American Paper Mills, 1690-1832 : A Directory of the Paper Trade with Notes on Products, Watermarks, Distribution Methods, and Manufacturing Techniques 9781611683165, 9781584659648

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American Paper Mills 1690–1832 cc

A Directory of the Paper Trade with Notes on Products, Watermarks, Distribution Methods, and Manufacturing Techniques cc

J ohn B i dw el l

American Paper Mills, 1690–1832

American Paper Mills 1690–1832 cc

A Directory of the Paper Trade with Notes on Products, Watermarks, Distribution Methods, and Manufacturing Techniques cc

J o h n B i dw e l l cc

Dartmouth College Press hanover, new hampshire In association with the American Antiquarian Society worcester, massachusetts

Dartmouth College Press An imprint of University Press of New England www.upne.com In association with the American Antiquarian Society Worcester, Massachusetts © 2013 John Bidwell All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Designed by Dean Bornstein Typeset in Bulmer by Integrated Publishing Solutions For permission to reproduce any of the material in this book, contact Permissions, University Press of New England, One Court Street, Suite 250, Lebanon NH 03766; or visit www.upne.com Bidwell, John, 1949–   American paper mills, 1690–1832: a directory of the paper trade, with notes on products, watermarks, distribution methods, and manufacturing techniques / John Bidwell ; in association with the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts.    p. cm.  Includes bibliographical references and index.   ISBN 978-1-58465-964-8 (cloth : alk. paper) —   ISBN 978-1-61168-316-5 (ebook) 1. Papermaking—United States—Directories. 2. Papermaking— United States—History. 3. Papermaking—United States— Anecdotes. 4. Paper mills—United States—Directories. 5. Paper mills—United States—History. I. American Antiquarian Society. II. Title. TS1088.b46 2012 2012027182 676.0973—dc23 5  4  3  2  1 Frontispiece: A paper mill belonging to the firm of Platner & Smith, ca. 1850. Probably the Turkey Mill in Tyringham, Massachusetts (Mass. Mill 71).

Contents

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Abbreviations and Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    xxv Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxviii Organizing Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  xxxii Manufacturing Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxiii Distribution and Sales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   xli Products. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xlii Productivity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xliv Papermaking Machines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  xlvi The Growth of the Papermaking Business. . . . .  liii Career Opportunities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lx Watermarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   lxvi Notes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxx

1. Pennsylvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 001 2. Massachusetts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  85 3. New Jersey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 4. Maine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 5. Virginia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 6. Rhode Island. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 7. Connecticut. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 8. New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 9. Maryland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 10. North Carolina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 11. New Hampshire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 12. Vermont. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248 13. Delaware . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 14. Kentucky. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 15. District of Columbia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284 16. South Carolina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .286 17. Ohio. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 18. Tennessee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296 19. West Virginia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  299 20. Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 21. Indiana. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   302

Appendix: Wholesale Stationers and Paper Merchants   305 Index of Papermakers   313 Index of Watermarks: Words and Initials   331  /  Figures   335 Subject Index   337

Acknowledgments

This book has been a long-term project, beginning in the late 1970s when I started to collect information about paper mills, papermakers, and watermarks in America. Progress has been slow because other projects intervened. It has been hard to resist research opportunities I have encountered on the job in libraries where I have been employed in the business of organizing and interpreting works on paper. First of all, I should recognize the support and encouragement I have received from my employers, who have allowed me to take leave time now and then to work in a field not always applicable to their institutional priorities. I have been able to visit other libraries by means of short-term fellowships: the American Antiquarian Society in 1978 and 1994, the Newberry Library in 1986, the University of Pennsylvania in 1988, the Library Company of Philadelphia in 1990, and the Bodleian Library in 1996. A Getty Curatorial Research Fellowship in 2004 permitted me to return to the Library Company and make frequent excursions next door to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Libraries closer to home made it possible for me to explore their local history holdings, archival resources, and watermark collections. For access to these resources I am greatly indebted to the Connecticut Historical Society, the Huntington Library, the New-York Historical Society, the New York Public Library, the Princeton University Library, and the libraries of the University of California, Los Angeles. Over the years many people have brought sources to my attention, advised me on research techniques, and answered questions about archival materials I could not see for myself. The best part of this project has been the pleasure I have had in dealing with friends and colleagues who freely volunteered their time, effort, and energy in helping me to identify manufactories and track down elusive members of the trade. The list grows longer when I think of those who commented on drafts of this directory, corrected errors, and

suggested improvements. Joseph J. Felcone, James N. Green, Andrea L. Immel, Marcus A. McCorison, David R. Whitesell, and Michael Winship deserve special mention in that regard. I hardly know how to thank them all except to compile yet another directory of individuals whose contributions, courtesies, and good offices I should acknowledge here: Joyce Adgate, Diana Angione, Keith Arbour, Jeffrey A. Barr, ­Timothy Barrett, Frances Barulich, Nicholas A. Basbanes, Douglas E. Bauer, Thomas Beckman, Terry Belanger, Claire E. Bidwell, Cindy Bowden, Constance B. Brines, John A. Buchtel, Feather Ann Davis, John Dobson, Clark W. Evans, Daniel German, Donald L. Farren, Kenneth Finkel, Nancy Finlay, Robert D. Fleck, Sam Fore, Alexandra Franklin, Vincent L. Golden, E. Haven Hawley, William H. Helfand, Barbara Heritage, Peter Hopkins, Richard W. Hunter, Sidney F. Huttner, Christine Jochem, Nicole Joniec, Thomas G. Knoles, Marie E. Lamoureux, Phil Lapansky, Cynthia Marquet, Gordon M. Marshall, Mary Rhinelander McCarl, John J. McCusker, Max Moeller, Wendy M. Nardi, Katie Newell, Eric P. Newman, Elissa O’Loughlin, Richard Ovenden, Jaclyn Donovan Penny, Jessica M. Pigza, Calvin Ramsey, Tsering Wangyal Shawa, Caroline F. Sloat, Reba Fishman Snyder, the late Willman Spawn, Linda Stanley, Douglas Stone, Michael F. Suarez, S.J., Stephen Tabor, Mark D. Tomasko, Daniel Trais­ter, Dorothy Truman, Damon Tvaryanas, David L. Vander Meulen, John C. Van Horne, David Warrington, Sarah Weatherwax, Philip J. Weimerskirch, Everett C. Wilkie Jr., Jon M. Williams, Teri Williams, and the late Edwin Wolf II. Finally, I should express appreciation for those who helped with the publication of this book. Ellen S. Dunlap and the staff of the American Antiquarian Society have provided invaluable assistance every step of the way. Michael P. Burton has marshaled the resources of the University Press of New England to edit a large and complex text and present it in a

::  vii  ::

Ackn ow l e d g m e n t s  ::  viii handsome volume with a full complement of illustrations. It has greatly benefited from the hard work and inspired ideas of UPNE production editors Lys Weiss and Amanda Dupuis, who worked closely with two outside experts, editor Gretchen Oberfranc and designer Dean Bornstein. All this took some doing and determination at a time when electronic texts are becoming the norm for scholarly communication. Today the publishing business and the paper trade are coping with technological

changes even more momentous than those described in this directory. For more than a century the American paper industry was the largest in the world, but that is no longer the case. Perhaps we have reached the point where we should look back at its beginnings and consider what role it played in the creation of the knowledge economy. For that reason too I am grateful for the opportunity to affirm the primacy of paper and for the resources to put it in historical perspective.

Abbreviations and Sources

AAD  The American Advertising Directory, for Manufacturers and Dealers in American Goods. New York: Published by Jocelyn, Darling & Co., 1831–1832. AAS  Paper Watermarks Collection, 1699–ca. 1865. American Antiquarian Society. Includes the Benjamin Tighe Collection, described in “Report of the Librarian,” PAAS 67 (1957): 122–23. Africa 1883  J. Simpson Africa. History of Huntingdon and Blair Counties, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts, 1883. Allen 1942  George Allen. “The Rittenhouse Paper Mill and Its Founder.” Mennonite Quarterly Review 16 (1942): 108–28. Althouse 1966  George Louis Althouse. “Van Reed Paper Mills.” Historical Review of Berks County 31 (1966): 89–98. Anderson 1975  John R. Anderson. Shepard Kollock: Editor for Freedom. Chatham, N.J.: Chatham Historical Society, 1975. APS  American Philosophical Society. Archer 1987  G. W. Archer. “Paper Mill—It Was Near Bel Air: The Varied Fortunes of an Early Harford Enter­prise.” Harford Historical Bulletin 31 (1987): 1–4. Ashmead 1884  Henry Graham Ashmead. History of Delaware County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884. Badger 1909  John Cogswell Badger. Giles Badger and His Descendants. Manchester, N.H.: Printed by the John B. Clarke Company, 1909. Bailey 1880  Sarah Loring Bailey. Historical Sketches of Andover. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1880. Bailey 1896  James Montgomery Bailey. History of Danbury, Conn., 1684–1896. Compiled with additions by Susan Benedict Hill. New York: Burr Printing House, 1896. Baker 2010  Cathleen A. Baker. From the Hand to

the Machine: Nineteenth-Century American Paper and Mediums: Technologies, Materials, and Conservation. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Legacy Press, 2010. BAL  Bibliography of American Literature. Compiled by Jacob Blanck, Michael Winship, et al. 9 vols. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1955–1991. Baldwin 1908  Thomas W. Baldwin. Patten Genealogy: William Patten of Cambridge, 1635, and His Descendants. Boston: Thomas W. Baldwin, 1908. Barclay Papers  Henry Barclay. Letter Book, 1829–1841, including a ledger of the Saugerties paper mill, 1830–1832. New-York Historical Society. Barker 1926a  Charles R. Barker. “Old Mills of Mill Creek, Lower Merion.” PMHB 50 (1926): 1–22. Barker 1926b  ————. “The Stony Part of Schuylkill, Its Navigation, Fisheries, Fords, and Ferries.” PMHB 50 (1926): 344–66. Bates 1914  Albert C. Bates. “Thomas Green.” Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society 8 (1914): 289–309. Baxter 1934  William T. Baxter. “Daniel Henchman, a Colonial Bookseller.” Essex Institute Historical Collections 70 (1934): 1–30. Bean 1884  Theodore W. Bean, ed. History of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1884. Bemis Petition  Petition of David Bemis and others to the Senate and House of Representatives of Massachusetts, 1 November 1785. American Antiquarian Society, Manuscripts Division, Book Trades Collection, box 1, folder 4. Bidwell 1977  John Bidwell. “The Size of the Sheet in America: Paper-Moulds Manufactured by N. & D. Sellers of Philadelphia.” PAAS 87 (1977): 299–342. Bidwell 1983a  ————. “The Publication of Joel Barlow’s Columbiad.” PAAS 93 (1983): 337–80.

::  ix  ::

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  x Bidwell 1983b  ————. “Some Early American Mouldmakers.” Fine Print 9 (1983): 104–5, 115–16. Bidwell 1990  ————. Early American Papermaking: Two Treatises on Manufacturing Techniques Reprinted from James Cutbush’s “American Artist’s Manual” (1814). New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Books, 1990. Bidwell 1992  ————. “The Brandywine Paper Mill and the Anglo-American Book Trade, 1787–1837.” D.Phil. dissertation, University of Oxford, 1992. Bidwell 1993  ————. “American Papermakers and the Panic of 1819.” In A Potencie of Life: Books in Society. The Clark Lectures, 1986–1987, edited by Nicolas Barker, 89–112. London: British Library, 1993. Bidwell 2000  ————. “Printers’ Supplies and Capitalization.” In A History of the Book in America, vol. 1, The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World, edited by Hugh Amory and David D. Hall, 163–83. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Bidwell 2008  ————. “Biographical Dictionaries of the Book Trades.” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 102 (2008): 421–44. Bidwell 2009  ————. “The Industrialization of the Paper Trade.” In The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, vol. 5, edited by Michael F. Suarez, S.J., and Michael L. Turner, 200–217. ­Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Billmeyer Ledger  Michael Billmeyer. Ledger D, 1809–1815. AM.b - 1747. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Binney 1883  C. J. F. Binney. The History and Genealogy of the Prentice, or Prentiss Family, in New England, etc., from 1631 to 1883. 2nd ed. Boston: Published by the editor, 1883. BL  British Library, London. Boucher 1906  John N. Boucher. History of Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, vols. 2–3, edited by John W. Jordan. New York and Chicago: Lewis Publishing Company, 1906. Boyer 1977  Carl Boyer III. Ship Passenger Lists, National and New England (1600–1825). Newhall, Calif.: Published by the compiler, 1977.

Briggs 1937  John Owen Briggs. Notes on Some Early Connecticut Papermills—1766 to 1793. Keepsake no. 13. [Hartford]: Columbiad Club, 1937. Brigham 1947  Clarence S. Brigham. History and Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690–1820. 2 vols. Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1947. Brown 1949  H. Glenn Brown and Maude O. Brown. “A Directory of the Book-Arts and Book Trade in Philadelphia to 1820, Including Painters and Engravers.” Bulletin of the New York Public Library 53 (1949): 211–26, 290–98, 339–47, 387–401, 447–58, 492–503, 564–73, 615–22; 54 (1950): 25–37, 89–92, 123–45. These articles were collected and issued as an offprint in 1950. Brown 1958  ————. A Directory of Printing, Publishing, Bookselling & Allied Trades in Rhode Island to 1865. New York: New York Public Library, 1958. Bunnell 1902  A. O. Bunnell, ed. Dansville, 1789– 1902, Historical, Biographical, Descriptive. Compiled by F. I. Quick. Dansville, N.Y.: Instructor Publishing Company, ca. 1902. Burke 1847  Edmund Burke, comp. List of Patents for Inventions and Designs, Issued by the United States, from 1790 to 1847. Washington, D.C.: Printed by J. & G. S. Gideon, 1847. Caldwell 1880  J. A. Caldwell. History of Belmont and Jefferson Counties, Ohio. Wheeling, W.Va.: Historical Publishing Co., 1880. Campbell 1902  Hollis A. Campbell, William C. Sharpe, and Frank G. Bassett. Seymour, Past and Present. Seymour, Conn.: W. C. Sharpe, 1902. Carey Papers  Mathew Carey. Papers, 1785–1859. American Antiquarian Society. Carpenter 1896  Edward Wilton Carpenter. The History of the Town of Amherst, Massachusetts. Amherst, Mass.: Press of Carpenter & Morehouse, 1896. Carter 1982  Jane Levis Carter. The Paper Makers: Early Pennsylvanians and Their Water Mills. Kennett Square, Pa.: KNA Press, 1982 (distributed by Oak Knoll Books, New Castle, Del.).

Abbreviatio n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xi Carter & Glossbrenner 1975  W. C. Carter and A. J. Glossbrenner. History of York County from Its Erection to the Present Time, 1729–1834. New ed. Edited by A. Monroe Aurand Jr. Baltimore: Regional Publishing Company, 1975. Case 1886  Lafayette Wallace Case. The Hollister Family of America. Chicago: Fergus Printing Company, 1886. Cassel 1893  Daniel K. Cassel. A Genea-­ Biographical History of the Rittenhouse Family. Philadelphia: Published by the Rittenhouse ­Memorial Association, 1893. Caulkins 1874  Frances Manwaring Caulkins. History of Norwich, Connecticut. N.p.: Published by the friends of the author, 1874. Census Digest 1823  U.S. Department of State. Digest of Accounts of Manufacturing Establishments in the United States, and of Their Manufactures. Made under Direction of the Secretary of State, in Pursuance of a Resolution of Congress, of 30th March, 1822. Washington, D.C.: Printed by Gales & Seaton, 1823. Census of 1820  Records of the 1820 Census of Manufactures. Microcopy no. 279. Washington, D.C.: National Archives, 1964–1965. Census of 1840  Compendium of the Enumeration of the Inhabitants and Statistics of the United States, as Obtained at the Department of State, from the Returns of the Sixth Census. Washington, D.C.: Printed by Thomas Allen, 1841. Chandler 1883  Seth Chandler. History of the Town of Shirley, Massachusetts. Shirley: The author, 1883. Chapin 1926  Howard Millar Chapin. “Early Rhode Island Paper Making,” Americana Collector 2 (1926): 303–9. CHS  Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford. Church 1908  E. F. Church. “The Paper Mills of Bucks County.” Collection of Papers Read Before the Bucks County Historical Society 1 (1908): 213–16. Clay Papers  James F. Hopkins et al., eds. The Papers of Henry Clay. 11 vols. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1959–1992.

Clayton 1882a  W. Woodford Clayton, ed. History of Bergen and Passaic Counties, New Jersey, with Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1882. Clayton 1882b  ————, ed. History of Union and Middlesex Counties, New Jersey, with Biographical Sketches of Many of Their Pioneers and Prominent Men. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1882. Clift 1979  G. Glenn Clift, comp. Kentucky Obituaries, 1787–1854. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1979. CLU  University of California, Los Angeles. Cole 1888  J. R. Cole. History of Tolland County, Connecticut. New York: W. W. Preston & Co., 1888. Collins 1874  Lewis Collins. History of Kentucky. Revised and enlarged by Richard H. Collins. 2 vols. Covington, Ky.: Published by Collins & Co., 1874. Comparato 1979  Frank E. Comparato. Chronicles of Genius and Folly: R. Hoe & Company and the Printing Press as a Service to Democracy. Culver City, Calif.: Labyrinthos, 1979. Congress 1971  Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774–1971. 92nd Cong., 1st sess., 1971, S. Doc. 92-8. Conn. Public Records  The Public Records of the State of Connecticut. Edited by Charles J. Hoadly et al. 7 vols. Hartford, 1894–1948. Coon 1927  Warren Patten Coon. Genealogical Record of the LeVan Family. Newark, N.J.: s.n., 1927? Cooper 1991  Constance J. Cooper. The Curtis Paper Company: From Thomas Meeteer to the James River Corporation. Wilmington, Del.: Cedar Tree Press, Inc., 1991. Cope 1887  Gilbert Cope. Genealogy of the Sharpless Family. Philadelphia: For the family, 1887. Coxe 1814  Tench Coxe. A Statement of the Arts and Manufactures of the United States of America for the Year 1810. Philadelphia: Printed by A. Cornman, Junr., 1814. Craig 1811  John D. Craig. “Domestic Manufactures.” Agricultural Museum 2 (November 1811): 161–65.

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xii Crane 1887  Ellery B. Crane. “Early Paper Mills in Massachusetts, Especially Worcester County.” Proceedings of the Worcester Society of Antiquity 24 (1887): 115–30. CSmH  Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. CtY  Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Cushman 1992  Helen Baker Cushman. The Mill on the Third River: A History of the Davey Company, Makers of Binders Board since 1842. Jersey City, N.J.: Davey Company, 1992. DAB  Dictionary of American Biography. 20 vols. New York: Scribner’s, 1928–1958. Davenport 1832  Bishop Davenport. A New Gazetteer, or Geographical Dictionary, of North America and the West Indies. Baltimore: Published by George M’Dowell & Son; Providence: Hutchens & Shepard, 1832. Davis 2009  Feather Ann Davis. “The Rise and Fall of the Industrial Revolution along the Gwins Falls, Baltimore County, Maryland.” Typescript, 2009. DeGH  Hagley Museum and Library, Greenville, Del. DeHi  Delaware Historical Society, Wilmington. DeU  University of Delaware, Newark. Deming 1904  Genealogy of the Descendants of John Deming of Wethersfield, Connecticut. Dubuque, Iowa: Press of Mathis-Mets Co., 1904. Dickoré 1947  Marie Dickoré. “The Waldsmith Paper Mill.” Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, Bulletin 5 (March 1947): 6–24. DLC  Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Dorchester 1859  Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society. History of the Town of Dorchester, Massachusetts. Boston: Ebenezer Clapp, Jr., 1859. Drake 1962  Milton Drake. Almanacs of the United States. 2 vols. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1962. Draper 1900  Thomas Waln-Morgan Draper. The Bemis History and Genealogy. San Francisco: [Stanley-Taylor Co.], 1900. Dun Ledgers  R. G. Dun & Co. Credit Ledgers. Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass. Dunkelberger 1948  George Franklin Dunkelberger.

The Story of Snyder County. Selinsgrove, Pa.: Snyder County Historical Society, 1948. East 1938  Robert A. East. Business Enterprise in the Revolutionary Era. New York: Columbia University Press; London: P. S. King & Son, 1938. Eddy 1928  George Simpson Eddy, ed. Account Books Kept by Benjamin Franklin. 2 vols. New York: [Columbia University Press], 1928–1929. Edelstein 1964  Sidney M. Edlestein. “Origins of Chlorine Bleaching in America.” In Edelstein, Historical Notes on the Wet-Processing Industry, II. New York: American Dyestuff Reporter, 1964. Edwards 1966a  Frances Edwards. “Connecticut Paper Mills: The Eagle Mill in Suffield.” Paper Maker 35, no. 2 (1966): 1–9. Edwards 1966b  ————. “Connecticut Paper Mills: The Franklin Mill in Suffield.” Paper Maker 35, no. 1 (1966): 9–16. Edwards 1967  ————. “Connecticut Paper Mills: The Leffingwell Mill at Norwich, First in the Connecticut Colony.” Paper Maker 36, no. 1 (1967): 21–25. Elliott 1953  Harrison Elliott. “The First Paper Mill in New York.” Paper Maker 22, no. 2 (1953): 25–30. Ellis 1878  Franklin Ellis. History of Columbia County, New York. Philadelphia: Everts & Ensign, 1878. Ellis 1882  Franklin Ellis, ed. History of Fayette County, Pennsylvania, with Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men. Philadelphia: L. H. Everts & Co., 1882. Ellis & Evans 1883  Franklin Ellis and Samuel Evans. History of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, with Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1883. Emery 1893  Samuel Hopkins Emery. History of Taunton, Massachusetts. Syracuse: D. Mason & Co., 1893. Ferguson 1980  Eugene S. Ferguson. Oliver Evans: Inventive Genius of the American Industrial Revolution. Greenville, Del.: Hagley Museum, 1980. Field 1819  David D. Field. A Statistical Account of

Abbreviation s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xiii the County of Middlesex, in Connecticut. Middletown, Conn.: Printed by Clark & Lyman, 1819. Filby 1981  P. William Filby with Mary K. Meyer. Passenger and Immigration Lists Index: A Guide to Published Arrival Records of about 500,000 Passengers Who Came to the United States and Canada in the Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Centuries. 3 vols. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1981. “First Fourdrinier”  “The First Fourdrinier in America.” Unidentified newspaper clipping in the Smith, Winchester & Co. office copy of its Descriptive Catalogue of Paper Machinery (Hartford: Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co., Printers, 1876), with the other Smith, Win­chester & Co. business papers at Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass. Fisher Diaries  Miers Fisher. Diaries, 1803–1819. Friends Historical Library, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa. Folsom 1912  Joseph Fulford Folsom, ed. Bloomfield Old and New: An Historical Symposium. Bloomfield, N.J.: Centennial Historical Committee, 1912. Folsom 1925  ————, Benedict Fitzpatrick, and Edwin P. Conklin, eds. The Municipalities of Essex County, New Jersey, 1666–1924. 4 vols. New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1925. Foster 1955  James W. Foster. “Fielding Lucas, Jr., Early 19th Century Publisher of Fine Books and Maps.” PAAS 65 (1955): 161–212. Franklin 1980  Benjamin Franklin V, ed. Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers: 1640–1800. Boston: G. K. Hall & Co., 1980. French 1860  John H. French. Gazetteer of the State of New York. Syracuse: Published by R. Pearsall Smith, 1860. Fry 1908  Richard Fry. A Scheme for a Paper Currency Together with Two Petitions Written in Boston Gaol in 1739–1740. With an introduction by Andrew McFarland Davis. Providence: Club for Colonial Reprints, 1908; repr. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968. Futhey & Cope 1881  J. Smith Futhey and Gilbert Cope. History of Chester County, Pennsylvania,

with Genealogical and Biographical Sketches. Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts, 1881. Germantown  Germantown and the Germans: An Exhibition of Books, Manuscripts, Prints and Photographs from the Collections of the Library Company of Philadelphia and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1983. Gilpin Letter Book  Letter Book of the Brandywine Paper Mill. Joshua and Thomas Gilpin Collection (MG-58), Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg. Goodspeed 1887  History of Tennessee [East Tennessee ed.]. Nashville: Goodspeed Publishing Co., 1887. Goodwin 1879  Joseph Olcott Goodwin. East Hartford: Its History and Traditions. Hartford: Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co., 1879. Goodwin 1891  James Junius Goodwin. The Goodwins of Hartford, Connecticut, Descendants of William and Ozias Goodwin. Hartford: Brown and Gross, 1891. Goodwin 1939  Rutherfoord Goodwin. The William Parks Paper Mill at Williamsburg. Lexington, Va.: Journalism Laboratory Press, Washington and Lee University, 1939. Goold 1875  William Goold. “Early Papermills of New-England.” New-England Historical and Genealogical Register 29 (1875): 158–65. Gordon 1832  Thomas F. Gordon. A Gazetteer of the State of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Published by T. Belknap, 1832. Gordon 1834  ————. A Gazetteer of the State of New Jersey. Trenton: Published by Daniel Fenton, 1834. Gottesman 1938  Rita Susswein Gottesman. The Arts and Crafts in New York, 1726–1776. New York: Printed for the New-York Historical Society, 1938. Gottesman 1954  ————. The Arts and Crafts in New York, 1777–1799. New York: New-York Historical Society, 1954. Gottesman 1965  ————. The Arts and Crafts in New York, 1800–1804. New York: New-York Historical Society, 1965.

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xiv Gravell & Miller 1979  Thomas L. Gravell and George Miller. A Catalogue of American Watermarks, 1690–1835. New York and London: Garland, 1979. Gravell & Miller 1983  ————. A Catalogue of Foreign Watermarks Found on Paper Used in America, 1700–1835. New York and London: Garland, 1983. Gravell & Miller 2002  ————. American Watermarks, 1690–1835. Revised with the assistance of Elizabeth A. Walsh. New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Press, 2002. Gray 1905  Patrick Leopoldo Gray. Gray’s Doniphan County History: A Record of the Happenings of Half a Hundred Years. Bendena, Kans.: Roycroft Press, 1905. Transcribed at: http://sky ways.lib.ks.us­/kansas­/genweb/archives/doniphan/ history/1905/ (accessed 28 May 2005). Graybeal 2001  Jay A. Graybeal. “Devries Paper Mill.” [Westminster, Md.] Carroll County Times, 18 November 2001. Transcribed at: http:// www.carr.lib.md.us/hscc/research/yesteryears/ cct2001/011118htm.htm (accessed 8 December 2004). Green 1888  Mason Arnold Green. Springfield, 1636–1886: History of Town and City. Springfield, Mass.: C. A. Nichols & Co., 1888. Green 1939  Constance McLaughlin Green. Holyoke, Massachusetts: A Case History of the Industrial Revolution in America. New Haven: Yale University Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1939. Green 1990  James Green. The Rittenhouse Mill and the Beginnings of Papermaking in America. Philadelphia: Library Company of Philadelphia and Friends of Historic RittenhouseTown, 1990. Greene 1965  Paulette G. Greene. “The History of Papermaking on Long Island.” Thesis, Graduate Library School of Long Island University, Brookville, N.Y., 1965. Groce & Wallace 1957  George C. Groce and David H. Wallace. The New-York Historical Society’s Dictionary of Artists in America, 1564–1860. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1957. Grolier 1907  Catalogue of Ornamental Leather

Bookbindings Executed in America Prior to 1850. New York: Grolier Club, 1907. Grosse-Stoltenberg 1982  Robert Grosse-Stoltenberg. “Die Papiermühle zu Gettenbach.” IPH Yearbook 3 (1982): 169–97. Grove 1967  Max W. Grove. The 1810 Census of the United States of America for Berkeley County, Virginia. Hedgesville, W.Va.: Max W. Grove, 1967. Haacker 1956  Frederick C. Haacker. “The Peekskill Paper Mills (1777–1852).” Westchester Historian 32 (1956): 69–74, 104–9. Haddock 1894  John A. Haddock. The Growth of a Century, as Illustrated in the History of Jefferson County, New York, from 1793 to 1894. Philadelphia: Printed by Sherman & Co., 1894. Hagey 1951  King Albert Hagey and William Anderson Hagey. The Hagey Families in America and the Dularey Family. Bristol, Tenn.: King Printing Company, 1951. Hall 1869  Henry Hall. The History of Auburn. Auburn, N.Y.: Published by Dennis Bro’s & Co., 1869. Halley 1904  R. A. Halley. “Papermaking in Tennessee.” American Historical Magazine 9 (1904): 211–17. Hamilton 1936  Milton W. Hamilton. The Country Printer: New York State, 1785–1830. New York: Columbia University Press, 1936. Hancock 1955  Harold B. Hancock. “Delaware Papermakers and Papermaking, 1787–1840.” Typescript, 1955. Hagley Museum and Library, Greenville, Del. Hancock 1959  ————. “An American Papermaker in Europe—1795–1801.” Paper Maker 28 (September 1959): 11–15. Hancock & Wilkinson 1957  Harold B. Hancock and Norman B. Wilkinson. “The Gilpins and Their Endless Papermaking Machine.” PMHB 81 (1957): 391–405. Hancock & Wilkinson 1958  ————. “Thomas and Joshua Gilpin, Papermakers.” Paper Maker 27 (September 1958): 1–11. Hancock & Wilkinson 1959  ————. “Joshua Gilpin: An American Manufacturer in England and

Abbreviatio n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xv Wales, 1795–1801.” Transactions of the Newcomen Society 32 (1959/60): 15–28, 33 (1960/61): 57–66. Hanson 1852  John Wesley Hanson. History of Gardiner, Pittston and West Gardiner. Gardiner, Me.: Published by William Palmer, 1852. Harrigan 1995  Robert E. Harrigan. Paper Mills and a Nation’s Capital. Lanham, Md., and London: University Press of America, 1995. Harriman 1879  Walter Harriman. The History of Warner, New Hampshire, for One Hundred and Forty-Four Years, from 1735 to 1879. Concord, N.H.: Printed by the Republican Press Association, 1879. Hawley 1890  Elias S. Hawley. The Hawley Record. Buffalo: Press of E. H. Hutchinson, 1890. Hayden 1968  Seth Hayden. “Papermaking in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania.” Paper Maker 37 (1968): 2–9. Heathcote 1932  C. W. Heathcote. A History of Chester County, Pennsylvania. Harrisburg: National Historical Association, 1932. Heilman 1919  S. P. Heilman. “The Name Heilman in European, American and Lebanon County History.” Lebanon County Historical Society, Papers and Addresses 7 (1919): 221–52. Hill 1930  William H. Hill. A Brief History of the Printing Press in Washington, Saratoga and Warren Counties, State of New York. Fort Edward, N.Y.: Privately printed, 1930. Hindman 1816  James Hindman. Map of Chester County, Pennsylvania, ca. 1816. Map Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Hindman 1830  ————. Map of Chester County, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Published by H. S. Tanner, 1830. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Hixson 1968  Richard F. Hixson. Isaac Collins, A Quaker Printer in 18th Century America. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1968. Holland 1855  Josiah Gilbert Holland. History of Western Massachusetts: The Counties of Hampden, Hampshire, Franklin, and Berkshire. 2 vols. Springfield, Mass.: Published by Samuel Bowles and Company, 1855.

