio n durin g Prohibitio n increase d signifi cantly o r tha t i t fel l t o a smal l fractio n o f previou s usag e ca n b e patentl y rejected." 46 Thi s i s not t o sa y tha t prohibitio n di d no t brin g an y benefit s to America n society—th e eliminatio n o f th e saloo n wa s surel y on e o f those benefits—bu t th e evidenc e i s lackin g tha t prohibitio n wrough t a permanent chang e in American drinkin g habits . Likewise, i t i s difficul t t o asser t wit h an y authorit y tha t prohibitio n inflicted an y endurin g negativ e effects o n society . Opponent s o f prohibi tion wer e fon d o f claimin g tha t th e Grea t Experimen t ha d create d a gangster elemen t tha t ha d unleashe d a "crim e wave " o n a haples s America. Th e WONPR' s Mrs . Coffi n Va n Rensselaer , fo r instance , insisted i n 193 2 that "th e alarming crim e wave, whic h ha s bee n pilin g u p to unprecedente d height " wa s a legacy o f prohibition. 47 Bu t prohibitio n can hardl y b e hel d responsibl e fo r inventin g organize d crime , an d whil e supplying illega l liquo r prove d t o b e lucrative , i t wa s onl y a n additiona l source o f incom e t o th e mor e traditiona l crimina l activitie s o f gambling , loan sharking, racketeering , an d prostitution. 48 Th e notio n of the prohibition-induced crim e wave , despit e it s popularity durin g th e 1920s , canno t be substantiated wit h an y accuracy , becaus e of the inadequacy o f record s kept b y loca l polic e departments . Joh n Burnha m i s entirel y correc t i n maintaining tha t "ther e i s n o firm evidenc e o f thi s suppose d upsurg e i n lawlessness" durin g th e 1920 s an d tha t "n o statistic s fro m thi s perio d dealing wit h crim e ar e o f an y valu e whatsoever." 49 Lik e th e counter claims of drys, the prohibition crim e wave was rooted i n the impressionistic rather tha n th e factual . There wer e othe r antiprohibitionis t notion s tha t wer e als o difficul t t o substantiate. A s w e shal l see , a n ide a especiall y belove d o f WONP R women wa s tha t society' s disrespec t fo r th e prohibitio n la w engendere d in thei r childre n a disrespect fo r al l law s an d authority . Organize d labo r propagated it s ow n unfounde d accusation s agains t prohibition , claimin g that prohibitio n ha d change d worker s fro m bee r drinker s t o whiske y drinkers. Neithe r o f thes e proposition s wer e easil y quantifiable ; the y survived mainl y o n the power o f belief.

46 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition Both th e positive and th e negative claims made about prohibitio n wer e simply to o weighty t o hang on the slende r threa d o f a single reform. Lik e the abortio n issue , prohibitio n serve d a s a lightnin g ro d fo r society' s anxieties—an issu e rooted mor e i n th e symboli c tha n i n th e materia l an d which attracte d fierce passion s an d convictions . Consequently , combin g through th e prohibitio n er a fo r evidenc e tha t prohibitio n eithe r worke d or di d no t wor k doe s no t tel l u s muc h abou t wh y prohibitio n wa s re pealed. Mor e importan t fo r th e fate o f prohibition wer e its moral aspects , and whil e th e economi c argument s fo r o r agains t prohibitio n wer e im portant, i n th e final analysi s prohibitio n woul d stan d o r fal l o n th e public's perceptio n o f its viability a s a moral reform . Prohibition's mora l credibilit y wa s alread y bein g questione d b y th e mid-1920s. Fro m it s inceptio n prohibitio n ha d bee n heavil y promote d a s a refor m tha t woul d protec t hom e an d communit y fro m th e "liquo r traffic." Bu t the impression tha t man y American s were beginning to for m by th e middl e o f th e decad e wa s tha t prohibitio n wa s accomplishin g th e opposite. Th e shoot-out s i n respectabl e neighborhoods , th e developmen t of a n America n yout h cultur e seemingl y devote d t o th e hi p flask, th e introduction o f th e cocktai l part y a s a n entertainmen t stapl e o f th e bour geois parlor , th e increas e i n arrests , an d risin g enforcemen t cost s al l combined t o creat e th e unfortunat e impressio n tha t th e caus e o f hom e protection ha d perhap s bee n bette r serve d befor e th e adven t o f massiv e state intervention i n the form o f prohibition . The numbe r o f person s arreste d b y federa l officer s fo r prohibitio n violations ros e fro m a relatively modes t 34,00 0 i n 192 1 to 68,000 i n 192 4 and t o nearl y 74,00 0 b y 1932. 50 I n man y place s thes e number s wer e reflected i n a court syste m tha t wa s i n dange r o f becomin g paralyze d b y the shee r quantity o f prohibition cases . In Sa n Francisco alone, about 60 0 bootleggers a mont h wer e bein g arreste d i n 1924 , an d b y th e en d o f th e year som e 2,50 0 prohibitio n case s wer e waitin g t o b e trie d i n federa l courts i n Sa n Francisco. 51 The glu t o f prohibition case s finally resulted i n federal courts ' offerin g "bargai n days, " on whic h thos e accuse d o f prohi bition violation s woul d agre e t o plea d guilt y i n retur n fo r lo w fines o r prison sentences . Nin e ou t ofte n federa l prohibitio n case s were dispose d of in this way. 52 The steadil y increasin g number s o f arrest s wer e reflecte d i n increase d costs of enforcement. Prohibitionist s ha d assure d Congres s that the popu larity o f prohibitio n woul d mea n tha t th e cos t o f enforcin g dr y law s

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 4 7 would b e relativel y low , bu t enforcemen t cost s steadil y increased , fro m $6.35 million i n 192 1 to $8.5 million in 192 4 and t o more than $16 million in 1932. 53 At th e stat e level , mos t state s ha d thei r ow n prohibitio n laws , but ther e wer e fe w state s tha t wer e willin g t o spen d an y mone y o n enforcement. I n fact , thirt y state s appropriated n o money whatsoeve r fo r the enforcemen t o f stat e prohibitio n laws , an d th e eightee n tha t did , se t aside onl y th e mos t paltr y o f sums . I n 192 3 these eightee n state s spen t a combined tota l o f $550,00 0 fo r prohibitio n enforcement—abou t one eighth o f what the y spen t enforcin g fish an d gam e laws. 54 These wer e disturbin g statistics , bu t perhap s mos t disturbin g t o Americans a t th e middl e o f th e decad e wa s th e perceptio n tha t prohibi tion ha d brough t a new elemen t o f violence into American life . Violence , of course, ha d alway s bee n par t o f American crimina l activity , bu t gener ally th e violenc e ha d take n plac e i n well-establishe d "vic e zones"—part s of town tha t mos t respectabl e citizen s coul d avoid , wher e onl y th e crimi nals themselves (and the unfortunate residents ) need b e victimized. Prohi bition's contributio n t o crimina l violenc e wa s t o creat e th e potentia l fo r violence i n almos t ever y par t o f town . Mos t spectacular , o f course , wa s big cit y gangste r violence , an d wit h th e inauguratio n o f A l Capone' s "beer war " i n 192 4 horrifying ne w standard s i n gang violence wer e set. 55 But whil e i t i s temptin g t o dismis s Chicag o a s a n aberrant , worst-cas e example, liquo r violenc e durin g th e 1920 s wa s neithe r strictl y a n urba n phenomenon no r strictl y a gangste r phenomenon . Indeed , rura l Illinoi s experienced som e o f th e sam e problem s wit h liquo r violenc e a s urba n Illinois, an d althoug h th e violenc e i n Chicag o wa s considerable , tha t cit y never ha d t o b e occupie d b y th e stat e militia , a s wa s Marion , Illinois , where a liquor wa r betwee n th e K u Klu x Kla n an d bootlegger s spu n ou t of control. 56 Othe r rura l area s als o experience d thei r shar e o f liquo r violence, eithe r o n a smal l scal e involvin g onl y a fe w bootlegger s an d a few prohibitio n agents , o r o n a larg e scale , suc h a s i n norther n Maine , where wha t on e newspape r describe d a s "te n day s o f guerrill a warfare " took plac e betwee n prohibitio n agent s an d "allege d superbootlegger " Al fred Levesqu e an d hi s men. 57 In citie s suc h a s Lo s Angeles , Sa n Francisco , Denver , an d Seattle , al l of whic h lacke d th e larg e gangste r elemen t o f easter n cities , liquo r vio lence flourished jus t as it did i n Chicago, Ne w York , o r Detroi t an d coul d occur in almost any neighborhood . I n Los Angeles, for instance , resident s were subjected t o the extraordinary spectacl e of a Chicago-style shoot-ou t

48 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition in Jul y o f 192 4 "i n th e ope n street s i n broa d dayligh t i n a fashionabl e portion o f the Wilshir e district. " A s som e fifty shot s were fired fro m tw o slowly-moving cars , "panic-stricke n . . . neighbor s fle d fro m th e street s to the shelte r o f thei r homes. " Bullets burs t throug h apartmen t window s and lodge d i n wall s an d "onl y a kin d fat e save d th e live s o f severa l residents o f th e vicinity " (ill . 9). 58 I n tha t sam e mont h resident s o f th e Bay Are a experience d wha t th e San Francisco Examiner referred t o a s a "booze crim e wave. " I n a singl e da y J . H . Ferri s wa s "dangerousl y wounded a s the result of a gun battle between highjackers an d bootlegger s near Hal f Moo n Bay" ; Mary Graban , ag e eighty, an d Christin a Jung, ag e eighteen, "wer e beate n an d boun d han d an d foo t b y booz e bandit s wh o attempted t o loo t th e winer y o f th e Christia n Tru e estate" ; an d prohibi tion agent s too k Georg e Howar d prisone r "afte r a skirmish i n which tw o of th e smuggler s returne d thei r fir e an d escaped." 59 I n Denve r polic e received complaint s tha t me n describin g themselve s a s prohibitio n offi cers wer e forcin g thei r wa y int o homes , roughin g u p th e occupant s an d searching fo r liquor . (Authoritie s theorize d tha t thes e me n wer e high jackers workin g thei r wa y throug h Denve r sectio n b y section.) 60 A s already noted , th e ide a tha t prohibitio n precipitate d a crime wav e durin g the 1920 s i s extremel y difficul t t o prove . Ye t th e mechanize d qualit y o f criminal violenc e durin g th e 1920 s (i n th e us e o f th e automobil e an d o f the machin e gun ) an d th e extensio n o f thi s violenc e t o th e communit y a t large created a spectacular an d alarmin g impression . Exacerbating prohibition' s increasingl y unsavor y reputatio n i n th e community wa s th e unfortunat e frequenc y wit h whic h thos e charge d with enforcin g prohibitio n law s prove d t o b e a s larcenou s an d bruta l a s those the y wer e charge d wit h apprehending . Becaus e th e Burea u o f Prohibition wa s exemp t fro m Civi l Servic e standard s an d offere d onl y meager salaries , th e overal l qualit y o f officer s wa s woefull y low. 61 A s a result federa l prohibitio n agent s wer e ofte n incompetent , corrupt , o r worse. Indeed , th e Burea u o f Prohibitio n ofte n serve d a s a schoo l fo r felons—a trainin g ground wher e prospectiv e bootlegger s an d highjacker s could hon e their skill s before goin g into business for themselves . Betwee n 1920 an d 192 6 som e 75 0 federa l prohibitio n agent s wer e dismisse d fro m the servic e fo r delinquenc y o r misconduc t (sixty-on e wer e dismisse d fo r violations of prohibition laws). 62 Mabel Walke r Willebrandt , th e assistan t U.S. attorne y genera l responsibl e fo r th e prosecutio n o f federa l prohibi tion cases, concluded tha t hundred s o f prohibition agent s "wer e as devoid

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 4 9 of honesty an d integrit y a s the bootlegging fraternity" an d "n o more fit t o be truste d wit h a commissio n t o enforc e th e law s o f th e Unite d State s and t o carry a gun tha n th e notorious bandi t Jesse James."63 The pa y an d quality o f officer s i n stat e prohibitio n agencies wa s eve n worse , an d the corruptin g influenc e o f prohibitio n playe d havo c wit h cit y polic e departments a s well. 64 Often innocen t o f the nicetie s o f the law , prohibi tion enforcemen t official s onl y to o frequentl y arme d themselve s wit h legally dubiou s searc h warrant s (i f they bothere d a t all) and wen t fort h t o terrorize communitie s wit h shakedown s an d violence . I n Sa n Francisco , for instance , tw o prohibitio n agent s wer e arreste d i n Ma y o f 192 4 fo r seriously slashin g a ma n whil e tryin g "t o combin e wit h thei r searc h fo r evidence a n attempte d holdup " of their victi m (ill . 10) , and i n the stat e of Washington a horrified crow d o f witnesses wa s subjecte d t o the spectacl e of prohibition agen t William H . Thompso n pistol-whippin g a handcuffe d man on the main stree t o f Port Townsend. 65 Th e depressin g regularity o f such incidence s contribute d greatl y t o th e backlas h agains t prohibitio n that develope d durin g th e 1920s . But whil e rando m agen t brutalit y wa s disturbin g enoug h t o th e aver age citizen , eve n mor e damagin g t o th e caus e o f prohibitio n wa s th e intrusion o f th e prohibitio n agen t int o th e real m o f the privat e hom e i n a quite litera l manner . Her e th e limit s o f citize n toleratio n fo r prohibitio n enforcement (an d fo r stat e interventionism ) ar e mos t tellingl y revealed , with eve n th e mos t supportiv e communit y turnin g agains t prohibitio n when i t seemed t o menace the home it had bee n designed t o protect . In th e 192 4 "Labb e affair " i n Portland , Oregon , a notoriou s inciden t in whic h stat e prohibitio n agent s force d thei r wa y int o th e privat e resi dence o f prominen t businessma n A . G . Labb e o n th e slimmes t o f pre tenses, w e hav e a n instructiv e cas e histor y o f a n occurrenc e tha t wa s fa r from uncommon . Agent s foun d onl y a n insignificant quantit y o f liquor a t the Labb e home , bu t severa l factor s combine d t o mak e thi s rai d fron t page news. Distinguishin g th e raid o n the Labb e residence was the shak y legality o f th e searc h warran t employed , it s poo r timin g ( a "subscriptio n ball" wa s i n progres s a t th e Labb e home) , th e dubiou s qualification s o f the agent s involve d (severa l wer e ex-convicts) , an d th e puzzlin g choic e made b y prohibitio n agent s t o rai d th e hom e o f someon e wit h enoug h notoriety t o attrac t city-wid e attentio n (an d wit h enoug h mone y t o hir e some goo d lawyers) . Labbe' s lawyers , i n fact , quickl y discovere d tha t the searc h warran t fo r th e rai d ha d bee n base d o n a n unsubstantiate d

50 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition "anonymous tip, " and subsequen t investigation s b y Portlan d newspaper s revealed widesprea d disregar d fo r lega l procedur e b y stat e prohibitio n agents, especiall y i n the abuse of search warrants. 66 The wa y th e Portlan d communit y subsequentl y aligne d itsel f o n th e Labbe affai r i s instructive . Prohibitio n ha d probabl y enjoye d greate r support i n Portlan d tha n i n almos t an y othe r cit y o f comparabl e size , i n part because , unlik e man y citie s wher e citize n suppor t fo r prohibitio n was chronicall y low , Portland' s populatio n wa s overwhelmingl y Protes tant, white , an d nativ e born. 67 Multnoma h count y distric t attorne y Stan ley Myer s wa s prou d o f th e county' s hig h convictio n rat e fo r prohibitio n offenders an d expresse d th e opinio n tha t "th e la w i s a t leas t a s wel l enforced her e a s i n an y large r cit y o f th e Unite d States." 68 Portlan d als o had a dry press : all three daily newspaper s ha d fo r year s consistently an d vigorously editorialize d i n support o f prohibition. 69 In th e Labb e affair , however , ther e wa s th e troublin g perceptio n among man y wh o ha d previousl y supporte d prohibitio n i n Portlan d tha t something wa s a t ris k tha t wa s mor e basi c an d mor e importan t tha n prohibition laws . Tha t somethin g wa s th e sanctit y o f th e home , an d th e Portland pres s responde d b y roundl y condemnin g th e action s o f stat e agents i n thi s incident , wit h th e Oregon Daily Journal notin g tha t "ther e could scarcel y b e a mor e reckles s us e o f th e powe r o f th e searc h war rant." 70 Whe n Orego n governor Walte r M . Pierce , a n ardent prohibition ist, stirre d u p th e water s furthe r b y suggestin g tha t "tim e ha s modifie d the old adag e that ever y man' s hom e i s his castle and sanctuary " an d tha t Oregon home s should b e kept in such a condition that visiting prohibitio n agents woul d b e welcom e a t an y time , pres s reactio n wa s especiall y virulent. 71 Th e Journal referre d t o searc h warrant s "reekin g wit h per jury," whil e th e Oregonian observe d tha t "th e onl y possibl e constructio n to b e pu t upo n thi s [th e governor's ] advic e i s tha t i n th e attemp t t o discover possessio n o f intoxicant s th e small-eye d ferret s o f th e la w full y expect t o invad e th e premise s o f th e innocent." 72 T o th e Telegram, the central questio n i n th e Labb e cas e wa s "whethe r th e Fourt h amendmen t was violated i n the attempt t o enforce th e Eighteenth amendment." 73 Portland's la w enforcemen t contingen t wa s als o nearly universa l i n it s condemnation o f thi s affair , wit h Pierce' s comment s attractin g especiall y outraged reactions . Referrin g t o th e wa y th e Labb e rai d wa s conducted , Stanley Myer s noted , "I f i t ha s bee n th e practic e generall y o f officer s t o obtain searc h warrant s upo n suc h sligh t evidence , thi s i s a n abus e tha t

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 5 1 should b e correcte d immediatel y t o protec t th e home s o f al l citizen s i n the county , th e poo r a s wel l a s th e rich." 74 Federa l prohibitio n directo r J.A. Linvill e emphasize d tha t a a man' s hom e i s hi s castl e an d w e don' t deviate fro m th e constitutio n i n tha t regar d i n an y manner, " an d Port land's chie f o f police Leon V . Jenkins reiterate d tha t "w e have no right t o invade [ a man's ] hous e withou t a searc h warrant . W e hav e t o follo w th e law. Th e governor certainl y i s misinformed." 75 On th e othe r sid e o f th e issu e wer e Portland' s organize d wome n an d the clerica l community . Th e Multnoma h WCT U condemne d th e pres s for it s tendency t o "magnify th e mistake s an d minimiz e the achievement s of ou r prohibitio n officers, " an d Portland' s Cit y Federatio n o f Women' s Organizations pledge d "suppor t o f th e federatio n fo r stat e an d nationa l prohibition laws." 76 Portland' s Ministeria l Associatio n adopte d a resolu tion penne d b y th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e pledgin g suppor t fo r Pierc e and chastisin g "otherwis e reputabl e citizens " fo r "bringin g int o publi c contempt suc h o f ou r law s a s the y choos e t o ignore." 77 T o cleric s th e Labbe affai r wa s a n exampl e o f Portland' s busines s clas s showin g it s contempt fo r th e la w b y it s free us e of alcohol. 78 Rev . Clemen t Clark e of the Firs t Congregationa l Churc h wante d everyon e wh o ha d bee n a t th e Labbe part y t o b e calle d befor e a grand jury , an d detecte d i n th e Labb e affair a "quibblin g ove r searc h warrants " an d a "dodgin g behin d techni cality." 79 T o almos t n o one' s surpris e th e Labb e warran t wa s rule d il legal. The issue s raise d b y thi s inciden t (an d ther e were man y simila r occur rences acros s th e country ) loo k forwar d t o th e prohibitio n repea l debat e at th e en d o f th e decade . Th e Labb e affai r illustrate s th e centra l plac e that hom e protectio n continue d t o enjo y a s th e basi s o f communit y morality, bu t i t indicate s th e diametricall y oppose d view s o f wha t tha t morality consiste d of . I n the reaction o f those condemning the Labbe raid we se e an insistenc e tha t th e large r principl e o f protecting th e home fro m the predation s o f a n invasiv e stat e mus t tak e precedenc e ove r th e smalle r principle o f prohibitio n enforcement . I n th e reactio n o f Portland' s orga nized wome n an d clerics , o n th e othe r hand , w e se e a defens e o f th e state's right , an d duty , t o intrud e int o th e domicile s o f it s citizen s i f the condition s o f thos e domicile s pos e a threa t t o communit y morality . (Accompanying thi s belie f wa s a somewha t legalisti c insistenc e o n la w enforcement an d obedienc e a s a for m o f moralit y i n itself , eve n whe n i t menaced it s raison d'etre) . T o many , th e Labb e raid represente d a direct,

52 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition physical assaul t o n th e hom e b y th e force s o f prohibition, bu t t o prohibi tion loyalist s i t illustrate d th e irresponsibilit y o f th e privilege d classe s who chose to ignore certain law s for whic h the y di d no t care . Inheren t i n the clas h wer e riva l politica l philosophies , wit h element s o f nineteenth century laissez-fair e liberalis m pitte d agains t a n interventionis t Prog ressivism. Th e schis m tha t wa s create d i n Portlan d ove r prohibitio n would b e repeated ove r muc h o f the countr y a s the repea l debat e intensi fied. Bu t befor e locatin g organize d wome n alon g thi s faul t line , i t i s necessary first t o identif y th e chie f participant s o n th e tw o side s o f the issue .

The Repeal Coalition Those wh o bande d togethe r t o for m th e prohibitio n repea l movemen t were attemptin g t o accomplis h th e unprecedente d i n America n politics . Never befor e ha d a n amendmen t t o the U.S . Constitutio n bee n repealed . Because of the stron g prohibitionis t sentimen t tha t ha d prevaile d i n west ern an d souther n state s an d th e disproportionat e powe r tha t thes e state s would wiel d i n any attemp t t o pass a constitutional amendmen t repealin g prohibition (th e oppositio n o f onl y thirtee n state s coul d bloc k suc h a n amendment), man y observer s ha d conclude d tha t outrigh t repea l o f na tional prohibitio n wa s simpl y no t possible . A s Texa s senato r Morri s Sheppard observed , ther e wa s "a s muc h chanc e o f repealin g th e Eigh teenth Amendmen t a s ther e i s fo r a hummin g bir d t o fly t o th e plane t Mars with th e Washington Monumen t tie d t o its tail." 80 Support fo r prohibition , however , ha d bee n steadily deterioratin g dur ing th e decad e o f th e 1920s , wit h citize n disgus t ove r th e violence , corruption, an d expens e associate d wit h prohibitio n cuttin g acros s socia l and economi c lines . Thi s breadt h o f dissatisfactio n wa s reflecte d i n th e coalition tha t forme d t o get prohibitio n repealed , an d whil e i t i s true tha t politics create s strang e allies , th e prohibitio n repea l movemen t ma y hav e forged a stranger allianc e than i s usually th e case. Big business, organize d labor, intellectuals , an d a larg e contingen t o f organize d wome n wer e al l part o f the coalitio n t o repeal prohibition . Obviously , a number o f politi cal and clas s orientations wer e represented i n this coalition, an d althoug h each coalitio n partne r wa s willin g to avai l itsel f o f a variety o f argument s to advance the cause of repeal, th e argument s tha t thes e groups tende d t o

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 5 3 emphasize reveale d th e issue s tha t wer e mos t crucia l t o th e interest s o f their constituents . Perhaps th e factio n mos t striden t i n it s oppositio n t o prohibitio n wa s the America n intelligentsia—th e writers , critics , an d journalist s o f th e era. Drunkennes s an d disillusionmen t i n som e way s define d th e Los t Generation, an d thoug h th e twentie s produce d a host o f literar y alcohol ics, ther e wer e fe w fro m th e literar y se t o f thi s er a wh o wer e willin g t o plead prohibition' s case , a s Jack Londo n ha d don e i n 191 3 in John Barleycorn*1 Temperance , i n fact , wa s a n unknow n virtu e i n th e drinkin g behavior of the characters create d b y suc h authors as Ernest Hemingway , F. Scot t Fitzgerald , an d Doroth y Parker , an d prohibitio n wa s mor e directly ridicule d i n suc h work s a s Sinclai r Lewis' s Babbitt an d Elmer Gantry and Thoma s Wolfe' s Look Homeward Angel.82 I t wa s no t onl y th e fictional characters create d b y these authors and others of their generatio n who were drinking heavily , bu t als o the authors themselves. 83 Journalists o f thi s er a ar e ofte n credite d wit h maintainin g a nearl y universally hostil e stanc e towar d prohibition . Thi s perceptio n derive s partly fro m th e fac t tha t whe n prohibitio n bega n t o unravel, it s support ers resorted t o the time-honored metho d o f blaming the messenger fo r th e message, a s wel l a s fro m th e circumstanc e tha t prohibition' s mos t cele brated critic , H . L . Mencken , wa s a newspape r man . Mencken' s influ ence a s a socia l criti c wa s considerable , an d h e woul d eventuall y writ e some forty-tw o article s o n prohibition—al l o f the m critical . Writin g i n Harold Stearns' s Civilization in the United States (1922), a collectio n o f essays that provide s importan t insight s int o the thinking of contemporar y journalists an d literar y critics , Mencke n claime d tha t "prohibitio n wa s forced upo n th e civilize d minoritie s collecte d i n th e grea t citie s agains t their mos t vigorou s an d persisten t opposition." 84 Lik e many intellectuals , Mencken sa w prohibitio n a s a violatio n o f individua l persona l liberties , observing tha t "th e national governmen t i s trying to enforce a law which , in th e opinio n o f million s o f otherwis e docil e citizens , invade s thei r inalienable rights , an d the y accordingl y refus e t o obey it." 85 The rol e that th e print , radio , an d motio n pictur e medi a playe d i n th e decline o f prohibitio n i s als o a n importan t question . Fo r th e pres s espe cially, liquo r violenc e an d gangste r profile s mad e sensationa l copy , bu t the accusatio n levele d a t th e pres s (b y bot h contemporar y dry s an d som e modern historians ) tha t i t wa s someho w responsibl e fo r prohibition' s failure a s a reform fall s considerabl y shor t o f the mark . Indeed , ther e i s a

54 # Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition great differenc e betwee n printin g storie s abou t prohibition' s failure s an d editorially promotin g th e demise of prohibition. I n the crucial tim e fram e of 1923-24 , whe n th e succes s o f prohibitio n hun g i n th e balance , Joh n Burnham claim s tha t th e pres s change d it s stanc e of acceptanc e o f prohi bition t o "nearl y universa l outrigh t criticis m accompanie d b y a deman d for modificatio n o f the Volstea d Act." 86 Yet , a careful readin g of newspa pers durin g thi s perio d reveal s fe w suc h "demands, " wit h eve n bi g cit y papers cooperatin g i n th e disseminatio n o f th e officia l dr y line . Charle s Merz ha s note d tha t i t was th e New York Times, "and no t som e journa l i n the Middl e West , pledge d t o th e caus e o f prohibition, " tha t publishe d Wayne Wheeler' s syndicate d columns , assistan t U.S . attorne y genera l Mabel Walke r Willebrandt' s reminiscences , an d a forty-two-installmen t narrative penne d b y Burea u o f Prohibitio n directo r Ro y A . Haynes. 87 While paper s suc h a s th e New York World and th e Baltimore Sun (Men cken's paper) were outspoken i n their criticism of prohibition, man y othe r "wet" paper s showe d a remarkable timidit y towar d editorializin g agains t prohibition i n thi s tim e frame. 88 I t wa s th e dry paper s tha t constantl y editorialized fo r stricte r enforcemen t o f prohibition ; paper s wit h we t leanings wer e no t sufficientl y comfortabl e abou t arguin g agains t prohibi tion unti l th e lat e 1920s , whe n prohibition' s problem s ha d becom e mani festly apparent . It wa s Willia m Randolp h Hearst' s decisio n t o com e ou t agains t prohi bition i n 192 9 tha t mad e i t possibl e fo r man y othe r editor s t o d o s o a s well. 89 Hearst , wh o style d himsel f a progressiv e an d a supporte r o f prohibition i n 1920 , wa s opposin g prohibitio n b y 192 9 becaus e "i t ha s increased drinkin g no t onl y amon g men , bu t ha s extende d drinkin g t o women an d eve n t o children. " Hears t als o claime d tha t prohibitio n ha d created a highly pai d crimina l clas s and a corrupt clas s of civil servants. 90 The conversio n o f th e influentia l Hears t t o th e repea l cause , an d th e growing momentu m o f th e repea l movemen t itself , create d a favorabl e atmosphere fo r man y newspaper s t o begi n editorializin g directl y agains t prohibition. An d onc e th e restraint s wer e off , th e suppor t len t b y th e press to the repeal campaig n wa s of considerable importance . Those supportin g prohibitio n predictabl y sa w th e pres s a s a too l o f wet propagandists . Th e Methodis t Boar d o f Temperance , Prohibitio n and Publi c Morals referred t o the "bootle g press" in 1929 , claiming that a group of newspapers ha d embarke d o n a campaign t o undermine prohibi tion through "ridicule, " "outrage stories," "editorial abuse, " "distortion of

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 5 5 news," "attacks upon the strength of government," "headlin e distortions, " and eve n "cartoo n abuse." 91 WCT U presiden t Ell a Bool e likewis e main tained tha t "i t i s impossibl e t o gai n a n accurat e vie w o f th e attac k o n prohibition becaus e of the distorted new s in many newspaper s concernin g prohibition events." 92 Thos e supportin g repeal , suc h a s th e Associatio n Against th e Prohibitio n Amendment , woul d late r acknowledg e tha t " a great debt i s due t o the liberal pres s o f the nation whic h ha s been a facto r of overwhelming importance " in winning the repeal campaign. 93 The lac k o f enthusias m fo r prohibitio n b y hard-drinkin g America n writers an d journalist s wa s no t greatl y surprising . O f greate r interes t is th e growin g hostilit y o f America n bi g busines s towar d prohibition . Historically, th e labo r efficienc y argumen t fo r prohibitio n ha d alway s held grea t appea l fo r businessmen , wh o ha d lon g struggle d wit h th e challenge of banishing liquor from th e workplace. I n 189 7 t ne U.S . Labo r Commission conducte d on e o f th e mos t extensiv e poll s eve r take n o f businessmen o n th e subjec t o f th e us e o f alcoho l b y employees . Th e results showed tha t of the seven thousand employer s surveyed , mor e tha n five thousand though t that i t was important t o ascertain of new employee s if the y use d intoxicants . Whe n employer s wer e aske d wha t step s shoul d be take n t o "lesse n th e consumptio n o f intoxicatin g liquo r amon g th e people," ther e wer e a variet y o f answers , bu t th e solutio n suggeste d b y the largest numbe r o f respondents wa s "prohibition." 94 That man y America n businessme n sa w prohibitio n a s a valuabl e too l for disciplinin g th e workforc e wa s evident , an d som e historian s hav e claimed tha t i t wa s thes e America n capitalists , rathe r tha n middle-clas s reformers, wh o wer e th e rea l drivin g forc e behin d prohibition. 95 Thi s overstates th e case , however , becaus e i n trut h th e busines s communit y had neve r bee n i n tota l accor d o n th e subjec t o f prohibition . Whil e American businessme n ha d bee n jus t a s enthusiasti c a s othe r American s in thei r bashin g o f the America n "Hun " brewin g interest s i n th e feveris h days o f Worl d Wa r I , thes e sam e businessme n wer e mor e tha n a littl e uneasy wit h massiv e governmenta l intrusio n int o wha t the y considere d the sacred real m of "private property." 96 A s a species of private property , American brewin g an d distillin g operation s represente d a hug e financial outlay (o n th e ev e o f prohibitio n th e brewin g industr y b y itsel f repre sented a n investmen t o f som e $80 0 million). 97 Brewerie s an d distillerie s were not the only businesse s affected b y prohibition ; business suppor t fo r moral crusade s suc h a s prohibitio n ha d bee n tempere d b y a n awarenes s

$6 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition that vic e wa s par t o f th e commercia l lifebloo d o f th e city. 98 Man y busi nesses wer e hur t b y th e enactmen t o f nationa l prohibitio n i n 1920 , an d the brewin g an d distillin g businesses , o f course , wer e legislate d ou t o f existence. A s Herman Feldma n ha s noted, "n o law passed i n this countr y since th e abolitio n o f slaver y affecte d s o vas t a n investmen t o f tangibl e property." 99 Though trouble d b y thi s governmenta l intrusio n int o th e bailiwic k o f capitalist enterpris e an d privat e property , America n businessme n wer e even mor e disturbed t o discover tha t wit h th e liquo r an d distillin g indus tries gone , othe r businesse s wer e force d t o assum e a greater ta x burden . It wa s a tax burde n tha t wa s significant , a s taxes levied o n fermented an d distilled liquor s had , sinc e the Civil War, accounte d fo r a huge portion of federal revenues . I n 1910 , for instance , of the nearly $29 0 million that th e Treasury Departmen t collecte d i n interna l revenue , fermente d liquor s (beer an d wine ) accounte d fo r mor e tha n $6 0 million , whil e distille d liquor accounte d fo r mor e tha n $14 8 million— a combine d tota l o f mor e than 7 1 percent o f internal federa l revenue . 10° The America n busines s communit y ha s rarel y bee n a s pampere d a s i t was unde r th e Mello n Treasur y Department . Yet , promotin g th e repea l of prohibitio n a s a measure tha t woul d lesse n th e corporat e an d persona l tax burde n o f American businessme n (repea l woul d b e accompanied b y a return t o th e ol d syste m o f heav y ta x levie s agains t liquor ) prove d t o b e an effectiv e fund-raisin g strateg y fo r repea l group s suc h a s th e Associa tion Against th e Prohibition Amendment . Th e AAPA , i n fact, wa s dominated b y bi g business , an d it s leadershi p include d suc h Captain s o f Industry a s John J. Raskob , th e d u Pont s (Pierre , Irenee , an d Lammot) , and banke r Charles H . Sabin , th e husband o f Pauline Sabin. Thoma s W . Phillips, Jr. , presiden t o f T . W . Phillip s Ga s an d Oi l Compan y an d a member o f the boar d o f the AAPA , neatl y summarize d th e whol e prohi bition-tax issu e in a letter t o Pierre S . d u Pont : As I look upon this matter, I realize that prohibition has indirectly cost me already severa l hundre d thousan d dollars ; and , o f course , i f i t continue s indefinitely, th e amount that I will be assessed on account of this religious and refor m fanaticis m wil l moun t int o th e seven-figur e column . I do no t know how this strikes other people, but it is very irritating to me.101 Joining th e literary-journalisti c establishmen t an d bi g business i n thei r advocacy o f repeal wa s America n labor . Labor' s stan d o n th e prohibitio n

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 5 7 issue had , fro m th e beginning , bee n ambivalent . Fo r th e America n worker th e drinking of alcohol ha d bee n symbolicall y importan t sinc e th e 1820s, bu t b y th e las t quarte r o f th e nineteent h centur y labo r leader s were expressin g concer n abou t th e abus e o f har d liquo r amon g worker s (especially i n heav y industry ) an d uneas e abou t th e rol e o f th e saloo n i n the lif e o f th e laborin g man , despit e th e saloon' s historica l importanc e t o the live s o f workers . Mos t notabl e o f th e labo r prohibitionist s wa s th e Knights o f Labor' s Terenc e Powderly , wh o constantl y spok e ou t agains t drink an d th e saloo n an d wh o banne d thos e wh o mad e a livin g sellin g liquor fro m membershi p i n the Knights (the others banned fro m member ship include d doctors , bankers , an d inevitably , lawyers) . Bu t whil e mos t labor leader s favore d temperanc e reform , prohibitio n wa s a differen t matter, no t onl y becaus e o f th e overwhelmin g sentimen t o f th e ran k an d file agains t it , bu t als o becaus e o f th e paternalis m towar d worker s tha t was inheren t i n prohibitio n legislation . Th e America n Federatio n o f La bor too k th e lin e tha t i t wa s poo r wage s an d workin g condition s tha t drove the worker t o intemperance, an d tha t b y addressin g these problem s trade unions themselve s actuall y functione d a s effective temperanc e orga nizations.102 A t it s 189 5 conventio n th e AF L proclaime d tha t "reduce d hours o f burdensom e toil , [and ] a n increas e i n wage s an d improve d environments hav e done more to reduce the evils of intemperance tha n all the efforts fro m othe r directions." 103 As th e prohibitio n movemen t gaine d momentum , however , th e issu e nearly produce d a disastrou s schis m i n labor' s ranks . B y 190 9 Charle s Stelzle o f th e Machinist s Union , Thoma s Lewi s o f th e Unite d Min e Workers, AF L treasure r Joh n B . Lennon , an d Executiv e Counci l mem bers John Mitchel l an d James Dunca n wer e promoting prohibition withi n the AFL. Amon g union element s opposing prohibition wer e the powerfu l United Brewer y Workers , a s well a s the cigarmakers , coopers , an d hote l and restauran t workers . AF L presiden t Samue l Gomper s wa s abl e t o squelch th e activitie s o f Stelzl e an d hi s cohort s i n retur n fo r suppressin g a brewers-sponsore d antiprohibitio n resolution , bu t th e prohibitio n issu e left a legacy o f bitterness withi n th e union. 104 It shoul d b e note d tha t Gomper s himsel f wa s oppose d t o prohibition , but i f prohibitio n ha d t o come , Gomper s an d mos t labo r leader s favore d a modifie d versio n o f prohibitio n tha t woul d proscrib e har d liquo r bu t make allowance s fo r win e an d especiall y bee r (th e preferre d drin k o f the America n laborer). 105 Th e unwillingnes s o f thos e i n th e prohibitio n

58 • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition movement t o mak e som e provisio n fo r lega l bee r became , i n th e vie w o f organized labor , on e exampl e o f th e "class " inequitie s i t detecte d i n prohibition legislation . I n 191 9 the Centra l Trade s an d Labo r Counci l o f New Yor k threatene d t o cal l a genera l strik e unles s bee r wa s exempte d from impendin g prohibitio n legislation . Som e fiv e hundre d thousan d union worker s endorse d th e genera l strik e idea , an d i t wa s onl y wit h difficulty tha t Gomper s wa s abl e to prevent suc h a n action. 106 That sam e year Gomper s testifie d a t a Senat e hearing , wher e h e presented a resolu tion fro m hi s union tha t describe d prohibitio n a s "principally intende d t o deprive th e worker s o f Americ a o f th e mean s t o secur e legall y a glass o f beer afte r thei r day' s labor." 107 In th e year s tha t followed , labor' s suspicion s tha t prohibitio n woul d place a n unfai r burde n o n th e workin g clas s wer e validated . Muc h o f th e problem la y wit h th e languag e containe d i n th e Volstea d Act , a la w passed i n 192 0 that provide d fo r enforcemen t o f th e Eighteent h Amend ment. Th e Volstea d Ac t dre w n o distinctio n betwee n fermente d bever ages an d distille d one s (thereb y deprivin g th e worke r o f hi s beer) ; i t made provision s fo r th e punishmen t o f those who manufacture d an d sol d beverage alcoho l bu t exacte d n o penalt y fo r th e mer e possessio n o f alco hol. Th e resul t wa s tha t befor e th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wen t int o effect th e ric h settle d i n fo r th e lon g sieg e b y stockin g thei r cellar s wit h gallons o f alcohol— a luxur y tha t thos e wit h mor e modes t income s coul d not afford . Th e wealth y coul d eithe r drin k fro m thes e privat e store s o r pay th e pric e fo r hig h quality , illega l liquor . Th e les s privilege d wer e forced eithe r t o d o withou t o r t o drin k bad , ofte n poisonous , bootle g liquor. Thus , a sor t o f virtu e b y defaul t wa s force d o n th e workin g class, whil e th e well-to-d o indulge d thei r appetit e fo r si n wheneve r the y wanted. Th e hypocris y o f this arrangemen t wa s obvious t o everyone an d was ofte n th e subjec t o f editorials , politica l cartoons , an d satires , a s wel l as th e predictabl e jeremiad s fro m clergyme n an d othe r dr y supporters . Pauline Sabi n hersel f describe d prohibitio n a s "th e greates t piec e of class legislation eve r enacted i n this country." 108 As previousl y noted , on e o f th e cherishe d belief s o f labo r wa s tha t prohibition ha d force d American s t o abando n bee r an d t o tak e u p th e drinking o f har d liquor . Lik e s o muc h o f th e folklor e o f th e prohibitio n era, thi s proposition i s impossible to document becaus e of the lack of hard statistical evidence . Whil e i t i s tru e tha t American s after prohibitio n ingested a greater portio n o f their alcoho l i n the form o f hard liquo r tha n

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 5 9 they ha d before prohibition , designatin g a singl e facto r t o accoun t fo r something a s comple x an d ephemera l a s a shif t i n "taste " i s a dubiou s exercise. Lik e other prohibitio n er a beliefs , however , th e beer-to-whiske y idea wa s repeate d often , wit h grav e assurance s o f it s veracity . Samue l Gompers, fo r instance , testifie d i n 192 4 tha t labo r wa s overwhelmingl y for modificatio n o f th e Volstea d Act ; h e urge d tha t bee r wit h a 2.7 5 percent alcoho l conten t b e legalized: 109 "Enactment o f thi s bill, " sai d Mr . Gompers , "woul d transfor m th e people o f th e Unite d State s fro m a whisk y drinkin g t o a bee r drinkin g people." This remark caused lou d applause from spectators . Representativ e Foster o f Ohi o aske d Mr . Gomper s wha t wa s wron g wit h th e presen t "nea r beer." "It lacks warmth," was the reply. "What would give it warmth?" asked Mr. Foster. "Alcohol," said Mr. Gompers. 110 Beginning i n 192 2 th e AF L cam e ou t annuall y fo r modificatio n o f th e Volstead Ac t t o includ e light-alcoho l beverages , an d i n 192 4 i t joine d with th e AAP A i n a n unsuccessfu l attemp t t o get a "wet plank " adopte d by th e Democrati c Nationa l Convention .

The Prohibition Coalition During th e 1920 s the coalitio n committe d t o th e retentio n o f prohibitio n was much th e sam e as the coalition tha t ha d expende d s o much energ y t o get prohibition passed . Protestan t churches , th e Anti-Saloon League , an d the WCT U stil l forme d th e cor e o f dr y sentiment , bu t non e o f thes e groups wielde d th e sam e political or cultural powe r the y onc e had . By th e lat e 1920 s th e ASL , whic h i n previou s year s ha d create d a niche fo r itsel f a s on e o f th e mos t brillian t exponent s o f singl e issu e politics, ha d becom e a victi m o f it s ow n success . AS L assurance s tha t the popularit y o f nationa l prohibitio n woul d mak e larg e outlay s fo r dr y enforcement unnecessar y ha d bee n accepte d a t face valu e by bot h federa l and stat e legislators , wh o appropriate d littl e fo r nationa l prohibitio n en forcement an d eve n les s fo r stat e enforcement . Th e publi c wa s als o niggardly i n it s contribution s t o th e AS L itself , an d AS L coffer s wer e

6o • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition dangerously lo w b y th e tim e th e repea l debat e bega n t o hea t u p i n th e late 1920s . Th e Depressio n onl y worsene d AS L financial problems . I n 1932 th e Ban k o f Westerville , wher e th e AS L kep t mos t o f it s funds , failed, an d b y 193 3 t n e ASL , whic h ha d boaste d a n operatin g budge t o f $2.5 millio n i n 1920 , ha d bee n reduce d t o a n incom e o f onl y abou t $122,000, wit h liabilitie s o f abou t $82,00 0 (mostl y i n unpai d salaries). 111 This lac k o f fundin g woul d obviousl y pu t th e AS L a t a great disadvan tage whe n i t wen t u p agains t th e formidabl e financial resource s o f th e AAPA. The ASL' s politica l strateg y afte r th e enactmen t o f th e Eighteent h Amendment als o lef t somethin g t o b e desired . Durin g th e dr y year s o f the twenties ther e ha d bee n debate within th e ASL a s to whether policie s of tha t organizatio n shoul d reflec t a law-and-orde r approac h o f stric t prohibition enforcemen t an d bi g priso n sentence s fo r violator s o r a n alcohol educatio n emphasis . Ernes t H . Cherringto n favore d th e latte r tack, bu t i t wa s Wayn e Wheeler' s punitiv e approac h t o prohibitio n tha t eventually prevaile d a t th e ASL . A mor e flexible, benevolen t leagu e might hav e garnere d greate r publi c sympathy , bu t th e styl e o f politic s practiced b y th e AS L create d man y enemies , an d whe n suppor t fo r th e organization bega n t o falter, ther e were few willin g to rush t o its defense . The league' s decline in fortunes actuall y bega n i n the hour of one of its greatest triumphs : th e defea t o f Al Smit h fo r th e presidency . I n th e 192 8 election th e AS L ha d campaigne d vigorousl y agains t Smith , wit h Bisho p James A . Cannon , Jr. , a Methodist Churc h leade r (an d th e drivin g forc e of th e AS L afte r Wayn e Wheeler' s deat h i n 1927) , puttin g togethe r a formidable organizatio n o f souther n evangelica l Protestant s an d Demo cratic drys. 112 Durin g th e campaig n Canno n ha d short-circuite d bot h party an d churc h hierarchies , an d launche d extremel y persona l attack s on Smith tha t shocke d eve n many seasone d politica l observers. 113 In th e wak e of Smith' s resoundin g defeat , th e AS L flattered itsel f tha t it ha d receive d a publi c endorsemen t o f it s policies . Bu t i n trut h th e electorate rejected Smit h for a variety o f reasons, with his wet leanings on the prohibitio n issu e only on e negativ e facto r amon g man y tha t include d Smith's Catholicism , hi s Iris h ethni c origins , an d hi s affiliation s wit h bi g city machin e politics . Fo r al l practica l purpose s th e AS L jettisone d it s nonpartisan statu s i n th e 192 8 campaign , an d leagu e tactic s durin g thi s election angere d man y Democrati c part y regulars , especiall y i n th e South. Th e ASL , i n effect , ha d be t th e far m o n Herber t Hoover , an d

Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition • 6 1 when Hoove r fel l fro m grac e during the Depression, th e ASL found itsel f in a vulnerable positio n wit h resurgen t Democrats , man y o f who m wer e in a mood t o settle old score s with th e league. 114 Cannon's doubl e dut y a s prohibitionis t an d cleri c highlight s th e cozy , symbiotic relationshi p tha t evangelica l Protestan t churche s enjoye d wit h the ASL. Fo r thes e churches prohibitio n ha d becom e s o integral a part o f church philosoph y ove r th e year s tha t i t ha d assume d th e importanc e o f church doctrine . Indeed , th e centra l plac e of prohibition i n church ideol ogy bega n a t the communio n altar , wher e grap e juic e was substitute d fo r wine a s a sacramen t durin g th e dr y years . (Notabl y les s enthusiasti c about th e us e of nonalcoholic sacrament s wer e Lutherans , Episcopalians , Roman Catholics , an d Jews , wh o continue d th e ritualisti c us e o f win e during prohibition.) 115 Evangelica l Protestan t minister s suc h a s Canno n not only denounced drin k from th e pulpit bu t als o staffed AS L leadershi p positions an d designate d specia l churc h Sunday s fo r th e collectio n o f ASL donations . Th e suppor t o f Protestan t churche s thu s wa s crucia l t o the dry cause . A s Ernes t H . Cherringto n observed , th e ASL dependenc e on churc h patronag e wa s nearl y total , no t onl y fo r financial assistance , but als o "fo r th e necessar y influenc e an d powe r t o tur n th e tid e alon g non-partisan line s i n the electio n o f members o f the legislature s favorabl e to temperanc e legislatio n an d i n th e election , a s well , o f publi c official s who would enforc e th e law." 116 While th e church-AS L axi s ha d bee n a powerful politica l presenc e i n the year s befor e th e war , th e exten t t o whic h mainstrea m Protestantis m could wiel d a definitive cultura l influenc e ha d bee n o n the wane for som e time, an d b y th e mid-1920 s Protestantis m ha d falle n victi m to what som e have referre d t o a s a n "America n religiou s depression. " Undermine d b y the scientifi c discipline s o f psycholog y an d behavioris m o n th e left , b y fundamentalism o n th e right , an d b y a genera l spiritua l disillusionmen t that wa s a legacy o f th e war , mainstrea m America n Protestantis m regis tered a declin e i n almos t ever y are a tha t wa s crucia l t o it s continue d health.117 With suppor t fo r mainstrea m Protestantis m a t lo w ebb , th e churches ' advocacy o f a n increasingl y unpopula r prohibitio n la w ha d becom e a burdensome liabilit y b y th e end o f the twenties. 118 The moderat e Federa l Council o f Churches , onc e a generou s contributo r t o th e prohibitio n movement, becam e les s enthusiasti c a s prohibitio n too k o n a nativist , fundamentalist characte r durin g th e twenties. 119 Disturbe d b y th e ASL' s

6i • Women's Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition emphasis o n la w enforcemen t ove r temperanc e education , th e Federa l Council wa s considering withdrawing suppor t fro m th e ASL b y 1927. 12° Even mor e harmfu l wa s th e scanda l tha t touche d th e highl y visibl e Bishop Canno n i n 1929 . Canno n wa s accused , amon g othe r things , o f stock speculation , adultery , an d eve n flou r hoardin g durin g th e war . Cannon claime d tha t h e wa s th e victi m o f a wet press/Catholi c vendetta , but b y 193 0 even th e Christian Century, which ha d alway s defende d him , was describin g Canno n a s a "los t leader. " I n th e Century editoria l th e extent t o whic h prohibitio n ha d becom e a weight o n th e churc h wa s ev ident: The churc h itsel f an d thos e organization s which , lik e th e Anti-Saloo n League, profes s t o represent i t in militant activitie s fo r th e suppression of anti-social institutions, need to disentangle themselves from the reputations and th e leadership of persons who are not abov e the general level in their ethical idealism. W e cannot subscribe to the doctrine that if a dry leader is dry enough, nothing else matters.121 For evangelica l churches , th e ASL , an d othe r dr y proponents , th e repeal debat e woul d graduall y assum e a nightmaris h quality , a s wet s began t o revers e dr y argument s an d us e the m t o promot e repeal . Thus , the dr y argumen t tha t prohibitio n ha d brough t prosperit y t o Americ a became, i n the context o f the nation's wors t depression , a n argument tha t repeal coul d hel p restor e th e country' s financial health . Th e argumen t that prohibitio n woul d reduc e crim e became, i n the context o f the "crim e wave" o f th e era , a n argumen t tha t crimina l activitie s coul d b e reduce d by gettin g ri d o f prohibition . Th e final ironi c reversa l o f dr y fortune s would li e in a dry inabilit y t o concoct a unified strateg y agains t repeal — the mirror imag e of hapless wets a decade earlier .

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Women and the Repeal Issue: Three Visions

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uring th e decade s o f th e 1920 s an d 1930 s ther e wa s n o politica l issue, wit h th e exceptio n o f th e Equa l Right s Amendmen t im broglio, tha t produce d mor e controvers y amon g women , an d revealed mor e abou t ho w wome n viewe d themselve s an d thei r mora l systems, tha n prohibitio n repeal . A s wa s th e cas e with th e ER A debate , the politics of prohibition repea l was weighted wit h the language of moral imperatives, wit h bot h camp s makin g vehemen t assertion s o f woman' s proper relationshi p t o he r societ y an d th e state' s prope r relationshi p to th e domesti c realm . Thi s chapte r wil l examin e ho w thre e women' s organizations a t th e cente r o f th e prohibitio n repea l debat e approache d this issue , th e rhetori c an d iconograph y tha t the y used , an d th e extent t o which th e leadershi p o f thes e organization s reflecte d th e concern s an d priorities of their memberships .

The WCTU and the Politics of Reaction By th e 1920 s the worl d ha d changed , bu t th e WCTU , b y an d large , ha d not. Durin g th e lat e nineteent h centur y th e WCT U ha d fashione d a n ambitious slat e o f program s tha t wa s ofte n insightfu l i n it s analysi s o f social conditions . Whil e th e WCT U ha d narrowe d it s focus considerabl y after th e demis e o f France s Willar d t o a n emphasi s o n prohibition , it s success i n helpin g t o instal l nationa l prohibitio n i n 192 0 coul d hav e provided th e WCT U wit h th e opportunit y t o tur n it s considerabl e re 63

64 • Women and the Repeal Issue sources t o othe r issues . Instead , th e WCT U seeme d baffle d b y it s ow n triumph an d frightene d b y the social and mora l developments o f the Ne w Era. Throughou t th e 1920 s th e WCT U wa s lookin g ove r it s shoulder , back t o th e mora l certitude s o f th e nineteent h century . Th e WCT U continued t o se e immigrant s a s a threatening , destabilizin g elemen t i n American societ y an d promote d it s "Americanization " progra m a s th e best wa y t o insur e righ t though t amon g immigrants. 1 Whe n Wisconsi n voted t o repea l it s stat e prohibitio n law , WCT U presiden t Ell a Bool e dismissed th e vot e a s "no t a rea l test , becaus e th e majoritie s whic h brought th e repea l cam e from Milwaukee , a foreign city." 2 I n a n increas ingly secula r societ y th e WCT U clun g t o it s Evangelisti c an d Sabbat h Observance Department , notin g proudl y i n 192 4 that Californi a WCT U members ha d bee n "undaunte d b y th e advers e decisio n agains t Bibl e reading rendere d b y th e Suprem e Court " an d ha d succeede d i n getting a proposition o n th e ballo t t o restor e Bibl e readin g i n th e schools . "Th e time i s ripe, " asserte d th e WCTU , "fo r bringin g th e Bibl e bac k t o ou r public schools." 3 Emergin g trend s i n courtshi p wer e condemne d b y th e WCTU's Socia l Morality Department , a s well as notions of sexuality tha t placed "self-expressio n abov e morals." 4 No r di d th e WCT U approv e o f the "commercialize d vice " tha t i t claime d characterize d popula r cultur e during th e 1920s , voicin g disma y a t th e widesprea d us e o f tobacc o ("a s great a menace t o ou r youn g peopl e a s alcohol—probably mor e so" ) an d disgust a t th e proliferatio n o f "indecen t dres s an d demoralizin g amuse ments." 5 The WCT U place d motio n picture s unde r specia l scrutiny : b y th e mid-1920s i t ha d create d it s ow n Motio n Picture s Departmen t an d wa s seeking bot h federa l an d stat e legislatio n fo r th e "productio n o f clea n films."6 On e facto r tha t complicate d thi s missio n wa s tha t man y i n th e organization ha d "grow n disguste d becaus e of objectionable picture s the y [had] see n i n th e past, " makin g i t "difficul t t o get the m t o atten d enoug h to kno w th e exceedin g seriousnes s o f the problem." 7 A s i f the lo w mora l tone foun d i n motio n picture s wa s no t enough , th e WCT U calle d th e attention o f it s member s t o a n entir e panopl y o f socia l condition s tha t fostered immorality , includin g "foreig n standard s introduce d throug h immigration; congeste d housin g conditions ; hig h livin g costs ; earl y en trance o f boy s an d girl s int o industry ; unsupervise d amusement s an d automobiling; th e stimulatio n o f se x emotions, throug h undesirabl e type s of motion pictures , literatur e an d danc e halls." 8

Women and the Repeal Issue • 6 5 If the WCTU o f the 1920 s was reactionary i n it s politics an d nostalgi c in it s notion s o f propriety , i t ha d plent y o f company . Th e immigratio n restrictions passe d b y Congres s durin g thi s er a giv e a sens e o f th e wide spread hostilit y towar d foreig n hordes , an d th e circumstance s sur rounding th e Scope s trial were a reminder tha t there was still tremendou s resistance t o Darwi n an d a endurin g fealt y t o biblica l authority . Like wise, th e popularit y o f th e K u Klu x Kla n durin g th e 1920 s (membershi p is estimate d a t a soberin g thre e t o five millio n durin g th e organization' s peak a t mid-decade ) demonstrate d th e continuin g gras s root s appea l o f such Kla n staple s a s racism , nativism , anti-Semitism , anti-Catholicism , and a new wrinkl e for th e 1920s , prohibitionism. 9 Nor wa s Kla n activis m durin g th e 1920 s strictl y a mal e prerogative . With a membership o f aroun d five hundred thousand , th e Wome n o f th e Ku Klu x Kla n (WKKK ) promote d th e sam e whit e Protestan t lin e a s the mal e Klan , whil e frequentl y emphasizin g th e importanc e o f woma n suffrage an d eve n th e ER A amendment. 10 On e WKK K leader , Alm a Bridwell White , wa s a n evangelica l preache r an d Kla n spokesperson , a s well as an outspoken promote r o f women's right s both within an d outsid e of th e churc h an d a n advocat e o f th e ERA . Sh e wa s als o viciousl y anti-Semitic an d anti-Catholic . Whit e publishe d luri d account s o f th e seduction o f innocent Protestan t wome n b y unprinciple d Jewish men an d lectured o n th e importanc e o f "exposin g politica l Romanis m i n it s effort s to gain ascendanc y i n th e U.S." 1 1 Sh e als o condemned th e liquo r indus try, whic h sh e claime d wa s supporte d b y Catholi c politicians. 12 Thi s combination o f seemingl y contradictor y element s wa s characteristi c o f the WKKK , whic h historia n Kathlee n Ble e describe s a s " a reactionary , hate-based movemen t wit h progressiv e moments." 13 Other WKK K leader s include d th e Quake r reforme r Dais y Dougla s Barr, a Friends ministe r fro m Muncie , Indiana , whos e activitie s include d promoting a refuge fo r forme r prostitute s an d servin g a s president o f th e Indiana Wa r Mothers . Lik e White , Bar r wa s als o a prohibitionis t wit h nativist tendencies , whic h dre w he r int o th e Kla n o f th e 1920s . Bar r seemingly ha d n o difficult y reconcilin g he r Quake r view s wit h th e Klan . She eventually becam e head of the WKKK i n Indiana, th e largest WKK K organization i n the country. 14 The case s o f Alm a Bridwel l Whit e an d Dais y Dougla s Bar r wer e no t unique, an d t o a strikin g degre e th e commo n denominato r amon g th e women wh o followe d the m int o th e Kla n wa s a devotion t o th e caus e of

66 • Women and the Repeal Issue prohibition. 15 Thi s i s no t t o impl y a roug h equivalenc y betwee n th e WKKK an d th e WCTU , bu t th e Kla n wa s o n th e fa r righ t fringe s o f a political an d cultura l populis m tha t i t share d no t onl y wit h th e WCTU , but wit h million s o f ordinary citizen s oppose d t o the modernis t trend s o f the 1920s . Component s o f thi s styl e o f politic s include d th e advocac y o f harsh prohibitio n enforcemen t law s (mos t notabl y th e draconia n Jone s Law—nicknamed th e "Fiv e an d Dim e Law " becaus e i t provide d fo r a five-year priso n sentenc e o r a $10,000 fine, o r both , fo r first offender s o f the Volstea d Act) , a suspicio n o f immigran t groups , an d promotio n o f an evangelica l Protestan t moralit y tha t include d campaign s fo r "decent " motion picture s an d a return t o more traditional sexua l mores. 16 While th e WCT U an d it s allie s wer e abl e t o moun t a spirite d rear guard action , th e WCT U wa s n o longe r i n th e vanguar d o f socia l an d political chang e an d no w seeme d preoccupie d wit h resistin g developin g cultural practices . WCT U member s themselve s seeme d t o sens e that th e glory day s wer e over an d tha t th e best ha d passed . Nostalgi a haunte d th e WCTU, a s the wistfu l panegyri c t o the dr y titan s o f yesteryea r bega n t o crowd th e page s of the Union Signal and t o appear wit h numbin g regular ity a t WCT U conventions . Th e declin e o f the WCT U b y th e 1920 s wa s reflected i n a leadershi p tha t wa s undergoin g a steadil y slippin g clas s alignment, fro m uppe r middl e an d middl e class , t o lowe r middl e an d lower class. 17 The WCT U wa s clearl y stil l oriente d t o th e nineteent h century . On e carryover fro m tha t er a wa s th e WCTU' s insistenc e tha t temperanc e wa s somehow organi c t o the femal e sex . Th e WCT U ha d bee n quit e success ful i n promulgating thi s notion over the years, and a s we have seen one of the effect s o f thi s constan t pairin g o f woman' s suppose d innat e hostilit y to liquo r wit h woman' s politica l potentia l (an d later , woman' s politica l empowerment) wa s the creation o f a myth tha t th e two wer e inextricabl y joined (ill . n ) . Luc y Peabod y (ill . 12) , hea d o f th e WCT U offshoo t Women's Nationa l Committe e fo r La w Enforcement , use d thi s lin e o f reasoning i n 192 9 t o explai n wh y th e "norma l woman, " a s sh e terme d her, woul d alway s suppor t prohibition . Peabod y believe d tha t a "grea t underlying natura l law " dictate d tha t "me n thin k logically , wome n bio logically. Th e preservatio n o f the race rests with the woman. He r instinc t to protec t th e chil d lead s he r t o den y hersel f privilege s an d libertie s tha t injure th e child . Th e woman' s majo r reaso n fo r n o repeal o r modificatio n of the Eighteent h Amendmen t i s found i n one word—'Children.' " 1 8 B y

Women and the Repeal Issue • 6 7 extension, wome n wh o did no t share this enthusiasm fo r prohibition wer e "abnormal," tha t is , lackin g i n on e o f th e basi c element s tha t define d true womanhood . Whe n th e Hous e Way s an d Mean s Committe e aske d Peabody i n 193 2 t o explai n th e extraordinar y growt h o f th e WONPR , Peabody blame d th e medi a an d it s infatuatio n wit h th e bizarre : "th e women wh o d o no t wan t liquo r back , fo r th e reason s w e hav e give n today, ar e norma l women , the y ar e not news . . . . you d o no t hea r fro m us a s yo u hea r fro m the m [repea l women ] sinc e th e abnorma l an d th e supernormal ar e first-page matter." 19 Thus, on e o f th e issue s o f th e repea l debate , establishe d a t a n earl y date b y dr y women , wa s wha t stanc e o n repea l constitute d a politicall y responsible womanliness . Ther e wa s a powerful, century-ol d mora l prec edent th e WCT U coul d cal l on , an d i n order t o succeed , women' s prohi bition repeal groups would hav e to engage the WCTU o n its own ideolog ical turf.

Louise Gross and Personal Liberty Before examinin g th e caree r o f Paulin e Sabi n an d th e mos t successfu l o f the women' s prohibitio n repea l organizations , i t i s instructiv e t o loo k a t the activitie s o f anothe r woman , M . Louis e Gross , who , lik e Sabin , attempted t o rall y wome n behin d th e movemen t t o repea l prohibition , but wit h notabl y les s success . History' s failure s ar e frequentl y mor e illuminating tha n history' s successes , an d i n th e caree r o f Gros s w e hav e a sort of meditation o n the failure o f certain mora l an d politica l appeals t o mobilize large numbers o f women (ill . 13) . Gross wa s a native of New Yor k who ha d attende d Whit e Plain s Hig h School an d ha d studie d la w a t Fordha m Universit y befor e returnin g t o work as a clerk in a White Plains law firm. A Democrat, Gros s eventuall y became secretar y t o Tamman y Hal l distric t leade r Thoma s F . Foley , a close associat e o f A l Smith. 20 Unlik e Sabin , Gros s ha d bee n activ e i n antiprohibition activitie s fro m a n earl y date . Beginnin g i n 192 2 Gros s became involved i n the Molly Pitche r Club— a women' s wet organizatio n named afte r a Revolutionar y Wa r heroin e an d operatin g unde r th e aegi s of the Association Agains t th e Prohibition Amendment . The state d purpos e o f th e Moll y Pitcher s wa s t o preven t "an y ten dency o n th e par t o f ou r Nationa l Governmen t t o interfer e wit h th e

68 • Women and the Repeal Issue personal habit s o f the American peopl e except thos e habits which ma y b e designated a s criminal. " Drinking , accordin g t o thi s group , wa s "no t a criminal habit, " an d th e Moll y Pitcher s pledge d "t o procur e th e sal e o f light wine s an d beer , regulate d b y th e severa l state s an d th e stronge r spirits t o b e regulated b y th e Government. " Perhap s fatall y fo r th e orga nization, th e Moll y Pitcher s admitte d tha t thei r activitie s woul d b e "di rected throug h th e Associatio n Agains t th e Prohibitio n Amendment." 21 Although havin g nationa l aspirations , th e Moll y Pitche r Clu b wa s basi cally a Ne w Yor k organization , wit h meeting s hel d monthl y a t th e Rit z Carlton Hote l an d "Luncheon s a t Delmonico's. " A contingen t o f 12 0 Molly Pitcher s showe d u p i n Albany i n 192 3 to urge Governo r A l Smit h to repeal th e Mullan-Gage Ac t (a state prohibition enforcemen t measure) , but tota l membershi p o f th e organizatio n wa s probabl y neve r ver y large . By 192 4 the Molly Pitche r Clu b was moribund, it s founder ha d resigned , and Gros s coul d onl y offe r th e lam e explanatio n tha t "activitie s o f th e Molly Pitche r Clu b subside d becaus e there wa s nothing o f importance i n the prohibition fiel d fo r i t to do." 22 In fact , ther e was plenty fo r suc h a n organization t o do, bu t th e Moll y Pitchers were simply unabl e to attract the members t o do them. On e doe s not hav e t o loo k to o fa r t o discove r th e reasons . First , th e Moll y Pitche r Club's admissio n tha t i t wa s onl y a n auxiliar y o f th e AAP A woul d hav e been enough t o discourage a great number o f women who , whil e oriente d toward women' s organizations , wer e certainl y no t oriente d towar d a woman's organizatio n whos e activitie s wer e directe d b y a male organiza tion. Th e doubl e standar d o f th e appropriatenes s o f mal e versu s femal e drinking an d mal e versu s femal e advocac y o f liberalize d drinkin g law s also helps account fo r th e unpopularity o f the Molly Pitchers . I n the early to mid-1920s there was still tremendous resistanc e to the notion of women working agains t prohibition . Whe n Gros s trie d t o organiz e wome n fo r a rally agains t prohibitio n a t th e Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n i n 1924 , she too k not e o f th e hostilit y sh e encountered , remarkin g tha t "i n thos e early day s . . . th e pionee r wome n i n th e movemen t wer e ofte n de nounced a s traitor s t o thei r country , nullificationists , etc . etc." 23 A fina l factor i n th e Moll y Pitche r Club' s inabilit y t o accrue a large membershi p was th e apparen t lac k o f enthusias m fo r th e group' s libertaria n pro nouncements agains t governmen t interferenc e i n th e "persona l habits " of its citizens (meaning the drinking of alcohol). The sentiment s expresse d b y Gros s an d other s a t th e Moll y Pitche r

Women and the Repeal Issue • 6 9 Club (an d b y suc h intellectual s a s H . L . Mencken ) wer e strikin g i n their concordanc e wit h th e philosophica l rumination s fro m th e previou s century of John Stuar t Mill. Mill was certainly no t the first philosophe r t o insist that persona l libertie s be preeminent i n any governmental system — Thomas Jefferso n an d Ada m Smit h ha d don e s o i n th e eighteent h cen tury, an d Mills' s nineteenth-centur y contemporar y Herber t Spence r made nearly th e same argument i n Social Statics.2* The term personal liberty was used b y Northerner s t o describe a species of laws designed t o thwar t the Fugitiv e Slav e Act , whil e Southerner s expresse d concern s tha t thei r own persona l libertie s wer e bein g threatene d b y Northerners . Bu t i n On Liberty, published i n 1859 , Mill produced a work of pervasive influence i n which, accordin g t o Gertrud e Himmelfarb , th e ide a o f libert y wa s con verted "int o a philosophicall y respectabl e doctrine " an d refine d int o th e form i n whic h w e understan d i t today. 25 I n thi s wor k Mil l inveighe d against th e tren d towar d stat e paternalis m tha t h e detecte d bot h i n En glish and i n American government , an d th e examples he uses—America n state prohibitio n law s an d Englis h attempt s t o curtail th e Chines e opiu m trade—are especiall y pertinen t t o th e persona l libert y issu e a s i t evolve d during the 1920s . Mill calle d th e prohibitio n o f alcoho l on e o f a clas s o f "gros s usurpa tions upo n th e libert y o f privat e life " an d restriction s o n opiu m trad e a n "infringement o n th e libert y . . . o f th e buyer." 26 Thes e governmenta l restrictions o n persona l libertie s wer e oppose d b y Mil l becaus e h e be lieved tha t "th e sol e en d fo r whic h mankin d ar e warranted , individuall y or collectively , i n interferin g wit h th e libert y o f actio n o f an y o f thei r number i s self-protection " an d tha t "th e individua l i s no t accountabl e t o society fo r hi s action s i n s o fa r a s thes e concer n th e interest s o f n o person bu t himself." 27 Whil e Mill acknowledge d tha t ther e must b e some exceptions to this formulation, suc h as "special legal restriction[s]" against "a perso n wh o ha d onc e bee n convicte d o f an y ac t o f violenc e t o other s under th e influenc e o f drink, " h e though t i t imperativ e t o guar d agains t those "wh o conside r a s a n injur y t o themselve s an y conduc t whic h the y have a distaste for , an d resen t i t a s a n outrage t o thei r feelings." 28 I n th e final analysis , al l error s tha t th e individua l woul d b e "likel y t o commi t against advic e an d warnin g ar e fa r outweighe d b y th e evi l o f allowin g others t o constrain hi m t o what the y dee m hi s good." 29 The tendenc y towar d greate r stat e involvemen t identifie d b y Mil l intensified rathe r tha n abate d durin g the late nineteenth an d earl y twenti -

70 • Women and the Repeal Issue eth centuries . Th e day s o f laissez-fair e liberalis m ha d produce d littl e i n the wa y o f "liberties " fo r disadvantage d groups , an d reformer s insiste d that these liberties—and restriction s on what they considered t o be harmful liberties—b e codifie d i n law . Mil l wa s no t i n oppositio n t o ever y us e of governmen t t o achiev e a refor m (Mil l wa s a passionat e advocat e o f woman suffrage , fo r instance) , bu t hi s argument s agains t wha t h e sa w a s government intrusio n int o th e strictl y persona l real m assume d a centra l position i n the prohibition debate . In th e hand s o f women' s organization s suc h a s th e WCTU , idea s o f state paternalis m becam e infuse d wit h a universalis t wtfternalism , wit h the resul t tha t b y th e 1920 s there wer e fe w America n wome n wh o coul d accept th e notio n tha t th e consumptio n o f alcoho l wa s a basi c liberty . Even th e cor e o f wha t woul d becom e th e WONPR , includin g Paulin e Sabin herself , wa s originall y i n suppor t o f a national prohibitio n agains t this personal habit . The us e o f alcohol , i n fact , ha d bee n portraye d throughou t th e hun dred year s of the temperance movement a s the opposite of liberty: alcoho l was somethin g tha t "enslaved"—a n insidiou s substanc e tha t sprea d it s contagion throug h hom e an d community. 30 I n th e vie w o f temperanc e reformers i t wa s a poo r persona l libert y indee d tha t produce d suc h re sults, an d th e rol e o f governmen t i n preventin g suc h a catastrophe fro m taking place was both necessar y an d appropriate . I n Prohibition, an Adventure in Freedom, Harr y S . Warner, leade r of the Intercollegiate Prohibitio n Association, asked : "Is 'personal liberty, ' not i n the abstract bu t definitel y in th e live s o f men , wome n an d children , greate r wher e drin k goe s out , even wit h th e ai d o f th e heav y han d o f law , tha n i t i s wher e drin k remains? . . . Whos e liberty ? Tha t o f th e drinkin g ma n o r tha t o f hi s wife, o r o f hi s children?" 31 On e socia l worker , respondin g t o opponent s of loca l ordinance s tha t restricte d alcohol , claimed : "Thi s i s no t a figh t against th e German s o r th e Poles . I t i s not a fight agains t th e pleasure s of the workin g class . Al l w e wan t t o d o i s lif t th e mora l standard s o f th e city. Giv e ou r workin g girl s th e libert y o f a pur e city , pur e enjoyment , rather tha n thi s personal libert y th e opposition speak s of." 32 One of the reasons tha t Mills's persona l libert y argumen t ha d achieve d a somewha t ba d odo r b y th e earl y decade s o f th e twentiet h centur y i s that i t ha d bee n adopte d a s a propagand a strateg y b y th e Unite d State s Brewers' Association . Th e mos t notabl e utilizatio n o f thi s approac h b y the brewer s wa s i n th e creation o f Personal Libert y Leagues . Originatin g

Women and the Repeal Issue • 7 1

as a stat e organizatio n unde r th e directio n o f Cincinnat i brewe r Perc y Andreae, th e Persona l Libert y Leagu e i n Ohi o wa s a n effectiv e pressur e organization tha t responde d t o an y threa t t o th e brewin g industr y wit h propaganda campaign s tha t emphasize d th e danger s t o persona l libertie s posed b y dr y legislation . Andreae' s efforts , couple d wit h a lot o f mone y ($1 millio n accordin g t o Andreae ) an d a n aggressiv e progra m b y th e brewers t o addres s th e saloo n proble m i n Ohio , wer e rewarde d i n 1912 , when eightee n dr y countie s vote d t o become wet again. 33 So successfu l wa s Andrea e i n Ohi o tha t brewer s pu t hi m i n charg e o f the newl y create d Nationa l Associatio n o f Commerc e an d Labor , fro m which h e directed a national campaig n agains t prohibition. 34 Andreae wa s able to gain the cooperation o f the United State s Brewers' Association an d the militant Unite d Brewer y Workers , an d b y 191 4 the two organization s were sharing the financing o f Trades Unio n Libert y Leagues . Within tw o years ther e wer e Libert y League s i n ninetee n states . Whil e Andrea e an d his associate s claime d t o champio n th e caus e o f "th e libera l element s i n this countr y agains t thos e wh o hav e bande d themselve s togethe r fo r th e purpose o f deprivin g thes e libera l element s o f thei r righ t t o th e fre e exercise o f thei r ow n judgment, " Libert y League s ha d bee n create d fo r one purpose : t o oppos e prohibition. 35 A s a consequenc e th e concep t o f personal libert y durin g thes e year s becam e associate d wit h th e rhetorica l posturing o f th e brewin g industry . Politician s understoo d th e approac h that th e brewer s wer e taking , an d whe n writin g brewer s t o as k fo r money, the y ofte n frame d thei r request s i n delicate allusion s to "persona l liberty." 36 Th e futur e usefulnes s o f th e persona l libert y argumen t fo r women oppose d t o prohibitio n wa s no t enhance d b y Andreae' s declara tion i n 191 3 tha t brewer s wer e sponsorin g "women' s libert y leagues " i n several large cities. 37 Although th e persona l libert y argumen t alway s hovere d aroun d th e fringes o f th e prohibitio n issue , a s i t doe s aroun d an y debat e ove r con trolled substances , th e reactions to it were especially vehemen t durin g th e repeal controversy. 38 Ther e wer e man y civi l libertarian s wh o stil l too k the Mil l position . Clarenc e Darrow , wh o ha d defende d Joh n Scope s largely o n ground s tha t th e stat e ha d n o righ t t o interfer e wit h Scopes' s right t o teac h evolution , hel d a similar vie w o n prohibition . Darro w sa w prohibition a s a form o f tyranny tha t societ y ha d visite d upo n th e minor ity; h e argue d tha t "w e canno t liv e wit h ou r neighbor s withou t a broa d tolerance. W e mus t tolerat e thei r religion , thei r socia l life , thei r customs ,

72 • Women and the Repeal Issue their appetite s o f eatin g an d drinking , an d w e shoul d b e ver y slow , indeed, whe n w e mak e crimina l conduc t o f wha t i s believe d b y vas t numbers o f men an d wome n t o be honest an d fai r an d right." 39 Prohibitionists ha d littl e sympath y wit h thi s poin t o f view . Luc y Peabody calle d persona l libert y " a jungl e claim , th e libert y o f ric h an d privileged peopl e t o hav e wha t the y wan t whe n the y wan t it , an d t o resent law s tha t touc h them." 40 Peabod y believe d tha t wome n especiall y were "no t a t al l afrai d o f prohibitions . The y recogniz e th e deman d fo r personal libert y a s tha t o f a four-year-old mentality , sometime s foun d i n Intellectuals." 41 Henr y Ford , wh o remained a n ardent prohibitionist eve n after man y o f hi s busines s colleague s ha d converte d t o repeal , calle d economic libert y "th e onl y tru e liberty " an d excoriate d thos e wh o woul d "attempt t o substitute fo r tru e libert y th e slaver y o f alcohol." 42 Elizabet h Tilton describe d th e "Persona l Libert y group " a s "me n an d wome n wh o put thei r ow n selfis h indulgenc e an d appetit e befor e th e welfar e o f thei r nation, th e home , o r th e yout h o f ou r land." 43 Eve n th e nation' s hig h divorce rat e becam e par t o f th e persona l libert y equation , wit h Good Housekeeping edito r Willia m Frederic k Bigelo w decryin g th e "ra w dea l that th e gran d ol d institutio n o f marriag e gets " and "th e eas e with whic h one's persona l libert y ma y b e achieve d i n thi s country." 44 Later , i n a n attempt t o discredi t th e WONPR , th e WCT U woul d ofte n refe r t o members o f tha t organizatio n derisivel y a s "th e 'persona l liberty ' women. ^ Women's us e o f th e persona l libert y argumen t agains t prohibitio n di d not expir e wit h th e Moll y Pitchers , however . I n 1926 , afte r a two-yea r period o f inactivity , mos t o f th e ol d Moll y Pitcher s reassemble d a t th e Ritz Carlton , wher e the y reorganize d a s th e Women' s Committe e fo r Modification o f th e Volstea d Ac t an d pledge d themselve s t o gettin g ou t the we t vot e o n a state referendu m o n prohibition . Th e member s o f thi s group ha d learne d a t leas t one lesson fro m th e past: they no w proclaime d themselves t o b e "a n independen t organization " tha t woul d "no t b e affili ated wit h an y men' s organization." 46 Thi s grou p was made permanent i n 1928 unde r th e nam e Women' s Committe e fo r Repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendment, wit h Louis e Gross a s chairman. Gros s was soon also presiding over another women' s repea l group, the Women's Moderation Union , whose nam e Gros s freel y admitte d ha d bee n "adopte d becaus e w e fee l more wome n wil l joi n unde r suc h a name an d w e ca n accomplis h muc h more unde r thi s nam e tha n an y other. " A n appropriatel y moderat e slo -

Women and the Repeal Issue • 7 3

gan—"Our Ai m Moderatio n an d th e Restoratio n o f Temperance"—wa s rendered o n th e organization' s letterhead. 47 Th e Women' s Moderatio n Union ha d bee n create d a s a recognitio n tha t "th e tim e ha s no w com e when w e mus t organiz e a stron g militan t nationa l women' s anti-prohibi tion organizatio n t o offse t th e activitie s o f th e W.C.T.U . an d othe r Drys." Gros s maintaine d tha t suc h a n actio n wa s necessar y i n orde r to restor e th e "happines s whic h wa s surrendere d whe n th e Eighteent h Amendment becam e th e la w o f th e land." 48 I n a lette r t o Pierr e S . d u Pont, a prominen t leade r i n th e male-oriente d Associatio n Agains t th e Prohibition Amendment , Gros s expresse d he r belie f tha t he r missio n should b e "t o arous e th e wome n o f the countr y an d ge t the m activel y or ganized." 49 The reactio n o f th e WCT U t o Gross' s cal l fo r femal e involvemen t i n the prohibitio n repea l movemen t illustrate s on e o f th e mos t intriguin g aspects o f the repeal issue , namel y th e language that wome n employe d i n their discussion s o f repeal . A curiou s rhetorica l mixtur e o f incomprehen sion, grief , an d scandalize d shoc k characterize d th e WCTU' s respons e t o Gross. Th e Union Signal, officia l orga n o f th e WCTU , foun d i t "quit e impossible t o understand " ho w "wome n o f intelligenc e ca n ge t th e con sent o f thei r judgmen t an d conscience " t o for m suc h a grou p an d "grieved" tha t "ther e exist s a group o f wome n oppose d t o a law tha t ha s done s o muc h fo r womanhood. " Expressin g horro r tha t wome n wer e willing t o "demea n themselves " b y workin g fo r repea l an d disma y ove r the lac k o f womanl y modest y i t detecte d i n Gross' s appeal , th e Union Signal categorized Gross' s announcemen t a s "a n unblushin g proposa l t o the wome n o f Americ a tha t the y shal l joi n i n a n organize d attemp t t o restore th e outlawe d liquo r traffic.) " Gropin g fo r som e explanatio n fo r such aberran t behavior , th e Union Signal could onl y conclud e tha t "the y must b e ignorant " o f th e "agon y an d heartbrea k o f mother s an d wives , the chief sufferer s fro m th e liquo r traffic." 50 The languag e used b y the WCTU i n this first salvo with repeal wome n is notable fo r it s reliance on on e of the majo r motif s o f the WCTU o f th e previous century—tha t woman' s suppor t o f prohibitio n an d abhorrenc e of the liquor traffi c wer e organic to her nature. I t was almost a s if wome n were bor n wit h a temperanc e instinc t (sadl y lackin g i n th e mal e o f th e species) tha t impelle d the m towar d prohibition . Thi s lin e o f reasonin g was onl y on e componen t o f th e WCTU' s hom e protectio n argument , a domestic approac h t o politic s that , a s w e hav e seen , evolve d ou t o f

74 * Women and the Repeal Issue complex social , economic , an d religiou s development s durin g th e nine teenth century . Gross's flirtation wit h a "moderate" approach to prohibition repea l was short-lived, however . Gros s wa s n o hypocrite , an d i n th e en d sh e di d little t o ton e dow n he r rhetori c o r softe n he r view s fo r publi c consump tion. Unfortunatel y fo r Gross' s aspirations , he r idea s wer e to o fa r fro m the ideologica l an d politica l center , an d a s a consequenc e i t i s doubtfu l that eithe r th e Women' s Moderatio n Unio n o r th e Women' s Committe e for th e Repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendmen t garnere d a large member ship. A t a Senat e hearin g i n 193 2 Gros s woul d clai m tha t th e Women' s Moderation Unio n ha d 240,00 0 members— a dubiou s figure i n ligh t o f Gross's limite d politica l appeal. 51 Th e sam e Senat e hearin g woul d illus trate jus t ho w fa r Gross' s view s ha d drifte d fro m thos e of most America n women, wit h Gross , a l a Joh n Stuar t Mill , testifyin g tha t sh e ha d n o great objectio n t o th e moderat e us e o f opiu m an d offerin g he r ow n bizarre, radica l versio n o f hom e protection . Th e followin g exchang e too k place between Gros s an d Sen . Smit h W . Brookhart , o f Iowa : Then , a s a citizen of the United State s you put it [prohibition enforcement] on the Federal agents? Miss GROSS . Yes ; and at any rate, a man's house is his castle. SENATOR BROOKHART . H e ha s a right to turn i t into a criminal de n i f he wants to, and run a gambling house? Miss GROSS . Yes ; anything he wants to do. That is his business. SENATOR BROOKHART. YO U have no objection to how much criminality he indulges in so he does it in his own home? Miss GROSS. NO. 5 2 SENATOR BROOKHART .

Pauline Sabin and Repeal from the Center It remaine d fo r Paulin e Sabi n t o craf t a n appea l tha t a larg e numbe r o f women coul d accept—a n appea l tha t woul d bot h alte r traditiona l femal e views o f prohibitio n an d galvaniz e wome n int o a politicall y effectiv e organization devote d t o repeal . Aidin g Sabi n i n thi s tas k wa s he r ow n knowledge of politics, inherite d fro m a family wit h a tradition o f politica l involvement. He r grandfather , Juliu s Sterlin g Morton , ha d serve d a s governor o f Nebrask a an d a s secretar y o f agricultur e i n th e Clevelan d

Women and the Repeal Issue • 7 5 administration, an d Sabin' s fathe r ha d serve d a s secretary o f the Nav y i n the Theodor e Roosevel t administration . A s alread y noted , Sabi n hersel f had bee n politicall y activ e durin g th e 1920s , servin g i n a pioneering rol e for wome n i n the Republica n party . Aside from he r politica l acumen , Sabi n brough t t o the Women's Orga nization fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Refor m considerabl e persona l re sources. Sabin' s socia l prominenc e wa s wel l established , an d i n a n er a when th e societ y pag e wa s eagerl y consume d b y newspape r readers , Sabin's loft y socia l standin g was a decided asse t in attracting bot h public ity an d member s t o he r organization . Addin g t o thes e asset s wa s Sabin' s own persona l charisma , whic h wo n loyalt y an d devotio n fro m WONP R members an d charme d thos e wh o wer e influentia l i n th e repea l debate . As Grac e Roo t noted , Sabin' s enthusias m an d commandin g presenc e were inspirational t o the WONPR ran k and file: "Trembling undergradu ates, comin g dow n fro m thei r firs t publi c speech , hear d he r welcome : 'Honestly, didn' t yo u enjo y i t when yo u go t going?' Suddenly the y kne w they had . He r lov e o f battl e wa s s o infectiou s tha t al l the y wante d wa s another tr y i f only sh e would giv e it to them." 53 The New Yorker referred t o Sabin' s progressio n "fro m law n partie s a t Southampton t o nationa l politica l councils " an d note d tha t "interviewer s who cam e t o se e he r foun d a slim , almos t fragile , woma n aliv e wit h vitality, beautifull y dressed , vastl y intereste d i n th e world' s going s on , and equippe d wit h a ready , sophisticate d tongu e wit h whic h t o tal k matters over" 54 (ill . 14) . Th e devastatin g effec t tha t thi s combinatio n o f blue-blooded socia l statu s an d persona l char m coul d hav e i s tellingl y revealed i n a n articl e tha t Isabe l Leighto n wrot e fo r Smart Set i n 1930 . In he r descriptio n o f Sabin , Leighto n i s lavis h i n he r prais e fo r thi s "charming aristocrat" : Her frank brow n eyes fairly darted sparks of indignation and she tossed her close-cropped ash-blond e head as she spoke. As my gaze strayed abou t the quiet comfort o f the room in which we sat, and shifte d fro m th e exquisite old English furniture, tha t ha s always been one of my enthusiasms, to the delightful portrai t th e world-fame d Lazl o ha d don e o f Mrs . Sabi n I wa s filled wit h th e most intens e admiration fo r th e slim , dynamic , ye t utterl y feminine woman, who had foresworn th e aimless, purely social existence to which birt h an d positio n entitle d he r an d electe d instea d t o spend he r lif e in the hectic environment that is an integral part of any career dedicated to public service.55

j 6 • Women and the Repeal Issue

Equally enamore d wa s Doroth y Ducas , wh o describe d Sabi n i n a McCalVs piece a s " a fragil e glowin g creature , he r re d hai r filmed wit h silver to give off a golden light , he r large dark eye s peering startlingl y ou t of a sunburned ova l face: square-cu t eyes , they seem , exactl y th e shape of the square-cu t emeral d sh e wears i n what wa s her engagement ring." 56 The contras t betwee n Sabi n an d he r counterpar t a t th e WCTU , Ell a Boole, could no t hav e been mor e stark . Wherea s Sabi n had bee n raised i n the sophisticate d atmospher e o f Ne w Yor k an d ha d bee n educate d a t private academies a t home and abroad , Bool e had grown u p in Van Wert , Ohio, an d ha d receive d he r educatio n i n th e publi c school s o f he r hom e town an d a t th e Colleg e o f Wooster . Th e marita l historie s o f Sabi n an d Boole were also vastly different. Sabin' s first husband ha d bee n a wealthy New Yor k yachtin g enthusiast , who m Sabi n ha d divorced— a circum stance tha t wa s significan t i n tha t Sabin' s divorce d statu s seem s t o hav e had n o impac t o n he r effectivenes s a s hea d o f th e WONPR . Followin g her divorc e Sabi n becam e activ e i n interio r decorating , a n interes t sh e would maintai n th e rest o f her lif e (she would late r serv e as consultant o n White Hous e redecoratio n durin g th e Truma n years) . Sabin' s secon d husband, Charle s Sabin , wa s als o a divorce , a s wel l a s a Wal l Stree t financier.57 Boole , o n th e othe r hand , ha d marrie d a Methodist minister , William Hillike r Boole . Boole, like Sabin, live d i n New York , bu t Boole' s residence at William Boole' s pastorate in Brooklyn was considerably mor e Spartan tha n th e luxur y Manhatta n hom e o n Sutto n Plac e overlookin g the East Rive r that Sabi n foun d s o congenial. 58 Ella Boole' s mov e t o Brookly n i n 188 3 had als o marked th e beginnin g of he r involvemen t i n th e Ne w Yor k WCTU . Bool e ros e quickl y i n th e organization an d becam e presiden t o f th e nationa l WCT U i n 1925 . Boole's politica l activitie s i n th e 1920 s include d thre e unsuccessfu l bid s for th e U.S . Senat e i n 1920 , 1922 , an d 192 6 a s Prohibitio n part y candi date fo r Ne w York . I n he r campaig n agains t th e we t Jame s W . Wads worth i n 1920 , sh e garnered mor e tha n 150,00 0 votes wit h th e campaig n slogan, "Sen d a mother t o th e Senate. " Ironically , bot h Bool e an d Sabi n campaigned fo r Hoove r i n 1928. 59 Quite asid e from th e social differences betwee n Sabi n an d Boole , ther e was also a decided glamou r ga p in the physical attractivenes s o f these tw o women, whic h th e "official " histor y o f th e WONP R emphasize d wit h cruel effec t b y placin g picture s o f Sabi n an d Bool e sid e b y sid e (ill . 15) . In th e lef t fram e th e elegan t Paulin e Sabi n appear s wit h hai r immacu -

Women and the Repeal Issue • 7 7

lately coiffed , he r feature s softene d an d physica l attribute s maximize d through photographi c retouching . A hin t o f a smile plays acros s he r fac e as she gazes u p a t th e camer a throug h larg e doe eyes . O n th e righ t i s th e matronly Ell a Boole , caugh t i n a harsh, unsparin g focus. 60 Th e contras t is telling , an d fo r thos e payin g attentio n onl y t o th e superficia l element s of th e repea l debate , Sabi n appear s muc h mor e th e stylish , moder n woman tha n th e somewha t dowd y Boole . Thi s woul d becom e a n issu e before th e prohibitio n repea l debat e wa s over , wit h critic s claimin g tha t women wer e attracted t o the WONPR (an d by implication awa y from th e WCTU) mor e fo r th e glamorou s aur a tha t emanate d fro m th e WONP R leadership tha n fo r th e politica l orientatio n o f tha t organization . Thi s argument di d contai n a t leas t a grain o f truth . Certainly , th e fashionabl e cachet o f th e WONP R wa s o f itsel f no t enoug h t o attrac t larg e number s of members , bu t i t di d no t hur t th e organizatio n eithe r and , a s w e shal l see, helpe d legitimiz e th e nove l spectacl e o f wome n workin g fo r th e repeal of prohibition . The path s o f Sabi n an d Bool e crosse d man y time s ove r th e years . A s we hav e seen , i t wa s Sabin' s irritatio n a t Boole' s assertio n tha t Bool e represented th e wome n o f Americ a tha t le d t o Sabin' s involvemen t i n repeal politics . O n 3 Apri l 192 9 Sabi n entere d th e prohibitio n repea l debate i n dramati c fashion . A t a Women' s Nationa l Republica n Clu b luncheon give n i n he r honor , Sabi n announce d bot h he r resignatio n a s a Republican nationa l committeewoma n an d he r determination t o work fo r a change in prohibition laws .

Organizing the WONPR Sabin claime d tha t a t th e tim e o f he r luncheo n speec h sh e ha d no t considered th e possibilit y o f formin g a n organizatio n agains t prohibition , but tha t th e respons e t o he r addres s (he r comment s ha d bee n widel y reported i n th e press ) ha d bee n overwhelming . Accordin g t o Sabin , letters o f suppor t an d mone y bega n pourin g in , leadin g he r t o conclud e that sh e ha d "spoke n fo r thousand s o f othe r women . Ther e wa s a larg e group read y t o b e organized , wantin g t o b e organized . An d th e roa d before m e was so plainly indicate d I could no t turn bac k from it." 61 A women' s prohibitio n repea l grou p alread y existed , o f course , unde r the leadershi p o f Louis e Gross . I n Marc h o f 192 9 Sabi n ha d bee n ap -

78 • Women and the Repeal Issue proached b y Gross' s organization , th e Women' s Moderatio n Union , t o serve on on e o f it s committees , an d Sabi n ha d declined. 62 No r di d Sabi n become mor e favorabl y dispose d towar d th e WM U i n th e week s tha t followed he r resignatio n fro m th e Republica n Nationa l Committee . Sa bin, i n fact , pointedl y refuse d t o acknowledg e tha t othe r women' s prohi bition repea l organization s eve n existed. I n a letter t o Louise Gross, Mrs . Fabian Frankli n complained , "I t i s to o ba d tha t Mrs . Sabi n di d no t mention th e existenc e o f ou r organization—afte r al l th e wor k w e hav e been doing ! Wh y wa s this , I wonder? " I t woul d becom e increasingl y obvious tha t whil e Sabi n ha d a rea l interes t i n th e prohibitio n repea l issue, sh e ha d absolutel y n o interes t i n alignin g hersel f wit h Gross' s brand o f politics. Gros s wa s furious a t this snub : She [Sabin] will do our Cause more harm than good if she doesn't come in with u s for a while, a t least. I cannot imagine a woman politicia n playin g such stupi d politics , sh e ough t t o n o [sic ] better tha n t o tr y an d disrup t existing organizations and make trouble, that isn't the way to win a Cause, and she's not going to get very far with such tactics.63 Time woul d sho w tha t i t wa s Gross , no t Sabin , wh o wa s politicall y naive an d tha t Sabi n wa s bette r verse d tha n Gros s i n wha t i t too k t o wi n a cause . Gros s als o mad e th e sam e erroneou s assumptio n mad e b y othe r critics o f th e WONPR : tha t Sabi n an d he r organizatio n wer e someho w captive to the AAPA an d tha t a few well-place d word s i n the right place s would compe l Sabi n t o capitulat e t o Gross' s poin t o f view . Gros s eve n decided t o writ e t o Pierr e S . d u Pont , "askin g hi m t o stud y th e matte r carefully an d the n tak e i t u p wit h hi s Treasurer Mr . Sabi n an d se e if sh e [Pauline Sabin ] canno t b e induce d t o joi n u s etc." 64 A t best , thi s tacti c exhibited a puzzlin g lac k o f sensitivit y o n th e par t o f Gross , give n th e Molly Pitche r Club' s problemati c associatio n with the AAPA an d Gross' s subsequent struggle s t o for m he r ow n independen t women' s prohibitio n repeal organization . Eve n though Gros s tol d d u Pon t tha t sh e was willin g to giv e u p th e presidenc y o f th e Women' s Moderatio n Unio n t o Paulin e Sabin, d u Pon t decline d t o intervene , an d Sabi n neve r showe d an y inclination t o become involved i n any o f Gross's activities. 65 After severa l months i t ha d becom e apparen t t o Gros s tha t sh e ha d bee n rebuffed , and Gros s instructe d th e secretar y o f th e Women' s Committe e fo r th e Modification o f th e Volstea d Act , Mrs . Davi d Holme s Morton , no t t o

Women and the Repeal Issue • 7 9 "mention anythin g abou t Mrs . Sabi n o r he r organizatio n a s w e don' t want t o giv e he r an y extr a publicit y o r b e draw n int o an y controvers y with her." 66 Sabin an d he r organizatio n ha d al l th e publicit y the y neede d wit h more tha n five hundre d America n newspaper s runnin g storie s o n th e WONPR whe n th e grou p wa s officiall y launche d i n Chicag o i n Ma y o f 1929.67 The WONPR' s abilit y throughou t it s existenc e t o attrac t public ity was partly a function o f the novelty o f a large women's group workin g for repeal , bu t th e luminou s qualit y o f th e WONPR' s leadershi p playe d a rol e a s well . I t i s doubtfu l tha t anothe r nationa l women' s organizatio n has ever matche d th e WONP R i n term s o f the shee r socia l an d economi c prominence displaye d b y it s leaders , althoug h ther e ar e intriguin g paral lels with th e National Woman' s party. 68 The strateg y o f filling WONP R leadershi p position s wit h th e locall y and nationall y prominen t wa s roote d les s i n th e desir e t o indulg e "soci ety" women wh o wante d t o star t a t th e to p tha n i n har d politica l reality . Even mor e tha n i n th e case o f wome n suffragists , ther e wa s th e fain t whiff o f scanda l tha t clun g t o wome n antiprohibitionists . Durin g th e Missouri stat e conventio n hel d i n 193 3 t o conside r th e repea l o f th e prohibition amendment , Mrs . Cliffor d Ga y lord, chairma n o f th e stat e WONPR, recalle d tha t wome n repea l advocate s ha d neede d a great dea l of courag e becaus e "bein g a 'dry ' seeme d t o hav e suc h a n overwhelmin g blanket of respectability an d bein g a Vet' seeme d t o have the opposite." 69 By necessit y WONP R leader s ha d t o b e wome n o f impeccabl e commu nity standin g wh o ha d lon g bee n activ e i n loca l publi c affairs , i n orde r both t o assuag e publi c uneasines s ove r th e appropriatenes s o f wome n working agains t prohibitio n an d t o counte r hysterica l dr y claim s tha t this organizatio n wa s dominate d b y booze-thirst y barflies . Althoug h thi s would no t prevent drys from tryin g to impugn the characters of WONP R women—the Methodis t ministe r Rober t Atkin s o f Birmingham , Michi gan, sai d o f loca l WONP R women , "I t i s notoriou s tha t i n thei r home s and club s liquor s ar e serve d wit h impunit y an d immunit y an d tha t ther e are drunkard s i n Bloomfiel d Hill s whos e debauche s woul d disgrac e a pagan social order"—assertions suc h as these rang hollow when measure d against th e publi c servic e record s o f mos t WONP R women. 70 Signifi cantly, however , WONP R leadershi p position s wer e no t limite d t o women with a certain politica l outlook, o r even of a certain socioeconomi c class. Whil e th e nationa l leadershi p include d a large contingent o f upper -

8o • Women and the Repeal Issue class Republica n women , stat e leadership positions , a s we shal l see , wer e filled b y roughl y equa l number s o f Democrati c an d Republica n wome n and b y wome n representin g a variety o f class backgrounds . The collectiv e prestig e of the WONPR nationa l leadershi p was indee d immense. Sabin' s blue-bloode d pedigree , wit h th e securit y o f the Morto n Salt fortun e o n he r sid e o f th e famil y an d th e Hous e o f Morga n o n he r husband's, wa s no t unique , an d ther e wa s a concentratio n o f wealth — especially Ne w Yor k wealth—amon g th e to p nationa l officer s o f th e WONPR. Thes e include d th e WONPR' s tw o treasurers , Ros e Potter , whose husban d Willia m C . Potte r wa s presiden t o f Guarant y Trus t Company, an d Glady s Harriman , wif e o f E. Rolan d Harriman , a partner in th e investmen t bankin g firm o f Brow n Brother s Harrima n an d Com pany. 71 Th e WONP R secretarie s include d lon e Nicoll , whos e husban d was a Ne w Yor k attorne y (an d descenden t o f Si r Richar d Nicoll , first English governor of New York) , and Mrs . Archibald B . Roosevelt, whos e husband wa s a so n o f Theodor e Roosevelt . Amon g thos e wh o filled th e ranks o f nationa l vice-chairme n wer e Alic e Beli n d u Pont , wif e o f th e chairman o f the board o f E. I . d u Pon t d e Nemours an d Company , Edit h Ames, wif e o f Frederic k Lothro p Ames , a Massachusett s financier wh o was presiden t an d truste e o f th e Nort h Easto n Saving s Ban k (Ame s wa s also owne r o f th e yach t Vigilant, th e America' s Cu p defende r i n 1893) , Helen Joy , whos e husban d Henr y Bourn e Jo y founde d th e Packar d Motor Ca r Company , an d Agne s Mason , wif e o f eminen t Washington , D.C., physicia n an d professo r o f medicin e Willia m Beverle y Maso n (ills . 16 and 17).

72

Shortly afte r th e WONP R wa s forme d th e WCTU' s Union Signal wondered i n prin t where it [the WONPR] will find the women, the mothers, who are willing to line up in an attack on the best law ever enacted t o safeguard thei r sons and daughter s fro m a terrible socia l evil . W e feel certai n i t wil l no t find these women in our churches—we kno w they are rooted and grounded in the principles underlyin g prohibition . W e are equally sur e it will not find many, i f any , i n th e women's clubs , th e Parent-Teacher Association , th e League of Women Voters, or the big patriotic organizations.73 In fact , thes e wer e precisel y th e kind s o f organization s th e WONP R depended o n t o stoc k it s leadershi p positions . Thi s wa s a policy decisio n made by th e national leadership , based on the calculation tha t on the stat e

Women and the Repeal Issue • 8 1 as o n th e nationa l level , necessit y mandate d tha t WONP R leader s b e above reproach. T o find wome n wh o coul d star t stat e WONPR chapter s and wh o coul d serv e o n th e nationa l advisor y board , Sabi n an d lon e Nicoll painstakingly worke d thei r way through list s kept by organization s such a s th e Re d Cros s an d Libert y Loa n drives . Thei r criterion , ac cording t o Grac e Root , wa s "tha t th e wome n representin g th e WONP R should b e outstanding i n their respective communities a s women of unimpeachable integrity , an d know n fo r thei r interes t i n publi c welfar e an d good citizenship." 74 Wha t th e wome n recruite d b y th e WONP R tende d to share, aside from a n opposition t o prohibition, wa s a history o f involvement i n community affairs , includin g active participation i n organization s such a s the Re d Cross , th e Leagu e of Women Voters , th e Junior League , and th e PTA, a s well a s a wide variety o f church organizations , charities , musical an d fine arts societies , and chil d welfar e groups. 75 By almost any measurement Sabi n and Nicol l were fabulously success ful i n attractin g women wit h th e qualities the y wanted . I n Maryland , fo r instance, th e WONP R wa s abl e t o recrui t loca l leader s wh o represente d the crea m o f Marylan d society . Full y hal f o f th e wome n i n WONP R leadership position s i n Marylan d eithe r ha d thei r ow n Who's Who in Maryland entrie s o r wer e marrie d t o me n prominen t enoug h t o b e in cluded i n Who's Who. 16 The leadershi p o f th e Marylan d WONP R wa s especiall y distin guished, bu t th e prominen t wer e th e rul e rathe r tha n th e exceptio n i n state WONP R leadershi p positions . Wha t i s intriguin g abou t th e WONPR leadershi p a t the stat e level, however , i s the variety o f differen t political an d clas s orientation s represented . Th e WONP R wa s officiall y nonpartisan an d containe d withi n it s leadership a mixture of both Demo crats an d Republican s an d a rang e o f economi c interest s tha t ofte n pro duced fascinatin g combination s withi n th e organization . Th e Distric t o f Columbia chapter , fo r instance , include d honorar y chairma n Bel l Gurnee, a member o f th e Nationa l Republica n Clu b "prominen t i n phil anthropic an d patrioti c work, " whos e grandfathe r wa s on e o f th e first presidents o f the St . Pau l Railroad , an d vice-chairma n Ros e Yates Forrester, a labor representative, membe r of the Brotherhood o f Railroad clerks , and for five years secretary o f the Women's Democrati c Club in Washington. Als o active i n the Distric t o f Columbia WONP R wa s vice-chairma n Mary T . Norton , th e first woman Democra t t o win a seat in the House of Representatives (fro m Ne w Jersey' s Twelft h District ) (ill . 18) . (Anothe r

82 • Women and the Repeal Issue congress woman advocatin g repeal , Republica n Florenc e Pra g Kah n fro m San Francisco , wa s a member o f Louis e Gross' s Women' s Committe e fo r Repeal o f the Eighteent h Amendmen t [ill . 19].) 77 In Massachusett s Mar y E. Meehan , presiden t an d busines s representativ e o f Loca l No . 5 6 of th e Bookbinders Unio n o f Wome n o f th e Citie s o f Bosto n an d Cambridg e and vic e presiden t o f th e Internationa l Brotherhoo d o f Bookbinder s o f North America , serve d o n th e WONP R stat e executiv e committe e wit h Mrs. Frederic k P . Bagley , a delegate a t larg e to the Republica n Nationa l Convention i n 192 8 an d directo r o f th e Politica l Departmen t o f th e Women's Republica n Clu b of Massachusetts. I n New Yor k such Republi can patricia n type s a s Gladys Harriman , Mrs . Archibal d Roosevelt , an d lone Nicoll share d leadershi p responsibilities wit h Bell e Moskowitz, vice chairman o f th e Women' s Democrati c Unio n an d forme r directo r o f A l Smith's gubernatoria l an d presidentia l campaigns . Mar y E . Ryder , mem ber o f Typographica l Unio n No . 8 of St . Loui s an d th e first woma n t o represent he r unio n a t a n internationa l convention , wa s a vice-chairma n for th e Missour i WONPR , a s was Mrs . Clinto n Whittemore , "patrones s of music, ar t an d literar y activitie s a s well as charitable organizations." I n Nebraska WONP R leader s Regin a Baldrige , Ma e L . Hamilton , Mrs . J . Francis McDermott , Mrs . E . T . Monroe , an d Mrs . A . L . Ree d wer e Republicans, whil e Opheli a Hayden , Mrs . John A . McShane , an d Mrs . Sidney Smit h wer e Democrats. 78 Connections amon g notabl e Republica n repea l wome n hav e bee n al luded t o already . Amon g notabl e Democrati c wome n involve d i n th e repeal campaign , othe r similaritie s ar e suggested . Louis e Gross , Bell e Moskowitz, an d Emm a Guffe y Mille r al l had connection s wit h A l Smith : Gross frequentl y corresponde d wit h Smit h an d wa s secretar y t o Tam many Hall' s Thoma s F . Foley , an d Moskowit z wa s involve d i n Smith' s political campaign s a s chie f advisor. 79 Mille r mad e a dramatic secondin g speech fo r Smit h a t th e 192 4 Democrati c Conventio n i n whic h sh e con demned religiou s intoleranc e an d spok e ou t agains t th e K u Klu x Klan. 80 Mary Norto n an d Bell e Moskowit z bot h ha d immigrant , non-Protestan t parents (Norton' s parent s wer e Irish-Catholic , whil e Moskowit z ha d a Polish-Jewish background) . Norto n remaine d a devout Catholi c through out he r life ; Moskowit z wa s activ e i n Jewis h philanthropi c organiza tions. 81 (Lik e Moskowitz , th e Republica n repealis t Florenc e Pra g Kah n had a Polish-Jewis h immigran t backgroun d an d nurture d tie s t o Jewis h

Women and the Repeal Issue • 8 3 organizations.)82 I n contrast , thre e o f th e mos t outspoke n dr y women , Ella Boole , Luc y Peabody , an d Evangelin e Booth , ha d evangelica l back grounds. Bool e an d Peabod y eac h marrie d Protestan t minister s (Bool e a Methodist an d Peabod y a Baptist) . Boot h neve r married , bu t he r fathe r had bee n a Methodist ministe r who left th e ministry to form th e Salvatio n Army (whic h Boot h herself late r headed). 83 Examples o f th e ethni c diversity , bipartisanship , an d variet y o f clas s origins foun d amon g repea l wome n ar e abundant , an d an y characteriza tion o f thes e wome n a s exclusivel y ric h Republica n societ y matron s i s both inadequat e an d inaccurate . (Th e repea l campaig n itsel f woul d revea l that this cause was actually mor e popular amon g Democratic women tha n Republican women. ) Bu t th e clas s critique , problemati c a s i t was , wa s one of the few argument s availabl e to prohibitionists a t the time. Norma n Clark note s tha t agains t th e "sparklin g array s o f economi c an d socia l eminence" emitted b y the WONPR leadershi p in Washington state , "prohibitionists ha d little , sav e thei r sarcasm , t o offer." 84 Dr y supporte r Mamie Whit e Colvin , fo r instance , trie d t o dismis s th e WONP R a s a n organization o f "wome n whos e name s a cleve r advertise r o f soap , toot h paste o r be d spring s woul d lik e to hav e attache d t o his advertisement." 85 These reference s t o th e pampered , irresponsibl e societ y wome n tha t supposedly mad e u p th e WONP R quickl y becam e on e o f th e stoc k criticisms levele d a t tha t organization , wit h dry s competin g i n th e us e of colorful invective . Clarenc e Tru e Wilson , a lobbyis t fo r th e Methodis t Board o f Temperanc e an d on e o f th e mos t accomplishe d dr y hyperbo lists, predicte d i n 192 9 tha t thi s "littl e grou p o f wine-drinkin g societ y women wh o ar e uncomfortabl e unde r Prohibitio n will hav e a s muc h influence i n assaultin g th e Constitutio n o f thei r countr y a s the y woul d have blowing soa p bubbles a t Gibraltar." 86 WONPR influence , o n th e contrary , prove d t o b e immense , an d on e of th e ke y element s i n th e succes s o f thi s grou p wa s i n th e wa y i t wa s organized. I t i s no t surprisin g tha t i n it s desir e t o creat e a n effectiv e organization th e WONP R woul d choos e t o incorporat e ke y structural , strategic, an d philosophica l element s fro m on e o f th e mos t successfu l women's organization s i n history . Bu t i t i s mor e tha n a littl e ironi c tha t the WONP R woul d evolv e int o a n organizatio n tha t i n man y way s resembled th e WCTU . Th e WCTU' s distinctiv e approac h t o politic s had evolve d ove r a perio d o f sixt y years , an d th e successe s i t ha d

84 • Women and the Repeal Issue won ha d ofte n bee n th e resul t o f a painfu l proces s o f tria l an d error . When th e WONP R wa s scrutinizin g it s ow n politica l strategy , i t ha d the luxur y o f adaptin g wha t ha d worke d fo r th e WCT U an d rejectin g the rest . In formulatin g it s polic y o f nonpartisanshi p th e WONP R wa s abl e t o profit fro m th e WCTU's ill-advise d politica l liaisons of the past, includin g the WCTU's allianc e with the Prohibition part y an d it s dalliance with th e Populist party . Th e pac t wit h th e Prohibitio n part y ha d bee n especiall y injurious t o th e WCTU , producin g a schis m i n th e organizatio n fo r negligible politica l gains . Seekin g t o avoi d suc h a conflict amon g it s ow n members, th e WONPR establishe d a s a bylaw that i t would "no t contrib ute t o anyon e runnin g fo r a politica l office , no r accep t fro m suc h candi date financial assistance in any form durin g their respective campaigns." 87 This di d no t mea n tha t th e WONP R refuse d t o endors e politica l candi dates, bu t rather tha t WONPR endorsement s wer e based on a candidate's stand o n th e repeal issue , rather tha n o n his or her politica l affiliation . T o this exten t th e WONP R wa s a "singl e issue " organizatio n (althoug h i t linked a numbe r o f socia l ill s wit h tha t singl e issue ) tha t mor e closel y resembled th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e o r th e Nonpartisa n WCT U tha n th e main WCT U organization . I n practice , however , th e WCT U itsel f ha d concentrated it s energie s mor e narrowl y afte r th e deat h o f France s Wil lard, an d betwee n 190 0 and 192 0 most of that organization' s energie s an d money ha d gon e towar d promotin g th e caus e o f prohibition . I n he r official histor y o f the WONPR, Grac e Roo t acknowledge d th e kinshi p of her organizatio n wit h th e WCTU , notin g tha t th e WONP R "carrie d th e same weapon tha t the WCTU ha d use d s o successfully fo r years— a grea t organization's endorsemen t o f direc t politica l actio n fo r a n issu e instea d of a party." 88 Nonpartisanship , however , woul d prov e t o b e on e o f th e most difficult policie s for th e WONPR t o maintain, simpl y becaus e man y of its members ha d lon g been activ e in politics. The WONPR , lik e th e WCTU , wa s decentralize d i n organization . State chapter s wer e largel y autonomous , wit h th e primar y obligatio n o f the state s t o the nationa l organizatio n bein g a financial commitment o f 1 0 percent o f stat e WONP R funds . A n executiv e committee , appointe d b y the nationa l chairman , decide d question s o f nationa l policy , bu t th e individual stat e chapter s wer e fre e t o implemen t thes e policie s a s the y saw fit. Thi s flexibility allowe d stat e chapter s t o adap t WONP R policie s

Women and the Repeal Issue • 8 5 to loca l conditions , whic h range d fro m th e congenia l atmospher e towar d prohibition repea l foun d i n th e bi g Easter n state s t o th e openl y hostil e environment o f mos t Souther n states . Ther e wa s a nationa l meetin g o f the state organizations onc e a year. The WONP R share d wit h th e Moll y Pitche r Clu b th e vie w tha t national prohibitio n wa s a federa l intrusio n int o wha t traditionall y ha d been th e prerogativ e o f th e individua l state s t o regulat e liquor . Takin g pains t o specif y nationa l rathe r tha n stat e prohibition , th e WONP R "Declaration o f Principles " maintaine d tha t prohibitio n wa s wron g "be cause it conflicts wit h th e basic American principl e of local home rule and destroys th e balance , establishe d b y th e framer s o f ou r government , between power s delegate d t o th e Federa l authorit y an d thos e reserve d t o the sovereig n state s or to the people themselves." But while the WONP R made vagu e references t o "th e impairmen t o f constitutional guarantee s o f individual rights, " i t studiousl y avoide d an y implicatio n tha t drinkin g might b e on e o f thos e rights . Instead , th e WONP R emphasize d tha t prohibition ha d checke d "th e stead y growt h o f temperanc e whic h ha d preceded it " and bemoane d th e "shocking effect i t has had upon the yout h of th e nation. " Th e WONP R als o endorse d stat e law s "forbiddin g th e return o f th e saloon " a s wel l a s stat e legislatio n tha t woul d driv e t o extinction th e "crime-breedin g speakeasie s o f th e presen t day." 89 Asid e from it s advocac y o f repea l an d a mil d statemen t i n suppor t o f states ' rights, th e WONP R declaratio n seeme d t o b e endorsin g approximatel y the sam e progra m a s th e WCTU : temperance , protectio n o f th e nation' s youth, an d th e elimination o f saloons and speakeasies . But a glanc e a t th e WCTU' s "Declaratio n o f Principles " reveal s im portant difference s betwee n tha t organizatio n an d th e WONPR . O f greatest significanc e i s the secularis m o f the WONPR declaratio n an d th e profoundly religiou s ton e o f th e WCT U statement . Consistin g o f onl y seven paragraphs , th e WCT U cred o i s filled wit h reference s t o "Hi s laws," "Hi s Kingdom, " "Divin e grace, " an d th e "gospe l o f Christ. " Th e continuing relianc e o f th e WCT U o n religiou s rhetori c an d th e WONPR's lac k o f interes t i n suc h a n approac h furthe r indicat e th e waning rol e tha t religio n wa s playin g a s th e mora l basi s fo r women' s organizations.90 The foca l poin t o f the WCT U declaratio n i s a pledge tha t al l prospec tive members wer e required t o take:

86 • Women and the Repeal Issue I hereby solemnl y promise , Go d helpin g me, to abstain fro m al l distilled, fermented an d mal t liquors , includin g wine , bee r an d har d cider , an d t o employ all proper means to discourage the use of and traffic i n the same.91 No oath s wer e require d o f WONP R women , no r wer e ther e mandator y membership dues . Al l a woman ha d t o d o t o "join " th e WONP R wa s t o sign a card wit h th e following statement : Because I believ e tha t Nationa l Prohibitio n ha s incite d crime , an d in creased lawlessness, hypocrisy and corruption. Because I believ e tha t th e caus e of rea l temperanc e ha s bee n retarde d and that sumptuary laws have no place in the Federal Constitution. I propose to work for som e change in the law which will bring about a sane solutio n o f th e problem , and , therefore , enrol l a s a membe r o f th e Women's Organization for National Prohibition Reform. 92 The WONP R quickl y bega n t o mak e claim s o f dramati c membershi p increases (eventuall y th e WONP R woul d asser t a membershi p roughl y four time s th e siz e o f th e WCTU) , an d WCT U member s note d wit h some bitternes s bot h th e eas e wit h whic h on e coul d joi n th e WONP R and th e lack of any real commitment require d o f WONPR members . Th e Union Signal observed, "The y [WONP R women ] onl y believe ', w e know. They hav e n o dues ; hence , their s i s only a n assemblag e o f names , whil e every whit e ribbone r ha s take n a pledg e o f tota l abstinenc e an d ha s promised als o t o d o al l i n he r powe r t o secur e th e enforcemen t o f th e Eighteenth Amendment." 93 The WCT U wa s probably correc t i n it s claim that WONP R member ship figures wer e inflated , bu t WCT U membershi p figures wer e mos t likely als o inflate d (ther e wer e persisten t rumor s tha t th e WCT U wa s padding it s membershi p b y enrollin g Sunda y schoo l children). 94 An d while i t is no doubt als o true that fewe r WONP R wome n assume d activ e roles during the repeal debate than WCTU women , durin g this era it was also mor e sociall y acceptabl e fo r wome n t o wor k fo r prohibitio n tha n against prohibition . On e of the most importan t function s o f the WONP R was to serve as a clearinghouse for female repea l sentiment, wher e wome n could registe r thei r dissatisfactio n wit h prohibitio n b y joinin g th e WONPR withou t necessaril y takin g a n activ e part. 95 Bu t eve n i f we tak e the WCT U a t it s wor d an d lo p of f a hal f millio n member s fro m th e WONPR rolls , th e WONPR stil l contained nearl y on e million wome n a t its peak .