Holt 1923  Albert Campbell Holt. The Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee. Nashville?: s.n., 1923? Hommel 1947  Rudolf P. Hommel. “Two Centuries of Papermaking at Miquon, Pennsylvania.” Bulletin of the Historical Society of Montgomery County 5 (1947): 275–90. Hopkins 2001  Peter Hopkins. “Toward 2001: The Colonial Roots of Crane & Co., Inc.” Typescript, 2001. Hough 1860  Franklin B. Hough. A History of Lewis County, in the State of New York. Albany: Munsell & Rowland, 1860. Hounshell 1984  David A. Hounshell. From the American System to Mass Production, 1800–1932: The Development of Manufacturing Technology in the United States. Studies in Industry and Society, vol. 4. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984. HSP  Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. HSP Watermarks  Watermark Collection. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Humphreys 1917  Frank Landon Humphreys. Life and Times of David Humphreys. 2 vols. New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1917. Hunter 1923  Dard Hunter. Old Papermaking. Chillicothe, Ohio: Privately printed by Dard Hunter, 1923. Hunter 1947  ————. Papermaking: The History and Technique of an Ancient Craft. 2nd revised edition. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947; repr. New York: Dover Publications, 1978. Hunter 1950  ————. Papermaking by Hand in America. Chillicothe, Ohio: Mountain House Press, 1950. Hunter 1952  ————. Papermaking in Pioneer America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1952; repr. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc., 1981. Hurd 1884  D. Hamilton Hurd. History of Norfolk County, Massachusetts. Philadelphia: J. W. Lewis & Co., 1884.

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xvi Hurd 1890  ————. History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts. 3 vols. Philadelphia: J. W. Lewis & Co., 1890. Hurlbut Papers  Correspondence of Thomas Hurlbut and of the firm Owen & Hurlbut, 1824–1858. Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library. Huttner 1993  Sidney F. Huttner and Elizabeth Stege Huttner. A Register of Artists, Engravers, Booksellers, Bookbinders, Printers & Publishers in New York City, 1821-42. New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1993. Hyde 1878  C. M. Hyde and Alexander Hyde. Lee: The Centennial Celebration, and Centennial History of the Town of Lee, Mass. Springfield, Mass.: Clark W. Bryan & Company, 1878. Ide 1879  Simeon Ide. The Industries of Claremont, New Hampshire, Past and Present. Claremont: Claremont Manufacturing Company, 1879. INA  Papers of the Insurance Company of North America. CIGNA Archives, Philadelphia. Jackson 1939  Joseph Jackson. “Daniel Womelsdorf—The Paper Maker of Manhatawny.” Historical Review of Berks County 4 (1939): 117–18. James 1954  Arthur E. James. “Chester County, Pennsylvania Water Marks.” Chronicle of the Early American Industries Association 7 (April 1954): 16–17. James 1970  ————. “The Paper Mills of Chester County, Pennylvania, 1779–1967. Part I.” Paper Maker 39, no. 1 (1970): 1–16. Jobbagy 2006  Bill Jobbagy. “The Paper Mills of Coventry.” Sign Post 16 (2006): 1–2. Also available at http://www. coventryct.org (accessed 29 May 2008). Jones 1826  Samuel Jones. Pittsburgh in the Year Eighteen Hundred and Twenty-Six, Containing Sketches Topographical, Historical and Statistical. Pittsburgh: Printed by Johnston & Stockton, 1826. Jones 1858  Horatio Gates Jones. The Levering Family. Philadelphia: Printed for the author by King & Baird, 1858. Kaminkow 1967  Marion Kaminkow and Jack Kaminkow. Original Lists of Emigrants in Bondage

from London to the American Colonies, 1719–1744. Baltimore: Magna Carta Book Company, 1967. Kaser 1963  David Kaser. The Cost Book of Carey & Lea, 1825–1838. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963. Kayser 1823  Commercial Directory; Containing, a Topographical Description, Extent and Productions of Different Sections of the Union, Statistical Information Relative to Manufactures, Commercial and Port Regulations, a List of the Principal Commercial Houses [etc.]. Philadelphia: Published by J. C. Kayser & Co., J. Maxwell, printer, 1823.  Kilbourn 1831  John Kilbourn. The Ohio Gazetteer; or Topographical Dictionary. 10th ed., revised. Columbus: Published and sold by John Kilbourn, 1831. Kile 1958  Orville Merton Kile. A Partial History of the Kyle, Kile, Coyle Family in America with Some Scotch, Irish, and English Background. Baltimore: Printed by Waverly Press, 1958. Kingsbury & Deyo 1892  Henry D. Kingsbury and Simeon L. Deyo, eds. Illustrated History of Kennebec County, Maine, 1625–1799–1892. 2 vols. New York: H. W. Blake, 1892. Kirkpatrick 1971  Doris Kirkpatrick. The City and the River. 2 vols. Fitchburg, Mass.: Fitchburg Historical Society, 1971–1975. Komarek 1986  Carole Womelsdorf Komarek. “The Womelsdorfs: A Family of Early Pennsylvania Papermakers.” Typescript, 1986. La Munyan 1905  Harriet B. La Munyan. The Dewees Family, Genealogical Data, Biographical Facts and Historical Information. Norristown, Pa.: William H. Roberts, 1905. Lander 1952  Ernest M. Lander Jr. “Paper Manufacturing in South Carolina before the Civil War.” North Carolina Historical Review 29 (1952): 220–27. Larned 1874  Ellen D. Larned. History of Windham County, Connecticut. 2 vols. Worcester, Mass.: Published by the author, 1874–1880. Leffingwell Papers  Leffingwell Family Papers, 1665–1954. Manuscript Group no. 320. Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library.

Abbreviation s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xvii Leonard 1950  Eugenie Andruss Leonard. “Paper as a Critical Commodity during the American Revolution.” PMHB 74 (1950): 488–99. Lewis 1961  J. Eugene Lewis. “Cravens House: Landmark of Lookout Mountain.” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 20 (1961): 203–21. Lewis Papers  Account books of paper mills belonging to John Lewis, Pembroke, N.H., 1810–1829. 2 vols. American Antiquarian Society. Liberty Ledger  Ledger of Liberty Paper Mill, Milton, Mass., 1770–1793. Crane Museum, Dalton, Mass. Lincoln 1837  William Lincoln. History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from Its Earliest Settlement to September, 1836. Worcester: Moses D. Phillips and Company, 1837. Linn 1883  John Blair Linn. History of Centre and Clinton Counties, Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Louis H. Everts, 1883. Lockwood 1873  Lockwood’s Directory of the Paper Manufacturers in the United States and Canada . . . 1873–74. New York: Howard Lockwood, 1873. Lockwood 1882  Lockwood’s Directory of the Paper, Stationery and Printing Trades . . . 1882. New York: Howard Lockwood, 1882. Lynn 1980  Catherine Lynn. Wallpaper in America. New York: W. W. Norton, 1980. Lyon 1923  James B. Lyon. The Lyon Family. [Jacksonville, Fla.?: s.n., 1923]. Macfarlan  Douglas Macfarlan. “The Wissahickon Mills,” 1949–1950. 3 vols. Am 30191. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. These typescripts contain itemized lists of mills with historical commentary partly based on the work of James F. Magee Jr. Macfarlan 1935  ————. “The Mill-Creek District, Montgomery Co. Penna.” Map, 1935. New-York Historical Society. Magee 1933  James F. Magee Jr. “Magarge Mill Was One of First Along Wissahickon” The Suburban Press, 9 November 1933 (newspaper clipping in the AAS watermark collection). Magee 1934  ————. “Watermarks of Early American Paper Makers.” Paper Trade Journal, 24 May 1934, 43–44.

Magee 1935  ————. “Pennsylvania Colonial Paper Mills and Watermarks.” Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia 32 (1935): 217–26. Magee 1948  ————. “Berks County Paper Mills, Paper Makers and Watermarks, 1747–1832.” Historical Review of Berks County 13 (1948): 76–78. Manufactories 1875  Manufactories and Manufacturers of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Galaxy Publishing Company, 1875. Martin 1877  John Hill Martin. Chester (and Its Vicinity), Delaware County, in Pennsylvania, with Genealogical Sketches of Some Old Families. Philadelphia: Printed by Wm. H. Pile and Sons, 1877. Maxted 1985  Ian Maxted. The British Book Trades, 1731–1806: A Checklist of Bankrupts. Exeter Working Papers in British Book Trade History, vol. 4. Exeter: J. Maxted, 1985. McCorison 1963  Marcus A. McCorison. Vermont Imprints, 1778–1820: A Check List of Books, Pamphlets, and Broadsides. Worcester: American Antiquarian Society, 1963. McCorison 1984  ————. Vermont Papermaking, 1784–1820. Bennington, Vt.: Bennington Museum, 1984. Reprinted from articles in Vermont History 31 (October 1963) and 33 (April 1965). McCulloch 1921  William McCulloch. “William McCulloch’s Additions to Thomas’s History of Printing.” PAAS 31 (1921): 8–247. McGaw 1987  Judith A. McGaw. Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801–1885. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987. McGrain 1985  John W. McGrain. From Pig Iron to Cotton Duck: A History of Manufacturing Villages in Baltimore County. Vol. 1. Towson, Md.: Baltimore County Public Library, 1985. McIntosh 1876  W. H. McIntosh. History of Ontario Co., New York, with Illustrations Descriptive of Its Scenery, Palatial Residences, Public Buildings, Fine Blocks, and Important Manufactories. Philadelphia: Everts, Ensign & Everts, 1876. McKay 1942  George L. McKay. A Register of Art-

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xviii ists, Engravers, Booksellers, Bookbinders, Printers & Publishers in New York City, 1633–1820. New York: New York Public Library, 1942. Reprinted with additions from the Bulletin of the New York Public Library (1939–1941). McLane Report  U.S. Department of the Treasury. Documents Relative to the Manufactures in the United States. Compiled by Louis McLane. 2 vols. 22nd Cong., 1st sess., 1833, H. Ex. Doc. 308. McMurtrie 1929  Douglas McMurtrie. The First American Paper Trade Agreement. N.p., 1929. Reprinted from Pulp and Paper Magazine, 24 January 1929. Mead 1911  Spencer P. Mead. Ye Historie of ye Town of Greenwich. New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1911. Meisner 2002  Marion Meisner. “A History of Millburn Township.” Short Hills, N.J.: Millburn–Short Hills Historical Society and the Millburn Free Public Library, 2002. Available at: http://www .millburn.lib.nj.us/ebook/eBook.pdf (accessed 10 November 2004). Melish 1816  John Melish. Map of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, ca. 1816. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Merrill 1817  Eliphalet Merrill and Phinehas Merrill. A Gazetteer of the State of New-Hampshire. Exeter, N.H.: Printed by C. Norris & Co. for the authors, 1817. Miller 1974  C. William Miller. Benjamin Franklin’s Philadelphia Printing, 1728–1766: A Descriptive Bibliography. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974. Montgomery 1886  Morton L. Montgomery. History of Berks County in Pennsylvania. Philadelphia: Everts, Peck & Richards, 1886. Morris 1834  Eastin Morris. The Tennessee Gazetteer, or Topographical Dictionary. Nashville: Published by W. Hasell Hunt & Co., Banner and Whig Office, 1834. Morris County 1882  History of Morris County, New Jersey, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches. New York: W. W. Munsell & Co., 1882.

Morris County 1914  A History of Morris County, New Jersey, Embracing Upwards of Two Centuries, 1710–1913. 2 vols. New York and Chicago: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1914. Morrison 1820  John Morrison. Map of Huntingdon County, Pennsylvania, ca. 1820. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Morrow & Morrow 1984  Dale Walton Morrow and Deborah Jensen Morrow. “Wills of Berkeley County, West Virginia: An Index, 1774–1880.” Typescript, 1984. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Munsell 1876  Joel Munsell. Chronology of the Origin and Progress of Paper and Paper-Making. 5th ed. Albany: J. Munsell, 1876; repr. New York and London: Garland, 1980. Murphy 1978  James L. Murphy. “Watermark Proves Existence of Early Ohio Paper Mill.” Ohio Historical Society, Echoes (August 1978): 4. MWA  American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass. MWiW-C  Chapin Library, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass. Needles Day Book  John and Joseph A. Needles. Day Book, 1817–1824. Am. 9291. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Nelson 1911  William Nelson. “Some New Jersey Printers and Printing in the Eighteenth-Century.” PAAS 21 (1911): 15–56. New Jersey Wills  New Jersey, Department of State. Index of Wills, Inventories, etc., in the Office of the Secretary of State, Prior to 1901. Trenton, 1912–1913. Reprinted with additional material as New Jersey Index of Wills. 3 vols. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1969. Newhall 1836  James R. Newhall. The Essex Memorial for 1836, Embracing a Register of the County. Salem, Mass.: Published at the book store of Henry Whipple, 1836. Newman 1997  Eric P. Newman. The Early Paper Money of America. 4th ed. Iola, Wis.: Krause Publications, 1997. NHi  New-York Historical Society, New York, N.Y. Nichols 1900  Charles L. Nichols. “Some Notes

Abbreviation s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xix on Isaiah Thomas and His Worcester Imprints.” PAAS 13 (1900): 429–47. Nickell 1993  Joe Nickell. “Stationers’ Crests: A Catalog of More than 200 Embossed Paper Marks, 1835–1901.” Manuscripts 45 (1993): 199–216. NjP  Princeton University, Princeton, N.J. NjR  Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. NN  New York Public Library, New York, N.Y. NNC  Columbia University, New York, N.Y. NNPM  Morgan Library & Museum, New York, N.Y. Nugent 1957  John M. Nugent. “The Paper Mills of Lower Merion.” Paper Maker 26 (February 1957): 19–27. NYHS  Collection of Early American Watermarks, mostly assembled by Robert Rowland Dearden, with notes, maps, and photostats of tracings by James F. Magee Jr. New-York Historical Society. Olney 1889  James H. Olney. A Genealogy of the Descendants of Thomas Olney. Providence, R.I.: Press of E. L. Freeman & Son, 1889. Onderdonk 1865  Henry Onderdonk Jr. Queens County in Olden Times: Being a Supplement to the Several Histories Thereof. Jamaica, N.Y.: Charles Welling, 1865. Onderdonk 1910  Elmer Onderdonk. Genealogy of the Onderdonk Family in America. New York: Privately Printed, 1910. Onderdonk Mill Papers  Business records of the Onderdonk Paper Mill, including a ledger, 1785–1789; receipt books, 1788–1796; and a sales and receipt book, 1790–1792. New-York Historical Society. Onderdonk Papers  William and Benjamin Onderdonk. Letterbook, 1796–1810. New-York Historical Society. O’Neal 1978  David L. O’Neal. Early American Almanacs: The Phelps Collection, 1679–1900. Catalogue 25. Peterborough, N.H.: David L. O’Neal, 1978. PAAS  Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society. Padgett 1937  James A. Padgett, ed. “The Life and Letters of James Johnson of Kentucky.” Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society 35 (1937): 301–38.

Park 1923  Lawrence Park. “Joseph Blackburn— Portrait Painter.” PAAS 32 (1922): 270–329. Pearson 1826  Benjamin Pearson, comp. Report of the Committee of Delaware County, on the Subject of Manufactories, Unimproved Mill Seats, &c. in Said County. 1826. Chester, Pa.: Printed by Joseph M. G. Lescure, 1826. Pease & Niles 1819  John C. Pease and John M. Niles. A Gazetteer of the States of Connecticut and Rhode-Island. Hartford: Printed and published by William S. Marsh, 1819. Pennsylvania 1989  Pennsylvania Gazetteer. Wilmington, Del.: American Historical Publications, 1989. Peyton 1882  J. Lewis Peyton. History of Augusta County, Virginia. Staunton, Va.: Samuel M. Yost & Son, 1882. Phelps & Spafford  Business papers of the firms Phelps & Spafford and Smith, Winchester & Co. Includes the Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1837. Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass. PHi  Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. Pierce 1899  Frederick Clifton Pierce. Foster Genealogy, Being the Record of the Posterity of Reginald Foster. Chicago: Published by the author, press of W. B. Conkey Company, 1899. Pierce 1977  Wadsworth R. Pierce. The First 175 Years of Crane Papermaking. Dalton, Mass.: Crane & Co., 1977. PMHB  Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Potts 1837  Joseph C. Potts. The New Jersey Register, for the Year Eighteen Hundred and Thirty-Seven, Being the First Year of Publication. Trenton: Published by William D’Hart, 1837. PPAmP  American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia, Pa. PPL  Library Company of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, Pa. Pratt 1849  The New-England Mercantile Union Business Directory. . . . New York: Pratt & Co.; Boston: L. C. & H. L. Pratt [etc.], 1849.

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xx Raum 1871  John O. Raum. History of the City of Trenton, New Jersey, Embracing a Period of Nearly Two Hundred Years. Trenton: W. T. Nicholson & Co., printers, 1871. Richards 1820  Henry M. Richards. Map of Berks County, Pennsylvania, ca. 1820. Photostat at Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Rink 1981  Evald Rink. Technical Americana: A Checklist of Technical Publications Printed Before 1831. Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus International Publications, 1981. Rockefeller 1953  George C. Rockefeller. Early Paper Making in Trenton, New Jersey. N.p., 1953. Reprinted from Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society 71 (1953): 24–32. Rodman 1927  Samuel Rodman. The Diary of Samuel Rodman: A New Bedford Chronicle of Thirty-Seven Years, 1821–1859. Edited by Zephaniah W. Pease. New Bedford, Mass.: Reynolds Printing Co., 1927. Rogers 1982  Ellin Lee Rogers. “History of the Paper Mill at Salem, North Carolina, 1789–1873.” M.A. thesis, Wake Forest University, 1982. Rothrock 1946  Mary U. Rothrock, ed. The French Broad–Holston Country: A History of Knox County, Tennessee. Knoxville: East Tennessee Historical Society, 1946. Royalty 1975  Dale Royalty. “James Prentiss and the Failure of the Kentucky Insurance Company, 1813–1818.” Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 73 (1975): 1–16. Rupp 1965  I. Daniel Rupp. A Collection of Upwards of Thirty Thousand Names of German, Swiss, Dutch, French and Other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 1776. 2nd revised and enlarged edition; reprinted with index. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1965. Ruttenber 1875  E. M. Ruttenber. History of the County of Orange, with a History of the Town and City of Newburgh. Newburgh, N.Y.: E. M. Ruttenber & Son, printers, 1875. Sachse 1897  Julius Friedrich Sachse. “The Ephrata

Paper Mill.” Lancaster County Historical Society, Historical Papers and Addresses 1 (1897): 323–38. Scharf 1888  J. Thomas Scharf. History of Delaware, 1609–1888. 2 vols. Philadelphia: L. J. Richards & Co., 1888. Scharf & Westcott 1884  J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott. History of Philadelphia, 1609–1884. 3 vols. Philadelphia: L. H. Everts & Co., 1884. Schreyer 1988  Alice Schreyer. East-West: Hand Papermaking Traditions and Innovations. Newark, Del.: University of Delaware Library, 1988. Scott 1979  Kenneth Scott, comp. British Aliens in the United States during the War of 1812. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1979. Sedgley 1928  George Burbank Sedgley. Genealogy of the Burbank Family and the Families of Bray, Wellcome, Sedgley (Sedgeley) and Welch. Farmington, Me.: Printed . . . by the Knowlton & McLeary Company, 1928. Seitz 1946  May A. Seitz. The History of the Hoffman Paper Mills in Maryland. Towson, Md.: May A. Seitz, 1946. Seitz 1986a  R. Carlton Seitz. “Corrections and Additions to R. Carlton Seitz’s Handout on ‘Papermaking in Colonial Maryland.’” Typescript, 1 March 1986. Seitz 1986b  ————. “Papermaking in Colonial Maryland: Notes for a Talk before the Baltimore Area Conservation Group.” Typescript, 24 February 1986. Selkreg 1894  John H. Selkreg. Landmarks of Tompkins County. New York: D. Mason and Company, 1894. Available at: http://nytompki.org/ Landmarks/contents.htm (accessed 14 November 2004). Sellers 1965  Early Engineering Reminiscences (1815–40) of George Escol Sellers. Edited by Eugene S. Ferguson. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1965. Sellers Diary  Nathan Sellers. Diary, 1776, 1817– 1829. American Philosophical Society.

Abbreviation s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xxi Sellers Ledgers  Nathan Sellers. Accounts, 1774–ca. 1801. American Philosophical Society. Sellers Letter Book  N. & D. Sellers and Coleman Sellers & Sons. Letter Book, 1821–1834. American Philosophical Society. Sellers Moulds Finished  “Molds—when finished.” Business records of N. & D. Sellers. American Philosophical Society. Sellers Moulds Ordered  “Memorandum of Paper Molds—Ordered.” Business records of N. & D. Sellers. American Philosophical Society. Sellers Order Book  Coleman Sellers & Sons. Order Book, ca. 1834–1836. American Philosophical Society. Shaw 1884  William H. Shaw. History of Essex and Hudson Counties, New Jersey. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1884. Shipton 1948  Clifford K. Shipton. Isaiah Thomas: Printer, Patriot and Philanthropist, 1749–1831. Rochester, N.Y.: Printing House of Leo Hart, 1948. Shipton 1950  ————. “Report of the Librarian.” PAAS 60 (1950): 211–36. Shoemaker 1891  Thomas H. Shoemaker. “A List of the Inhabitants of Germantown and Chestnut Hill in 1809.” PMHB 15 (1891): 449–80, 16 (1892): 42–63. Shorter 1957  Alfred H. Shorter. Paper Mills and Paper Makers in England, 1495–1800. Monumenta Chartae Papyraceae Historiam Illustrantia, vol. 6. Hilversum, Holland: Paper Publications Society, 1957. Shorter 1972  ————. Paper Making in the British Isles: An Historical and Geographical Study. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1972. Shryock 1866  George A. Shryock. History of the Origin and Manufacture of Straw & Wood Paper. Philadelphia: s.n., 1866. Sibley 1851  John Langdon Sibley. A History of the Town of Union, in the County of Lincoln, Maine, to the Middle of the Nineteenth Century. Boston: Benjamin B. Mussey and Co., 1851. Sights, Scenes 1993  Sights, Scenes, Visions and

Dreams: Looking Back at Ephrata. Ephrata, Pa.: Historical Society of the Cocalico Valley, 1993. Silver 1949  Rollo G. Silver. The Boston Book Trade, 1800–1825. New York: New York Public Library, 1949. Reprin­ted from the Bulletin of the New York Public Library (October–December 1948). Silver 1951  ————. “The Boston Book Trade, 1790–1799.” In Essays Honoring Lawrence C. Wroth, edited by Frederick R. Goff, 279–303. Portland, Me.: Anthoensen Press, 1951. Silver 1953  ————. The Baltimore Book Trade, 1800–1825. New York: New York Public Library, 1953. Reprinted from the Bulletin of the New York Public Library (March–July 1953). Silver 1971  ————. “Efficiency Improved: The Genesis of the Web Press in America.” PAAS 81 (1971): 325–50. Small & Wagner 1821  D. Small and W. Wagner. Map of York & Adams Counties. N.p.: Published by D. Small & W. Wagner, 1821. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Smith 1830  Thomas Smith. Map of Dauphin & Lebanon Counties. Philadelphia: Published by H. S. Tanner, 1830. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Smith 1885  J. E. A. Smith. Pioneer Paper-Making in Berkshire: Life, Life Work and Influence of Zenas Crane. Holyoke, Mass.: Clark W. Bryan & Co., [1885]. Smith 1949  James Eugene Smith. One Hundred Years of Hartford’s “Courant,” from Colonial Times through the Civil War. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949. Smith 1970  David C. Smith. History of Papermaking in the United States (1691–1969). New York: Lockwood Publishing Co., 1970. Smith, Winchester  Business papers of the firms Phelps & Spafford and Smith, Winchester & Co. Includes the Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1837. Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass. Snell 1927  Ralph M. Snell. “Francis Tempest and

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xxii Sunnydale Paper Mill.” Superior Facts 1 (December 1927): 5–7. Snell 1928a  ————. “Founders of American Paper Industry.” Superior Facts 2 (December 1928): 1–11. Snell 1928b  ————. “Paper Making in Tyringham, Mass.” Superior Facts 1 (June 1928): 1–3. Snell 1929a  ————. “Early Paper Making in East Lee, Mass.” Superior Facts 2 (February 1929): 1–4, 6, 9. Snell 1929b  ————. “Paper Making in Hebron, Conn.” Superior Facts 2 (June 1929): 1–3. Snell 1929c  ————. “Paper Making in Lee Village,” Superior Facts 2 (March 1929): 1–4, 8–11. Snell 1929d  ————. “Paper Making in South Lee, Mass.” Superior Facts 2 (January 1929): 1–5, 9. Snell 1929e  ———— “Paper Making in Suffield, Connecticut.” Superior Facts 3 (November 1929): 1–11. Snell 1930a  ————. “Dard Hunter the Artist.” Superior Facts 4 (July 1930): 1–8. Snell 1930b  ————. “Early History of Paper Making in St. Lawrence County, N.Y.” Superior Facts 3 (March 1930): 1–5. Snell 1930c  ————. “Paper Making in Roslyn, New York.” Superior Facts 4 (November 1930): 1–6. Snell 1932  ————. “Pioneer Pulp and Paper Making at Niagara Falls.” Paper Maker 1, no. 2 (1932): 24–26. Snell 1933a  ————. “Paper Making at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania,” Paper Maker 2, no. 6 (1933): 113–15, 119; 3, no. 1 (1934): 11–13, 19. Snell 1933b  ————. “Paper Making in South Lee.” Hurlbut’s Papermaker Gentleman 1 (January 1933): [1–10]. Snell 1934  ————. “Paper Makers and Dealers of Old New York.” Hurlbut’s Papermaker Gentleman 2 (May 1934): 1–8. Spafford 1813  Horatio Gates Spafford. A Gazetteer of the State of New-York. Albany: Printed and Published by H. C. Southwick, 1813. Spawn  Paper samples collected by Willman Spawn, Rare Book School, University of Virginia.

Spiess & Bidwell 1924  Mathias Spiess and Percy W. Bidwell. History of Manchester, Connecticut. Manchester: Centennial Committee of the Town of Manchester, 1924. Spohn 1977  Clarence E. Spohn. “The Ephrata Paper Mill.” Journal of the Historical Society of the Cocalico Valley 2 (1977): 37–60. Staples 1939  Charles R. Staples. The History of Pioneer Lexington (Kentucky), 1779–1806. Lexington: Transylvania Press, 1939. Starr 1879  Burgis Pratt Starr. A History of the Starr Family of New England. Hartford, Conn.: Case, Lockwood & Brainard Co., 1879. Stedman 1959  Ebenezer Hiram Stedman. Bluegrass Craftsman, Being the Reminiscences of Ebenezer Hiram Stedman, Paper­maker, 1808–1885. Edited by Frances L. S. Dugan and Jacqueline P. Bull. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1959. Stickle 1968  Warren E. Stickle III. “State and Press in New Jersey during the American Revolution.” New Jersey History 86 (1968): 158–70, 236–49. Strassburger 1934  Ralph Beaver Strassburger. Pennsylvania German Pioneers: A Publication of the Original Lists of Arrivals in the Port of Philadelphia from 1727 to 1808. Edited by William John Hinke. 3 vols. Norristown, Pa.: Pennsylvania German Society, 1934. Surratt 1983  Jerry L. Surratt. Gottlieb Schober of Salem: Discipleship and Ecumenical Vision in an Early Moravian Town. Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1983. Sutton 1961  Walter Sutton. The Western Book Trade: Cincinnati as a Nineteenth-Century Publishing and Book-Trade Center. Columbus: Ohio State University Press for the Ohio Historical Society, 1961. Taintor Papers  Charles Taintor. Papers, 1780–1846. Ms. 94393. Connecticut Historical Society. Teele 1887  A. K. Teele, ed. The History of Milton, Mass. 1640 to 1887. Boston: Press of Rockwell & Churchill, 1887. Tepper 1977  Michael Tepper, ed. Emigrants to Pennsylvania, 1641–1819: A Consolidation of Ship

Abbreviation s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xxiii Passenger Lists from the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1977. Thomas 1970  Isaiah Thomas. The History of Printing in America. Edited by Marcus A. McCorison. New York: Weathervane Books, 1970. Thompson 1824  Zadock Thompson. A Gazetteer of the State of Vermont. Montpelier: Published by E. P. Walton and the author, E. P. Walton, printer, 1824. Thompson 1839  Benjamin F. Thompson. History of Long Island. New York: Published by E. French, 1839. Torrey 1836  Rufus C. Torrey. History of the Town of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Fitchburg, Mass.: J. Garfield, printer, 1836. Townsend Receipt Book  Jotham and Micajah Townsend. Receipt book, 1796–1832. New York Public Library. Trotter Day Book  Nathan Trotter & Company. Business papers, 1798–1955. Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass. Trumbull 1882  L. R. Trumbull. A History of Industrial Paterson, Being a Compendium of the Establishment, Growth, and Present Status in Paterson, N.J., of the Silk, Cotton, Flax, Locomotive, Iron and Miscellaneous Industries. Paterson, N.J.: Carleton M. Herrick, book and job printer, 1882. Trumbull 1886  J. Hammond Trumbull, ed. The Memorial History of Hartford County, Connecticut, 1633–1884. 2 vols. Boston: Edward L. Osgood, publisher, 1886. Trumbull 1898  James Russell Trumbull. History of Northampton, Massachusetts, from Its Settlement in 1654. 2 vols. Northampton: Press of Gazette Printing Co., 1898–1902. Tryon & Charvat 1949  Warren S. Tryon and William Charvat, eds. The Cost Books of Ticknor and Fields and Their Predecessors, 1832–1858. New York: Bibliographical Society of America, 1949. Vail Diaries  Stephen Vail. Diaries, 1825–1864. Historic Speedwell, Morristown, N.J. Microfilm at the Morristown & Morris Township Library.