Women and the Repeal Issue • 8 7 Who wer e thes e women ? Th e testimonie s o f WONPR member s indi cate tha t a grea t numbe r o f the m wer e forme r prohibitionists . Paulin e Sabin hersel f ha d onc e bee n a s secure i n he r belie f i n th e goodness o f th e Eighteenth Amendmen t a s an y WCT U member . Althoug h sh e claime d that a numbe r o f event s ha d contribute d t o he r decisio n t o wor k fo r repeal, includin g Boole' s "al l women " declaratio n an d Hoover' s wafflin g on the prohibitio n issue , Sabin' s publi c opposition t o prohibition wa s th e culmination o f a decade-long evolution i n her thinking on the issue. Sabi n related tha t th e proces s ha d bee n a n agonizin g on e becaus e o f he r earl y support of prohibition. Th e WCTU ha d promise d tha t prohibition woul d "make Americ a saf e an d clea n fro m th e temptatio n o f liquo r fo r th e children an d youth, " an d Sabi n ha d wante d t o believ e tha t suc h a thin g could tak e place , noting , " I believe d ardentl y i n prohibitio n a t first. . . . I actuall y though t tha t i t woul d remov e temptatio n fro m th e pat h o f m y boys wh o were growing u p a t the time" 96 (ill. 20). Sabin's dilemm a wa s no t unique : othe r WONP R wome n emphasize d the problem s the y ha d experience d i n abandonin g th e caus e o f prohibi tion. Mar y Thompso n argue d tha t wome n foun d i t difficul t t o criticall y evaluate prohibitio n becaus e i t wa s a subjec t "abou t whic h w e hav e lon g cherished a pet prejudice." 97 lon e Nicol l acknowledge d tha t "i t ha s ofte n been state d tha t wome n favo r prohibition. " Consequently , accordin g t o Nicoll, on e o f th e chie f reason s fo r formin g a separat e women' s repea l organization wa s "t o refut e thi s contentio n an d prov e t o Congres s tha t there ar e multitude s o f seriou s minde d women " seekin g a change i n th e prohibition law. 98 I n th e opinio n o f Mrs . Christia n R . Holmes , th e tas k of th e WONP R wa s t o "educat e an d convinc e th e Wome n Voters , wh o in a spiri t o f mistake n righteousnes s uphol d th e Prohibitio n Law." 99 Observing tha t th e WONP R ha d "man y wome n wh o wer e originall y Prohibitionists, som e of whom cam e slowly an d reluctantly t o the conclu sion tha t Prohibitio n a s a metho d ha d brough t to o man y glarin g evil s i n its train, " Jeannett e Eckrna n emphasize d th e challeng e face d b y thes e women "t o right-about-fac e whe n the y se e their progra m failin g t o wor k in spirit an d i n fact." 100 Aside fro m th e persona l difficultie s man y WONP R wome n ha d i n laying asid e th e loyalt y the y ha d maintaine d towar d prohibition , the y faced othe r challenges . Th e long , historica l devotio n o f mos t America n women t o prohibitio n ha d mad e i t culturall y problemati c t o tak e an y other stan d o n th e issue . A s a consequence th e WONP R coul d onl y wi n

88 • Women and the Repeal Issue large number s o f wome n ove r t o it s caus e b y modifyin g publi c percep tions o f wha t rol e wa s appropriat e fo r wome n t o pla y i n thi s debate . This wa s a dauntin g task , an d th e campaig n ahea d woul d b e bitte r and divisive . The organizatio n o n whic h th e WONP R wa s modeled , th e WCTU , had succeede d becaus e o f a charismati c leadership , largel y independen t state organizations, an d a conservative cor e philosophy (hom e protection ) that appeale d t o larg e number s o f women. 101 Th e WONP R succeede d for th e sam e reasons, an d th e most critical element i n assuring the success of bot h th e WCT U an d th e WONP R wa s th e maintenanc e o f a mater nalist philosophy . Askin g America n wome n t o wor k agains t prohibitio n was a radica l notion , an d th e failur e o f th e WONPR' s predecessor s t o attract th e number s neede d t o forg e a n effectiv e women' s repea l grou p stood a s an important objec t lesso n fo r th e WONPR. Group s suc h a s the Molly Pitche r Clu b ha d faile d t o couc h thei r argument s i n term s o f th e philosophy tha t wa s stil l dominan t i n th e thinkin g o f a larg e proportio n of America n women , an d whateve r successe s th e WONP R woul d enjo y in th e month s t o com e woul d t o a larg e degre e depen d o n it s abilit y t o link it s cause with th e ideology o f home protection . The approac h th e WONP R ha d t o tak e wa s a trick y one : i t ha d t o simultaneously adop t th e languag e o f hom e protectio n an d tur n tradi tional hom e protectionis m o n it s hea d b y proclaimin g tha t th e preserva tion o f th e America n hom e an d famil y depende d o n repealin g prohibi tion. Th e WONP R woul d portra y prohibitio n a s the go d tha t failed— a reform tha t ha d faile d t o delive r afte r promisin g muc h t o th e man y women wh o ha d yearne d fo r a temperate society . Wors e than failing , th e WONPR woul d argue , prohibitio n durin g th e 1920 s ha d evolve d fro m benefactor t o malefactor . Finally , th e WONP R ha d t o sel l America n women o n th e apparen t anomal y o f a "temperance " grou p workin g t o repeal prohibition . Emphasizin g th e crucia l rol e tha t America n wome n had playe d i n passin g prohibition , th e WONP R insiste d tha t no w i t wa s incumbent upo n the m t o revers e th e damag e the y ha d helpe d creat e b y working for repeal . Once agai n a n organizatio n woul d mak e a direc t appea l t o women' s sense o f duty , emphasizin g tha t th e hom e wa s stil l woman' s province . This time , however , wome n wer e calle d upo n t o protec t th e hom e fro m that monstrou s perversio n o f temperance , prohibition . Par t o f th e chal lenge for wome n wh o were considering working for repea l was the neces-

Women and the Repeal Issue • 8 9 sity no t onl y o f admittin g tha t prohibitio n ha d failed , bu t o f comin g t o grips with a new moral paradigm i n which virtue (in this case temperance) would hav e t o coexis t wit h temptation , rathe r tha n b e dependen t o n it s elimination. Thi s wa s directl y contrar y t o th e WCT U notio n tha t peo ple—mostly mal e people—simpl y coul d no t b e truste d t o us e alcoho l temperately. Th e WCT U ha d promise d i n 191 9 tha t th e Eighteent h Amendment woul d mak e Americ a a bette r plac e fo r childre n an d yout h by removin g fro m the m th e temptatio n o f liquor . Paulin e Sabi n hersel f had accepte d th e logi c o f thi s argument , an d sh e referre d t o th e man y other wome n wh o ha d supporte d prohibitio n becaus e the y believe d i t would "strengthe n a weak character." 102 Th e realitie s of national prohibi tion ha d force d Sabi n an d other s t o disavo w suc h sentiments , an d th e women wh o worke d fo r th e repea l o f prohibitio n woul d b e takin g a significant ste p towar d a retur n t o th e antebellu m notio n o f temperanc e and a rejection o f the ultraist ide a that temperance meant the total eradication o f alcoho l fro m society . Thi s woul d constitut e wha t th e WONP R would repeatedl y refe r t o as "true temperance." 103

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ome protectionis t idea s continue d t o dominat e th e thinkin g o f American wome n involve d i n th e repea l debate , bu t thes e women wer e no w seein g home' s mos t notoriou s adversary , King Alcohol , i n tw o differen t guises : a s th e ol d hom e destroye r o f th e liquor traffi c an d a s th e ne w hom e destroye r o f prohibitio n itself . Th e WCTU's Mami e Colvin insiste d tha t "despit e poor enforcement, prohibi tion's social , economic , educationa l an d mora l benefit s hav e been incalcu lable." 1 Repea l wome n believe d th e opposite : tha t prohibitio n ha d actu ally undermine d th e hom e an d communit y i t ha d bee n designe d t o protect an d that , i n th e word s o f th e WONPR' s Jeannett e Eckman , "Prohibition a s a method ha d brough t to o many glarin g evil s i n it s train , to b e an y longe r usefu l i n th e caus e o f temperance." 2 Bu t th e hom e wa s no les s centra l t o th e mora l worl d o f th e WONP R tha n i t wa s t o th e WCTU, an d repea l wome n sa w n o inconsistenc y i n usin g th e hom e protection argumen t t o subver t wha t dr y wome n stil l referre d t o a s "th e home protection law. " Strategically, thi s approac h pai d politica l dividends , wit h th e WONPR demonstratin g a masterfu l facilit y a t adaptin g venerabl e hom e protection theme s fo r it s ow n uses . WONP R leaflet s emphasize d th e virtues o f "temperance " an d "chil d protection " (ills . 2 1 and 22 ) and post ers forcefull y portraye d th e them e o f America n motherhoo d protectin g child an d hom e fro m th e evil s create d b y prohibitio n (ills . 2 3 an d 24) . These images represent a breathtaking reversal not in the role that wome n were bein g calle d upo n t o perform i n society—th e iconograph y o f hom e 90

The Campaign • 9 1 protection remaine d th e same—bu t i n th e depictio n o f th e enemie s tha t were menacin g th e home . Som e o f th e sam e threat s t o th e hom e i n illustration 2 3 ca n b e foun d i n illustratio n 5 , ye t wherea s th e hom e destroyers i n illustratio n 5 have bee n create d b y Kin g Alcohol , thos e i n illustration 2 3 hav e bee n create d b y th e ver y attemp t t o contro l Kin g Alcohol: prohibition . Likewise , i n illustratio n 2 4 th e America n woma n can b e see n employin g th e powe r o f th e franchis e t o protec t he r hom e and famil y jus t a s sh e i s doin g i n illustratio n 11 . Yet, i n illustratio n 1 1 she protects her home from th e liquor traffic b y protecting the Eighteent h Amendment, whil e i n illustratio n 2 4 she defend s he r hom e b y votin g t o repeal th e Eighteent h Amendment . Th e WONP R eve n adapte d th e city as-the-font-of-corruption theme , s o prevalen t i n th e thinkin g o f prohibi tionists, t o it s campaign : i n illustratio n 2 3 th e evil s o f prohibitio n ar e clearly emanatin g fro m th e industria l landscap e below— a drol l us e o f symbol b y th e urbane wome n o f the WONPR . The heav y emphasi s place d b y th e WONP R o n th e hom e protectio n argument inevitabl y raise s th e questio n o f whethe r o r no t tha t organiza tion cynicall y manipulate d prevailin g sentiment s t o gai n member s an d votes. Bu t ther e i s n o mor e reaso n t o doub t th e sincerit y o f WONP R women tha n ther e i s to questio n th e motivation s o f WCTU women , an d a perusa l o f th e resume s o f WONP R wome n sho w the m t o b e jus t a s concerned about , an d activ e in , thei r home s an d communitie s a s WCT U women. A s in Frances Willard's original version, th e WONPR's adoptio n of hom e protectio n ideolog y wa s grounde d i n bot h mora l convictio n an d political calculation . Thi s mixture , organi c t o nearl y ever y expressio n o f pragmatic politics , pu t a premiu m o n obtainin g a politica l resul t rathe r than o n th e ritualisti c displa y o f politica l virtue . B y emphasizin g idea s with broa d suppor t an d deemphasizin g othe r idea s wit h limite d appeal , both Willar d an d Sabi n wer e abl e t o gai n an d maintai n politica l powe r and preserv e viable organizations mad e up of many differen t interests . It shoul d b e emphasized , however , tha t althoug h hom e protectio n i n its broadest for m wa s an ideology share d b y bot h prohibitio n wome n an d repeal women , th e development o f the concept ofte n receive d ver y differ ent treatment s fro m th e tw o groups . Wome n o f th e WCT U tende d t o share th e vie w tha t alcoho l remaine d th e mos t seriou s threa t t o hom e stability an d that federal involvement , i n the form o f national prohibition , represented th e mos t effectiv e countermeasure . Repea l wome n nearl y universally believe d tha t prohibitio n itsel f represente d a dire threat t o th e

92 • The Campaign home an d tha t repea l wa s th e mos t effectiv e countermeasure . Jus t a s a n advocacy o f federa l participatio n i n issue s touchin g th e domesti c real m was centra l t o th e thinkin g o f mos t dr y women , s o too wa s a critique o f federal interventionis m inheren t i n the thinkin g o f most we t women . Fo r women pledge d t o th e repea l caus e thi s antifederalis m coul d ru n th e gamut fro m th e extrem e libertarianis m o f Louise Gros s t o the mil d prag matism o f most WONPR women . Louise Gross' s bran d o f home protectio n wa s the mos t radica l becaus e home protectionis t argument s traditionall y emphasize d duty , self-sacri fice, an d communit y ove r rights, freedoms , an d individualism . Bu t whil e some could argu e (and many within the WCTU did ) that Gross's persona l liberty argument s wer e actuall y th e opposit e o f hom e protectionism , Gross maintaine d tha t centra l t o an y ide a o f hom e mus t b e th e notio n that th e hom e wa s a privat e real m wher e on e shoul d b e abl e t o d o whatever on e wanted withou t governmental restrictions . A s we have seen in Gross' s exchang e wit h Senato r Brookhart , he r objectio n t o any intru sion b y governmen t int o th e individua l hom e wa s quit e literal . Hom e protection i n Gross's formulation becam e the protection o f the home fro m the threa t o f government, wit h prohibitio n cite d a s an especiall y danger ous intruder . Accordin g t o Gross: the 18t h Amendmen t undertake s t o interfer e wit h th e persona l habit s of the individual, an enterprise not properly the function o f any Government. . . . The women of the country who are opposed to prohibition believe that the law violates one of the fundamental principle s upon which the American Government wa s founded an d yo u ca n never mak e us believe we are committing a crime because we wish to eat or drink whatever we please.3 Other repea l wome n believe d i n a hom e tha t mor e closel y resemble d the idealized , temperat e domicil e of the WCTU. Thes e wome n wer e less disturbed abou t th e sumptuar y aspect s o f prohibitio n tha n the y wer e about th e rol e tha t governmen t wa s playin g i n usurpin g a dut y tha t properly belonge d t o wome n themselves . Paulin e Sabi n note d tha t sh e had eventuall y com e t o th e conclusio n tha t "whethe r m y boy s dran k o r not wa s m y responsibility , no t th e government's " an d tha t he r earl y support of prohibition ha d bee n an attempt "t o shove off upon the government a jo b tha t wa s properl y m y own." 4 Emm a Guffe y Mille r likewis e resented wha t sh e fel t wa s governmen t interventio n int o th e materna l realm, maintainin g tha t "th e mother s o f th e WCT U ma y surrende r th e

The Campaign • 9 3 bringing u p of their childre n t o the stat e but th e mother s o f the Women' s National Organizatio n fo r Prohibitio n Refor m hav e a differen t ide a o f motherhood." 5 Representing a mor e centris t positio n wer e th e pragmatists , wh o be lieved tha t ther e wa s nothin g inherentl y wron g wit h nationa l prohibitio n except tha t i t ha d faile d t o work . Judgin g fro m th e numbe r o f WONP R women wh o admitte d tha t the y ha d supporte d prohibitio n i n 1920 , th e pragmatic critiqu e probabl y represente d majorit y sentimen t amon g th e women o f th e WONPR . Nationa l WONP R vice-chairma n Hele n Jo y enunciated thi s positio n i n he r observatio n tha t i n th e day s befor e prohi bition "thousand s o f wome n wh o cam e i n direc t contac t wit h th e evi l effects o f th e saloo n fel t tha t n o legislatio n coul d b e to o drasti c whic h would banis h onc e an d fo r al l th e caus e o f thei r suffering. " Th e Eigh teenth Amendmen t wa s jus t suc h a drasti c piec e o f legislation , an d Jo y insisted tha t "i f so-called prohibitio n ha d succeede d i n promoting temper ance, reducin g crime , decreasin g ou r priso n populatio n an d benefitin g our socia l an d economi c conditions , w e [th e wome n o f th e WONPR ] would no t b e her e today." 6 Congres s woman Florenc e Kah n concurred , insisting tha t prohibitio n ha d undermine d "ou r whol e standar d o f justic e and respec t fo r law, " as well a s "the health an d moral e of young people. " In Kahn' s estimatio n prohibitio n ha d clearl y faile d t o deliver on its prom ises: instead o f creating a more temperat e environmen t fo r youn g people , prohibition ha d fostere d a situatio n i n whic h man y o f th e yout h wh o were drinkin g wer e comin g fro m "home s wher e ther e wa s n o drinkin g before Prohibition." 7 Rounding ou t th e complaints o f repeal wome n agains t prohibitio n wa s what coul d b e called a states' rights critique. Accordin g to this argument , while i t was appropriat e tha t governmen t b e involved i n the regulatio n of alcohol, tha t involvemen t rightl y cam e unde r th e purvie w o f th e state , rather tha n th e federal , government . Thi s notio n wa s codifie d i n th e WONPR "Declaratio n o f Principles, " whic h contende d tha t prohibitio n had destroye d th e balanc e betwee n "power s delegate d t o th e Federa l authority an d thos e reserved t o the sovereig n states." 8 These wer e th e mai n objection s tha t repea l wome n harbore d towar d prohibition. Th e philosoph y o f an individual repea l woman migh t consis t of a singl e on e o f thes e view s or , mor e frequently , a pastich e o f views . Sabin's persona l philosophy , fo r instance , wa s a concoction o f severa l o f these elements , no t al l of whic h ar e easily divine d fro m he r tenur e a t th e

94 * The Campaign WONPR. I n he r rol e a s WONP R presiden t Sabi n consistentl y stresse d the chil d welfar e aspect s o f hom e protection—a n uncontroversia l mater nalist emphasi s tha t wa s closes t t o th e ideologica l center , wher e Sabin' s power bas e lay . Sabin' s observation s o n th e impac t o f prohibitio n o n personal liberty , o n the other hand , remaine d mute d durin g her tenur e a t the WONPR . Some o f Sabin' s view s ma y hav e bee n close r t o those o f Louis e Gros s than wa s politicall y convenien t fo r Sabi n t o admit . Bot h befor e sh e assumed he r WONP R dutie s an d afte r sh e complete d them , Sabi n re vealed hersel f t o be , i f no t a libertarian , a t leas t a perso n wit h a well developed distrus t o f governmen t intrusio n tha t wen t beyon d an y con cerns over child welfare . Thi s vie w wa s publicly enunciate d a t the end of the repea l campaign , whe n Sabi n becam e activ e i n the America n Libert y League, a business-oriente d grou p oppose d t o th e "bi g government " o f the Roosevel t administration . Bu t Sabin' s uneas e wit h nationa l govern ment wa s als o i n evidenc e o n th e ev e o f th e formatio n o f th e WONPR . On th e occasio n o f he r famou s luncheo n speec h Sabi n ha d attacke d prohibition a s a violatio n o f th e "prope r function s o f Federa l Govern ment" an d ha d delivered , alon g wit h a standard repealis t denunciatio n o f prohibition a s the creator o f organized crime , a most interestin g condem nation o f th e "age-ol d effor t o f th e fanati c whic h ha s bee n behin d ever y invasion o f personal libert y i n the past." 9 Sabin's clai m tha t a t th e tim e o f he r luncheo n speec h sh e ha d n o intention o f formin g a repea l organizatio n ca n probabl y b e believed , fo r one very goo d reason : ha d Sabi n seriousl y bee n considerin g takin g such a step, sh e surely woul d hav e known tha t a declaration i n favo r o f persona l liberty woul d alienat e he r fro m th e politica l cente r an d all y he r wit h th e brewers, th e intellectua l set , an d suc h fring e personalitie s a s Louis e Gross. I n he r subsequen t caree r wit h th e WONPR , Sabin' s politica l instincts woul d prov e t o b e virtuall y unerring , an d he r pronouncement s on persona l libert y woul d becom e increasingl y scarce . Sabi n understoo d that th e powe r o f a politica l organizatio n i s dependen t bot h upo n it s ability t o articulate th e belief s an d concern s o f a wide cros s sectio n o f th e population an d upo n a complementar y vaguenes s a s t o specifics . Sabi n was abl e t o retai n a larg e constituenc y b y stressin g idea s tha t wer e common t o all . Mor e characteristi c o f Sabi n tha n he r luncheo n observa tions o n persona l libert y wa s th e speec h sh e mad e shortl y afte r th e formation o f th e WONPR , i n whic h sh e condemne d th e "deplorabl e

The Campaign • 9 5 effects" o f prohibitio n o n th e natio n an d th e nation' s childre n an d pledge d "an aggressiv e effor t fo r th e protectio n o f th e America n h o m e . " 1 0

WONPR Tactics W h e n th e W O N P R first appeare d o n th e politica l scene , th e W C T U wa s understandably appalle d t o find itsel f i n competitio n wit h a n organizatio n that espouse d a hom e protectio n philosophy , whil e tryin g t o destro y what th e W C T U hel d mos t dear . Furthe r demoralizin g t o th e W C T U was th e W O N P R ' s us e o f W C T U tactic s t o obtai n it s politica l goals . These tactic s wer e wid e ranging , an d the y wer e applie d bot h nationall y and locally . A t th e nationa l leve l Hoove r wa s directl y pressure d b y th e W O N P R t o modif y hi s stan d o n prohibition . Thi s effor t include d a visi t to th e Whit e Hous e i n Apri l 193 1 b y mor e tha n five hundre d women , who presente d Hoove r wit h a petitio n fo r repeal . (Althoug h i t wa s a document tha t coul d hardl y hav e elicite d muc h enthusias m fro m Hoover , he graciousl y responde d tha t h e wa s "ver y glad " t o hav e receive d it.) 1 1 U . S . senator s an d representative s wer e als o polle d b y th e W O N P R for thei r view s o n prohibition , wit h W O N P R stat e chairme n sendin g them th e followin g letter : If elected , wil l yo u suppor t a Resolution fo r th e straigh t repea l o f th e 18t h Amendment an d th e restoratio n t o eac h stat e o f it s powe r t o regulat e th e manufacture, sal e an d transportatio n o f intoxicatin g beverage s withi n it s own limits ? Suc h Resolutio n t o b e submitte d t o Conventions i n th e severa l states for ratificatio n o r rejection. 12 T h e unluck y politicia n tha t faile d t o produc e a satisfactor y answe r t o th e W O N P R ' s inquir y receive d th e followin g letter : My dea r : I wa s amaze d t o receiv e a copy o f you r letter , whic h wa s sen t t o m e b y our Nationa l Headquarters . Is it reall y possibl e tha t yo u ar e unwilling t o submit t o your constituent s the question o f the repeal or retentio n o f the Eighteent h Amendment ? I a m writin g t o as k fo r a definit e repl y befor e an y publicit y i s give n t o these questionnaires . Yours very truly , (State Chairman) 13

96 • The Campaign This wa s vintage pressur e politics , which , judgin g from th e squirmin g of some member s o f Congress , seeme d t o wor k a s well fo r th e WONP R a s it had fo r th e WCTU an d th e Anti-Saloon League. 14 At th e loca l leve l th e WONP R mad e person-to-perso n contact s wit h women a t schools , departmen t stores , women' s auxiliaries , hospitals , factories, countr y clubs , laundries , railroads , an d beaut y parlors. 15 Th e WONPR establishe d booth s a t hotel s an d a t flower, food , an d hors e shows. Booth s a t stat e an d count y fair s prove d t o b e especially effective , and "wit h suggestiv e frequenc y thes e booth s wer e locate d opposit e thos e of th e WCTU." 1 6 A t th e en d o f 193 1 th e WONP R claime d t o hav e gained fifty thousan d member s i n te n week s (fo r a total o f fou r hundre d thousand), wit h Paulin e Sabi n observin g tha t a larg e numbe r o f thes e new member s ha d bee n recruite d a t booth s establishe d b y th e WONP R at more than on e hundred count y an d stat e fairs. 17 But th e bes t mediu m t o convey a "women's message " continued t o b e the hom e visit—anothe r approac h pioneere d b y th e WCTU . Th e "Pla n of Work" fo r th e Ne w Castl e County (Delaware ) branc h o f the WONP R notes tha t "th e mos t effectiv e metho d o f increasin g interes t an d member ship i n al l organizations o f thi s sor t i s the persona l interview , carrie d ou t by a regular canvas s fro m far m t o farm i n th e rural district s an d hous e t o house i n th e village s an d towns." 18 I n Wilmington , Delaware , th e WONPR canvasse d th e city on a ward-by-ward basis , with a team of tw o women responsibl e fo r a par t o f a ward . Eve n th e illustriou s d u Pont s served a s foot soldier s i n this effort : Mrs . Lammo t d u Pon t too k a section of th e Secon d Ward , Mariann a an d Lydi a d u Pon t too k a sectio n o f th e Ninth Ward , an d Alic e Beli n d u Pon t wa s responsibl e fo r a par t o f th e Twelfth Ward. 19 Local wome n wer e ofte n intrigue d b y suc h visitations , bu t jus t a s often the y responde d wit h anxiet y an d eve n hostility . Mrs . Christia n R . Holmes o f th e Ne w Yor k WONP R reported , "Ou r worker s constantl y encounter a barrier o f fear i n the dry section s amon g the women, a moral and sociologica l fea r o f bein g sociall y ostracized." 20 Alic e Beli n d u Pon t observed tha t th e problem s encountere d i n recruitin g ne w member s i n downstate Delawar e include d th e unwillingness o f local women "t o brav e the condemnatio n o f th e Methodis t Church " an d "fea r o f economi c boy cott b y th e organized drys." 21 Social and economi c sanctions agains t repea l wome n assume d a variety of forms . Fo r example , whe n Adri a Lock e Langle y bega n makin g hom e

The Campaign • 9 7 visits i n suppor t o f repea l i n Schuyle r County , Ne w York , sh e hersel f soon becam e th e objec t o f hom e visits—"b y forty-tw o delegation s o f women representin g forty-tw o differen t churc h congregation s wh o aske d her t o leav e th e count y immediately. " Sh e declined. 22 Alic e Beli n d u Pont reported , "On e o f our district leader s lost her jo b in a printing plan t because sh e too k th e chairmanshi p fo r thi s organization, " an d "th e bes t possible worke r w e coul d hav e secure d amon g th e foreign-born " o f Wil mington wa s force d t o qui t th e WONP R afte r he r employer s gav e he r "sufficient indicatio n tha t [they ] woul d thro w he r ou t o f a jo b sh e ha d held fo r seve n years." 23 In locale s wher e th e receptio n t o th e WONP R wa s expecte d t o b e especially hostile , o r i n state s tha t wer e crucia l t o repeal , gras s root s efforts wer e ofte n aide d b y high-profil e visit s fro m th e nationa l leader ship. Th e socia l prominenc e o f these visitors guarantee d tha t thei r activi ties woul d b e covere d bot h i n th e societ y page s an d i n th e genera l news section s o f loca l papers . Greatl y increasin g publi c awarenes s o f th e WONPR's program , thi s strateg y als o len t credibilit y (an d a reflecte d prestige) to local repeal women . The Souther n cas e is especially instructive . Lon g considered a bulwark of prohibitionist sentiment , th e Sout h presente d on e of the most formida ble challenges t o repealis t forces ; i n year s o f tryin g th e AAP A ha d mad e little progres s i n organizin g repea l advocate s i n thi s sectio n o f th e coun try. Bu t for a variety o f reasons the WONPR ha d conclude d b y 193 2 tha t dry sentimen t wa s n o longe r th e monolit h i t onc e ha d bee n an d tha t "Southern wome n ar e jus t a s muc h intereste d i n prohibitio n refor m a s the wome n o f th e Wes t o r East." 24 On e o f th e reason s fo r WONP R optimism wa s that th e sam e backlash from th e 192 8 election that ha d hur t the ASL i n the Sout h had als o hurt th e WCTU. Eve n the WCTU's Mar y Harris Armo r concede d i n 192 9 that he r organizatio n wa s payin g fo r it s support o f Hoove r an d th e Republica n part y i n th e for m o f heav y mem bership losses in Souther n WCT U chapters. 25 The prospect s fo r repea l i n th e Sout h ha d als o bee n brightene d b y a discovery mad e i n 193 1 by Gens e J. Brashear , secretar y o f the Kentuck y WONPR. Brashear , whil e sortin g throug h som e ol d newspape r clip pings, ha d discovere d tha t non e other tha n Jefferson Davi s had expresse d his oppositio n t o prohibitio n (i n 1887) . Th e result , accordin g t o th e Kentucky WONPR , wa s that "a t a time when we needed hel p in breakin g through th e wal l o f prejudic e i n th e South , ther e cam e th e voic e o f th e

98 • The Campaign Southern Chieftai n givin g hi s view s o n individua l libert y an d mora l responsibility. I t wa s a timely discovery." 26 Hoping t o take advantage of what i t believed wer e opportunities i n th e South, i n Februar y 193 2 th e WONP R dispatche d som e seventy-fiv e members o f th e executiv e committe e o n a four-day junke t int o wha t ha d been th e hear t o f prohibitio n country . Charleston , Sout h Carolina , wa s the firs t stop , wher e th e group planne d t o stag e "th e larges t anti-prohibi tion demonstratio n eve r hel d i n Sout h Carolina." 27 T o assur e maximu m press coverag e th e WONP R entourag e feature d som e o f th e organiza tion's mos t brillian t socia l figures , includin g Sabi n (wh o maintaine d a home i n Charleston , thu s ensurin g he r o f bot h a loca l an d a Souther n credibility), lon e Nicoll , Alic e Beli n d u Pont , Rosly n Pierrepont , an d Helen Joy. Predictably , thi s even t receive d detaile d pres s coverag e i n th e news pages of local papers a s well a s in the society section . Mayo r Burne t R. Mayban k officiall y welcome d th e WONP R wome n t o Charlesto n o n March 1 , an d afte r a mornin g sessio n executiv e committe e member s assembled a t Paulin e Sabin' s plantatio n home , "Th e Oaks, " for luncheo n and mor e meetings. 28 The followin g evenin g th e WONP R sponsore d a rall y i n Charlesto n featuring Sen . Millar d E . Tyding s o f Maryland , wh o presente d a n ad dress that ha d obviousl y bee n tailore d fo r a Southern audience . Speakin g before a packed hall , Tyding s firs t stresse d states ' rights ("giv e th e state s the powe r t o regulat e th e [liquor ] questio n a s i t exist s i n eac h individua l state"), the n quote d scriptur e t o condem n prohibitio n ("i f righteousnes s comes by th e law, the n Chris t die d i n vain"). The pres s accounts the nex t day feature d a front pag e articl e o n th e Tyding s tal k an d a large stor y i n the societ y section , wit h accompanyin g picture s o f lon e Nicol l an d Mrs . Cesare Andreini (chairma n o f the Sout h Carolin a WONPR) . The WONP R leadershi p understoo d tha t privat e event s wer e jus t a s crucial t o th e succes s o f th e organizatio n a s publi c ones , an d the y mad e every effor t t o giv e local s th e chanc e t o mingl e wit h th e prestigiou s WONPR leadershi p i n mor e intimat e settings . Som e ide a o f th e fierc e social pac e tha t prevaile d whe n th e WONP R cam e t o tow n ca n b e gleaned fro m th e schedul e o f activitie s maintaine d i n Charleston : begin ning a t 9:3 0 i n th e mornin g th e WONP R wome n wer e escorte d aroun d the Middleto n Plac e gardens , the n take n o n a tou r o f th e Magnoli a gardens, followe d b y a viewing o f th e hous e an d garden s o f Mrs . Wash -

The Campaign • 9 9 ington A . Roebling , followe d b y a viewin g o f th e garden s o f Dr . an d Mrs. W . J . Pettus , followe d b y a viewin g o f th e hous e an d garden s o f Mr. an d Mrs . Franci s H . Boggs , followe d b y tea a t th e hom e o f Mrs . Joseph I . Waring. 29 Th e evenin g hour s wer e take n u p wit h th e Tyding s speech an d a reception. After Charlesto n th e WONPR wome n move d o n t o Atlanta, where , i f possible, the y wer e eve n mor e lavishly feted . Publi c function s include d a "subscription luncheon " a t th e Biltmore , followe d b y a n evenin g even t that the Atlanta Constitution called "Georgia' s first state-wide anti-prohibi tion rally." 30 Helpin g to extend a warm greetin g to Sabin and he r cohort s was Clar k Howell , th e Constitution's editor an d a supporter o f repeal . A t the evenin g rall y Howel l introduce d Atlant a mayo r James L . Key , wh o officially welcome d th e WONP R wome n t o Atlanta . Key' s antiprohibi tionist sentiment s wer e wel l known : a yea r earlie r Ke y ha d pronounce d prohibition a failure, an d drie s ha d responde d wit h a n unsuccessful recal l campaign agains t him . The rall y receive d fron t pag e treatmen t i n th e Constitution an d a lengthy articl e tha t include d a phot o o f WONP R wome n pose d a t th e speakers' tabl e a t th e Biltmor e luncheon. 31 Th e Constitution's socia l pag e did a profil e o n Paulin e Sabin , describin g he r a s " a woma n o f fine intelligence an d breeding " wit h "beauty , a subtl e sens e o f humor , an d what i s know n a s platfor m personality." 32 Whil e ther e wer e apparentl y fewer garden s t o vie w i n Atlanta , ther e wer e numerou s round s o f lun cheons, buffe t suppers , an d tea s (on e hoste d b y Atlanta' s Junior League ) that maximize d th e WONPR's contac t wit h Atlant a women. 33 Even i n th e Souther n state s mos t resistan t t o repeal , th e numbe r o f women wh o joine d th e WONP R wa s impressive . Th e stat e WONP R i n Alabama, whic h wa s organize d i n June o f 1932 , enrolle d thre e thousan d members afte r onl y eigh t months. 34 Mississippi , arguabl y th e dries t stat e in th e union , presente d a n especiall y formidabl e proble m fo r repealists , but agains t al l expectations th e WONPR di d surprisingl y wel l even here . The WONP R wa s no t onl y abl e t o establis h itsel f a s th e state' s primar y repeal organization, bu t also very nearly a s the state's only repeal organiza tion.35 Organize d i n July o f 1932 , th e Mississipp i WONP R wa s abl e t o attract mor e tha n five hundre d member s b y th e en d o f th e yea r an d five thousand b y th e en d o f 1933—figure s tha t n o othe r Mississipp i stat e repeal organizatio n coul d matc h (i n it s year s o f effor t i n tha t state , th e

ioo • The Campaign Mississippi AAP A ha d amasse d a gran d tota l o f seventy-fiv e members ) and a circumstance tha t gav e the repea l movemen t i n Mississippi a decidedly feminin e flavor. 36 The WONP R logge d severa l firsts i n th e South , includin g sponsorin g the first larg e prohibitio n repea l rallie s hel d i n Sout h Carolin a an d Geor gia an d establishin g th e first effectiv e repea l grou p i n Mississippi . Th e WONPR als o pu t t o th e tes t th e notio n tha t Souther n wome n wer e solidly prohibitionis t an d demonstrate d tha t i n th e South , a s i n othe r sections o f th e country , a progra m fronte d b y a dynamic , charismati c leadership base d o n a traditionalist mora l message could attrac t wome n t o the wor k o f prohibitio n repeal . Th e significanc e o f th e WONPR' s incur sion int o th e Sout h lie s no t s o muc h i n it s politica l success i n tha t region (the WONPR's effort s i n Mississippi, Georgia , an d Louisian a wer e thwarted whe n dr y stat e legislature s refuse d t o conven e constitutiona l conventions t o ac t on th e repeal issue ) but i n the confidenc e displaye d b y the WONP R tha t it s messag e woul d hav e the sam e resonanc e i n the dr y South a s it did i n the wet North. 37 Clearly , th e appeal o f the WONPR i n even th e nation' s dries t section s wa s enhance d b y th e immens e socia l prestige enjoyed b y it s leadership, bu t the WONPR progra m was flexible enough t o offe r somethin g fo r everyon e an d decentralize d enoug h fo r state chapter s t o accentuat e th e aspect s o f repea l tha t ha d th e mos t impact locally . Usin g it s socia l cache t t o gai n entre e t o loca l politics , th e WONPR wa s abl e t o presen t it s cas e t o a n audienc e tha t wa s alread y interested i n wha t th e wome n o f thi s organizatio n ha d t o say . Tha t th e WONPR wa s ofte n abl e to transfer it s socia l prestig e t o a political credi bility wa s one of the great intangibl e advantages that th e organization ha d over th e WCTU—a n advantag e tha t th e WONP R naturall y enoug h exploited t o the maximum . The confidenc e o f repea l wome n i n th e socia l real m translate d int o a political assurednes s tha t belie d th e relativ e newnes s an d inexperienc e o f women's repea l groups . Fa r fro m shrinkin g fro m confrontation s wit h groups suc h a s the WCTU, repea l wome n seeme d t o take a certain relis h in provokin g them . WONP R speaker s appeare d a t publi c forum s an d o n radio show s t o oppos e directl y view s bein g presente d b y th e WCTU . The WONP R chos e t o hol d it s first annua l conferenc e i n Ohio—birth place o f bot h th e WCT U an d th e ASL—an d Louis e Gros s announce d that sh e wa s thinkin g o f relocatin g he r Women' s Moderatio n Unio n t o Evanston an d "openin g headquarter s opposit e th e W.C.T.U . headquar -

The Campaign • 10 1 ters." 38 B y 193 0 WCT U chapter s wer e reportin g tha t thei r meeting s were being crashed b y WONP R member s and , i n what ma y hav e been a parody o f th e WCTU' s famou s "whit e ribbon " emblem , th e wome n o f the WONP R chos e t o wea r whit e button s wit h "Repeal " printe d acros s them a t thei r annua l meetin g i n 1931. 39 At congressiona l hearings , wher e the WCT U ha d grow n use d t o presentin g it s view s unoppose d b y othe r women's groups , wome n fro m th e WONP R an d th e WM U bega n show ing up to contradict WCT U assertions .

WCTU Tactics If imitation i s the highest for m o f flattery, th e WCTU shoul d hav e foun d edification i n th e wholesal e adoptio n o f it s tactic s b y th e WONPR . Forceful evidenc e tha t suc h WCT U tactic s a s th e pollin g o f politica l representatives, hom e visits , an d th e maintenanc e o f informatio n booth s at fair s wer e stil l soun d wa s bein g provide d b y th e WONPR . Unfortu nately fo r th e WCTU , it s us e o f it s ow n tactic s demonstrate d tha t eve n sound tactic s ca n founde r i n th e servic e o f a message n o longe r retainin g its forme r resonance . Th e WCTU' s vulnerabilit y o n thi s coun t stemme d from it s failure t o update significantl y it s political styl e over the years: the organization presente d muc h th e sam e informatio n i n 1930 , i n muc h th e same manner, a s it had i n the temperance campaign s of 1880 . Especially damagin g to the WCTU durin g the repeal campaign wa s its nonsecular orientation . Th e Protestan t religiosit y tha t ha d carrie d WCTU rhetori c in the nineteenth centur y survive d intac t into the twentieth century, an d i t served th e WCTU poorl y whe n the WCTU presente d its view s t o a public grow n wear y o f organization s tha t claime d a specia l affinity wit h th e divine . Th e languag e o f piet y wa s pervasiv e i n WCT U communications. I n a n articl e tha t appeare d i n th e Union Signal in 1930 , Mrs. Carte r Wrigh t calle d th e liquo r traffi c th e greates t enem y o f th e Kingdom of God an d declared , "We , as Christian women, ar e responsibl e as stewards of God, whos e main business is the promotion of the kingdo m of God ; an d w e ar e t o b e militantl y oppose d t o al l tha t hinder s th e progress o f th e kingdom." 40 Seekin g t o avoi d th e "calamity " o f repeal , the WCTU calle d "t o prayer an d actio n al l who are like-minded wit h us " and invoke d France s Willard' s word s tha t WCT U wome n shoul d mee t "all ou r difficultie s an d danger s wit h prayer." 41 B y 1933 , wit h praye r

io2 • The Campaign apparently failin g t o produc e th e desire d effec t o n th e repea l movement , the WCT U declare d tha t althoug h th e prohibitio n amendmen t ( a "righ teous law" ) might g o down t o defeat, " a final victor y i s inevitable, fo r i t is God's cause." 42 Fo r piou s presumptuousness , however , Luc y Peabod y exceeded eve n th e proclamation s o f he r dr y colleagues , asserting , "Tim e is on ou r side ; science is on our side ; health i s on our side ; the home i s on our side ; mothers an d childre n ar e o n ou r side ; finance an d industr y ar e on ou r side ; athletic s i s o n ou r side ; th e gospe l i s o n ou r side , an d th e Saviour o f the world i s on our side." 43 The religiou s vocabular y o f th e WCT U stoo d i n contras t t o th e WONPR, whic h approache d th e repeal issue in a strictly secula r manner . According t o the WONPR, thi s paid dividend s i n head-to-head competi tion wit h th e WCT U "becaus e ou r wome n wer e mor e amiabl e an d laughed wit h th e crow d instea d o f preachin g t o them." 44 Th e secularis m of th e WONP R als o helpe d wi n ove r th e press , whic h ha d becom e increasingly hostil e towar d th e dr y lobby . Time magazine, i n comparin g the WCT U t o the WONPR , calle d th e wome n o f the latte r organizatio n "more charmin g tha n churchy, " an d note d wit h approva l tha t th e WONPR "claime d n o divin e guidance." 45 Th e WONP R wa s n o les s moralistic tha n th e WCTU , bu t th e bran d o f moralit y promote d b y th e WONPR wa s roote d i n a woman' s responsibilitie s t o he r famil y an d t o her society , bu t not , ultimately , t o her god . For the WCTU a more effective campaig n would hav e required a more secular message , bu t takin g the "Christian " out of the Woman's Christia n Temperance Unio n woul d hav e bee n a betraya l o f th e ver y natur e o f the grou p an d wa s neve r seriousl y contemplated . Instead , th e WCT U approached th e repeal campaig n a s it had th e campaigns o f the nineteent h and earl y twentiet h centuries . On e difference , o f course , betwee n thi s campaign an d al l previous others was the presence of a large, vocal femal e contingent tha t stoo d i n opposition t o the WCTU . The WCT U chos e to interpret thi s phenomenon a s a sudden, mysteri ous contagio n o f wome n bot h deficien t i n womanlines s an d ben t upo n bringing sham e to the entire female sex . A 193 0 letter fro m thre e WCT U women to a WONPR organize r i n Delaware declared, "W e cannot under stand ho w an y woma n wh o love s he r hom e ca n favo r suc h a n unhol y cause." 46 Notin g th e proliferatio n o f women' s repea l group s o n th e stat e level i n 1930 , th e Union Signal urged it s reader s t o tur n "ou r sham e fo r our stat e an d ou r sex " into constructiv e channels. 47 Late r tha t sam e yea r

The Campaign • 10 3 Union Signal reporte r Susa n Hinma n attende d a WONP R meetin g an d reacted wit h " a grie f an d indignatio n to o dee p fo r word s o r tears . Ar e these wome n i n earnest , o r ar e thei r conviction s a s evanescen t a s th e smoke o f thei r cigarets?" 48 Th e faithfu l o f th e WCT U professe d t o believe tha t "n o intelligent , conscientiou s woman , an d especiall y n o mother" could eve r oppose prohibition. 49 Thes e accusation s o f unnatural ness, betrayal , an d sham e dominate d WCT U rhetori c t o th e en d o f the campaign . Pauline Sabi n an d Louis e Gros s i n particula r wer e ofte n subjecte d b y dry wome n t o remarkabl y viciou s attack s tha t impugne d thei r mora l fitness a s women . Whe n S . J . Wool f interviewe d Paulin e Sabi n fo r th e New York Times, Sabi n showe d hi m a lette r tha t ha d bee n lyin g o n he r desk, notin g "her e i s a woma n wh o call s m e a discipl e o f th e devil , an d she inform s m e tha t sh e i s prayin g fo r m e ever y night." 50 Th e powe r o f prayer, s o ofte n invoke d b y dr y women , too k a les s benig n for m i n another lette r t o Sabi n i n which a woman prohibitionis t revealed , "Ever y evening I get down o n my knee s and pra y t o God t o damn you r soul." 51 Because Louis e Gros s wa s bot h unmarrie d an d childless , dr y wome n frequently focuse d o n her suppose d inabilit y t o feel any maternal compas sion. I n a letter t o Gross , Mrs . F . W . Whitescarve r said , "[I ] judge fro m your signatur e yo u ar e single , bu t find eigh t Mrs. i n you r [membership ] list, surel y som e ar e mothers!" 52 Anothe r woma n wondere d "ho w an y group o f wome n callin g themselve s respectabl e ca n attemp t t o star t a crusade agains t Prohibition . . . . Fo r a body o f women t o organiz e them selves agains t anything moral is a reflection o n th e sex." 53 Gros s receive d another lette r declaring , "Yo u an d you r siste r booz e booster s wil l b e ou t of th e conflic t an d ou t o f th e worl d whe n th e temperanc e fight i s ended." 54 Suc h a quantit y o f thes e letter s arrive d a t Gross' s offic e tha t Gross complaine d tha t th e WCT U ha d "inaugurate d a campaign o f inso lent letter-writin g an d spyin g o n m e an d m y activities." 55 Thi s wa s a view tha t wa s les s paranoi d tha n i t migh t seem : a transcrip t o f on e o f Gross's letter s mad e it s wa y int o th e record s o f th e WCTU , wit h th e scribbled notatio n "thre e paragraph s o f M . Louis e Gros s lette r t o me . ( I have signed unde r a n assumed name.)" 56 Often th e invectiv e directe d a t repea l wome n degenerate d int o shee r silliness, producin g a brief bu t furiou s tempes t i n a teapot. O n on e suc h occasion th e WONP R stage d a publicit y stun t i n Ma y 193 2 i n whic h a group o f Ne w Yor k societ y women , le d b y Hele n Dinsmor e Astor , too k

104 * The Campaign to th e street s t o solici t nickel s an d dime s fo r repeal . Althoug h thi s wa s a tasteless an d ill-advise d bi t o f theate r presente d a t a tim e whe n man y needed ever y nicke l an d dim e jus t t o sustai n bod y an d soul , th e respons e from dry s wa s equally tasteles s and il l advised. I n a radio debate betwee n New Yor k WONP R chairma n Jeani e Rumse y Sheppar d an d D . Leig h Colvin ( a Prohibitio n part y vice-presidentia l candidat e i n 1920) , Colvi n referred t o thes e wome n a s "Bacchantia n maiden s parchin g fo r wine — wet wome n wh o lik e th e drunkard s who m thei r progra m wil l produce , would tak e pennie s of f th e eye s o f th e dea d fo r th e sak e o f legalizin g booze." Colvi n contraste d repea l wome n wit h th e "splendi d lassie s o f the Salvatio n Army, " whos e appeal s fo r mone y ha d bee n subjecte d t o "shameless competition" b y th e WONPR. 57 Th e respons e fro m wet s wa s swift an d angry . Sabi n calle d Colvin' s remark s slanderou s an d "beyon d contempt" an d demande d a n immediat e apology , whil e th e Crusader s ( a young men' s repea l organization ) gallantl y ros e t o th e defens e o f thei r repeal sisters , characterizin g Colvin' s comment s a s nothin g les s tha n " a flagrant insul t t o American womanhood." 58 The intemperat e denunciation s agains t repea l women , a s represente d by Colvin' s remarks , becam e mor e commo n rathe r tha n les s s o a s th e repeal campaig n neare d it s climax . Wome n workin g fo r repea l wer e frequently accuse d o f bein g "Bolshevists " b y loca l la w enforcemen t offi cials, an d b y 1933 , wit h repea l force s clearl y gainin g th e uppe r hand , radical dr y publication s bega n issuin g characte r assassination s o f repea l women tha t wer e especiall y venomous. 59 Th e Kentucky-base d American Independent, for instance , claime d tha t i t woul d b e difficul t t o find a woman i n th e stat e WONP R "wh o i s no t eithe r a drunkard , o r whos e home lif e i s no t immoral , o r wh o doe s no t expec t t o ge t i n th e liquo r business when an d i f it is again legalized." The Independent further charac terized WONP R wome n a s "drunke n an d immoral, " a s "wome n wit h whom decen t wome n shoul d no t associat e themselves, " an d "n o mor e than th e scu m of the earth, paradin g around i n skirts, an d possibl y lat e at night flirtin g wit h othe r women' s husband s a t drunke n an d fashionabl e resorts." 60 Thi s abusiv e language , wit h it s extremel y persona l attacks , reveals no t onl y th e volatilit y o f thi s issu e (n o othe r issu e o f th e er a produced a s muc h hea t fo r a s lon g a s prohibition) , bu t als o th e disma y felt b y prohibitionist s ove r wha t the y sa w a s traitorou s behavio r b y members o f the female sex . Intriguingly, a gender-base d critiqu e wa s no t limite d t o prohibitio n

The Campaign • 10 5 supporters. Repea l wome n themselve s wer e frequently willin g to remov e prohibition fro m th e real m o f th e politica l an d int o th e real m o f gender , arguing that a s women an d mother s the y wer e uniquely qualifie d t o judge the devastatin g effect s o f prohibition . Representativ e Mar y T . Norto n o f New Jersey, fo r instance , claimed : "N o clas s of people knows bette r tha n women wha t prohibitio n ha s don e t o th e wome n o f thi s country . W e know tha t moralit y ha s decreased . A s a woma n I kno w wome n wan t a change. Tha t i s th e sentimen t o f ever y decen t woma n I hav e com e i n contact with." 61 Th e WCT U sniffe d tha t i t kne w o f n o decen t wome n who wante d a return o f th e liquo r traffic , whic h i t claime d ha d bee n pu t out o f busines s "largel y b y th e wome n o f America, " an d calle d Norton' s statement "on e o f th e mos t unfortunat e utterance s eve r recorde d fro m a woman i n high office." 62 The belief , hel d b y wome n o n bot h side s o f the issue , tha t th e femal e sex was supremel y suite d t o play a dominant, activis t rol e in any temper ance debat e endowe d th e repea l controvers y wit h man y o f th e sam e "crusading" aspect s a s previou s women' s temperanc e campaigns . I n th e past on e o f th e source s fo r th e WCTU' s success ha d bee n it s abilit y t o present it s efforts agains t the liquor traffi c i n terms of a moral crusade (ill. 25). Wome n participatin g i n the original Woman' s Crusade , afte r all , ha d been galvanize d b y exactl y thi s sor t o f appeal . Th e ide a tha t th e meek and politicall y dispossesse d coul d b e lifted u p an d transforme d int o pow erful agent s o f refor m clearl y exhilarate d thes e women , an d som e o f th e crusading euphori a tha t wa s predominan t durin g th e 187 3 Crusad e ca n be gleaned fro m "Mothe r Stewart's " account o f those days: "Lo! on ever y street i n al l the lan d wer e see n frail, timi d women , marchin g with bowe d heads and silen t lips, but aboundin g jo y in their hearts, carrying the wor d of life int o the dar k lurkin g place s of si n and crime." 63 I n he r firs t speec h as president o f the WCTU i n 1879 , Frances Willard inveighe d agains t th e "horde o f ignoran t voters , committe d t o th e rum-power " an d serve d notice tha t "ou r union s ar e trainin g a n arm y t o offse t thi s horde , on e which wil l b e th e onl y arm y o f voter s specificall y educate d t o thei r dut y which has ever yet come up to the help of the Lord agains t the mighty." 64 Because o f th e hostilit y it s worker s frequentl y encountered , th e WONPR neede d t o inspir e th e sam e sor t o f militan t enthusias m fo r it s cause t o sustai n it s member s throug h th e difficul t day s o f th e repea l campaign. Interestingly , despit e th e WONPR' s secula r orientation , it s efforts too k o n man y o f th e characteristic s o f othe r women' s mora l cru -

106 • The Campaign sades, wit h th e repeal effor t ofte n describe d i n the sam e overheated pros e used b y prohibitio n women . On e WONP R woma n exulted , "W e ar e i n the presenc e o f a grea t mora l issu e suc h a s onl y come s onc e i n a life time." 65 lon e Nicoll , a WONP R nationa l secretary , claime d tha t "no t since th e Civi l Wa r hav e th e America n peopl e bee n face d b y s o grea t a problem," an d Rep . Mar y T . Norto n calle d th e questio n o f repea l "th e greatest mora l issu e befor e th e wome n o f th e countr y sinc e slavery." 66 Pauline Sabi n hersel f proclaime d tha t ther e wa s "nothin g sinc e th e day s of th e campaig n fo r woman' s suffrag e t o equa l th e campaig n whic h women ar e no w conductin g fo r repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendment . I t is a crusade an d i t can only b e explained b y th e fact tha t women through out th e countr y fee l tha t thei r childre n an d thei r home s ar e endangere d by th e evi l of prohibition." 67 Eve n women' s persona l libert y group s suc h as th e Moll y Pitche r Clu b frame d th e repea l issu e i n th e languag e o f martial moralism , vowin g t o "reviv e i n ou r wome n th e spiri t o f Moll y Pitcher an d th e American Revolution." 68

The Class Issue The WCT U fro m th e beginning tried t o frame th e repeal debat e i n term s of class conflict , raisin g the specte r tha t th e WONP R wa s using repeal a s an instrumen t o f the elit e class. I n thi s interpretatio n repea l wome n wer e an irresponsibl e trib e o f cocktail sippers , wh o wer e eithe r ignoran t of , o r indifferent to , th e terribl e impac t o f liquo r o n th e working-clas s home. 69 When Paulin e Sabi n trie d t o recruit Mildre d S . Sloa n o f Syracuse , Ne w York, fo r th e WONPR , Sloa n use d th e opportunit y t o call int o questio n the WONPR' s understandin g o f th e clas s aspect s o f prohibition . Sloa n claimed tha t i t wa s th e wealthy , "thes e sam e peopl e who , I am ashame d to say , belon g t o you r clas s an d mine, " whose patronag e ha d create d th e bootlegger an d tha t "thos e t o who m th e pric e o f a roun d o f cocktail s i s nothing canno t realiz e wha t i t mean t t o hav e th e wag e earne r o f th e family spen d al l or even a part o f his earnings a t the corner saloon , ho w i t meant curtailmen t o f food , clothin g an d educatio n fo r hi s children." 70 Dr. Katherin e B . Richardson , o f Merc y Hospita l i n Kansa s City , Mis souri, wa s especially incense d a t some of Sabin's statements :

The Campaign • 10 7 She says the settlement workers, who visit the poor, want liquor back. She doesn't kno w m y poor . Sh e say s th e housewive s wan t liquo r back . Sh e doesn't kno w m y housewives . Sh e doesn't kno w m y settlemen t workers . . . . Mrs. Sabi n doesn't kno w what she' s talking about. Sh e didn't se e the children I saw. In the winter the children of drunkards froze. Th e parents weren't lo w an d depraved . The y wer e drun k an d the y forgo t thei r children.71 Mrs. Jess e W . Nicholson , chairma n o f th e Nationa l Democrati c La w Enforcement League , i n an open lette r t o Sabin , noted : No one could see your meetings in Washington and not be impressed with the number o f women o f wealth present . . . . Are we not righ t i n sayin g that it is not the protected woma n of wealth bu t the women who toil who will suffe r shoul d th e ol d condition s return—th e wive s o f laborin g men , the mothers of little children wh o have no millions to separate them fro m the devastation liquor brings to the home?72 The WONP R coul d hardl y den y th e socia l an d financial prominenc e of its leadership, bu t i t took great pain s to emphasize that it s rank and file consisted o f wome n wit h differen t politica l orientation s an d fro m al l walks o f life . Stat e chapter s o f th e WONP R tha t categorize d thei r mem bers b y clas s typicall y reporte d tha t abou t 6 0 percen t o f thei r member s were "housewive s an d mothers." 73 Unfortunately , th e analyse s mad e b y these stat e group s wer e no t a s rigorou s a s the y migh t hav e been , an d independently verifyin g th e clas s structur e o f th e WONP R i s no t possi ble, becaus e the few stat e records that surviv e are extremely fragmentary . Nor i s th e stat e WONP R chapte r fo r whic h w e hav e th e mos t informa tion, Delaware , a s usefu l a s w e woul d like . Th e Delawar e WONP R reported i n Octobe r o f 193 1 tha t stat e membershi p consiste d o f 1,43 2 housewives an d mothers , 14 0 professional women , 12 3 clerical an d offic e workers, 18 5 "hand-workers " an d domesti c workers , 1 3 students , an d 301 "women o f no regular occupation." The sam e report als o underscored the problemati c aspect s o f an y classificatio n a s vagu e a s "housewif e an d mother." This category , w e are told, include d "wome n o f every stag e and plane o f fortun e fro m th e mothe r o f a larg e famil y wh o run s he r house hold o n a meagr e incom e an d doe s al l he r ow n work , t o th e woma n o f independent mean s an d comparativ e leisure." 74 Withi n th e limitation s o f these data, Crysta l Fulto n ha s compiled a quantitative analysi s comparin g

io8 • The Campaign the occupation s an d profession s o f Delawar e an d Wilmingto n WONP R women wit h thos e o f Wilmingto n an d Delawar e wome n a s a whole. 75 Fulton's conclusio n i s that ther e wa s "significan t diversit y amon g wome n who joine d th e organization, " tha t genera l membershi p incorporate d women o f al l backgrounds , an d tha t " a larg e numbe r o f th e WONPR' s membership i n Wilmingto n wa s compose d o f marrie d women , lendin g weight t o the WONPR's claime d concer n fo r th e family." 76 There i s abundan t evidenc e tha t repea l wome n als o mad e a concerte d effort t o reach wome n i n ethnic and minorit y neighborhoods . I n Wilmin gton, Delaware , th e WONP R wa s helpin g t o ge t ou t th e wor d abou t repeal b y sendin g u a door-to-doo r worke r i n th e foreign-bor n sectio n o f Wilmington an d adjoinin g districts, " an d th e membershi p inde x card s that surviv e i n th e WONP R Paper s indicat e tha t th e organizatio n wa s successful i n attractin g member s fro m ever y war d i n Wilmington , wit h black member s designate d wit h th e lette r "c " (for colored). 77 Th e Michi gan WONP R reporte d tha t i t ha d organize d wome n wh o spok e Greek , Russian, Rumanian , an d Polis h int o separat e chapters , an d Alic e Beli n du Pon t observe d tha t th e WONPR's campaig n i n Chicago and Stamfor d had bee n aide d b y "foreig n Vic e Chairme n amon g th e Polis h an d Italia n women." 78 I n Arizon a th e WONP R sponsore d radi o talk s i n bot h En glish an d Spanish. 79 An d i n th e minute s o f the Mario n County , Indiana , WONPR chapte r ther e i s a notatio n tha t Mrs . Nicholso n "ha d spoke n before th e Coteri e Club , a colore d organization , an d ha d a n excellen t response. Sh e emphasized th e necessit y o f reaching th e colored peopl e i n Indianapolis." 80 The WONP R wa s n o les s guilty tha n th e WCT U i n tryin g t o appro priate th e "workin g class " (a designation a s vagu e a s "housewife" ) fo r it s own propagand a purposes . Bu t i f on e examine s ho w th e workin g clas s itself fel t abou t prohibition , a t leas t tha t portio n o f th e workin g clas s represented b y organized labor , i t is clear that there was a great deal mor e sympathy fo r repealist s tha n fo r prohibitionists . A s alread y noted , whe n passage o f th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wa s bein g debated , organize d labor ha d show n a sturd y resistanc e t o th e notio n tha t prohibitio n an d prohibitionists represente d it s "bes t interests. " O n th e contrary , orga nized labo r argue d nearl y th e exact opposite : tha t prohibitio n legislatio n was disproportionatel y punitiv e t o workers . Tha t vie w ha d no t change d greatly durin g th e Dr y Decade , whe n s o many o f the benefit s o f prohibi tion wer e supposedl y accruin g t o th e workin g class . Ever y yea r th e

The Campaign • 10 9 American Federatio n o f Labo r lobbie d Congres s t o modif y th e Volstea d Act to make allowances for bee r an d wine . During th e repea l campaig n th e America n Federatio n o f Labor' s Na tional Committe e fo r Modificatio n o f th e Volstea d Ac t (NCMVA ) en joyed congenia l relation s wit h th e AAPA , producin g th e uncommo n spectacle o f th e lam b o f labo r an d th e lio n o f capitalis m workin g i n harness towar d th e sam e end . Relation s betwee n th e NCMV A an d th e WONPR wer e especiall y warm , an d whe n th e WONP R decide d t o endorse passag e o f th e labor-supporte d Hull-O'Conno r Bil l (legalizin g 2.75 percen t beer ) despit e th e WONPR' s misgiving s tha t th e bil l woul d distract fro m th e ultimat e goa l o f repeal , th e NCMVA' s Matthe w Wol l wrote a lette r t o Paulin e Sabi n expressin g hi s "extrem e gratificatio n an d delight." 81 I n a lette r t o Pierr e d u Pont , Wol l expresse d th e hop e tha t a "like spiri t o f co-operatio n ma y b e manifeste d betwee n th e Associatio n Against th e Prohibitio n Amendmen t an d ou r Committee." 82

The Fashion Issue Opponents o f repea l wome n raise d th e fashio n issu e a s persistentl y a s they raise d th e clas s issue . Tha t th e fashionabl e aur a o f th e WONP R aided tha t organizatio n politicall y i s undeniable, an d prohibitionist s wer e often reduce d t o bitte r recrimination s tha t th e WONP R wa s attractin g women mor e devote d t o minglin g wit h hig h societ y tha n t o addressin g social problems . I n th e firs t full-lengt h accoun t o f th e repea l movement , published i n 1940 , Fletcher Dobyn s sneere d tha t if members of this set [the WONPR] have something they want to put over, they have only to issue invitations to teas and meetings at their houses, or request peopl e to serve on committees wit h them , an d the social climbers will fall all over themselves in the enthusiasm of their response. Some hope that when the particular movemen t is over, gratitude will bring invitations to real social functions, whil e others hope only to bask for a moment in the sunshine of social royalty.83 Yet i t i s difficul t t o fatho m exactl y wha t Dobyn s woul d hav e ha d th e leadership o f th e WONP R do . Shoul d they , b y som e obscur e mecha nism, hav e mad e themselve s les s "glamorous" ? Dobyn s wa s right , o f course, tha t America n "socia l royalty " wa s dazzlingl y personifie d i n th e

n o * The Campaign WONPR, bu t thi s circumstanc e wa s exactl y th e sor t o f advantag e tha t any politica l organizatio n woul d covet—an d woul d b e equall y unlikel y to renounce . If we accept the fashionability o f WONPR wome n a s a given, we mus t next as k t o wha t degre e prohibitio n repea l itsel f wa s fashionabl e amon g women an d t o what exten t idea s of fashionability helpe d legitimiz e repea l as a viabl e politica l stanc e fo r a wide cros s sectio n o f America n women . Some insigh t int o thi s questio n ca n b e gaine d throug h a perusa l o f th e women's magazine s o f th e day , man y o f which boaste d hug e readership s {McCalVs and Ladies" Home Journal, fo r instance , ha d circulation s o f abou t two and one-half million, an d Good Housekeeping almost two million durin g the lat e 1920s). 84 Her e notion s o f fashionabilit y wer e create d an d de bated, an d althoug h politica l issue s wer e no t emphasize d i n women' s magazines, th e prohibitio n issu e wa s sufficientl y compellin g t o find it s way int o even these publications . While many women' s magazine s sough t to avoid alienating any of their readers b y refrainin g fro m direc t editorializin g o n repeal , a glance a t th e way thes e magazine s presente d th e issu e provide s som e sens e o f ho w repeal ha d evolve d amon g women . McCalVs, fo r instance , publishe d Dorothy Dunba r Bromley' s "Prohibition ? Yes ! No! " a 193 0 articl e tha t included th e view s o f wome n bot h we t an d dry . Ostensibly , thi s wa s a n even-handed treatmen t o f th e issue , bu t b y puttin g wome n repealists , such a s Paulin e Sabin , Florenc e Kahn , an d Virgini a Gildersleeve , o n a n equal footing wit h wome n prohibitionists , suc h a s Ella Boole , Evangelin e Booth an d Carri e Chapma n Catt , McCalVs conferre d a legitimac y o n th e views o f th e forme r withou t endorsin g the m directly. 85 Certainl y th e presence o f th e fashionabl e an d fascinatin g Sabi n wa s a n asse t i n gainin g this legitimacy , an d McCalVs published a laudator y profil e o f Sabi n b y Dorothy Duca s (alread y referre d to ) late r i n th e sam e year . Bu t clearly , women suc h a s Florenc e Kahn , a U.S . Representative , an d Virgini a Gildersleeve, dean of Barnard College , did no t need McCalVs endorsement or an y prominenc e i n th e smal l worl d o f fashionabl e societ y i n orde r t o command respect . B y 193 3 McCalVs was close to endorsing repeal , print ing a n articl e b y Helen a Huntingto n Smith , wh o calle d "th e strengt h o f the feminin e influence " o n th e prohibitio n repea l movemen t a "ne w an d startling phenomenon " an d praise d th e "solidit y o f motiv e behin d thes e women." 86 Women's magazine s tha t wer e no t reluctan t t o editorializ e directl y o n

The Campaign • 11 1 prohibition include d Good Housekeeping, whos e edito r i n 192 9 warne d apathetic prohibitionist s tha t th e resurgenc e of wet sentimen t "ma y mea n the fighting o f the good ol d fight al l over again, " and Ladies' Home Journal, which promote d prohibitio n eve n mor e vigorousl y tha n Good Housekeeping.87 Unde r th e editorship o f Loring A. Schuler , Ladies' Home Journal ran countless article s an d editorial s favorabl e t o prohibition . Followin g th e 1928 election s Schule r claime d bot h tha t "Mr . Hoove r mus t than k th e women o f th e Unite d State s fo r hi s electio n t o th e presidency " an d tha t "prohibition wa s th e majo r issu e i n th e lat e campaign , especiall y i n s o far a s wome n wer e concerned." 88 Ladies' Home Journal article s include d installments o f Samue l Crowther' s "Wher e Prohibitio n I s a Success, " i n which Crowthe r argue d tha t prohibitio n ha d mad e povert y "almos t a voluntary condition " and that involuntar y povert y ha d become "an exceptional an d purel y individua l predicament." 89 A serie s writte n b y Freder ick Arnol d Kummer—supposedl y a n expos e o f nightclu b life—als o found it s wa y int o th e page s o f th e Journal. An d whil e th e unintende d result o f Kummer' s article s ma y hav e bee n t o mak e nightclub s enticin g rather tha n otherwise ("the sensuou s decorations, th e seductive lights, th e super-risque song s an d dances , th e nake d girls , strippe d t o the lega l limi t and beyond") , th e edito r confidentl y assure d readers , "Yo u wil l find th e moral easil y enoug h a s you rea d th e article." 90 Ladies' Home Journal understoo d tha t ther e wa s a questio n o f fashion ability a s well a s a moral elemen t t o prohibition an d pursue d th e line tha t the us e an d servin g o f alcoho l a t socia l functions wa s "unfashionable. " I n 1929 editor Schule r declare d tha t "socia l leader s ar e sendin g ou t wor d t o their dinne r guests : I f yo u mus t hav e a cocktail, ge t i t befor e yo u come ; we ar e no t servin g liquo r an y more. ' " 9 1 I n th e sam e issu e th e Journal printed "Smar t Washingto n afte r Si x O'clock." Writte n b y assistan t U.S . attorney genera l Mabe l Walke r Willebrandt , "Smar t Washington " claimed tha t amon g the fashionable se t in the nation's capital "i t has come to be more of a social achievement t o establish th e reputatio n fo r success ful entertainmen t withou t cocktail , highbal l o r liquors." 92 It i s doubtful tha t eve n th e nation' s dowd y capita l wa s s o abstemious ; a more accurat e view of the drinking o f the upscal e can best b e gained b y looking a t wha t was , an d stil l is , th e final arbite r o f fashionabilit y i n the Unite d States , Vogue magazine. Price d wel l abov e othe r women' s magazines, Vogue courted a smal l readershi p o f fashionable , well-to-d o women. 93 Whil e Vogue neve r wen t s o fa r a s t o sugges t tha t it s reader s

ii2 • The Campaign should b e drinkin g cocktails , i t wa s obviou s fro m th e article s tha t Vogue ran tha t a great man y o f the m were drinking cocktails . Ceci l Beaton , th e British writer , illustrator , an d photographer , wrot e a serie s o f Vogue articles describin g hi s first tri p t o Ne w York , wher e h e wa s lionize d b y New Yor k society . I t wa s on e socia l whir l afte r anothe r fo r Beaton , fueled b y a seemingly inexhaustibl e quantit y o f liquor . "Neve r befor e i n my life , hav e I see n o r drun k s o muc h drink, " observe d Beaton. 94 A couple o f month s late r Beato n complained , "Wh y i s part y foo d al l s o alike? Chicken , chicken , chicken , an d alway s champagne!" 95 O n th e subject o f showin g u p a t dinner partie s on time, Vogue printed th e idea of one wag, wh o suggested , "Jus t pu t 'N o cocktail s afte r 8:15 ' on the foo t o f the invitation . Th e me n wil l b e amazingly prompt." 96 Vogue took not e of the popularit y o f speakeasies , claimin g that "man y o f the smartes t peopl e are to be seen nightly whisperin g the magic passwords i n the teeth of iron grilles whic h magicall y swin g open t o them." Once inside , "on e is certain to see many peopl e of the artistic, literary , an d socia l worlds." 97 That fashionabl e wome n wer e drinkin g sociall y i s no t greatl y sur prising, bu t tha t the y woul d sti r themselve s t o becom e activ e i n th e movement t o repea l prohibitio n is, sinc e thei r wealt h assure d the m o f well-stocked cellar s an d acces s t o th e bes t bootle g liquor . Wit h liquo r availability eliminate d a s a motivation , wh y di d thes e wome n becom e involved i n prohibitio n repeal ? A n articl e i n Vogue b y Margare t Culki n Banning mad e th e intriguin g suggestio n tha t th e answe r la y i n a conver gence of fashion an d morality . Fashions , accordin g t o Banning, ar e muc h more tha n "tool s o f extravaganc e an d snobbery. " The y ar e "th e mood s that mak e wome n fee l moder n an d no t deserte d b y thei r ow n time s . . . those thing s fo r th e us e o f the bod y an d min d whic h cultivated , civilize d women choos e fro m th e incredibl e hea p o f model s an d idea s flung dow n before them. " Whil e Bannin g insiste d tha t "wealt h ha s reall y ver y littl e to d o wit h eithe r fashio n o r aristocracy, " th e wome n wh o establis h fash ions must b e "fearless enough—an d secur e enough, perhaps—t o d o what they pleas e on an impulse of conviction." In Banning' s view such a person was Paulin e Sabin , an d th e "fashion " establishe d b y Sabi n an d other s was tha t "drinkin g t o excess i s not i n th e leas t smart , bu t tha t oppositio n to the existing prohibition la w is rapidly becomin g so." Women's involve ment i n prohibitio n repeal , i n thi s interpretation , ha d becom e a fashio n based o n a mora l concer n or , a s Bannin g pu t it , "a n impuls e o f convic tion": "th e reaso n th e anti-prohibitionett e i s t o b e foun d almos t every -

The Campaign • 11 3 where i s becaus e s o man y wome n hav e looke d upo n prohibitio n an d found i t not fair, bu t disastrous. . . . Women ar e beginning to see that th e present prohibitio n law s ar e dangerou s t o socia l an d domesti c relations. " Banning conclude d he r piec e b y arguin g tha t th e sam e motivation s tha t inspired earl y prohibitionist s wer e als o inspirin g wome n repealist s an d that "th e anti-prohibitio n movemen t mus t b e made a modern fashio n to o and copie d fa r an d wide." 98 Prohibition repea l raise d man y issue s fo r women , includin g question s of morality, class , an d eve n fashionability . Bu t repea l wa s als o a political issue, an d th e politic s o f wome n an d repea l woul d highligh t importan t aspects o f women's evolvin g relationshi p t o politics, includin g th e rol e of women i n the two majo r partie s an d th e degree to which nonpartisanshi p was a practical strateg y i n the repeal debate. Women' s involvemen t i n th e repeal campaig n woul d revea l a great dea l of political continuit y wit h th e past, bu t th e repea l issu e woul d als o alte r women' s politica l cultur e i n important ways .

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Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal

The WONPR and Party Affiliation

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he WONPR demonstrate d tha t a nonpartisan organizatio n base d on gende r an d th e engagemen t o f a mora l issu e wa s stil l viabl e well int o the 1930s . Th e mixtur e o f both Republican s an d Dem ocrats tha t mad e up th e membershi p o f the WONPR stoo d a s an impres sive validation of this approach. Indeed , i t is doubtful tha t a more partisa n appeal coul d hav e accrue d th e shee r number s tha t th e WONP R claimed : over 1. 2 millio n members a t the beginning of 1933. l In on e sense , o f course , th e WONP R wa s lik e an y othe r singl e issu e group tha t ha d chose n t o wor k outsid e o f existin g part y hierarchie s a s a way o f advancin g it s cause . Withou t becomin g bogge d dow n i n th e compromises o f part y politics , friend s coul d b e rewarde d an d enemie s punished regardles s o f politica l affiliations . Bu t nonpartisanshi p a s em braced b y th e WONP R als o ha d a strikingl y feminin e elemen t tha t harkened bac k bot h t o France s Willard' s "Stygia n pool " critique o f mas culine politics and to the notion of woman's suppose d politica l disinterest edness a s a n authenticatin g basi s fo r woman' s politica l causes . I n 1932 , for instance , th e WONP R place d a n advertisemen t i n th e (Wilmington ) Star addresse d "T o Registere d Wome n Voters. " Th e WONP R urge d women t o get involved i n the repeal movement , arguin g that "wome n ca n be independen t politically . The y ar e no t tie d b y th e part y habi t an d th e 114

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 11 5 business association s whic h ofte n contro l men . Wome n ca n strik e wit h the vote for thei r home s an d childre n an d bette r conditions , IRRESPEC TIVE O F PARTY." 2 Yet, whil e this would see m t o suggest a continued feminin e distrus t o f party politics , i t must b e noted tha t man y wome n wh o worked fo r repea l had, i n th e decade s precedin g th e formatio n o f the WONPR , als o begu n to acquir e part y loyalties . Sinc e th e middl e o f th e nineteent h centur y the issu e o f partisanshi p ha d bee n a destabilizin g elemen t i n women' s organizations, an d i t woul d prov e t o b e disruptiv e a t th e WONP R a s well. Th e WONPR' s struggl e wit h partisanshi p mirrore d th e conflic t experienced b y a grea t numbe r o f wome n durin g thi s perio d betwee n a loyalty t o gender-base d politic s o n th e on e han d an d th e allur e o f part y politics on the other . The relationshi p tha t wome n ha d wit h th e tw o majo r politica l parties , especially a s regard s th e prohibitio n issue , wa s greatl y affecte d b y th e 1928 election . Ther e ha d alway s bee n bot h we t an d dr y Democrat s an d Republicans, bu t on e resul t o f th e 192 8 electio n wa s tha t voter s no w identified th e Democrati c party , a s represente d b y A l Smith , a s wet , while Herber t Hoover' s Republica n part y acquire d th e dry tag . Wit h th e continuing wetnes s o f th e Democrati c part y afte r 192 8 aide d b y th e appointment o f th e AAPA' s Joh n J . Rasko b a s part y chairman , wome n Democratic part y regular s favorin g repea l actuall y represente d prevailin g party sentiment , rathe r tha n a minority view . By 192 8 there was als o evidence that som e reform-minded Democrati c women n o longe r regarde d prohibitio n a s the most importan t issu e an d were willin g t o se t asid e thei r advocac y o f prohibitio n i n orde r t o wor k for we t candidate s wit h wide-rangin g socia l programs . Moll y Dewson , for instance , wh o was bot h prohibitionis t an d presiden t o f the Ne w Yor k Consumers' League , wen t t o wor k fo r th e we t A l Smit h i n 192 8 becaus e she believe d tha t Smith' s commitmen t t o th e program s promote d b y th e Consumers' Leagu e an d th e Women' s Trad e Unio n Leagu e wer e mor e important tha n hi s stan d o n th e prohibitio n issue . Dewson , wh o pro fessed a philosophy tha t wa s classicall y hom e protectionis t i n it s assump tion of a female "sphere, " believed tha t wome n acte d differently fro m me n because we are not so individualistic as they are, but cooperative. Ou r fundamenta l interest s ar e security of the home, a chance for th e children , an d peace . Ou r natura l instinc t fo r cooperatio n make s

116 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal women easil y intereste d i n the securit y o f other's homes , a chance for al l children, and universal peace. But Dewso n als o heade d th e Women' s Divisio n o f th e Democrati c part y during th e 1930 s and , a s Susa n War e ha s noted , "juggle d th e separatis t and integrationis t approaches , tryin g to have it both ways." 3 For th e Republicans , Hoover' s ow n outspoke n suppor t fo r prohibitio n (of th e thre e Republica n president s o f th e 1920s , onl y Hoove r exhibite d the leas t interes t i n prohibitio n enforcement ) guarantee d tha t th e dr y label woul d stic k t o th e Republica n party . Hoove r ha d lon g supporte d prohibition, assertin g i n 192 5 tha t prohibitio n wa s "makin g Americ a more productive " an d "puttin g mone y i n th e America n famil y pocket book." 4 A s president , Hoove r retaine d hi s prohibitionis t ways , eve n to th e poin t o f misrepresentin g th e conclusion s o f hi s ow n pane l (th e Wickersham Commission ) when thos e conclusions cas t a negative light on dry laws. 5 Suppor t fo r prohibitio n thu s becam e a tes t o f Republica n party regularity , an d eve n though ther e were man y Republican s b y 193 2 who wer e urgin g th e part y towar d repeal , a s long a s the part y wa s stuc k with Hoove r i t was also stuck with prohibition. 6 In additio n t o the Republica n party' s nationa l polic y supportin g prohi bition, anothe r facto r makin g i t difficul t fo r Republica n wome n t o brea k with thei r part y wa s th e historica l rol e o f th e Republica n part y a s th e party o f preferenc e fo r temperanc e women . Muc h o f th e discord , afte r all, ove r th e WCTU' s endorsemen t o f th e Prohibitio n part y i n 188 4 had com e fro m WCT U wome n reluctan t t o giv e u p thei r Republica n allegiances. Paulin e Sabi n herself , a s wel l a s man y othe r WONP R lead ers, ha d enjoye d clos e tie s t o th e party , whic h mad e th e stan d tha t Republican wome n too k o n th e prohibitio n issu e o f mor e tha n passin g interest t o Sabi n an d th e WONPR . Thus, th e WONPR' s tacti c o f engagin g th e WCT U i n debate s a t meetings o f variou s women' s organization s acquire d a specia l piquanc y when thos e meeting s include d gathering s o f th e Women' s Nationa l Re publican Club . Th e WONP R aggressivel y wen t afte r th e WCT U a t these venues , an d i t wa s a measure o f th e WONPR' s earl y an d frequen t successes tha t b y Februar y 193 0 the WCTU announce d tha t i t would n o longer participat e i n suc h debates . Claimin g tha t thes e affair s ha d bee n "packed wit h opponent s o f prohibition " wh o ha d subjecte d a t leas t on e woman (Ne w Yor k WCTU presiden t Mami e White Colvin) to "consider -

Nonpartisanship, National Politics•, and the Momentum for Repeal • 11 7 able il l treatment, " Ell a Bool e proclaime d tha t henceforwar d WCT U members woul d onl y b e appearin g i n "bon a fide" discussions. 7 B y im plying tha t women' s organization s tha t ha d sponsore d debate s betwee n the WCT U an d th e WONP R (whic h included , i n additio n t o th e Women's Nationa l Republica n Club , th e Women' s Universit y Club , th e American Women' s Association , an d th e Smit h Colleg e Club ) had some how biase d th e proceedings , th e WCT U alienate d itsel f fro m a grea t number o f club members . Reacting angrily t o the charge that he r organizatio n ha d bee n unfai r i n its treatmen t o f th e WCTU , th e Women' s Nationa l Republica n Clu b president Maud e Wetmor e condemne d Boole' s "unwarranted , sweepin g statements." 8 Althoug h i t shoul d b e note d tha t Wetmore' s indignatio n contained a n elemen t o f theatricalit y (Wetmor e wa s a WONPR nationa l vice-chairman), th e unfavorabl e publicit y nevertheles s force d Bool e t o modify he r position . Bool e agree d t o addres s th e Republica n wome n a s long a s sh e di d no t hav e t o shar e th e platfor m wit h a wet. I n he r retur n engagement a t th e women' s Republica n clu b i n September , however , Boole di d no t enjo y th e succes s fo r whic h sh e ha d hoped . Durin g th e course o f Boole' s talk , accordin g t o th e New York Times, sh e wa s "sub jected t o heate d cross-examinatio n an d th e meetin g wa s adjourne d wit h the member s i n a n uproar." 9 I t wa s a porten t o f thing s t o com e a t th e Women's Nationa l Republica n Club . I n a n effor t le d b y th e WONPR , a referendum wa s place d befor e Women' s Republica n Clu b member s i n October o f 193 0 that woul d commi t tha t organizatio n t o a definite stan d on th e prohibitio n issue . Wome n responde d b y votin g overwhelmingl y for repeal. 10 Thi s wa s a historic reversa l i n th e sentiment s o f Republica n women an d a n impressiv e victor y fo r th e WONPR . Th e importanc e o f this even t wa s overshadowe d onl y b y th e momentu m tha t wa s rapidl y building towar d another , eve n mor e significan t event—th e repea l o f a n amendment t o the Constitution . The partisanshi p issu e a t th e WONP R als o too k othe r forms , an d sometimes i t threatene d t o disrup t th e smoot h surfac e o f organizationa l efficiency. O n a local level WONPR wome n occasionall y chos e to violat e directives agains t partisa n promotion s b y workin g bot h fo r repea l an d fo r a preferred candidate . A memo to WONPR worker s pleaded : Nothing can wreck this organization quicker tha n the attempt of a worker to ge t vote s fo r a favorit e candidate , eithe r fo r presiden t o f th e Unite d

118 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal States o r fo r Stat e Congressme n o r a membe r o f th e legislatur e whil e working i n our name . I f th e worker canno t refrai n fro m boostin g a party candidate an d tryin g t o get the members t o vote her way , sh e should, i n fairness to this organization, not take a list.11 And despit e th e presenc e o f notabl e Republican s amon g th e nationa l WONPR leadershi p an d a steady declin e i n suppor t o f prohibition a t th e Women's Nationa l Republica n Club , repea l continued t o be a more popu lar caus e amon g femal e Democrat s tha n amon g femal e Republicans — especially i n les s populate d areas . Whil e i t i s tru e tha t ther e wa s les s support i n general for repea l in rural areas, finding prominent Democrati c women t o represen t th e WONP R i n thes e locale s appear s t o hav e bee n much easie r tha n finding repeal-minde d Republica n women . Th e WONPR Paper s ar e full o f anxiou s letter s fro m th e Delawar e stat e offic e inquiring afte r loca l Republican wome n wh o might b e willing to work fo r the WONPR . Referrin g t o thi s deart h o f downstat e Republica n wome n repealists, Jeannette Eckma n confided i n Mrs. Edga r Anderson o f Bridgeport, Delaware , tha t i f Anderso n coul d "thin k o f som e Republica n woman wh o i s stron g fo r repea l an d wh o woul d urg e othe r wome n t o vote wit h he r fo r a Congressma n an d fo r a membe r o f th e Legislatur e committed t o straigh t repeal , irrespectiv e o f party , yo u wil l d o u s a fine service."12 Eckma n sen t a simila r inquir y t o Maud e Whale y McCab e i n Selbyville, pleadin g tha t "i f yo u an d Mrs . Tubb s ca n thin k o f o r find a Republican woma n wh o has influence an d whos e stand wil l be respected , who wil l com e ou t fo r repeal , tha t woul d b e on e o f th e bes t thing s yo u could d o fo r u s i n you r distric t thi s year." 13 Th e succes s o f suc h appeal s can perhap s b e inferred fro m a letter fro m a n unknown WONP R worke r (presumably a Democrat) to Mrs. Car l Schulze , Jr.: "W e were not abl e to find a Republica n woma n abou t Greenwoo d wh o wa s a n activ e believe r in repea l an d wh o woul d als o b e willin g t o work." 14 Whil e th e fea r o f local censur e canno t b e discounte d a s a strongl y negativ e motivatin g factor, th e reluctanc e o f downstat e Republica n wome n t o get involve d i n the repea l movemen t wa s probabl y mor e directl y relate d t o a tradition i n this stat e of solid rural Republica n suppor t fo r prohibition .

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 11 9

The National Conventions and the Endorsement Dilemma Nationally, th e WONPR' s nonpartisanshi p receive d it s severes t tes t i n July 193 2 whe n i t wa s face d wit h th e necessit y o f endorsin g a candidat e for president . Th e nationa l politica l convention s ha d bee n hel d th e previ ous month , an d wit h th e countr y i n th e gri p o f it s wors t depressio n i n history th e economi c issu e loomed large . Bu t crafting a practical progra m to addres s th e nation' s economi c woe s wa s perhap s to o dauntin g a pros pect fo r mos t conventio n delegates , an d prohibitio n upstage d th e Depres sion at both conventions. Delegate s seemingl y wer e more concerned wit h what stan d thei r partie s woul d tak e on repea l tha n wit h th e proble m o f a slumping econom y an d massiv e unemployment. A n amaze d John Dewe y observed, "Her e w e ar e . . . i n th e mids t o f th e greates t crisi s sinc e th e Civil Wa r an d th e onl y thin g th e tw o nationa l partie s see m t o wan t t o debate i s booze." 15 The Republica n party , saddle d wit h th e tripl e burdens o f Depression , prohibition, an d th e Hoove r candidac y itself , hel d it s convention i n mid June an d wa s harassed fro m beginnin g t o end b y th e Republica n Citizen s Committee Agains t Nationa l Prohibition , a group tha t include d Paulin e Sabin, Matthe w Woll , Columbi a Universit y presiden t Nichola s Murra y Butler, Lammo t d u Pont , Henr y Joy , an d othe r prominen t wets . Thi s contingent wante d th e part y t o declare fo r repeal , bu t i t was rebuffe d b y a resolutions committe e dominate d b y drys . Whe n Sen . Hira m Bingha m of Connecticu t finall y succeede d i n gettin g a rol l cal l vot e o n th e issue , prohibition repealist s wer e defeate d b y a vot e o f 69 0 t o 460. 16 Instead , Hoover Republican s brough t fort h a plan k designe d t o someho w retai n federal prohibition , whil e simultaneousl y returnin g t o th e state s th e power t o dispose of liquor issues . Thi s formulation , whic h almos t n o on e understood, wa s promptl y dubbe d th e "wet-dry " plan k b y th e New York Times, and H . L . Mencke n observe d tha t th e Hoove r plan k "a t leas t ha s the great virtu e of being quite unintelligible t o simple folk." 17 Franklin Roosevel t arrive d a t th e Democrati c Conventio n i n lat e June with a majorit y o f delegate s bu t withou t th e necessar y two-third s fo r the nomination . Roosevelt' s principa l opponents , A l Smith , John Nanc e Garner, Newto n D . Baker , an d Alber t C . Ritchie , al l advocate d repeal . Roosevelt himsel f ha d apparentl y endorse d repea l i n 1930 , havin g modi fied hi s view s t o brin g the m int o harmon y wit h th e prevailin g politica l

120 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal winds. Historically , however , Roosevel t ha d maintaine d a n ambivalen t attitude towar d prohibition , an d i n th e earl y stage s o f th e conventio n h e resisted th e ide a o f committin g himsel f t o repeal . Bu t part y chairma n John J . Rasko b (a n AAP A officer ) kep t th e repea l issu e o n th e fron t burner, an d th e obviou s popularit y o f repea l displaye d a t th e conventio n moved th e Roosevel t cam p t o a n endorsemen t o f repeal . I n th e en d th e Democrats unequivocall y declare d "w e favor th e repeal of the Eighteent h Amendment" an d calle d fo r a n immediat e modificatio n o f th e Volstea d Act t o allo w fo r beer . Th e flexible Roosevel t proclaimed : "You r conven tion want s repeal . You r candidat e want s repeal . An d I am confiden t tha t the Unite d State s o f America want s repeal." 18 Althoug h man y expresse d skepticism a t Roosevelt' s lat e conversio n t o repeal , Paulin e Sabi n wryl y noted, "I t ha s bee n sai d tha t th e Democrati c candidat e i s a ver y recen t convert t o th e caus e o f Repea l becaus e o f politica l expediency . I t canno t be sai d tha t u p t o thi s date , th e Republica n candidat e i s a conver t t o Repeal fo r an y reason." 19 The platform s o f th e tw o majo r politica l partie s ha d littl e t o offer dr y women. Jane Addams referre d t o "this queer n o man's land" in which th e prohibition movemen t no w found itself , an d Ell a Boole described WCT U women a s "perplexe d an d puzzled." 20 A t it s 193 2 nationa l conventio n i n Seattle, th e WCT U foun d itsel f unabl e t o endors e eithe r candidat e an d raised th e possibilit y o f forming a third party. 21 The WONPR , o n th e othe r hand , shoul d hav e bee n delighte d wit h the stan d Roosevel t an d th e Democrat s wer e takin g o n th e repea l issue . Roosevelt's position , afte r all , wa s precisel y wha t th e WONP R itsel f ha d been advocating . Man y withi n th e WONP R wer e uncomfortabl e wit h the Democratic candidate, however , an d the question of endorsing Roose velt produced th e mos t heate d debat e i n th e WONPR's shor t history . A t the WONP R nationa l conventio n hel d earlie r i n th e year , WONP R members ha d authorize d th e Nationa l Executiv e Committee t o advise th e membership o n th e choice of a presidential candidate . I t had alway s bee n official WONP R polic y t o bac k th e candidat e o r part y whic h mos t strongly advocate d repeal , an d i n 193 2 Roosevel t an d th e Democrati c party wer e the obvious choices. But th e Roosevel t candidac y wa s distastefu l t o enough executiv e com mittee member s tha t th e first vot e take n o n th e questio n o f backin g th e Democratic candidat e produce d onl y a 55-2 2 tall y i n favor . Thi s wa s hardly a ringing endorsement, an d Sabi n made a motion to reconsider th e

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 12 1 vote "i n th e interes t o f harmony. " A resolutio n t o omit Roosevelt' s nam e and t o substitut e a vaguely worde d approva l o f "tha t part y whic h favor s the repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendment " wa s subsequentl y rejected . But whe n member s o f th e minorit y factio n wer e aske d i f the y wante d their name s give n t o th e pres s a s havin g vote d agains t th e Roosevel t endorsement, the y decide d tha t i t wa s no t i n th e bes t interest s o f th e WONPR t o provid e suc h a list. I n it s final report th e committee release d a statement recommendin g tha t WONP R member s "giv e their suppor t t o the nominee o f that part y whic h favor s Repea l o f the Eighteent h Amend ment, Frankli n Delan o Roosevelt." 22 Th e WONP R decisio n t o endors e Roosevelt wo n fo r Sabi n a plac e o n th e cove r o f Time magazin e th e following wee k (ill. 26). 23 A fe w day s late r a group o f sixty-fou r WONP R women , mostl y fro m Long Islan d an d unde r th e leadershi p o f Alva Belmont , proteste d agains t the executive committee endorsement o f Roosevelt. Thi s group presente d a petitio n t o Sabin , claimin g tha t ther e wa s n o rea l differenc e betwee n the Republica n an d Democrati c prohibitio n platform s an d insistin g tha t because o f th e dir e economi c situation , "t o mak e th e positio n o f a candi date towar d contro l o f th e liquo r traffi c th e sol e test o f hi s fitness fo r th e office o f Presiden t i s th e ver y negatio n o f ou r responsibilitie s a s citi zens." 24 Sabi n suspecte d tha t th e Republica n part y wa s trying t o disrup t the solidarit y o f th e WONPR , becaus e Ogde n Mills , Hoover' s secretar y of the treasury, ha d apparentl y helpe d draf t th e petition. 25 Mrs. Dougla s Robinson , a member o f th e Ne w Yor k WONP R Advi sory Council , expresse d he r sympath y wit h th e Lon g Islan d dissident s i n a lette r t o th e New York Herald Tribune, an d i n Septembe r a grou p o f Pennsylvania WONP R member s wrot e to Sabin, criticizin g the executiv e committee's "premature , ill-advised " endorsement. 26 Thes e month s be came a n exercis e i n damag e contro l fo r Sabin : th e pres s speculate d tha t dissension wa s threatenin g th e politica l effectivenes s o f th e WONPR , while Sabi n insiste d tha t th e protest s wer e th e wor k o f onl y a fe w malcontents.27 I n variou s letter s mad e public , Sabi n chide d WONP R dissidents fo r bein g taken i n by Hoover' s prohibitio n plan k and reminde d WONPR member s that they themselve s had authorize d th e actions of the National Executiv e Committee. 28 I n all , th e WONP R claime d tha t th e endorsement flap cos t th e organizatio n onl y 15 0 resignations , whil e i t gained 137,00 0 new members. 29 The WONP R wa s th e onl y repea l organizatio n tha t campaigne d di -

122 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal rectly fo r Roosevelt . A t th e Women' s Committe e fo r Repea l o f the Eigh teenth Amendment , Louis e Gross reveale d tha t "th e poll of our member ship i n regar d t o Roosevel t resulte d i n a tie an d therefor e w e canno t tak e any publi c stan d i n th e matter." 30 Th e Crusader s refraine d fro m endors ing eithe r candidate , no r coul d th e AAP A brin g itsel f t o com e ou t fo r Roosevelt. Whil e man y individua l AAP A member s wer e solidl y fo r th e Democratic candidate , th e AAP A fel t tha t becaus e som e 4 0 percen t o f the delegates to the Republican Conventio n ha d advocated repeal , it could not affor d t o alienat e we t Republican s wit h a n officia l endorsemen t o f Roosevelt. Ther e als o remained lingerin g misgivings among AAPA mem bers a s to the sincerit y o f Roosevelt's conversio n t o prohibition repeal. 31

The Momentum for Repeal During th e subsequen t campaig n th e attack s o n prohibitio n b y th e popu lar Roosevel t aide d th e we t cause , bu t ther e wer e als o othe r factor s tha t helped creat e a favorable climat e fo r repea l i n 1932 . Th e previou s yea r a great dea l o f publicit y ha d bee n give n t o th e Finnis h vot e o n repeal . Finland, th e las t country i n Europ e retainin g prohibition , ha d vote d b y a two-to-one margi n t o repea l it s dr y law . Fo r America n wome n th e mos t interesting aspec t o f th e Finnis h vot e wa s tha t ballot s ha d bee n cas t b y sex, wit h femal e voter s usin g re d ballot s an d mal e voter s usin g white . This mad e i t possibl e t o trac k ho w wome n fel t abou t th e prohibitio n issue, an d th e resul t showe d tha t th e femal e vot e wa s slightl y ove r 115,000 fo r continuatio n o f prohibition , an d nearl y 227,00 0 fo r repeal. 32 The preferenc e o f Finnis h wome n fo r repea l raise d seriou s doubt s abou t the WCT U contentio n tha t th e femal e vot e wa s a dr y vote , an d th e Finnish vot e wa s naturall y enoug h use d b y we t wome n t o proclai m the opposite. The deepenin g o f th e Depressio n wa s als o crucia l t o th e momentu m for repeal . Prohibitionist s ha d bee n willin g enoug h t o attribut e th e na tion's formerl y robus t econom y t o prohibition , bu t the y fel l silen t a s economic condition s worsene d fro m mont h t o month . Prohibitionist s now foun d themselve s vulnerabl e t o th e counterclai m tha t th e reinstate ment o f liquo r woul d mea n mor e job s an d mor e ta x revenue . Economi c arguments wer e th e specialt y o f th e AAPA , an d tha t organizatio n ener getically promote d th e notion tha t repea l woul d contribut e t o the nation' s

i. "Th e Ba d Husband. " Currie r an d Ives , 1870 . Library o f Congress, USZ62 699.

2. "The Fruit s o f Temperance." Nathaniel Currier , 1848 . Library o f Congress, USZ62-2842.

3. "Th e Drunkard' s Progress. " Nathaniel Currier , 1846 . Library o f Congress, USZ62-2841.

4. "America n Woma n an d He r Politica l Peers. " Frances Willard , a t center, i s flanked by "th e idiot, th e convict, th e American Indian , an d th e insane man. " From a n 188 9 pamphlet b y Henriett a Brigg s Wall. Librar y o f Congress, USZ62-21030.

5. "Kin g Alcohol." The Warsha w Collection , Temperanc e Series , n.d., n.p. , Na tional Museu m o f American History , Smithsonia n Institutio n Phot o no. 89 15*55-

The OVERSHADOWIN G CURS E THE LEGALIZE D SALOO N

HAS S H E A FAI R CHANC E ? "Our religion demands that every child shoul d hav e a fai r chanc e for citizenshi p i n th e comin g Kingdom . Ou r patriotis m demand s a saloonless country and a stainless flag."—P . A . Baker , Genera l Superin tendent Anti-Saloon Leagu e of America.

7. WCTU Presiden t Ell a Boole . Library o f Congress Print s an d Photographs Biograph y Collection.

6. "Th e Overshadowin g Curse." Anti-Saloon Leagu e Poster. Librar y o f Congress , USZ62-48727.

8. "Tw o Birds—On e Stone. " AntiSaloon Leagu e Poster. Librar y o f Congress, USZ62-16507 .

9. "Bootle g War Terrorizes Wil shire." Los Angeles Examiner, 27 July 1924. University o f Southern Califor nia Libraries, Specia l Collections .

io. Agen t Violenc e in Sa n Francisco. San Francisco Call, 1 4 May 1924 .

11. Protectin g th e Eighteent h Amendmen t with th e Nineteenth. Courtes y o f Hagle y Museum an d Library . Pierr e S . d u Pon t Pa pers, 75.434.42 .

12. Luc y Peabody , o f the Woman' s National Committe e fo r La w En forcement. Librar y o f Congres s Prints and Photograph s Biograph y Collection.

13. Louis e Gross. Fro m Current History, July 1928 , 539. Library o f Con gress.

14. Pauline Sabin . Photograp h b y Cecil Beaton. Fro m Vogue , 1 5 May 1932 , 44. Courtesy Vogue. Copyright © 193 2 (renewed i960 ) by the Conde Nas t Publications , Inc. Collection s o f the Library o f Congress.

15. The Glamo r Ga p i n the Prohibition Repea l Debate . Fro m Grace C. Root , Women and Repeal: The Story of the Women's Organization For National Prohibition Reform (New York : Harpe r an d Brothers , 1934), facing 22 .

16. The WONP R Nationa l Leadership . Vogue, i Augus t 1932 , 34 . Library o f Congress.

17. The WONP R Nationa l Leadership . Vogue, 1 Augus t 1932 , 35 . Library o f Congress.

18. Rep . Mar y T . Norton . Bio graphical Collectio n o f the Li brary o f Congress .

19. Rep. Florence Prag Kahn. Bio graphical Collectio n o f the Li brary o f Congress .

2o. Paulin e Sabi n an d He r Sons . Biographical Collectio n o f the Li brary o f Congress .

21. WONP R Leaflet . Courtes y o f Hagley Museu m an d Library . Pierre S . d u Pon t Papers , 75-434-41-

For Your Children's Sake WILL YO U HEL P CLOSE U P TH E SPEAKEASIES ? ABOLISH TH E GI N MILL S AN D ROADHOUSES ? PUT THE BOOTLEGGE R OU T OF BUSINESS ? TAKE THE PROFIT OUT OF CRIME? RESTORE RESPEC T FOR LAW ?

YOU CA N BY WORKING AN D VOTIN G FO R REPEA L OF NATIONA L PROHIBITION !

Join th e WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIO N FO R NATIONA L PROHIBITIO N REFOR M

Three Step s t o Temperanc e REPEAL THE

EIGHTEENT H AMENDMEN T AND

22. WONP R Leaflet . Courtes y of Hagley Museu m an d Li brary. Pierr e S . d u Pon t Pa pers, 75.434.40 .

ABOLISH NATIONA L PROHIBITION .

C O N T R O L TH E UQUOR TRAFFIC BY A SYSTEM OF STATE REGULATIO N SUITABL E AND ACCEPTABLE T O THE PEOPLE!

E D U C A T E YOU R CHILDRE N TO TEMPERANCE IN THE HOME , TH E SCHOOL AN D TH E CHURCH!

WORK AN D VOTE FOR REPEAL O F THE EIGHTEENTH AMENDMENT !

Join the WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIO N FO R NATIONAL PROHIBITIO N REFOR M

23. "Prohibitio n Failed! " Courtesy o f Hagle y Museu m an d Library . Pierr e S . d u Pont Papers , 75.434.39 .

24. "Thei r Securit y Demand s You Vot e Repeal. " Courtesy o f Hagley Museu m an d Library . Pierre S . d u Pon t Papers , 73.371.1.

25. "Woman' s Hol y War. " Currier an d Ives , 1874 . Library o f Congress.

26. Pauline Sabi n an d th e WONPR Endors e Roosevelt . Time cover 1 8 July 1932 . Copyright © 193 2 Time Inc . Re printed wit h permission .

27. Mabe l Walke r Willebrandt . Biographical Collectio n o f th e Library o f Congress .

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 12 3 economic health . I n on e o f th e man y pamphlet s i t publishe d o n th e subject, th e AAPA claime d tha t "th e present seriou s financial situatio n i n which ou r federa l governmen t i s placed coul d hav e been mitigated , i f no t entirely avoided , ha d w e not , b y adoptin g nationa l prohibition , aban doned a stead y an d dependabl e sourc e o f income." 33 Frankli n Roosevel t emphasized thi s them e a s well, insistin g i n Augus t o f 193 2 that "unques tionably ou r ta x burde n woul d no t b e s o heav y no r th e form s tha t i t takes s o objectionabl e i f som e reasonabl e proportio n o f th e unaccounte d millions no w pai d t o thos e whos e busines s ha d bee n reare d upo n thi s stupendous blunde r coul d b e mad e availabl e fo r th e expens e o f gov ernment." 34 Also brightening prospect s fo r repea l wer e certai n celebrit y defection s from th e dr y sid e t o th e we t side . Th e lis t include d Willia m Randolp h Hearst, Joh n J . Pershing , Eleano r Roosevelt , an d Joh n D . Rockefeller , Jr., wh o ha d bee n on e o f th e primar y contributor s t o th e Anti-Saloo n League. Eve n Emil y Pos t announce d tha t sh e woul d b e puttin g he r loyalties t o th e Republica n part y asid e an d woul d b e votin g we t i n th e 1932 presidentia l election. 35 Th e Hears t conversio n t o repea l (i n 1929) , which ha s alread y bee n allude d to , gav e courag e t o othe r newspape r publishers i n the country, man y o f whom ha d bee n remarkabl y reluctan t to editorializ e directl y agains t prohibition . I n Ma y 193 2 Gen . Joh n J . Pershing endorse d repeal , claimin g that th e prohibitio n la w ha d spawne d a vas t crimina l subcultur e tha t wa s "eatin g mor e an d mor e deepl y int o our nationa l life , infectin g politics , extortin g tribut e fro m business , threatening ou r homes. " Whil e acknowledgin g th e sincerit y o f prohibi tionists, Pershin g proclaimed , "Th e tim e ha s com e t o wor k towar d som e solution whic h take s mor e accoun t o f th e inevitabl e trait s o f huma n nature." 36 Following closel y o n th e heel s o f Pershing' s declaratio n wa s John D . Rockefeller, Jr.' s endorsemen t o f repeal . Rockefeller' s chang e o f hear t was especiall y demoralizin g t o dry s becaus e Rockefelle r an d hi s fathe r had contribute d som e $350,00 0 t o the Anti-Saloo n Leagu e betwee n 190 0 and 1919 . In a letter to Nicholas Murray Butle r in June of 1932 , Rockefel ler describe d hi s pas t hope s fo r prohibition , the n outline d hi s presen t view o f things . Accordin g t o Rockefelle r i t ha d becom e apparen t tha t "drinking ha s increased ; tha t th e speakeas y ha s replace d th e saloo n . . . that a vas t arm y o f lawbreaker s ha s bee n recruite d an d financed o n a colossal scale. " I n Rockefeller' s estimatio n repea l wa s no w necessar y

124 # Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal because unless the "evils" created b y prohibition wer e checked, the y wer e "likely t o lea d t o condition s unspeakabl y wors e tha n thos e whic h pre vailed before. " Rockefeller' s bombshel l wa s greeted wit h disma y b y dry s and wit h deligh t b y wets , wit h Paulin e Sabi n praisin g Rockefelle r fo r hi s "courage." 37 Th e New York Times marked th e occasion b y proclaimin g a n end t o th e "politica l intimidatio n o r eve n terrorism " tha t prohibitionist s had previousl y bee n abl e to inflict o n Congress. 38 In July Eleano r Roosevel t announce d tha t eve n thoug h sh e was , an d had alway s been , a "persona l dry, " sh e no w favore d repea l o f th e Eigh teenth Amendmen t becaus e it had neve r worked. 39 Eve n mor e controver sial tha n thi s statemen t wa s th e on e sh e mad e i n December , whe n sh e noted tha t on e o f th e thing s sh e ha d hope d fo r fro m prohibitio n wa s "protection fo r th e weak, " especiall y fo r youn g women . Bu t becaus e prohibition ha d faile d t o provid e this , th e "gir l o f today, " accordin g t o Roosevelt, wa s face d wit h "th e proble m o f learning , ver y young , ho w much sh e can drin k o f suc h thing s a s whisky an d gin , an d stickin g to th e proper quantity." 40 Reactio n wa s swif t t o follow , wit h th e WONP R applauding Roosevelt' s "courageou s statement, " whil e dr y wome n regis tered a "shocke d protest, " assertin g tha t perhap s Roosevel t wa s onl y acquainted wit h " a certai n clas s o f youth , a sophisticate d circl e i n Man hattan wh o have no appreciation o f a 'good time ' without liquor." 41 For bizarre, comic absurdity, non e of the dry-to-wet conversion s coul d match th e case of Mabe l Walke r Willebrand t (ill . 27) . A Californi a attor ney wh o ha d begu n he r lega l caree r i n th e Lo s Angeles publi c defender' s office doin g unpai d wor k fo r abuse d wome n an d prostitutes , Willebrand t became th e highes t rankin g woma n i n federa l servic e i n 192 1 whe n sh e was appointe d assistan t U.S . attorne y general . Willebrand t wa s pu t i n charge o f al l federa l case s dealin g wit h prohibition , ta x laws , an d th e Bureau o f Federal Prisons , bu t sh e spent mos t of her time on prohibition . The cas e loa d wa s daunting : i n 1924-2 5 Willebrandt' s offic e handle d over 50,00 0 prohibitio n cases ; i n 1927-2 8 i t handle d ove r 55,00 0 cases. 42 Although Willebrand t ha d no t originall y bee n a prohibitionist , sh e quickly gaine d a reputation a s an effectiv e prosecuto r an d a s a champio n of th e prohibitio n cause . Indeed , dry s coul d no t hav e aske d fo r a mor e enthusiastic advocate , wit h Willebrand t takin g every opportunit y t o rall y the citizenr y behin d th e dr y law . I n additio n t o he r officia l dutie s Wille brandt coauthore d th e Jone s Law , whic h provide d fo r sever e penaltie s for prohibitio n offenders , an d wrot e a boo k an d numerou s article s o n

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 12 5 prohibition.43 I n on e suc h article , writte n fo r Good Housekeeping i n 1924 , Willebrandt produce d a virtual catalo g of stock prohibitionist sentiments , using hyperbolic pros e to describe bootleggers (an enemy "mor e insidiou s than th e armie s o f a hostile natio n . . . a n arm y o f rodent s scuttlin g th e ship o f state") , stokin g nativis t fear s ("the y [bootleggers ] dra w fres h re cruits from th e foreigner, whos e habits of life were molded i n oppression , hatred, an d revolt" ) an d heapin g scor n o n persona l libert y argument s (" I don't kno w wh y w e should conside r a man's persona l libert y los t becaus e he spend s mor e evening s wit h hi s children"). 44 Willebrandt' s othe r ser vices to the caus e of prohibitio n include d a vigorous campaig n agains t A l Smith i n 1928 , i n whic h sh e excoriate d Smit h fo r hi s we t views . Wille brandt resigne d he r pos t i n 1929 , however , eithe r becaus e o f a conflic t with Attorne y Genera l Willia m Mitchel l o r becaus e o f he r disappoint ment i n no t receivin g a federa l judgeshi p a s a rewar d fo r campaignin g for Hoover. 45 When Willebrand t lef t federa l servic e sh e receive d man y letter s o f support fro m dr y admirers , an d man y believe d tha t Willebrand t woul d continue workin g fo r th e caus e o f prohibition. 46 Joh n S . Marti n i n th e New Yorker noted tha t Willebrand t ha d stoo d a s matro n o f hono r fo r th e daughter o f Andrew Volstea d (autho r of the prohibition enforcemen t law ) and speculate d tha t Willebrand t migh t replac e Wayne Wheeler a s general counsel fo r th e Anti-Saloo n League. 47 Prohibitionist s wer e consequentl y flabbergasted whe n Willebrand t announce d tha t sh e ha d accepte d a position a s attorney fo r Californi a Frui t Industries . Whil e no one could objec t to the promoting o f the benign an d healthfu l grape , wha t Californi a Frui t Industries an d othe r simila r companie s wer e countin g o n t o reviv e thei r industry wer e no t grapes , bu t "grap e concentrates, " a substance admire d for it s easy convertibility t o wine. The decisio n t o star t producin g concentrate s wa s th e outcom e o f events tha t bega n i n th e earl y 1920s , whe n th e Californi a win e industr y seemed doome d b y nationa l prohibition . Th e industr y wa s save d b y a n obscure provisio n o f th e Nationa l Prohibitio n Act—sectio n 29—tha t allowed th e hea d o f a househol d t o mak e u p t o tw o hundre d gallon s o f wine pe r yea r a s lon g a s i t wa s no t sol d o r transported. 48 Th e resul t wa s a boo m i n th e purchas e o f Californi a grape s fo r hom e win e production . Demand fo r thes e grape s increase d b y 12 5 percen t betwee n 192 0 an d 1926 an d le d t o a disastrous overproduction o f grape s b y th e lat e 1920s. 49 To addres s thi s glut , Californi a grap e producer s apparentl y decide d t o

126 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal make i t eve n easie r fo r hom e vintner s b y marketin g grap e concentrates . With th e additio n o f suga r an d water , an d afte r a gestatio n perio d o f a few months , grap e concentrate s produce d a n acceptabl e win e wit h a 1 2 percent alcoho l content. I n case anyone missed th e point, Californi a Frui t Industries markete d it s concentrate , Vine-Glo , i n nin e varieties—Port , Virginia Dare , Muscatel , Angelica , Tokay , Sauterne , Riesling , Clare t and Burgundy—an d promise d tha t Vine-Gl o coul d "b e mad e i n you r home i n sixt y days— a fine, true-to-typ e guarantee d beverag e read y fo r the Holida y season." 50 Willebrandt wa s retaine d b y Californi a Frui t Industrie s becaus e i t believed tha t he r reputatio n a s a dr y an d he r integrit y whil e assistan t U.S. attorne y genera l woul d hel p persuad e federa l official s no t onl y tha t California Frui t wa s marketin g a lega l produc t (sh e ha d rule d favorabl y on th e concentrate s questio n i n 1927) , bu t als o tha t th e federa l govern ment shoul d apportio n far m relie f mone y t o produc e thi s concoction . I n two appearance s befor e th e Federa l Far m Board , i n Augus t 192 9 an d February 1930 , Willebrandt assure d boar d member s tha t th e concentrat e conformed t o prohibitio n laws . Californi a Frui t Industrie s wa s abl e t o secure $2. 5 millio n i n far m relie f loans t o marke t an d produc e Vine Glo. 51 Grape concentrate s certainl y violate d th e spiri t o f the prohibitio n law , and the y cam e dangerously clos e to violating the lette r o f the la w a s well. For th e nex t severa l year s Vine-Gl o an d Willebrand t wer e a t th e cente r of a nationa l controvers y tha t wa s bot h bitte r an d richl y comic . Ther e were rumor s i n Novembe r 193 0 tha t A l Capon e ha d conferre d wit h unaffiliated grap e growers to market a rival fruit concentrate , rumor s tha t California Frui t Industrie s ha d aske d th e Justice Departmen t fo r protec tion fro m racketeers , an d rumor s tha t th e Capon e stor y ha d bee n con cocted b y Frui t Industrie s itsel f a s a way o f promoting it s product a s th e real thing. 52 Th e harrie d Willebrand t ha d he r hand s ful l battlin g this ba d publicity an d soo n ha d t o answe r accusation s fro m Vin o Sano , a riva l distributor o f grape concentrate , tha t a raid o n Vin o Sano' s facilitie s ha d come about a s the result of pressure applied b y California Frui t Industrie s on prohibitio n agents . Whil e Vin o Sano' s grap e concentrat e wa s im pounded an d it s employee s arrested , Californi a Frui t Industrie s an d Vine-Glo remaine d unmolested. 53 Although Willebrand t continue d t o profes s he r dryness , prohibition ists wer e dismaye d b y he r ne w role . Dr y Methodist s wer e especiall y

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal • 12 7 appalled. Clarenc e Tru e Wilso n o f th e Methodis t Boar d o f Temperanc e noted sadly , "W e were s o used t o leaving everything t o Mrs. Willebrand t who represente d ou r sid e fo r years." 54 Methodist s fel t betraye d an d attacked Willebrand t fo r he r breac h o f faith : She it i s through who m th e government ha s been won t o this benevolen t attitude towar d a traffi c s o inimica l t o temperance . Sh e i t i s wh o ha s convinced the government that this traffic i s not, in fact, i n violation of the terms of the Volstead act . Sh e it is whose high standin g with th e devoted temperance peopl e o f th e Unite d State s ma y hav e convinced th e govern ment that thi s arrangement woul d no t b e subjected t o the criticism o f the "dry" group.55 Wets had a field da y wit h the Willebrandt affair . Jac k (Legs) Diamond , notorious gangste r an d bootlegger , wa s aske d i f h e ha d hear d abou t th e grape concentrat e business . "Yes , I'v e rea d abou t it, " sai d Diamond . "I t sounds lik e a goo d racke t t o me. " Ex-senato r Jame s A . Ree d expresse d the opinion tha t i t seemed "impossibl e fo r th e federal governmen t t o kee p out o f th e bootleggin g business, " bu t "i t remaine d fo r th e administratio n of Herber t Hoove r t o financ e th e busines s a s a nation-wide projec t wit h the taxpayers ' money." 56 Th e Washington Post called th e grap e concen trate sag a "on e o f th e mos t audaciou s adventure s i n nationa l sophistr y i n the histor y o f th e world, " an d afte r a federa l distric t cour t rule d i n November 193 1 tha t onl y th e grape s themselves , an d no t a concentrate , could b e delivere d t o th e consumer , a n embarrasse d Hoove r administra tion reverse d it s policy an d rule d al l concentrates illegal. 57 Willebrandt's motivation s i n thi s affai r ar e difficul t t o fathom . He r decision t o represen t Californi a Frui t Industrie s afte r workin g s o dili gently fo r th e dry caus e was, i n the word s o f her biographe r Doroth y M . Brown, "puzzlin g t o friend s an d foes. " Brow n theorize s tha t Wille brandt's loyalt y t o Hoove r an d Hoover' s nee d t o retain th e crucia l votin g bloc represente d b y th e Californi a grap e industr y playe d critica l role s i n the grap e concentrat e episode. 58 Ultimately , Californi a Frui t Industries ' scheme di d littl e t o ameliorat e th e pligh t o f the Californi a grap e industr y and di d muc h t o damage the cause of prohibition . As 193 2 wore on th e ba d new s fo r prohibitio n continue d t o mount. I n September 193 2 bot h th e America n Legio n an d th e Veteran s o f Foreig n Wars calle d fo r repea l (Hoove r ha d no t endeare d himsel f t o veterans ' groups b y hi s treatment o f bonus marchers durin g the previous summer) ,

128 • Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal and th e landslid e fo r repea l no w seeme d unstoppable. 59 Th e variou s individual an d organizationa l endorsement s o f repeal reflecte d th e genera l mood o f th e country , a mood confirme d b y a massive poll on prohibitio n conducted b y The Literary Digest earlier i n th e year . O f th e nearl y 4. 7 million ballot s counted , mor e tha n 7 3 percent o f the respondent s favore d repeal—a dramati c shif t fro m a simila r poll conducte d i n 193 0 in whic h only a littl e mor e tha n 4 0 percen t favore d repeal. 60 Prohibitio n ha d become inextricabl y linke d wit h th e perceive d mora l an d economi c fail ures of the Hoove r administration . The Roosevelt/Democrati c landslid e assure d tha t th e ne w Congress , scheduled t o assum e it s dutie s lat e i n 1933 , would b e wet , bu t congres sional suppor t fo r repea l ha d increase d t o the point that repea l supporter s were abl e t o get a repeal amendmen t throug h th e lam e duck Congres s i n February. Instea d o f goin g t o stat e legislature s fo r consideratio n (th e usual rout e for constitutiona l amendments ) th e Twenty-First (prohibitio n repeal) Amendmen t wa s t o b e considered b y stat e constitutiona l conven tions convene d fo r tha t purpose . Thi s metho d o f deliberation, whic h ha d not bee n use d sinc e th e ratificatio n o f th e Constitutio n itsel f 15 0 year s previously, wa s insiste d upo n b y repea l advocate s becaus e the y believe d that the convention process would eliminat e the possibility of state legislators being unduly influence d b y dry pressur e groups—an even t that wet s claimed ha d occurre d durin g deliberation s o n th e Eighteent h Amend ment. 61 Th e view s o f repea l advocate s o n thi s subjec t wer e encapsulate d in Rep . Mar y T . Norton' s 193 0 testimon y before th e Hous e Judiciar y Committee: "Of course , th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wa s adopte d b y th e Legisla tures o f th e States, " Representativ e McKeown , Democrat , o f Oklahoma , suggested. "Yes, that was its weakness," Mrs. Norton smilingly retorted. "Well, ha s ther e bee n an y effor t t o ge t th e Legislature s t o chang e the law?" "I thin k so , i n State s no t controlle d b y th e Anti-Saloo n League, " was the reply. 62 The mechanic s o f th e stat e constitutiona l conventio n proces s wer e fairly simple , wit h voter s i n stat e elections castin g ballots either fo r a wet or a dr y slat e o f delegates . Delegate s the n assemble d a t stat e constitu tional conventions , a roll call was taken, delegates ' votes were tallied, an d

Nonpartisanship, National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal * 12 9 the results wer e sent to the U.S . secretar y o f state. The convention s wer e generally pr o form a affairs , becaus e th e vote s i n favo r o f repea l wer e overwhelming. Urba n area s turne d i n hug e we t majorities , an d rura l areas larg e we t majorities. 63 Wit h al l suspens e remove d a s t o th e final outcome an d fe w opportunitie s fo r debate , stat e convention s tende d t o become forum s o f self-prais e fo r repealists . AAP A an d WONP R mem bers wer e wel l represente d amon g th e delegates , an d WONP R wome n were chose n a s convention officer s a t eigh t stat e conventions . On e o f th e most elaborat e o f th e stat e convention s wa s th e on e hel d i n Ne w York , with A l Smit h presidin g an d th e proceeding s broadcas t liv e ove r radio . WONPR wome n amon g th e delegate s include d Jeani e Rumse y Shep pard, lon e Nicoll , Isabell a R . Lovell , an d Paulin e Sabin , wh o serve d a s the chairman of the convention's Committee on Resolutions. Conspicuou s by he r absenc e wa s Louis e Gross . Ne w Yor k vote d 150- 0 for repea l an d was no t unusua l amon g th e state s i n havin g n o votes cas t fo r retentio n o f prohibition. Thirty-eigh t constitutiona l convention s wer e hel d i n 1933 , and onl y Sout h Carolin a vote d agains t repeal . (I n Nort h Carolin a voter s elected delegates , bu t als o voted agains t holdin g a convention.) 64 On 5 December 193 3 the thirty-sixth stat e voted t o repeal prohibition , and th e Twenty-First Amendmen t becam e part of the Constitution. Rati fication o f th e repea l amendmen t wa s accomplishe d mor e quickl y tha n any othe r previou s amendmen t (nin e months) , wit h a n overwhelmin g percentage o f th e America n electorat e (ove r 7 0 percent ) votin g fo r re peal.65 Th e repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wa s a n unprecedente d event i n America n history : Senato r Sheppard' s hummingbir d had , afte r all, mad e it s improbabl e flight t o Mar s wit h th e Washingto n Monumen t attached t o its tail.