Voorn 1983/4  Henk Voorn. “William Rittenhouse in Holland.” International Association of Paper Historians, Yearbook 4 (1983/4): 315–23. Wall Papers  Garret D. Wall Collection. Department of Rare Books and Special Collections, Princeton University Library. Wallace 1980  Anthony F. C. Wallace. Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Early Industrial Revolution. New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1980. Wallingford 1951  Howard Wallingford, assisted by George Marsh. Papermaking on the Neponset . . . from 1728 to 1951. Boston: Tileston & Hollings­ worth Co., 1951. Waring 1923  Joseph Ioor Waring. “Waring Family.” South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 24 (1923): 81–97. Weeks 1916  Lyman Horace Weeks. A History of Paper-Manufacturing in the United States, 1690–1916. New York: Lockwood Trade Journal Company, 1916; repr. New York: Burt Franklin, 1969. Weis 1956  Frederick Lewis Weis. “The Colonial Clergy of the Middle Colonies: New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, 1628–1776.” PAAS 66 (1956): 167–351. Weiskotten 1984  Daniel H. Weiskotten. “The Cazenovia Paper Mill” (January 1984). http:// www.rootsweb.com/~nyccazen­/Shorts/PaperMill .html (accessed 10 November 2004). Welles 1881  Albert Welles. History of the Buell Family in England . . . and in America. New York: Society Library, 1881. Weslager 1965  C. A. Weslager. The Garrett Snuff Fortune. Wilmington, Del.: Knebels Press, 1965. Weston 1895  Byron Weston. “History of Paper Making in Berkshire County, Massachusetts, U.S.A.” Collections of the Berkshire Historical and Scientific Society 2, pt. 2 (1895): 1–23. Wheelwright 1952  William Bond Wheelwright. “Established 1795: A Chronicle of Bird & Son, Inc.” Paper Maker 21, no. 2 (1952): 37–46. Wheelwright & Kean 1957  William Bond Wheel-

Abbreviat i o n s a n d S o u rc e s  ::  xxiv wright and Sumner Kean. The Lengthened Shadow of One Man. Fitchburg, Mass.: Crocker, Burbank & Co., 1957. Wilder 1853  David Wilder. The History of Leominster. Fitchburg, Mass.: Printed at the Reveille Office, 1853. Wilkinson 1963  Norman B. Wilkinson. “Brandywine Borrowings from European Technology.” Technology and Culture 4 (1963): 1–13. Wilkinson 1975  ————. Papermaking in America. Greenville, Del.: Hagley Museum, 1975. Willcox 1911  Joseph Willcox. Ivy Mills, 1729–1866. Willcox and Allied Families. Baltimore: Printed for private circulation only by Lucas Brothers, Inc., 1911. Willcox Papers  Willcox Family Papers, 1704–1895. Collection no. 714. Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Wilson 1988  Thomas B. Wilson. Notices from New Jersey News­papers, 1781–1790. Records of New Jersey, vol. 1. Lambertville, N.J.: Hunterdon House, 1988. Wilson & Stratford 2002  Thomas B. Wilson and Dorothy Agans Stratford. Notices from New Jersey Newspapers, 1791–1795. Records of New Jersey, vol. 3. Lambertville, N.J.: Hunterdon House, 2002. Winans 1981  Robert B. Winans. A Descriptive Checklist of Book Catalogues Separately Printed in America, 1693–1800. Worcester, Mass.: American Antiquarian Society, 1981. Wiswall 1938  Clarence A. Wiswall. One Hundred Years of Paper Making: A History of the Industry on the Charles River at Newton Lower Falls, Massachusetts. Reading, Mass.: Reading Chronicle Press, 1938. Wolfe 1980  Richard J. Wolfe. Early American Music Engraving and Printing: A History of Music Publishing in America from 1787 to 1825 with Com-

mentary on Earlier and Later Practices. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980. Wolfe 1981  ————. The Role of the Mann Family of Dedham, Massachusetts, in the Marbling of Paper in Nineteenth-Century America and in the Printing of Music, the Making of Cards, and Other Booktrade Activities. [Chestnut Hill, Mass.: Perspectives on Printing & Publishing], 1981. Woodward & Hageman 1883  E. M. Woodward and John F. Hageman. History of Burlington and Mercer Counties, New Jersey. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1883. Woolrich 1996a  A. P. Woolrich. “Scottish Paper Mills as Seen by Foreign Observers: The Travel Diaries of Joshua Gilpin, 1795, and Eric Svedenstierna, 1803.” The Quarterly: The Journal of the British Association of Paper Historians 19 (1996): 6–11. Woolrich 1996b  ————. “The Travel Diaries of Joshua Gilpin: Some Paper Mills in Kent, 1796.” The Quarterly: The Journal of the British Association of Paper Historians 20 (1996): 19–24. Woolrich 1997a  ————. “The Travel Diaries of Joshua Gilpin: Some Paper Mills in Hertfordshire, 1796.” The Quarterly: The Journal of the British Association of Paper Historians 21 (1997): 18–22. Woolrich 1997b  ————. “The Travel Diaries of Joshua Gilpin: Some Paper Mills in Ireland, 1796.” The Quarterly: The Journal of the British Association of Paper Historians 22 (1997): 7–13. Wright 1991  Helena E. Wright. 300 Years of American Papermaking. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1991. Wroth 1922  Lawrence C. Wroth. A History of Printing in Colonial Maryland, 1686–1776. Baltimore: Typothetae of Baltimore, 1922. Young Papers  William Young. Correspondence and business papers, 1792–1827. Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Introduction

This directory identifies and describes 509 paper mills operating in America between 1690 and 1832. Information about these rural manufactories is widely dispersed, but it has been possible to account for each of them on the basis of local histories, census records, newspaper advertisements, archival sources, watermark evidence, and some scattered secondary literature. The directory begins in 1690, when the first paper mill in America was established just outside of Philadelphia. It shows the consolidation of the craft in the eighteenth century and proceeds far enough into the nineteenth century to chart economic and technological changes at the beginning of the industrial era. It ends in 1832 with two attempts to survey American manufactures, one commissioned by Congress, the other a commercial venture, neither very accurate or complete. Sometimes a cursory reference in a single source is all that I have found to substantiate the existence of a mill. Some mills and some papermaking regions are important enough to merit thorough analysis in articles and monographs. I have summarized reports of the best-known establishments and gathered what information I can about those that have not been recorded until now. In the best of circumstances, each entry will recount where the mill was located, how and when it was established, who were its various proprietors, how it was managed, what were its major products, what were its manufacturing facilities, and when it ceased operations. Every entry contains citations to the sources I have used, and many entries are accompanied with lists of watermarks I have attributed to these mills. This is not a catalogue of watermarks, but they figure prominently here because they help to ascertain the locations of mills, their dates of operation, the correct names of their proprietors, and the intended end-uses of their products. The products of American paper mills played an important part in the colonial economy. In theory, the colonists were supposed to import paper from Britain

in compliance with the Navigation Act of 1663 and other mercantilist regulations designed to protect the shipping and manufacturing interests of the mother country. In practice, Americans discovered that they could not depend on the import trade to deliver adequate quantities on a reliable basis and at an acceptable price. Merchants and members of the book trade financed papermaking ventures in hopes of obtaining a regular supply of staples and a foothold at the bottom end of the market, where they could compete against imported goods. These mills produced mostly cheap wrapping and printing grades until the second half of the eighteenth century, when Americans began to make better quality printings and writings, types of paper requiring extra effort, greater skill, and superior ingredients. This directory shows the increasing capacity and versatility of the domestic paper trade as it grew in response to political inducements and ­economic incentives, such as nonimportation agreements, embargos, wartime disruptions of foreign trade, governmental subsidies, easy credit, technological innovations, and encouraging signs of persistent demand. Paper was in demand in all spheres of American society. Convenient, durable, and self-effacing, it was an ideal writing surface and printing medium for clerical, commercial, literary, and artistic applications. It was the basic ingredient of books, newspapers, government documents, banknotes, financial records, personal correspondence, drawings, prints, and printed ephemera. Americans organized their lives around paper, a vehicle of religious instruction, political debate, scientific knowledge, artistic expression, and intellectual inquiry. They valued it highly enough to collect books and build libraries, but they could also discard it thoughtlessly after it had served its purpose in notes, drafts, memoranda, business forms, and catchpenny publications. Also at their disposal were purely utilitarian wrapping papers, which performed menial tasks well below the dignity of reading matter.

::  xxv  ::

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xxvi Wrappings, writings, printings—a single mill could make all types of paper, but most mills served special sectors of the market depending on their location and facilities. Backwoods one-vat mills made wrappings for the country store, newsprint for the local printing office, and an occasional batch of stationery for rural merchants, who often paid for these humble wares by barter. Smaller mills closer to urban areas produced pressboards, binders’ boards, and bonnet paper. Larger establishments with two or more vats, a full complement of skilled personnel, and an ample assortment of moulds could manufacture book paper, writings, plate paper for engraved illustrations, and security paper for banknotes. They supplied writings in different sizes and weights suitable for personal correspondence, government documents, and financial records. By 1832, the concluding date of this directory, American paper dominated the market except for a few luxury products, such as drawing paper, and even that could be obtained from domestic sources. In 1776 John Dunlap had to print the Declaration of Independence on imported Dutch papers, some of them watermarked with the English royal cipher. Fine paper copies of The Federalist (1788) were printed mainly on Whatman and other English papers, also adorned with the king’s insignia. Ironies like this were not lost on a magazine editor who complained that senators had been sending out letters watermarked with a royal crown.1 In 1832, however, Americans could rely on their own resources to produce all they needed of this critical commodity. They succeeded in building a thriving and self-sufficient infant industry, which grew in size and sophistication while they gained political and economic independence from the mother country. Proprietors of paper mills obtained raw materials, recruited skilled labor, adopted technological innovations, and attracted capital investment in hundreds of manufactories scattered throughout the nation, not just in industrial centers near eastern cities but also in remote factory villages close to the frontier. While trying to tally these manufactories, I have sought to trace the growth of the trade at times when and in places where it was significantly successful and

to indicate how it coped with economic setbacks. I designate centers of the trade and connections with other trades, particularly the printing business, which had a vested interest in the source of an important raw material. The statistical sample is large enough that I can detect changes in the capitalization, configuration, and productivity of mills during the early industrial period after the introduction of machine papermaking in 1818. I have collected biographical information about paper mill proprietors in sufficient quantity to show how they got into the business, where they obtained working capital, how they expected to sell their goods, and why many of them failed. Here I try to take my own advice about book-trade directories by using biographical data to assess profitability and trace patterns of investment.2 As much as I believe that directories should account for the state of the trade, I cannot pretend that this one provides anything like a thorough economic overview on the scale of D. C. Coleman’s comprehensive history of the paper trade in Britain, which is far more sophisticated in its methodological approach and analytical techniques than any other work of its kind.3 Coleman was an economic historian who knew how to interpret raw data about prices and productivity; he understood how fiscal policy and foreign trade influenced the fortunes of manufacturing concerns. American historians have been less critical in their use of sources and less ambitious in their attempts to explain changes in the structure of the trade. The only full-length history of papermaking in America was written nearly a century ago by Lyman Horace Weeks, a genealogist and freelance writer whose goal was to celebrate the entrepreneurial spirit of early industrialists. He stated flatly that it would be unprofitable, if not impossible, to compile a directory of paper mills, which were too numerous, short-lived, and obscure, “long ago buried beneath the dead weeds of forgetfulness.”4 He did, however, notice some obscure nineteenth-­century mills, without citing his sources but with sufficiently convincing detail that I have used his information here even though I have not been able to verify it elsewhere.

Introd u c t i o n  ::  xxvii For my purposes the two most important books in this field are by Dard Hunter: Papermaking by Hand in America (1950) and Papermaking in Pioneer America (1952). Papermaking in Pioneer America is a revised version of Papermaking by Hand in America, a magnificent, lavishly illustrated limited edition not likely to be reprinted and now unavailable except in the upper echelons of the antiquarian book trade.5 The revised version contains a directory of names Hunter encountered in the course of his research, but he too neglected to cite his sources, which he employed haphazardly at best. Nonetheless, he discovered invaluable information about the earliest mills in various regions, and he made excellent use of primary sources, such as the ledgers of the Sellers mouldmaking firm. He was not a professional historian, but he was a gifted writer, always on the lookout for colorful details and vivid anecdotes that might help to describe the skills and accomplishments of early papermakers. In these books and his other publications, he kept returning to the same theme: the glories of an ancient craft that had preserved high standards and a great tradition until it came to a tragic end with the introduction of the machine. Hunter eagerly adopted the ideals of the Arts and Crafts movement led by William Morris and popularized by the likes of Elbert Hubbard (who had once employed him as a typographic designer). He mastered the art of papermaking by hand and tried to practice it as a commercial concern, with disastrous results; but the products of his various ventures appear with distinction in books he designed and printed at his private press. His account of the American paper trade dwells on production and skimps on distribution, sales, financial factors, and other technical details of running a business. His directory stops at the beginning of the industrial era, serving more as a roll of honor than as a means of tracking changes in the paper trade. Weeks denied the possibility of compiling a meaningful directory, and Hunter essentially agreed with him because of a fundamental difficulty in documenting paper mills. They are hard to identify because they were remote, situated far from the point of sale in rural

areas suitable for this type of manufacture. Almost all of them depended on water power to run the machinery and pure water to produce the desired whiteness of writings and printings. Water of the right quality was not to be found in town but in distant hilly regions where the hydrological conditions were optimum for driving mill wheels in all kinds of weather at all times of year. Advertisements of mills for sale sometimes extolled the advantages of a “never failing stream” and noted that clean process water could be drawn from a separate well or spring, since a good-sized stream or creek might be muddied by rainfall or contaminated by the refuse of local inhabitants and other industries.6 Many of the smaller establishments were fully integrated into the rural economy, operating on a seasonal basis in conjunction with a farm or occupying the same quarters or the same mill race as a grist mill or a saw mill.7 The workers plied different trades depending on the demand for their various products and did chores on the farm whenever the mill machinery stopped because of winter ice or a summer drought.8 A small, part-time establishment located far out in the country and employing just three or four workers might have such a low profile that it would not be noticed in any of my sources. On the basis of township tax records, local historian Arthur E. James claimed that thirty-four paper mills had been operating in Chester County, Pennsylvania, in 1832, but he mentioned just a few of them by name, and I know of only twenty altogether.9 The Census of 1810 calls for two mills in Fairfield County, Connecticut, but I have evidence for only one in operation at that date; it records four in Frederick County, Maryland, but I can account for only two or three; and I can vouch for only two of the four mills it locates in Hampshire County, Massachusetts. I have noted similar discrepancies in the “addenda” at the end of the listings for Worcester County, Massachusetts, Nassau County, New York, and Essex County, New Jersey. On the other hand, this directory measures up to the best efforts of America’s first printing historian, Isaiah Thomas, who tried to compile a list of paper mills in 1810. He knew his way around the paper trade, having

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  xxviii been the proprietor of a paper mill himself and having had dealings with many other mills while running a prosperous printing business based in Worcester, Massachusetts. Despite his experience and connections, he did not succeed in obtaining reliable information about all parts of the country and did not have in hand “a complete list of the mills”—but he thought that his inquiries had produced results good enough to “come near the truth.” He estimated that 195 paper mills were operating in various states and territories, about 60 in Pennsylvania and 40 in Massachusetts.10 My directory identifies 208 paper mills active in 1810, 59 in Pennsylvania, and 33 in Massachusetts. Thomas had firsthand knowledge of local manufactories in his home state, but my directory is better informed about the outlying areas and more comprehensive overall.

Sources My coverage of some papermaking regions I believe to be fairly complete because I have been able to rely on excellent secondary sources, such as Judith McGaw’s commendably thorough and insightful history of Berkshire papermaking and Marcus McCorison’s exemplary directory of mills in Vermont.11 Other regions have not been so well served by their local historians, although some researchers have discovered important information in township archives. Even local historians have not tried to identify paper mills in New Hampshire, Tennessee, parts of New York State, and parts of New Jersey. My attempts to survey these territories are based mainly on primary sources, such as business papers, census records, newspaper advertisements, and early publications about American manufactures. Census records are the armature of this directory. Despite some gaping omissions and glaring discrepancies, they make it possible to plot the terrain of the paper trade state by state, county by county, with sufficient precision that their results can be correlated with data from other sources. They provide wider coverage than other sources, and they offer valuable clues for further research merely by mentioning a name that might occur in an index elsewhere or a place that

might figure in a local history. Using them as a starting point, I have found supplementary information about mills in all but one of the twenty states included in this directory, as well as the District of Columbia.12 The Census of 1810 was the first attempt to make a national record of American manufactures. The raw returns do not survive, but a printed digest, A Statement of the Arts and Manufactures of the United States of America for the Year 1810, was published in 1814 “under the authority of Congress and an instruction of the Treasury.” Compiled by the political economist Tench Coxe, it tabulates the number of manufacturing establishments in various counties, their machinery, their output, and the aggregate value of their products. These summary statistics are not reliable, but they provide important evidence for the existence of mills in certain counties, and they help to corroborate Isaiah Thomas’s estimate of how many mills were active in 1810. Coxe arrived at the figure of 193 mills altogether, not counting mills in two Massachusetts counties. The Census of 1820 contains much more information about the paper trade. Available on microfilm from the National Archives, the raw returns describe the manufacturing operations of 169 paper mills, most of them duly identified with the full names of the proprietors and exact accounts of their locations. They validate vague allusions to mills in other sources, and they are the only evidence I can produce for four mills in this directory.13 If filled out completely, each return contains answers to fourteen different questions concerning raw materials, personnel, machinery, capitalization, products, and the state of the trade. Some of the more conscientious respondents volunteered detailed information about the history of their establishments, the prices of their wares, and the return on their investment. Many were more than glad to cooperate with the census effort because they wanted to tell the government about the plight of the paper trade following the Panic of 1819. The banking crisis had driven some of the speculative ventures into bankruptcy, and even the conservative family-owned businesses were suffering from tight credit, lower prices, and slower sales. To make matters worse, they had to compete

Sou rc e s  ::  xxix with foreign papers dumped on the American market, which was inadequately defended by the current ad valorem duty. The census questionnaire gave them an opportunity to argue for the protection of a stronger tariff.14 The economic statistics presented by the Census of 1820 are not very useful because they were collected at a low point of the trade.15 Furthermore, the payments to the census officials were so low that some of them neglected to perform their duty, and even the most persistent inquiries failed to allay the suspicions of paper­ makers who feared that the government might use this information to levy higher taxes. Yet, even though some did not want their profits to be known, others boasted about the value of their property in terms that were wildly optimistic, a type of wishful thinking prevalent at a time when novice industrialists had an uncertain grasp of bookkeeping practices and accounting techniques. The defects in the raw returns are easily apparent, but that did not prevent the Department of State from trying to reconcile and summarize them in a Digest of Accounts of Manufacturing Establishments (1823), a compilation no more trustworthy than Tench Coxe’s efforts to make sense out of the Census of 1810. Indeed, its findings were so inaccurate and incomplete that one indignant congressman declared that the entire edition should be destroyed.16 In this directory I have not always tried to interpret papermakers’ wayward notions of investment capital and profit margins, but I have trusted their ability to quantify business dealings they could easily understand—the consumption of raw materials, the number of people they employed, and the amount of paper they could make in a year. These figures are sufficiently consistent that it is possible to make generalizations about the size and productivity of paper mills in the pre-industrial ­period. After the debacle of 1820, Congress decided not to sponsor a census of manufactures in 1830. Two years later, however, it asked Secretary of the Treasury Louis McLane to collect industrial statistics for its guidance in preparing tariff legislation. The McLane Report, as it is commonly known, describes manufacturing concerns along the same lines as the Census of 1820, with

information about capitalization, raw materials, workforce, wages, products, and profitability. Respondents could explain their business practices and express their views on current economic conditions. McLane and his assistants did their best to summarize and tabulate the financial data they collected, with no greater success than the census compilations. But they also published the original figures submitted by more than a hundred papermaking firms, a large enough sample that some figures can be substantiated. They did not obtain information about manufacturing concerns in the southern states; they did not bother with Indiana, which had two paper mills at that time; and their agent in New York completely overlooked the paper industry in his purview except to note in passing one of America’s most ambitious papermaking ventures, a mill containing the first Fourdrinier machine in this country. What the McLane Report lacks in geographical coverage, it gains in the detail of its item-level entries, many of them testifying to the economic impact of the machine. For this reason, my directory ends in 1832, when the report was being compiled and when mechanization was becoming firmly established in the paper trade.17 This directory continues on to 1832 for another reason: to incorporate the listings in the American Advertising Directory, a national survey of manufactures published in two editions, 1831 and 1832. These two publications contain information on about forty mills in eleven states and note some of the first Fourdriniers constructed in this country. In addition to listing names and addresses, they describe the product lines and manufacturing facilities of papermaking firms. To my knowledge, no other attempts were made to collect this kind of information until the first national paper trade directory appeared in 1873, Lockwood’s Directory of the Paper Manufacturers in the United States and Canada. I occasionally refer to the 1873 and 1882 editions of Lockwood because they mention mills founded before 1832. Newspapers contain notices of all kinds relating to the papermaking business: announcements of newly established mills, reports of mills destroyed by fires or

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xxx floods, advertisements of mills for sale, descriptions of runaway apprentices, exhortations to save rags, and invitations to buy at auction the properties of bankrupt papermakers. Sometimes papermakers actually made it into the news, such as when the operator of a Maryland mill was murdered for the cash he had collected on a business trip, or when a Massachusetts mill owner was killed on site in a gruesome industrial accident.18 Newspaper proprietors took a special interest in this business because they relied on it to supply newsprint at prices they could afford, and many of them invested in it to ensure that they would have adequate quantities on hand. Compilers of directories have realized that newspapers are a valuable source of information, but they have had to find it by reading through large quantities of printed matter, not a very efficient form of research. Some lost patience and resorted to sampling techniques, skipping a certain number of issues and hoping that an advertisement would be repeated often enough for them to catch it. I have been able to proceed on a more thorough and systematic basis by searching the recently launched Readex online database, America’s Historical Newspapers, containing digital versions of more than seven hundred newspapers published between 1690 and 1922. Keyword searches with terms like “paper mill” and “papermaker” have made it possible to retrieve relevant information in major metropolitan dailies and obscure country weeklies throughout the United States from 1745 to 1834. Seven New Jersey mills show up in the columns of the Newark Centinel of Freedom and five Connecticut mills in the Hartford Connecticut Courant, which also noticed recent developments in seven mills out of state. No doubt some advertisements were worded in such a way as to elude my keyword searches. Certainly one cannot expect absolute accuracy from attempts to digitize text poorly printed with battered type, a common problem in the colonial period. For that matter, not all the newspaper accounts are trustworthy,19 but many of them are full of telling details about the management, facilities, and products of paper mills. For the purposes of this directory the most valu-

able source has been the archive of the paper-mould manufacturing firm founded by Nathan Sellers of Philadelphia. Sellers and other members of his family made more than 2,460 pairs of moulds, beginning in 1776 and continuing well into the industrial period, when they were also making cylinder papermaking machines. They sold moulds and assorted papermaking supplies to papermakers throughout the ­nation—or, to be precise, every state included in this directory except Maine. They had significant competition, which will be described below, but they were the preeminent American manufacturers of the most important tool for the manufacture of paper by hand. At an early date they learned to keep precise records of their transactions to avoid confusion, forestall customer complaints, and maintain optimum consistency in the sizes of their moulds, which had to be made to exacting tolerances. They noted the specifications of their products, transcribed outgoing correspondence, and drafted memoranda about the activities of the firm in order books, letter books, family papers, and other documents now in the library of the American Philosophical Society.20 This business archive has proved to be an invaluable resource for dating and identifying paper mills. Sometimes a customer ordered from the Sellers firm an assortment of moulds in standard sizes, almost always a sure sign that he was buying equipment for a newly established mill.21 New customers spelled out their names and addresses. Repeat orders for moulds of the same size and quality reveal the regular product line of a mill: newsprint was usually made on coarse super royal moulds, printing grades on ordinary medium, and writing grades on fine pott and foolscap (although fine papers in small sizes could also be used for printing government documents and vanity publications). Papermakers in the upper end of the business occasionally ordered watermarks, which the ledgers describe in detail, sometimes with an accompanying sketch or with pricing notes that help to deduce the text in a watermark. On the basis of these records I have been able to attribute watermarks to papermakers and challenge some previous attributions. I have also

Sou rc e s  ::  xxxi noted the Sellers’ specifications for designs I have not seen in publications about watermarks or in my own survey of books and documents. I have tried to cite the earliest orders of every customer as well as other transactions containing information about the watermarks and typical products of a mill. Nathan Sellers’s diary and accounts, cited here as Sellers Diary and Sellers Ledgers, mention the names of his first customers while he was still doing business on his own. In 1779 he formed the firm of N. & D. Sellers with his younger brother David. After a few years they were receiving so many orders that they started a new set of ledgers to keep track of them on a thorough and consistent basis. They dated most but not all of the entries in these ledgers, apparently noting several transactions on the same day, in which case my citation is derived from the preceding dated entry. During the heyday of their mouldmaking business they kept two sets of books: their rough notes about their customers’ original specifications, cited as Sellers Moulds Ordered, and their own, more systematic account of the finished product, cited as Sellers Moulds Finished. If the same pair of moulds appears in both sets of books, I cite both of them and link the citations with an equals sign. After Nathan retired in 1817, he was succeeded by his son Coleman Sellers, who continued to manufacture moulds in the 1830s but also established a profitable sideline constructing cylinder machines. He took his sons into the business, reconstituted as Coleman Sellers & Sons, and started a new sequence of accounts, cited as the Sellers Order Book. The correspondence of the family firm, cited as Sellers Letter Book, contains detailed descriptions of their products and useful information about their ­customers. The business papers of papermaking firms have made it possible to describe some mills in detail. Several libraries contain diaries, correspondence, and memoranda of the intrepid industrialists Joshua and Thomas Gilpin, proprietors of the Brandywine Paper Mill. They spent a fortune in modernizing their manufacturing facilities and in adopting technological innovations such as wove paper, bleaching, and the cylinder papermaking machine. In the course of

their fifty-year career, they encountered commercial opportunities and financial setbacks typical of that time, although they were in a better position to take risks, borrow money, and experiment at their leisure with new techniques. The records they kept of their ambitious ventures survive in such quantities as to provide the makings for a case study of industrialization in the paper trade. My account of their establishment is the longest in this directory. Likewise, I have written somewhat longer entries on the first Fourdrinier machines in America, and these too draw on archival documents.22 For the diffusion of machine technology, perhaps the most vivid testimony comes from the New Jersey ironmaster Stephen Vail, whose diaries contain pungent remarks about his personal papermaking ventures and his attempts to build Fourdriniers for sale in his vicinity.23 Most of my entries, however, are based on printed sources. I have relied heavily on county histories, published mainly in the 1870s and 1880s by firms like Everts & Peck of Philadelphia. State gazetteers mention paper mills along with other local industries but usually do not divulge the names of the proprietors.24 More generous in that respect, genealogies help to identify and distinguish members of papermaking families. Increasingly, genealogy is a pastime practiced on the web, which has its pitfalls, but some of the information I have found there has proved to be accurate and reliable. I have cited these sources where I have failed to find printed ones, despite the risk that some web addresses may go out of date and some web pages may disappear. Also to be used with caution are the journals of historical societies, which I have sampled nonetheless, because they contain articles about paper mills based on contracts, deeds, mortgages, and other documents found in local archives. Although the authors of these articles often misinterpreted their evidence, their antiquarian researches provide the means to date the beginning of a business, chronicle changes in its ownership, and follow its fortunes to the end. Finally, I should note that these types of sources were used successfully by paper historians like Frances Edwards, who wrote on mills in Connecticut; James F.