C H A P T E R

S I

X

Aftermath and Conclusion

A

fter th e enactment o f the Twenty-First Amendment , bot h prohibi tion an d repea l wome n turne d t o othe r concerns . Th e activitie s L i n whic h thes e wome n becam e involve d ar e enlightening , re flecting bac k o n th e motivation s an d politica l agenda s tha t informe d th e repeal debate . Withi n th e prohibitio n cam p ther e wer e fe w surprises , either a s expressed i n WCT U polic y o r a s enunciated b y ke y prohibitio n women. Fo r wome n dry s ther e was no escaping the fact tha t repeal was a devastating blow . Meetin g i n Cleveland i n 1934, t n e WCT U first trie d t o put a goo d fac e o n repea l ("th e repea l o f th e 18t h Amendmen t i s no t defeat"), sprinkle d i n some biblical quotation s ("happ y i s he that hat h th e God o f Jaco b fo r hi s hel p . . . bu t th e wa y o f th e wicke d h e turnet h upside down") , the n go t dow n t o th e busines s o f parcelin g ou t blame. 1 The WCT U blaste d "movi e screens , radio , newspaper s an d magazines , billboards, [and ] persona l solicitors " fo r pourin g "deceptiv e propagand a into th e people' s ear s da y an d night " an d conclude d tha t th e AAP A wa s the mai n culpri t i n th e "educatio n agains t prohibition." 2 A s fo r curren t conditions th e WCTU hinte d darkl y tha t "yout h i s surrounded b y temp tation suc h a s wa s unknow n i n pre-prohibitio n days " an d tha t "th e ol d saloon is not bac k but the new one is here, infinitely mor e dangerous tha n the old." 3 Th e WCT U pledge d itsel f ane w t o eradicatio n o f th e liquo r traffic, suppor t o f th e Chil d Labo r Amendment , an d boycottin g "inde cent, salaciou s films." Wistfully , th e WCT U als o urge d "th e establish ment o f famil y altar s an d th e seriou s consideratio n o f mother s a s t o th e value of making home the center o f the social life of the family." 4 130

Aftermath and Conclusion • 13 1 The WCTU' s presiden t an d mos t visibl e symbol , Ell a Boole , ha d th e misfortune o f presidin g ove r th e demis e o f th e WCTU' s mos t cherishe d reform. Interpretin g repea l bot h a s national traged y an d persona l defeat , Boole resigne d a s presiden t i n 1933 . Sh e continue d i n he r pos t a s presi dent o f th e World' s WCTU , an d ove r th e nex t decad e Bool e focuse d on th e conditio n o f women , internationa l dru g traffic , an d peac e an d disarmament. Bool e retire d fro m th e World' s WCT U i n 1947 , a t ag e eighty-eight. Sh e died o f a stroke in 195 2 at her Brookly n home. 5 Among th e bitteres t postrepea l reflection s wer e thos e o f Luc y Pea body, wh o shortl y afte r passag e o f th e Twenty-Firs t Amendmen t pro duced a polemi c calle d Kidnaping the Constitution. Foreshadowin g late r critics of repeal suc h a s Ernest Gordo n an d Fletche r Dobyns , th e founde r of th e Woman' s Nationa l Committe e fo r La w Enforcemen t claime d tha t the Eighteent h Amendmen t ha d "no t bee n repeale d legally , bu t wa s kidnaped b y powerfu l forces , dangerou s t o our Government , bu t no w i n power." 6 I n thi s somewha t derange d documen t Peabod y blaze d awa y a t everyone sh e fel t ha d ha d a rol e i n promotin g repeal , fro m th e "15,000,000 foreign-born people s numbered amon g our citizens, crowde d in our grea t citie s withou t America n tradition s o r loyaltie s or principles, " to wome n o f th e WONP R who , accordin g t o Peabody , "for m a danger ous clas s o f society . The y wan t thrills , an d liquo r help s whil e th e gam e of fighting th e Reformer s wa s almos t a s good , an d a relie f fro m othe r dissipations." 7 I n he r ow n inimitabl e fashio n Peabod y conclude d tha t "the liquo r questio n i s merel y th e ba d breat h o f disease d governmen t which will end i n anarchy." 8 Peabod y ende d he r days i n Florida (sh e had moved t o Florida fro m Massachusett s i n 1931 , explaining that sh e did no t want t o "liv e i n a n outla w state" ) and die d i n 194 9 of hear t diseas e a t ag e eighty-seven.9 Another tireles s defende r o f prohibition, Evangelin e Booth , continue d her work i n the Salvatio n Army . Boot h ha d alway s been a proponent o f a more democrati c Salvatio n Army , an d t o thi s en d ha d vote d t o depos e her brother , Bramwell , fro m th e pos t o f commander-in-chie f i n 1929 . Assuming thi s positio n hersel f th e yea r afte r prohibitio n wa s repealed , Booth serve d a s world leade r o f th e Salvatio n Arm y fro m 193 4 until he r retirement i n 1939 . Boot h die d i n Hartsdale , Ne w York , i n 195 0 a t th e age of eighty-four. 10 Mabel Walke r Willebrandt , prosecuto r o f prohibitio n violator s an d lobbyist fo r th e grape industry, wen t o n to represent th e Aviation Corpo -

132 • Aftermath and Conclusion ration an d becam e th e firs t woma n t o head a committee o f the America n Bar Association , th e Committe e o n Aeronautica l Law . Willebrandt , a n acquaintance o f Ameli a Earhart , receive d he r ow n pilot' s licens e i n th e 1940s. A s attorne y fo r th e Scree n Director s Guil d Willebrand t wo n a n important cas e i n a 1938-3 9 disput e wit h producers . He r Hollywoo d clients include d Clar k Gabl e an d Jea n Harlow . Afte r havin g converte d from th e Christia n Churc h t o th e Churc h o f Christ , Scientist , i n th e 1920s, Willebrand t change d he r religiou s fait h onc e agai n i n 195 2 — to Roma n Catholicism . Willebrand t die d o f lun g cance r i n Riverside , California, i n 196 3 at the age of seventy-three. 11 In contras t t o th e somewha t predictabl e activitie s o f prohibitio n women, th e postrepea l pursuit s o f we t wome n sho w a great variet y bot h in socia l concern s an d i n politica l orientations . I f repea l ha d bee n a demoralizing defea t fo r th e WCTU , i t wa s nothing les s than a breathtak ing triumph fo r the WONPR. Whil e there had bee n some talk of continuing th e organizatio n beyon d repeal , th e WONP R ha d accomplishe d th e task i t ha d se t fo r itself , an d Paulin e Sabi n ha d littl e enthusias m fo r extending th e lif e o f he r group . Sabi n di d no t wan t th e wome n i n he r organization t o en d u p lik e th e wome n i n NAWSA , who , accordin g t o Sabin, "di d a goo d jo b an d the n instea d o f closin g an d goin g int o thei r respective Partie s an d working—insiste d o n formin g themselve s int o th e League of Women Voters , whos e activities , I believe, hur t th e reputatio n of th e ol d Suffrag e organization . I shoul d hat e t o se e u s d o anythin g o f this kind." 12 Instead , th e WONP R hel d a final meetin g an d victor y dinner o n Decembe r 7 at the Mayflower Hote l i n Washington, D.C . Th e mood a t thi s banque t wa s mor e sombe r tha n migh t hav e bee n expected , partly becaus e o f th e recen t deat h o f Sabin' s husban d Charles . N o alco holic beverages wer e served . More i n th e spiri t o f recen t event s wa s th e part y tha t Louis e Gros s attended, an d onc e agai n th e contras t betwee n th e tw o wome n wh o ha d worked th e hardest to get prohibition repeale d wa s apparent. A t the affai r that Gros s wen t t o th e liquo r flowed freely , an d Louis e imbibe d he r share, noting , " I hav e neve r hear d s o many nic e things an d compliment s in al l my life , mayb e i t wa s th e punc h an d th e cocktails talking. " Reveal ing a lingerin g animosit y towar d Paulin e Sabin , Gros s too k prid e i n th e press descriptio n o f he r ow n organizatio n a s "th e oldes t an d origina l we t group amon g th e women . Thi s mus t hav e burne d Sabi n up . I think tha t party seale d th e argumen t a s to who were th e pioneer s an d will tak e a lot

Aftermath and Conclusion • 13 3 of thei r pres s agente d glor y awa y fro m them. " Gros s added , "Th e pres s told m e w e wer e th e onl y grou p o f 'wets ' wh o ha d celebrate d i n th e proper way." 13 Repeal wome n followe d Paulin e Sabin' s lea d an d returne d t o th e political partie s an d concern s tha t ha d claime d thei r energie s befor e th e repeal movement . Sabi n becam e involve d i n th e America n Libert y League, a business-oriente d grou p oppose d t o th e policie s o f th e Roose velt administration . On e o f the league's obviou s attraction s fo r Sabi n wa s that i n thi s organizatio n sh e coul d finally expres s he r view s o n persona l liberty an d stat e intrusiveness that , fo r th e most part , sh e had bee n force d to stifl e i n th e WONPR . Wit h characteristi c energ y an d a n obviou s dissatisfaction a t th e pac e a t whic h he r mal e counterpart s wer e proceed ing (Sabin's secretar y France s C . Lockwoo d note d tha t Sabi n was "a little impatient ove r th e lac k o f spee d an d progres s whic h th e Leagu e i s mak ing"), Sabi n outlined he r plans for th e Liberty Leagu e in a letter to league chairman John J. Raskob . Include d wa s a list o f principles tha t Sabi n fel t should b e central t o league policy. Thi s documen t prove d t o be a remarkable declaratio n o f Sabin' s persona l beliefs , unfettere d b y an y considera tions o f leadin g a large , mainstrea m women' s organization . Ther e wer e echoes o f Louis e Gros s i n Sabin' s determinatio n tha t th e leagu e mus t "oppose th e encroachmen t upo n Americ a o f th e worl d wid e tendenc y t o restrict freedo m o f speech, o f the press, of religious liberty, t o restrict th e right t o peaceabl e assembly , an d th e righ t t o petitio n th e government . Those ar e right s indispensabl e t o individua l liberty. " Sabi n furthe r be lieved tha t i t wa s necessar y "t o preserv e fo r succeedin g generation s th e safeguards o f personal liberty an d the opportunity fo r initiativ e and enter prise, provide d b y th e Constitution . Thes e ar e th e foundatio n stone s upon which Americ a ha s built the most successful governmenta l structur e thus fa r devise d b y man." 14 Confiden t tha t America n wome n woul d find the libertarian/corporatis t principle s o f th e Libert y Leagu e a s appealin g as the home-based principle s o f the WONPR, Sabi n secure d th e appoint ments o f hersel f an d tw o forme r WONP R officer s (Hele n Joy an d Mrs . James Ros s Todd ) t o th e seventeen-membe r executiv e committe e o f th e league. Bu t America n wome n responde d t o th e overture s o f th e Libert y League wit h a conspicuou s lac k o f enthusiasm . Th e women' s sectio n o f the Libert y Leagu e laste d onl y a year . I t wa s abandone d b y th e leagu e after a considerable infusio n o f mone y ha d produce d onl y meage r result s in membership. 15 Despit e thi s disappointment , Sabi n continue d t o serv e

134 * Aftermath and Conclusion on th e executiv e committe e o f th e America n Libert y Leagu e durin g the 1930s .

Sabin's othe r postrepea l politica l activitie s include d campaignin g fo r Fiorello L a Guardi a i n 193 3 an d fo r Al f Lando n i n 1936 . I n 193 6 Sabi n married Dwigh t F . Davis , a forme r secretar y o f wa r an d dono r o f th e Davis Cup, th e international tenni s trophy. Sabi n was appointed directo r of Voluntee r Specia l Service s fo r th e America n Re d Cros s i n 1940 , bu t she resigne d he r pos t i n 194 3 followin g a polic y dispute . Durin g th e Truman administratio n Sabi n serve d a s a consultan t o n Whit e Hous e redecoration. Sabi n die d i n 195 5 at the age of sixty-seven. 16 Because sh e lacke d Paulin e Sabin' s comfortabl e financial reserves , Louise Gros s neede d t o ge t a jo b afte r repeal , an d sh e wrot e bot h t o Anheuser-Busch an d t o Pabst , inquirin g o f thos e brewin g companie s fo r a positio n suitabl e fo r someon e o f he r talents . Fo r mor e tha n te n year s Gross ha d devote d hersel f t o a cause tha t ha d succeede d i n bringin g th e brewing industr y bac k fro m th e grave , bu t Fre d Pabs t professe d himsel f unable t o find a job fo r Gros s "whic h woul d compensat e [her ] satisfacto rily." 17 No r wa s Anheuser-Busc h greatl y encouraging , expressin g con cerns tha t Gross' s pla n fo r promotin g th e brewing industr y "woul d sho w undue eagernes s an d impatienc e o n th e par t o f th e brewers." 18 I n th e coming years Gros s would tur n fro m liquo r issue s and devote herself to a new cause : legalized gambling . Retainin g the name Women's Moderatio n Union, Gros s insiste d befor e a Hous e subcommitte e i n 193 4 tha t "i f lotteries wer e legalize d an d othe r form s o f gamblin g i t woul d sto p crim e and racketeerin g an d brin g th e subjec t ou t i n th e open." 19 Lik e Sabin , Gross wa s no t abl e t o duplicat e he r forme r success i n a women's organi zation. Florence Kah n continue d t o serv e i n Congres s unti l 1936 , whe n sh e was defeate d i n th e Democrati c landslid e o f tha t year . Asid e fro m he r advocacy o f prohibitio n repeal , Kah n wa s know n durin g he r tenur e i n Congress fo r he r endorsemen t o f increase d militar y expenditure s an d fo r championing appropriations fo r th e FBI. Kah n traveled aroun d Californi a after he r retiremen t tryin g t o ge t wome n intereste d i n nationa l politics . She died i n 194 8 of heart diseas e at age eighty-two. 20 Two Democrati c repea l women , Bell e Moskowit z an d Emm a Guffe y Miller, backe d differen t candidate s a t th e 193 2 Democrati c Nationa l Convention. Moskowit z onc e mor e promote d th e caus e o f A l Smit h a t

Aftermath and Conclusion • 13 5 the convention , bu t whe n Smit h faile d t o gai n th e nomination , Mosko witz retire d fro m politics . Followin g a fall an d a heart attack , Moskowit z died i n he r hom e i n 193 3 a t ag e fifty-five. 21 Mille r seconde d th e nomina tion o f Roosevel t a t th e 193 2 Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n an d wa s elected Democrati c nationa l committeewoma n fro m Pennsylvani a i n 1932, a pos t sh e hel d unti l he r deat h i n 1970 . Thoug h neve r seekin g public offic e fo r herself , Emm a Guffe y Mille r remaine d politicall y activ e after repeal , servin g a s officia l hostes s fo r he r brother , U.S . senato r Joseph F . Guffey , promotin g passag e o f th e Equa l Right s Amendment , and participatin g i n th e affair s o f th e Nationa l Woman' s party . Sh e wa s Life Presiden t o f th e Woman' s part y fro m 196 5 t o 197 0 an d die d o f a heart attac k i n 197 0 at the age of eighty-five. 22 Democratic congresswoma n Mar y Norto n compile d a remarkable con gressional recor d followin g repeal . Sh e chaire d th e Distric t o f Columbi a Committee fro m 193 2 t o 193 7 (th e first woma n t o chai r a congressiona l committee) and promote d th e cause of home rule for th e District . I n 193 7 Norton becam e chairma n o f th e Labo r Committe e an d helpe d secur e passage o f th e Fai r Labo r Standard s Act , establishin g a minimum wage / maximum hour s standar d an d eliminatin g man y sex-base d pa y differen tials. Norto n als o introduce d legislatio n t o establis h a Fai r Employmen t Practices Commissio n t o fight racia l discrimination . A s a n advocat e o f women's rights , Norto n promote d th e principl e o f equa l pa y fo r equa l work an d sough t federa l fund s fo r da y car e centers durin g World Wa r II . Norton oppose d th e ERA , believin g instea d tha t protectiv e legislatio n best serve d th e needs of American women . Norto n retire d fro m Congres s in 195 1 at the ag e of seventy-five an d die d i n Greenwich, Connecticut , o f a heart attac k a t age eighty-four. 23 What impresse s on e i n thi s prosopograph y o f repea l wome n i s th e variety o f political viewpoints represented. I t includes the radical libertar ianism o f Louis e Gros s a s wel l a s th e legislativ e protectionis m o f Mar y Norton. I t include s Ne w Dealer s an d Libert y Leaguers , Republica n an d Democratic congres s women, ER A advocate s an d ER A opponents . Th e disparate politic s o f femal e prohibitio n repealist s underscore s th e impor tance o f th e commo n caus e tha t wome n foun d i n th e prohibitio n repea l movement—a caus e tha t wen t beyon d conventiona l politica l orientation s and struc k a t th e vita l cente r o f th e America n home . I n describin g wha t brought s o many differen t kind s o f wome n t o the WONPR , Mrs . Coffi n

136 • Aftermath and Conclusion Van Rensselae r note d simply , "Wome n o f all walks of life hav e united i n this organizatio n fo r th e purpos e o f abolishin g a n evi l whic h endanger s the home , th e schoo l an d ou r very governmen t itself." 24 Any WCT U woma n woul d hav e sai d th e sam e o f he r organization , and clearl y wome n o n bot h side s o f th e prohibitio n issu e claime d t o b e motivated b y consideration s o f hom e protection . Yet , a s w e hav e seen , the struggl e betwee n prohibitio n wome n an d repea l wome n t o appro priate fo r themselve s th e mora l hig h groun d o f hom e protectionis m pro duced intens e conflic t betwee n th e tw o sides . Suc h extrem e bitternes s i s typically produce d no t i n th e competitio n betwee n tw o differen t mora l systems, bu t i n th e clas h betwee n tw o simila r mora l systems . A s i n the difference s betwee n Catholicis m an d Protestantism , th e devi l i s i n the details. The "details " standin g betwee n th e WCT U an d th e WONP R wer e many an d various . Mos t profoun d wa s th e religiou s basi s of the WCTU , versus th e secularis m o f th e WONPR . Th e religiosit y o f th e WCT U placed i t firmly int o the category o f women's organizations of the previou s century, whil e th e secularit y o f the WONP R helpe d defin e i t a s a "mod ern" women' s organization . Beyon d thi s basi c differenc e wer e numerou s lesser areas of dispute that mitigate d agains t any rea l dialog between thes e two maternalist groups . The co-optatio n o f th e hom e protectio n argumen t b y repea l women , along wit h th e confrontationa l tactic s employe d b y thes e women , ac counts fo r a good dea l o f the bitternes s tha t dr y wome n harbore d towar d repeal women . O n th e other hand , th e presumption o f the WCTU tha t i t spoke for "al l women" on the prohibition issu e did no t si t well with man y women (th e WCTU ha s never the abandoned th e universal "Woman's " in its nam e i n favo r o f th e narrowe r "Women's") , an d fo r thi s piec e o f arrogance th e WCT U mus t shoulde r som e o f th e blam e fo r it s estrange ment fro m repea l women. Also , women's repeal groups were in large par t defined b y thei r oppositio n t o th e WCTU , makin g conflic t betwee n th e two side s nearl y a foregone conclusion . Th e 192 9 "Plan o f Organization " for th e WONPR , fo r instance , note d tha t "wome n representin g th e W.C.T.U. an d simila r organization s hav e bee n presen t t o spea k i n favo r of an y so-calle d dr y bill . Th e functio n o f thi s committe e wil l b e t o represent ou r organizatio n a t thes e hearing s i n th e future , an d t o oppos e such bills." 25 The Women' s Moderation Unio n likewis e pledged t o "orga nize a strong militan t anti-prohibitio n organizatio n t o offset th e activitie s

Aftermath and Conclusion • 13 7 of the W.C.T.U. an d othe r drys." 26 With th e atmospher e poisone d fro m the beginning , an y dispassionat e discussio n o f the issues between th e tw o sides became virtually impossible . Also workin g agains t an y accommodatio n betwee n thes e group s wer e the rigi d stance s adopte d b y th e tw o sides—effectivel y rulin g ou t th e possibility o f political accommodatio n o r compromise. On e suc h compro mise, rejecte d b y bot h dr y an d we t women , woul d hav e bee n t o modif y the Volstea d Ac t t o allo w fo r bee r an d ligh t wine , whil e stil l proscribin g distilled liquor . Suc h an arrangement woul d hav e given each side a partial victory, ye t dr y wome n insiste d o n prohibitio n withou t modification , while wet wome n insiste d o n repeal withou t modification. 27 It mus t b e emphasize d tha t althoug h th e ideologie s o f th e WCT U and th e WONP R wer e substantiall y th e sam e ( a home-base d domesti c philosophy), ther e wa s a crucia l differenc e betwee n th e tw o group s i n style an d i n th e wa y the y wer e perceived . I n term s o f public perception s the wome n o f th e WONP R wer e locate d muc h mor e amon g th e fashion able "smart set " than th e women o f the WCTU. Thi s differenc e betwee n the tw o group s wa s vividl y illustrate d i n th e person s o f th e groups ' two leaders , th e fashionable , elegan t Paulin e Sabin , an d th e traditional , matronly Ell a Boole. But i f th e WONPR' s secularit y an d styl e wer e "modern " characteris tics o f tha t group , i t i s importan t t o understan d tha t thi s modernit y did no t preclud e appeal s t o women' s mora l sensibilities . Indeed , i f on e understands anythin g abou t women' s involvemen t i n th e repea l cam paign, i t mus t b e tha t wome n o n bot h side s o f th e issu e pu t a premiu m on th e mora l aspect s o f prohibition . Fo r it s part , th e WCTU' s insistenc e on prohibition' s mora l goodnes s ha d no t change d sinc e th e nineteent h century. An d whil e i t i s tru e tha t women' s repea l groups , lik e othe r advocates o f repeal , mad e us e o f a variet y o f argument s (includin g th e argument tha t woul d becom e mor e popula r a s the Depressio n deepened : that repea l woul d creat e million s o f job s an d provid e a badl y neede d source o f incom e fo r th e government) , i n th e en d th e argumen t repea l women returne d t o agai n an d agai n wa s tha t prohibitio n represente d a moral evil . Paulin e Sabi n insiste d tha t "i f I fel t tha t prohibitio n wa s working wel l fo r u s morally , I woul d no t car e abou t th e mone y losse s which i t involved . . . . I a m agains t prohibitio n becaus e o f th e tremen dous evil that i t has brought." 28 The mora l authorit y tha t wome n wielde d t o addres s suc h evil s ha d

138 • Aftermath and Conclusion eroded t o som e degre e ove r th e precedin g decades , bu t i t survive d i n a still poten t for m durin g th e prohibitio n repea l movement . Wit h wome n largely exclude d fro m position s o f powe r i n part y hierarchies , man y women foun d tha t th e applicatio n o f thei r traditiona l mora l source s o f strength throug h th e agenc y o f a women' s organizatio n stil l empowere d them mor e politicall y tha n an y othe r approach . Th e basi c assumptio n made b y wome n a t th e WCTU , tha t woman' s voic e o n issue s affectin g the hom e wa s uniquel y authentic , wa s seldo m questione d b y repea l women. Eve n femal e politica l insider s wh o operate d effectivel y withi n the rough-and-tumbl e worl d o f masculin e politic s ofte n define d them selves withi n a framewor k o f hom e an d hearth . Bell e Moskowitz , fo r instance, conclude d tha t whe n wome n "ceas e t o guar d an d protec t thei r homes and children they cease to function altogether." 29 Thu s Evangelin e Booth's declaration tha t "woma n ha s ever been the guardian o f the morals of our country " woul d produc e littl e i n the wa y o f a n argumen t fro m th e women o f the WONPR , eve n thoug h repea l wome n migh t hav e a differ ent notio n o f how bes t t o guard thos e morals. Eve n Louis e Gross , whos e political philosoph y differe d radicall y fro m tha t o f Evangelin e Booth , endorsed th e primac y o f woman's rol e in th e prohibitio n issue . "Afte r al l is sai d an d done, " insiste d Louis e Gross , "repea l ca n onl y b e accom plished b y th e wome n o f th e country." 30 Mor e tha n fort y year s before , Henry Willia m Blai r ha d sai d muc h th e sam e thin g abou t th e liquo r issue, observing : "Th e wa r fo r abstinenc e i s a wa r fo r woma n an d fo r home. I t i s woman' s war . Ma n ma y hel p her . Bu t sh e fights it , i f i t b e fought, an d sh e wins it , i f it be won." 31

As wil l no w b e apparent , th e clas s critiqu e o f women' s repea l groups , beloved o f contemporar y dry s an d present-da y historians , oversimplifie s and obscure s wha t wa s a ver y divers e movement . T o clai m tha t thes e organizations wer e th e exclusiv e preserve s o f rich , sociall y prominen t Republicans whos e abidin g concer n wa s thei r pocketbook s i s a distortio n of th e characte r an d th e purpos e o f th e groups . Elit e Republica n wome n were involve d i n th e prohibitio n repea l movement , bu t s o wer e man y women wit h othe r clas s an d politica l orientations . Th e rich-Republican socialite characterizatio n o f repea l wome n clearl y doe s no t adequatel y account fo r th e motivation s o f someon e lik e labo r leade r Ros e Yate s Forrester, Democrati c representativ e Mar y T . Norton , libertaria n Louis e

Aftermath and Conclusion • 13 9 Gross, o r th e millio n o r s o rank-and-fil e member s o f th e WONP R wh o could no t eve n remotel y b e classifie d a s elite . No r i s i t ver y usefu l eve n when applie d t o suc h blue-bloode d "front " person s a s Paulin e Sabin . That a woman' s moral s mus t fit i n he r pocketboo k i s a curiou s for m o f economic reductionism. Th e temperanc e an d prohibitio n movements , th e woman suffrag e movement , an d th e women' s prohibitio n repea l move ment al l attracted elit e women i n large numbers. An d fo r al l these move ments morality , no t economi c aggrandizement , provide d th e drivin g force. In thei r assessment s o f the WONP R especially , historian s hav e gener ally ignore d certai n basi c facts . Th e argumen t pu t forwar d b y Norma n Clark, fo r instance , tha t th e WONP R supporte d "th e caus e o f drinking " and spok e a s "individuals " no t a s "wome n fo r famil y protection, " i s simply no t sustainable. 32 First , whil e th e variou s fring e repea l group s under Louis e Gross may hav e done so, WONPR wome n never supporte d the "cause " o f drinking , no r di d they , i n John Burnham' s word s "advo cate" th e us e o f alcoholi c beverages. 33 Secondly , WONP R wome n di d indeed spea k a s "wome n fo r famil y protection, " an d a n emphasi s o n home, family , an d temperanc e wa s characteristi c o f th e WONP R throughout th e repeal campaign . I n this context Burnham' s assertio n tha t those wh o worke d t o ge t prohibitio n repeale d wante d nothin g les s tha n an anarchi c "actio n withou t restraint , no t onl y th e restraint s a s explici t law bu t eve n forma l restraints " i s especially ludicrous. 34 Th e wid e rang e of community , charitable , an d politica l activitie s tha t engage d th e energ ies of repeal women i s a good working definition o f the opposite of anarchy . And i f on e accept s Burnham' s characterizatio n o f WONP R wome n a s "ladies of high social status," it is difficult t o understand ho w women wh o would presumabl y b e devote d t o maintainin g th e statu s the y enjoye d could benefi t fro m th e elimination o f all legal and socia l restraints. 35 The fashio n critique , especiall y a s applie d t o th e WONPR , ha s mor e legitimacy, bu t th e WONPR' s fashionabl e cache t coul d onl y assur e tha t the organization woul d enjo y a certain notoriet y an d tha t member s o f th e group woul d receiv e a hearing . Beyon d that , th e WONP R depende d upon th e basi c appea l o f it s messag e t o brin g wome n int o th e organiza tion. Althoug h wome n lik e Paulin e Sabi n di d posses s a grea t dea l o f charm an d persona l charisma , ordinar y wome n wer e attracte d t o th e WONPR les s fo r it s fashionabl e aur a an d mor e fo r it s enunciatio n o f a philosophy an d a politica l goa l i n whic h the y believed . Thi s wa s force -

140 • Aftermath and Conclusion fully demonstrate d i n 1934 , whe n Sabi n attempte d t o duplicat e th e suc cess of the WONPR b y launching the Women's Divisio n of the America n Liberty League . Althoug h Sabi n wa s n o les s charismati c tha n sh e ha d been a year earlier , i t wa s clea r tha t th e league' s business-base d philoso phy ha d littl e appea l t o larg e number s o f America n women , an d a lac k of femal e suppor t sen t th e Libert y League' s Women' s Divisio n t o a n early demise . The ide a that women of intelligence would passivel y submi t to instructions fro m a mal e organizatio n i s anothe r questionabl e proposition . Th e AAPA foun d thi s ou t fo r itsel f whe n it s attempt s t o establis h a women' s antiprohibition auxiliar y earlie r i n th e decad e (th e Moll y Pitche r Club ) generated onl y negligibl e enthusias m amon g women . Th e failur e o f th e Molly Pitche r Clu b wa s relate d les s t o femal e disinteres t tha n t o femal e suspicions that thi s was not a real independent women' s organization, bu t was instea d dominate d b y males . I t wa s only afte r th e AAPA droppe d it s sponsorship o f th e Moll y Pitche r Clu b i n 192 8 an d a repea l grou p bot h organized an d controlle d b y wome n wa s established , tha t wome n bega n to involve themselves i n the movement i n large numbers. 36 From tha t tim e forwar d th e WONP R cooperate d wit h th e AAPA , a s did othe r group s tha t wer e intereste d i n repeal , bu t i t maintaine d it s independence fro m th e AAPA . A n exampl e o f thi s cooperatio n an d it s limitations wa s th e Unite d Repea l Council . Forme d i n 1932 , th e Unite d Repeal Counci l wa s create d t o coordinat e th e repea l effort s o f th e WONPR, th e AAPA , th e Crusaders , th e Voluntar y Committe e o f Law yers, an d th e America n Hote l Association . Unit y wa s ofte n a scarc e commodity i n th e Unite d Repea l Council , however , an d th e organiza tion's problem s include d tension s betwee n th e AAPA' s Henr y Curra n and th e Crusaders ' Fre d Clar k an d a decisio n b y Matthe w Woll no t t o involve the American Federatio n o f Labor i n this group. 37 Presumably , i f the WONP R wa s a satellite o f the AAP A o r th e Unite d Repea l Council , the WONP R Paper s woul d b e replet e wit h polic y position s an d othe r communications fro m thes e organizations . Bu t th e WONP R Paper s con tain les s correspondenc e tha n on e migh t expec t fro m allie d groups ; the y contain non e makin g any suggestion s o f what polic y th e WONPR shoul d follow. Demonstratin g th e independenc e o f th e WONP R fro m th e AAPA—and providin g a n exampl e o f ho w polic y decision s o f th e tw o groups coul d diverge—wa s th e WONPR' s decisio n t o endorse Roosevel t and th e AAPA' s unwillingnes s t o follow suit. 38

Aftermath and Conclusion • 14 1 Further damagin g th e argumen t tha t th e WONP R wa s merel y a satellite o f th e AAP A i s a complet e lac k o f evidenc e tha t th e WONP R received fundin g fro m th e AAPA. Whil e the WONPR receive d contribu tions from individual s who were AAPA members , the AAPA ha d troubl e funding it s ow n efforts , muc h les s thos e o f th e WONPR . Davi d Kyvi g notes tha t betwee n 192 8 and 193 3 AAPA expenditure s slightl y exceede d income an d tha t i n 1930 , whe n th e AAP A ha d it s greates t income , th e organization wa s force d t o borro w $100,000. 39 Th e WONP R depende d on it s ow n fund-raisin g effort s t o kee p th e organizatio n going , acceptin g contributions fro m twenty-fiv e cent s an d upward . On e stat e WONP R secretary note d tha t "th e basis of this [financial] policy , nationa l an d local , is the convictio n tha t a s far a s the wome n ar e concerned, i t i s very muc h better an d mor e suitabl e t o our individua l mean s tha t w e eac h giv e as we can tha t n o one , tw o o r fe w individual s b e expecte d t o carr y an y larg e part o f th e wor k o r t o pa y deficits." 40 Whe n th e WONP R disbanded , i t had a surplu s o f $30,00 0 i n it s treasury , whic h i t use d t o establis h a fellowship t o b e awarde d eac h yea r t o a woma n graduat e studen t i n th e field o f politica l science . Th e fellowshi p wa s administere d b y Barnar d College, wher e th e college' s dean , Virgini a Gildersleeve , ha d activel y supported repeal. 41 The to p leadershi p o f the WONP R certainl y represente d th e cream of American society , bu t belo w thi s uppe r tie r an d eve n withi n thi s tie r itself i t i s difficul t t o mak e an y facil e assessment s o f clas s o r politica l interests. A t th e WCT U ther e i s evidenc e o f a slippin g clas s orientatio n during th e 1920s , an d i t i s probabl y tru e tha t th e WONP R attracte d a large portion o f it s member s fro m th e sam e classe s that fifty year s befor e had bee n drawn int o the WCTU. Importantly , th e ideological orientatio n of repeal an d prohibitio n wome n wa s nearl y identical , an d i t wa s exactl y because America n wome n share d thi s vision , whil e a t th e sam e tim e ada mantly disagreein g ove r ho w t o implemen t it , tha t th e repea l conflic t became s o bitter. That thi s bitternes s quickl y dissipate d afte r repea l becam e a fai t ac compli is , i n part, a testament t o the strengt h o f this share d vision . Whil e the role s o f wome n i n th e politica l an d socia l realm s hav e change d radi cally sinc e th e temperanc e crusades , th e ol d nineteenth-centur y proposi tion tha t alcoho l pose s a significan t dange r t o th e hom e an d tha t wome n have a specia l mora l rol e i n combattin g thi s dange r ha s gon e largel y unquestioned. Indeed , th e mos t importan t temperanc e grou p t o emerg e

142 • Aftermath and Conclusion since Alcoholics Anonymou s i n the 1930s , Mothers Agains t Drun k Driv ing, ha s it s origin s i n an d draw s it s powe r fro m circumstance s simila r t o those o f th e women' s temperanc e movemen t i n th e nineteent h century : the anguis h o f a mothe r ove r th e destructiv e impac t o f alcoho l o n chil d and family. 42 Ther e i s also evidence that maternalis t temperanc e activis m continues t o b e a cross-cultural phenomenon . Fo r instance , The Economist reported recentl y tha t a women' s temperanc e movemen t i n Indi a wa s "spreading fro m stat e t o state" : "Fe d u p wit h mal e drunkenness , loca l women hel d anti-booz e demonstrations, the n storme d bar s and shop s tha t sell arrack—a fiery spirit , popula r i n India—breakin g bottle s an d settin g the stuf f ablaze . Withi n a fe w months , 24 0 arrac k shop s i n 20 0 village s had bee n force d t o close." 43 As difficult a s determining th e class of repeal wome n i s the problem o f locating thes e wome n o n th e politica l spectrum . A genuin e nonpartisan ship fo r th e mos t par t informe d th e activitie s of the WONPR. O n a scale from th e politica l lef t t o th e politica l right , mos t repea l wome n probabl y resided i n th e middle , wit h som e prominen t leader s gravitatin g t o th e right, som e to the left, an d some , such as Louise Gross, to that interestin g libertarian nethe r regio n where far righ t meet s far left . WCTU women , fo r th e mos t part , coul d b e locate d t o th e politica l right of repeal women, wit h WCTU politica l concerns often symptomati c of members ' fear s o f cultura l development s relate d t o moral s an d man ners. Th e diminishin g importanc e o f Protestan t religiosit y durin g th e 1920s—and a complementar y secularizin g trend—wa s profoundl y dis turbing t o wome n o f th e WCTU . Especiall y dismayin g t o thes e wome n was th e liberalize d sexualit y o f th e 1920 s tha t foun d expressio n i n suc h things a s clothing , motio n pictures , an d courtship—development s tha t few i n women' s repea l group s foun d alarmin g enoug h t o mention . Fro m a progressiv e organizatio n ou t i n fron t o f th e socia l issue s durin g th e nineteenth century , th e WCT U ha d withdraw n b y th e 1920 s to a fright ened, reactiv e posture . But regardles s o f whethe r wome n wer e we t o r dry , righ t o r left , o n the repea l issu e th e hom e protectio n argumen t wa s ubiquitous . Th e enduring appea l o f hom e protectionis m wa s base d o n it s immediacy , a n immediacy tha t fo r thes e wome n transcende d part y politic s jus t a s it ha d done i n th e nineteent h century . Notion s o f hom e protectio n als o prove d to b e remarkabl y varied , an d whil e th e basi c truth s remaine d th e sam e (that th e hom e mus t b e protected an d tha t wome n ha d primar y responsi -

Aftermath and Conclusion • 14 3 bility fo r doin g th e protecting) , wome n participatin g i n th e repea l debat e were able to fashion a broad, ofte n contradictory , rang e of interpretation s as to how those truths migh t bes t b e implemented. 44 From th e beginnin g the prohibition movemen t ha d encourage d certai n notions o f home , family , an d morality , a s wel l a s th e ide a tha t o n th e question o f prohibition , a t least , ther e wa s nea r universa l suppor t amon g women. Th e women' s repea l movemen t dispose d o f th e notio n tha t women share d a unanimity o f opinion o n prohibitio n and , followin g a s it did o n the heels of the ERA controvers y o f the mid-1920s , eliminate d fo r the tim e bein g an y ide a o f a gender-oriente d politica l presence. 45 Th e editors o f th e Outlook and Independent sa w thi s a s a positive development , claiming tha t n o matte r wha t thei r stan d o n repeal , "th e wome n o f America ow e a deb t o f gratitud e t o Paulin e Morto n Sabin " becaus e b y demonstrating th e falsit y o f th e notio n tha t "wome n a s a se x woul d always stan d a s a unit i n favo r o f bone-dr y prohibition, " sh e ha d "mad e clear beyon d an y reasonabl e doubt tha t wome n ar e really people." 46 But i f par t o f th e legac y o f th e women' s repea l movemen t wa s t o free th e femal e vote r fro m th e bond s o f convention , th e movemen t als o demonstrated th e continuin g powe r o f a conservativ e mora l appea l t o women (an d i n th e case of Louis e Gross' s organizations , th e weaknes s o f an individualist , persona l libert y appeal) . A s I hav e trie d t o show , th e language that dominate d th e women' s repea l campaig n wa s roote d i n jus t such a n appeal : th e ideolog y o f hom e protection . Tha t a majorit y o f repeal wome n frame d th e debat e i n term s o f thi s domesti c philosoph y provides evidenc e o f a remarkable continuit y o f feminin e thought , origi nating i n th e mid-nineteent h centur y an d extendin g wel l int o th e twenti eth century . Indeed , a s the twentiet h centur y draw s t o a close the tenet s of home protectionism ca n be found flourishin g i n some surprising places. The rhetori c o f th e politica l righ t i s fille d wit h reference s t o protectin g home an d family , whil e o n th e lef t "differenc e feminists " suc h a s Nanc y Chodorow an d Caro l Gilliga n hav e revive d th e notio n o f woman' s mora l superiority.47 Eve n though Chodoro w an d Gilliga n hav e replaced France s Willard's divinely ordained mora l woman with one whose moral superior ity supposedl y derive s fro m he r psychosexua l development , th e ne w model bear s a curious resemblance t o the old. 48 The languag e an d iconograph y o f hom e protectionis m continue s t o surface i n eve n mor e surprisin g place s tha n these . America' s brewin g industry ha s gotte n smarte r an d ha s abandone d th e persona l libert y em -

144 # Aftermath and Conclusion phasis of its product tha t prove d t o be so woefully shortsighte d i n preprohibition days . No w th e industr y i s strivin g t o portra y itsel f i n a mor e attractive light , tha t is , a s a responsible membe r o f th e communit y con cerned wit h chil d welfar e an d hom e protection . Anheuser-Busc h ha s aggressively take n u p th e caus e o f "responsibl e drinking, " funnelin g money t o Mother s Agains t Drun k Drivin g an d launchin g a nationa l advertising campaig n agains t underag e drinking . I n a recen t exampl e mother an d daughte r ar e picture d i n intens e heart-to-hear t conversatio n beneath th e caption , "No w Migh t B e a Goo d Tim e t o Brin g U p a Delicate Subject . Drinking. " Th e a d goe s o n t o not e tha t "th e subjec t may com e u p i n a moment o f share d intimacy , durin g quie t tim e befor e bed, whe n she' s talkin g abou t he r da y a t schoo l o r perhap s whil e you'r e discussing a famil y outin g o r event. " An d whil e th e chil d ma y b e onl y nine o r ten , "it' s als o a time whe n sh e ma y b e mos t ope n t o you r lovin g guidance." An d wha t doe s Anheuser-Busc h kno w abou t it ? "Man y o f u s at Anheuser-Busch ar e parents, s o we know jus t how har d i t can be." For those wantin g mor e information , Anheuser-Busc h offer s a guid e calle d "Family Tal k abou t Drinking. " Anheuser-Busch ha s fashione d a n effectiv e propagand a campaig n cloaked i n man y o f th e trie d an d tru e element s o f hom e protectionism , with Mothe r i n her usua l central rol e of moral guardian. Wha t Anheuser Busch ha s create d is , i n fact , a temperance document . Tha t a brewer ha s sponsored i t is a shrewd tacti c that suggest s to the public that temperanc e and abstinenc e ar e no t th e sam e thin g an d tha t moralit y i s no t th e exclusive province of the teetotaler . Without puttin g Anheuser-Busc h i n a damned-if-you-do/damned-if you-don't position , th e mer e fac t o f brewer s campaignin g fo r temperat e drinking i s a n admissio n tha t eve n i n a n er a o f relativel y lo w alcoho l consumption ther e i s a problem an d tha t th e abus e of alcoholic beverage s continues to take a terrible toll on the American family . Ther e ar e continuing concern s fo r youn g people . Alcoho l i s stil l th e dru g o f choic e fo r high schoo l seniors , wit h 9 0 percen t reportin g havin g trie d alcoho l i n 1990.49 On colleg e campuses a recent stud y o f drinking revealed tha t Overall, almost half of all students were frequent bing e drinkers (had three or mor e bing e drinkin g occasion s i n th e pas t 2 weeks) an d wer e deepl y involved in a lifestyle characterized by frequent an d deliberate intoxication. . . . Almos t hal f o f the m hav e experience d fiv e o r mor e alcohol-relate d

Aftermath and Conclusion • 14 5 problems sinc e the beginnin g of the schoo l year , on e of three repor t the y were hurt or injured, an d two in five engaged in unplanned sexua l activity. Frequent binge drinkers also report drinking and driving.50 As fo r th e genera l population , som e 15. 3 millio n American s me t th e criteria fo r alcoho l abuse , dependence , o r bot h i n 1988 , an d i n 199 0 alcohol wa s a factor i n half o f all fatal traffi c accident s an d alcohol-relate d mortality accounte d fo r abou t 5 percen t o f al l death s i n th e Unite d States.51 I n it s 199 3 repor t o n alcoho l an d healt h th e Departmen t o f Health an d Huma n Service s observe d tha t on e o f th e consequence s o f alcohol us e i s tha t "everyone , eve n thos e wh o abstain , ma y b e adversel y affected b y someon e else' s drinking." 52 Thi s ha s alway s bee n th e case , and mor e ofte n tha n no t i t ha s bee n wome n an d thei r childre n wh o hav e had t o bear th e consequences tha t drunkennes s ca n visit on the innocent . The terro r tha t a drunken husban d ca n inflic t o n hi s famil y i s no les s devastating in the late twentieth centur y tha n it was in the late nineteent h century, an d i t i s therefor e eas y t o sympathiz e wit h th e WCTU' s deter mination tha t somethin g mus t b e don e t o sto p thi s oppression . Prohibi tionists conclude d tha t th e us e o f alcoho l wa s potentiall y s o corrosive , both t o th e sou l o f th e individua l an d t o the sou l o f th e nation , tha t onl y a government-mandate d abstinenc e coul d serv e a s a deterrent . Unfortu nately, whil e th e impuls e t o addres s th e problem s o f alcoho l abus e ma y have bee n laudable , th e metho d tha t th e WCT U an d th e res t o f th e temperance movemen t chos e a s a correctiv e substitute d on e for m o f oppression fo r another . This i s no t t o argu e tha t "yo u can' t legislat e morality " (government s do s o routinely ) o r tha t governmen t control s canno t b e effectiv e i n lim iting alcoho l abus e o r alcohol-relate d problems . O n th e contrary , on e recent stud y indicate s tha t decrease d accessibilit y o f alcohol ca n hav e th e effect o f decreasin g alcohol-relate d traffi c accidents. 53 Anothe r conclude s that regulation s "tha t effectivel y reduc e pe r capit a alcoho l consumptio n could als o reduce rate s o f rape , robbery , an d assault." 54 Bu t regulatin g a society's liquo r i s no t th e sam e a s prohibitin g liquo r altogether , an d b y making prohibition , th e mos t draconia n for m o f temperanc e coercion , their central tenet , group s suc h a s the WCT U wer e makin g a declaration that huma n being s coul d no t b e truste d t o mak e wis e decision s abou t their persona l behavior , tha t thes e decision s mus t b e mad e fo r them . Setting asid e question s o f ho w materiall y practica l suc h a n undertakin g

146 • Aftermath and Conclusion was, b y removin g temptatio n prohibitionist s wer e als o removin g choic e and eliminatin g th e possibilit y o f th e individua l choosin g betwee n righ t and wrong . Instead , th e "right " choic e wa s impose d o n society , an d personal (an d civic ) virtu e wa s replace d b y a virtu e b y fiat. A s Joh n Stuart Mil l observed , " a Stat e whic h dwarf s it s men , i n orde r tha t the y may b e mor e docil e i n it s hand s eve n fo r beneficia l purposes—wil l find that wit h smal l men n o great thing can really b e accomplished." 55 The impac t o f alcoho l abus e o n societ y i s great , bu t unles s w e ar e willing t o reduc e th e entir e populatio n t o infan t status , removin g al l possibly dangerou s enticement s fro m it s gras p t o kee p i t fro m hurtin g itself, w e mus t liv e wit h th e possibilit y tha t someone , somewhere , wil l make the wron g choice s abou t alcoho l use . I t i s the pric e we mus t pa y i n order t o hav e th e opportunit y t o becom e full y develope d huma n being s and t o creat e a full y realize d society . I t i s sadl y th e case tha t int o th e pantheon o f ugly , bu t unavoidable , sid e effect s o f a functionin g demo cratic society , w e mus t plac e alcoho l abus e nex t t o Naz i hat e speeche s and pornography . Prohibition wa s repeale d fo r a variety o f reason s an d wit h th e partici pation o f a number o f groups . Fo r a number o f reasons , however , i t wa s the feminine influenc e o n repea l tha t wa s decisive. First , wome n workin g for repea l ha d a n exaggerate d impac t simpl y becaus e large-scal e femal e opposition t o prohibitio n wa s s o unexpected . Ther e wa s nothin g ver y surprising whe n labo r organizations o r the intelligentsia o r even business men spok e ou t fo r repeal . Ther e wa s considerabl e surpris e whe n larg e numbers o f wome n di d th e same , becaus e o f th e lon g associatio n o f organized wome n wit h prohibition . Tha t prohibitio n repea l ha d a genu ine bipartisan appea l t o women an d tha t som e of the nation's mos t promi nent wome n woul d involv e themselves i n this movement adde d furthe r t o the effect tha t wome n ha d o n this issue . Another reaso n tha t repea l wome n wielde d a decisive influenc e o n th e repeal debat e i s that thes e women wer e able to expose the moral deficien cies o f prohibitio n an d t o accomplis h th e ver y difficul t tas k o f linkin g repeal wit h protectio n o f th e home . Thi s wa s somethin g th e AAP A ha d never accomplishe d i n year s o f trying , an d a s Willia m H . Sta y ton, founder o f the AAPA , rightl y observed , th e women o f the WONPR ha d "done mor e i n tw o year s t o mak e Repea l possibl e tha n th e me n o f America hav e don e i n a decade." 56 A s w e hav e seen , th e rhetori c an d campaign artifact s o f the WONP R heavil y emphasize d hom e protection -

Aftermath and Conclusion • 14 7 ism, onc e agai n callin g upo n wome n t o d o battl e wit h a fo e tha t threat ened th e securit y an d moralit y o f th e America n home . Whil e repea l women hoped tha t this argument woul d cu t across class lines and resonat e among a wid e variet y o f women , thei r us e o f "hom e protection " wa s n o more cynicall y motivate d tha n France s Willard' s us e o f th e sam e argu ment fifty year s before . A s wit h Willar d an d th e WCTU , convictio n combined wit h politica l acuit y t o produc e a powerfu l voic e fo r change . Many hav e argue d fo r th e demis e o f a maternalist , home-base d agend a between 192 5 an d 1933. 57 Bu t becaus e repea l wome n emphasize d th e moral concern s o f th e hom e i n thei r campaign , chos e t o operat e outsid e the establishe d part y system , an d adopte d a politica l strateg y an d styl e of organizatio n tha t America n wome n ha d bee n perfectin g fo r man y generations, the y ca n b e place d solidl y withi n a traditio n o f America n women's refor m politics. 58 Prohibition an d repea l wome n ma y hav e shared a domestic philosoph y and a n organizationa l style , bu t the y embrace d differen t tradition s o f reform politics . Thes e tradition s wer e boun d u p i n th e age-ol d dilemm a of how bes t to protect societ y fro m th e individual an d th e individual fro m society, wit h prohibitio n wome n attemptin g t o refor m thei r societ y b y restricting individua l freedom s an d repea l wome n atttemptin g t o d o th e same b y expandin g them . If nothin g else , th e involvemen t o f hom e protectionist wome n o n bot h side s o f th e prohibitio n repea l issu e shoul d serve a s a reminde r tha t conservativ e politic s ar e a s comple x a s thei r liberal counterpart s an d tha t th e meanings o f conservatism—and o f polit ical reform—are constantl y shifting . I t i s ironic, then, tha t the enactmen t of prohibition ca n be seen as one of the last reforms o f the Progressive er a and it s repea l a s on e o f th e first reform s o f th e Ne w Dea l era . Ther e i s further iron y i n th e suggestio n tha t hom e protectionis t wome n playe d key role s i n fashionin g bot h an d tha t women' s exertion s t o fre e Americ a from th e curse of the liquor traffi c mus t b e included i n the sam e categor y as women's effort s t o free Americ a fro m th e curse of prohibition .

Notes

Notes to Introduction i. Ala n Brinkley, "Th e Proble m of American Conservatism, " American Historical Review 99 (April 1994) : 429. 2. Le o P . Ribuffo , "Wh y I s Ther e S o Muc h Conservatis m i n th e Unite d States," American Historical Review 99 (April 1994) : 441 . 3. Ibid. , 448 . 4. Kathlee n M . Blee , Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the 1920s (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1991) , 5-6. 5. I n on e of the firs t extende d studie s o f repeal, th e 194 0 The Amazing Story of Repeal, Fletcher Dobyn s claime d tha t th e AAP A realize d tha t "wome n woul d remain a powerfu l obstacl e t o repeal " an d tha t therefor e th e AAP A "i n tru e Russian fashio n . . . ordere d thei r wive s an d daughter s int o th e trenches. " Do byns neve r entertaine d th e notio n tha t WONP R wome n migh t hav e thought s o f their own or an y mora l purpose : They ha d leisure , money , powe r an d a stron g financia l interes t i n repeal , and the y worke d unde r th e directio n o f th e brillian t strategist s an d propa gandists o f the AAPA . . . . From th e beginnin g t o the end , selfishnes s an d hypocrisy marke d th e activitie s o f these women. . . . When w e brush asid e all high-sounding verbiage , w e se e that th e sol e object o f these women wa s to help put ove r the program o f the AAPA i n its entirety. " Fletcher Dobyns , The Amazing Story of Repeal: An Expose of the Power of Propaganda (Chicago: Willett, Clark , 1940) , 105 , 107. Norman Clar k likewis e maintain s tha t AAP A me n "enliste d thei r wives " in th e repea l movemen t an d reiterate s th e repeal-as-fashio n lin e ("resistanc e t o Prohibition had , amon g th e uppe r classes , becom e stylish") . Mor e importantly , Clark claim s tha t "surel y a majo r revolutio n ha d occurre d whe n attractiv e an d 149

150 • Notes to Introduction socially prominen t wome n coul d suppor t th e cause of drinking—and i n doing so, speak a s individuals , fo r individualism , no t wome n fo r famil y protection. " Nor man H . Clark , Deliver Us from Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (New York: W . W . Norton , 1976) , 201-202 . Rober t Bur k ha s als o cite d a s evidenc e that th e WONP R "wa s bu t a wives ' auxiliar y t o th e AAPA " th e marriage s o f WONPR leader s Paulin e Sabin , Alic e Beli n d u Pont , an d Hele n Joy t o AAP A men. Rober t F . Burk , The Corporate State and the Broker State: The du Ponts and American National Politics, 1925-194.0 (Cambridge , Mass. : Harvar d Universit y Press, 1990) , 58. In The Wrecking of the Eighteenth Amendment (1943), Ernest Gordo n detecte d th e black han d o f capitalis t manipulatio n behin d th e failur e o f prohibition , main taining that th e American Federatio n o f Labor, th e press, the WONPR, an d eve n the America n Legio n ha d bee n mer e pawn s i n a massive Wal l Stree t conspirac y to reduc e taxe s o n th e ric h an d brin g bac k beer , " a narcoti c wit h whic h i t i s planned t o etheriz e radica l movements. " Ernes t Gordon , The Wrecking of the Eighteenth Amendment (Francestown, N . H . : Alcoho l Informatio n Press , 1943) , 7 9, 79 , 98-104, 107 . In a mor e measure d updat e o f thi s argument , Joh n Rumbarge r contende d i n 1989 tha t i t wa s "corporat e capital, " rathe r tha n middle-clas s mora l reformism , that playe d th e crucia l rol e bot h i n passin g prohibitio n an d i n repealin g prohibi tion throug h th e agenc y o f the AAPA . Rumbarge r claimed , "Whil e suc h middle class [reform ] organization s wer e undoubtedl y necessar y i n th e passag e o f th e Eighteenth Amendment , the y wer e no t decisive . Powe r t o propos e an d dispos e lay elsewhere , an d i t i s ther e tha t w e shoul d als o loo k t o understan d repeal. " I n Rumbarger's vie w th e ultimat e goa l of the AAP A wa s not repea l bu t "th e preser vation o f capitalists ' abilit y t o interven e directl y throug h th e stat e int o an y suc h aspects of the nation' s socia l life that appeare d threatenin g t o corporate business. " John J. Rumbarger , Profits, Power, and Prohibition: Alcohol Reform and the Industrializing of America, 1800- ipjo (Albany : Stat e Universit y o f Ne w Yor k Press , 1989) , 190, 192 .

An even more elaborate treatment of this argument ha s recently bee n provide d by John Burnham , wh o posits the presence of a "vice-industrial complex " bent o n subverting moralit y i n th e Unite d States . Burnha m argue s tha t economi c inter ests, allie d wit h promoter s o f vic e variousl y identifie d a s Bohemians , artists , intellectuals, an d th e mor e general categorie s "deviants " and "lower-orde r Ameri cans," combine d t o creat e a public consensu s tha t turne d American s awa y fro m the ol d mora l virtue s o f th e nineteent h centur y i n favo r o f a toleratio n o f th e minor vices . Th e semina l even t i n thi s process , accordin g t o Burnham , wa s th e repeal of prohibition, becaus e "repealin g Prohibition , i n the context of the repeal ers' negativism , signifie d th e repea l o f man y implici t contract s concernin g behav ior. Tha t wa s th e ultimat e meanin g o f th e goa l o f th e force s o f th e mino r vices : action withou t restraint , no t onl y th e restraint s o f explici t la w bu t eve n informa l social restraints. " I n a n obliqu e referenc e t o th e WONPR , Burnha m repeat s th e argument tha t th e AAP A "mobilize d women, " especiall y societ y leaders , "t o show tha t eve n th e putativ e guardian s o f respectability , ladie s o f hig h socia l

Notes to Chapter One • 15 1 status, though t tha t advocatin g th e productio n an d us e o f alcoholi c beverages — or a t leas t bein g par t o f th e drinkin g smar t set—wa s acceptable. " Joh n C . Burnham, Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , !993)> 49, 396. Nearly alon e among historians in properly appraisin g the WONPR i s David E. Kyvig , wh o ha s writte n th e bes t full-lengt h treatmen t o f prohibitio n repea l t o date. I n Repealing National Prohibition, Kyvig call s th e WONP R "on e o f th e firs t significant postsuffrag e mas s politica l activitie s o f America n women. " Davi d E . Kyvig, Repealing National Prohibition (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1979), 196 .

O N E American

Women and the Prohibition Movement

1. "Ladies a t Roslyn, " Time, 1 8 July 1932 , 9. 2. "Th e Eighteent h Amendment, " Union Signal, 2 3 Januar y 1919 , 8 . Wil d exaggerations a s t o th e importanc e o f prohibitio n wer e commo n amon g temper ance reformers. Wayn e Wheele r o f the Anti-Saloo n Leagu e called nationa l prohi bition "th e greates t social , economi c an d mora l advanc e eve r mad e b y a self governing people. " Wayn e Wheele r t o M . Louis e Gross , 1 8 January 1927 , M . Louise Gros s Papers , Ne w Yor k Publi c Librar y Rar e Book s an d Manuscript s Division. Orego n governor Walte r M. Pierc e described "th e passing of the saloon " as "one of the greatest victorie s eve r achieve d b y a Christian civilization. " Arthu r H. Bone , ed. , Oregon Cattleman: Memoirs and Times of Walter M. Pierce (Portland, Oreg.: 1981) , 313 .

3. Ell a A . Boole , Give Prohibition Its Chance (Evanston , 111. : National WCT U Publishing House , 1929) , 171. 4. Ell a A . Boole , "President' s Address, " Minute s o f th e WCT U Nationa l Convention o f 1930 , in Temperance and Prohibition Papers: A Joint Microfilm Publication of the Ohio Historical Society, Michigan Historical Collections and Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Woman' s Christia n Temperanc e Unio n Series , Franci s X . Blouin, Jr., ed . (Columbus , Ohio : Ohio Historica l Society , 1977) , 9 2 5. Quote d i n "Prohibition ? Yes ! No!" by Doroth y Dunba r Bromley , McCalVs, July 1930 , 17 . 6. "Salvatio n Arm y Fir m i n Dr y Stand, " Union Signal, 1 0 June 1933 , 356. 7. Quoted i n Repealing National Prohibition, b y Kyvig , 119 , 120 . 8. Pittsburg h Speec h o f Emm a Guffe y Miller , ca . 1931 , Emma Guffe y Mille r Papers, Schlesinge r Library , Radcliff e College . 9. Historian s hav e differed i n their appraisal s o f the impact o f separate sphere s on women . I n he r insightfu l historiographica l essa y "Separat e Spheres , Femal e Worlds, Woman' s Place : Th e Rhetori c o f Women' s History, " Lind a Kerbe r examines the use of the separate sphere s paradigm b y historian s fro m Tocquevill e to th e curren t generatio n o f historians . Kerbe r observe s tha t th e us e o f th e

152 • Notes to Chapter One separate sphere s ide a ha s bee n "vulnerabl e t o slopp y us e . . . historians referred , often interchangeably , t o a n ideolog y imposed on women , a cultur e created by women, a set of boundaries expected to be observed by women " (Kerber's emphasis) . Despite it s problem s Kerbe r contend s tha t th e separat e sphere s concep t ha s "enabled historian s t o mov e th e histor y o f wome n ou t o f th e real m o f th e trivia l and anecdota l int o th e real m o f analyti c socia l history. " Lind a K . Kerber , "Sepa rate Spheres , Femal e Worlds , Woman' s Place : Th e Rhetori c o f Women' s His tory, "Journal of A merican History 75 (June 1988) : 17 , 37. Nancy Cot t see s woman's spher e a s a precondition fo r feminism , " a necessar y stage i n th e proces s o f shatterin g th e hierarch y o f sex, " whil e Barbar a Epstei n believes tha t separat e sphere s exaggerate d "th e imbalanc e o f powe r betwee n me n and women. " Nanc y F . Cott , The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1789-1835 (New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1977) , 200 ; Barbar a Leslie Epstein , The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n Universit y Press , 1981), 77 . Mar y Rya n insist s tha t althoug h ther e wa s a "multitude o f variations " within woman' s sphere , middle-clas s wome n "remaine d shackle d b y th e limita tions an d contradiction s o f th e doctrin e o f th e spheres " an d tha t "eve n mos t feminists o f the nineteent h centur y wer e taken i n by th e mystiqu e of the spheres , their critica l power s stymie d a t th e borde r o f privac y an d famil y life. " Mar y P . Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1987) , 191 , 241. Charles Rosenber g ha s explore d th e nineteenth-centur y "scientific " rational e for woman' s socia l role, noting that "th e Victoria n woman' s idea l social character istics—nurturance, intuitiv e morality , domesticity , passivity , an d affection — were al l assumed t o hav e a deeply roote d biologica l basis. " Rosenberg quote s on e physician wh o rhapsodize d tha t i t was almos t "a s if the Almighty, i n creating th e female sex , ha d take n th e uteru s an d buil t u p a woma n aroun d it. " Charle s E . Rosenberg, No Other Gods: On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Universit y Press , 1978) , 55-56 . Whitney Cros s take s not e o f th e femal e dominatio n o f th e community' s reli gious life during the antebellum years , whe n wome n hel d preeminen t position s i n "revivals and prayin g circles, pressing husbands, fathers , an d son s toward conver sion and facilitatin g ever y mov e of the evangelist." Whitney R . Cross , The BurnedOver District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800-1850 (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1965) , 177 . Willia m McLoughli n finds evidenc e tha t th e dominan t rol e tha t wome n playe d durin g th e Secon d Great Awakenin g produce d a Chris t wh o ha d becom e " a femal e symbol , no t unlike the Virgin Mary i n Catholicism." William G. McLoughlin , Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607-1977 (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1978) , 120 . Susa n Juster, whil e acknowl edging th e difference s i n languag e employe d b y me n an d wome n i n describin g their conversio n experiences , insist s tha t a "clos e scrutin y o f th e psychologica l dynamics of the conversion experience reveals an androgynous mode l of regenera tion tha t ultimatel y echoe s th e Biblica l affirmatio n tha t i n Chris t ther e i s neithe r

Notes to Chapter One • 15 3 Jew no r Greek , slav e nor free , mal e nor female. . . . Ironically, th e very existenc e of sexua l distinctiveness i n the natura l stat e . . . i s the preconditio n fo r th e sexua l levelling achieve d i n th e regenerat e state. " Susa n Juster, " 'I n a Different Voice' : Male an d Femal e Narrative s o f Religiou s Conversio n i n Post-Revolutionar y America," American Quarterly 41 (March 1989) : 36-37. Seth Kove n an d Sony a Miche l refe r t o maternalism a s "ideologies tha t exalte d women's capacity t o mother an d extende d t o society a s a whole the values of care, nurturance, an d morality. " Set h Kove n an d Sony a Michel , "Womanl y Duties : Maternalist Politic s an d th e Origin s o f Welfar e State s i n France , Germany , Great Britain , an d th e Unite d States , 1880-1920, " American Historical Review 95 (October 1990) : 1079. 10. U.S . Departmen t o f Healt h an d Huma n Services , Alcohol and Health: Eighth Special Report to the U.S. Congress, Septembe r 1993 , 1-5 . Se e als o Mar k Edward Lende r an d Jame s Kirb y Martin , Drinking in America: A History (Ne w York: Fre e Press , 1987) , 206 ; Merto n M . Hyman , Marily n A . Zimmermann , Carol Gurioli , an d Alic e Helrich , Drinkers, Drinking, and Alcohol-Related Mortality and Hospitalizations (New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Cente r o f Alcoho l Studies Publication s Division , 1980) , 3. n . Norma n H . Clar k emphasize s th e socia l dislocation s o f lif e o n th e frontie r as a ke y t o understandin g th e intemperanc e o f thi s age . Clar k note s tha t "whil e we hav e n o entirel y satisfactor y measure s o f spiritua l distres s amon g a whol e people, the extent of excessive drinking—or drinkin g to morbidity—is on e usefu l measure," an d tha t th e extrem e socia l disorde r i n th e Unite d State s befor e th e Civil Wa r "incline d individual s t o drin k t o excess. " Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 52. W . J . Rorabaug h believe s tha t Americ a "wa s a societ y i n whic h peopl e combined hig h aspiration s wit h a lo w motivatio n fo r fulfillin g goals, " an d whe n those goal s wen t unfulfilled , anxiet y wa s th e result . W . J . Rorabaugh , The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1979), 17312. Rorabaugh , Alcoholic Republic, 11 . 13. Alic e Fel t Tyler , "Th e Right s o f Women, " i n The Woman Question in American History, Barbara Welter , ed . (Hinsdale , 111. : Dryden Press , 1973) , 77. 14. Se e Sall y G . McMillen , Southern Women: Black and White in the Old South (Arlington Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1992) , 47 . Th e domesti c condition s created b y a drunke n spous e receive d melodramati c treatmen t i n th e popula r temperance play s o f the day . The Drunkard was the firs t pla y i n America n theate r to have an uninterrupte d ru n o f 10 0 performances (i t was performe d 15 0 times i n 1850 at Barnum' s America n Museu m i n Ne w York) . Hot Corn, or Little Katy an d Ten Nights in a Bar-Room wer e likewis e hugel y successfu l temperanc e play s tha t were performe d durin g muc h o f th e nineteent h century . Judit h N . McArthur , "Demon Ru m o n th e Boards : Temperanc e Melodram a an d th e Traditio n o f Antebellum Reform," Journal of the Early Republic 9 (Winter 1989) : 520. 15. I n he r appea l t o th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Assembl y i n 1853 , Stanto n aske d legislators t o pas s bot h a "Main e Law " (stat e prohibition ) fo r Ne w Yor k an d a liberalized divorc e law for wome n wit h drunke n spouses :

154 * Notes to Chapter One But bac k u p th e Main e La w b y th e mor e importan t on e o n Divorc e an d you mak e a permanent refor m i n s o regulating you r law s o n marriag e tha t the pur e an d nobl e o f ou r se x ma y b e sustaine d b y th e powe r o f Govern ment i n dissolving al l union wit h gros s and viciou s natures. I t would creat e a stron g publi c sentimen t agains t drunkennes s fo r yo u t o declare , that , i n your opinion , i t i s a crim e s o enormous , a s t o furnis h jus t caus e fo r th e separation o f man an d wife . Ellen Caro l DuBois , ed. , Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony: Correspondence, Writings, Speeches (New York : Schocke n Books , 1981) , 42. 16. Catharin e E . Beecher , A Treatise on Domestic Economy, for the Use of Young Ladies at Home and at School (Boston: Marsh , Capen , Lyon , an d Webb , 1841) , 84 . See als o Kathry n Kis h Sklar , Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New York : Norton, 1976) . 17. Quote d i n History of Woman Suffrage, Elizabet h Cad y Stanton , Susa n B. Anthony , an d Matild a Josly n Gage , eds . (Ne w York : Fowle r an d Wells , 1881), 1:477 . 18. Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 135 . 19. Pau l E . Johnson, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815-1837 (New York : Hil l an d Wang , 1978) , 60 , 55 . Fo r anothe r discussion o f drin k i n th e wor k place , se e Herber t Gutman , Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York : Vintage , 1977) . 20. America n Temperanc e Society , Fift h Repor t (1832 ) i n Permanent Temperance Documents of the American Temperance Society (1835 ; reprint, Ne w York : Arn o Press, 1972) , 13-1 4 (page citations ar e to the reprint edition) . 21. Cott , Bonds of Womanhood, 180-181 . 22. Christin e Stansel l ha s characterize d thi s activit y a s "clas s intervention. " Christine Stansell , City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana : University o f Illinoi s Press , 1987) , 65 . Th e Femal e Mora l Refor m Societ y o f Utica, Ne w York , specialize d i n doing battle against licentiousness, making hom e visits, collectin g signature s o n petitions , an d confrontin g waywar d me n an d women alike . According to Mary Ryan , th e function o f this group was to "reinstitute th e method s o f mora l surveillance " performe d b y churc h an d state . Rya n believes tha t "th e performanc e o f thes e function s b y women , withi n thei r ow n self-created association " constitute d " a remarkabl e transmutatio n i n th e relation ship of family an d society. " Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 121 . 23. Stansell , City of Women, 75. 24. Rut h M . Alexander , " 'W e Ar e Engage d a s a Ban d o f Sisters' : Clas s an d Domesticity i n th e Washingtonia n Temperanc e Movement , 1840-1850, " Journal of American History 75 (December 1988) : 775. 25. Quote d i n Sobering Up: From Temperance to Prohibition in Antebellum America, 1800-1860, by Ia n Tyrrel l (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1979) , 182. According t o Rut h Alexander , th e Marth a Washingtonians , lik e their femal e middle-class counterparts , reveale d a "deep absorptio n i n th e affair s o f th e hom e

Notes to Chapter One • 15 5 and th e convictio n tha t th e us e o f alcoho l wa s inimica l t o famil y happiness. " Alexander, "W e Are Engaged, " 770 . 26. DuBois , Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, 38 , 41. 27. Standard Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, 6 vols . (Westerville , Ohio : American Issue , 1925-30) , s.v . "Anthony , Susa n Brownwell" ; DuBois , Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, 15-17 . 28. Pau l Boyer , Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1978) , 78 . Se e Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 46-48. 29. Lor i D . Ginzber g ha s examine d th e beginning s o f femal e dissatisfactio n with mora l suasio n i n " 'Mora l Suasio n I s Mora l Balderdash' : Women , Politics , and Socia l Activism i n the 1850s, " Journal of American History 73 (December 1986) : 601-620. O n th e developmen t o f a separat e women' s politica l culture , se e Elle n Carol DuBois , Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Womens Movement in America, 184.8-1869 (Ithaca , N.Y. , 1978) . Se e also Paula Baker , "Th e Domestication o f Politics : Wome n an d America n Politica l Society , 1780-1920, " American Historical Review 89 (June 1984) : 620-647. 30. Th e condition s an d issue s that le d t o the Woman's Crusad e were complex , but mos t agre e that th e immediat e spar k tha t se t off th e Crusade wa s a talk give n by temperanc e lecture r Diocletia n "Dio " Lewi s i n 1873 . Lewi s wa s o n a tour o f small Ohi o towns , givin g wha t h e describe d a s "a n Addres s upo n th e Powe r o f Woman's Praye r i n Gro g Shops. " B y hi s own estimat e Lewi s ha d delivere d thi s lecture mor e tha n 34 0 times . Di o Lewis , introductio n t o A Full Description of the Origin and Progress of the New Plan of Labor by the Women up to the Present Time, b y T. A . H . Brown , i n Fifty Years History of the Temperance Cause, b y J. E . Stebbin s (Hartford: L . Stebbins , 1875) , 311 . This stoc k piec e o f oratory , a description o f how Lewis' s mothe r an d othe r wome n ha d bande d togethe r an d close d dow n a New Yor k saloo n b y prayin g i n it , ha d neve r befor e elicite d a n overwhelmin g response. Bu t o n thi s occasio n Lewis' s stor y struc k a resonant chord . I n th e mos t complete wor k o n th e Woman' s Crusade , Jac k Blocke r estimate s tha t ther e wer e 911 Crusade s an d tha t betwee n 57,00 0 an d 143,00 0 wome n too k par t i n them . Blocker contend s tha t thes e number s "revea l th e Crusad e t o have been on e of th e major socia l movement s o f the nineteenth century . No t sinc e the pre-Revolution ary year s ha d a movemen t enliste d suc h extensiv e suppor t fo r militant , direct action tactics. " Jack S . Blocker , Jr. , "Give to the Winds Thy Fears": The Women's Temperance Crusade, 1873-1874 (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1985) , 24 . 31. B y 184 0 American s ha d reduce d thei r consumptio n b y mor e tha n hal f from th e preceding decad e (from 7. 1 gallon s of absolute alcohol pe r adult pe r yea r in 183 0 t o 3. 1 i n 1840) . Durin g th e decad e o f th e 1870 s thi s figur e ha d bee n reduced t o 1.72—th e lowest leve l o f alcoho l consumption b y America n adult s fo r any perio d i n histor y excep t fo r th e prohibitio n er a an d th e depressio n year s o f the 1930s . Perhap s mor e significantly , American s durin g th e 1870 s had begu n t o develop a preferenc e fo r bee r ove r distille d liquor . B y th e earl y 1890 s bee r surpassed distille d spirit s i n accountin g fo r mor e tha n hal f o f th e tota l absolut e

156 • Notes to Chapter One alcohol consumed . Hyma n e t al. , Drinkers; Drinking, and Alcohol-Related Mortality and Hospitalizations, 3 . 32. Jac k Blocke r ha s note d tha t th e numbe r o f retai l liquo r dealers , whic h would includ e dru g store s an d al l othe r place s retailin g liquor , droppe d durin g the 1870 s fro m abou t 205,00 0 i n 187 3 t o abou t 170,00 0 i n 1877 . Thereafte r i t began risin g again , reachin g it s pre-Crusad e leve l i n th e 1890s . Blocker , "Give to the Winds Thy Fears, "221. 33. Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 50 . I n 190 9 Georg e Kibb e Turne r estimate d that ther e wa s on e saloo n fo r ever y thre e hundre d peopl e i n th e cities . Georg e Kibbe Turner, "Bee r and th e City Liquo r Problem, " McClure's Magazine, September 1909 , 543. 34. Perr y R . Duis , The Saloon: Public Drinking in Chicago and Boston (Urbana: University o f Illinois Press, 1983) , 28-29 . 35. Pete r H . Odegard , Pressure Politics: The Story of the Anti-Saloon League (New York: Columbia Universit y Press , 1928) , 248. 36. Herber t Asbury , The Barbary Coast: An Informal History of the San Francisco Underworld (New York : Garde n Cit y Publishin g Co. , 1933) , 123 . Th e frontie r mining town s o f Americ a ma y hav e exceede d urba n area s i n th e prominenc e o f saloons. I n Leadville , Colorado , ther e wer e 24 9 saloons i n 188 0 doing $ 4 millio n worth o f trade . Onl y th e bankin g an d minin g businesse s o f Leadvill e exceede d that total . I n Montan a ther e ma y hav e bee n a s man y a s on e saloo n fo r ever y eighty inhabitant s a s lat e a s 1893 . Elliot t West , The Saloon on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier (Lincoln: Universit y o f Nebraska Press , 1979) , xv. 37. Mar y Murph y cite s a study o f men' s boardin g house s i n Butte , Montana , conducted b y th e Silve r Bo w Count y Boar d o f Healt h i n 1912 . Th e boar d concluded tha t man y o f Butte' s working-clas s saloon s offere d a mor e health y physical environmen t tha n di d loca l boardin g houses . Mar y Murphy , "Bootleg ging Mother s an d Drinkin g Daughters : Gende r an d Prohibitio n i n Butte , Mon tana," American Quarterly 46 (June 1994) : 180. 38. E . West , The Saloon on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier, 134 ; the Com mission t o Investigate Drunkennes s i n Massachusetts i s quoted i n Nuala McGan n Drescher, "Labo r an d Prohibition : Th e Unappreciate d Impac t o f th e Eighteent h Amendment," i n Law, Alcohol, and Order: Perspectives on National Prohibition, David E. Kyvig , ed . (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1985) , 37. 39. Illinoi s Bureau o f Labor report, quote d i n The Morality of Spending: Attitudes toward the Consumer Society in America, 1875-1940, b y Danie l Horowit z (Balti more: John Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1985) , 18 . 40. Turner , "Bee r an d th e City Liquo r Problem, " 535. 41. Th e Pabs t Brewin g Company , fo r instance , bega n b y investin g som e $20,000 a yea r i n loca l Milwauke e saloo n properties , startin g i n 1880 . B y 189 1 Pabst wa s putting som e $500,000 a year i n saloo n propertie s al l over th e country . In 189 4 Fred Pabst , Jr., wrot e hi s father, " I took i n Denve r quit e thoroughly an d I wil l o n m y retur n hom e tal k ove r th e advisabilit y o f investin g i n saloo n prop erty. . . . Schlit z seem s t o b e investin g al l ove r an d w e mus t adop t th e sam e policy i n th e goo d town s i n orde r t o kee p ou r own. " Thoma s C . Cochran , The

Notes to Chapter One • 15 7 Pabst Brewing Company: The History of an American Business (New York : Ne w Yor k University Press , 1948) , 143 , 197 . Georg e Kibb e Turne r i n 190 9 argue d tha t "outside o f it s ownershi p o f saloo n property , whic h mus t reac h wel l towar d $25,000,000, th e brewin g industr y ca n conservativel y b e estimate d t o hav e a n investment o f $70,000,00 0 i n American saloons , base d upo n th e slipper y securit y of retai l saloonkeepers ' note s an d second-han d saloo n fixtures. " Turner , "Bee r and th e City Liquo r Problem, " 538. 42. I n th e cours e o f thei r investigation , th e intrepi d vic e commissioner s re ported tha t the y "wer e solicite d b y on e or mor e different wome n i n 23 6 differen t saloons t o g o t o 3 3 hotel s ove r saloons , t o 8 2 room s ove r saloons , t o 2 3 regula r houses o f prostitutio n ove r saloons , t o 3 7 hotel s no t ove r saloon s an d t o 6 1 flat s not over saloons. " Vice Commission o f Chicago, The Social Evil in Chicago: A Study of Existing Conditions with Recommendations by the Vice Commission of Chicago (1911 ; reprint, Ne w York : Arn o Pres s an d th e Ne w Yor k Times , 1970) , 119 , 12 2 (pag e citations ar e to the reprin t edition) . 43. I n hi s stud y o f Crusad e wome n i n Hillsboro , Ohio , Charle s A . Isett s found tha t th e familie s o f these wome n controlle d 9 4 percent o f the wealt h o f th e town. Charle s A . Isetts , " A Socia l Profil e o f th e Women' s Temperanc e Crusade : Hillsboro, Ohio, " i n Alcohol, Reform and Society: The Liquor Issue in Social Context, Jack S . Blocker , Jr., ed . (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1979) , 106 . 44. Ryan , Cradle of the Middle Class, 232 . Ann Dougla s argue s fo r th e existenc e of what amounte d t o a cultural allianc e between th e Protestant clerg y an d middle class wome n durin g th e nineteent h century . An n Douglas , The Feminization of American Culture (New York : Alfre d A . Knopf , 1977) , 46 . I n Ladies of the Leisure Class Bonnie Smit h ha s describe d ho w middle-clas s wome n dominate d th e socia l and physica l spac e o f thei r domesti c realm s throug h thei r choice s i n dres s an d decor. Bonni e G. Smith , Ladies of the Leisure Class: The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1981) . 45. I n hi s stud y o f Worcester , Massachusetts , Ro y Rosenzwei g foun d tha t "those i n th e middl e an d uppe r classe s wh o di d drink—an d th e number s wer e probably considerabl y smalle r than amon g the working class in the late nineteent h century—generally dran k a t home , privat e clubs , o r expensiv e hotels . A t th e exclusive Worceste r Club , member s forme d a 'yello w labe l club ' throug h whic h they purchase d liquo r a s a group. " Ro y Rosenzweig , Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press , 1988) , 51 . Mary Murph y note s tha t i n 190 5 the founder s o f th e exclusive Silve r Bo w Clu b o f Butte , Montana , "bough t a lo t adjacen t t o th e courthouse, hire d Montana' s mos t prominen t architects , an d buil t a four-stor y edifice replet e wit h massiv e fireplaces, mural s o f Englis h countr y life , coppe r an d leaded glas s chandeliers , an d a ba r decorate d wit h stained-glas s panel s o f lus h grapes an d sinuou s vines." Murphy, "Bootleggin g Mothers, " 181. 46. Se e Epstein, Politics of Domesticity, 110. 47. Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 53 . 48. Jay Elli s Ransom , ed. , "Countr y Schoolma'am, " Oregon Historical Quarterly 86(1985): 130-131 .

158 • Notes to Chapter One 49. Madelo n Power s argue s tha t becaus e "th e primar y functio n o f th e saloo n was to offer th e basic amenities of home" in an all-male environment, th e drinking male foun d i t necessar y bot h tha t "decen t wome n shoul d b e protecte d fro m th e rough worl d o f men" an d tha t "th e roug h worl d o f men shoul d b e protected fro m decent women. " Madelo n Powers , "Deca y fro m Within : Th e Inevitabl e Doo m of the America n Saloon, " i n Drinking: Behavior and Belief in Modern History, Susann a Barrows an d Robi n Room , eds . (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1991) , II3, II5

' 50. Barbar a Epstei n call s women' s involvemen t i n th e late-nineteenth-centur y temperance movemen t "largel y a female driv e agains t th e intemperanc e an d irre sponsibility o f men , a campaign agains t th e masculin e cultur e tha t thes e wome n saw a s irresponsibility, " bu t sh e emphasizes tha t thi s critiqu e wa s accepte d "onl y when thes e criticis m coincide[d ] wit h men' s ow n self-criticism. " Epstein , Politics of Domesticity, 90 , 9 . 51. Anni e Wittenmyer, History of the Woman's Temperance Crusade (Philadelphia: Office o f the Christian Woman , 1878) , 772 (Wittenmyer's emphasis) . 52. Blocker , "Give to the Winds Thy Fears," 191. It wa s als o easie r t o organiz e women i n smal l town s because , accordin g t o on e observer , "i n a smal l plac e al l respectable ladie s ar e i n on e socia l order ; churc h an d societ y blen d insensibly , and i t i s comparatively eas y t o unit e th e goo d wome n fo r an y goo d object. " I n a city, o n th e othe r hand , ther e ar e "score s o f cliques , circles , an d socia l strata. " Quoted i n Politics of Domesticity, b y Epstein , 98 . 53. Quote d i n Natural Allies: Women's Associations in American History, by Ann e Firor Scot t (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinois Press, 1993) , 94. 54. Wittenmyer , History of the Woman's Temperance Crusade, 21. Jack Blocke r expresses skepticis m ove r th e notio n tha t th e Crusad e wa s a n overwhelmingl y positive experience fo r participants . Blocke r argue s tha t since ou r source s fo r discoverin g attitudina l chang e ar e biase d towar d finding th e ne w optimist s an d neglectin g th e view s of other Crusaders , th e predominance o f testimonie s t o expandin g horizon s canno t demonstrat e that one outcome wa s more likely tha n another . Sinc e the movement seem s to have failed i n a majority o f the communities i n which i t appeared, it s net effect upo n Crusaders ' self-assessment s ma y wel l hav e bee n negative , o r negligible, rathe r tha n positive . Blocker, "Give to the Winds Thy Fears," 225. 55. Willar d maintaine d tha t b y 187 9 "tw o policie s ha d i n th e five years ' evolution o f th e Crusad e movemen t becom e distinctl y outline d unde r th e names , 'Conservative' an d 'Liberal. ' " WCT U conservative s favore d stric t contro l ove r local union s b y th e nationa l organizatio n an d a mora l suasionis t approac h t o politics, wherea s liberal s promote d greate r autonom y fo r stat e union s an d th e woman's temperance ballot . France s E . Willard, Glimpses of Fifty Years: The Autobiography of an American Woman (Chicago: H . J. Smith , 1889) , 368-369 . 56. Th e Ohi o WCTU , fo r instance , resolve d i n 187 4 t n at "whil e w e acknowl edge that a result o f the woman's movemen t wil l b e to create temperance law , w e

Notes to Chapter One • 15 9 do believ e the mor e exclusivel y i t i s confined t o praye r work , regardin g woman' s part a s spiritual , an d o f divin e origin , carefull y maintainin g thi s character , th e greater wil l b e our success. " F. M . Whitaker , "Ohi o WCTU an d th e Prohibitio n Campaign o f 1883, " Ohio History 83 (Spring 1974) : 86, 88-89 . 57. Rut h Bordin , Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 18731900 (Philadelphia: Templ e Universit y Press , 1981) , 58. 58. Quote d i n Woman and Temperance, b y Bordin , 46 . 59. Bordin , Woman and Temperance, 119 . I n Georgia , Warre n Akin , presiden t of Emory Colleg e and a future bisho p of the Methodist-Episcopal Church , South , led a successful campaig n i n 189 2 to exclude the WCTU fro m meetin g in Georgi a Methodist churches . Aki n oppose d th e woma n suffragist s o f th e WCTU , pro claiming "The y hav e ruine d th e temperanc e caus e [i n the ] Nort h an d the y ar e beginning t o injur e i t i n th e South " an d tha t "w e hav e suffere d enoug h fro m negro suffrag e alread y withou t bringin g i n th e negr o woman." Th e impac t o f th e WCTU's expulsio n fro m Georgia' s Methodis t churche s wa s immediate , an d b y 1899 membership i n the Georgia WCTU ha d dropped s o sharply tha t the WCT U was unabl e t o hol d a stat e convention . Th e Georgi a WCT U neve r full y recov ered. Nanc y A . Hardesty , " 'Th e Bes t Temperanc e Organizatio n i n th e Land' : Southern Methodist s an d th e W.C.T.U . i n Georgia, " Methodist History 28 (April 1990): 192-194 . 60. Th e WCT U lef t n o rhetorica l ston e unturne d whe n impressin g upo n women th e awesomenes s o f thes e duties , creatin g wha t amounte d t o a literatur e of anxiety i n it s man y publications . I n on e WCTU pamphlet , publishe d i n 1888 , Union Signal editor Mar y Alle n Wes t claimed , "Man y a son ha s gon e t o destruc tion becaus e o f th e appetit e forme d b y th e har d cide r o r brand y i n hi s mother' s mince pies , he r home-mad e wine , o r th e todd y administere d b y he r han d fo r childish ailments . Man y a dear gra y hea d ha s been brough t dow n wit h sorro w t o the grav e because , i n he r ignorance , sh e wrough t he r ow n child' s undoing. " Mary Alle n West , "Temperanc e Trainin g i n th e Home " (Chicago : Woman' s Temperance Publicatio n Association , 1888) , 15 , Warsha w Collection , Nationa l Museum o f America n History , Smithsonia n Institution , Washington , D.C. , Temperance Series , Bo x 1 . 61. Willard , Glimpses of Fifty Years, 371 (Willard's emphasis) . 62. Accordin g t o Rut h Bordin , Willar d ra n acros s th e phras e "hom e protec tion" i n a speec h b y Letiti a Yeomans , a Canadia n temperanc e activis t an d firs t president o f the Dominio n WCTU . Bordi n note s tha t "Willar d recognize d imme diately th e potentia l usefulnes s o f th e phras e fo r describin g women' s politica l activities supportin g temperance. " Bordin , Woman and Temperance, 58 . Se e Standard Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, s.v. "Youmans , Letiti a Creighton. " 63. I n 189 2 th e WCT U ha d 200,00 0 members , whil e th e Genera l Federatio n of Women' s Club s ha d onl y 20,00 0 members . Th e Nationa l America n Woma n Suffrage Associatio n ha d onl y 13,00 0 member s i n 1893 . Rut h Bordi n conclude s from thi s evidenc e tha t "temperanc e wa s clearl y th e caus e wome n foun d mos t attractive i n the nineteenth century. " Bordin , Woman and Temperance, 3-4 . 64. Set h Kove n an d Son y a Miche l argu e tha t "maternalis m alway s operate d

160 • Notes to Chapter One on tw o levels : it extolle d th e privat e virtue s o f domesticit y whil e simultaneousl y legitimating women's publi c relationships t o politics an d th e state , to community , workplace, an d marketplace . I n practice , maternalis t ideologie s ofte n challenge d the constructe d boundarie s betwee n publi c an d private , wome n an d men , stat e and civi l society. " Kove n an d Michel , "Womanl y Duties, " 1079 . 65. France s E . Willard , "Th e 'Hom e Protection' Address," in The Beautiful Life of Frances E. Willard: A Memorial Volume, b y Ann a A . Gordo n (Chicago : Woman' s Temperance Publishin g Assoc , 1898) , 119 . Th e extraordinar y power s wit h which temperanc e wome n endowe d Kin g Alcohol, an d th e degree to which thes e women assume d th e rol e o f mora l standar d bearer s i n thei r communitie s ar e neatly encapsulate d i n a n appea l t o loca l liquo r retailers , mad e b y th e wome n o f Fredonia, Ohio , durin g th e "Woman' s Crusade " of 1873 : Knowing, a s w e do , tha t th e sal e o f intoxicatin g liquor s i s th e paren t o f every misery , prolifi c i n al l woe , i n thi s lif e an d th e next , poten t alone i n evil, blightin g ever y fai r hope , desolatin g families , th e chie f incentiv e t o crime, these, th e mothers, wive s and daughters, representin g the moral an d religious sentimen t o f ou r town , t o sav e th e love d member s o f ou r house holds fro m th e temptation s o f stron g drink , fro m acquirin g a n appetit e fo r it, an d t o rescue , i f possible , thos e tha t alread y hav e acquire d it , d o ear nestly reques t tha t yo u wil l pledg e yoursel f t o cease to traffi c her e i n thos e drinks forthwit h an d forever . W e wil l als o ad d th e hop e tha t yo u wil l abolish you r gamin g tables . Quoted i n "Give to the Winds Thy Fears," by Blocker , 10 . 66. Hun t quote d i n Era of Excess: A Social History of the Prohibition Movement, by Andrew Sinclai r (Ne w York : Harpe r Colophon , 1962) , 44 . Th e Massachusett s Society fo r th e Preventio n o f Cruelty t o Children claime d tha t i n 188 0 more tha n 85 percent o f the assailant s i n it s family violenc e cases were drunk. Gordo n note s that althoug h drunkennes s wa s highe r amon g male s tha n female s i n thes e cases , alcohol abus e wa s nevertheles s a significan t proble m fo r women . Th e rati o o f male-to-female drunkennes s i n child abus e and adul t violenc e cases was 50:3 5 and 71:50 respectively . Lind a Gordon , Heroes of Their Own Lives: The Politics and History of Family Violence, Boston 1880-1960 (New York : Penguin , 1989) , 143 , 144. 67. Quote d i n Drinking in America, b y Lende r an d Martin , 10 9 (Willard' s emphasis). Th e Anti-Saloo n League , i n it s repor t o n th e mora l condition s sur rounding America n soldier s i n Europ e durin g Worl d Wa r I , describe d intemper ance and prostitutio n a s "twin sisters" : "They usuall y g o hand i n hand. Whateve r affects on e will inevitabl y affec t th e other, an d therefor e i t i s impossible t o stud y one withou t soone r o r late r studyin g th e other . Th e sexua l appetite s ar e excite d by intoxicants , th e prostitut e stimulate s hersel f wit h th e bottle , an d practicall y every hous e o f prostitutio n i s a 'blin d tiger ' wher e liquo r i s sol d a t exorbitan t rates." "Commissioner s Appointe d b y th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e o f Americ a t o Make a First-Han d Stud y o f th e Condition s Surroundin g Ou r Soldier s an d Sailors i n Grea t Britai n an d Franc e wit h Specia l Referenc e t o the Evil s of Intern -

Notes to Chapter One • 16 1 perance and Prostitution, " repor t i n The Anti-Saloon League Year Book, 1918, Ernes t Hurst Cherrington , ed . (Westerville , Ohio : American Issu e Press, 1918) , 86. 68. Throughou t he r caree r Willar d projecte d a worldvie w tha t wa s comple x and sometime s contradictory , creatin g a n etho s tha t Rut h Bordi n ha s calle d a "meld o f womanliness, Christia n Socialism , equa l rights , an d concer n fo r nurtur ance." Rut h Bordin , Frances Willard: A Biography (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f North Carolin a Press , 1986) , 11. 69. France s E . Willard , Annual Address of Miss Frances E. Willard, President, before the Nineteenth National W.C.T.U. Convention, Denver, Colorado, U.S.A. [1892 ] (Chicago: Woman's Temperanc e Publishin g Association , 1892) , 28. 70. France s E . Willard , Home Protection Manual, Containing an Argument for the Temperance Ballot for Woman and How to Obtain It as a Means of Home Protection (New York : "Th e Independent " Office , 1879) , 5, 2 7 (Willard's emphasis) . 71. Henr y Willia m Blair , The Temperance Movement: Or, The Conflict Between Man and Alcohol (Boston: William E . SmytheCo. , 1888) , 397-398 . 72. Whitaker , "Ohi o WCTU," 93. 73. Bordin , Woman and Temperance, 125 . I n th e nationa l electio n o f 188 4 th e Prohibition part y ra n strongl y i n Ne w Yor k state , splittin g th e Republica n vot e and givin g the stat e (and th e election ) to the Democrati c candidat e Grove r Cleve land. I n thi s sam e election Samue l Burchar d mad e his famous declaratio n tha t th e Democratic part y wa s th e part y o f "Rum , Romanism , an d Rebellion, " thereb y delivering the wet, immigran t vot e to Cleveland. Se e Sinclair, Era of Excess, 84 . 74. Foster' s nonpartisa n factio n attracte d man y influentia l WCT U members , including Anni e Wittenmye r an d Mar y Hanna h Hunt . Thoug h neve r enjoyin g the same success as the original organization, th e Nonpartisan WCT U establishe d chapters i n Maine, Vermont , Ohio , Pennsylvania , Illinois , Iowa , an d Minnesota . See Standard Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, s.v . "Non-Partisa n Woman' s Christian Temperanc e Union. " 75. Willard , Glimpses of Fifty Years, 377. 76. Ibid. , 82 , 86. 77. Se e Alan M . Kraut , The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880-1921 (Arlingto n Heights , 111. : Harlan Davidson , 1982) . 78. Bordin , Woman and Alcohol, 122 , 87 . I n he r firs t speec h o n suffrag e i n 1876, Willard referre d t o "th e infide l foreig n populatio n o f our country. " Bordin , Woman and Alcohol, 57 . 79. " I a m first a Christian" quote d i n Era of Excess, b y Sinclair , 97 ; "weld th e Anglo-Saxons" quoted i n Glimpses of Fifty Years, b y Willard , 378 . 80. Quote d i n Woman's World, Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880-1930, b y Ia n Tyrrel l (Chape l Hill : University o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1991) , 28 . Althoug h th e internationalis t activities o f th e WWCT U ar e no t withi n th e scop e of this study , i t i s interestin g to not e tha t th e philosophicall y conflicte d attitud e o f th e WCT U towar d immi grants i n th e Unite d State s wa s mirrore d i n it s attitude s towar d thos e person s i n their ow n countries . O n th e one hand th e WWCTU conceive d o f an internationa l

162 • Notes to Chapter One sisterhood base d o n th e expande d huma n right s tha t th e WWCT U woul d hel p women win, bu t on the other hand som e sisters (especially Englis h and American ) were mor e equa l tha n others . Th e result , accordin g t o Ia n Tyrrell , wa s a form o f cultural imperialis m i n whic h the effort s o f temperanc e wome n t o emancipat e thei r sister s fro m subordi nation t o prevailin g custom s ironicall y becam e enmeshe d i n th e extensio n of Europea n value s an d i n th e domination o f large portions o f th e globe b y the imperia l powers . . . . th e processe s o f benevolenc e create d constituen cies of givers an d receiver s locke d i n reciproca l an d unmistakabl y materna l relations tha t sa t uneasily alongsid e the commitment t o sisterhood . As i n th e Unite d States , th e World' s WCT U registere d it s greates t successe s i n countries wher e Calvinis t Protestantis m predominate d an d encountere d it s great est difficultie s i n Catholi c countries , wher e a mutua l distrus t betwee n nativ e Catholic women an d Protestan t WWCT U organizer s prevailed . Tyrrell , Woman's World, 4, 6 , 65. 8i. Quote d i n Natural Allies, by A . F . Scott , 98. 82. A . F . Scott , Natural Allies, 87 ; Marian J. Morton , "Temperance , Benevo lence, an d th e City : Th e Clevelan d Non-Partisa n Woman' s Christia n Temper ance Union, 1874-1900, " Ohio History 9 (1982): 68. 83. Th e debat e betwee n temperanc e reformer s wh o believe d tha t alcoholi c beverages coul d b e consumed i n moderatio n (an d wh o promote d th e substitutio n of bee r an d win e fo r arden t spirits ) and thos e who insiste d o n abstinenc e fro m al l beverages containin g alcoho l bega n i n th e antebellu m year s an d produce d a serious schis m i n the temperance movement . Man y temperanc e societie s reporte d significant decline s i n membershi p a s a result o f thi s controversy . I n Ne w York , for instance , temperanc e societie s ha d boaste d a membershi p o f mor e tha n 229,000 in 1836 , but b y 183 9 the fermente d beverag e issue had reduce d member ship t o 131,000 . John Alle n Krout , The Origins of Prohibition (Ne w York : Alfre d A. Knopf , 1925) , 161 . By mid-nineteent h centur y th e "ultraists " ha d triumphe d over th e "moderationists " fo r th e hear t an d sou l o f th e temperanc e movement . See Cross , The Burned-Over District, 211-217 . On e o f th e earlies t enunciation s o f the moderat e temperanc e positio n wa s Benjami n Rush' s An Inquiry into the Effects of Ardent Spirits Upon the Human Body and Mind With an Account of the Means of Preventing and of the Remedies For Curing Them (1784), reprinte d i n A New Deal in Liquor: A Plea for Dilution, b y Yandel l Henderso n (Garde n City , N.Y. : Double day, Dora n an d Co. , 1934) . Lyma n Beeche r wa s on e o f th e mos t eloquen t spokesmen fo r the ultraist position . Se e Lyman Beecher , Six Sermons on the Nature, Occasions, Signs, Evils, and Remedy of Intemperance (1828), reprinted i n Lyman Beecher and the Reform of Society: Four Sermons 1804-1828, by Lyma n Beeche r (Ne w York : Arno Press , 1972) . 84. Quote d i n A Full Description, b y T. A . H . Brown , 403. 85. Boyer , Urban Masses, 77 . 86. Wit h uncommo n prescience , Fische r predicte d tha t prohibitio n woul d establish " a widesprea d an d enormou s traffi c i n th e secre t distributio n o f th e

Notes to Chapter One • 16 3 most harmfu l kin d o f liquors , fosterin g hypocrisy , underminin g morality , an d degrading manhood. " U.S . Senat e Subcommitte e o f th e Committe e o n th e Judiciary, Amendment to the Constitution Prohibiting Intoxicating Liquors, Hearings, 63d Cong., 2 d sess . (Washington, D.C. : GPO, 1914) , 74. 87. Hasi a R . Diner , Erin's Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1983) , 6667,113.

88. Rosenzweig , Eight Hours, 43. Irish-American Catholic s generall y fel t mor e comfortable workin g within thei r ow n temperanc e organizations . Mos t notabl e of these groups was the Catholic Total Abstinenc e Union , forme d i n the antebellu m years to promote temperance amon g Irish Americans . Th e visi t to America o f th e Irish temperanc e reforme r Fathe r Theobal d Mathe w i n 1849-5 1 gav e th e Unio n a grea t boost . A s h e ha d don e i n Ireland , Mathe w convince d thousand s o f Americans t o tak e a pledg e o f abstinenc e fro m alcoholi c beverages . Se e Joa n Bland, Hibernian Crusade: The Story of the Catholic Total Abstinence Union of America (Washington, D.C. : Catholi c Universit y o f Americ a Press , 1951) . Interestingly , Ireland experience d approximatel y th e sam e overall decrease i n alcoho l consump tion a s the Unite d State s in the last quarter o f the nineteenth centur y (includin g a decrease i n spirit s consumptio n an d a n increas e i n bee r consumption) . Thi s occurred despit e th e fac t tha t th e Iris h Catholi c Churc h neve r advocate d tota l abstinence an d despit e th e failur e o f Iris h temperanc e societie s t o convinc e larg e numbers o f Iris h tha t th e caus e o f temperanc e wa s no t necessaril y synonymou s with Protestantism . Se e Elizabet h Malcolm , Ireland Sober, Ireland Free: Drink and Temperance in Nineteenth Century Ireland (Dublin: Gil l an d MacMillan , 1986) . 89. Rosenzweig , Eight Hours, 42. 90. Se e Ew a Morawska , For Bread with Butter: Life-Worlds of East Central Europeans in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, 1890-1940 (Cambridge : Cambridg e Univer sity Press , 1985) , 197 . O f Butte , Mar y Murph y observe s tha t bootleggin g "pro vided a ne w vehicl e fo r women , especiall y widow s an d wives , t o supplemen t their incomes . Slavi c wome n bega n makin g win e an d sellin g i t t o boarder s wit h their dinners. " Murphy, "Bootleggin g Mothers, " 185 . 91. Kath y Peis s note s tha t althoug h drinkin g a t hom e wa s commo n amon g women i n man y working-clas s an d immigran t neighborhood s i n Ne w York , th e saloon remaine d a largely mal e domain . Kath y Peiss , Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Templ e Univer sity Press , 1986) , 14-15 , 27-29 . Susa n Levin e has found tha t th e "Lad y Knight " members o f th e Knight s o f Labo r condemne d th e saloon , th e traditiona l meetin g place of trade unions, as an institution that "encourage d divisio n within the famil y by separatin g th e husban d fro m hi s wif e an d children. " Susa n Levine , Labor's True Woman: Carpet Weavers, Industrialization, and Labor Reform in the Gilded Age (Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Press , 1984) , 123. 92. Se e Jack S . Blocker , Jr., Retreat from Reform: The Prohibition Movement in the United States, 1890-1913 (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1976) , 53-57 . 93. Se e Bordin, Woman and Temperance, 118 . 94. Sinclair , Era of Excess, 107-109. Se e als o Lende r an d Martin , Drinking in

164 • Notes to Chapter One America, i n . Th e organizationa l structur e o f th e WCTU , whic h wa s basicall y democratic, wit h loca l union s havin g a great dea l o f autonomy , wa s not incorporated b y th e league , whic h instea d adopte d a bureaucrati c for m o f organizatio n with tigh t nationa l contro l ove r loca l leagues . K . Austi n Kerr , Organized for Prohibition: A New History of the Anti-Saloon League (New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press, 1985) , 80-82 . 95. Kerr , Organizedfor Prohibition, 73 . 96. Ibid. , 158-159 . Suc h cooperativ e effort s include d th e driv e t o eliminat e liquor a t U.S . militar y bases . Thi s campaig n resulte d i n th e passag e o f a law i n 1901 tha t prohibite d th e sal e o f alcoholi c beverage s a t militar y bases . Kerr , Organized forProhibition ,127. 97. Se e Charle s Merz , The Dry Decade (1930 ; reprint , Seattle : Universit y o f Washington Press , 1970) , 14-16 , 30 7 (page citations ar e to the reprint edition) . 98. Se e Ibid. , 2 0 - 2 2 , 19 .

99. Se e Gilma n M . Ostrander , The Prohibition Movement in California, 1848ipjj (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1957) ; Norma n H . Clark , The Dry Years: Prohibition and Social Change in Washington (Seattle: Universit y o f Washington Press , 1965) . The 191 6 state prohibitio n initiativ e i n Montan a easil y passed wit h 5 8 percen t o f th e vote . Butt e an d Silve r Bo w County , however , voted 5 8 percen t against stat e prohibition . Murphy , "Bootleggin g Mothers, " I77

' 100. Ostrander, The Prohibition Movement in California, 65. 1 o 1. See Boyer, Urban Masses, 192-193 . 102. Kerr, Organized forProhibition, 187-188. 103. "Americanizatio n a s Patriotic Service, " Union Signal, 2 4 January 1918 , 5. By 191 8 the WCT U ha d begu n t o us e th e wor d "allies " in th e geopolitica l sens e of th e word . A lette r penne d b y Edit h Wilson , wif e o f th e president , an d Ann a Howard Sha w note d tha t "i n the yearning of the motherheart o f the world fo r th e highest mora l an d spiritua l welfar e o f children, ther e i s a deeper an d mor e subtl e bond whic h make s al l wome n akin. " Yet , thes e war m expression s o f motherl y universality wer e addresse d t o "th e wome n o f th e allie d countries, " wit h n o indication tha t wome n o f Tripl e Allianc e countrie s migh t als o shar e thi s bond . "Our Washingto n Letter, " Union Signal, 1 4 February 1918 , 2. 104. Senat e Subcommittee , Amendment Prohibiting Intoxicating Liquors, 33. I n comparing nation s tha t adopte d regulatio n o f alcoholi c beverage s t o nation s tha t adopted prohibitio n o f alcoholic beverages, Ros s Paulson ha s theorized tha t regulation o f devian t socia l behavio r implie s a certai n toleranc e o f subcul tures and ma y reflec t a sense of security o n the part of the ruling elite, class, or majority . I t ma y indicat e tha t a pluralistic socia l mode l o f community i s held b y thos e wh o mak e th e law . Prohibition , o n th e othe r hand , ma y reflect a n uneasiness , a sense of insecurity , o n th e par t o f th e rulin g grou p and a n unwillingnes s t o tolerat e deviatio n fro m it s norm s (whic h i t identi fies with defianc e o f its authority). Th e mode l o f the community implici t i n such a stance is unitary rathe r tha n pluralistic .

Notes to Chapter One • 16 5 Ross Evan s Paulson , Women's Suffrage and Prohibition: A Comparative Study of Equality and Social Control (Glenview, 111. : Scott, Foresma n an d Company , 1973) , 165. 105. Ell a A . Boole , "Americanizatio n an d th e Drin k Problem, " Union Signal, 20 June 1918 , 11 .

106. Paul Boye r refer s t o one suc h prohibitio n initiativ e in Boston , wher e "th e Boston vot e o f 191 6 sa w th e bankers , th e commercia l elite , an d th e Beaco n Hil l patricians lin e u p wit h th e Italia n an d Iris h ward s i n opposition , whil e stron g support cam e fro m th e les s affluen t Yanke e neighborhoods. " Boyer , Urban Masses, 213 . 107. Madelo n Power s believe s tha t th e importanc e o f th e saloo n i n th e lif e o f the workin g ma n ha d s o seriousl y erode d b y 192 0 tha t saloo n customer s "wer e simply no t sufficientl y motivate d t o moun t th e require d action—spontaneou s o r organized—to sav e [th e saloon]. " Powers , "Deca y fro m Within, " 112 . Power s argues tha t improve d hom e environments , th e increase d mobilit y o f th e ethni c groups tha t wer e th e backbone s o f neighborhoo d saloons , th e decreas e i n th e proportion o f singl e me n t o singl e women , an d ne w form s o f amusement s tha t competed wit h saloon s (suc h a s baseball , movies , amusemen t parks ) al l contrib uted t o weaken seriousl y th e constituency o f American saloons . 108. "Meeting s o f an Executiv e Sessio n o f the Unite d State s Brewers ' Association, Hel d i n Atlanti c City , N.J. , a t th e Shelburn e Hotel , Octobe r 3 , 1913 , at 3 P.M.," submitte d t o th e recor d o f U.S . Senat e Subcommitte e o n th e Judiciary , Brewing and Liquor Interests and German and Bolshevik Propaganda, Report and Hearings (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1919) , 1:365 . Adolphu s Busc h als o appreciate d the genuin e threa t pose d b y prohibition . A s earl y a s 191 1 Busch warne d tha t th e brewing industr y wa s i n fo r a "struggl e fo r existence . I f w e lose , w e los e every thing." Kerr, Organized forProhibition, 176. 109. Kerr , Organized for Prohibition, 201 . Eventuall y a war-tim e prohibitio n measure wa s secure d tha t include d all alcoholi c beverages , bu t passag e wa s no t obtained unti l afte r th e armistic e i n 1919 , whe n th e Unite d State s ha d cease d hostilities bu t wa s technically stil l at war . 110. Th e league' s Purle y Bake r referre d t o th e German s a s a people "wh o ea t like gluttons an d drin k lik e swine." The us e of beer , accordin g t o Baker , "wil l d o for a nation exactl y wha t i t wil l fo r a n individual . Th e us e o f i t wil l destro y th e finer sensibilities , develo p egotism , whic h i s alway s accompanie d b y cowardice , and foste r th e unspeakabl e doctrin e tha t migh t make s right. " Referrin g t o th e German-American Alliance , a n antiprohibitio n organizatio n tha t receive d gener ous fundin g fro m th e brewin g industry , Bake r aske d rhetorically , "Doe s anyon e doubt, i n th e ligh t o f th e immediat e past , tha t i f ther e ha d no t bee n a strong , virile, Prohibitio n movemen t t o comba t th e propagand a o f thi s disloya l bu t wel l financed organization , tha t Americ a woul d hav e bee n sufficientl y Germanize d t o have kep t he r ou t o f th e war? " Proceeding s o f th e Specia l Conferenc e Calle d b y the Boar d o f Director s o f th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e o f Americ a fo r th e Purpos e o f Launching a Movemen t fo r World-Wid e Prohibition , hel d a t Columbus , Ohio , 19, 20 , 21 , and 2 2 November 1918 , 77, 75-76 .

166 • Notes to Chapter Two i n . B y 191 2 women i n Wyoming, Colorado , Utah , Idaho , California , Wash ington, Arizona , Kansas , Oregon , an d Ne w Yor k wer e voting . Se e Paulson , Women's Suffrage and Prohibition, 156; Sara M . Evans , Born to Liberty: A History of Women in America (New York : Free Press, 1989) , 165-166 . 112. Specia l Conference fo r th e Purpose of Launching a Movement fo r World Wide Prohibition, 74 .

T W O Women's

Politics, Home Protection, and the Morality of Prohibition in the 1920s

1. Althoug h th e Nationa l America n Woma n Suffrag e Associatio n ha d origi nally welcome d WCT U assistanc e i n suffrag e campaigns , b y th e mid-1890 s th e WCTU's talen t fo r excitin g th e liquo r industr y ha d begu n t o strai n relation s between th e tw o women' s organizations . Thes e tension s culminate d i n a reques t by NAWS A i n 189 6 that th e WCT U mov e it s national conventio n fro m Califor nia t o St . Loui s becaus e NAWS A leader s believe d tha t a WCTU conventio n i n California coul d jeopardiz e a favorable vot e on woman suffrag e i n that state . Th e WCTU agree d bu t indignantl y rejecte d a n additiona l NAWS A reques t tha t WCTU member s remov e thei r emblemati c whit e ribbon s an d voic e n o opinion s on prohibitio n whil e participatin g i n suffrag e campaigns . B y 189 9 NAWSA' s Carrie Chapman Car t was asking the WCTU t o refrain fro m al l suffrage activities , a request tha t was also rejected. Se e Bordin, Woman and Temperance, 122 . As Ros s Evans Paulso n ha s noted , th e outcome s o f stat e suffrag e campaign s depende d o n a complex se t of circumstances. I n th e case of the California suffrag e campaig n o f 1896, for instance , Paulso n believe s that th e amendment wa s defeated becaus e (1) woman suffrag e force s wer e poorl y organize d an d divided , (2 ) th e Californi a Protective Association, a n organization o f state wholesale and retai l liquor dealers , was especially effective, an d (3) the amendment was opposed by California Catho lics. Paulson , Women's Suffrage and Prohibition, 138-139. A fe w suffragists , suc h as Oregon's Abigai l Scot t Duniway , campaigne d a s vigorousl y agains t prohibitio n as they di d fo r suffrag e becaus e the y objecte d t o th e coerciv e aspect s o f prohibi tion. Se e Abigail Scot t Duniway , Path Breaking: An Autobiographical History of the Equal Suffrage Movement in Pacific Coast States (Portland, Oreg. : James, Kearn s an d Abbott, 1914) . 2. Se e Senat e Subcommittee , Brewing and Liquor Interests and German Propaganda. 3. Quote d i n "Enemie s o f Suffrage, " b y Eleano r Flexner , i n The Woman Question, Welter , ed. , 108-109 . 4. Quote d i n "Th e Figh t fo r Suffrage, " b y Willia m L . O'Neill , Wilson Quarterly, Autumn 1986 , 103 . 5. Quote d i n The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles, 1920-1970, by Willia m Henr y Chaf e (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1972), 34-

Notes to Chapter Two • 16 7 6. Quote d i n The Woman Citizen: Social Feminism in the 1920s, b y J . Stanle y Lemons (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinois Press, 1973) , n o . 7. Lemons , The Woman Citizen, 111. 8. Se e William L. O'Neill , Everyone Was Brave: The Rise and Fall of Feminism in America (Chicago: Quadrangle Books , 1969) , 270. 9. Willia m O'Neil l ha s bee n especiall y assiduou s i n portrayin g wha t h e call s "the failur e o f feminism " durin g th e 1920s . O'Neil l believe s tha t "th e ballo t di d not materiall y hel p wome n t o advanc e thei r mos t urgen t causes ; eve n worse , i t did no t hel p wome n t o bette r themselve s o r improv e thei r status. " According t o O'Neill th e improvemen t i n the position o f women tha t di d accru e over time wa s "the result o f broad socio-economi c changes which affecte d th e entire population . No on e ha s bee n abl e t o demonstrat e tha t feminis m wa s directl y responsibl e fo r the tangible gains that were secured." O'Neill, Everyone Was Brave, vii-viii. 10. O'Neill , "Th e Figh t fo r Suffrage, " 109 . Nanc y F . Cott , The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven : Yal e University Press , 1987) , 101. 11. Quote d i n The American Woman, by Chafe , 31 . 12. "Te n Years of Suffrage," Ladies' Home Journal, August 1930 , 22. 13. Nanc y Cot t call s th e ide a o f a "woma n bloc " a n "interpretiv e fiction, involving a willing suspension o f disbelief," given the divisions that existed amon g women an d th e realitie s o f th e politica l system . Cott , The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 114 . 14. Ibid. , 101 .

15. Nanc y Cot t ha s noted th e "strikin g continuities" between women's organi zational activitie s befor e an d afte r suffrage , maintainin g tha t wome n continue d t o favor "th e pursui t o f politic s throug h voluntar y association s ove r th e electora l arena." Cott believes, moreover, tha t "it is highly probabl e that the greatest exten t of associationa l activit y i n th e whol e histor y o f America n wome n too k plac e i n the er a betwee n th e tw o worl d wars , afte r wome n becam e voter s an d befor e a great proportio n o f the m entere d th e labo r force. " Cott , The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 85 , 97 . Kare n Blai r emphasize s tha t women' s club s i n th e er a befor e suffrage ha d th e effec t o f empowerin g wome n an d tha t man y clu b wome n wer e "feminists unde r th e skin " who develope d " a significan t an d popula r strateg y fo r achieving autonomy , howeve r muc h the y ma y hav e maintaine d thei r ideologica l cover." Kare n J . Blair , The Clubwoman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1868-1914 (Ne w York : Holme s an d Meier , 1980) , 1 . 16. Grac e C. Root . Women and Repeal: The Story of the Women's Organization for National Prohibition Reform (New York : Harper, 1934) , 3. 17. Mrs . Clemen t L . Shaver , "Shal l W e Hav e a Thir d Party? " i n Woman' s National Committe e fo r La w Enforcemen t an d La w Observance , Report, Cam bridge, Mass. , 1931 , 109-110 . Collecte d i n Pamphlets on Prohibition, Temperance, Liquor Problem, Liquor Traffic, etc. in the U.S., 8 vols., Librar y of Congress. Recently, th e Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Women , i n it s "Declaratio n o f Women's Politica l Independence, " ha s take n not e o f "th e failur e o f bot h politica l parties to address women's needs." NOW ha s vowed to "support an d see k to elect candidates wh o wil l mov e towar d th e feminis t agenda , notwithstandin g part y

168 • Notes to Chapter Two affiliation," an d t o "investigate th e formation o f a new part y dedicate d t o equalit y for women. " Nationa l Organizatio n fo r Women , "Declaratio n o f Women's Politi cal Independence," quoted i n NOW Los Angeles, October-November 1989 , 3. 18. Paul a Baker , fo r instance , claim s tha t b y th e 1920 s wome n ha d bot h rejected "woman' s spher e a s a n organizin g principle " an d "abandone d th e hom e as a basis for a separate political culture." Baker, "Domesticatio n o f Politics," 644, 645. Writin g i n a subsequen t work , Bake r seem s les s sure . I n The Moral Frameworks of Public Life, Baker claims that b y the 1920 s "gender role s no longer seeme d relevant t o th e conduc t o f politics, " bu t sh e als o note s th e persistenc e o f th e notion that "women' s knowledg e of the home earned the m a say in social policies" and th e tendenc y o f Republica n wome n o f th e er a t o mi x "Progressive-er a housekeeping rhetori c wit h part y politics. " Paula Baker , The Moral Frameworks of Public Life: Gender, Politics, and the State in Rural New York, 1870- 1930 (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1991) , 163-164 . Glenn a Matthew s als o argue s fo r th e demise o f th e hom e protectio n idea , claimin g tha t th e hom e o f th e 1920 s was "s o badly undermine d a s t o b e worthles s fo r justifyin g femal e politica l claims " an d that "becaus e hom e wa s n o longe r a mora l beacon , th e woma n i n charg e o f th e home ha d littl e rational e fo r speakin g ou t publicl y i n it s name. " Glenn a Mat thews, "Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America (New York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1987) , 193 , 192. 19. Joan Jensen note s tha t leader s o f th e women' s peac e movemen t "appeale d to wha t the y calle d th e bon d o f motherhood, " a n ideolog y that , whe n applie d t o war, "assume d tha t women a s the bearers an d caretaker s of life had a special sens e of its preservation." Joan M . Jensen, "Al l Pin k Sisters : The Wa r Departmen t an d the Feminis t Movemen t i n th e 1920s, " in Decades of Discontent: The Women's Movement, 1920-1940, Loi s Schar f an d Joa n M . Jensen , eds . (Boston : Northeaster n University Press , 1983) , 202 . Susa n Becke r ha s claime d tha t on e o f th e reason s the Woman's part y di d no t enjo y th e popularity i t sought was due to its failure t o produce "an y systemati c analysi s o f women's role s a s wives an d mothers. " Susa n Becker, The Origins of the Equal Rights Amendment: American Feminism between the Wars (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1981) , 275-276 . 20. Joan Jense n ha s describe d th e red-baitin g offensiv e launche d b y th e Wa r Department, wit h th e assistanc e o f th e America n Legion , agains t th e Women' s International Leagu e fo r Peac e an d Freedom . Jense n believe s tha t th e attack s o n the WILP F see m t o hav e ha d "th e intende d effec t o f movin g mor e conservativ e and Republica n wome n awa y fro m th e coalition of women's groups an d abandon ing reform. " Jensen , "Al l Pin k Sisters, " 214-215 . Carrol l Smith-Rosenber g be lieves tha t psychologist s an d educator s carrie d o n thei r ow n offensiv e agains t reform wome n an d tha t "charge s o f lesbianism " becam e " a commo n wa y t o discredit wome n professionals, reformers , an d educators—and th e feminist politi cal, reform , an d educatio n institution s the y ha d founded. " Carrol l Smith-Rosen berg, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York : Alfre d A. Knopf , 1985) , 281. 21. U.S . Departmen t o f Commerce , Burea u o f the Census , Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, Part 1 (White Plains , N.Y. : Krau s

Notes to Chapter Two • 16 9 International, 1989) , 132-133 ; Nancy Folbr e and Marjorie Abel , "Women' s Wor k and Women' s Households : Gende r Bia s i n th e U.S . Census, " Social Research 5 6 (Autumn 1989) : 553. 22. Majori e Abe l an d Nanc y Folbre , " A Methodolog y fo r Revisin g Estimates : Female Marke t Participatio n i n th e U.S . befor e 1940, " Historical Methods 2 3 (Fall 1990): 169 .

23. Rut h Schwart z Cowan , "Tw o Washe s i n th e Mornin g an d a Bridge Part y at Night : Th e America n Housewif e betwee n th e Wars, " i n Decades of Discontent, Scharf an d Jensen, eds. , 186 . Cowa n ha s note d tha t th e decrease d availabilit y o f servants afte r th e mid-1920 s coincide d wit h th e increase d availabilit y o f electrica l servants. Th e resul t wa s tha t wome n wh o ha d formerl y directe d th e labo r o f others within th e home were now performin g tha t labor themselves—a phenome non Cowan refer s t o as the "proletarianization" of housework. Se e Ruth Schwart z Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York : Basi c Books , 1983) , 172-181 . On e "Middle town" woma n note d tha t "m y labor-savin g device s jus t abou t offse t m y lac k o f a maid." Rober t S . Lyn d an d Hele n Merrel l Lynd , Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture (New York : Harvest , 1956) , 17 1 n . 23 . Th e hom e durin g th e 1920s wa s als o decreasingl y a center fo r domesti c productio n an d increasingl y a center fo r domesti c consumption , a s wome n bega n relyin g mor e o n factory produced foodstuff s an d ready-mad e clothin g (an d les s o n good s produce d b y their ow n labor ) to suppl y th e need s o f their families . Matthews,/# # a Housewife, 179-180.