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  xxxii Magee Jr., an authority on early papermaking in Pennsylvania; and Ralph M. Snell, editor of and sometimes sole contributor to the trade journal Superior Facts. The source of twelve articles cited here, The Paper Maker (1932–1970) is easily the most attractive and informative of the trade journals, originally edited by Snell and in its last years by James L. Anderson. This journal was the last of its kind to express any serious interest in historical studies.25

Organizing Principles This directory is arranged in geographical order on the model of Alfred H. Shorter’s directory of English paper mills from 1495 to 1800. A professor of geography at the University of Exeter, Shorter developed this method of organization to identify the principal paper­ making districts and to chart regional trends in the industry. He could show relationships between neighboring mills, which might have belonged to several members of the same family or to a single entrepreneur who had the means to control multiple establishments. By grouping local mills, he could trace the diffusion of technological innovations, such as the increasingly successful manufacture of writing grades in the Maidstone district of Kent, the heartland of the paper trade. I have adapted Shorter’s methods to the American political divisions of states, counties, and municipalities, proceeding in chronological order with the first mill in each of these divisions. The directory starts in 1690 with the first mill in America, located in Germantown, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania.26 The ­subsequent entries describe other mills in that municipality, then the mills in other municipalities of that county, then the mills in other counties, then the mills in other states in chronological order from Pennsylvania to Indiana, the last state to engage in paper manufacture before 1832. I have divided the directory into chapters, each beginning with a state map. The shaded areas in the maps indicate which counties contained paper mills. Shorter did not attempt to combine geographical and chronological arrangements in this way—the county sections appear in alphabetical

order—but I believe there is a lot to be learned by placing the earliest mills up front. At the very beginning, my directory shows that papermaking was a family business: of fifteen mills in Germantown, ten belonged to William Rittenhouse, William Dewees, and their descendants, including a son of Rittenhouse who married a sister of Dewees. The first mills in each state were tentative ventures, not all of them successful, and many of them obviously operated in exceedingly difficult circumstances, especially during the colonial period. I hope that this arrangement will make it easier to perceive this type of pattern in the paper trade. The index of papermakers at the end of this volume makes it possible to follow the career of an individual involved in several different mills, almost always in the same state. Certainly, there were some roving papermakers, mostly journeymen, but paper mill proprietors tended to stay in the place where they had family ties, commercial contacts, and investments in landed property. Residents of Massachusetts appear to have had a predilection for buying fractional shares in mills, a mode of ownership either more prevalent in that state or better documented there than elsewhere. In this restless nation, it often happens that boundaries have been changed, some towns have been amalgamated, others have been divided, and many have been renamed. I have tried to cope with these changes by adopting the most recent place-names. Therefore several of the mills I have located in Maine were actually doing business in Massachusetts until Maine became a separate state in 1820. Likewise, West Virginia was part of Virginia until it achieved statehood in 1863. Some of the mills I assign to Delaware County, Pennsylvania, were in Chester County until the fractious citizens in the town of Chester decided to secede in 1789. I begin the section on Millburn, New Jersey, by acknowledging that this thriving papermaking community was part of Springfield, New Jersey, until 1857. The census records are particularly perilous in this ­respect because they frequently refer to locations with place-names that were later superseded or redefined. In the heading of every entry I give the name of the mill, if known, along with additional information

Manufactur i n g M e t h o d s  ::  xxxiii about its location, sometimes noting its proximity to a town but more often naming the stream or river that provided its source of power. Details like this help to distinguish mills in the same municipality (although some densely clustered mills not only shared the same source of power but also the same dam and mill race).27 Often I cannot achieve this level of detail and must state in the heading that a mill is “not located,” but at least I know that it truly existed and that it was situated in a certain town, though in several cases I cannot identify the town. Sometimes I have obtained information indicating that a papermaker owned or had an interest in a mill in a certain town or county, but I have not been able to ascertain which of several mills was his place of business. These elusive papermakers deserve to be included in the directory, if only because some of them commissioned watermarks for their wares. Rather than assigning them to mills, I have registered them in the “addenda” following my listings for certain towns (Needham, Massachusetts, for example) or counties (Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, for example). I have not numbered the entries in these sections unless I have been able to verify the existence of the mills in question. As I mentioned at the beginning of this introduction, some of the addenda contain notes about the accuracy of my findings, which sometimes fail to account for the number of mills specified in the census reports or other sources. Names of papermakers have required a modicum of regularization. Variant forms of names are particularly prevalent for papermakers not very well acquainted with reading, writing, and the English language.28 I list the variants, but I employ the form most commonly in use or whatever spelling a papermaker might have chosen for his watermarks. William Rittenhouse and other Germans whose names were regularly anglicized appear here with the English versions of their names (Scheetz rather than Schütz), whereas other, less assimilated Germans are better known by the original versions of their names (for example, Waldschmidt instead of Waldsmith). The philoprogenitive Germans and some English immigrants founded papermaking dynasties so large as to include a number of descen-

dants with the same name. To differentiate them, I have included in the index of papermakers’ names such birth and death dates as I could find in genealogies and other biographical sources. This task has required some extra effort—one memoir proposes three death dates for a papermaker, all of them wrong29—but it has been helpful for several purposes. Knowing when a paper­maker died, I can tell when a mill passed to the next generation or fell into other hands. Sometimes I can detect contradictions in my sources by calculating the ages of individuals. Thus I can confidently disprove the attribution of watermarks to a papermaker who would have been two to six years old at the dates of the documents in question.30 I always transcribe the full names of papermaking firms because their initials frequently appear in watermarks. If I know the names of the partners, I list them in curly brackets following the name of the firm. The body of each entry contains a history of the mill, beginning with its establishment or the earliest known evidence for its existence and continuing until it went out of business. I have, however, made no consistent attempt to describe a mill’s operations after 1832, the concluding date of this directory. A new paragraph usually signals a change of ownership. At the end of every paragraph I list the sources I have used, each citation separated by a semicolon. The citations proceed in chronological order, although I have grouped together my references to the Sellers ledgers. My commentary on watermarks below explains how I have arranged and described them in these entries.

Manufacturing Methods The size, design, and location of these establishments were determined by the two main requirements of the papermaking craft, water and fiber, essential ingredients ever since the invention of paper in China. Techniques for making sheets out of water and fiber changed very little in the pre-industrial period, although important labor-saving devices were introduced toward the end of that period. Nonetheless, the similarities are more important than the differences for

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  xxxiv understanding the layout and machinery of paper mills and the characteristic features of these manufacturing facilities. I will review the basic processes of pulp preparation, sheet formation, sizing, and finishing as a means of defining and describing the papermaking business. I will not attempt a detailed account of craft techniques, which can be found in the encyclopedic papermaking manuals of Lalande, Goussier, and Desmarest,31 but I will show what special measures would be needed to make different grades of paper and what tricks of the trade might be employed to lower costs and increase output. Americans learned the craft in Europe, many of them as apprentices who had served their time in German, English, or Irish mills. With only a few exceptions, they continued to practice the old ways as best they could within the constraints of a colonial economy. I could, therefore, extrapolate from European sources a rudimentary account of American manufacturing techniques, but I can describe them with greater confidence and precision on the basis of three American sources: a letter book of the Brandywine Mill for the year 1808, the raw returns for the Census of 1820, and a papermaking manual published in 1814. James Cutbush’s The American Artist’s Manual is a typical compendium of practical knowledge in the arts and manufactures, “selected from the most complete European systems,” but hidden in the midst of this miscellany is an entirely original section on American papermaking methods, possibly contributed by Lawrence Greatrake, foreman of the Brandywine Mill.32 By concentrating on the period 1808–1820, I can cite American examples and conjecture what was standard practice at that time, although I will also remark on changes in techniques dating back to the early eighteenth century. First things first, I will begin with raw materials and then proceed step-by-step through the sequence of manufacturing operations, concluding with the shipment of the finished product ready for sale.

Raw Materials American mills consumed vast quantities of linen and cotton rags, the standard source of papermaking fiber

before the introduction of wood pulp in the 1860s. The proprietor of a typical mill operating on a fulltime basis would need to obtain around 20 tons of rags per vat per year. More ambitious and better-equipped establishments like the Gilpins’ Brandywine Mill required as much as 25 or 26 tons per vat per year. In 1807 and 1808 the Gilpins bought rags from more than eight dealers in the Philadelphia area and shipped them to the mill in Wilmington, where their foreman obtained additional quantities from local sources. One dealer claimed that she was collecting rags from three hundred families.33 During the 1820s the Gilpins purchased rags from the publishers Mathew Carey & Son and from merchants who obtained consignments from abroad. In 1808 they bought only a small quantity of Italian rags, which gave “the brightest white colour” in Greatrake’s opinion, but they relied more on Italian imports in the 1820s, when they had to purchase around 150 tons of rags a year to supply the cylinder machine.34 Ordinary rags cost around $100 a ton in 1820, a standard price cited in more than forty census returns. The Philadelphia Price Current for 1823 indicates that domestic rags cost from $60 to $120 a ton, foreign rags from $80 to $140 a ton.35 Papermakers paid more or less depending on the quality they needed for their product line and paid a premium for the highest qualities suitable for making writing grades, as much as $200 a ton at the Brandywine Mill. They could not expect to turn a profit unless they selected the proper varieties and blended them to achieve the desired physical properties in the finished product. To that end they assigned the women and children of the rag room to sort their stock of rags into various categories: Fines—“white rags, linen, or cotton” Seconds—as above but “coarser in texture” Thirds—“hard rags, generally linen, or low, cotton” Fourths—as above but inferior in quality36 At Brandywine it was common practice to make fine writings out of firsts and seconds, higher quality printings from thirds, and coarse copperplate grades from fourths. Massachusetts papermakers could buy

Manufactur i n g M e t h o d s  ::  xxxv from a Boston wholesale stationer “fine white linen Rags” that they could mix with “American stock” to make fine writing and demy papers.37 The least desirable rags were “colours” and corduroys, which were fit only for the manufacture of wrapping grades. Mills specializing in fine work might sell these rejects to firms at the bottom end of the trade, which also subsisted on swingle tow (refuse flax or hemp) and junk (old ropes and cables, providing a strong fiber useful for making boards).38 The very worst rags were filthy and foul-smelling, so repugnant that they were thought to transmit diseases like yellow fever. The rag workers not only had to sort these disagreeable ingredients but also had to cut them down to size and remove extraneous matter, such as the seams and buttons. In some mills they could rely on machinery for assistance in cutting and cleaning the rags. They could put dirty rags in a rag duster, a wire cage that could be set spinning on a horizontal shaft, throwing out the dirt and detritus by centrifugal force. The Sellers firm supplied rag dusters to the trade, which adopted this device in at least eight establishments according to the Census of 1820. One of the census respondents noted that he was running a water-powered duster, but there is no reason to assume that the others were turned by hand. As will be noted below, shortages of rags were a persistent problem during the colonial period. Even in the 1790s the situation was desperate enough that Massachusetts papermakers reminded their customers of their plight with watermarks bearing the plaintive motto SAVE RAGS. Americans taxed their native ingenuity in attempts to find an alternative source of fiber, none with any great success. They experimented with such intractable materials as asbestos, leather, corn husks, basswood bark, potato vines, beach grass, and seaweed.39 Closer to the mark, partners in a Pennsylvania mill obtained a patent for making paper out of lime and aspen chips treated in an alkali solution, but they were driven out of business by their neighbor William Magaw, who accused them of infringing his patent for making paper out of straw. Magaw was the only entrepreneur to succeed in developing a commercially viable alternative to rags. Patented in 1828, his

straw-processing techniques soon proved themselves to be amenable for use with cylinder machines making inferior goods such as wrappings, newsprint, and boards.40 Americans also tried to cope with the cost and scarcity of rags by adopting the bleaching process, a means of using cheap colored rags to produce acceptably white writings and printings. Joshua Gilpin observed bleaching techniques in English, Scottish, and Irish mills while traveling abroad between 1795 and 1801. After he returned home, he designed a bleaching house for the Brandywine Mill, but another American papermaker, Cyrus Austin, had already patented the process on the basis of specifications published in an English technical journal. The Gilpins paid off an assignee of Austin’s patent and started to use their bleaching equipment in 1804, only to discover serious problems in quality control. The defects of their bleached paper were readily apparent in their own day and are even more obvious now because of its acid content, which has made it brown and brittle. Nevertheless, at least one other papermaker had bleaching facilities, and another was buying bleaching powder in 1834 as if it were a staple ingredient at that time. Ten of the mills described in the McLane Report of 1832 were said to be using bleaching powder or bleaching salts.41

Pulp Production After being sorted and cut to size, the rags were broken, washed, and macerated in a suspension of water by means of two types of machinery, stampers and engines. These machines cut the fibers to the correct length for different applications while also shredding them to enhance their bonding properties, which determined the strength and stability of the finished product. From what I can tell, all but one of the mills in this directory required water power to run these machines, at least until the advent of steam engines, which were an expensive novelty adopted by a few enterprising papermakers in western Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and Ohio.42 In America’s first papermaking establishment, a water wheel drove the stamping machinery, the tra-

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  xxxvi ditional European method for pounding and macerating rags. An array of trip-hammers rose and fell in stone mortars, each containing fifteen to thirty pounds of rags. In its simplest form, a stamping mill did not need a power train: the water wheel transmitted power directly to the hammers by turning a long beam with precisely placed cams, which lifted the hammers and dropped them in a sequence that would help to churn water and rags in the mortars. One mill wheel could produce enough torque to drive fifteen to eighteen hammers, three to a mortar, five or six mortars in all.43 During the eighteenth century, stamping mills gave way to Hollander beaters, which could produce greater quantities of pulp in less time and with physical properties better suited for certain applications. Invented in Holland around 1690, these machines operated on a grinding rather than a pounding principle. A cylinder or “role” with sharpened steel bars affixed around its circumference occupied one side of an enclosed tub of water with a partition in the middle and a bedplate at the bottom beneath the cylinder. The bedplate consisted of a corresponding set of sharpened bars or a solid block of metal teeth. The tub could hold about a hundred pounds of rags, which the spinning action of the role conveyed in the water flowing around the partition and between the two sets of blades. By lifting or lowering the role, one could cut the fibers to just the right length for different purposes, shorter for fine writings, longer for printings and wrappings. In America, these machines were known as engines, which will be the term used here.44 It is not known precisely when or where engines were first adopted in America, although they may have arrived sometime after 1768 if one can credit the stories about the English millwright John Reader, who is said to have introduced them in this country. Stampers were still in use in 1732, when they are mentioned in an inventory of the Ivy Mill, but they must have been abandoned or replaced later in the century. It is difficult to accept the account of Berkshire historians who claimed that papermakers had employed this wholly obsolete technology in a mill built in 1806. In 1814 the author of the American section in the Cutbush papermaking manual

was reasonably confident in saying, “of the mortars first introduced here, we believe none ­remain.”45 Although more expensive to build and maintain, the engines prevailed at an early date because they were faster and more efficient than stampers. One water wheel could drive two or three engines, a washer cleaning the rags and breaking them apart in an intermediate stage called half-stuff, and one or two beaters reducing the half-stuff to the correct consistency of pulp ready for the vat or the papermaking machine. Around 200 to 300 pounds of rags could be processed at the same time, more than twice as much as in a stamping mill, which might accommodate 75 to 180 pounds of rags but more usually about 100 pounds. A load of rags might spend five or six hours in the washer and another six hours in the beater, whereas a stamping mill might require a day or a day and a half to finish the job. In 1808 the three engines of the Brandywine Paper Mill could process up to 1,900 pounds of rags a week, delivering enough pulp to keep two vats constantly occupied up to twelve hours a day, 6 days a week, 310 days a year. In France, a stamping mill usually contained one vat unless it was possible to summon the water power for a second mill wheel.46 Not often could a papermaker expect to find a location with a sufficient fall and volume of water to run two mill wheels at the same time in every season of the year. The Quassaick Creek of Newburgh, New York, provided power for a fully equipped two-vat paper mill with one large wheel running two engines, a hydraulic press, and a duster, and a smaller wheel running a glazing machine and a paper cutter. In its last years the first mill in Massachusetts was running a cylinder machine with one wheel and three engines with a second wheel on a property extending 350 feet along the Neponset River, which could generate as much as 30 horsepower. Seeking a new tenant, the proprietor of another mill on the Neponset claimed that his establishment had such a generous supply of water that it could be converted into a double mill by the addition of a second water wheel. An antiquated mill in Whitemarsh Township, Pennsylvania, had a mill wheel for each of its two engines.47 Many papermakers did not have the power to run

Manufactur i n g M e t h o d s  ::  xxxvii

Fig. I.1. Paper mill interior. The vatman and the coucher are working at one side of the wet press, the layboy at the other. Another worker is tending the engine, powered by wooden gearing connected to the water wheel outside the building on the right. Detail of an engraved ream wrapper (another copy is reproduced in fig. 7.4). Fig. 1.8 contains a similar scene. Courtesy of the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford, Connecticut.

a second wheel even though they owned property on a promising stream. They could not divert the extra water they would have wanted because they had to share it with neighboring mill owners and had to respect the rights of others who needed it for fishing, farming, and navigation. In addition to buying land, papermakers had to purchase water privileges, which specified how large a mill dam they could build and where they could build it. Privileges could be bought and sold separately and could be defended in a court of law. It was an actionable offense if someone upstream withheld an excessive amount of water in a mill pond or if someone downstream interfered with the stream flow by building a mill dam higher than per-

mitted by the terms of a privilege.48 These safeguards were all the more necessary in the Berkshires, the Boston area, and other papermaking communities where several mills competed for power on the same stream or even the same mill race. Some of the largest mills had four engines, probably driven by two mill wheels or by a steam engine, which must have been the power plant of a Connecticut mill running six engines and a papermaking machine. Built in 1831, the Mammoth Mill in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, relied on steam to drive eight engines and eight cylinder machines.49 A complement of three engines, however, seems to have been the upper limit for a mill with a single mill wheel, and most establishments had only one or two engines.

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  xxxviii Sheet Formation In a mill designed for optimum efficiency, the pulp from the beating engines flowed through leaden pipes into stuff chests, where it could be stored until it was needed in the vats. The vat is the tub of pulp where the journeymen formed sheets of paper using the mould, a wire-covered wooden frame fitted with another wooden frame, the deckle, which contained the pulp on the top of the mould. The vatman grasped the mould at each end, and in one swift and seemingly effortless movement, dipped it into the pulp, lifted out a thin, glistening layer on its wire surface, and, as the water drained through the wire, gave the mould a slight shake to level the pulp and lock the fibers. Relying on agility, instinct, and experience, the vatman also had to gauge how much pulp to leave inside the deckle in order to make sheets of the proper weight, a vital factor in deciding the price of paper. He then passed the mould to his partner, the coucher, who removed the deckle and with an equally subtle rocking motion pressed the wire surface down on a woolen felt to detach the damp sheet, still too weak to bear its own weight. In this way a pair of moulds passed back and forth between the vatman and the coucher, and the coucher piled one felt on top of another until they completed a post, a designated quantity of sheets. By employing a pair of moulds and exchanging them, the vatman and the coucher could perform their tasks simultaneously in a steady rhythm with optimum ­efficiency. The size of the sheet depended on the inside dimensions of the deckle. Mills making a variety of products kept in stock several pairs of moulds, as many as ten pairs in a one-vat mill.50 At the very least, a one-vat mill might have a pair of foolscap moulds for making writings, a pair of medium moulds for printings, and a pair of super royal moulds for the staple production of newsprint. Table 1 lists standard size designations along with their dimensions. Americans did not always agree on the precise dimensions, but these figures conform to those cited most frequently in the ledgers of the Sellers mouldmaking firm.

The vatman and the coucher were paid on a sliding scale, a quota system, compensating them for the time and effort they had to expend on various weights and sizes. Quotas were standard practice in England, France, Germany, and America, although they were calculated in different ways and were more onerous in some countries than in others. In Europe the journeymen had to complete twenty posts a day, the number of sheets in a post depending on the size of the sheet. The journeymen did not have to work quite so hard to make a smaller size like foolscap, but they were required to complete a post comprising many more sheets than in posts allocated for the larger sizes. I am not sure that this system was adopted in America, but I do know of one mill where the master allowed the journey­men to subtract from the day’s quota two or three posts in compensation for doing chores like washing the felts or working down the vat.51 In 1812 a “Paper maker’s Society” collected information about quotas and composed a summary account of them, which was published in the Cutbush papermaking manual (table 1). At that time, at least in the Philadelphia area, the standard size of the post was 125 sheets, and the journeymen had to make a certain number of posts a day to fulfill their quotas of one to eight reams a day, each ream containing four posts at this stage of production. Journeymen could exceed their quota if they wished and if the mill owner was confident of selling the surplus products. In good times, each of the two vats in a New Jersey mill was producing 50 percent more than usual, the equivalent of “3 days Work” in a day.52

Pressing, Drying, and Sizing After completing a post, the vatman and the coucher squeezed out some of the excess moisture in the wet press, one of several presses in a paper mill. The Brandy­ wine Mill had two wet presses, two pack presses, one or more dry presses, and a sizing press. The completed posts might stay in the presses overnight to impart the proper grain to the paper. Then the layboy removed the wet sheets from between the felts, which were returned to the vat for use in making another post. The

Manufactur i n g M e t h o d s  ::  xxxix Table 1. American Production Quotas and Paper Sizes Eagle Atlas Columbia drawing Imperial writing Imperial plate Super royal newsprint Super royal writing Royal cartridge Royal printing Royal inferior Royal writing Medium printing Medium writing Demy Post, thick large Post, thin large Demy writing Crown plate music Crown Littress Foolscap Foolscap second Post, small

Size (inches)

Weight (pounds/ream)

24 x 39 110 26 x 34 90 23½ x 34½ 90 22 x 30¼ 75 22 x 30¼ 21¼ x 27½ 19½ x 27 19¼ x 24 26 19⅛ x 24 22 19⅛ x 24 20 19⅛ x 24 18 x 23 20 17¾ x 22½ 17¼ x 21¼ 16 16¾ x 21¼ 16½ x 21¼ 15¾ x 20¼ 24 14¼ x 18¼ 23 14¼ x 18¼ 18 14 x 16½ 15 13¼ x 16½ 14 13¼ x 16½ 12 12½ x 15½ 10

“Day’s Work” (reams) 1 2 1 2

5 5 3½ 5½ 6

4½ 5½ 8 8 8

Source: “Statement of the Weights, Sizes, and Day’s work of Paper manufactured in the United States . . . obtained for the Paper maker’s Society, and presented per report January, 1812,” in James Cutbush, The American Artist’s Manual (Philadelphia: Published by Johnson & Warner, and R. Fisher; W. Brown, printer, 1814).

wet paper, termed “waterleaf ” at this stage, was taken up to the loft to be dried on ropes specially made for the purpose from the “long hair of cows or oxen” rather than hemp, which was too rough and less durable. Adjustable louvers or shutters set in the walls of the drying loft could be opened or closed to allow air to circulate on dry days or to keep out the damp in wet weather. These characteristic architectural features can often be discerned in pictures of paper mills. At least two mills burned down when papermakers tried to expedite the drying process by installing a brazier or

a stove in the loft, just one of the many fire hazards in these wooden buildings.53 The sizing process prepared the surface of the paper to take ink properly and fortified the sheet with additional strength, weight, and a pleasing crispness highly prized in printing and writing grades. Animal size consisted of hides, hooves, and tanner’s scraps boiled in a large copper cauldron often kept in an outbuilding for safety and hygienic reasons. At the Brandy­wine Mill, foreman Lawrence Greatrake tended the cauldron himself or entrusted it to one of his most skilled em-

In t ro d u c t i o n  ::  xl ployees, who had to make sure that the gelatinous matter reached just the right amount of saturation, clarity, and viscosity. Greatrake claimed that he was one of a select few to have mastered the art of tub sizing, the delicate task of immersing the waterleaf in the size solution, a fistful of sheets at a time, allowing them to absorb just the right amount without tearing or staining them. The damp sheets were then pressed again and sent back to the loft, where they had to be dried at a conducive temperature to retain the sizing properties and to prevent putrefaction. Americans also experimented with a cheap alternative to tub sizing, an early version of internal sizing employed mainly for low-quality printing grades. The Cutbush manual describes this production shortcut in passing as if it were common practice. Instead of preparing and applying size by hand, and then pressing and drying the paper again, papermakers could achieve similar results merely by mixing alum and linseed oil in the engine. This method was probably superseded by rosin sizing, a process discovered by Moritz Friedrich Illig in Germany around 1800 and adopted in America in the 1830s.54 By the end of the period covered in this directory, mouldmaking firms and paper warehouses were stocking a complete assortment of sizing ingredients, bleaching chemicals, dyes, felting, rags, and other manufacturing supplies.

Finishing The paper mill production line came to an end in the salle or finishing room, where paper was sorted, smoothed, and wrapped in packages for sale. Women paid by piece work inspected each sheet for imperfections, picked out specks and knots with a knife, and sorted out the defective sheets to be sold as retree, inferior retree, or broke. Retree sheets might be stained, frayed, wrinkled, or slightly torn; the broke was more obviously damaged but not so badly that it had to be repulped. After being sorted, the paper was pressed one more time in the dry presses, sometimes for several days to obtain the extra hard and smooth surface fashionable at that time. The finishers then “told out” quires of 24 sheets

ready to be folded in a ream of twenty quires. The number of sheets in a ream varied depending on its quality. An ordinary ream contained two quires of broke, one at the top and one at the bottom to protect the eighteen perfect quires in the middle. A typical ream, therefore, comprised 432 whole sheets and 48 broke, or 480 sheets altogether. Instead of broke, one could use retree in the outside quires, which in this case contained only 18 sheets, thus making a ream of 432 whole sheets and 36 retree, or 468 sheets altogether. If the outside quires contained perfect sheets, the papermaker included only 16 sheets in those quires, thus making a ream of 464 sheets. Publishers expected a ream to contain fewer than 480 printable sheets and ordered paper on that basis in the period covered by this directory.55 The more ambitious papermakers labeled their products with ream wrappers, some specifying the contents of the ream and many illustrated with picturesque views of the manufactories. Like other kinds of packaging art, they were intended to be discarded, but the few surviving examples provide invaluable evidence for the size, configuration, and location of paper mills. The ream wrappers reproduced in this directory help to establish the correct names of papermaking firms and indicate what kinds of products they were making. Sometimes their illustrations can be attributed to artists whose work can be identified with sufficient precision as to provide additional information about their customers in the paper trade. Papermakers in the Boston area commissioned views of their mills from Abel Bowen. In Hartford they could call on Louis Fairchild. At least two members of the Philadelphia trade did business with the engraver James W. Steel. The wood engraver Alexander Anderson served the New York area, although he also had customers in Maryland and Maine. A ream wrapper of Joseph Robeson suggests that he took over the Lamb Mill sometime between 1825 and 1827, when the engraver of that ream wrapper was plying his trade in Philadelphia. Likewise, the movements of a Boston artist helped me to date the career of his client John Foley, a papermaker in New Hampshire with strong connections in the Boston market.56

Distributi o n a n d S a l e s  ::  xli

Distribution and Sales Papermakers in remote areas exchanged their products at the mill premises by barter for rags and “the produce of the Country,” but even they shipped their goods to distant cities.57 Most papermakers depended on middlemen to sell retail merchandise over the counter and to find customers for wholesale goods such as bulk quantities of printings. A few had their own sales outlets: the Gilpins at a three-story brick building on Front Street in Philadelphia; the Laflins at a warehouse on Front Street in New York; and the Meeteers at a combination bookstore and stationery shop in Baltimore. The Gilpins insured the contents of their store in Philadelphia, “principally . . . Paper in Reams,” for $10,000 in 1799 and $8,000 in 1803. The Philadelphia bookseller William Young built a mill on the Brandywine not far from the Gilpins and stocked its products in his downtown bookshop, which also functioned as the Delaware Paper Mill Ware-House.58 The advantages of selling direct are obvious—these shopkeepers did not have to pay commissions or communicate through intermediaries—but many papermakers did not have the contacts, capital, or know-how to maintain a base of operations at the point of sale. They relied on wholesale stationers and commission agents to sell their products for them. This sector of the paper trade has never been studied systematically because writers on paper history have been more interested in production than distribution. Antiquarians, Hunter, and Hunter’s followers concentrated on the origins and traditions of the craft, an approach not entirely disavowed by academic authors who trace the transition between craft and industry. Although distribution is beyond the scope of this directory, it deserves some scrutiny here if only to show how paper merchants were involved in financing paper mills and in developing markets for their products. Some invested in paper mills, a few owned them outright, and at least one was so closely connected with the manufacturing sector that his initials appear in watermarks.59 It would be difficult, for example, to understand the

role paper played in the Berkshire economy without tracing the trade routes of that region down the Hudson River to the warehouses of New York City. Surprisingly, it was not very expensive to ship paper to eastern seaboard cities. In 1808 the Gilpins paid a 5 percent premium on the retail value of their products to send them to the Boston area and New York City, half for insurance and half for transportation costs. They could ship twenty reams or more in a wooden crate, which cost $2.25 to build.60 The Gilpins appointed exclusive agents in the Boston and New York districts to stock a complete assortment of their goods and to sell them on 5 percent ­commission—an advantageous arrangement for both parties, whereby the agents performed financial services for the consignors but did not have to pay up front for the consignments. Instead, they collected a commission on whatever sales they made and settled accounts on a regular basis by remitting a lump sum for all the transactions to date. They advised their clients on the credit of prospective customers and helped them to dun delinquent debtors. Some sold rags and other manufacturing supplies. Some of the more enterprising firms formed trade relationships in Mexico and South America, an export market sufficiently rewarding as to require special moulds in a “Spanish” size. On at least one occasion a commission merchant put a paper mill up for sale, whether as agent or proprietor, I do not know.61 Papermakers in this period usually expected their customers to pay in ninety days, but they could extend credit as long as six months, nine months, or a year.62 They often had to deal with cash-flow problems, which could drive them deeper into debt with the paper ­merchants. I have not yet found solid evidence of a merchant actually advancing funds and supplying rags in return for exclusive rights to the output of a mill— a standard practice in some European countries—but this kind of quid pro quo might have been possible in America. When the Gilpins ran short of working capital, the firm of Mathew Carey & Son paid in advance and provided rags with the expectation of receiving special treatment and regular deliveries of the newly

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xlii introduced machine-made paper.63 Other papermakers may have been under similar contractual obligations to merchants who wished to assure themselves of a large and varied inventory constantly on hand and ready for sale. As a first step toward describing this distribution network, I have compiled lists of paper merchants in various cities on the basis of information I found while working on the directory. I include the lists here in an appendix, beginning with the first cities known to have wholesale stationers and proceeding in chronological order. These listings are by no means comprehensive, but I believe that they contain most of the major figures in centers of the trade. I indicate what services they performed for their clients and what other business ventures they pursued on their own account. Most importantly, I have tried to identify their clients in an attempt to ascertain the origins of paper available for sale in various cities. No doubt some of these merchants were active after the 1830s, when I lose sight of them in the sources I used for the directory. I do not include individuals identified as stationers in city directories unless I have found evidence that they were handling paper on a wholesale basis. Some colonial merchants appear to have imported quantities of paper larger than they might have needed for the retail operations of a stationery store. I mention some of them because they also invested in domestic manufactures.