24. Geoffre y Perrett , America in the Twenties: A History (New York : Touch stone, 1982) , 159 . 25. D'Emili o an d Freedma n defin e sexua l liberalis m a s "a n overlappin g se t o f beliefs tha t detache d sexua l activit y fro m th e instrumenta l goa l o f procreation , affirmed heterosexua l pleasur e a s a value i n itself , define d sexua l satisfactio n a s a critical componen t o f persona l happines s an d successfu l marriage , an d weakene d the connections betwee n sexua l expression an d marriag e by providin g youth wit h room fo r som e experimentatio n a s preparatio n fo r adul t status. " John D'Emili o and Estell e B . Freedman , Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper an d Row , 1988) , 241. 26. Se e Mary P . Ryan , Womanhood in America: From Colonial Times to the Present (New York : Frankli n Watts , 1983) , 241 ; Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 147. John D'Emili o an d Estell e Freedma n hav e argued tha t whil e survey s amon g white middle-clas s wome n wh o wer e comin g o f ag e durin g th e 1920 s reveale d a "significantly highe r incidenc e of premarital intercourse " than wa s true of wome n of precedin g decades , th e evidenc e als o suggeste d tha t "youn g wome n generall y restricted coitu s t o a singl e partner , th e ma n the y expecte d t o marry. " D'Emili o and Freedman , Intimate Matters, 257. 27. Perrett , America in the Twenties, 350. 28. Cott , The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 172. 29. Se e Rolan d Marchand , Advertising the American Dream: Making Way for Modernity, 1920-1940 (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1985) .

170 • Notes to Chapter Two 30. Ladies' Home Journal, Februar y 1929 , 124-125 , 185 , 81 , 113 . Ruth Cowa n observes tha t "i n earlier time s a woman coul d hav e been mad e to feel guilty i f sh e had abandone d he r childre n o r bee n to o fre e i n he r affections . I n th e year s between th e war s America n wome n apparentl y bega n t o fee l guilt y i f thei r children wer e see n i n publi c i n scuffe d shoes. " Cowan , "Tw o Washe s i n th e Morning an d a Bridge Part y a t Night," 183 . Cowan take s note of an unpublishe d study conducte d i n 197 1 b y Timoth y Patterson , the n a graduat e studen t a t th e State Universit y o f New Yor k a t Ston y Brook , whic h analyze d advertisement s i n the Ladies' Home Journal i n th e year s betwee n th e war . Patterso n foun d tha t guil t was one of the to p thre e advertisin g appeal s (th e others bein g celebrity an d socia l status). Se e Cowan, More Work for Mother •, 187 . 31. Referrin g t o th e "experience s o f husband s an d childre n wh o pa y th e high price, " fo r femal e "self-pity, " Ann a Stees e Richardso n contende d tha t thi s phenomenon wa s "poisonin g mor e lives , causin g mor e divorce s an d breakin g u p more familie s tha n an y othe r singl e attribut e o f th e moder n wife. " Richardso n recommended tha t wome n sufferin g fro m suc h a malady tak e u p a hobby. Ann a Steese Richardson , "Pit y th e Wive s Wh o Pit y Themselves, " McCaWs, February 1931. Th e resul t o f al l this , accordin g t o Rut h Cowan , wa s tha t "spendin g tim e with he r childre n seem s t o hav e bee n a s muc h a moral imperativ e fo r th e house wife o f th e twentie s a s spendin g tim e o n Christia n goo d work s wa s fo r he r mother." Cowan , "Tw o Washe s i n th e Mornin g an d a Bridg e Part y a t Night, " 182.

32. Lyn d an d Lynd , Middletown, 117 , 148 . Mary Rya n argue s that "wome n o f the earl y twentiet h centur y balke d a t th e ide a o f surrenderin g thei r ow n preemi nence with th e home, howeve r streamline d i t had become, " and tha t "th e place of women withi n th e gende r syste m n o longe r too k th e exact , bol d shap e o f a separate sphere , ye t i t wa s stil l clearl y se t apar t fro m tha t o f man. " Ryan , Womanhood in A merica, 252 . 33. Quote d i n Edit h P . Mayo , "Campaig n Appeal s t o Women, " i n American Material Culture: The Shape of Things around Us, Edith Mayo , ed . (Bowlin g Green , Ohio: Bowlin g Stat e University Popula r Press , 1984) , 136 . 34. Quote d i n "Persona l Politics, " b y Mrs . Alvi n T . Hert , McCalVs, May 1929, 151 .

35. Th e AS L note d tha t "whethe r o r no t th e othe r nation s shal l ultimatel y embrace th e polic y o f Prohibitio n wil l depen d i n n o smal l measur e upo n th e success wit h whic h w e pu t int o operatio n an d maintai n th e Prohibitio n polic y i n our ow n land. " Ernes t Hurs t Cherrington , ed. , The Anti-Saloon League Year Book, ipiy (Westerville , Ohio : American Issu e Press , 1919) , 22. 36. At th e same meeting Ernest Cherringto n proclaimed , unparalleled opportunit y i s presented b y existin g worl d condition s suc h a s has neve r bee n presente d i n th e Christia n era . Fo r th e mora l force s t o fai l to gras p th e significanc e o f th e opportunit y thu s presente d woul d b e a political, social , economic , mora l an d religiou s crime . Th e organize d tem perance forces o f America canno t avoi d responsibility . The y dar e not fail .

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 1 See Standard Encyclopedia of the Alcohol Problem, s.v. "Worl d Leagu e agains t Alco holism." Th e prospect s fo r worl d prohibitio n wer e quickl y extinguishe d durin g the 1920s . Eve n durin g th e wa r year s mos t nation s ha d chose n t o regulat e liquo r more strictly rather than to prohibit i t altogether. Thos e nations choosing prohibition include d Canada , Russia , Iceland , Finland , an d th e Unite d States . Th e American exampl e prove d t o b e insufficientl y inspiring , however , an d no t onl y did no new nations adopt prohibition afte r th e war, bu t those few nation s that ha d adopted prohibitio n durin g th e war repeale d it . Canad a renounce d prohibitio n o n a provinc e b y provinc e basis , Russi a reinstate d th e sal e o f beverag e alcoho l i n 1921, an d Icelan d resume d liquo r sale s i n 1922 . Onl y Finlan d an d th e Unite d States maintaine d thei r system s o f prohibitio n throughou t th e 1920s , wit h Fin land repealin g it s prohibition la w one year before Americ a repeale d it s law . 37. Mark Lende r an d James Marti n refe r t o a study showin g that i n 190 7 there were 7. 3 death s pe r 100,00 0 populatio n du e t o chroni c o r acut e alcoholism . B y 1920 tha t figur e ha d droppe d t o 1. 0 pe r 100,000 . Th e rat e ha d rise n t o 4. 0 pe r 100,000 b y 192 7 an d falle n agai n t o 2. 5 b y 1932 . Lende r an d Martin , Drinking in America, 255-256. 38. I n he r examinatio n o f th e Massachusett s Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Cruelty t o Children , L . Gordo n note s tha t th e failur e o f prohibitio n t o liv e up t o its expectations "shoo k th e chil d protectors ' belie f tha t temperanc e wa s a solutio n to family violence. " L. Gordon , Heroes of Their Own Lives, 141-142 . 39. Clar k Warburton , The Economic Results of Prohibition (1932 ; reprint , Ne w York: AMS Press , 1958) , 262 , 25 9 (page citations ar e to the reprint edition) . 40. Historian s hav e generall y chose n t o emphasiz e th e negativ e legac y o f prohibition. On e o f th e earliest , an d stil l on e o f th e finest, studie s o f prohibitio n is Charles Merz' s The Dry Decade. Writte n i n 1930 , while prohibitio n wa s stil l i n effect, The Dry Decade described th e governmen t approac h t o prohibition enforce ment a s "drift" an d note d tha t "unti l som e settlement wa s reached whic h dispose d of this proble m a s effectively a s the America n peopl e could hop e t o dispose of it , by stric t enforcemen t o r b y repea l o r b y som e other method , prohibitio n seeme d destined t o remai n a dominant an d disturbin g issue. " Merz, The Dry Decade, 300 . A popula r histor y o f prohibition , Herber t Asbury' s The Great Illusion (1950) wa s influential i n it s portraya l o f prohibitio n a s a fiasco, an d Richar d Hofstadter' s 1955 characterizatio n o f prohibitio n a s a "pseudo-reform , a pinched , parochia l substitute fo r reform " tha t wa s "carrie d abou t Americ a b y th e rural-evangelica l virus" ha s prove d t o b e sufficientl y quotabl e t o mak e it s wa y int o numerou s essays o n th e prohibitio n issue . Herber t Asbury , The Great Illusion: An Informal History of Prohibition (Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1950) ; Richard Hofstadter , The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , n.d.) , 289 290. Takin g th e Hofstadte r lin e i n 196 2 wa s Andre w Sinclair , wh o insiste d tha t the lesso n o f prohibition wa s tha t "th e fine frenz y o f a minority, a long period o f indoctrination, a powerful pressur e group , an d a state o f nationa l fea r ca n caus e the adoptio n o f a n ill-considere d reform. " Sinclair , Era of Excess, 416 . I n 196 3 Joseph R . Gusfiel d describe d temperanc e refor m i n terms o f "statu s politics " and delineated betwee n th e "assimilative " an d "coercive " strain s o f reform . Gusfiel d

172 • Notes to Chapter Two maintained that , althoug h bot h varietie s ha d bee n presen t i n temperance thinkin g from th e beginning , th e coerciv e strai n ha d becom e dominan t b y th e lat e nine teenth century . Joseph R . Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1976) , 6-7 , 6 1 138. Jame s Timberlake' s Prohibition and the Progressive Movement (1966) restore d prohibition t o th e progressiv e traditio n bu t note d th e dilemm a o f reformer s wh o were face d wit h th e choic e o f havin g "t o enforc e th e la w throug h measure s tha t smacked o f tyranny " o r "t o acquiesc e i n a defianc e o f th e la w tha t woul d onl y create wors e evil s tha n th e la w wa s designe d t o cure. " Jame s H . Timberlake , Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900-1920 (Cambridge : Harvar d Univer sity Press , 1966) , 184 . First t o tak e a revisionist lin e wa s John Burnha m i n 1968 . I n hi s essay "Ne w Perspectives o n th e Prohibitio n 'Experiment ' o f th e 1920's, " Burnha m insiste d that prohibitio n ha d bee n th e victi m o f a "myth o f failure, " tha t "a s the evidenc e stands today, [prohibition ] can more easily be considered a success than a failure," and tha t th e repeal o f prohibition wa s "a major reversa l of social reform." John C . Burnham, "Ne w Perspective s o n th e Prohibitio n 'Experiment ' o f th e 1920's, " Journal of Social History 1 (Fall 1968) : 51. Norman Clar k expande d thi s argumen t in 1976 . Clark reminde d reader s o f the perniciou s influenc e tha t th e liquo r traffi c exerted o n privat e lives , communities , an d o n th e bod y politi c an d decrie d th e fact tha t "sinc e th e 'dr y decade ' o f th e 1920s , th e essentiall y liberal—o r liberat ing—motives o f th e movemen t hav e not bee n s o obvious." Clark, Deliver Us from Evil, 5 . In his study of the Anti-Saloon Leagu e in 1985 , K. Austi n Kerr concurre d with Clark , notin g that "th e conventional wisdo m overlooks one simple yet highl y significant fact : prohibitio n worked . . . . Th e reformer s believe d tha t onc e th e traffic wa s drive n underground , drinkin g rate s woul d drop . The y wer e correct. " Kerr, Organized forProhibition, 276. Most recently , Jac k Blocke r ha s pluralize d th e temperanc e movement , identi fying five America n temperanc e movement s an d emphasizin g th e cyclica l natur e of temperance reform . Withi n eac h movement Blocke r detects " a progression tha t led i t towar d a more coerciv e polic y tha n tha t wit h whic h th e movemen t began. " Jack S . Blocker , Jr. , American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform (Boston: Twayne Publishers , 1989) , xvi . I n a 199 3 wor k Joh n Burnha m claim s tha t a convergence o f economi c interest s (wha t h e call s th e "vice-industria l complex" ) with thos e who promoted th e minor vices (groups that include d ethnics , the lower economic orders , artists , intellectuals , an d criminals ) ha d resulte d i n wha t h e called a n "inversio n o f value s an d attitude s towar d th e ba d habits. " Burnha m believes tha t th e crucia l even t tha t le d t o th e wide r publi c acceptanc e o f thes e vices—smoking, drinking , takin g drugs , gambling , sexua l misbehavior , an d swearing—was th e repea l o f prohibition . I t wa s thi s even t tha t "signifie d th e repeal o f many implici t contract s concernin g behavior " an d acte d a s "a symbo l o f a change i n standards. " Burnham, Bad Habits, 4, 49. 41. Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 214. 42. W . J . Rorabaug h foun d tha t th e annua l absolut e alcoho l consume d pe r capita o f th e drinking-ag e populatio n (ag e 1 5 or older ) wa s 1. 8 gallon s i n 1875 .

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 3 For the succeedin g year s thi s figure wa s 1. 9 i n 1880 , 2. 0 i n 1885 , 2.1 i n 1890 , 2. 1 in 1895 , 2 I m 1900 , 2. 3 i n 1905 , 2. 6 i n 1910 , an d 2. 4 i n 1915 . Rorabaugh , The Alcoholic Republic, 233 . Merton Hyma n e t al calculate that consumption of absolut e alcohol b y thos e o f drinkin g ag e wa s 1.7 2 gallon s pe r yea r betwee n 187 1 an d 1880. Their figures fo r th e years immediatel y precedin g prohibitio n ar e 1901-05 : 2.39; 1906-10 : 2.60 ; 1911-15 : 2.56 ; 1916-19 : 1.96 . Hyma n e t al. , Drinkers, Drinking, and Alcohol-Related Mortality and Hospitalizations, 3 . 43. Kerr , Organized forProhibition, 277. 44. Clark , Deliver Us from Evil, 146 . 45. U.S . Departmen t o f Health , Education , an d Welfare , Nationa l Institut e on Alcoho l Abus e an d Alcoholism , Alcohol and Health: First Special Report to the U.S. Congress, Decembe r 197 1 (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1971) , 9. Hyma n e t al. concur, notin g in regard t o their tables that "th e National Prohibitio n year s 1920 33, ar e necessarily omitted ; th e immediately followin g year s apparently represen t the increasin g replacemen t o f illici t b y lega l beverages. " Hyma n e t al. , Drinkers, Drinking, and Alcohol-Related Mortality and Hospitalizations, 3 . 46. Jeffre y A . Miro n an d Jeffre y Zwiebel , "Alcoho l Consumptio n durin g Prohibition," American Economic Review 8 1 (Ma y 1991) : 242-246 . Th e U.S . Bu reau o f th e Censu s estimate s tha t persona l consumptio n expenditure s o n alcoho l rose from $1. 4 billion i n 192 1 to $2 billion i n 1929 . Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Bicentennial Edition, 320 . 47. Atlanta Constitution, 4 March 1932 . 48. Se e Humbert S . Nelli , "America n Syndicat e Crime : A Legac y o f Prohibi tion," an d Mar k H . Haller , "Bootlegger s a s Businessmen : Fro m Cit y Slum s t o City Builders, " both i n Law, Alcohol, and Order, Kyvig , ed . 49. Burnham , "Ne w Perspective s o n th e Prohibitio n 'Experiment ' o f th e 1920's," 6 1.

50. U.S . Treasury Department , Burea u o f Industrial Alcohol , Statistics concerning Intoxicating Liquors, December 193 3 (Washington, D.C. : GPO, 1933) , 95. 51. Kennet h D . Rose , "Wettes t i n th e West : Sa n Francisc o an d Prohibitio n i n 1924," California History 65 (December 1986) : 290, 292. 5 2. Sinclair , Era of Excess, 21 1 -212. 53. Thes e wer e total s appropriate d b y Congres s fo r th e Burea u o f Prohibitio n and fo r th e Burea u o f Industrial Alcohol . Treasur y Department , Statistics concerning Intoxicating Liquors, 91 . These rising appropriations wer e still hopelessly inade quate t o enforc e prohibitio n laws , an d Joh n Burnha m believe s tha t th e Anti Saloon Leagu e "starved " the Prohibition Burea u b y refusin g t o press for adequat e enforcement funds . Accordin g t o Burnha m "hug e sum s spen t o n prohibition , th e drys feared , woul d alienat e man y voters—an d fearfu l Congressmen—mor e o r less indifferen t t o prohibition . Th e prohibitionist s therefor e mad e th e clai m tha t prohibition wa s effectiv e s o tha t the y woul d no t hav e t o admi t th e necessit y of larg e appropriation s fo r enforcement. " Burnham , "Ne w Perspective s o n th e Prohibition 'Experiment ' o f the 1920's, " 57. 54. Sea n Denni s Cashman , Prohibition: The Lie of the Land (Ne w York : Fre e Press, 1981) , 50-51 .

174 • Notes to Chapter Two 55. Betwee n 192 4 an d 1929 , th e year s whe n variou s gangste r element s wer e struggling to gain control o f Chicago, there wa s an average of 35 0 to 400 murder s and 10 0 bombings pe r year i n Cook County. Sinclair , Era of Excess, 222 . 56. Se e Pau l M . Angle , Bloody Williamson: A Chapter in American Lawlessness (New York : Alfred A . Knopf , 1952) . 57. Denver Post, 6 June 1924 . 58. Los Angeles Examiner, 1 7 July 1924 ; Los Angeles Times, 2 7 July 1924 . Se e Kenneth D . Rose , " 'Dry ' Lo s Angele s an d It s Liquo r Problem s i n 1924, " Southern California Quarterly 69 (Spring 1987) . 59. San Francisco Examiner, 26 Jul y 1924 . A t year' s en d motorist s o n th e Castroville an d Salina s highwa y wer e bein g stoppe d b y "gang s o f me n arme d with sawed-of f shotguns"—apparentl y th e work of rival gangs of liquor highjack ers tryin g t o intercep t th e carg o recentl y lande d fro m th e ru m shi p Malahat. San Francisco Chronicle, 3 1 December 1924 . 60. Denver Post, 21 February 1924 . 61. Andre w Sinclai r note s tha t th e usua l salar y fo r prohibitio n agent s wa s between $1,20 0 an d $2,00 0 pe r yea r i n 192 0 an d $2,30 0 pe r yea r i n 1930 . Th e number o f prohibitio n agent s fo r th e entir e Unite d State s varie d betwee n 1,50 0 and 2,300 . Th e enormou s profit s t o be made in the bootlegging business , couple d with th e inadequat e pa y o f prohibitio n agents , mad e th e agents , i n Sinclair' s words, "eas y victims to corruption." Sinclair , Era of Excess, 184 . 62. Mabe l Walke r Willebrandt , The Inside of Prohibition (Indianapolis : Bobbs Merrill, 1929) , i n . 63. Ibid. , 113-114 . 64. Whe n prohibition agent s captured th e rum boa t Erni in southern Californi a waters (afte r a "sensationa l gu n fight") , the y wer e astonishe d t o discove r tha t among the captured crewme n wa s Fred C . Neal , wh o only tw o weeks previousl y had bee n thei r colleague in the Prohibition Bureau . Los Angeles Examiner, 9 Febru ary 1924 . Fo r muc h o f th e 1920 s Seattle' s mos t successfu l bootlegge r wa s Ro y Olmstead, a former Seattl e polic e lieutenant. Se e Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 2 April 1924, 1 6 May 1931 . 65. San Francisco Call, 1 4 May 1924 . Se e Clark, The Dry Years, 151 . 66. Oregonian, 3 January 1924 ; Portland Telegram, 4 January 1924 ; Oregon Daily Journal, 4 January an d 9 January 1924 . 67. Portland' s populatio n wa s 9 6 percent whit e i n 1920 . Foreign-bor n White s accounted fo r onl y 1 8 percen t o f Portland' s whit e populatio n (compare d t o 2 8 percent i n Sa n Francisco) , an d nearl y 5 3 percen t o f Portland' s nativ e whit e population wa s bor n o f native parents (compare d t o 3 3 percent i n Sa n Francisco. ) U.S. Departmen t o f Commerce , Burea u o f th e Census , Abstract of the Fourteenth Census of the United States, 1920 (Washington , D.C. : GPO , 1923) , n o . Se e Joh n E. Caswell , "Th e Prohibition Movemen t i n Oregon," pt. 1 , "1836-1904," and pt . 2, "1904-1915, " Oregon Historical Quarterly 39 (1938): 235-261; 40 (1939): 64-82. 68. Oregonian, 3 July 1924 . After returnin g from a tour o f Eastern cities , Judge W. A . Ekwal l o f Portland' s municipa l cour t referre d t o th e "wav e o f crime " h e had foun d i n progres s i n the Eas t an d expresse d hi s belie f tha t "Portlan d i s muc h

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 5 better of f fro m ever y standpoin t tha n an y o f it s siste r citie s o f equa l size. " Oregonian, 2 1 October 1924 . 69. I n it s 6 June 192 4 issu e th e Portland Telegram editorialized , "Ther e i s n o place i n Americ a fo r an y sentimen t agains t prohibitio n enforcement, " an d th e 1 3 January 192 4 issu e o f th e Oregon Daily Journal referre d t o prohibitio n a s "tha t great humanitaria n cause. " Th e Oregonian promote d stiffe r priso n sentence s fo r prohibition offenders , insisting , "Ther e ha s been to o much lenienc y an d to o littl e law i n our lega l dealings with prohibitio n violators. " Oregonian, 2 1 April 1924 . 70. Oregon Daily Journal, 4 January 1924 . 71. Portland Telegram, 26 January 1924 . 72. Oregon Daily Journal, 2 8 January 1924 ; Oregonian, 2 8 January 1924 . 73. Portland Telegram, 3 January 1924 . 74. Ibid. , 4 January 1924 . 75. Oregonian, 2 8 January 1924 . 76. Ibid. , 1 3 January an d 1 9 January 1924 . 77. Portland Telegram, 19 February 1924 . 78. A t th e heigh t o f th e Labb e controversy , Methodis t ministe r Charle s W . MacCaughey delivere d a sermo n i n whic h h e denounce d th e imbibin g "Mr . Businessman" a s bein g "wors e tha n a n I.W.W . wh o jus t stand s o n a box , an d talks agains t th e government, " becaus e Mr . Businessma n wa s actuall y "financin g the bootlegge r wh o i s wagin g a guer[r]ill a warfar e agains t th e force s o f govern ment." Oregon Daily Journal, 21 January 1924 . 79. Ibid. , 2 5 February 1924 . 80. Quote d i n Women and Repeal, b y Root , 40 . 81. Th e mos t notabl e "dry " literar y wor k o f th e prohibitio n er a wa s Upto n Sinclair's The Wet Parade, published i n 1931 . In 195 7 Sinclai r publishe d The Cup of Fury, a chronicl e o f America n literar y an d artisti c figure s undon e b y alcohol . See Sinclair, Era of Excess, 326-333 . 82. I n Elmer Gantry, Lewis' s tal e o f a hypocritica l evangelist , chapte r on e begins wit h th e words , "Elme r Gantr y wa s drunk . H e wa s eloquentl y drunk , lovingly an d pugnaciousl y drunk. " Th e boo k i s dedicate d t o H . L . Mencke n "with profoun d admiration. " Sinclai r Lewis , Elmer Gantry (1927; reprint , Ne w York: Signet , 1980) . Thomas Wolfe' s Look Homeward, Angel describes th e follow ing confrontation betwee n a group of wets an d a WCTU-style organization : Announced b y violen t trumpeting s i n th e Protestan t churches , th e da y of atonement dawne d o n a seasoned arm y o f well drilled teetotalers . Thos e wets wh o ha d victoriousl y withstoo d th e pressur e o f heart h an d pulpit — their numbe r (aie, aie) was small—wen t t o thei r deat h wit h th e gallan t swagger an d wit h th e glea m o f purloine d honor , o f me n wh o ar e t o di e fighting mos t desperately agains t th e engulfing mob . . . . As the y approache d th e polls , glancing , lik e surrounded knights , fo r a n embattled brother , th e churc h wome n o f th e town , ben t lik e huntresse s above the straining leash, gav e the word to the eager children of the Sunda y schools. Dresse d al l i n white , an d clutchin g firml y i n their smal l hand s th e

176 • Notes to Chapter Two tiny stem s o f America n flags , th e pigmies , monstrou s a s only childre n ca n be when the y becom e th e witles s mouth s o f slogan s an d crusades , charge d hungrily, utterin g their shril l cries, upon thei r Gulliver . "There h e is, children. G o get him! " Thomas Wolfe , Look Homeward Angel: A Story of the Buried Life (1929; reprint, Ne w York: Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1957) , 23 4 (page citations ar e to the 195 7 edition). 83. Robi n Roo m argues, "There does seem to be a clear association of problem atic drunkennes s no t onl y wit h America n writer s bu t wit h a particula r genera tional cohor t tha t cam e o f ag e i n 1909-1921. " Robin Room , " A 'Reverenc e fo r Strong Drink' : Th e Los t Generatio n an d th e Elevatio n o f Alcoho l i n America n Culture," Journal of Studies on Alcohol 45 (1984): 540. 84. Harol d E . Stearns , ed. , Civilization in the United States: An Inquiry by Thirty Americans (Westport , Conn. : Greenwoo d Press , 1971) , 24 . Clarenc e Darro w agreed, claimin g tha t "th e vas t center s o f population , wher e al l th e feelin g fo r liberty tha t stil l persists i n this country i s kept alive , the great centers of toleranc e and independenc e an d though t an d culture—th e cities—al l o f the m wer e we t before prohibition , an d since. " Clarenc e Darro w versu s th e Reveren d Joh n Haynes Holmes , debat e on th e resolution That the United States Continue the Policy of Prohibition as Defined in the Eighteenth Amendment (New York : Leagu e fo r Publi c Discussion, 1924) , 38-39 . 85. H . L . Mencken , "O n Liberty " (1926 ) i n The Impossible H. L. Mencken: A Selection of His Best Newspaper Stories, Marion Elizabet h Rodgers , ed . (Ne w York : Anchor Books , 1991) , 74-75. I n 192 0 Mencken ha d identifie d Wilsonia n wartim e policies an d prohibitio n a s twin threat s t o nationa l independence : "Betwee n Wil son an d hi s brigade s o f informers , spies , voluntee r detectives , perjurer s an d complaisant judges , an d th e Prohibitionist s an d thei r messiani c delusion , th e liberty o f th e citize n ha s prett y wel l vanishe d i n America. " H . L . Mencken , " A Carnival o f Buncombe " (1920), i n The Impossible H. L. Mencken, Rogers, ed. , 242 . The Volstea d Act , th e enforcemen t provisio n fo r th e Eighteent h Amendment , was passed ove r Wilson' s veto . 86. Burnham , "Ne w Perspective s o n th e Prohibitio n 'Experiment ' o f th e 1920's," 65.

87. I n a singl e yea r (1925 ) Mer z foun d tha t th e New York Times publishe d eighteen statement s fro m th e Methodis t Boar d o f Temperance, sixty-nin e article s on th e Anti-Saloo n League , an d eighty-tw o statement s fro m federa l official s describing i n optimisti c term s th e progres s o f prohibitio n la w enforcemen t an d exhorting t o the public to obey th e law. Merz , The Dry Decade, 219-220 . 88. Dayto n Heckma n claime d tha t althoug h we t paper s wer e fe w i n number , they exerte d a disproportional influenc e o n th e prohibitio n issu e becaus e o f thei r large circulations . Dayto n Heckman , "Prohibitio n Passes : Th e Stor y o f th e AAPA," (Ph.D. diss. , Ohio Stat e University, 1939) , 90-94. 89. Fo r a loo k a t ho w loca l newspaper s approache d th e prohibitio n issu e i n 1924, se e Rose , " 'Dry ' Lo s Angele s an d It s Liquo r Problem s i n 1924, " 51-73 ;

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 7 Rose, "Wettes t i n the West," 284-295 ; Kenneth D . Rose , "Th e Labb e Affair an d Prohibition Enforcemen t i n Portland, " Pacific Northwest Quarterly 77 (April 1986) : 42-51. 90. Hears t argued : All tha t w e hel d dea r i n ou r politica l system , a s wel l a s ou r individua l independence, ha s bee n sacrifice d t o a fetish. An y sacrific e migh t b e justi fied to further a great cause ; but prohibitio n ha s not furthere d th e cause . I t has hindere d th e cause . I t ha s create d intolerabl e crimina l conditions , an d intolerable politica l conditions . An d i t ha s don e nothin g afte r te n years ' trial t o advanc e th e caus e o f temperance , i n whic h yo u an d I ar e bot h sincerely an d deepl y interested . William Randolp h Hearst , " A Forwar d b y Mr . Hearst, " i n Temperance —or Prohibition? Francis J. Tietsort , ed . (Ne w York : J. J. Littl e an d Ives , 1929) , xv. 91. The Voice of the Board of Temperance, Prohibition and Public Morals of the Methodist Episcopal Church, June 1929 , 1 . 92. Boole , Give Prohibition Its Chance, 161 . Se e als o Ernes t Gordon' s The Wrecking of the Eighteenth A mendment, 113 -146. 93. Dobyns , The Amazing Story of Repeal, 12. 94. Letter s wer e sen t t o busines s establishment s i n agriculture , manufactures , mining an d quarrying , trad e an d transportation . Thes e businesse s ha d a com bined tota l of nearly 1,750,00 0 employees on their payrolls. The stud y foun d tha t more tha n 3,50 0 employer s mad e som e requiremen t tha t employee s no t us e intoxicating liquo r i n certai n occupations . Mor e tha n 1,10 0 employer s endorse d prohibition. Th e nex t mos t commo n suggestio n wa s "d o no t emplo y drinkin g men" wit h 76 9 votes . U.S . Commissione r o f Labor , Twelfth Annual Report of Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem (1897), 7°» 7 2> 7^~79 95. Accordin g t o John J. Rumbarger , "prohibitio n triumphe d becaus e enoug h urban capitalist s believe d suc h a ban was , i n existin g circumstances , a necessar y precondition o f th e socia l refor m require d t o ensur e successfu l an d permanen t transformation o f America n societ y int o a n industria l orde r characterize d b y political stabilit y an d labor' s socia l quiescence. " Rumbarger , Profits, Power, and Prohibition, xxiv. 96. B y 191 8 th e Anti-Saloo n Leagu e manufactur e an d busines s committee , under th e leadershi p o f S . S . Kresge , claime d t o hav e attracte d abou t fourtee n thousand businessme n willin g t o contribut e t o Leagu e prohibitio n efforts . Kerr , Organized forProhibition, 154. 97. Warre n M . Persons , Beer and Brewing in America (Ne w York : Unite d Brewers Industria l Foundation , 1938) , 7. 98. Pau l Boye r ha s observe d tha t "man y bank s wer e heavil y involve d i n financing distiller y an d brewer y expansion , no t t o mentio n thei r mortgage s o n countless thousand s o f saloons , liquo r stores , an d hotel s an d restaurant s wher e liquor wa s served. " I n contras t t o Rumbarger , Boye r believe s tha t th e "uppe r class maintaine d it s distance " fro m "coerciv e mora l reforms " an d tha t th e cor e of

178 • Notes to Chapter Two support fo r suc h reform s cam e fro m "th e middl e an d lower-middl e ranks — Protestant, native-born , typicall y rura l o r small-tow n i n origin. " Boyer , Urban Masses, 214 , 215. 99. Herma n Feldman , Prohibition: Its Economic and Industrial Aspects (New York: D . Appleton , 1927) , 306. 100. U.S . Departmen t o f Commerce , Burea u o f Foreign an d Domesti c Com merce, Statistical Abstract of the United States (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1914) , 592. Eve n i n 1916 , whe n th e interna l revenu e ta x bas e ha d bee n broadene d t o include federa l incom e tax , taxe s o n alcoho l stil l accounte d fo r jus t unde r 5 0 percent o f interna l revenues . U.S . Burea u o f th e Census , Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1975) , 1107 . 101. Quote d i n The Amazing Story of Repeal, b y Dobyns , 24 . 102. France s Willar d ha d alienate d man y worker s whe n sh e ha d proclaime d that labo r shoul d concentrat e les s on attainin g highe r wage s an d mor e o n makin g better us e o f existin g wages . B y 188 9 Willard ha d com e aroun d t o th e ide a tha t intemperance wa s roote d i n poo r workin g condition s an d poverty . I n 190 0 th e WCTU announce d tha t i t wa s willin g t o work mor e closely wit h organize d labo r if labor woul d suppor t prohibition . An y chanc e of reaching suc h a n arrangemen t was stifled , however , whe n delegate s a t th e AF L conventio n tha t yea r wer e tol d that th e WCT U ha d steadfastl y refuse d t o use union labo r a t its Chicago printin g plant. Bordin , Woman and Temperance, 107 ; Nuala McGan n Drescher , "Organize d Labor an d th e Eighteenth Amendment, " Labor History 8 (Fall 1967) : 282-283. 103. Quoted i n "Labo r an d Prohibition, " b y Drescher , 36 . 104. Drescher, "Labo r an d Prohibition, " 39-40 . 105. Se e Sinclair , Era of Excess, 104 . 106. Drescher, "Labo r an d Prohibition, " 41-42 . 107. U.S . Senat e Subcommitte e o f th e Committe e o n th e Judiciary, The Bills to Prohibit the Liquor Traffic and to Provide for the Enforcement of Such Prohibition and the War Prohibition Act, Hearings, 66th Cong. , 1s t sess . (Washington : GPO , 1919), 5 . 108. Quote d i n Sinclair , Era of Excess, 346. Th e settlemen t hous e worke r Martha Bensle y Bruer e note d bitterly , "I t i s th e deman d fo r liquo r b y th e ric h American whic h support s th e bootlegge r an d i s th e rea l jeopard y o f th e famil y and neighborhoo d lif e o f th e unprivileged. " Nationa l Federatio n o f Settlements , Does Prohibition Work?: A Study of the Operation of the Eighteenth Amendment Made by the National Federation of Settlements, Assisted by Social Workers in Different Parts of the United States, Marth a Bensle y Bruere , stud y directo r (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Brothers, 1927) , 285. 109. Unde r th e Volstea d Ac t a legal beverag e coul d contai n n o mor e tha n . 5 percent alcohol . n o . Quote d i n New York Sun, 2 1 Apri l 1924 . Th e wid e disseminatio n o f th e beer-to-whiskey notio n amon g labo r leader s wa s mad e plai n a t hearing s befor e the Wicker sham Commission, a panel established b y Hoove r t o investigate prohi bition enforcemen t problems . Andre w Furuseth , presiden t o f th e Internationa l Seamen's Unio n o f America, declared :

Notes to Chapter Two • 17 9 there i s n o suc h thin g a s prohibitio n fo r th e seaman . H e ca n ge t al l th e drink tha t h e ca n possibl y swil l o r buy , an d i t i s strong drink . Formerl y i t was beer , mainl y beer ; no w i t i s whisky , o r somethin g calle d whisky , o r gin. . . . ther e ar e mor e drunk s o n th e Pacifi c coas t tha n w e hav e ha d i n 20 years. William J. Spencer , secretar y t o th e buildin g trade s departmen t o f th e AFL , agreed, maintainin g tha t fo r th e mos t par t th e worker s h e represented dran k bee r before prohibition , bu t afte r prohibitio n "thos e me n drin k thei r har d liquor . . . . we vie w wit h mor e o r les s regre t th e tendenc y o f th e peopl e t o g o t o har d liquor, bootle g stuff. " Dr . Willia m White , wh o practice d medicin e i n Scranton , Pennsylvania, declare d tha t th e lo t o f th e workin g ma n ha d becom e wors e sinc e the adven t o f prohibitio n becaus e o f th e proliferatio n o f speakeasie s an d th e toxicity o f the liquo r worker s wer e drinking. U.S . Nationa l Commissio n o n La w Observance an d Enforcement , Enforcement of the Prohibition Laws, Official Records of the National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement Pertaining to Its Investigation of the Facts as to the Enforcement, the Benefits, and the Abuses under the Prohibition Laws, Both before and since the Adoption of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution, (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1931) , 3:12 , 42, 132 , 134 . i n . Timbe r lake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 136 ; Kerr, Organized for Prohibition, 272-273 . 112. Cannon wa s chairman o f the Temperance an d Socia l Servic e Commissio n of th e Methodis t Episcopa l Church , South , an d chairma n o f th e ASL' s Nationa l Legislative Committee . Se e Virginiu s Dabney , Dry Messiah: The Life of Bishop Cannon (New York : Alfred A . Knopf , 1949) . 113. I n Cambridge , Maryland , Canno n stated , "Governo r Smit h want s th e Italians, th e Sicilians , th e Pole s an d th e Russia n Jews. Tha t kin d ha s give n u s a stomach ache . W e have been unabl e to assimilate suc h peopl e in our nationa l life , so we shu t th e doo r t o them . Bu t Smit h says , 'giv e m e tha t kin d o f people. ' H e wants th e kin d o f dirt y peopl e tha t yo u fin d toda y o n th e sidewalk s o f Ne w York." Quote d i n Prohibition, b y Cashman , 197 . Havin g establishe d hi s ow n credentials a s a bigot , Canno n describe d Smit h a s "th e intolerant , bigote d type , characteristic o f the Iris h Roma n Catholi c hierarch y o f New Yor k City. " Quote d in Era of Excess, b y Sinclair , 301 . 114. Hoove r wo n th e souther n state s o f Texas , Florida , Nort h Carolina , an d Virginia i n 1928 . Th e on e glimme r o f hop e fo r Democrat s i n on e o f thei r wors t defeats i n histor y wa s th e strengt h show n b y Smit h amon g urba n voters . Se e Kerr, Organized forProhibition, 258-259. 115. The us e and abus e of sacramental win e during prohibitio n wa s a constant headache fo r dr y officials . A repor t penne d b y th e Federa l Counci l o f th e Churches o f Chris t i n Americ a reveale d tha t thre e millio n gallon s o f sacramenta l wine ha d bee n withdraw n fro m governmen t warehouse s i n 1924 ; th e counci l estimated tha t onl y one-quarte r o f thi s win e wa s use d fo r legitimat e religiou s purposes. Sinclair , Era of Excess, 290 . Th e proble m becam e s o serious i n Califor nia's Jewish communitie s tha t i n January o f 192 4 som e 12 0 Jews "representativ e

180 • Notes to Chapter Two of ever y grou p o f Jewry—reform, conservative , an d orthodox " me t i n Sa n Fran cisco t o "suppres s th e activitie s o f fak e congregation s an d pseud o rabbis , whos e only purpos e wa s t o profi t b y abus e o f sacramenta l win e privileges. " Rose , "Wettest i n the West," 288-289 . 116. Quoted i n Merz, The Dry Decade, 9 . 117. Contribution s t o missionarie s wer e down , a s was th e numbe r o f person s volunteering fo r missionar y work . Th e numbe r o f foreig n missionarie s ha d dropped 4. 7 pe r cen t betwee n 192 3 an d 1929 , an d th e numbe r o f student s volunteering fo r missionar y wor k ha d decline d fro m 2,70 0 in 192 0 to 252 in 1928 . Church an d Sunda y schoo l attendance , i n bot h rura l an d urba n areas , was down , and churc h budget s wer e tigh t i n a period o f general prosperity . Thi s perio d sa w the eliminatio n o f traditiona l Sunda y evenin g service s i n man y churches , espe cially i n urba n areas . Rober t T . Handy , "Th e America n Religiou s Depression , 1925-1935," Church History 2 9 (March, i960) : 4 - 5. S o imposin g wa s th e secula r culture o f the twenties tha t desperat e Protestant s ofte n wen t t o ridiculou s length s to accommodat e th e messag e o f th e Gospe l t o th e prevailin g Zeitgeist. Th e imag e of Jesus wa s spruce d u p t o b e more i n tun e wit h moder n sensibilities , an d i n on e instance (in Bruce Barton's nove l The Man Nobody Knows [1925]), the Lamb of Go d was rehabilitate d a s a 1920 s go-getter busines s type . Se e Bruc e Barton , The Man Nobody Knows (New York : Collie r Books , 1987) . Suc h gros s accommodatio n t o secularism wa s understandabl y disturbin g t o many . Charle s Fisk e note d i n 192 9 that religion ha d becom e little more than "sanctifie d commercialism, " an d Go d " a sort o f Magnifie d Rotarian. " Quote d i n "Th e America n Religiou s Depression, " by Handy , 8 . Th e resultin g alienatio n precipitate d a movemen t awa y fro m traditional Protestantis m an d towar d fundamentalis t sect s an d fring e cults . Th e most remarkabl e o f these sect s wa s Aime e Sempl e McPherson' s Foursquar e Gos pel Church . Se e Latel y Thomas , Storming Heaven (New York : Morrow , 1970) . See also Carey McWilliams, "Aime e Sempl e McPherson: 'Sunligh t i n My Soul, ' " in The Aspirin Age: 1919-1941, Isabe l Leighton , ed . (Ne w York : Simo n an d Shuster, 1976) , 50-80 . 118. Pau l Carte r claim s tha t prohibitio n damage d bot h th e prestig e an d th e moral influenc e o f the church an d that "only rarel y did the dry leader s understan d how muc h the y wer e advancin g th e secularis t bia s o f th e risin g generatio n b y causing it to associate the Church simultaneousl y wit h a joyless legalistic moralit y and wit h dubiou s ethica l practices in its achievement." Pau l A. Carter , The Decline and Revival of the Social Gospel: Social and Political Liberalism in American Protestant Churches, 1920-1940 (Ithaca , N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1948) , 44. 119. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade, 125 . 120. I n 192 3 th e Federa l Counci l o f Churche s sponsore d a n investigatio n o f conditions unde r prohibition . Th e findings o f th e stud y wer e publishe d i n 1925 , with it s author , F . Ernes t Johnson , portrayin g a prohibitio n burea u riddle d with corruptio n an d a Coolidg e administratio n indifferen t t o prohibitio n issues . Johnson chide d th e churche s fo r abdicatin g thei r responsibilitie s t o organization s such a s the AS L an d implie d tha t churche s shoul d leav e the leagu e an d establis h

Notes to Chapter Three • 18 1 an independen t grou p tha t emphasize d temperanc e education . Se e Kerr , Organized forProhibition, 248-251. 121. Dabney , Dry Messiah, 226 . T H R E E Women

and the Repeal Issue: Three Visions

1. The WCT U pledge d i n 192 1 "to educate the foreign-born, teachin g Englis h as the necessar y avenu e throug h whic h t o promot e America n ideal s an d t o inter pret prohibition." Repor t of the Forty-Eighth Annua l Convention of the Woman' s Christian Temperanc e Union , (1921) , Temperance and Prohibition Papers, 54 . 2. New York Times, 9 April 1929 . 3. Repor t o f th e Diamon d Jubile e Conventio n o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperance Union , (1924) , Temperance and Prohibition Papers, 241 , 240. 4. Repor t o f th e Fifty-Fift h Annua l Conventio n o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperance Union , (1928) , Temperance and Prohibition Papers, 172 . 5. New York Times, 1 9 Octobe r 1929 ; Repor t o f th e Forty-Eight h Annua l Convention o f the Woman's Christia n Temperanc e Union , (1921) , 149 . 6. Repor t o f th e Fifty-Firs t Annua l Conventio n o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperance Union , (1924) , Temperance and Prohibition Papers, 68 . 7. Repor t o f th e Fifty-Thir d Annua l Conventio n o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperance Union , (1926) , Temperance and Prohibition Papers, 175 . 8. Repor t o f th e Fifty-Firs t Annua l Conventio n o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperance Union , 229 . 9. Stanle y Cobe n describe s th e Kla n a s "th e mos t visibl e an d powerfu l guard ian o f Victorianis m durin g th e 1920s. " Stanle y Coben , Rebellion against Victorianism: The Impetus for Cultural Change in ip20s America (New York : Oxfor d Uni versity Press , 1991) , 136 . 10. Blee, Women of the Klan, 2. 11. Ibid. , 74-76 . 12. Ibid. , 73 . 13. Ibid. , 177 . 14. Historia n Dwigh t W . Hoove r expresse s wonde r a t th e failur e o f Barr' s Quaker backgroun d t o "caus e he r t o reflec t upo n th e Klan' s deserve d reputatio n for coercio n an d intimidation " bu t maintain s tha t Barr' s involvemen t wit h th e Klan wa s "no t a s startlin g a s i t appears. " Th e Klan' s emphasi s o n prohibition , social purity , an d nativis m wer e i n accor d wit h Barr' s ow n ideas , an d Hoove r claims tha t "eve n th e tactics—th e publi c marches , th e torchligh t parades , th e mass meetings , th e coercion , an d th e violence—ha d bee n anticipate d b y th e dr y campaigns i n Muncie. " Dwigh t W . Hoover , "Dais y Dougla s Barr : Fro m Quake r to Klan 'Kluckeress, ' " Indiana Magazine of History 87 (June 1991) : 187 , 193 . 15. Kathlee n Ble e note s tha t "man y rank-and-fil e Klanswomen , an d som e o f the WKKK' s mos t prominen t spokeswomen , ha d bee n activist s i n th e Women' s Christian Temperanc e Unio n o r hel d stron g temperanc e beliefs. " On e suc h

182 • Notes to Chapter Three woman, Myrtl e Cook , a Klanswoma n an d presiden t o f th e Vinton , Iowa , WCTU, achieve d a spectacular notoriet y whe n sh e wa s assassinate d afte r publi cizing the names of suspected bootleggers . Blee , Women of the Klan, 103 , 40. 16. Th e WKK K wa s n o longe r a significant politica l facto r b y th e lat e 1920s , when th e repea l campaig n bega n t o hea t up . A serie s o f persona l an d politica l scandals amon g th e Kla n leadershi p ha d badl y damage d Kla n credibility , an d membership i n th e combine d Klan s i s estimate d a t onl y 50,00 0 b y 1930 . Blee , Women of the Klan ,175. 17. Josep h Gusfiel d ha s foun d evidenc e tha t th e characte r o f th e WCT U leadership change d significantl y betwee n 188 5 an d 1925 . Fo r hi s stud y Gusfiel d looked a t WCT U chapter s i n Connecticut , Michigan , Illinois , Minnesota , an d Maryland an d classifie d loca l WCT U leader s b y thei r husbands ' occupations . From a n organizatio n i n which 5 1 percent o f the leadershi p cam e fro m th e uppe r middle clas s an d middl e clas s i n 1885 , the WCTU ha d evolve d b y th e mid-1920 s to a group le d b y wome n fro m th e lowe r middl e an d lowe r classes , wit h onl y 3 5 percent o f its leadership fro m th e upper middl e class and middl e class. Accordin g to Gusfiel d thi s declin e i n th e economi c statu s o f th e WCT U leadershi p wa s accompanied b y a parallel decline in the social prestige of those who held temper ance views. Gusfield , Symbolic Crusade, 130 , 129 . The tren d towar d lo w statu s fo r temperanc e wor k wa s no t reverse d unti l th e 1980s, whe n American s bega n consumin g les s alcoho l an d suc h neotemperanc e groups a s Mother s Agains t Drun k Drivin g bega n receivin g widesprea d publi c support. MAD D ha s eve n receive d financial suppor t fro m Anheuser-Busch . Se e Lender an d Martin , Drinking in America, 175-176 . 18. Quoted i n Give Prohibition Its Chance, b y Boole , 120 . 19. U.S . Hous e o f Representatives , Way s an d Mean s Committee, Modification of Volstead Act, Hearings, 72d Cong. , 2 d sess . (Washington , D.C. : GPO , 1932) , 39920. Accession Sheet , M . Louis e Gross Papers . 21. "Moll y Pitche r Clu b Statemen t o f Purpose," M. Louis e Gross Papers . 22. M . Louis e Gross , "Histor y o f the Women' s Anti-Prohibitio n Movement, " M. Louis e Gross Papers . Th e AAP A officiall y pu t th e Molly Pitche r Clu b ou t of its miser y i n 1928 , whe n i t withdre w it s sponsorshi p o f th e organization . Se e David Kyvig , "Wome n agains t Prohibition, " American Quarterly 2 8 (Fal l 1976) : 4 8 4F I V E Nonpartisanship,

National Politics, and the Momentum for Repeal

1. WONP R Newsletter , Januar y 1933 , 3 . Membershi p triple d betwee n 193 2 and 1933 , from 400,00 0 to 1,200,000 . WONP R Papers .

196 • Notes to Chapter Five 2. Wilmington Star, 3 0 October 1932 . 3. Susa n Ware , Partner and I: Molly Dewson, Feminism, and New Deal Politics (New Haven : Yale University Press , 1987) , 151 , 197. 4. Quote d i n Herbert Hoover: Forgotten Progressive, b y Joan Hof f Wilso n (Bos ton: Little , Brown , 1975) , 160-161 . 5. O f th e eleve n Wickersha m commissioners , tw o wer e fo r repeal , five fo r some form o f modification base d on the Swedis h syste m of government monopol y on liquor , an d fou r favore d a continuatio n o f th e Eighteent h Amendmen t wit h minor revisions . Bu t fo r som e reaso n te n o f th e eleve n commissioner s signe d a summary repor t endorsin g prohibition . Hoove r claime d tha t th e commission "b y a larg e majority " di d no t favo r th e repea l o f th e Eighteent h Amendment , whil e neglecting t o ad d tha t onl y a minorit y o f commissioner s wante d t o retai n th e prohibition la w i n it s presen t form . Se e Cashman , Prohibition, 206-209; Merz , The Dry Decade, 241-243 , 254 ; Sinclair, Era of Excess, 362-368 . 6. Hira m Johnson proclaime d i n 193 2 tha t i f Hoove r woul d retire , "h e woul d have the undyin g gratitud e o f the ran k an d file of the Republica n party. " Bu t th e inability o f Republican s t o moun t a n effectiv e oppositio n t o Hoover—ther e wa s even som e wil d tal k o f draftin g Calvi n Coolidge—lef t th e part y solidl y i n th e hands o f th e Hooverites . Jordan A . Schwarz , The Interregnum of Despair: Hoover, Congress, and the Depression (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinois Press, 1970) , 193 . 7. New York Times, 25 February 1930 . 8. Ibid. , 2 6 February 1930 . 9. Ibid. , 4 September 1930 . 10. O f th e 3,00 0 members , 1,58 8 voted , wit h 1,39 1 favorin g repea l an d 19 7 opposed t o repeal. New York Times, 31 October 1930 . 11. "Instruction s fo r Workers, " 8 November 1932 , WONPR Papers . 12. Jeannette Eckma n t o Mrs . Edga r Anderson , 6 Septembe r 1932 , WONP R Papers. 13. Jeannett e Eckma n t o Maud e Whale y McCabe , 7 Septembe r 1932 , WONPR Papers . 14. Unknow n WONP R worke r t o Mrs . Car l Schulze , Jr., 7 September 1932 , WONPR Papers . 15. Quote d i n Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal: 1932-1940, by Willia m E. Leuchtenbur g (Ne w York : Harpe r Colophon , 1963) , 9. 16. Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 155. 17. The ke y portio n o f the Republica n prohibitio n plan k read a s follows : We therefor e believ e tha t th e peopl e shoul d hav e a n opportunit y t o pas s upon a proposed amendmen t th e provision o f which, whil e retaining i n th e Federal Governmen t powe r t o preserv e th e gain s alread y mad e i n dealin g with th e evil s inheren t i n th e liquo r traffic , shal l allo w State s t o dea l wit h the proble m a s thei r citizen s ma y determine , bu t subjec t alway s t o th e power o f the Federal Governmen t t o protect those State s where prohibitio n may exis t an d safeguar d ou r citizen s everywher e fro m th e retur n o f th e saloon an d attendan t abuses .

Notes to Chapter Five • 19 7 New York Times, 1 6 June 1932 ; Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 154-155 . 18. Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 156-158 ; New York Times, 3 0 Jun e 1932.

19. Root , Women and Repeal, 91 . 20. New York Times, 26 June 1932 ; "President's Address, " Repor t o f the Fifty Eighth Annua l Meetin g o f th e Nationa l W.C.T.U. , 1932 , 87 , Temperance and Prohibition Papers. 21. Se e New York Times, 18 August 1932 . 22. WONP R Nationa l Executiv e Meeting , Minutes , 7 July 1932 , WONP R Papers. 23. "Ladie s a t Roslyn," Time, 1 8 July 1932 , 8-10 . 24. Root , Women and Repeal, 94 . 25. Ibid. , 95-96 . 26. Ibid. , 9 7 - 9 8 , 100-101 .

27. I n a lette r t o Pierr e S . d u Pont , Paulin e Sabi n contende d tha t "th e difference o f opinio n amon g th e member s o f ou r organizatio n ha s bee n grossl y exaggerated b y certai n Republica n newspapers . Thu s fa r w e have had fewe r tha n thirty resignations. " Paulin e Sabi n t o Pierr e d u Pont , 2 7 July 1932 , WONP R Papers. 28. Root , Women and Repeal, 95-103 . 29. Ibid. , 103 . 30. Louis e Gross for m letter , 2 9 August 1932 , M. Louis e Gross Papers . 31. Joh n Rasko b an d Pierr e d u Pon t wer e amon g th e AAP A member s wh o contributed t o th e Roosevel t campaig n an d mad e publi c statement s supportin g Roosevelt. Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 161 , 167 . I n a repl y t o a lette r from Paulin e Sabin , Pierr e d u Pon t calle d th e WONPR' s endorsemen t o f Roose velt " a brav e an d wis e thin g t o hav e done , an d canno t se e tha t yo u hav e los t position b y th e act. " D u Pon t als o note d hi s dissatisfactio n wit h Hoover' s state ments o n prohibitio n an d expresse d doub t tha t "ou r Associatio n wil l b e abl e t o hold ou t withou t criticizin g hi m throughou t th e campaign. " Pierr e d u Pon t t o Pauline Sabin , 2 2 August 1932 , WONPR Papers . 32. Joh n H . Wuorinen , The Prohibition Experiment in Finland (Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1931) , 192 , 172 . I n on e exampl e w e hav e o f a n American electio n o n th e dr y issu e i n whic h voter s wer e classifie d b y sex— a 1919 electio n hel d i n Chicago—124,70 0 o f 202,00 0 wome n cas t ballot s agains t prohibition. Se e Fulton , "Th e Women' s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Reform, 1929-1933, " 21. 33. Quote d i n Repealing National Prohibition, b y Kyvig , 132 . 34. Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 166. 35. Se e Fulton , "Th e Women' s Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohibitio n Re form," 51. 36. New York Times, 20 May 1932 . 37. Ibid. , 7 June 1932 . 38. Ibid. , 9jun e 1932 . 39. Ibid. , 20Jul y 1932 .

198 • Notes to Chapter Five 40. Ibid. , 1 0 December 1932 . 41. Ibid. , 1 6 December an d 1 4 December 1932 ; "The Forgotte n Girl, " Union Signal, 3 1 December 1932 . 42. Doroth y M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt: A Study of Power, Loyalty, and Law (Knoxville: University o f Tennessee Press , 1984) , 75. 43. Se e Willebrandt, The Inside of Prohibition. 44. Mabe l Walke r Willebrandt , "Wil l Yo u Hel p Kee p th e Law? " Good Housekeeping, Apri l 1924 , 72-73 , 240 , 236. 45. Se e Ra y T . Tucker , " 'Grape s o f Gall' : California' s Gif t t o a Nobl e Experiment," Outlook and Independent, 2 3 Septembe r 1931 , 112 ; D . M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt, 178 . John S . Marti n speculate d tha t Hoove r woul d no t give Willebrand t th e judgeshi p sh e wante d becaus e sh e woul d hav e t o b e con firmed b y th e Senate , an d "th e Senate—eve n th e new-electe d Hoove r Senate , with Watso n o f Indian a i n command—doe s no t greatl y car e fo r Mrs . Wille brandt—she ha s neve r sympathize d wit h th e eas y give-and-tak e o f politics , an d even cultivate s a certai n prid e i n th e aversio n tha t mos t politician s hav e fo r entering he r office. " John S . Martin , "Mrs . Firebrand, " New Yorker, 16 February 1929, 25 .

46. Ell a Bool e sai d o f Willebrandt , "W e regrette d he r resignatio n an d s o di d President Hoover . Whateve r positio n sh e ma y hold , sh e wil l howeve r b e tru e t o her principles , an d b y pe n an d voic e help prohibition t o have it s chance." Ella A . Boole, "President's Address, " Minutes of the National WCT U Convention , 1929 , 86-87, Temperance and Prohibition Papers. 47. John S . Martin , "Mrs . Firebrand, " 25-26 . 48. Ra y T . Tucke r contend s tha t a casua l perusa l o f th e prohibitio n i n Congres s prove s tha t Sectio n 2 9 was not intende d t o legaliz e th e sal e o f an y sor t o f beverage , alcoholi c o r non alcoholic. I t wa s inserte d solel y a s a loophole to please rural constituencies , whose vote s fo r ratificatio n wer e needed , b y permittin g farmer s an d thei r wives t o preserv e fruits . Otherwise , th e "accidental " fermentatio n o f pre serves o r cide r woul d hav e brough t ever y goo d Republica n agriculturalis t and prohibitionis t withi n th e shado w o f the law . Tucker, " 'Grape s o f Gall,' " 124 . 49. Se e Ostrander, The Prohibition Movement in California, 181 . 50. Quote d i n Prohibition, b y Cashman , 213 . 51. D . M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt, 181 . Californi a Frui t boar d members Thoma s Gregor y an d C . C . Teagu e wer e bot h associate s o f Herber t Hoover. Teagu e als o serve d o n th e Federa l Far m Board . Se e Tucker , " 'Grape s of Gall,' " 112 .

52. D . M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt, 182-184. 53. New York Times, 7 August 1931; D. M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt, 187. 54. Quote d i n Mabel Walker Willebrandt, b y D . M . Brown , 184 . 55. New York Times, 8 August 1931 .

Notes to Chapter Six • 19 9 56. Ibid. , 7 August 1931 . 57. D . M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt, 187. 58. Ibid. , 188-189 . 59. New York Times, 1 5 September 1932 . Se e Kyvig, Repealing National Prohibition, 134-135 . 60. "Th e Grea t Prohibitio n Poll' s Fina l Report, " Literary Digest, 3 0 Apri l 1932,6.

61. Se e E. S . Brown , Ratification of the Twenty-First Amendment, 3 . 62. Quote d i n the New York Times, 14 February 1930 . 63. Analyzin g th e electio n results , Davi d Kyvi g foun d tha t i n Connecticut , Rhode Island , Ne w York , an d Ne w Jerse y th e repea l pluralit y exceede d 8 5 percent. Th e rura l area s of West Virginia , Indiana , an d Arkansas were 5 8 percent wet, an d rura l Virgini a an d rura l Ohi o wer e 60 and 6 3 percent wet , respectively . Kyvig, Repealing National Prohibition, 179. 64. Se e E. S . Brown , Ratification of the Twenty-First Amendment, 292-319 , 5-6 . 65. O f the nearly twenty-on e millio n Americans wh o went to the polls, at least fifteen millio n vote d fo r repeal . Se e Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 178 . s 1 x Aftermath

and Conclusion

1. Minute s o f th e Woman' s Christia n Temperanc e Unio n Nationa l Conven tion, Cleveland , Ohio , 1934 , 62. Temperance and Prohibition Papers. 2. Ibid. , 63 . 3. Ibid. , 69 , 68. 4. Ibid. , 50-51 . 5. Sicherma n an d Green , Notable American Women, s.v . "Boole , Ell a Alex ander." 6. Luc y W . Peabody , Kidnaping the Constitution (Marblehead, Mass. : N . A . Lindsey an d Co. , 1934) , 2 2 7. Ibid. , 19-20 , 51 .

8. Ibid. , 38 . 9. Jame s e t al. , Notable American Women, 1607-1950, vol. 3 , s.v . "Peabody , Lucy Whitehea d McGil l Waterbury. " 10. "Evangelin e Boot h Die s a t Ag e of 84 " (obituary), New York Times, 1 8 July 1950. Se e als o Jame s e t al. , Notable American Women, 1607-1950, vol . 1 , s.v . "Booth, Evangelin e Cory. " 11. Se e D . M . Brown , Mabel Walker Willebrandt; Sicherma n an d Green , Notable American Women, s.v. "Willebrandt , Mabe l Walker. " 12. Pauline Sabi n to Alice Belin du Pont , 2 9 August 1933 , WONPR Papers . 13. Louis e Gros s t o "Dea r Josephine, " 1 3 Decembe r 1933 , M . Louis e Gros s Papers. 14. France s C . (Mrs . Preston ) Lockwood , assistan t t o Paulin e Sabin , t o Joh n J. Raskob , 1 8 Decembe r 1934 , Joh n J . Rasko b Papers , Hagle y Museu m an d Library, Wilmington , Del .

200 • Notes to Chapter Six 15. Se e Burk , The Corporate State and the Broker State, 150 , 182 . Se e als o Frederick Rudolph , "Th e America n Libert y League , 1934-1940, " American Historical Review 56 (October 1950) : 19-33 . 16. Sicherma n an d Green , Notable American Women, s.v . "Sabin , Paulin e Morton." 17. Fred Pabs t to M. Louis e Gross, 1 3 March 1933 , ML Louise Gross Papers . 18. Anheuser-Busch , Inc. , t o M . Louis e Gross , 8 Marc h 1933 , M . Louis e Gross Papers . 19. U.S . Hous e o f Representatives , Subcommitte e o f th e Way s an d Mean s Committee, 73 d Cong. , 2 d sess . (Washington, D.C. : GPO , 1934) , 49, M. Louis e Gross Papers . 20. Jame s e t al. , Notable American Women, 1607-1950, vol . 2 , s.v . "Kahn , Florence Prag. " 21. Ibid. , s.v . "Moskowitz , Bell e Lindner Israels. " 22. Accessio n Sheet , Emm a Guffe y Mille r Papers . 23. Sicherma n an d Green , Notable American Women, s.v. "Norton , Mar y Te resa Hopkins. " 24. Constitution, 4 March 1932 . 25. WONPR , "Pla n o f Organization," ca. Ma y 1929 , WONPR Papers . 26. For m lette r fo r Women' s Moderatio n Union , 2 6 January 1929 , M. Louis e Gross Papers . 27. Unde r th e Volstea d Act , whic h provide d fo r enforcemen t o f th e Eigh teenth Amendment , a beverag e coul d contai n n o mor e tha n . 5 percen t alcohol . The America n Federatio n o f Labo r wa s on e grou p tha t lobbie d throughou t th e twenties fo r a modification o f th e Volstea d Ac t t o include bee r an d ligh t wine — an approach rejecte d b y the WONPR unti l 193 2 because it "distracted" the publi c from th e primary goa l of repeal. 28. Quote d i n "A Woman Crusade r fo r th e Wet Cause," by Woolf , 7 . 29. Elizabet h Israel s Perry , Belle Moskowitz: Feminine Politics and the Exercise of Power in the Age of Alfred E. Smith (New York : Routledge, 1992) , 179 . 30. "Salvatio n Arm y Leade r Wire s Messag e t o Convention, " Union Signal, 3 September 1932 ; Women's Moderatio n Union , "Annua l Repor t of 193 2 Activitie s and Futur e Plans, " M. Louis e Gross Papers . 31. H . W . Blair , The Temperance Movement, 398. 32. Clark, Deliver Us from Evil, 201-202 . 33. Burnham , Bad Habits, 39. 34. Ibid. , 49 . 35. Ibid. , 39 . 36. Se e Davi d Kyvig , "Wome n agains t Prohibition, " American Quarterly 2 8 (Fall 1976) : 467. 37. Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 153. 38. The WONP R di d no t consult the United Repea l Council when i t endorse d Roosevelt, an d the URC adopte d th e AAPA's cautious decision to endorse neithe r presidential candidate . Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 161-162. 39. Ibid. , 94 .

Notes to Chapter Six • 20 1 40. "Secretary' s Report , WONP R Delaware, " 9 Decembe r 1931 , 7-8 , WONPR Papers . 41. Se e Virgini a Gildersleeve , Offic e o f th e Dean , Barnar d College , t o Mrs . du Pont , 2 1 Ma y 1934 , WONP R Papers . Davi d Kyvi g maintain s tha t anothe r factor tha t helpe d th e WONP R maintai n it s independenc e fro m th e AAP A wa s Pauline Sabin' s long-standin g politica l independenc e fro m he r husband : Charle s Sabin was a Democrat, whil e Pauline had lon g been active in Republican politics . As fo r th e WONP R bein g a captive o f th e AAPA , Kyvi g correctly observe s tha t "WONPR membershi p eventuall y s o fa r exceede d tha t o f th e AAP A an d th e family overla p betwee n organization s wa s s o slight tha t th e dr y charg e tha t thes e women wer e no t actin g o f thei r ow n fre e wil l lack s credibility. " Kyvig , Repealing National Prohibition, 471 . 42. MAD D wa s forme d i n 198 0 b y Cand y Lightne r afte r he r daughte r wa s killed b y a drunk driver . Althoug h th e 1980 s an d 1990 s brought a greater publi c dialog o n th e danger s o f alcoho l (an d decrease d alcoho l consumption) , MAD D still exhibit s a sensitivity t o an y notio n tha t i t i s a "temperance" organization . I n one of it s publication s MAD D i s asked "Doesn' t MAD D advocat e prohibition ? I believe it' s m y righ t t o drink. " Th e organizatio n respond s b y emphasizin g tha t "MADD i s not a temperance group , no r doe s i t suppor t an y crusad e agains t th e use o f alcohol . W e recogniz e th e righ t t o drink , bu t no t th e righ t t o drin k an d drive. Drinkin g an d drivin g violate s the right s o f others. MAD D support s responsible drinking behavior " (MADD's emphasis) . "Responsibl e drinking behavior," of course, i s th e classi c definitio n o f temperance , an d i t wil l b e interestin g t o se e if MADD expand s it s scop e i n futur e year s t o includ e othe r aspect s o f alcoho l us e in society. Mother s Agains t Drun k Driving , Lo s Angeles Chapter, " 'Som e of the Nicest Peopl e Drin k an d Drive—On e o f The m Kille d M y Child, ' " Va n Nuys , Calif.: Los Angeles County MADD , ca . 1988 . 43. "Wine , Women , an d Trouble, " Economist, 1 5 May 1993 , 37. 44. Set h Kove n an d Son y a Michel hav e observe d tha t "maternalis m wa s an d remains a n extraordinar y protea n ideolog y capabl e o f drawin g togethe r unlikel y and ofte n transitor y coalition s betwee n peopl e wh o appeare d t o spea k a commo n language bu t ha d opposin g politica l commitment s an d view s o f women. " Kove n and Michel , "Womanl y Duties, " 1085 . 45. Nanc y Cot t believe s tha t "a s muc h o r mor e tha n an y othe r issue " i t wa s the debat e ove r prohibitio n a t th e en d o f the 1920 s that "sounde d th e deat h knel l of illusions that women wer e joined i n political consensus. " Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 263. 46. "Wome n Becom e People," Outlook and Independent, 2 9 April 1931 , 586. 47. Se e Caro l Gilligan , In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1982) ; Nanc y Chodorow , The Reproduction of Mothering: Psycho-Analysis and the Sociology of Gender (Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1978) . 48. Kath a Pollit t argue s tha t "th e visio n o f th e morall y superio r woma n ca n never overcom e th e dominan t etho s i n realit y bu t exist s alongsid e i t a s a kind o f permanent wis h o r hope : I f onl y powerfu l an d powerles s coul d chang e places ,

202 • Notes to Chapter Six and the meek inherit the earth! Thus, i t is perpetually bein g rediscovered, dresse d in fashionable clothe s an d presented , despit e it s antiquity, a s a radical ne w idea. " Katha Pollitt , "Maroone d o n Gilligan' s Island : Ar e Wome n Morall y Superio r t o Men?" The Nation, 2 8 December 1992 , 800. 49. Departmen t o f Healt h an d Huma n Services , Alcohol and Health: Eighth Special Report to the U.S. Congress, xx . 50. Henr y Wechsler , e t al. , "Healt h an d Behaviora l Consequence s o f Bing e Drinking i n College: A Nationa l Surve y o f Student s a t 14 0 Campuses,"Journal of the American Medical Association 27 2 (7 December 1994) : 1677. 51. Departmen t o f Healt h an d Huma n Services , Alcohol and Health: Eighth Special Report to the U.S. Congress, xix . 52. Ibid. , 1-1 .

53. Se e J. O . Blos e an d H . D . Holder , "Liquor-by-the-Drin k an d Alcohol Related Crashes : A Natura l Experimen t Usin g Time-Serie s Analysis , "Journal of Studies on Alcohol 48 (1987). 54. Se e Phili p J. Coo k an d Michae l J . Moore , "Violenc e Reductio n throug h Restrictions o n Alcoho l Availability, " Alcohol Health and Research World 17 (1993): 154-

55. Mill , On Liberty, 187 . I n a recen t USA Today poll , 2 1 percen t o f th e respondents favore d a ba n o n th e sal e o f all alcohol sales , u p fro m th e previou s decade. USA Today, 14 June 1994 . 56. Chase , "Th e Sabine s Ravis h th e Senators, " 42. Pau l A . Carte r ha s argue d that "th e activity o f the WONPR clearl y had destroye d a major componen t o f th e entire 'dry' mystique: the notion that the women of America constituted a massive and undivide d oppositio n t o beverag e alcohol. " Carter, "Prohibitio n an d Democ racy," 198 . 57. Bot h Willia m O'Neil l an d J. Stanle y Lemon s pu t women' s hom e protec tionist activitie s unde r th e rubric of "social feminism, " a phrase originally use d i n O'Neill's Everyone Was Brave. Whil e acknowledgin g it s origina l utility , Nanc y Cott believe s tha t O'Neil l "overreache d th e usefu l limit s o f hi s categories " b y contending tha t "hard-cor e an d socia l feminis m wer e mutuall y exclusiv e ap proaches persistent over time." Nancy F . Cott, "What' s in a Name? Th e Limit s of 'Social Feminism'; or, Expandin g the Vocabulary o f Women's History," Journal of American History 76 (December 1989) : 815. Lemons note s that "th e reforms whic h won th e greates t suppor t amon g wome n befor e an d afte r th e suffrag e interlud e were thos e whic h concerne d children , mothers , an d th e home " bu t claim s tha t between th e defea t o f th e chil d labo r amendmen t an d th e Ne w Deal , "socia l feminists entere d a defensiv e stage. " Lemons , The Woman Citizen, 117 , 228 . William O'Neil l see s a lin k betwee n th e declin e o f socia l feminis m an d th e professionalization o f suc h traditiona l outlet s fo r socia l feminis t wor k a s settle ment houses : "Adventur e wa s no w t o b e had , fo r th e mos t part , i n strugglin g against no t socia l problem s bu t socia l conventions . Drinking , smoking , dancing , sexual novelties , darin g literature , an d avant-gard e ar t no w filled th e vacuu m created b y th e collaps e o f socia l feminism. " O'Neill , Everyone Was Brave, 251 . Nancy Cot t agrees , observin g tha t th e "stratu m o f young women wh o were mos t

Notes to Chapter Six • 20 3 expected t o 'd o something ' wit h thei r lives , wh o ha d i n earlie r generation s stoo d out fo r thei r high-minde d ideals , stoo d ou t i n th e 1920 s fo r thei r confrontation s with taboo s abou t smoking , drinking , petting , an d stayin g ou t a t night. " Cott , The Grounding of Modern Feminism, 149. 58. Susa n War e als o argue s fo r continuity , identifyin g a New Dea l women' s "network" that "ha d it s roots in a generation's commo n experience s i n the woma n suffrage campaign , Progressiv e refor m movements , an d politica l an d socia l wel fare activitie s i n th e 1920s. " Susan Ware , Beyond Suffrage: Women in the New Deal (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1981) , 2.

Index

Abortion, 4 6 Adams, Lucy , 2 0 Adams, Wilbu r L. , 190-19 1 n . 1 4 Addams, Jane, 19 3 n. 6 1 Advertising, 4 0 Akin, Warren , 15 9 n. 5 9 Alcohol consumption : i n 1989 , 12 ; in antebellum America , 12 , 15 3 n. 11 , 155 n . 31; as class signifier, 13 ; as contagion, 14 ; and deat h an d disease , 37 , 42, 17 1 n. 37 ; and domesti c violence, 12 , 23, 43, 16 0 n . 66, 17 1 n. 38 ; among immigrant an d working-class women , 16 3 n. 91 ; in Ire land, 16 3 n . 88 ; among Irish-America n women, 27-28 ; during th e 1920s , 43-46, 58-59, 17 3 nn. 45 , 46, 178-17 9 n . 110 ; in postbellum America , 16-17 , 155 156 n. 31 , 172-17 3 nn . 42 , 45; in present-day America , 144-145 ; present-day government control s on , 145 ; and prosti tution, 18 , 15 7 n. 42 , 16 0 n. 67 ; and sac ramental wine , 61 , 179-18 0 n . 115 ; and sexual seduction , 23 ; in the workplace , 13 Alexander, Rut h M. , 1 5 American Ba r Association, 13 2 American conservativism , 4- 6 American Federatio n o f Labor, 15 0 n. 5 American Hote l Association , 14 0 American Independent, 10 4

American Legion , 127 , 15 0 n. 5 , 16 8 n. 2 0 American Libert y League , 94, 133-134 , 140 American Re d Cross , 81 , 134 American Temperanc e Society , 1 4 American Women' s Association , 11 7 Ames, Edith , 8 0 Ames, Frederic k Lothrop , 8 0 Anderson, Mary , 19 3 n. 6 1 Anderson, Willia m H. , 18 5 n. 4 4 Andreae, Percy , 7 1 Andreini, Mrs . Cesare , 9 8 Antebellum women' s temperanc e organiza tions: and Anthony , Susa n B. , 15-16 ; class orientation of , 13-15 ; and divorc e laws, 15-16 , 153-15 4 n . 15 ; and hom e visits, 14 ; religious orientation of , 1 3 Anti-Saloon League , 1 , 29-31, 96-97 , 160 n. 67 , 17 3 n. 53 , 17 6 n. 87 ; anti-German strateg y of , 32-33 , 16 5 n. 110 ; and Purley Baker , 30 , 32 , 16 5 n. 110 ; and Bank of Westerville, 60 ; and Ernes t Cher rington, 30 ; and claim s of health benefit s of prohibition, 42 ; and cooperatio n wit h brewers, 32 ; and finances, 59-60 ; and S . S. Kresge , 17 7 n. 96 ; and th e Nonparti san WCTU, 29 ; and Protestan t churches , 59-62; and John D . Rockefeller , Jr. , 123-124; and Howar d Russell , 30 ; structure of, 163-16 4 n . 94 ; and Wayn e 205

2o6 • Index Anti-Saloon Leagu e (Continued) Wheeler, 54 , 60, 15 1 n. 2 ; and th e WCTU, 29-30 , 32-33 , 59 , 163-16 4 nn . 94, 96 ; and Worl d Leagu e Against Alco holism, 41-42 , 170-17 1 nn . 35 , 36 . See also Saloon s Armor, Mar y Harris , 97 , 19 3 n. 6 9 Arrests fo r prohibitio n violations , 4 6 Association Agains t th e Prohibitio n Amendment, 6 , 56 , 73 ; and th e Ameri can Federatio n o f Labor, 59 , 109 , 140 , 150 n. 5 ; and Henr y Curran , 140 ; and Irenee du Pont , 56; and Pierr e du Pont , 73, 78 , 109 , 19 7 n . 31 ; and economi c ar guments fo r repeal , 122-123 ; foundin g of, 10 ; and th e Molly Pitche r Club , 6 7 69, 140 , 18 2 n . 22 ; and Thoma s W . Phil lips, 56; and th e press, 55; and John J . Raskob, 115 , 120 , 19 7 n . 31 ; and Frank lin D . Roosevelt , 122 , 140 , 19 7 n . 31 , 200 n . 38 ; and th e South , 97 , 100 ; and state intervention , 15 0 n. 5 ; and Willia m H. Stayton , 146 ; and Unite d Repea l Council, 140 , 200 n . 38 ; and th e Women's Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Pro hibition Reform , 6 , 140-141 , 149-15 0 n . 5, 20 1 n . 4 1 Astor, Hele n Dinsmore , 103-10 4 Atkins, Robert , 7 9 Aviation Corporation , 131-13 2 Babbitt, 53 , 184-18 5 n . 4 1 Bagley, Mrs . Frederic k P. , 8 2 Baker, Newto n D. , 11 9 Baker, Purley , 30 , 32 , 42 Baltimore Sun, 5 4 Bank of Westerville, 6 0 Banning, Margare t Culkin , 112-11 3 Barnard College , 110 , 14 1 Barr, Dais y Douglas , 65, 18 1 n. 1 4 Barton, Bruce , 18 0 n. 11 7 Beaton, Cecil , 11 2 Beecher, Catharin e E. , 1 3 Beecher, Lyman , 16 2 n . 8 3 Belmont, Alva , 12 1 Bigelow, Willia m Frederick , 7 2 Bingham, Hiram , 11 9 Black Americans, an d th e liquor issue , 183 n. 3 0

Blair, Henr y William , 24 , 13 8 Blee, Kathlee n M. , 5-6, 65, 181-18 2 n . 1 5 Boole, Ella , 10 , 83; and th e press, 55 ; after repeal, 131 ; and Paulin e Sabin , 9 , 76-77 , 87, 110 ; and Mabe l Walke r Willebrandt , 198 n. 46 ; and th e WCTU, 76-77 ; and the WONPR, \ 17. See also Woman's Christian Temperanc e Unio n Boole, William Hilliker , 7 6 Booth, Bramwell , 13 1 Booth, Evangeline , 10 , 83 , 110 , 131 , 138 Bootlegging amon g immigran t women , 28 , 163 n. 9 0 Boyer, Paul , 2 7 Brashear, Gens e J., 97-9 8 Brewing industry : an d Perc y Andreae , 71; and banks , 17 7 n. 98 ; and Adolphu s Busch, 16 5 n. 108 ; and Anheuser-Busch , 134, 143-144 , 18 2 n . 17 ; and competi tion, 18 ; and distillin g industry , 32 , 44, 55; and Hug h F . Fox , 32 ; and losse s fro m prohibition, 55-56 ; opposition t o woma n suffrage by , 34-35 ; and Pabs t Brewin g Company, 156-15 7 n . 41 ; and Fre d Pabst, 134 , 15 6 n. 41 ; and Persona l Lib erty Leagues , 70-71 , 18 4 n. 36 ; after re peal, 44; and tie d houses , 18 , 32; and United Brewer y Workers , 71 ; and United State s Brewers ' Association, 24 , 32, 34-35 , 71 , 18 4 n. 36 ; and vice , 18 , 32, 56, 17 7 n. 9 8 Brinkley, Alan , 4- 5 Bromley, Doroth y Dunbar , 11 0 Brookhart, Smit h W. , 74 , 92 Brown, Doroth y M. , 12 7 Bruere, Marth a Bensley , 17 8 n. 10 8 Bureau o f Federal Prisons , 12 4 Bureau o f Prohibition, 48-49 , 5 4 Burkitt, Frank , 18 3 n . 3 0 Burnham, J o h n C, 43-45 , 54 , 139 , 17 2 n . 40 Business: and oppositio n t o prohibition, 32 , 165 n . 106 , 17 5 n . 78 ; and suppor t fo r prohibition, 32 , 55, 177nn . 94 , 95, 96; and suppor t fo r prohibitio n repeal , 2 , 10 , 52, 56 , 146 , 17 5 n. 78 ; and ta x burde n under prohibition , 56; and vice , 55-56 , 177-178 n . 9 8 Butler, Nichola s Murray , 119 , 12 3

Index • California Frui t Industries , 125-127 , 198 n. 5 1 California win e industry, 125-12 6 Cannon, James A. , Jr., 60-62 , 179 n n . 112, 11 3 Capone, Al , 47 , 12 6 Catholic Total Abstinenc e Union , 16 3 n . 88 Catt, Carri e Chapman , 9 , 36 , 110 , 16 6 n. 1 Cherrington, Ernes t Hurst , 30 , 60, 17 0 n . 36 Child Labo r Amendment , 38 , 130 , 18 5 n . 44 Chodorow, Nancy , 14 3 Christian Century, 62 Churches: and Catholics , 26-27, 61 ; and James A . Cannon , 60-61 ; an d Federa l Council o f Churches, 61-62 , 17 9 n. 115 , 180 n. 120 ; synagogues, 179-18 0 n . 115; and Protestants , 1 , 32 , 51-52, 59 62, 15 9 n. 59 , 16 2 n . 80 , 175-176nn . 78,82, 17 9 n. 112 , 180-181nn . 118 , 120; and religiou s depression, 61-62 , 180nn. 117 , 118 ; and secularism , 18 0 n . 117; sacramental win e in, 61 , 179-18 0 n . 115 Civilization in the United States, 5 3 Clark, Fred , 14 0 Clark, Norma n H. , 19 , 43-44, 83 , 139 , 172 n . 4 0 Clarke, Clement , 5 1 Class inequitie s o f prohibition, 10 , 31 , 5759, 17 8 n. 10 8 Colvin, D . Leigh , 10 4 Colvin, Mami e White, 83 , 90, 11 6 Commission t o Investigate Drunkennes s i n Massachusetts, 1 8 Constitution (Atlanta), 9 9 Consumers' League , 11 5 Cook, Myrtle , 181-18 2 n . 1 5 Coolidge, Calvin , 4 1 Corruption amon g prohibition officials , 10 , 48-49, 17 4 n. 6 1 Cott, Nanc y F. , 36-37 , 167nn . 13 , 15 "Crime wave," 1 , 45-46, 48, 62, 94, 174nn. 55 , 59, 68 Cross, John W. , 18 7 n . 7 1 Cross, Katharine , 18 7 n. 7 1 Crowther, Samuel , 11 1

20 7

Crusaders, 104 , 122 , 14 0 Curran, Henry , 14 0 Darrow, Clarence , 71-72 , 17 6 n. 8 4 Daughters o f Temperance, 1 3 Davis, Dwigh t F. , 13 4 Davis, James, 18 3 n. 3 0 Davis, Jefferson, 97-9 8 Democratic Nationa l Conventio n o f 1932 , 7, 119-120 , 13 5 Dewey, John, 11 9 Dewson, Molly , 5 , 115-11 6 Diamond, Jack (Legs), 12 7 Dobyns, Fletcher , 109 , 13 1 Dobyns, Winifre d Starr , 3 6 Douglass, Frederick , 18 3 n. 3 0 Ducas, Dorothy , 76 , 11 0 Duncan, James, 5 7 Duniway, Abigai l Scott , 16 6 n. 1 du Pont , Alic e Belin, 80 , 96-98, 10 8 du Pont , Irenee , 5 6 du Pont , Lammot , 56, 11 9 du Pont , Mrs . Lammot , 9 6 du Pont , Lydia , 9 6 du Pont , Marianna , 9 6 du Pont , Pierre , 56; and Louis e Gross, 73, 78; and Paulin e Sabin , 197nn . 27 , 31; and Matthe w Woll , 10 9 Earhart, Amelia , 13 2 Eckman, Jeannette, 87 , 90, 11 8 Economic Results of Prohibition, The, 43 Eighteenth Amendment , xii , 1 , 30 , 52 , 66, 87, 91-93 , 108-109 , 120-121 , 124 , 128 131, 15 0 n. 5 ; and Labb e Affair, 50 ; passage of, 9 , 33 ; urban hostilit y to , 30-31 , 53, 64 , 17 6 n. 84 ; women voter s an d ap proval of, 16 5 n. I l l ; an d Women' s Com mittee fo r Repea l of the Eighteent h Amendment, 72 , 74, 82, 122 . See also Volstead Ac t Ekwall, W . A. , 174-17 5 n . 6 8 Elmer Gantry, 53, 17 5 n. 8 2 Enforcement cost s of prohibition laws , 10 , 46-47, 17 3 n. 5 3 Equal Right s Amendment, 4 , 7 , 38 , 63, 65, 135, 143 , 19 3 n. 6 1 Fair Employmen t Practice s Commission , 135

2o8 • Index Hemingway, Ernest , 5 3 Himmelfarb, Gertrude , 6 9 Holmes, Mrs . Christian R. , 87 , 96 Home protection, 11-14 , 24 , 46; and adver tising, 40 , 17 0 n. 30 ; and Anheuser Busch, 143-144 ; and Henr y Willia m Blair, 24 , 138 ; and Mami e Colvin, 90 ; and present-da y thinking , 143-144 ; and Calvin Coolidge , 41; and Louis e Gross , 74, 92; and Hom e Protectio n party , 24 ; in India, 142 ; and Florenc e Prag Kahn , 93; and Labb e Affair , 49-51 ; an d Luc y Peabody, 66-67 ; and Paulin e Sabin , 11 , 87, 89 , 92, 94-95, 133 , 137 , 18 9 n. 96 ; and Mrs . Coffi n Va n Rensselaer , 135— 136; and socia l feminism, 20 2 n . 57 ; and Frances Willard , 22-24 , 35-36 , 91 , 147, 159 n. 62 ; and th e WCTU, 3 , 21-24 , 35-36, 73-74 , 88-92 , 130 , 136-138 , 141-143, 158-159nn . 56 , 60, 62, 16 4 n. 103; and women' s magazines , 40, 17 0 n . Gable, Clark , 13 2 31; and th e WONPR, 2-3 , 87-95 , 135 Garner, John Nance , 11 9 139, 141-143 , 146-147 , 15 0 n. 5 , 18 9 n . Gaylord, Mrs . Clifford , 7 9 96, 19 0 n. 2 ; and women' s politica l General Federatio n o f Women's Clubs , agenda i n the 1920s , 38 , 168 n n . 18 , 19, 159 n. 6 3 170 n. 32 , 19 3 n. 61 . See also Maternalism German-American Alliance , 27 , 16 5 n. 11 0 Hoover, Herbert , 37-38 , 60-61, 76 , 95, Gildersleeve, Virginia , 110 , 14 1 Gilligan, Carol , 14 3 97, 111 , 115-116, 119 , 121 , 125, 127 128, 17 9 n. 114 , 19 6 n. 6 , 198 n n . 45, Gompers, Samuel , 57-5 9 46,51 Good Housekeeping, 72 , 110-111 , 125 , 19 5 n . 84 Housework, 39 , 16 9 n. 2 3 Hull-O'Connor Bill , 10 9 Gordon, Ernest , 13 1 Hunt, Mar y Hannah , 23 , 16 1 n. 7 4 Gregory, Thomas , 19 8 n. 5 1 Gross, M . Louise , 67-69 , 72-74 , 82 , 122 , Illinois Bureau o f Labor, 1 8 129, 135 , 138-139 , 15 1 n. 2 ; and Anheu Intellectuals: and opposition t o prohibition , ser-Busch, 134 ; and hom e protection, 74 , 32, 112 ; and Upto n Sinclair , 17 5 n. 81; 92; and Fre d Pabst , 134 ; and persona l liband suppor t fo r prohibitio n repeal , 2 , 10 , erty, 67-74 , 92 , 143 ; after repeal , 132 52-53, 146 , 175 n n . 81 , 82, 176 n n . 83, 134; and Paulin e Sabin , 77-79 , 94, 132 84,85 133; and Mrs . F . W . Whitescarver , 103 ; Intercollegiate Prohibitio n Association , 7 0 and th e WCTU, 73 , 100-101 , 10 3 Guffey, Josep h F. , 13 5 Jefferson, Thomas , 6 9 Gurnee, Bell , 81 Jenkins, Leo n V. , 5 1 John Barleycorn, 5 3 Harriman, E . Roland , 80 , 18 7 n . 7 1 Johnson, E . Ernest , 180-18 1 n . 12 0 Harriman, Gladys , 80 , 82 , 18 7 n . 7 1 Johnson, Hiram , 19 6 n. 6 Haynes, Ro y A. , 5 4 Jones Law , 66, 12 4 Hearst, Willia m Randolph , 54 , 123 , 17 7 n . 90 Joy, Helen , 80 , 93, 98, 133 , 19 0 n. 2

Fair Labo r Standard s Act , 13 5 Federal Counci l o f Churches, 61-62 , 179 n. 115 , 18 0 n. 2 0 Feldman, Herman , 56 Female Moral Refor m Societ y (Utica , Ne w York), 15 4 n. 2 2 Finnish repea l vote , 12 2 Fischer, Carrie , 27 , 162-16 3 n . 8 6 Fiske, Charles , 18 0 n. 11 7 Fitzgerald, F . Scott , 5 3 Foley, Thoma s F. , 6 7 Food Contro l Act , 3 2 Ford, Henry , 7 2 Forrester, Ros e Yates, 81 , 138 Foster, J. Ellen , 24-2 5 Fox, H u g h F . , 3 2 Franklin, Mrs . J. Ed , 191-19 2 n . 3 6 Fulton, Crystal , 107-108 , 19 4 n. 7 5 Furuseth, Andrew , 178-17 9 n . 11 0

Index • Joy, Henry , 80 , 11 9 Junior League , 81 , 99 Kahn, Florenc e Prag, 82 , 93, 110 , 13 4 Kerr, K . Austin , 43-44 , 17 2 n . 4 0 Key, James L. , 9 9 Kidnapping the Constitution, 131 King Alcohol, 23 , 41, 90-91, 16 0 n. 6 5 Kresge, S . S. , 17 7 n. 9 6 Ku Klu x Klan , 47 , 65-66, 18 1 n . 9 , 18 2 n . 16. See also Women o f the Ku Klu x Kla n Kummer, Frederic k Arnold , 11 1 Kyvig, David , 14 1 Labbe, A . G.,4 9 Labbe Affair , 49-52 , 174 n n . 67 , 68, 175nn. 69 , 78 Labor: America n Federatio n o f Labor, 57 59, 109 , 178-17 9 n . 110 ; and Associatio n Against th e Prohibition Amendment , 59 , 109, 140 , 15 0 n. 5 ; and Centra l Trade s and Labo r Counci l o f New York , 58 ; and James Duncan , 57 ; and Pierr e du Pont , 109; and Andre w Furuseth , 178-17 9 n . 110; and Samue l Gompers , 57-59 ; and Hull-O'Connor Bill , 109 ; and Knight s of Labor, 57 ; and John B . Lennon, 57 ; and Thomas Lewis , 57 ; and John Mitchell , 57; and Nationa l Committe e fo r Modifi cation o f the Volstea d Act , 109 , 200 n . 27; and oppositio n t o prohibition, 31-32 , 56-59, 108-109 ; and Terenc e Powderly , 57; and Willia m J. Spencer , 17 9 n. 110 ; and Charle s Stelzle , 57 ; and suppor t fo r prohibition repeal , 2 , 10 , 52, 146 ; and United Repea l Council , 140 ; and U.S . Labor Commission , 55 , 17 7 n. 94 ; and William White , 17 9 n. 110 ; and France s Willard, 17 8 n. 102 ; and Matthe w Woll , 109, 119 , 140 ; and th e WCTU, 17 8 n . 102; women i n the labor force , 39 ; working class and alcohol , 43-45, 57-59 , 106-107, 178nn . 102 , 108 , 178-17 9 n . 110, 18 4 n. 4 1 Ladies' Home Journal', 37, 40, 110-111 , 195 n. 8 4 La Guardia, Fiorello , 13 4 Landon, Alf , 13 4 Langley, Adri a Locke , 96-9 7

20 9

League of Women Voters , 80-81 , 13 2 Leighton, Isabel , 7 5 Lennon, John B. , 57 Levesque, Alfred , 4 7 Lewis, Diocletian , 27 , 15 5 n. 3 0 Lewis, Sinclair , 53 , 17 5 n. 82 , 184-18 5 n . 41 Lewis, Thomas , 5 7 Liberty Loa n drives, 8 1 Lightner, Candy , 20 1 n . 4 2 Linville,J. A. , 5 1 Literary Digest poll, 12 8 Lockwood, France s C, 13 3 London, Jack, 5 3 Look Homeward Angel, 53 , 175-17 6 n . 8 2 Lynd, Hele n Merrell , 40-4 1 Lynd, Rober t S. , 40-4 1 Macbeth, Helen , 2 1 MacCaughey, Charle s W., 17 5 n. 7 8 Mahaffy, Charlott e C , 190-19 1 n . 1 4 Maine Laws , 16 , 15 3 n. 1 5 Man Nobody Knows, The, 18 0 n. 11 7 Marriage an d divorce , 39-4 0 Martha Washingtonians , 14-15 , 15 4 n. 2 5 Martin, John S. , 125 , 19 8 n. 4 5 Mason, Agnes , 8 0 Mason, Willia m Beverley , 8 0 Massachusetts Societ y fo r th e Prevention o f Cruelty t o Children, 16 0 n. 6 6 Maternalism, 15 3 n. 9. , 159-16 0 n . 64 , 164 n. 103 , 201 n . 44 . See also Home pro tection Mather, Katherine , 19 1 n. 3 0 Mathew, Theobald , 16 3 n. 8 8 Maybank, Burne t R. , 9 8 McCabe, Maud e Whaley, 11 8 McCaWs, 16, 110 , 19 5 n. 8 4 Meehan, Mar y E. , 8 2 Mencken, H . L. , 53-54 , 69 , 119 , 17 5 n . 82, 17 6 n. 8 5 Merz, Charles , 54 , 17 7 n . 8 7 Methodist Boar d o f Temperance, Prohibi tion an d Publi c Morals , 54-55 , 17 6 n . 87; and Clarenc e True Wilson , 83 , 12 7 Middle town, 40-4 1 Mill, John Stuart , 69-70 , 74 , 14 6 Miller, Emm a Guffey , 11 , 37, 82, 92-93 , 134-135

2 i o • Index Mills, Ogden , 12 1 Miron, Jeffrey A. , 44-4 5 Mitchell, John, 5 7 Mitchell, William , 12 5 Molly Pitche r Club , 2 , 67-69, 72 , 88, 106 , 140, 18 2 n . 2 2 Morton, Julius Sterling , 7 4 Morton, Mrs . Davi d Holmes , 78 , 18 5 n. 4 6 Moskowitz, Belle , 82 , 135-136 , 13 8 Mothers Agains t Drun k Driving , 141-142 , 144, 18 2 n . 17 , 201 n . 4 2 Mullan-Gage Act , 6 8 Muncie, Indiana , 4 1 Myers, Stanley , 50-5 1 National America n Woma n Suffrag e Asso ciation: and membership , 15 9 n. 63 ; and support fo r Worl d Wa r I , 35 ; and th e WCTU, 16 6 n. 1 ; and WONPR , 13 2 National Committe e fo r Modificatio n o f th e Volstead Act , 10 9 National Democrati c La w Enforcemen t League, 10 7 National Organizatio n fo r Women , 167 — 168 n. 1 7 National Prohibitio n Ac t (section 29) , 125 126, 19 8 n. 4 8 National Woman' s party , 35 , 79, 135 , 168 n. 19 , 186-18 7 n . 6 8 Neal, F r e d C , 17 4 n. 6 4 New Deal , 147 , 203 n . 5 8 New York Herald Tribune, 12 1 New York Times, 54, 103 , 119 , 12 4 New York World, 54 New Yorker, 75, 12 5 Newspapers an d prohibition , 53-55 , 176nn. 87 , 88, 89, 17 7 n. 9 0 Nicholson, Mrs . Jesse W., 10 7 Nicoll, lone , 80 , 82 , 87, 98, 106 , 12 9 Nineteenth Amendment , 3 5 Nonpartisan Woman' s Christia n Temper ance Union, 25 , 16 1 n. 74 ; and th e Anti Saloon League , 2 9 Norton, Mar y T. , 81-82 , 105-106 , 128 , 135, 13 8 Olmstead, Roy , 17 4 n. 6 4 On Liberty, 69 Oneida County , Ne w York , 1 3

O'Neill, Willia m L. , 36 , 16 7 n. 9 Oregon Daily Journal, 50, 17 5 n. 6 9 Oregonian, 50 , 17 5 n. 6 9 Outlook and Independent, 14 3 Parent-Teacher Association , 80-8 1 Parker, Dorothy , 5 3 Peabody, Lucy , 66-67 , 72 , 83, 102 , 13 1 Pershing, John J., 12 3 Personal liberty , 2 , 32 , 67-73, 18 5 n. 44; and America n Libert y League , 133 ; and William H . Anderson , 18 5 n. 44 ; and Babbitt, 184-18 5 n . 41 ; and Willia m Frederick Bigelow , 72 ; and blacks , 18 3 n . 30; and Norma n Clark , 18 5 n. 44 ; and Clarence Darrow , 71-72 , 17 6 n. 84 ; and Jefferson Davis , 97-98; and Henr y Ford , 72; and Louis e Gross, 67-74 , 92 , 143 ; and Thoma s Jefferson, 69 ; and H . L . Mencken, 53 , 69, 17 6 n. 85 , 18 4 n. 41; and John Stuar t Mill , 69-70 ; and Moll y Pitcher Club , 67-69 , 72 , 106 ; and Luc y Peabody, 72 ; and Persona l Libert y Leagues, 70-71 , 18 4 n. 36 ; and Paulin e Sabin, 70 , 94, 133 ; and slavery , 69 , 183 n. 30 ; and Adam Smith , 69 ; and Her bert Spencer , 69 ; and Elizabet h Tilton , 72; and Harr y S . Warner , 70 ; and Mabe l Walker Willebrandt , 125 ; and th e WCTU, 70 , 72 ; and Women' s Commit tee for th e Modification o f the Volstea d Act, 18 5 n. 46 ; and th e WONPR, 70 , 72 Phillips, Thoma s W. , 5 6 Pierce, Walte r M. , 50 , 15 1 n. 2 Pierrepont, Roslyn , 9 8 Populist party , an d th e liquor issue , 18 3 n . 30 Portland Telegram, 50 , 17 5 n. 6 9 Post, Emily , 12 3 Potter, Rose , 8 0 Potter, Willia m C , 80 , 18 7 n. 7 1 Powderly, Terence , 5 7 Progressivism, 29 , 52 , 14 7 Prohibition, an Adventure in Freedom, 7 0 Prohibition party , 24-25 , 76 , 104 , 28-29, 116, 16 1 n. 7 3 "Prohibition? Yes ! No!" 11 0 Prostitution, 18 , 15 7 n. 4 2

Index • Raskob,JohnJ., 56 , 115 , 12 0 Reed, James A. , 12 7 Republican Citizen s Committee Agains t National Prohibition , 11 9 Republican Nationa l Conventio n o f 1932 , 7, 119 , 122 , 196-197nn . 6 , 1 7 Ribuffo, Leo , 4- 5 Richardson, Ann a Steese , 17 0 n. 3 1 Richardson, KatherineB. , 106-10 7 Ritchie, Alber t C , 11 9 Rockefeller, Joh n D. , Jr., 123-12 4 Rogers, Will , 19 1 n. 3 5 Roosevelt, Mrs . Archibal d B. , 80 , 82, 191 n. 3 0 Roosevelt, Eleanor , 123-12 4 Roosevelt, Franklin , 119-124 , 140 , 19 7 n . 31, 20 0 n. 3 8 Root, Grac e C, 7 5 Rosenzweig, Roy , 2 8 Rush, Benjamin , 16 2 n . 8 3 Russell, Howard , 3 0 Ryder, Mar y E. , 8 2 Sabin, Charles , 76 , 132 , 18 6 n. 57 , 201 n . 41 Sabin, Pauline , 5 , 22 , 67, 74-80 , 96 , 104 , 112, 139 , 143 , 18 9 n. 98 , 19 4 n. 73 ; and American Libert y League , 94 , 133-134 , 139-140; and America n Re d Cross , 81, 134; and Mar y Armor , 19 3 n. 69 ; attacks by WCTU , 103 ; and Margare t Culki n Banning, 112-113 ; and Alv a Belmont , 121; and Hira m Bingham , 119 ; and Ell a Boole, 9, 76-77 , 87 , 110 ; and Nichola s Murray Butler , 119 ; and Lammo t d u Pont, 119 ; and Pierr e du Pont , 197nn . 27, 31 ; and formatio n o f WONPR, 11 ; and Louis e Gross, 77-79 , 94 , 103 , 143; and hom e protection , 11 , 87, 89, 92, 9 4 95, 133 , 137 , 18 9 n. 96 ; and Henr y Joy , 119; and labor , 109 , 119 ; and Fiorell o L a Guardia, 134 ; and Al f Landon , 134 ; and League of Women Voters , 132 ; and Og den Mills , 121 ; and mora l crusade , 106 , 193 n. 67 ; and Julius Sterlin g Morton , 74; and Nationa l Executiv e Committee , 120-121; and Ne w Yor k stat e constitu tional convention , 129 ; and Mrs . Jesse W. Nicholson , 107 ; and persona l liberty ,

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70, 94 , 133 ; and Republica n politics , 10 , 37-38, 75 , 77-78, 116 , 119-120 , 20 1 n . 41; an d Katherin e B . Richardson , 106 107; and John D . Rockefeller , Jr. , 123 ; and Frankli n D . Roosevelt , 120-122 ; and Charles Sabin , 76 , 132 , 18 6 n. 57 , 201 n . 41; and Mildre d S . Sloan , 106 ; and James Hopkins Smith , Jr., 18 6 n. 57 ; as social leader, 74-77 ; on Souther n tour , 98-99 ; and Harr y S . Truman , 134 ; and S . J. Wolfe, 103 ; and Matthe w Woll , 109 , 11 9 Saloons, 16 , 45, 85 , 93, 106 , 156nn . 32 , 33, 36, 15 8 n. 49 ; and banks , 17 7 n . 98 ; in Boston, 17 ; in Butte, 15 6 n. 37 , 15 7 n . 45; in Chicago, 17-18 , 15 7 n. 42 ; in Den ver, 15 6 n. 41 ; erosion o f popularity of , 165 n. 107 ; as middle- and upper-clas s clubs, 19 , 15 7 n . 45 ; and th e Lad y Knights, 16 3 n. 91 ; in New Yor k City , 17; in Portland, Oregon , 20 ; proliferatio n of, 17 ; in Sa n Francisco , 17 ; social func tions of, 17-20 , 57 , 15 8 n. 49 ; as symbol, 19-20, 28 , 57; and Worl d Leagu e Against Alcoholism , 42 . See also Anti-Saloon Leagu e Salvation Army , 10 , 104 , 13 1 Schuler, Lorin g A., I l l Schulze, Mrs . Carl , Jr., 11 8 Scopes trial, 65 , 71 Second Grea t Awakening , 11 , 152-153 n . 9 Separate spheres , 11 , 151-152 n . 9 ; and do mesticity, 19 , 15 7 n. 44 ; in the 1920s , 38-40, 16 8 n. 18 , 17 0 n. 3 2 Sexuality, 39 , 169 n n . 25 , 26; and th e WCTU, 6 4 Shaver, Mrs . Clemen t L. , 3 8 Shaw, Ann a Howard , 16 4 n. 10 3 Sheppard, Jeanie Rumsey , 104 , 12 9 Sheppard, Morris , 52 , 12 9 Sheppard-Towner Act , 3 8 Sinclair, Upton , 17 5 n. 8 1 Sloan, MildredS. , 10 6 Smart Set, 75 "Smart Washingto n afte r Si x O'clock, " 111 Smith, Adam , 6 9 Smith, Al , 41 , 60, 67-68, 82 , 115 , 119, 125, 129 , 179nn . 113 , 114

2i2 • Index Smith, Helen a Huntington , 11 0 Smith, James Hopkins , Jr., 18 6 n. 5 7 Smith Colleg e Club, 11 7 Social feminism , 202-20 3 n . 5 7 Social Statics, 69 Spencer, Herbert , 6 9 Spencer, Willia m J., 17 9 n. 11 0 Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , 15-16 , 153 154 n. 1 5 State constitutional conventions , 1 , 128— 129 State prohibitio n laws , 29-30 ; and urba n centers, 30-31 , 16 4 n. 9 9 Stayton, Willia m H. , 14 6 Stearns, Harol d E. , 5 3 Stelzle, Charles, 5 7 Stewart, Eliz a Daniel , 10 5 Sumptuary legislation , 2 , 32 , 58, 67-69, 86,92 Tarbell, Ida , 3 6 Tax burde n o f prohibition, 2 , 5 6 Teague, C . C , 19 8 n. 5 1 Temperance organizations : formation of , 12-13; in Ireland , 16 3 n. 88 ; among Irish-Americans, 16 3 n. 88 ; and ultraism , 27, 16 2 n . 8 3 Temperance plays , 15 3 n. 1 4 Thompson, Mary , 8 7 Tilton, Elizabeth , 7 2 Time, 102 Todd, Mrs . James Ross , 13 3 Trades Unio n Libert y Leagues , 7 1 Truman, Harr y S. , 13 4 Turner, Georg e Kibbe , 18 , 15 6 n. 33 , 157 n . 4 1 Twenty-First Amendment , xii , 1 , 33 , 52, 128-131, 199nn . 63,6 5 Tydings, Millar d E. , 9 8 Tyrrell, Ian , 1 5 Union Signal, 66, 73 , 80 , 101-10 3 United Repea l Council, 140 , 200 n. 3 8 U.S. Labo r Commission , 55 , 17 7 n . 9 4 Van Rensselaer , Mrs . Coffin , 45 , 135-136 , 191 n. 3 0 Vaughan, Mar y C , 1 3 Veterans o f Foreign Wars , 12 7

Vice Commission o f Chicago, 18 , 15 7 n . 4 2 Vice-industrial complex , 15 0 n. 5 , 17 2 n . 40 Vine-Glo, 12 6 Vino Sano , 12 6 Violence and prohibition , 10 , 47-49, 53, 174nn. 55 , 59, 64 Vogue, 111-113, 19 5 n. 9 3 Volstead, Andrew , 12 5 Volstead Act , 58-59 , 66, 72 , 109 , 120 , 137 , 176 n. 85 , 17 8 n. 109 , 18 5 n. 46 , 20 0 n . 27 Voluntary Committe e of Lawyers, 14 0 Warburton, Clark , 43-4 4 Ware, Susan , 11 6 Warner, Harr y S. , 7 0 Washington Post, 127 Watson, Tom , 18 3 n. 3 0 Webb-Kenyon Law , 3 0 West, Mar y Allen , 15 9 n. 6 0 Wetmore, Maude , 11 7 Wheeler, Wayne , 54 , 60, 125 , 15 1 n. 2 White, Alm a Bridwell , 6 5 White, William , 17 9 n. 11 0 Whitescarver, Mrs . F . W. , 10 3 Whittemore, Mrs . Clinton, 8 2 Wickersham Commission , 116 , 19 6 n. 5 Willard, Frances : on bipolar WCTU , 158 n. 55 ; and conflic t wit h Anni e Wit tenmyer, 21-22 ; death of , 29 , 63; and home protection, 22-24 , 35-36 , 91, 147, 159 n. 62 ; and Hom e Protectio n party , 24; and immigrants , 26 , 16 1 n. 78 ; and la bor, 17 8 n. 102 ; and mora l crusade , 105 ; and Populis t party , 28 ; and prayer , 101 ; and Prohibitio n party , 24 , 28 ; and racia l views, 26 ; and socialism , 28-29 ; and tem perance ballot, 21-22 ; and withdrawa l from WCT U affairs , 29 ; and woma n suf frage, 22 , 28, 114 ; and WCTU' s Socia l Purity Department , 23 ; worldview of , 161 n. 6 8 Willebrandt, Mabe l Walker , 48-49 , 54 , 110-111, 124-127 , 131-132 , 198nn . 45, 46 Wilson, Clarenc e True, 83 , 12 7 Wilson, Edith , 16 4 n. 10 3 Wilson, Woodrow , 17 6 n. 8 5

Index • Winthrop, John, 4 1 Wittenmyer, Annie , 21 ; and conflic t wit h Frances Willard , 21-22 ; and withdrawa l from th e WCTU, 22 , 16 1 n. 7 4 Wolfe, S.J. , 10 3 Wolfe, Thomas , 53 , 175-17 6 n . 8 2 Woll, Matthew , 109 , 119 , 14 0 Woman suffrage , 7 ; and California , 16 6 n . 1; and Abigai l Scot t Duniway , 16 6 n. 1 ; expectations for , 35-37 , 41, 16 7 n. 9 ; and John Stuar t Mill , 70 ; opposition from brewer s to , 34-35 ; and tensio n be tween th e WCTU an d NAWSA , 16 6 n . 1 Woman's Christia n Temperanc e Union , 1 , 5, 6, 88 , 100 ; and Warre n Akin , 15 9 n . 59; and America n Women' s Association , 117; Americanization progra m of , 31 , 64; and th e Anti-Saloon League , 29-30 , 33 , 59, 163-164nn . 94 , 96; and Mar y Harri s Armor, 97 , 19 1 n. 25 , 19 3 n. 69 ; and As sociation Agains t th e Prohibition Amend ment, 130 ; and attack s agains t WONPR , 102-103; as bipolar organization , 21, 158 n. 55 ; and Catholics , 26-27 ; and Child Labo r Amendment , 130 ; and claims of health benefit s o f prohibition , 42; and clas s orientation, 3 , 66, 141, 182 n . 17 ; and Mami e Whit e Colvin, 83 , 90, 116 ; and confrontatio n wit h WONPR, 96 , 100-101 , 116-117 , 136 ; and confrontation wit h Women's Modera tion Union , 136 ; during the 1920s , 6 367; and Evangelisti c and Sabbat h Obser vance Department, 64 ; and fashio n issue , 77; and financial problems , 29 ; formatio n of, 16 , 21; Georgia WCTU , 15 9 n. 59 ; and Louis e Gross, 73 , 100-101 , 103 ; and Mary Hanna h Hunt , 23 , 16 1 n. 74 ; and immigrants, 25-27 , 31 , 64-65, 131, 181 n. 1 ; and labor , 17 8 n. 102 ; and NAWSA, 16 6 n. 1 ; members a s forme r prohibitionists, 87-89 ; membership of , 86, 15 9 n. 63 ; as moral crusade , 105 ; and Motion Picture s Department , 64 ; and New Yor k WCTU , 116 ; and Mar y T . Norton, 105 ; and Ohi o WCTU, 158 159 n. 56; and passag e of the Eighteent h Amendment, 9 ; and Luc y Peabody , 66-

21 3

67, 72 , 83 , 102 , 131 ; and persona l lib erty, 70 , 72; and Populis t party , 28 ; and pledge, 85-86 ; and th e press, 55 , 130 ; and Prohibitio n party , 24-25 , 28-29 , 116; and religion , 4 , 85-86 , 101-102 , 130, 136 , 19 2 n. 41 ; after repeal , 130 ; and Republica n party , 24-25 , 97, 116— 117; and Smit h Colleg e Club, 117 ; structure of, 16 4 n. 94 ; and structur e of organization compare d t o WONPR, 83-89 ; and sexua l mores , 64 ; and Socia l Moral ity Department , 64 ; and Socia l Purit y Department, 23 ; and socialism , 28 ; tactics of, 95 , 101-106 ; and temperanc e bal lot, 21-22 , 15 8 n. 55 ; and unifor m liquo r regulation standard , 31 , 164 n. 103 ; and Mary Alle n West , 15 9 n. 60 ; and Anni e Wittenmyer, 21-22 , 16 1 n. 74 ; and woman suffrage , 22 , 28 ; and Wome n o f the K u Klu x Klan , 65-66 , 181-18 2 n . 15; and Women' s Nationa l Republica n Club, 117 ; and Women' s Universit y Club, 117 ; and World' s Woman' s Chris tian Temperanc e Union , 26 , 131 , 161162 n . 80 ; and Mrs . Carte r Wright , 101 ; and Letiti a Yeomans , 15 9 n. 62 . See also Boole, Ella ; Home protectio n Woman's Crusade , 16-17 , 15 5 n. 30 , 160 n. 65; and clas s composition, 19 , 157 n . 43 ; effect o n participants , 20-21 , 158 n. 54 ; and foreigners , 20 ; and males , 20, 15 8 n. 50 ; as moral crusade, 105 ; small-town orientatio n of , 20 , 15 8 n. 52 ; and Eliz a Danie l Stewart , 10 5 Woman's Nationa l Committe e fo r La w En forcement an d La w Observance , 38 , 6661; and Luc y Peabody , 66-67 , 72 , 83, 102, 131 , 7 2 Women o f the K u Klu x Klan , 5-6 , 65-66 , 181nn. 14 , 15 , 18 2 n . 16 ; and Dais y Douglas Barr , 65, 18 1 n. 14 ; and Myrtl e Cook, 181-18 2 n . 15 ; and Alm a Bridwel l White, 65 Women's bloc , 4, 34-36 , 38 , 16 7 n. 13 , 201 n . 45 , 202 n . 56 Women's Committe e fo r Modificatio n o f the Volstea d Act , 72 , 78 , 18 5 n. 4 6 Women's Committee for Repea l of the Eigh teenth Amendment , 72 , 74 , 82 , 12 2

214 * Index Women's Internationa l Leagu e for Peac e and Freedom , 168nn . 19 , 20 Women's Moderatio n Union , 72 , 74, 78, 101, 134 , 136-137 , 18 6 n. 5 1 Women's Nationa l Republica n Club , 117 , 196 n. 1 0 Women's Organizatio n fo r Nationa l Prohi bition Reform , 2 , 7 , 66, 74-89 ; and Wil bur L . Adams , 19 0 n. 14 ; and Alabam a WONPR, 99 ; and America n Federatio n of Labor , 20 0 n. 27 ; and America n Re d Cross, 81 ; and America n Women' s Asso ciation, 117 ; and Edit h Ames , 80 ; and Mrs. Edga r Anderson , 118 ; and Mrs . Cesare Andreini , 98 ; and Mar y Armor , 193 n . 69 ; and th e Association Agains t the Prohibitio n Amendment , 6 , 140-141 , 149-151 n . 5 , 201 n . 41 ; and Hele n Dins more Astor , 103-104 ; in Atlanta, Geor gia, 99 ; attacks against , 104 ; and Mrs . Frederick P . Bagley , 82 ; and Barnar d College, 141 ; and Alv a Belmont , 121 ; and Gens e J. Brashear , 97-98 ; in Charleston, Sout h Carolina , 98-99 ; and clas s critique against , 6 , 83 , 106-109 , 138-139 ; class orientation of , 3 , 79-83, 106-109 , 141, 194nn . 73 , 75; and D . Leig h Col vin, 104 ; and confrontatio n wit h WCTU , 96, 100-101 , 116-117 , 136 ; and Katha rine Cross, 18 7 n . 71 ; and Crusaders , 104; Delaware WONPR, 102 , 107-108 , 118, 19 4 n. 75 ; and Democrati c party , 81-83, 114-122 , 19 7 n . 31 ; and Fletche r Dobyns, 109 ; and Alic e Belin du Pont , 80, 96-98 , 108 ; and Mrs . Lammo t d u Pont, 96 ; and Lydi a d u Pont , 96 ; and Marianna d u Pont , 96 ; and Jeannette Eck man, 87 , 90, 118 ; and fashio n critique , 6 , 77, 97-99 , 109-113 , 139-140 , 14 9 n. 5 ; and fea r o f reprisals, 96-97 , 118 , 18 9 n . 95; formation of , 11 , 77-80; and Ros e Yates Forrester , 81 , 138 ; and Mrs . J. E d Franklin, 191-19 2 n . 36 ; and Crystal Ful ton, 107-108 ; and Mrs . Cliffor d Gay lord, 79 ; and Virgini a Gildersleeve , 110 , 141; and Bel l Gurnee, 81 ; and Glady s Harriman, 80 , 82 ; and Mrs . Christia n R . Holmes, 87 , 96; and th e home visit, 96;

iconography of , 90-91 ; an d immigrant s and minorities , 108 ; and Hele n Joy, 80 , 93, 98 , 133 , 19 0 n. 2 ; and Junior League , 81, 99 ; and Kentuck y WONPR , 97-98 ; and James L . Key , 99 ; and Adri a Lock e Langley, 96-97 ; and leadershi p posi tions, 79-82 ; and Leagu e of Women Vot ers, 80-81 ; an d Isabell a R . Lovell , 129 ; and Charlott e C . Mahaffy , 190-19 1 n . 14; and Marylan d WONPR , 81 , 188 n . 76; and Agne s Mason, 80 ; and Katherin e Mather, 19 1 n. 30 ; and Burne t R . May bank, 98 ; and Maud e Whaley McCabe , 118; and Mar y E . Meehan , 82 ; membership of, 86 , 96, 114 , 18 9 n. 95 , 19 5 n. 1 ; and Emm a Guffe y Miller , 11 , 37, 82, 92-93; and Ogde n Mills , 121 ; and Mississippi WONPR, 99-100 , 191-192nn . 35 , 36; and mora l crusade , 105-106 ; and Belle Moskowitz, 82 ; and Nationa l Exec utive Committee, 120-121 ; and Ne w York WONPR , 104 , 121 ; and lon e Ni coll, 80 , 82, 87, 98, 106 , 129 ; and nonpar tisanship, 84 , 114-122 ; and Mar y T . Norton, 81-82 , 105-106 , 138 ; and Par ent-Teacher Association , 80-81 ; an d Lucy Peabody , 131 ; and persona l liberty , 70, 72 ; and Pennsylvani a WONPR , 121 ; and Rosly n Pierrepont , 98 ; and pledge , 86; and Ros e Potter, 80 ; pragmatists of , 93; and religion , 4 , 85 , 102 , 136 ; after re peal, 132 ; and Republica n party , 81-83 , 114-122, 19 6 n. 10 ; and Mrs . Dougla s Robinson, 121 ; and Mrs . Archibal d B . Roosevelt, 80 , 82 , 19 1 n. 30 ; and Eleano r Roosevelt, 124 ; and Frankli n D . Roose velt, 120-122 , 140 , 20 0 n . 38 ; Mary E . Ryder, 82 ; Mrs. Car l Schulze , Jr., 118 ; in Schuyle r County , Ne w York , 97 ; and Jeanie Rumse y Sheppard , 104 , 129 ; and Smith Colleg e Club, 117 ; and Helen a Huntington Smith , 110 ; and Sout h Caro lina WONPR, 98-99 ; and Souther n tour, 97-100 , 19 1 n. 30 ; and states ' rights, 85 , 93; and Willia m H . Sta y ton, 146; and structur e o f organization com pared t o WCTU, 83-89 ; tactics of, 9 5 101; as temperance organization, 88-89 ,

Index • 189nn. 98 , 103 ; and Mar y Thompson , 87; and Mrs . James Ros s Todd, 133 ; and Millard E . Tydings , 98 ; and Unite d Re peal Council , 140 , 200 n. 38 ; and Mrs . Coffin Va n Rensselaer , 45 , 135-136 , 191 n. 30 ; and Maud e Wetmore, 117 ; and Mrs . Clinto n Whittemore , 82 ; and Wilmington WONPR , 96 , 107 ; and WCTU attacks , 102-104 ; and Women' s National Republica n Club , 117 , 19 6 n . 10; Women's Universit y Club , 117 . See also Home protection ; Sabin , Paulin e

21 5

Women's organizations, 37-38 , 16 7 n. 15 , 167-168 n . 1 7 Women's Trade Unio n League , 11 5 Women's Universit y Club , 11 7 World Leagu e Against Alcoholism , 41-42 , 170-171nn. 35 , 36 World prohibition , 17 1 n. 3 6 Wright, Mrs . Carter , 10 1 Yeomans, Letitia , 15 9 n. 6 2 Zwiebel, Jeffrey, 44-4 5