Products Wholesale stationers often advertised a full range of paper products: boards, wrappings, printings, writings, and drawings. Their suppliers, however, sometimes had to specialize, either because they could not compete in certain parts of the marketplace or because they could not make certain products with their equipment and materials. A one-vat mill could not make fine white writings after having made blue or brown wrappings with colorants and coarse rags that would have contaminated the felts and machinery.64 Conversely, a mill designed for fine work would not repay the investment in extra space and more sophisticated

manufacturing facilities if those resources were used in the manufacture of cheap papers with a minimal profit margin. A New Hampshire papermaker had two mill buildings, one regularly employed for the production of writings, the other for wrappings. The Brandywine Paper Mill hardly ever made wrapping grades and regularly sold off to other mills the coarse rags it might have used for that purpose.65 If we know something about the products of a mill, we can infer how and where they were sold and what part they played in the business strategies of the proprietor. Beginning with the wrappings, I will describe here the main products of American mills and compare the value of some of them by citing prices reported to the Census of 1820 and the McLane Report of 1832.

Wrappings In this category are the cheapest grades of paper and boards, manufactured in bulk out of lower quality materials. A number of New Jersey mills made binders’ board for publishers in New York, a poorly documented portion of the paper trade, which probably included more mills than I have been able to identify. By the end of this period, mills in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, and Indiana were using cylinder machines for this purpose. Eleven mills described in the Census of 1820 were making bonnet boards, five of them in Massachusetts. Papermakers in Lee, Massachusetts, learned to make an embossed imitation of the fashionable Navarino straw bonnets imported from Italy, a successful sideline even though the American knockoffs were likely to wilt in the rain. One of the Lee papermakers claimed to have developed a waterproof version.66 Some of the same mills made pressboards, a glazed board made from higher quality materials for the purpose of finishing fabrics such as silks, woolens, and knit goods. A kind of pasteboard, this product line is mentioned by name in seven of the returns submitted to the Census of 1820. Fourteen returns refer to pasteboards in general, selling for $5 to $8 a gross. In 1832 one mill was selling pasteboard at $70 a ton, two mills at $100 a ton.67 Ordinary brown wrapping papers were a staple

Pro d u c t s  ::  xliii product of country mills and smaller mills at the lower end of the trade. In seven of the 1820 census returns the price was a dollar a ream, although other returns cite prices as low as fifty cents and as high as $2.50. Brown wrappings usually cost between fifty cents and sixty cents a ream in 1832, when the McLane Report was compiled. Among the other low-quality grades mentioned in these sources are sheathing paper, blue candle paper, box board, hardware paper, and hanging paper used in wallpaper manufacture.

Printings Newsprint and almanac paper were the cheapest and most common articles in this category during the colonial period. Around 1750 demy newsprint cost about 11s. a ream in Pennsylvania currency or about 6s. 6d. sterling or about $1.90 in 1790 dollars.68 By 1820 newsprint was larger and more expensive, the standard super royal size generally costing between $4 and $5 a ream. One papermaker reported to the Census that he was selling top-quality crown and super royal printings to newspaper publishers at $4.50 a ream.69 Ordinary printings were often made in the medium size, costing between $2 and $3.50 a ream. In 1808 the Brandywine Paper Mill received a large order for printing royal at the price of $5.75 a ream, 400 reams altogether for the last volumes of a twelvemo edition of Shakespeare published in Philadelphia, 1805–1809. In consultation with his customers, Thomas Gilpin specified that the printing royal should weigh 22 pounds a ream, which would make the selling price 26 cents a pound. Greatrake figured the manufacturing cost at 8 cents a pound and the cost of raw materials at 13½ to 14 cents a pound if he had to use fine rags for this job, but he predicted a larger profit margin if he could do it with lower quality, less expensive thirds.70 Printings had to have the strength, opacity, whiteness, and surface properties suitable for the relief process. Also used in book production, copperplate papers, or plate papers, were designed for making prints and intaglio illustrations with etched or engraved plates on a rolling press. This entirely different reproduction method called for a soft and pliant sheet that would

take sufficient ink to support a rich impression while minimizing wear and abrasion on the plate. Most plate papers were very lightly sized. Some were not sized at all unless the pictures were to be hand colored, in which case the rolling-press printer might send them back to the mill to be sized before the colors were applied. In 1808 the Gilpins were selling their plate papers by the pound rather than by the ream, because the weight and thickness of the sheet was more important than its measurements. They charged 23 cents a pound for coarse grades made from “country best fourths” and sized in the engine, 30 cents a pound for their ordinary quality, and 40 cents a pound for the “superfine” varieties. They charged even more for banknote papers, also designed for intaglio printing but made with better rags to ensure durability and with special identifying features to deter counterfeits. Not even watermarks were an adequate safeguard against forgeries, a constant problem requiring ingenious protective countermeasures, such as strands of colored silk mixed into the pulp and intricate geometrical designs impressed into the waterleaf. In 1819 the Gilpins set a standard price of $25 per thousand sheets of banknote papers, no doubt calculated in those terms because their customers had to keep track of every single sheet. Their chief competitors in this line of business were members of the Willcox family, who had been making banknote papers before the Revolution and would be making little else at their vat mill after the introduction of the machine.71

Writings To make this premium product, papermakers had to take extra care in rag selection, the sizing process, and the finishing operations. They often treated the pulp with smalts, indigo, or other bluing agents to compensate for the natural cream tone of rag paper. They sought to achieve an absolutely smooth and lustrous surface by using wove moulds instead of the traditional laid surface and by employing special pressing and glazing techniques. Toward the end of this period, they introduced fancy writings to be sold by the quire with distinctive packaging and novel decorative features.

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xliv Consumers could choose between tinted or marbled notepapers, superfine quarto post gilt or plain, and superfine flat-folded foolscap extra gilt or plain. The Gilpins commissioned local artists to design elegant packaging for their line of retail products, including Ladies Souvenir Note Paper and Brandywine Fancy Post, available in red, yellow, green, blue, or white.72 At the Brandywine Mill, the greater skill and effort required by writings drove up the manufacturing cost to around 17 cents a pound, twice as much as ordinary engine-sized printing grades. In addition, Greatrake and the Gilpins factored in the higher cost of rags, usually fines and seconds, to arrive at figures they could use to calculate their profit margin. Greatrake advised the Gilpins that writing demy selling for 40 cents a pound would be more profitable than superfine foolscap selling at 33¼ cents a pound. At that time, 1808, they set a price of $10 a ream on their writing demy and $5 a ream on their superfine foolscap. One papermaker reported to the Census of 1820 that he was selling demy writing for $7 a ream, and four cited prices of foolscap no. 1 writing ranging between $3 and $4.50. They could not expect to compete with the Gilpins, David Ames, and Thomas Amies at the upper end of the market, where the best foolscap writings could command a price of $5 a ream. Equally prestigious were the products of the Hudson firm, which was selling superfine writings to the federal government at an average price of $6 a ream in 1830, twice as much as the price of ordinary foolscap cited in the McLane Report of 1832. The largest sizes fetched the highest prices, ranging from $13 for medium up to $32 for imperial in a consignment the Gilpins sent out in 1808.73

Drawings On occasion the top-ranking firms made small batches of drawings, a tour de force of hand papermaking that demanded even more skill and effort than the writing grades. Instead of making them on the quota system, the journeymen at the Brandywine Mill set the pace of production at the vat in the course of an eight-hour day. The finishers took extra care to achieve a grain agreeable to artists who wanted a surface texture re-

sponsive to the pen and pencil. The Gilpins probably introduced drawing grades on the American market after Joshua Gilpin had seen them during his trip to England, 1795–1801. Between 1807 and 1820 they charged the Carey firm $12–14 for drawing demy, $15– 16 for medium, and $40 for imperial. To the best of my knowledge, they had only two not very imposing competitors: Andrew J. Allen, who advertised his ability to make drawings without giving any specifics, and John G. Langstroth, who bought drawing-quality moulds and sold the Carey firm a ream of imperial drawing for $35.74 Americans took pride in this luxury product. They called their largest size “columbia” (23½ inches by 34½ inches), a patriotic corruption of the French “colombier” by way of “columbier,” an English term for paper of those dimensions.75

Productivity Because of the quota system described above, it is fairly easy to calculate the output of a mill by the number of vats it contained. Papermakers reporting on their production statistics to the Census of 1820 sometimes adopted the rule of thumb that they expected to make about 2,000 reams per vat per year.76 This rule of thumb often indicated the upper limit of a mill’s manufacturing capacity, which in turn depended on how much power it could harness and how many engines it was running. A large mill could have as many as six vats, each with a team of journeymen, but most mills had only one mill wheel. A single wheel could provide power for no more than three engines, which could supply pulp for no more than two or three vats. On this basis one might expect an ordinary two-vat mill to make no more than 4,000 reams a year. Most American mills, however, were constructed on a much more modest scale. Twenty-five respondents to the Census of 1820 reported that their mills contained only one vat and one engine; many more respondents were obviously working in establishments of that size but did not say so in their returns. I have been able to find information about the number of vats in 277 mills altogether; of that number, 164 had one

Produ c t i v i t y  ::  xlv vat, 94 had two vats, 9 had three vats, 9 had four vats, and one steam-powered mill had six vats. In America, one-vat mills were the norm in the eighteenth century and were still common well into the industrial era, especially in remote areas where they did not have to compete against larger, more efficient establishments. Many of these minimally equipped manufactories were part-time affairs, operated on a seasonal basis along with farming activities and other rural occupations. Mills in the northern states had to close down in winter when streams were frozen. The proprietor of a Massachusetts mill tried to recruit journeymen by promising that he would keep them constantly employed all year round and that he would not dismiss them during the winter as was customary elsewhere in the trade.77 Water shortages during a summer drought might also interrupt the manufacturing routine. Even when the weather was good, papermakers might quit the premises to work in the fields or in nearby mills making products more in demand at the time. As mentioned above, paper mills were often part of factory villages containing grist mills, saw mills, woolen mills, fulling mills, and other manufactories. A one-vat mill operating on a part-time basis might make significantly less than 2,000 reams a year. The Census of 1810 estimated the output of three one-vat North Carolina mills at 800 reams each. The earliest reference I have found to a two-vat mill dates to 1775 or 1776, when Abijah Burbank built a two-vat, two-engine establishment in Millbury, Massachusetts. This configuration increased the output and efficiency of higher capitalized, full-time operations, which could offer a diversified product line more easily adaptable to changing market conditions. The proprietors of at least two mills designated one vat for fine work and the other for lower quality products, such as ordinary printings, wrappings, or binders’ board.78 In this way they could buy large lots of rags in different qualities and sort them by color and texture for specific purposes. They could assign their more skilled journeymen to work at the fine vat with better quality raw materials, while employing the less reliable workers at the other vat to make less demanding products

out of inferior ingredients. If they were running three engines, they could assure each vat a regular supply of the right kind of pulp, thus maintaining an orderly and predictable rhythm of production at this critical stage of the manufacturing process. A typical mill of this size would occupy a building of three stories with a footprint of around 3,000 square feet. Isaiah Thomas estimated that it would require a capital investment of about $10,000.79 Papermakers could allocate resources and personnel even more efficiently in a larger mill, but they also had to contend with an onerous capital investment. Established around 1811, a four-vat mill in New Jersey capitalized at $50,000 and employing a workforce of fifteen men, twenty-five women, and ten children was not notably successful and did not attract much attention in the trade despite the impressive size of its manufacturing facilities.80 Other four-vat mills failed to meet the expectations of their proprietors, who had borrowed heavily to purchase the requisite machinery (at least four had steam engines) and to finance the construction of massive mill buildings, two with a footprint of 4,800 square feet and one with 6,500 square feet.81 One can only conjecture how much the proprietors had to borrow to start up a business on this scale. Perhaps they too had to raise as much as $50,000, but the source of that suspiciously round figure is the Census of 1820, which is discouragingly inconsistent in its use of economic statistics. The Census contains several other reports claiming a capital investment of $50,000, none of them very reliable, although one might see some correlation in another return citing the same sum to appraise a three-vat mill with an even larger complement of personnel: twentyone men, twenty-eight women, and seven children.82 One four-vat mill was insured for $32,000, but that figure might also include the value of raw materials and saleable goods stored on site. On the other hand, many papermakers chose to insure their property for only a fraction of its full value.83 The largest vat mill in America appears to have been the Anchor Steam Paper Mill in Pittsburgh. Built around 1824 by Henry Holdship, it contained six vats

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xlvi and workspace for eighty-eight employees who produced more than 12,000 reams a year, valued at $3 a ream.84 Holdship found a ready market for his wares in the western territories, the East Coast, and even South America, where he sold a special grade of “Spanish paper” to the amount of $40,000 in the course of eighteen months. The immense consignments he dispatched abroad and the economies of scale he achieved on site were sufficiently rewarding that he could invest in another steam-powered mill in Ohio as well as other business ventures in the Pittsburgh area. Perceiving the potential of the Fourdrinier machine, he ordered one for his mill in Ohio and perhaps another one for his original establishment, which might explain why its output increased to 16,000 reams a year in 1832. Holdship displayed the full extent of his papermaking business at a nationally publicized political event. In 1827 friends of domestic industry invited Secretary of State Henry Clay to be the guest of honor at a grand banquet at the mill, which was attended by more than six hundred people, a number “much larger than ever assembled on a similar occasion in this city.” It is difficult to imagine where all of them could have been seated, unless they were accommodated in the finishing room, which must have had a vast expanse of floor space and sorting tables to accommodate the output of six vats. In the course of the festivities, Clay delivered a speech describing how he hoped to promote and protect the manufacturing interests of this country. Other dignitaries proposed a series of patriotic toasts, including one to the banquet hall itself, a highly ­suitable venue for this occasion: “The Anchor paper mill: The only American factory ever stopped thro’ Henry Clay. It stopped one day to honor him who prevented it from stopping altogether.”85 Two attempts were made to calculate the aggregate annual production of American paper mills in 1810. On the basis of census statistics collected for that year, Tench Coxe arrived at a total of 425,521 reams made in eleven states as well as 428¾ tons in Rhode Island and Pennsylvania, presumably wrapping grades reported by weight. Isaiah Thomas estimated that the 195 mills he identified in 1810 were making 50,000 reams of

newsprint, 70,000 reams of printings, 111,000 reams of writings, and 100,000 reams of wrappings, or 331,000 reams altogether. No doubt these figures were based on a number of assumptions: the number of mills in operation, the number of vats in a mill, and the annual output per vat. Thomas stated that most New England mills contained two vats and that a mill of this size could make 2,000 to 3,000 reams a year, apparently expecting a one-vat mill to make less than 2,000 reams a year. He also noted that there were several mills with three or more vats but did not specify how many. Of the 208 mills I know to have been operating in 1810, 4 had four vats, 4 had three vats, 57 had two vats, and 79 had one vat. I have found no information about the manufacturing facilities in the remaining 64 mills, which, being less prominent, must have contained only one or two vats, possibly in the same proportion as the better-known mills, that is, 27 two-vat mills and 37 one-vat mills. Since the larger mills were run more efficiently, they might have produced on the average about 1,500 reams per vat, whereas the one-vat mills might have produced only about 1,000 reams. On that basis, I estimate that American mills might have been making around 410,000 reams per year in 1810, or, at an average of 20 pounds per ream, about 4,100 tons of paper. In comparison, British papermakers paid excise duty during the fiscal year 1810/11 on 13,610.5 tons of first-class paper, 4,256.5 tons of second-class paper, and 1,034.65 tons of pasteboard. But the American trade was growing fast, and by 1873 it was the largest in the world, with Britain and Germany vying for second place far behind the Americans in output, quantity of mills, and number of machines.86

Papermaking Machines Mechanization increased the output of paper mills— some more than others, depending on the size of the mill and the capacity of its equipment. Papermaking machines came in different sizes, they could run at different speeds, and they were available in two different models, one more efficient than the other. Thomas Gilpin claimed that his 30-inch cylinder machine

Papermaki n g M ac h i n e s  ::  xlvii could make as much paper as six vats, a figure confirmed by the quantity of rags it consumed. A 49-inch Fourdrinier equipped with a steam-heated drying apparatus could make almost twice as much paper as Gilpin’s cylinder, an equivalent of 60 reams of medium a day. Also equipped with drying machinery, a Fourdrinier in Sudbury, Massachusetts, was making 10,400 reams a year of writings and printings worth an average of $4 a ream. The array of vats at the Anchor Steam Mill of Henry Holdship produced a larger amount but at a higher cost because he had to have nearly ninety people on his payroll, whereas the Massachusetts mill had a workforce of only ten men and eight women— plus four horses to haul wagonloads of paper to a warehouse in Boston.87 Both the cylinder and the Fourdrinier were developed in England, the Fourdrinier by a syndicate of investors headed by the brothers Henry and Sealy Fourdrinier, the cylinder by the stationer and papermaker John Dickinson. During a second trip to England (1811–1815), Joshua Gilpin investigated the possibility of importing a Fourdrinier and submitted proposals to Henry Fourdrinier, who rejected them out of hand. Fourdrinier distrusted the inquisitive American despite assurances of being addressed “with the utmost candor on the subject.” Even if he had been less suspicious and resentful, he would not have been in a good bargaining position because he had lost control of the family firm and had forfeited the confidence of his colleagues in the papermaking trade. Engineering expenses, speculative ventures, and a financial downturn had driven him and his brother into bankruptcy proceedings, which revealed that they had indulged in dubious accounting schemes. They had raised fictitious capital by exchanging accommodation notes and had made an unauthorized transfer in the company’s ledgers. Desperately in need of funds at the last moment, they brought new partners into the firm and granted them an encumbrance on the patent, which would serve as a surety for their investment. When the Fourdriniers failed, their partners tried to take over the business of licensing the machines, but they were challenged by the Fourdriniers’ creditors, who maintained

that the encumbrance was a fraudulent conveyance of assets perpetrated with full knowledge of the impending bankruptcy. Legal disputes over the patent rights complicated the diffusion of machine technology and compromised the reputation of Henry Fourdrinier until he was finally rehabilitated by a carefully staged parliamentary inquiry in 1837. The litigation was so protracted and complex that the feuding creditors placed the licensing fees in an escrow account while the courts were considering the fate of the ­Fourdrinier.88 In the meantime, John Dickinson succeeded in building a working model of the cylinder—a brilliant engineering achievement. Smaller in size and simpler in design, it was a highly attractive proposition for those who could not afford the larger and more expensive machine. Quite rightly, the Fourdriniers’ assignees viewed Dickinson’s invention as a competitive threat. They preserved their monopoly by buying him off with a technological quid pro quo: they waived the licensing fees he would have had to pay for one of their machines in return for his assurances that he would not try to sell the cylinder. He had two of them in operation in one of his paper mills, but he had to keep them under the strictest secrecy to abide by the terms of his contract.89 Undeterred by these legal constraints, Joshua Gilpin decided to steal Dickinson’s invention. He set his sights on the cylinder rather than the Fourdrinier, a complicated instrument with an intricate concatenation of precision parts that would have been beyond the metalworking skills of American mechanics. The cylinder, on the other hand, was easier to understand and replicate with the engineering resources readily at hand in Philadelphia. He obtained information about it from several different sources: direct observation, technical reports of his foreman, Lawrence Greatrake, and the patent specifications. He visited Dickinson and viewed the cylinder but not close enough to see how it was constructed. At the same time, Greatrake was visiting England on family business, which gave him an excellent excuse to call on Dickinson, proprietor of a mill formerly operated by the foreman’s father. A gracious host, Dickinson invited him to stay for several

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  xlviii

Fig. I.2. The cylinder machine at the Brandywine Paper Mill. Based on the patent specifications, this drawing was commissioned by the Eleutherian Mills–Hagley Foundation and was first published in Hancock & Wilkinson 1957. Courtesy of the Hagley Museum and Library, Greenville, Delaware.

days and allowed him to inspect the cylinder and pace it off, but he did not permit him to measure it or to peek into the inner workings of the mechanism. Nonetheless, Greatrake believed that the information he had collected would be so valuable to his employers that he copied out two versions of a letter to send by separate vessels. Those letters and Gilpin’s notes guided the initial experiments of Thomas Gilpin, who took out an American patent on 24 December 1816. Joshua Gilpin tried and failed to buy the English patent specifications, which, however, appeared in a technical journal, The Repertory of Arts, Manufactures, and Agriculture, in 1817 and 1818, while the Gilpins were still making improvements in their version of the cylinder. Thomas Gilpin discarded the design of the 1816 prototype (fig. I.2), apparently because it was too flimsy to bear the strain of mass production, and he was not able to make an acceptable grade of paper on a regular basis until April 1818.90 In the improved model, paper was formed on a fine wire mesh covering a perforated brass cylinder, which rotated partially immersed in a vat of pulp. (The illustration depicts the original, less sturdily constructed cylinder [A].) Water passed through the wire mesh

into the interior of the cylinder where it was collected in a trough and pumped back into the vat (J). The flow of water created a suction on the surface of the cylinder, forming a layer of interlocking fiber on the same principle as water draining through the wire of a vatman’s mould. As it turned, the cylinder carried this layer of fiber from the vat up to a couching roller (B), which pressed out some of the water and transferred the fiber to a traveling strip of felt (E), where it began to have the consistency of paper (C). The felt passed through a pair of pressing rollers (D), at which point the web of paper was sufficiently strong that it could be reeled off (F) and cut into sheets. The sheets were then dried, sized, and finished in the traditional fashion. The Gilpins covered the cylinder with two layers of wire, first a supporting grid of coarse wire and then the fine wire mesh, the surface on which the web of paper was formed. The two ends of the wire mesh had to be stitched together on a seam running lengthwise across the cylinder. Protruding portions of the stitching left translucent marks on cylinder paper not unlike the traditional watermarks described below. Different styles of stitching make it possible to identify and distinguish products of the Brandywine machine in its

Papermaki n g M ac h i n e s  ::  xlix earliest stages of technological development, while the Gilpins were experimenting with wire coverings and structural improvements. In 1818 their cylinder paper displayed an unobtrusive seam bordering a dark strip, as if the edges of the surface mesh overlapped or one edge had been doubled over (fig. I.3). At the beginning of 1819 an irregular stitching mark appears, and the grid pattern of the underwire can be seen in lower quality products (fig. I.4). Later that year the Gilpins’ wireworkers adopted a herringbone stitch, an easily discernible identifying feature of their machinemade products through 1832 (fig. I.5 ). As of this writing, I have found their three stitching marks in fortyfour publications—books, pamphlets, periodicals, and newspapers.91 Like the Fourdriniers, the Gilpins expended large sums on industrial development just before an economic crisis. They too relied on accommodation notes in a last-ditch effort to meet their obligations, but to no avail: they defaulted on their debts in 1818. Despite their financial transgressions, their creditors allowed them to stay in business, and customers like Mathew Carey & Son helped with their cash-flow problems by buying bulk quantities of machine paper and by paying for it in advance. The Gilpins succeeded in making with the machine newsprint, copperplate, and printing grades ranging in quality from cheap medium printing at $3.50 a ream to fine 30-pound copperplate medium at $10 a ream. Their copperplate medium was thought to be such an important innovation that they were given credit in the imprint of C. V. Lavoisne’s Atlas (1820), “Printed by T. H. Palmer, on the Ruthven Press, and on J. & T. Gilpin’s Machine Paper.” On short notice they could deliver 200 reams of $4 medium printing to Carey & Lea, who were rushing into print an edition of Walter Scott’s Quentin Durward (1823). The same publishers commissioned them to develop a specially designed, highly finished, lightweight letterpress paper for printing The Atlantic Souvenir (1825–1831), the first literary annual in America and a milestone in mass-production bookmaking. The size of the edition reached 10,750 copies in 1829.92 Inevitably, other Americans sought to emulate these

achievements. The Gilpins did not attempt to build cylinders for sale to other papermakers, no longer having the means to engage in new commercial ventures. Instead, they hoped to recoup their fortunes by exploiting the mass-production capabilities of their greatly expanded, fully diversified industrial complex. They preserved their monopoly on machine paper until 1822, when the Massachusetts papermaker John Ames patented a slightly different version of the cylinder. He could not buy one from the Gilpins, so he built his own, probably on the basis of Dickinson’s patent specifications as published in The Repertory of Arts, Manufactures, and Agriculture. If that was his source, it did not provide enough information for him to construct a machine suitable for day-to-day mass production. Dissatisfied by the outcome of his experiments, he went down to Wilmington in person and attempted to obtain the assistance of a Brandywine employee, who refused to talk even after Ames tried to bribe him with cash, a job offer, and a dose of liquor. Ames’s attempts at industrial espionage were not as adroit or successful as the Gilpins’, but in 1824 he managed to make newsprint on his cylinder, and he was sufficiently confident in the validity of his patent that he began to sell similar machines to the trade.93 Thomas Gilpin noticed that cylinders were “in general use” when he visited New England in 1828. Berkshire papermakers were buying cylinders from Ames, possibly as early as 1827 and certainly by 1831, when Zenas Crane obtained one from the patentee. Ames, however, had to compete with other machine builders, who could see this new technology in action at several mills. They could compare different models, adopt improvements, and detect defects in design without having to go through the trial-and-error process of technological development. After Thomas Gilpin’s patent expired in 1830, Ames tried to enforce his patent rights in court and won his case even though his opponents presented evidence that his cylinder was by no means an original invention. Indeed, they described a similar machine devised in 1807 by a New Jersey papermaker who had to abandon his experiments before he obtained commercially viable results. Thomas Gilpin

In t ro d u c t i o n  ::  l

Fig. I.3. Stitching mark in The Port Folio, 4th [i.e., 5th] ser., 6 (Oct.–Dec. 1818). Courtesy of the Bodleian Library.

Fig. I.4. Stitching mark in Abraham Rees, The Cyclopaedia; or, Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature, plate vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Published by Samuel F. Bradford, and Murray, Fairman and Co., etc., 1805–1825). Published in parts. This part is on paper manufactured in 1819. Courtesy of the Bodleian Library.

Fig. I. 5. Stitching mark in Abraham Rees, The Cyclopaedia; or, Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and Literature, plate vol. 3 (Philadelphia: Published by Samuel F. Bradford, and Murray, Fairman and Co., etc., 1805–1825). Published in parts. This part is on paper manufactured ca.1819–1820. Courtesy of the Bodleian Library.

and his incorruptible employee produced depositions showing Ames to have derived his ideas from the work of his predecessors in America. The litigation caused more consternation than disruption in the paper trade because Ames’s patent was ­easily evaded by papermakers who switched to a different version of the cylinder. They could choose among several models offered by the firm of Coleman Sellers & Sons, which gracefully made the technological transition from papermaking moulds to papermaking machines. The width of

the web could range from 28 to 48 inches, the frame could be made of wood or iron, and so could the press rollers, a sufficiently hard material procured from old apple orchards. For durability, the Sellers firm recommended an iron frame and iron rollers, which cost $1,100 in 1824, but it could supply the less reliable wooden version at budget prices between $500 and $700. In the early 1830s $800 was the standard price for a complete machine with wooden press rolls.94 Self-reliant papermakers copied this design. After seeing a Sellers machine in action, Ebenezer Hiram Stedman decided that it was “So Simple” that he could build one himself and succeeded in setting it up in short order despite the difficulty of getting precision parts in his small town in Kentucky. Seventy-one mills listed in this directory were running cylinder machines. Of 279 mills active ca. 1832, I know of 40 with cylinders, and I am sure that many more had them at that time. In 1833 the proprietors of the Sellers firm believed that Ames’s patent claims might apply to as many as four hundred cylinders “now in use in the U States.”95 A syndicate of investors in Saugerties, New York, brought the first Fourdrinier to America in 1827. By that time they did not have to contend with legal obstacles and could buy their Fourdrinier directly from Bryan Donkin and Company, which had taken over the business of building these machines after the bankruptcy of the Fourdrinier brothers. Donkin started to work for the Fourdriniers in 1802 or 1803 and made important design improvements in the earliest working models, constructed in a workshop at Bermondsey, London, which they financed at great expense. He had built sixteen Fourdrinier machines by 1810 for the brothers and their customers, who paid licensing fees as well as the construction costs. He exported machines to France, Russia, and Germany before the patent expired in 1822, which provided an opportunity to take on even more clients overseas.96 In the hands of Donkin, the Fourdrinier evolved into a highly sophisticated machine (fig. I.6), more complicated than the cylinder but capable of producing the higher quality grades in greater quantities. At

Papermak i n g M ac h i n e s  ::  li the wet-end of the machine, pulp flowed from a stuff chest (A) over a ledge or down an apron in an even stream onto a moving endless wire web (E). The water drained through the wire mesh, which was given a slight shaking motion to lock the fibers, thus emulating the movements of the vatman. (Americans sometimes referred to Fourdriniers as “shaking machines.”)97 Traveling leather straps (F) on either side contained the pulp on the wire web like the deckle of a mould. The deckle straps determined the width of the paper, either 48 or 60 inches for Donkin’s earliest models. The web reached a couch roll (I), where the paper was transferred onto an endless felt, which carried it through pressing rollers (L) to a reel or steam-heated drying rollers (O, P, and Q) at the dry-end of the machine. At first, the reeled-up paper had to be cut into sheets by hand and then dried in the loft, but Donkin soon adopted the drying-cylinder apparatus invented by Thomas Bonsor Crompton in 1820, a revolutionary development in papermaking technology that not only increased output but also greatly reduced the time required to fulfill an order. The Fourdrinier that Donkin delivered to Saugerties came equipped with drying cylinders and was one of the larger models, 60 inches wide. It was valued at $30,000. The proprietors of the machine defaulted on their debts and appear to have abandoned the paper mill, an enormous structure built to exploit the machine’s full potential for mass production. Also deep in debt, the owner of the mill property assumed control of the papermaking business and sought to recover his investment by working the mill “day & night.” He established a warehouse in New York City in 1836 while he was still trying to pay off a mortgage to his brother. Apparently he succeeded, for the brother allowed him to remain in the papermaking business until he died in 1851. In other hands the mill grew into a genuine papermaking factory, employing 125 people in 1860.98 Another Fourdrinier arrived in America just a few months later, and it too failed to make a profit for the original investors, Joseph Pickering and J. A. H. Frost. It nevertheless played an important part in the ­transfer

of technology, because Pickering’s son Charles M. Pickering went into the business of constructing Fourdrinier machines on the basis of what he had learned in his father’s establishment. In 1832 he published an advertisement announcing that the firm of C. M. Pickering & Co., machinists, was prepared to supply and install “Fourdrinier and other paper Machines, Drying and Cutting Machines upon the most approved plans.” He listed seven satisfied customers and gave two addresses in New York City, possibly because he was involved in another firm, Pickering & Gayler, operating in the same locations and also offering a line of papermaking machines. This notice is the last I hear of Pickering’s machine-building ventures, and I believe that he was in business for himself only briefly after being employed by or associated with James Phelps and George Spafford, who must have learned with him or through him how to make Fourdrinier machines.99 The machinist George Spafford also helped to set up the Fourdrinier imported by Frost & Pickering. With the millwright James Phelps, he formed the partnership Phelps & Spafford to make Fourdrinier machines and provide other engineering services for the paper trade. Their first customers were the Norwich, Connecticut, papermakers R. & A. H. Hubbard, who commissioned them to copy Frost & Pickering’s Fourdrinier. The American replica cost $2,462, a fraction of what the Saugerties syndicate paid to import the Donkin machine, which was, however, a larger model equipped with drying apparatus. The account books of Phelps & Spafford, now in the library of the Harvard Business School, record sales of other Fourdriniers with and without drying apparatus at prices between $2,000 and $4,000 in the years 1829–1832. Many of these machines are mentioned in the advertisement of Charles Pickering, who must have been working with or for Phelps & Spafford in this period. Phelps & Spafford went under during the Panic of 1837 and was reorganized as Smith, Winchester & Company. Based in South Windham, Connecticut, the successor firm made paper machinery of all types for mills throughout America as well as England, Mexico, Cuba, and South America. In 1905 it was incorporated as Smith

In t ro d u c t i o n  ::  lii

Fig. I.6. Fourdrinier machine. Wood engraving in The Penny Magazine, monthly supplement (September 1833).

& Winchester Manufacturing Company, which stayed in business until the 1960s.100 Charles Pickering contributed technical expertise to another machine-building venture, the Speedwell Iron Works of Stephen Vail in Morristown, New Jersey. An iron founder by profession, Vail fabricated drive shafts, gudgeons, and other metal castings for use in heavy machinery. He made press screws, bedplates, and engine fly-bars for the “Mamoth Mill” in Saugerties. He helped to finance and manage a neighboring paper mill, which appears to have inspired an interest in mechanical improvements. He originally intended to build cylinder machines and tried to learn about them by hiring the mechanic Henry Barton, who had been employed in a Massachusetts mill equipped with the Ames type of cylinder. Apparently his negotiations with Barton fell through, but at the same time, March 1828, he was also making inquiries about the Fourdrinier in Saugerties. He enlisted one Jacob Ed-

wards to help him build a Fourdrinier, offering wages of $2 a day without providing room and board. Vail installed the machine in the Morris Paper Mill and got it running by July 1830 but was still seeking to make improvements. On a business trip to New York he visited the Pickering workshop, where he saw a Fourdrinier under construction, “a heavy strong rough thing,” but serviceable enough to be sold to Massachusetts papermakers for $1,500. Vail persuaded Pickering to work for him at wages of $10 a week, with the understanding that Pickering would give him detailed instructions on how to design and build Fourdrinier machines. The mechanic made drawings of the model he had just completed and wrote to his father in Connecticut for drawings of the imported machine, no doubt representing the state of the art of Fourdrinier technology. With this expert assistance, Vail established a ­thriving trade with papermakers in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Pickering also helped him to

The Growth of the P a p e r m a k i n g B u s i n e s s  ::  liii design and install a drying machine in 1832. Vail could sell a barebones Fourdrinier for as little as $1,000 by arranging with the customer to make the stuff chest and the wooden base on his own. Cheap, fast, and versatile, he could easily compete with Phelps & Spafford, and he may not have been their only rival in the early 1830s. Of 279 mills active ca. 1832, I know of 19 with Fourdriniers, about half as many as those with cylinders, which cost about half as much.101

The Growth of the Papermaking Business In the pre-industrial period the number of paper mills active at any given time can be used to calculate the size of the papermaking business. The maximum productivity of these mills is predictable because of the technical limitations in machinery running on water power and the constraints of physical labor at the vat. Before 1810 very few American mills had more than two vats, most of them had only one, and each vat had a maximum manufacturing capacity of around 2,000 reams a year. The size of the trade, therefore, can be calculated by the number of mills as long as one has the means to count them. Table 2 shows how many mills are known to have been operating in each state during the decades between 1690 and 1840.102 At a glance one can see that the papermaking business grew slowly during the early eighteenth century. Agriculture absorbed most of the capital and labor at that time, raw materials were scarce, and the market was circumscribed by low demand, poor transportation, and inadequate commercial facilities. Imported paper could be comparatively cheap when colonial merchants could choose between different suppliers and when they could save on shipping costs. Exports were the more important part of the economic equation. Instead of ballast, paper and other European manufactured goods could be a profitable backhaul cargo in vessels designed to convey bulk quantities of colonial produce to English ports.103 Printers and booksellers helped to introduce the trade in this country, but they continued to depend on imports until the later part of the eighteenth century. The Philadelphia printer William Bradford was one

of the founders of America’s first paper mill, built in 1690, although sometimes he had his doubts about this venture. He could not have been a steady customer at first because he did not secure the patronage he had hoped from the Quaker establishment in Philadelphia. After he moved to New York, business picked up to the point where he could contract with the managing partners of the mill, William and Claus Rittenhouse, to give him first refusal on any printings they produced as well as preferential terms for other products. Yet, when a flood demolished the mill a few years later, he proposed to call it quits rather than pay his share of the reconstruction costs. The Rittenhouses rebuilt the mill with borrowed money and were successful enough to stay in business, albeit not so much as to inspire any competition until about 1710, when one of their apprentices obtained the means to go out on his own.104 Almost all of the earliest mills were near Philadelphia, which would continue to be a center of the papermaking trade during the eighteenth century. Aspiring papermakers could count on finding good mill sites in the surrounding countryside and excellent commercial facilities in the city. They could sell their wares in town and also ship them to other colonies; at least one newspaper in Virginia was completely dependent on Philadelphia paper.105 The first attempts to make paper elsewhere did not meet with notable success. After moving to New York, Bradford built a mill in nearby Elizabeth, New Jersey, sometime before 1729, no doubt hoping to procure a regular supply of newsprint for his newly founded NewYork Gazette. There is no evidence that the mill lasted long enough to be a profitable investment. Founded in 1729, the first mill in Massachusetts also failed to turn a profit, not only discouraging the original investors but also the foreman who had bought them out. He finally quit the papermaking trade and applied for a license to run a tavern. The unhappy occupant of the first paper mill in Maine ended up in debtors’ prison, unable to repay the financiers who had persuaded him to ply his trade in this unlikely place. A two-time loser, he had already defaulted on his debts in England, where he had owned an interest in two mills and had been running

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  liv a paper warehouse in London before he emigrated to the colonies. Papermaking ventures were more successful in the 1740s. The number of paper mills in eastern Pennsylvania more than doubled in that decade. At least four of them were affiliated with the ever resourceful Benjamin Franklin, who built up a thriving business collecting rags and selling paper to other printers. Franklin’s friends could hope to buy paper at cost, but his competitors had to pay a premium. His printing and papermaking network extended as far south as Virginia, where he helped William Parks to start the first paper mill in that colony. That mill closed down after Parks died in 1750, but his watermarks lived on in Franklin imprints containing paper made on Parks’s moulds, which a thrifty employee had brought back to Pennsylvania for use in his own papermaking business. Franklin later claimed that he had been involved in the establishment of no fewer than eighteen paper manufactories.106 The Stamp Act crisis and the Townshend duties made papermaking a question of political debate during the 1760s. If the Stamp Act had been enforced, it would have driven most paper mills out of business and would have seriously compromised the supply of coarse printing grades in the colonies—one reason newspaper publishers attacked it so vehemently. They opposed this perfectly ordinary and routine form of taxation not just as a matter of political principle but also as a clear and present danger to their livelihood as printers who depended on local supplies of newsprint and almanac paper. Historians have overlooked these purely practical grounds of resentment, not realizing how the stamp commissioners intended to implement the provisions of this act. Not only legal documents but also newspapers, almanacs, and pamphlets would have had to bear stamps indicating that the duties had been paid. The commissioners did not allow the colonists to stamp their own paper, at least not at first, but insisted on shipping it in quantity in consignments as large as 1.5 tons. Benjamin Franklin heard that a ship bound from London to Philadelphia was carrying stamped paper worth £10,000 sterling. By law, Phila-

delphians would have been obliged to buy these highpriced imported goods instead of the domestic product, which had been a staple ingredient of almanacs and newspapers and the mainstay of the local trade. What would come of this bureaucratic intransigence was readily apparent to Franklin’s partner in Philadelphia, David Hall, who predicted that such a “horrid Law” would “interely ruin all our Paper-Makers.”107 Parliament repealed the Stamp Act before it did any economic damage but reasserted its taxing powers with the Townshend Acts, which did drive up the price of paper in the colonies. The Townshend Revenue Act of 1767 and subsequent legislation exacted duties on imported goods, including paper and especially foreign paper re-exported through Britain to America. Here too colonial printers had a reason to be aggrieved. European papermakers could often undersell their counterparts in Britain with lower quality goods suitable for the press, but the Townshend duties would eliminate this source of savings. On the other hand, colonial papermakers stood to gain from these measures, which would make their products more competitive in the local marketplace. Some twenty-six paper mills were in operation during the 1760s, several of them newly founded in different colonies, but they still could not supply the wants of the printing trade. John Dickinson described the situation accurately while arguing against the Townshend duties in his Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania (1768): “I am told there are . . . but very few paper-mills; and suppose more should be erected, a long course of years must elapse, before they can be brought to perfection. This continent is a country of planters, farmers, and fishermen; not of manufacturers.”108 Indeed, some years would pass before Americans could achieve economic independence, but they sought to attain this goal even at this early date by boycotting British manufactures and by encouraging domestic industry. In their non-importation agreements, they renounced the luxury of British paper even though they would have to make do with an inferior product and cope with painfully higher prices. Higher prices no doubt inspired some investment in the paper

1750– 1759

1760– 1770– 1780– 1790– 1800– 1810– 1769 1779 1789 1799 1809 1819

1820– 1830– 1829 1832

2

2

6

9

13

18

26

45

65

126

194

302

354

324

Note: The figures for 1840 are based on tables in the Census of 1840, which includes under the heading of “Paper” not just paper mills but also pasteboard and paper-hanging manufactories in metropolitan areas such as New York, Boston, and Philadelphia.

1

87 82 41 6 5 2 36 77 17 2 13 17 1 7 1 1 14 5 7

1840

426

1740– 1749

Total

1720– 1730– 1729 1739

3 1 1

1690– 1700– 1710– 1699 1709 1719

1 2 2 4 5 11 16 20 26 32 56 62 77 81 69 Pennsylvania Massachusetts 1 1 1 1 2 5 9 21 33 43 64 68 New Jersey 1 1 1 3 4 7 13 23 25 32 Maine 2 1 1 4 5 4 Virginia 1 1 2 4 5 1 1 Rhode Island 1 1 2 2 4 5 3 2 Connecticut 1 4 9 13 16 25 29 31 New York 1 3 2 8 24 39 50 28 Maryland 1 3 5 9 14 21 17 North Carolina 1 1 3 3 3 2 New Hampshire 1 1 3 4 13 17 16 Vermont 1 2 7 16 18 16 Delaware 2 4 4 5 3 4 Kentucky 1 5 13 12 6 District of Columbia 1 1 1 1 South Carolina 1 1 1 1 Ohio 1 10 12 17 Tennessee 1 3 6 4 West Virginia 1 1 1 3 Georgia 1 Indiana 1 2 Illinois Michigan



Table 2. American Paper Mills, 1690–1840

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lvi trade, but the colonial leaders thought that additional encouragements would be necessary and devised various ways of lending government support to the establishment of paper mills. Government patronage of papermaking in America dates back to 1728, when the founders of the first paper mill in Massachusetts obtained a charter granting them a ten-year monopoly in that province. During the runup to the Revolution, however, papermakers were more likely to receive government subsidies or interest-free loans. Christopher Leffingwell, proprietor of the first paper mill in Connecticut, collected a bounty of two pence per quire on writings and a penny per quire on printings and coarse papers, which he produced in such quantities that the General Assembly decided that he no longer needed any assistance and rescinded the bounty in 1770. In 1775 the Provincial Congress of South Carolina agreed to give an interest-free loan of £3,000 in colonial currency to William Bellamy, who proposed to build a mill for the manufacture of paper and metal files, but there is no evidence that he carried out his plans. John Hulgan succeeded in building a mill in North Carolina but failed to produce on time a stipulated quantity of paper, which would have gained him a premium of £250. He petitioned the General Assembly for an extension of the deadline, which was granted, but he appears to have abandoned his attempt despite his best efforts at collecting rags. An advertisement in the local newspaper conceded that the “saving of Rags may perhaps be thought too trifling, and below the Notice of the good Matrons of the State,” but appealed to their public spirit and assured young ladies “that by sending to the Paper Mill an old Handkerchief, no longer fit to cover their snowy Breasts, there is a possibility of its returning to them again in the more pleasing form of a Billet Doux.” Provincial government authorities did their part for this worthy cause by appointing official rag collectors who were to promote and coordinate local efforts on behalf of the paper trade.109 These officials had to compensate for the dwindling supply of rags imported from Germany and Italy, sources no longer easily accessible after the outbreak of hostilities.

The self-sufficiency of the paper trade became a matter of national importance during the Revolutionary War. British blockades and the depredations of privateers disrupted trans-Atlantic commerce and impeded the delivery of foreign goods, including paper of all types, from low-quality newsprint to top-of-the-line banknote grades. Shortages of newsprint caused publication delays and aggravating changes in quality and format when printers ran out of their regular supplies and resorted to unsatisfactory substitutes. Colonial soldiers were hard pressed to obtain the cartridge paper they needed to package powder and shot for use in muzzle-loading firearms. The first mill in Maryland started out by making weaponsgrade paper, which it was selling to the local Council of Safety in 1776. In the same year the Pennsylvania Council of Safety asked patriotic printers to allow a munitions commissary to buy products of local mills ordinarily intended for the press. Sheets of a German Bible printed by the pacifist Christopher Sower II are said to have been used for these warlike purposes. The American forces supposedly obtained some of the cartridge paper they needed for the Battle of Brandywine by hijacking a wagonload of martyrologies printed for the German Baptist religious community at Ephrata. Similar ironies occur in a story about soldiers who found in a printing house garret the sheets of a sermon Defensive War, which they used to load their muskets with a righteous message duly delivered at the Battle of Monmouth.110 The Continental Congress tried to pay for the war by printing vast amounts of paper money. First issued in 1775, Continental currency grew in quantity and declined in value until it had to be withdrawn from circulation, a traumatic episode starting in 1780. By that time a total of $241,552,780 had been printed in denominations from a sixth of a dollar to $80. Anyone so unfortunate as to be holding those notes during the 1790s could redeem them for U.S. bonds at the rate of one cent to a dollar. The states also tried to cover the costs of the war with paper money, which also declined in value.111 Not just any mill could make this type of paper, which had to be strong, durable, and distinctive,

The Growth of the P a p e r m a k i n g B u s i n e s s  ::  lvii attributes of a premium product manufactured with greater care and better rags. Security grades contained colored threads, mica flakes, and watermarks to prevent forgeries, a serious problem at a time when British counterfeiters were trying to undermine the American economy by flooding it with deceptive bills. Congress recalled Nathan Sellers from military service to make moulds “for carrying on the paper manufactory.” The first of his civilian duties was to prepare specially watermarked currency moulds for use at the Ivy Mill, the government’s most important supplier of this precious commodity.112 Likewise, papermakers applied for draft exemptions on the grounds that they could do more for the war effort by plying their trade at home. Experienced journeymen could plead for special treatment because they were few in number and greatly in ­demand.113 Government incentives encouraged papermakers to construct manufacturing facilities during the Revolutionary War despite the scarcity of skilled personnel and shortages of raw materials. They built at least twentysix mills between 1775 and 1783, an impressive surge in the size of the trade, which had consisted of only thirty-four mills during the early 1770s. Furthermore, continuing government support made it possible for these new manufactories to stay in business. Repre­ sentatives of Worcester County, Massachusetts, promised to provide “generous contributions and subscriptions” to a papermaking venture in that district, far enough away from Boston that the local printer Isaiah Thomas was having trouble finding newsprint for his weekly Massachusetts Spy.114 The publisher of the Connecticut Courant owned an interest in a mill that burned down in 1778 at a loss of around £5,000, representing the value of the physical plant, the raw materials in stock, and an inventory of 250 reams ready for sale. This catastrophe might have driven the proprietors out of business, but they successfully petitioned the state assembly for the right to hold a lottery, the proceeds of which they could use to rebuild the mill.115 Papermakers ran lotteries in other states with the permission of government officials who were more than glad to support these worthy ventures without having

to spend public funds.116 With these financial assurances covering the start-up costs and emergency expenditures, risk-averse entrepreneurs might hope to embark on a secure and stable manufacturing career. Twenty-four of the twenty-six paper mills founded in this period were still in operation at the end of the war, a larger number than previously supposed. Drawing on the work of Dard Hunter and others, the compilers of the Atlas of Early American History estimated that sixty-two mills were in operation between 1776 and 1790, whereas this directory includes entries for seventy-seven mills active between those dates.117 The papermaking business does not seem to have suffered from the postwar economic depression as much as other parts of the manufacturing sector. Tight credit, high taxes, trade restrictions, and inflation impeded economic activity in many ways but did not discourage investment in paper mills, fourteen of which were founded between 1784 and 1789. For papermakers, the most obvious problem was an onslaught of imports after Americans were able to resume overseas trade and obtain foreign merchandise priced well below the domestic product. British watermarks are readily apparent in American correspondence of the 1780s and 1790s, especially after 1794, when Parliament passed an act (34 George III, c.20) allowing papermakers a drawback of the duties they paid on exported papers (which had to be identified with a dated watermark). French and Italian watermarks can also be seen in writing papers of this period. Massachusetts mill owners submitted a petition claiming that their products were “Nearly as Good” as the imported article, which was arriving in such great quantities and at such low prices that it was driving them out of business.118 Partly in response to these complaints, but mostly to raise revenue, Congress enacted protective tariffs in 1789, including an ad valorem duty of 7.5 percent on blank books, writings, printings, wrappings, paper hangings, and pasteboard. Later legislation raised the rate on writings and wrappings to 10 percent ad valorem.119 Alexander Hamilton’s Report on Manufactures (1791) predicted that these measures would adequately provide for the welfare of the papermaking

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lviii trade, which had been showing encouraging signs of progress: Manufactories of paper are among those which are arrived at the greatest maturity in the United States, and are most adequate to national supply. That of paper hangings is a branch in which respectable progress has been made. Nothing material seems wanting to the further success of this valuable branch, which is already protected by a competent duty on similar imported articles.120 The Napoleonic wars also helped to curtail imports of European paper. British papermakers lost some of their competitive edge while trying to cope with higher taxes, inflation, and the soaring cost of rags, which they had formerly obtained from continental sources. French papermakers had to contend with similar economic problems as well as technological stagnation and the British blockade. Congress retaliated against British trade restrictions and violations of America’s neutral rights by passing the Non-­ Importation Acts of 1806, the Embargo of 1807, and the Non-Intercourse Act of 1809. Increasing hostilities between England and America culminated in the War of 1812, which continued to obstruct overseas commerce. Merchants like Joshua and Thomas Gilpin began to wind down their operations in foreign trade and to reinvest their capital in domestic manufactures. More than a hundred paper mills were established between 1807 and 1815, a boom period typical of business cycles in America. With easy credit commonly available, prospective papermakers could raise the money to build simple one-vat mills or to launch more ambitious ventures with greater capacity and more machinery, perhaps even powered by a steam engine.121 Investors in the paper trade borrowed heavily to finance the construction of new manufacturing facilities. If they could not produce the ready cash to redeem a note, they could extend or renew it with the cheerful consent of bankers who foresaw a brilliant future for papermaking projects and other manufacturing endeavors. This surge of growth ended with a financial catas-

trophe, the Panic of 1819, followed by a depression in 1820. The liberal lending policies of banks is partly to blame for the crisis, which began in the summer of 1818 when the Second Bank of the United States was compelled to curb the circulation of devalued currency. Banks in some parts of the country had been financing their operations by issuing large amounts of paper money supposedly payable on demand but actually negotiable only at a discount. Subjected to sudden disciplinary measures and short on capital, they frantically called in their loans, but they could not redeem their notes in specie and had to close down or forfeit their charters. The bank failures triggered other problems in the economy, already vulnerable because of real estate speculation in the western territories and difficulties in repaying the debt incurred by the Louisiana Purchase.122 Speculative ventures in the paper trade were the first to fail as the economy teetered toward disaster. During the boom period, a family of Baltimore merchants invested somewhere between $70,000 and $100,000 in an industrial complex containing a woolen factory and a three-story, four-vat paper mill, which went down in June 1817.123 A manufacturing scheme in Lexington, Kentucky, collapsed in early 1818 after the managing directors skipped town to escape the wrath of investors who had helped to build a five-story, steampowered paper mill and textile factory. Too late, they discovered that the firm’s assets had been mortgaged for the purpose of financing fraudulent banking operations, which were so complex that one of the creditors took his claims all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. Scandalous repercussions helped to bring down a legitimate, but over-leveraged, steam-powered paper mill situated in the same city.124 The Gilpins stopped payment in November 1818, caught short by banking failures and the strain of borrowing money to build manufacturing facilities for the cylinder papermaking machine, an expense estimated at $60,000. Their tribulations were not easy to excuse because they had been raising fictitious capital by exchanging accommodation notes with a family friend in the book trade, who had loaned them more than $52,000. When they

The Growth of the P a p e r m a k i n g B u s i n e s s  ::  lix failed, he too defaulted on his debts and was left holding a $40,000 mortgage on the paper mill and an unsecured iou for $12,000. The family closed ranks and found a way to keep the scapegrace industrialists in business, although their creditors would remember their shameful conduct and would be less indulgent the next time they were caught short of cash.125 Altogether, twenty mills went out of business between 1817 and 1819. Other mills changed hands un­ der duress, at least once by way of a sheriff ’s sale.126 Some of the larger establishments stayed in business by laying off workers and closing down vats. By one account, 775 papermakers lost their jobs in the Philadelphia area, where the mills had been producing goods worth as much as $760,000 a year in 1816 but only $136,000 a year in 1819.127 A mill owner in Vermont managed to weather the storm by taking out a mortgage and petitioning the legislature for ­protection against creditors.128 Respondents to the Census of 1820 noted that they had to slash their prices by as much as 25–30 percent and that they could no longer sell for cash. A couple of papermakers reported that they had been stockpiling their products in hopes that prices would improve, but one of them confessed that he had been waiting in vain for more than a year.129 Of 122 respondents who remarked on the state of the trade, 95 believed that it was in a bad way, suffering not just from the “general stagnation of business” but also from a blight of foreign papers, which had flooded the American market once again after the War of 1812. They complained in particular about imports from France, Spain, and Italy priced well below the domestic product and even lower when these discount goods were sold by auction at the port of entry instead of being distributed through the usual channels. In addition, they noted that the existing ad valorem duty had failed to stop the glut of foreign paper (even though the rate had been increased to 30 percent by the protectionist Act of 1816). They claimed that it was easy to evade and that merchants were regularly invoicing their consignments at or below the manufacturing cost in America. Instead, they proposed a specific duty based on weight and quality similar to regulations that

had successfully sheltered English manufactories from a rising tide of Mediterranean paper. In Massachusetts, Baltimore, and Philadelphia, papermakers organized meetings to discuss questions of tariff reform and submitted memorials to Congress, one requesting a duty of $2.00 a ream, another suggesting a duty of 25 cents per pound on writings, printings, and plate papers, with a duty of 15 cents a pound on other grades. Their petitions died in committee, but in 1824 Congress finally came around to the idea of a specific duty, if not quite as high as the papermakers wanted: 20 cents per pound on folio and quarto post papers; 17 cents per pound on foolscap, drawings, and writings; 10 cents per pound on printings and plate papers; 3 cents per pound on boards and wrappings; and 15 cents per pound on all other papers not enumerated. Opponents of the tariff contended that these rates were so high as to prohibit the sale of French and Italian products in America and that they unfairly penalized the printing business. Nevertheless, these duties remained in force until 1842, when Congress elaborated its listings to include the fancy papers of the period but retained some of the same rates on printings and boards.130 During the 1820s new centers of the paper trade appeared in New England and New Jersey; at the same time, growth in the Philadelphia area began to taper off. Many of the new mills catered to the rapidly growing publishing industry of New York City, the focal point of an improved transportation network that made it possible to ship large consignments over long distances swiftly and cheaply. By 1832 Berkshire papermakers were operating ten mills in the area around Lee, Massachusetts, where they employed 100 men and 150 women. They sold 60 percent of their output in New York, only 10 percent in Massachusetts.131 In 1826 and 1827 the Laflin brothers built two extralarge mills on the Housatonic River to make newsprint and printings for sale in New York, where they established their own wholesale facilities. Nineteen mills clustered in Essex County, New Jersey, ca. 1832—so many that I have not been able to identify them all. They too served the New York market, several making binders’ board.132

In t ro d u c t i o n  ::  lx Some papermaking communities became major centers of the trade after 1830. At the beginning of the decade, seven paper mills were operating in Manchester, Connecticut, one shipping products both to Boston and to New York, another obtaining lucrative contracts in Washington, D.C.133 Proprietors of mills in the Boston vicinity were among the first to install Fourdrinier machines, a substantial investment in new technology warranted by the growth of the local trade, which supported at least twenty-five mills in 1832, at least four with Fourdriniers. Even though Bostonians may have taken the lead in technological innovation, papermakers in the Philadelphia area still maintained the ­largest concentration of mills, at least thirty-six altogether. Most of their mills, however, were smaller establishments containing one or two vats in antiquated structures or a cylinder machine, which was cheaper and less productive than a Fourdrinier. Table 2 indicates that papermaking in Pennsylvania was declining in the years before 1832, but, as mentioned above, inconsistent geographical coverage in the McLane Report may have skewed these figures. Likewise, paper mills in New York, Maryland, the southern states, and the western states may be undercounted in the 1830–1832 column because these parts of the country were overlooked in the McLane Report. Compilers of the McLane Report might have decided that the mills of the agrarian South were statistically insignificant. None of the mills in that region was very large, and only a few had cylinders. I have been able to identify only a single mill in Virginia and a single mill in South Carolina in operation during this period. Far more serious was the omission of the mills in Maryland and New York. To compensate, I have included statistics about the paper trade from the Census of 1840, but these figures should also be used with caution. Under the rubric of “Paper,” this census includes manufactories of pasteboard, playing cards, and paper hangings, that is, firms converting paper rather than producing it, mostly clustered in urban areas. In New York City, fifty-one people are said to be engaged in the paper trade, almost certainly making these specialty products rather than the usual staple grades of paper.

The statistics for rural areas are probably a more reliable indication of paper mills actually in operation.134 With these caveats in mind, one should not conclude from table 2 that the number of mills in America fell in the early 1830s, only to recover by 1840. The column for 1830–1832 accounts for only part of a decade, and the total should be revised upward to include maybe ten to twenty mills omitted in the McLane Report, not recorded elsewhere, and therefore not noticed in this directory. The total active in 1840 might be revised downward by as many as twenty or thirty establishments, a very approximate estimate because that census falls outside the time period of the directory. I can only conjecture that some mills were constructed during the economic boom of the 1830s and that some foundered at the end of that business cycle, the Panic of 1837. I know of several prominent mills that closed down or changed hands under duress at that time. Many more may have failed if the Panic of 1837 was as debilitating as the Panic of 1819.135 Just as mechanization spurred the growth of the paper trade during the 1820s, innovations in paper chemistry contributed to the continuing expansion of the trade during the 1830s, especially in the middle and western states. Advances in chlorine bleaching made it possible to draw on new fiber sources, such as rope and bagging. Previously these materials were used only for coarse wrapping grades, but they could now be used for newsprint, coarse printings, and even letter paper. The demand for these refuse products drove up their prices by as much as 300 percent. Another increasingly important ingredient was cotton waste, or linters, a by-product of the greatly enlarged, steam-­powered textile mills of this period. These ­developments set the stage for the introduction of wood fiber in the 1860s, which would complete the industrialization of the paper trade.136

Career Opportunities Even in the pre-industrial era, the cost of machinery, water rights, and manufacturing facilities surpassed the means of papermakers who wished to go into busi-

Career Op p o rt u n i t i e s  ::  lxi ness on their own. The proprietors of the first paper mill in Ohio estimated that their start-up costs would be $6,000. The real estate and “fixtures” of a onevat mill in New Hampshire required an expenditure of $6,500. The partners in a Vermont mill calculated that they had paid out $6,442.60 to build their onevat establishment and that they had invested $8,000 altogether to get it up and running. By forming a partnership, they shared the risk and expense of their papermaking venture, and they probably divided up the task of managing it as well. Often one partner would supervise production on site while another looked after distribution and sales.137 Journeymen could not possibly raise that kind of money on their own, and even a foreman would be hard pressed to save up enough to become the sole proprietor of a papermaking business. The foreman of a Pennsylvania mill earned $8 a week, not that much more than the journeymen’s wages of $5 a week. The foreman of a New Hampshire mill had to make do on an even smaller salary, $365 a year, but he owned an interest in the firm and eventually bought out one of his employers. Not many foremen enjoyed that kind of incentive. Lawrence Greatrake never became a managing partner of the Brandywine Paper Mill, a source of frustrations “almost insurmountable to a laudable, & persevering exertion.” After he died suddenly of a “Gout in the Stomach,” his son George Greatrake succeeded to the foreman’s position without any expectations of joining the firm but with an ample salary, which allowed him to save up more than $4,000. Christian Devries served as foreman in a Maryland mill for some years before going elsewhere in that state to buy a flour mill and build on the same land a paper mill, a thriving concern, which lasted until the outbreak of the Civil War. He paid $6,000 for this property, no doubt drawing on his savings but mostly depending on the credit he established while employed by others.138 For a foreman, the usual route of career advancement was to rent, build, or buy a paper mill with borrowed money or in partnership with investors. Richard Clarke managed the first mill in Massachusetts and then established the second mill of that state in part-

nership with his employer. Samuel Delucenna Ingham served his apprenticeship outside of Philadelphia, assumed the job of foreman in New Jersey, and returned home to Bucks County, where he built his own establishment on family property. He then hired his own foremen after going into politics as a congressman and Secretary of the Treasury under Andrew Jackson. In 1828 John Gilmore quit his job as foreman of the Ivy Mill and went off to Delaware, where he rented a paper mill in partnership with a member of his family. Conversely, some papermakers became foremen after failing to set themselves up in business on their own. John Bowers made a brief attempt to rent a mill in New Jersey but soon relinquished his ambitions and signed up as a journeyman at the Ivy Mill. He worked there off and on from 1788 until 1810, when he was promoted to foreman, a position he held for a dozen years.139 Daniel Sawn rented a mill in Philadelphia, tried his hand at making paper moulds, and then went to New Jersey, where he participated in experiments with a papermaking machine and managed one of the most prominent mills of that state. Rumor had it that John Ames hired him to work on the cylinder machine in Massachusetts. He is one of the most tantalizing and elusive of the papermakers whose careers I have tried to trace in this directory. He may have also made his living as a paper hanger and a tavern keeper in Philadelphia. Journeymen with modest resources could rent a mill in a remote part of New England for as little as $400 a year. A Pennsylvania journeyman paid only $300 a year to operate a one-vat mill in a partial partnership with the landlords, who agreed to cover half of the expenses in return for half of the profits. They shared the risk as well and were liable for half of any losses he might incur. The rent of a Connecticut mill amounted to $600 a year, but the tenants were allowed to pay in kind on a monthly basis. The proprietors might ask only a nominal sum for a mill in disrepair or demand a larger amount after installing new machinery, enlarging the physical plant, or making other kinds of improvements. After trying repeatedly to rent out a dilapidated mill in Georgetown, Kentucky, the exasperated owner finally allowed the penniless journey-

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxii man Ebenezer Hiram Stedman to try his luck free of charge until someone could be found to buy the mill or rent it for cash or until Stedman should succeed in rehabilitating the derelict establishment. Its prospects were not good. The moulds were broken, the engines were leaking, the gears were worn, and Stedman was reduced to gathering rags out of rats’ nests to make his first load of wrapping paper. He did manage to turn a profit and obtained the means to go into business elsewhere, but it is doubtful that his benefactor received any income from this precarious papermaking venture. Stedman began with start-up capital of $1.50, just enough to buy the wire facing he needed to repair the moulds.140 Journeymen often obtained start-up capital by form­ing partnerships, either pooling their savings with other members of the trade or securing outside financing from merchants, landowners, and their associates in allied trades, not just stationers and booksellers but also printers and newspaper publishers. Printers frequently invested in the papermaking business as a kind of backward vertical integration, setting up satellite firms to provide inputs for the major manufacturing endeavor. The best example of this approach is the self-reliant printer Christopher Sower I, who bound his own books, made his own ink, cast his own type when he ran short of sorts, and erected his own paper mill, which he bequeathed to his son Christopher Sower II. Equally versatile, the younger Sower bound books, made ink, cast type, built presses, and invested in another paper mill. It is possible that the papermaking career of Morris Truman began by renting that mill in partnership with the Philadelphia printer Joseph Crukshank. Truman was the managing partner on site, while Crukshank tended sales in town and no doubt requisitioned paper for his own purposes. Eventually Truman was able to buy out his partner and to set up other members of his family in the trade. Other partnerships between printers and papermakers were equally beneficial to both parties concerned. The four partners in the first paper mill in Rhode Island included William Goddard, printer of the Providence Gazette, and John Waterman, who ran a printing of-

fice on the mill premises, a perfect example of vertical integration. Likewise, Matthias Bartgis had a printing press in his paper mill, and the firm Holbrook & Fessenden advertised its printing, binding, and paper­ making business on ream wrappers that depicted a printing press on one side of the shop and a papermaker’s wet press on the other. Many more examples of partnerships between printers and papermakers could be mentioned.141 Landowners sometimes went into the papermaking business to develop water privileges on agricultural properties where they might also be running grist mills, saw mills, and other fledgling manufacturing ventures. They could raise money to cover the construction costs and other start-up expenses by taking out a mortgage on their land. Mortgages appear in the historical record mostly as a result of foreclosure proceedings, but probably many more were retired and forgotten without comment.142 Landowners often invited trained professionals to be the managing partners in these concerns and then sold their shares after they had succeeded in recouping their investment. Some, however, discovered that their factory villages were more profitable than their farms and proceeded to manage their papermaking affairs on their own. Proprietors of paper mills gave their names to factory ­villages such as Beckleysville, Craigsville, Hinsdillville, Hoffmanville, Humphreysville, Lyonville, Toddsville, and Walesville. Humphreysville was a model rural industrial community founded by David Humphreys, soldier, poet, politician, and diplomat. While serving as minister plenipotentiary to Spain between 1796 and 1801, he learned about the economic potential of merino sheep, a breed famous for its fine and luxuriant fleece. He imported a flock of merinos, sold some of them, and kept others on his Connecticut estate, where he built a woolen factory to show the quality of fabric they could produce. His exotic sheep inspired a speculative frenzy, the “merino craze,” and established his reputation as a friend of domestic industry. Visitors came to Humphreysville to admire the merinos as well as the improvements he had made in his industrial ventures:

Career Op p o rt u n i t i e s  ::  lxiii a woolen mill, a cotton mill, a grist mill, a saw mill, fulling mills, and a papermaking establishment. An exponent of factory discipline, he recruited a workforce of orphans, put them into uniform, and taught them to march in formation behind a banner embroidered by his wife. “Teach little hands to ply mechanic toil,” he advised in his Poem on Industry (1794), “So shall the young, the feeble find employ, And hearts, late nigh to perish, leap for joy!” He tried to incorporate the firm as the Humphreysville Manufacturing Company, capitalized at $500,000, but it was still in family hands after he died, and its later history is obscure. Attempts at forming joint-stock companies rarely succeeded in this boom-and-bust period of the American economy. The Lexington Manufacturing Company of Lexington, Kentucky, collapsed in 1818 after its founders were implicated in fraudulent banking schemes. When it failed, it brought down a legitimate but equally speculative concern in the same city, the Fayette Paper Manufacturing Company. Both firms had newly improved steam engines, which were impressive and enticing to investors, who recklessly bid up the stock in these companies until the bubble burst in the economic turmoil preceding the Panic of 1819. Shareholders in the Franklin Manufacturing Company of Baltimore, Maryland, had high hopes for this extra-large establishment, which contained four vats and a woolen factory, but it succumbed to similar economic pressures shortly after it was incorporated in 1815. Partners in the Brandywine Manufacturing Company of Wilmington, Delaware, obtained a state charter authorizing them to sell stock in the concern, provided that they could raise at least $160,000. In addition to making paper, they proposed to develop the industrial potential of their property by building a railroad, selling insurance, and founding a bank. They fell short of their goal and had to close down the firm during the financial crisis of 1837, when money became so tight that few people dared to risk their savings on such ambitious schemes. Joseph Trevor succeeded in raising $10,000 to capitalize a modest two-vat mill in Fayette County, Pennsylvania, although two years later he had not yet paid a dividend and did not expect the

situation to improve. To my knowledge, the most successful of these ventures was the Claremont Manufacturing Company of Claremont, New Hampshire, another vertically integrated establishment comprising a paper mill, type foundry, stereotype foundry, printing office, and bindery “all under one roof.” Established in 1832, the firm weathered the Panic of 1837 and was still in business up to around 1879. Family networks and religious communities gave some papermakers the means to get started without having to seek outside capital. Many of the papermakers in this directory joined the trade by inheriting a longstanding family business founded by distant ancestors. A descendant of William Rittenhouse, America’s first papermaker, was still making paper in the 1820s. Four generations of the Willcox family resided at the Ivy Mill, one of the earliest papermaking establishments in America. Samuel Levis III founded a paper­making dynasty, with sons and grandsons buying, selling, exchanging, and bequeathing mills in such a bewildering profusion of poorly documented transactions that it is difficult to explain how their holdings passed from hand to hand. My attempts to untangle their business relationships have been complicated by a long tradition of filial piety in this closely knit clan, which numbered five Samuels, three Williamses, three Oborns, two Isaacs, and two Thomases. I have not succeeded in drawing up a satisfactory family tree, but it is clear that a successful patriarch might control several mills and devise each of them to sons whom he had brought up in the trade. Jacob Hagey divided up his estate in the same fashion. He owned three mills at one point and still had two of them when he died, both destined for sons who had been managing them for their father. In this way he could ensure that they already had some business experience before they came into their inheritance and had to fend for themselves. They did their part to pursue parallel careers, each of them marrying a daughter of the papermaker Henry Katz. Likewise, William Hoffman set up two of his five sons in the papermaking business, each with his own mill, which they in turn left to a third generation of Hoffmans who bought and sold other mills in the area.

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxiv Sons-in-law and brothers-in-law also entered the trade through family connections, although they generally took a less active role in managing the business. A signal exception, Matthias Kugler was an “Ignorant green Jerman” farmhand working for Christian Waldschmidt, proprietor of a paper mill and leader of a Pietist sect that had acquired a tract of farmland in western Ohio. Kugler and the boss’s daughter were threshing grain in the barn, one thing led to another, “they got mixt up amonght the Grain,” and Kugler had to marry her. Although he had no education and no business experience, he took over the mill and other properties after his father-in-law died intestate, suddenly carried off in an influenza epidemic. Seven years later Kugler was managing a prosperous, fully diversified, self-sufficient rural conglomerate comprising five farms, the paper mill, a woolen factory, a fulling mill, a saw mill, a grist mill, and a distillery.143 Kugler inherited a business based on shared religious convictions. His father-in-law had organized an emigrant party of Pietists who first settled in the Pennsylvania Dutch country and then bought land in Ohio, where they hoped to explore new economic opportunities while also preserving the communal spirit that had prompted their progress westward. Waldschmidt preached in their church, taught in their school, provided banking services, and ran the general store. They looked to him for religious guidance as well as employment opportunities in the various ventures he established in their new homeland, called “Germany” to remind them of their common origins and parentage. William Rittenhouse wielded similar authority in the Germantown district as an elder and minister of the Mennonite Church, a prominent position inherited by his son Claus Rittenhouse. German Anabaptists operated a paper mill on sacred ground, in the Ephrata Cloister, where they also had a printing press that issued devotional books with watermarks displaying the mystical symbols of their faith. The Moravian Brethren of Salem, North Carolina, supported a paper­ making venture on land leased from the overseers of the church, who were sometimes obliged to curb the

entrepreneurial instincts of the mill’s independently minded manager.144 Papermakers could begin as apprentices and work their way up to a management position, they could marry into the trade, or they could inherit an already prosperous concern. They could own a mill outright, a fractional share in a partnership, or an interest in a joint-stock company. Nobody made a fortune in this business, although some were able to retire rich enough and high enough on the social scale to command the respect of the villagers in their vicinity. Many could just barely make ends meet during a lifetime of toil, despite the optimistic sentiments of watermarks such as WORK & BE RICH. More than a few failed in their attempts to achieve financial independence and reverted to a journeyman’s position after defaulting on their debts.145 Others started out with substantial means and ended up with next to nothing. Speculators were ruined in the financial downturns that decimated the trade in 1819 and 1837. Merchants like Aaron Righter Levering and Joshua Gilpin placed too much confidence in the industrial sector of the economy. More cosmopolitan than most, Gilpin aspired to live like a country gentleman on the model of the internationally famous English papermaker James Whatman Jr. He had visited Whatman and had seen how opulently this English grandee could live on the proceeds of his business, which had given him the means to collect art, build a library, provide dowries for his daughters, and hire a landscape designer to renovate his manorial estate. Gilpin built his own country residence in the English style, but he squandered the family fortune on schemes for industrial development and had to endure a humiliating bankruptcy culminating in the public sale of his personal effects. State insolvency laws protected him from imprisonment for debt but not from legal action by his creditors, who could attach any discernible assets he might have at home or in the trade. The sole source of income he could acknowledge safely in his last years was a consultant’s salary of $1,000 a year paid by the new proprietors of the Brandywine Paper Mill.

Career Op p o rt u n i t i e s  ::  lxv In the early industrial period, the paper trade sometimes promised great wealth, but it was still too small, and the economy too precarious, to make anyone as rich as the prominent merchants, landowners, and bankers of the day.146 Not many papermakers were able or willing to divulge how much profit they were making in this unpredictable profession. Respondents to the Census of 1820 claimed to clear $1,200 to $2,000 a year during the boom period before the Panic of 1819. A census marshal thought that $3,000 might have been the net amount earned by papermakers who had just won government contracts, but they refused to answer his questions, and his guesswork appears to be naïvely optimistic. The McLane Report of 1832 contains nineteen attempts to estimate the return on capital invested. Most of the figures cited were around 10 percent, although some calculated the rate as low as 1 percent or as high as 30 percent. The highest rate of return was reported by William Magaw, inventor of a process for making paper from straw. But he was running a comparatively modest establishment with a workforce of only eleven people and was probably making more money by licensing his invention than by exploiting it. Another establishment employing the same number of people produced profits of $1,000 a year. Henry Hudson, proprietor of a much larger firm capitalized at $28,000 and with seventy-three hands in all, estimated that his “Rate of profit” was 8 percent, producing perhaps $2,240 a year. Joshua Gilpin calculated the rate of return in the Delaware paper trade at 6 percent, not a very attractive proposition in comparison to the 10–12 percent yield he discerned in the local cotton mills.147 Gilpin’s report on Delaware manufactures was exceptionally detailed and insightful, easily superior to the cursory and confused remarks submitted by most of McLane’s respondents. In their defense, one should note that some manufacturers refused to reveal their profits, others evaded the question by making general observations about the state of the trade, and a few confessed that they lacked the accounting skills and financial records they would want for an accurate an-

swer. Many feared that the statistics in the McLane Report might be used to justify a decrease in the import duties. They would have been acting against their own best interests to suggest that their industrial ventures were so successful that they were no longer in need of tariff protection. In the absence of adequate financial data, the best way to assess the profitability of the papermaking business is to ascertain how many were willing to invest in it at any given time. Anxious about higher taxes and lower tariffs, papermakers may not have been eager to talk about the prosperity they enjoyed, but it must have been evident to those who joined the trade at an impressive rate throughout the period covered by this directory. Readers of the McLane Report may not have been impressed by the prospects of the papermaking business, yet more than eighty paper mills were established between 1828 and 1832. Cylinder machines were commonly available at that time. Hand papermaking was doomed, it would seem, yet at least ten of those eighty-plus mills were founded on the premise that one could still make a living at the vat. Six contained only a single vat, not a very efficient means of competing against the machine. It is harder to estimate how many vat mills closed down during this period because the surviving documents are more likely to mention starting dates than ending dates. As tentative as they are, these figures are more reliable than the statistics in the census compilations. These figures are the raison d’être of this directory. I have compiled it in hopes that it will be not just a repository of names and dates but also a statistical sample large enough to show paths of change and strands of continuity in the paper trade. On this basis, one could summarize the main features of the trade as follows. It started modestly in the colonial period with only a few mills making mostly printings and wrappings for local consumption. It grew slowly while imported goods were readily available and then more swiftly when government agencies began to protect and promote domestic manufactures. Printers and publishers took a proprietary interest in the trade both as customers

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxvi and as partners. At first, paper mills clustered around Philadelphia, but in the industrial era some of the more ambitious concerns were oriented toward New York. These two cities were centers of the book trade, although they had significant competition in Boston, Baltimore, Hartford, and Cincinnati, places where papermakers could count on a steady demand and a stable group of customers. Cities provided commercial facilities for paper merchants, who helped to distribute the products of outlying manufactories, some of them surprisingly distant from the point of sale. Papermakers made several forays into the southern states without any great success because they could not compete against northern imports, which easily satisfied the modest needs of a mainly agrarian economy. Americans were quick to adopt European technological innovations, such as steam engines, chlorine bleaching, and papermaking machines. These inventions came at a high price—too high for many Americans, who preferred cylinder machines to the Fourdrinier, which was dauntingly expensive to build and maintain. Of the 279 mills active in 1832, I have identified almost 60 equipped with machines of one type or the other, and not all of them were fully mechanized since the drying loft was still in general use at this time. A cylinder machine does not imply mass production, especially if it was one of the smaller models and if it had been installed in a vat mill without upgrading the contingent stages of manufacture: pulp preparation, finishing, and drying. Cylinder mills could be just as small as vat mills, which were still thriving in 1832, when there were at least 40 mills with a workforce no larger than a dozen people. Diehard members of the craft continued to make paper by hand. Daring entrepreneurs raised large amounts of capital to build genuine papermaking factories designed to exploit the economic potential of the steam engine, the Fourdrinier, and the straw papermaking process. Some overly ambitious ventures failed during the Panic of 1819, a serious setback for the paper trade, although other firms founded in the 1820s were large and prosperous enough for each to keep a hundred people gainfully employed throughout the antebellum era. At the con-

cluding date of this directory, the papermaking trade was still in a period of transition, but it was firmly established and fully capable of competing against imported goods in nearly every sector of the market.

Watermarks The watermark design is created by a wire profile sewed onto the surface of a mould. The mouldmaker could form the profile freehand with pliers or on a template composed of a wooden block with hammered-in needle points around which the wire could be twisted in the desired shape. The profile could then be lifted off the wooden block and sewed onto the mould. A grandson of Nathan Sellers improved on this method by using metal plates instead of wooden blocks and by twisting the wire beneath a notched screwdriver, which produced perfectly regular right angles.148 The wire profile was composed of fine silver-plated copper wire, just large enough to make a slight indentation in the pulp when the sheet was formed on the mould. Paper is more translucent in those thinner areas of the sheet. Sometimes one can see the indentations in raking light, but the easiest way to view a watermark is to look through the sheet toward a light source, which will illuminate the pattern of translucent lines. Some watermarks are easier to read than others, their clarity and definition depending on how the pulp was prepared and how well the sheet was formed. Some are more prominent than others, their size and scale depending on the ambitions of the papermaker and the function of the design. A watermark of this period could be an elaborate custom-made allegorical composition, a simple standardized device, the unadorned text of a name, or just a few initials. American paper often displays a figurative design in the center of one half of the sheet and the name or initials of the papermaker in the center of the other half; in that configuration the text portion is called a countermark to distinguish it from the pictorial component. Occasionally some text may run along the edge of the sheet. Watermarks have been an essential tool for compiling this directory. They indicate the type, quality, size,

Wate r m a r k s  ::  lxvii and origin of paper—who made it, where, and for what purpose. Sometimes they reveal the proper spelling of a name, the location of a mill, or a change of ownership in a firm. They have allowed me to propose starting dates for the papermaking ventures of Potts & Reynolds, Chauncey Bunce, John Kugler, and Richard Kirk. They permit me to say that Connecticut papermakers regularly sold their goods in New York City and that Henry Hudson of Hartford, Connecticut, had lucrative contracts with government offices in Washington, D.C. They indicate which papermakers were aiming toward the higher end of the marketplace, where brand recognition played a part in the sale of writing grades. Most importantly, they provide concrete evidence for the existence of mills just barely mentioned in my documentary sources. Watermarks are the way papermakers signed their work, just as printers and publishers put their names in imprints. Imprints rarely go so far as to credit a paper­maker, although sometimes Americans were proud enough of their graphic arts achievements to make an exception. Copperplates engraved by Paul Revere state that Massachusetts currency issued in 1775 would be on American paper, although it is not clear whether the banknote printers were able to fulfill his promise.149 Various Carey editions of Lavoisne’s Atlas (1820–1821) announce in the title-page imprint that they had been printed “on J. & T. Gilpin’s Machine Paper.” Lacking that kind of overt evidence, I have relied on watermarks to substantiate my findings and resolve contradictions in my sources. Now and then they raise questions I cannot answer even though my sources seem to be reliable, but here too they provide a means of gauging the accuracy of the directory. The flow of information goes both ways. In the other direction, the directory can help to identify and interpret watermarks. By scanning the index of names, I have been able to decipher initials and explain the significance of designs alluding to the names of paper­ makers and their mills. Doves in the Boston area come from the Dove Mill of Andrew J. Allen. Beavers in western Pennsylvania identify the products of the Big Beaver Paper Mill in Beaver County, not to be con-

fused with other Pennsylvania mills on Beaver Creek or in Beaver Township. An anchor in Pittsburgh is a visual pun on the name of Henry Holdship, but an anchor in Providence is an attribute of the state arms of Rhode Island. The eagle design in the arms of the United States appears frequently in American paper and can be assigned to any number of mills, several of them bearing the name of the national bird. A pleasant by-product of research in business papers is the occasional glimpse of a papermaker’s watermark in his correspondence and memoranda. Thus I can attribute the TA & B initials to the partners John Taintor, Charles Taintor, George Abbe, and Edmund Badger Jr. on the basis of the Charles Taintor papers in the Connecticut Historical Society. I know that Charles M. Owen and Thomas Hurlbut referred to themselves both as O & H and OH after seeing both versions in letters of Thomas Hurlbut in the New York Public Library. Even more convincing are the bills paper­makers presented to the Mathew Carey firm, many of them writing on paper of their own manufacture with their watermarks to prove it. The standard work in this field is Thomas L. Gravell and George Miller’s American Watermarks, 1690– 1835 (2002), which illustrates more than a thousand examples and attributes many of them to papermaking firms. Short notes describe the documents where they were found. A concluding section of their catalogue contains 227 “summary paper mill histories” based on some of the same sources I have used for this directory. Gravell & Miller started with the task of recording watermarks and then proceeded to seek evidence for their attributions. I took the opposite approach, beginning with a survey of paper mills and then trying to identify their products. In the course of my research, I have discovered watermarks not noticed by Gravell & Miller as well as information about papermaking firms that controverts many of their attributions and supplies attributions for problem cases that have defied interpretation until now. From A to Z, I have worked my way through the alphabet in an attempt to correlate my findings with those of Gravell & Miller. A watermark consisting

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxviii solely of the letter A might belong to anyone at the beginning of the alphabet, but on the authority of the Sellers ledgers I can attribute it to Richard Amies. I can say that the initials S. G. & F stand for Stimpson, Green & Fairbanks of Vermont, that JJ & Co stands for James Johnson & Company of Kentucky, and that IB | B stands for James Boies of Boston. Gravell & Miller attributed a TL watermark to Thomas Langstroth, although he did not begin in business until two years after the earliest appearance of these initials, which probably belong to Thomas Levis. Their WM watermark is on English paper, and a crude DWD they class as a foreign watermark should be credited to the American Daniel Womelsdorf. For lack of a better candidate, they proposed George Zinn as someone who might have used a Z watermark found in a Maryland document dated 1792, although Zinn is known to have worked only in Pennsylvania, and he disappeared from sight in the 1770s. I assign it to the Maryland papermaker Nicholas Zimmerman, whose inconspicuous career I have been able to retrace on the basis of entries in the Sellers ledgers and the Census of 1820. Altogether, I have corrected sixty-four attributions and supplied fifty-one new ones while also amending misreadings of dates and names and commenting on the reasons for my additions and revisions. That is not to diminish the accomplishments of Gravell & Miller, whose work has been a major source for this directory. They succeeded in finding many watermarks not present in the collections I consulted. Their citations led me to secondary literature I would not have encountered otherwise. Elizabeth A. Walsh helped Thomas Gravell to incorporate 323 additional watermarks in the revised and enlarged edition of 2002, a great improvement over the hastily compiled and poorly edited first edition of 1979. While employed by the DuPont chemical company, Gravell developed a quick and inexpensive method for reproducing watermarks using DuPont’s Dylux 503 “instant image” proofing paper. He could easily transport his Dylux equipment to libraries and archives near his home in Wilmington—the Delaware Historical Society, the University of Delaware, the Winterthur Museum, the

Eleutherian Mills Historical Library, and the Library of Congress. The watermarks he found in these collections are the basis for almost all of the illustrations in the 2002 edition. Compilers of watermark dictionaries have always preferred to use manuscripts as their source ­material rather than printed books. In the nineteenth century, printing grades became a generic commodity, less likely to merit the extra expense of watermarks, whereas writings are a much more fertile ground for research. Printed books of any era can be difficult to handle, and they are composed of paper folded in ways that can conceal portions of the watermarks. Only occasionally were watermarks placed on the edge of a sheet where they could easily be seen, a practice just beginning to emerge at the end of this period. Following European precedent, Americans usually put them on the center of one half of a sheet, the countermarks on the center of the other half. Folios printed on paper configured in this way will present a watermark easily visible in the center of a leaf, but quartos display only half a watermark in the inner margin, and octavos give a glimpse of only a quarter of the design, provided that they are not trimmed so much and bound so tight that it disappears entirely. It is difficult if not impossible to reassemble these fragments to make a comprehensible illustration. Unfortunately, Americans preferred the smaller formats, which were less expensive and therefore more competitive with the larger and more luxurious books imported from England. For these reasons, I too have relied primarily on manuscripts rather than printed books. I found most of the watermarks recorded here in two purpose-built collections, one at the New-York Historical Society, assembled by Robert Rowland Dearden Jr., the other at the American Antiquarian Society (aas), which acquired the holdings of the bookseller Benjamin Tighe and the Connecticut paper historian Frances Edwards. These collections contain a number of prime examples unknown to Gravell, who appears to have consulted the latter only briefly and the former not at all. Watermarks at aas are the only substantive evidence I can show for the name of the firm Simon Elliott & Co. and

Wate r m a r k s  ::  lxix the existence of the firm Bissell & Debit. It is highly appropriate that aas should have the only known instance of an IT | 1794 watermark: the initials of the Society’s founder, Isaiah Thomas, and the date when he went into the papermaking business. Convenient as they may be, manuscript collections are not always as reliable as printed books. Some water­ marks in the aas collection are in blank sheets with no indication of their origins. Many of those recorded here and in Gravell & Miller were found in quarto post half sheets, a standard format for correspondence in this period, and there is no telling what, if any, watermark was on the other half sheet unless a sufficient number of half sheets were used together in the same letter or in a run of correspondence. Gravell & Miller frequently fail to record the watermark or countermark on the other half sheet, and I suspect that many of my entries are incomplete in that respect. In cases where I have seen a watermark and a countermark together in one of my sources, but only one or the other in another source, I include a note about the missing half sheet. Stray half sheets can be treacherous. Some watermark designs may be rendered in reverse because they lack the lettering that would serve as a guide to the proper orientation. Printed books contain entire sheets or at least a sufficient quantity of half sheets that one can infer what belongs on the other half. Long runs of paper are useful for spotting anomalies, such as deteriorated watermarks and transposed initials. Penurious Americans continued to use damaged moulds even though some of the lettering had fallen off.150 They also used moulds where letters had been accidentally transposed, reading BF instead of FB, BC instead of CB, and LC instead of CL.151 In addition to these accidents, one should keep in mind that some printing grades of the colonial period were rarely used for writing purposes and are, therefore, poorly represented in manuscript repositories. Many of the watermarks C. William Miller found in Benjamin Franklin imprints are not in Gravell & Miller, nor is the first American watermark, which shows up in at least one manuscript but is much more likely to be encountered in imprints of William

Bradford. Bradford, of course, was one of the partners in the Rittenhouse mill. Likewise, the first watermark in New York occurs mainly in the imprints of Hugh Gaine, who was a partner in the Onderdonk mill. I have made a special effort to record watermarks in law books, legislative proceedings, and other government documents because they tend to be printed in easily inspected folios and on domestic paper manufactured near the place of publication. Similarly rewarding are collections of early American broadsides, many of them printed on intact sheets where watermarks are readily apparent. Broadsides are my only evidence for watermarks such as an R KIRK in a church service handout, a J BOIES & Co in the commencement exercises of Harvard University, and a German-style CB in a Pennsylvania proclamation. I have used the National Union Catalog library location symbols to denote the American collections I have consulted, as well as the symbol BL for the British Library. I have not surveyed collections of prints, assuming that I would not find a sufficient number of securely dated examples with American watermarks to justify the effort. Nor have I tried to record watermarks in banknotes except when they serve as evidence for dating and attribution.152 Just as printed matter can be a reliable source of watermarks, watermarks can resolve difficulties in cataloging books and broadsides. A Gilpin ­watermark in the Articles of the Hibernia Fire-Company in Philadelphia requires a revision of the conjectural date given for this broadside in library catalogs and in the Evans bibliography of American imprints. Textual evidence suggests that it was issued around 1786, but it could not have been printed before the Gilpin mill was founded in 1787. Also relying on internal evidence, catalogers proposed a date of 1792 for a Connecticut Act for Forming and Conducting the Military Force of This State, but its Chauncey Bunce watermark occurs elsewhere in documents dated 1802, which is the date of another edition of this act. An Anthony Kelty water­mark in William Barton’s Flora of North America (1821–1823) should alert catalogers that portions of this work were reprinted in 1837, a fact duly recorded in the publishers’ cost book. A Thomas Amies watermark in

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxx Table 3. Watermark Attributions A A AP anchor BB & Co BH & B B & S B & S BS & P BS & P B BLAKE J BOIES = eagle D BUTLER | NH C CB CB C & E C & E = posthorn C & M = arms of New York CM = horse’s head | plow C & McC CO C & S C & S C & S = dove DI CANFIELD capitol building CLARKE & Co CUTLER | BF DC DC two headed-deer = star dove EC & S eagle? F & JB GG GR

Gravell & Miller watermark nos.

Attributions in Gravell & Miller

Revised attributions

1 Amies family 2 Richard Amies 19 Abraham Pitcher 92 Samuel Thurber & Co. 112 Bishop Bratton & Co. Bill Blake & Co. 117 Bird, Hopkins & Bayard 127 Beckley & Sheetz 128 Beckley & Sheetz 129 Buckingham, Simms & Parker 130 Buckingham, Simms & Parker 153 James Boies Bill Blake 154–55 James Boies John Boies 179 Daniel Butler (d. 1812) Daniel Butler (d. 1849) 195 John Cadwallader 200 Charles Bunce Christian Bowman 201 Charles Bunce Christian & Joseph Bowman 217 Cross & Earenfight 218–19 Cross & Earenfight 234–35 Campbell & Mitchell Campbell & Marr 236–37 Campbell & Mitchell Charles Marr 238 Cadwallader & McC[ahan?] Conrad & McConnell 239 Christopher Olney 243 Collins & Shee 246 Clark & Sharpless Carter & Sharpless 247–48 Clark & Sharpless Carter & Sharpless 255 Dayton I. Canfield 256 Henry Hudson 265 Richard Clarke Richard Clarke II 284 James I. Cutler & Co. 292 David Carson 293 David Carson 315–16 Henry Katz Simon Class 326 Andrew J. Allen 330 Elijah Craig & Son 333 Henry Katz 358 Frederick & John or Joseph   Bicking 373 John Hagerty George Goodwin 377 George Reid

Wate r m a r k s  ::  lxxi



Gravell & Miller watermark nos.

Attributions in Gravell & Miller

Revised attributions

H 406 William Hoffman H & B = fish 408–9 Huntington & Bushnell Holdship & Bayless H & D 410 Houston & Davisson HG 413 George Helmbold H & H 418 Hines & Howard H & M 426 Hall & Meade HARRIS 438 Harris & Cox I bell B 473 James Boies I & B 479 Ingersoll & Benton I & B = star 480–81 Ingersoll & Benton JB 506 James Boies John or Joseph Bicking JB 507 James Boies John or Joseph Bicking JR 571 Jacob Rhodes Jr. JS & Co 573 John Steele J. Starr, John Scott or John   Shryock JS & Co 574 John Steele J. Starr, John Scott or John   Shryock JS [&] Co 575 J. Starr, John Scott or John   Shryock JS = fleur-de-lis 576–77 Sharpless family J & S = beaver 584–85 Jackson & Sharpless Johnston & Stockton JW = eagle 596–97 John West Jonas Wade J | [&] | W = SAVE RAGS 598–99 Jackson & Wright J | & | W = SAVE RAGS 600–601 Jackson & Wright K & B = eagle 612–13 Conrad Kownslar R KIRK & SONS 632 Roger Kirk & Sons Richard Kirk & Sons R KIRK & SONS = eagle 633–34 Roger Kirk & Sons Richard Kirk & Sons knight on horseback 635 Morris Truman L compass and square 639 Thomas Amies John G. Langstroth L & Co. 642 Aaron Levering & Co. L & Co 643 Aaron Levering & Co. LIBERTY | & | PRUDENCE 661 Hugh Gaine & Hendrick  Onderdonk M = eagle 669–70 Alexander Mode Thomas Mendenhall M & K | N YORK 678 Morris & Kingsland M & K N YORK 679 Morris & Kingsland M & K N YORK = two doves 680–81 Morris & Kingsland MS 684 John Matthews NB = unicorn 720–21 Nicholas Hasselbach continued

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxii Table 3. continued NC = S NRP & Co P & C PH & S PL PPD = plow | WORK & BE   RICH P & W P & W = flower PW & L G PIKE | 1800 posthorn R RJ R.P. & L. S S S & Co = dove SE & Co SE & Co | 1837 S.G. & F = star S & JL SK S.S.M. S.T. & Co SW & Co N YORK = two   doves SPRING HILL TA & B TA & B TA & B TK T & L T & L TL TMCC tulip? TURKEY MILL | eagle in   shield U

Gravell & Miller watermark nos.

Attributions in Gravell & Miller

Revised attributions

875–76 William Young Gottlieb Schober 724 Nathaniel R. Phillips & Co. 756 Porter & Clark 760 Peter Hoffman & Son 765 Peter Lyon 766–67 Truman & Crukshank 782 Peter Wallover 783–84 Peter Wallover 785 Peter Wallover 800 John Craig 805 Ephrata Paper Mill 810 817 Richard Jordan 820 830 831 Christopher Sower II 846–47 Shryock & Co. 863 Samuel Eckstein 864 Samuel Eckstein 867–68 871 872 879 881 891–92 904 John Levis 909 910 911 926 647 Levis & Lewis 927 928 Thomas Langstroth 944 John McCahan 951 Henry Katz 953 954 Nathan Updegraff

Purvis, Wilson & Laing

George Reid R. Patterson & Lambdin Christopher Sower II Sharpless & Co.

Stimpson, Green & Fairbanks Samuel & John Levis Shepard Kollock Sampson S. Mullen Stephen Thatcher & Co. Samuel Whiting & Co.

Taintors, Abbe & Badger Taintors, Abbe & Badger Taintors, Abbe & Badger [Thomas?] Kershner Townsend & Lewis Townsend & Lewis Thomas Levis I

Platner & Smith

Water m a r k s  ::  lxxiii

W W W = eagle WM Z

Gravell & Miller watermark nos.

Attributions in Gravell & Miller

Revised attributions

971 Daniel Womelsdorf Willcox family 972 Daniel Womelsdorf Willcox family 974–75 Peter Wallover 1012 William Martin 1056 George Zinn Nicholas Zimmerman

Note: Blank spaces in the last column indicate that a Gravell & Miller attribution has not been accepted, either because of discrepancies in dating and localization or because watermark evidence shows that the paper was imported.

Joel Barlow’s Columbiad (1807) signifies a premium grade of paper furnished for the fine paper copies of this magnificent royal quarto, also printed on coarse paper and a “Second best” sheet supplied by one of the Levis mills.153 I hope that this directory will provide a firm foundation for the dating and attribution of watermarks, which in turn might prove useful for dating and identifying books and manuscripts. With that in mind, I have designed the descriptions of watermarks to be an integral part of the paper mill entries. Watermarks appear here in chronological order, sometimes grouped in different parts of an entry if a mill changed hands or if a firm took on a different name. At a glance one should be able to trace the history of a mill through the various ways its products were identified. The format for the descriptions follows the precedent of the methods Allan Stevenson developed for recording watermarks in the Catalogue of Botanical Books in the Collection of Rachel McMasters Miller Hunt, vol. 2 (1961). Stevenson’s volume covered the eighteenth century, a time when papermakers relied on a few standardized designs easily expressed in a kind of quasi-facsimile transcription. Instead of trying to differentiate watermarks, which would have required illustrations, Stevenson identified the type of design, a fleur-de-lis for example, and transcribed any text that was present and legible, perhaps the name of a papermaker or the place of his mill. I have adopted his method because American papermakers also used

standardized designs and because I can often describe them by referring to illustrations in Gravell & Miller. I use the equals sign ( = ) to indicate the opposite side of the sheet and a vertical stroke | to show that one element of the watermark is placed above another. Beyond that, I have not tried to designate the position on the sheet (except to describe occasional edgemarks) or to distinguish the mould side and the felt side of the sheet. Going from left to right, countermarks always precede watermarks in my descriptions, that is, they always stand before the equals sign, even though some countermarks occupy the right-hand side of the sheet when it is viewed in right-reading orientation. The Stevenson method makes it possible to record a large number of watermarks in a small amount of space, but it does not allow for the precise identification of particular watermarks. Repeat customers of the Sellers firm ordered pairs of moulds with the same water­ marks again and again, a sign that they had a steady demand for certain products and that they needed to replace moulds that had been worn out due to ­constant handling at the vat. The watermarks in these replacement moulds look very much like their predecessors because of the templates used in the Sellers shop. In an attempt to increase production, Americans made the smaller sizes of writing papers two sheets at once on two-sheet moulds with a divided deckle, each sheet with the same watermark, the pair of moulds having four watermarks in all. Nearly identical but slightly

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxiv different versions of the same watermark can be seen, therefore, in dozens of documents. No doubt they could be easily identified and differentiated by measuring the intervals between chain lines and the size of the designs, but that level of description would not be practical here and would not serve the purposes of the directory. Gravell & Miller often made separate entries for twins, Siamese twins, and other closely related watermarks regardless of their parentage—they might come from the same two-sheet mould, two moulds in a pair, or two pairs made to the same specifications—but here they are subsumed in the same description. The Sellers ledgers refer to two-sheet moulds as double moulds, and I have retained their usage here, as well as their abbreviated term for foolscap, “cap”; an entry for “double cap” indicates that they were making a pair of two-sheet foolscap moulds. I specify whether the paper is laid or wove because this distinction is useful in this period. Paper in the laid style shows the wires on the surface of the mould, the laid wires strung from end to end across the mould, usually about twenty-two wires to the inch, the chain wires securing the laid wires over the wooden ribs of the mould at approximately one-inch intervals. Coarse moulds for wrapping grades might have eighteen laid wires to the inch. The characteristic pattern of the closely spaced laid lines and the perpendicular chain lines is readily apparent when these early papers are held up to the light. Occasionally, Americans used two-sheet moulds configured side-by-side instead of end-to-end, in which case the chain lines run across the sheet rather than the usual vertical direction. Even if only part of the sheet is present, one can easily spot “turned chain lines” because they run across watermarks and not up-and-down in the usual perpendicular orientation. European and American sources agree that this configuration was not ideal, troublesome both at the vat and in the mouldmaker’s shop, but a few instances of turned chain lines are noted here.154 Wove paper is an English invention, a collaboration between the papermakers James Whatman, father and son, and the printer John Baskerville. The printer

took a leading part in this stylistic development, seeking a more perfectly uniform sheet that would display his innovative types to their best advantage. Instead of stringing wires across the wooden frame, the Whatmans’ mouldmakers covered it with a wove wire mesh fine enough to be almost imperceptible. Wove paper first appeared in the Baskerville Virgil of 1757, and the younger Whatman continued to make technical improvements through the 1760s. French papermakers adopted the wove style sometime between 1777 and 1780 and promoted it as a luxury product, papier vélin, partaking of the sheen and allure of vellum. It was another invention the Gilpins brought to America, either by obtaining French moulds or samples of papier vélin to serve as a model for the Sellers firm, which made for them a single experimental mould in 1788. The wove wire mesh on this mould measured 32 wires to the inch or, in modern terms, a mesh count of 32. The Sellers firm would later make extremely fine wove moulds with a mesh count as high as 60, although most moulds of writing quality were surfaced with 45- or 54-mesh screens, easier to maintain and more efficient at the vat. Thus the larger writings were not quite so fine; the medium size, for example, was usually covered with a 40-mesh screen. Papermakers often obtained moulds in both styles, sometimes starting with wove and then going over to laid, still in demand by traditionalists who came to see it as a sign of quality. The earliest known American imprint on wove paper is Charlotte Smith’s Elegiac Sonnets, and Other Poems, printed by Isaiah Thomas in 1795.155 Americans did not try to manufacture moulds on a regular basis until the Revolutionary War. The earliest papermakers depended on imported moulds, although some of them knew how to repair wire facings and could perhaps improvise watermarks of their own. William Rittenhouse either brought some with him when he emigrated to America or ordered them from abroad when he and his partners decided to start up a papermaking business. In 1698 he obtained moulds from his former master in Holland, who might have helped him with supplies and equipment at an earlier

Wate r m a r k s  ::  lxxv date as well. The lettering in one of his first watermarks (fig. 1.1) is obviously the work of a professional, but self-reliant Americans might have been responsible for the comparatively simple designs appearing in later products of the Rittenhouse mill (for example, fig. 1.2). Residing not far from the Rittenhouse mill, the wireworker Isaac Langle appears to have made his living by making sieves for farmers, but he may have also fabricated moulds for the mill at Ephrata and other local manufactories. Dard Hunter claims that Langle was the first mouldmaker in America. The Ephrata papermakers continued to use customized moulds after he died around 1744 (figs. 1.9 and 1.10). Frederick Bicking obtained imported moulds with the standard Britannia = crown | GR watermarks and arranged for someone to add his initials on the side. Conrad Scheetz made moulds for other members of the trade, including Thomas Willcox, who paid £6 for a pair in 1744. It is possible that Scheetz also supplied his customers with watermarks, judging from the number of different designs he used for himself. William Hoffman and Richard Clarke are said to have made their own moulds, but I have not been able to verify these claims, which may be based on hearsay or wishful thinking.156 Papermakers continued to import moulds even after the firm of N. & D. Sellers began to specialize in this product. Mark Willcox was a regular customer of the Sellers firm, but he also imported double foolscap and double post moulds from England in 1783. The Gilpins’ uncle Miers Fisher failed in his attempts to import moulds from England five years later because they were on a list of tools and machinery Parliament had prohibited for export (26 Geo. III, c. 89). Designed to protect England’s industrial supremacy, the prohibitory laws were easy to evade, but Fisher’s London agent was not willing to take that risk. Undaunted, Fisher turned to his friend Brissot de Warville in hopes of buying moulds in France, where he obtained a pair in the medium size after waiting more than a year. Joshua Gilpin eventually built up a stock large enough that he could sell a few moulds on the side. A number of New York merchants advertised moulds for sale

between 1797 and 1803, one proposing to keep them regularly in stock, another noting that he had imported from London an assortment in the foolscap, demy, and royal sizes.157 Domestic supplies of moulds came from several sources, but mostly from the Sellers firm, which was far more prominent and successful than any of its competitors. The founder of the firm, Nathan Sellers, specialized in sieves and other wire products for the farm and home until 1776, when he began to make moulds for papermakers in the Philadelphia area, such as James Webb and Morris Truman. In 1779 he joined with his brother David Sellers to form the firm of N. & D. Sellers, which operated under that name until 1828, when it passed into the hands of Nathan’s son Coleman Sellers, who brought his sons Charles Sellers and George Escol Sellers into the business. Nathan Sellers retired in 1817, but he continued to fashion the lettering for watermarks as late as 1823. Charles Sellers did most of the lettering after his grandfather retired.158 Lettering styles have proved to be a useful means of identifying the Sellers’ products and distinguishing their work from that of their competitors. Mouldmakers could and did change their lettering styles to keep up with the taste of the time, but the templates they used to form watermark designs guaranteed a certain amount of consistency. Even the freehand designs retain characteristic similarities. In my experience, the easiest way to identify the work of a mouldmaker is to look for the ampersand, a character often rendered in different ways and often employed in water­marks because of the numerous partnerships in the papermaking trade. Nathan Sellers started with a somewhat attenuated ampersand (fig. I.7), like those used in old-style typefaces, and used it fairly regularly through the 1780s.159 Sometime in the 1790s he adopted a different style, a Caslon italic ampersand (fig. I.8), which appears to be standard practice until his retirement in 1817.160 In the late 1820s papermakers in the Philadelphia area began to display their names in the newly fashionable “antique” style, a boldface letter with square serifs, strokes of even weight, and a

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxvi lopsided ampersand. I have no solid evidence for attributing them to the Sellers firm except that it did not have much competition at that time.161 Nor do I know of any distinctive traits in the work of Charles Sellers, except perhaps the ornamental Tuscan lettering in the watermarks of Henry Holdship, ca. 1828. Otherwise he seemed to have followed the prevailing fashion for fat-face lettering during the 1830s.162 Nathan Sellers’s figurative designs also have characteristic features because he made many of them on templates. His Britannia assumes the same pose in several watermarks, holding an olive branch in her right hand, the head of a spear in her left, and sitting next to a perfunctory St. Andrew’s cross, the entire composition enclosed in a triple surround beneath a crown.163 Coats of arms often contain too much heraldic detail to be rendered with any great exactitude in watermarks. Sellers knew how to reduce a heraldic device to its graphic essentials (like corporate logos conceived by modernist designers). In an attempt to simplify the national emblem, he opted for an American eagle with a pronounced beak, empty talons, a shield of six or seven vertical stripes, a tail of five feathers, and outstretched wings suggesting plumage with six feathers each (fig. I.8). His version of the American eagle appealed to paper­makers, who used it extensively during the first two decades of the nineteenth century.164 In the same spirit, one of his successors in the Sellers firm advised papermakers in South Carolina that they would be better off with a palmetto tree, a shield, and a motto than with a full-fledged rendition of the state arms, which would be too complicated and ­expensive.165 John and Joseph A. Needles were the only significant competitors of the Sellers firm in the Philadelphia area. Listed as wireworkers in city directories, they reported to the Census of 1820 that they made on one loom a variety of products that included iron and brass sieves, rolling screens, and paper moulds. They learned the art of making moulds in 1817 from a William Thomas who charged them thirty dollars for his instruction, which might have included some lessons in lettering. The one watermark I can confidently attribute to the Needles firm displays the initials of Bishop

Bratton in the standard fat-face style. In 1832 the firm forwarded an order for moulds to Coleman Sellers & Sons as if it were no longer in that line of business. Joseph A. Needles died around 1842, and his son Joseph A. Needles Jr. was still providing wireworking services as late as 1860, although probably not to the papermaking trade.166 A German mouldmaker in the Philadelphia area designed watermarks in a style quite different from that of the Sellers and Needles firms. His attempts at rendering Roman letterforms are comparatively crude, perhaps because he was more familiar with Fraktur script and less adept at bending wire. Clumsily, he allowed some strokes to converge in points and others to end in clumps instead of serifs. His distinctive swelling A’s, K’s and H’s appear in watermarks of Henry Katz, William Hagey, and Abraham Keller during the last decades of the eighteenth century. The only German mouldmaker I can identify by name is William Idler, who was active at a later date. In 1803 he announced that he had set up shop as a Formenmacher in Reading, Pennsylvania, and that he “would make every effort to do good work and even better than one could hope from a rank beginner.” A few years later he tried his hand at papermaking in a mill near Reading but then resumed the mouldmaking trade in 1811, this time with somewhat more confidence in his abilities. He offered to supply the wooden hardware for moulds as well as the tacks one would use for fastening the wire cover to the frame. If his customers cared to pay for it, he could do all the work himself and produce moulds to fit their specifications, complete with watermarks consisting of “names or other kinds of designs.”167 However, he does not seem to have been able to compete against the Sellers firm, which had already built up a regular clientele in the Reading area. Daniel Sawn is said to have appeared as a “maker of vellum and laid paper moulds” in Philadelphia directories between 1805 and 1808. I have not been able to verify this reference, but I believe it to be trustworthy because Sawn also helped to make cylinder machines, which would have required some wireworking skills. As mentioned above, his peripatetic papermaking ca-

Water m a r k s  ::  lxxvii

Fig. I.7. Watermark designed by Nathan Sellers for Truman & Crukshank, probably on a mould made in 1776. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

reer took him from Philadelphia to New Jersey and then to Springfield, Massachusetts. Between 1800 and 1802 he bought Sellers moulds for his Philadelphia paper­making ventures as if he had not yet learned how to make them himself. His stint at mouldmaking would have been brief at best and not very demanding, for he was running a tavern in Philadelphia while he was supposed to have been engaged in this trade. Perhaps he too failed to compete against the Sellers firm.168 I have been able to identify only one mouldmaker near New York, a James Henderson based in Springfield, New Jersey. He probably started up in business before 1817, as he had been on friendly terms with the Sellers firm before Nathan Sellers retired in that year. He sometimes bought wove wire from the Philadelphians who had excellent commercial contacts abroad and could import top-quality wire products from London and Manchester. One of Sellers’s successors complimented him on his competitive prowess, noting ruefully that “thee undersells us in thy molds which obliges us to make a considerable reduction in our prices.” In 1831 the proprietor of the Saugerties Paper Mill paid Henderson $61.11 to clear a “long standing account.” That is the last I hear of him. If he had to wait some years to be paid, then it is possible that he

Fig. I.8. Watermark designed by Nathan Sellers for Peter Wallover, probably on a mould made in 1807. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

had supplied accessories or replacement parts for the Fourdrinier at Saugerties.169 Ampersands might also provide a means of attributing watermarks to Henderson. I am more confident in my Sellers and Needles attributions because both of these firms left sales records describing watermarks. Not having a list of Henderson’s customers, I can only conjecture that they were mainly in the New York area and that they would tend to patronize him rather than the Philadelphians for reasons of cost and convenience. If that is the case, he may be responsible for watermarks displaying a novel type of ampersand with a bold swerving transverse stroke composed of two wires converging into a single wire looping around to form the base and an upraised tail (fig. I.9). Almost without exception, these watermarks belong

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxviii to papermakers who sold their goods in the New York market. One of the exceptions is an Ohio mill that could have obtained moulds just as easily from New York as from Philadelphia. The other is a mill in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, owned by Buckingham, Simms & Parker, who started out with Sellers moulds but purchased at least one pair from Henderson ca. 1815.170 Of course there is some possibility that there was another, as yet unidentified mouldmaker in the New York area at this time, but I think the chances are slim, given the specialized skills required and the limitations of the market. Samuel Campbell stocked American-made moulds in his New York stationery store along with imported moulds and other papermaking supplies. An advertisement in 1805 notes that he had them in the pott, foolscap, and demy sizes, laid and wove, without, however, indicating where he had obtained them. In 1832 one John McChesney offered to sell New Yorkers a line of wire goods, including sieves, fenders, rat traps, and wove wire for papermaking machines and moulds, but it is doubtful that he ever made the entire article himself. The New Jersey papermaker Abijah Dunnell made moulds to the specifications of his Massachusetts colleagues Owen & Hurlbut around 1833, but whether he had other customers, I cannot tell. Unless another local mouldmaker comes to light, Henderson is the one most likely to have devised these distinctive watermarks, which first appeared around 1808 and then dropped out of sight around 1819.171 I have identified a few more mouldmakers in papermaking centers such as Boston, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and Hartford. Using similar types of evidence and a similar process of elimination, one might attribute a few watermarks to these individuals, but it would be better to know more about their activities and to build a larger repertory of watermark reproductions before attempting this kind of guesswork. Nonetheless, I believe that even a cursory account of them will be useful here, if only as a guide to places where their services were in demand. The Philadelphia paper trade was large enough to support two competing firms. Groups of paper mills in other parts of the country required

moulds in sufficient quantities to keep local mouldmakers steadily employed. No doubt some wireworkers undertook this business purely as a sideline, but even these tentative ventures can be taken as a sign of progress in the papermaking industry. The pin-maker Joseph Plowman made some paper moulds on the side, starting at the same time as Nathan Sellers. He advertised his services in New York in 1776 and in Bordentown, New Jersey, in 1778, without getting much encouragement from the papermaking trade.172 John Carnes of Delaware patented an improvement in paper moulds in 1793. His invention is frequently cited in papermaking histories, although his patent specifications do not survive. They probably do not concern us here in any case, because he was not involved with the papermaking trade but with the manufacture of paper hangings. He and other members of his family were partners in a Philadelphia firm making wallpapers in the French style ca. 1791.173 Isaac Wickersham of Pittsburgh invested heavily in mouldmaking supplies. On several occasions between 1810 and 1815 he purchased various grades of wove wire from the Philadelphia specialist metal dealers Nathan Trotter & Company. One of his orders called for 520 feet of brass wove wire “for paper moulds” in widths from 15 to 21 inches and in gauges ranging from no. 40 to no. 70. His dealings with that firm were large enough that Nathan Trotter tried to draw on him for $4,000 in 1817 and threatened legal action when Wickersham confessed that he could not pay the full amount. Despite these financial difficulties, he could have been in business some years later if he can be identified with Isaac Wickersham, wireworker, whose house burned down in the great Pittsburgh fire of 1845.174 Jesse Vose carried on a thriving business in the Boston area between 1810 and 1830. Distantly related to the Milton papermaker Daniel Vose, Jesse Vose was born in Milton and stayed there all his life, working in partnership with his brother Ralph Vose and then with members of the Crehore family for a brief period after his brother died in 1818. He is said to have “invented

Water m a r k s  ::  lxxix with double work or single, with letters and water marks. Also, fine Washers and back Washers for paper mills. . . . Also, all kinds of Venetian Window Blinds and Cabinet Work as usual.177

Fig. I.9. Watermark of Morris & Kingsland, ca. 1818, possibly designed by James Henderson (whose work may also be seen in fig. 3.3). Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

a machine for weaving the wire network,” probably some kind of loom for fabricating the crisscross laid wire facing of paper moulds. (Mouldmakers of this period usually bought swathes of wove wire readymade.) In 1817 he sold a pair of “Long Royal Moles” to John Lewis for twenty-six dollars. The Vose family genealogist notes that the names of local papermakers appear frequently in his ledgers, the whereabouts of which I have not been able to ascertain.175 A cabinetmaker in Hartford, Aaron Colton, had the woodworking skills to make the frames for moulds and could cover the frames with wove wire of various qualities. He probably did not have the knowledge or equipment to make laid moulds. In 1818 he advertised a line of wove moulds, available with or without watermarks,176 and offered an even more extensive product line in 1821: The subscriber continues to make all kinds of PAPER MOULDS, in the best manner and of the best copper vellum cloth, superfine and common, with wide plating, or narrow and plated deckles

By “plating” he most likely means the metal sheathing used to reinforce the wooden frame and deckle, and the phrase “double work” probably refers to two-sheet moulds. He also made the wire screens, “washers,” that strained dirty water in the engines—not very durable utensils, it would seem, judging from how often the Sellers’ customers had to replace them. Abraham Lammot appears as a “wire weaver and paper mould maker” in Baltimore city directories of 1829 and 1831. He too manufactured washers as well as the wire facing for cylinder machines.178 Lammot was not the only wireworker to make the transition from moulds to papermaking machines. The Needles firm supplied iron wirework for the Gilpins’ machine at the very beginning of the industrial era. The Sellers family made cylinder facings reluctantly at first but soon found them to be a profitable product line. Eventually they learned how to construct complete cylinder machines and recruited millwrights to set them up and put them in running order. By 1831 they were making as many cylinders as moulds. The firm foundered in the Panic of 1837 but was reorganized as Sellers Brothers and then Sellers & Company, which continued to produce cylinder wire as late as 1882 along with other paper mill supplies, such as Fourdrinier wire and dandy rolls.179 The first Fourdrinier machines could not make watermarked paper, a defect eventually remedied by the invention of the dandy roll. In 1825 the English papermakers John and Chistopher Phipps patented the earliest version of this device, a roller with a laid wire surface placed above the machine wire and resting lightly on the layer of pulp passing beneath it (G in fig. I.6). The roller turned at the same speed as the moving wire web and impressed on the pulp the laid pattern on its surface, thus replicating the characteristic marks of early handmade paper. Fourteen years later another patent described techniques for producing

Int ro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxx watermarks on a Fourdrinier by attaching wire profiles to the dandy roll, an efficient means of making many watermarks all at once because the designs could be repeated any number of times, depending on the size of the design, the width of the web, and the diameter of the roller. A later generation of cylinder-mould machines could replicate laid paper with even greater verisimilitude than the Fourdrinier. They made not only a fairly credible laid pattern on the sheet but also imitation deckles along the edges and watermarks of higher quality than could be achieved by a dandy roll. The wire facing could be partitioned with strips of waxed or waterproof cloth to produce individual sheets, each with four simulated deckles or, more efficiently, with a web that had simulated deckles on either side. By running threads across the wire facing at regular intervals, one could tear the sheets off the web instead of cutting them, thus making “natural” imitation deckles on two sides and rather less convincing “torn” deckles on the other two sides. Cylinder machines could accommodate larger and cheaper watermark designs because the wire profiles could be affixed directly to the wire facing. Cylinders were not as wide as Fourdriniers, so wireworkers did not have to make as many wire profiles to cover the entire width of the web. Now known as “mouldmades,” an unfortunate misnomer, these specialty cylinder papers are still being manufactured and are usually intended for drawing, printmaking, and letterpress printing applications. It is hard to tell when imitation laids and artificial watermarks arrived on the American market. Cornelius van Houten and William Staniar are said to have made the first dandy roll in America in 1847, a tour de force of watermark lettering containing 42 iterations of the text or 1,092 letters in all. In 1850 James M. Willcox reported that “great ingenuity” had been expended on the manufacture of machine-made laid papers “within the last two years.” These experiments were not entirely successful in his opinion. The results may have been pleasing to the eye but lacked the tactile qualities of traditional handmades—nuances he knew better than most members of the trade, as he was run-

ning one of the last vat mills in this country. It was the only one still in operation when one of his sons closed it down in 1866.180 The first watermarks in this directory belong to the Rittenhouse mill in Germantown just outside of Philadelphia. The last one is to be found in a tribute to that mill, Richard Frame’s A Short Description of Pennsilvania, a limited edition antiquarian reprint published by the Oakwood Press in 1867. Printed by William Bradford in 1692, the original edition is an eight-page pamphlet celebrating the natural resources of the province in rhymed couplets, beginning with an account of the local flora and fauna and concluding with moralizing reflections on the benefits of papermaking as demonstrated by the recently established mill in Germantown. The reprint includes commentary by Horatio Gates Jones, who noted that the Germantown venture was the first paper mill in America, contrary to popular belief, which had granted that honor to the Ivy Mill of Thomas Willcox. The publisher of the reprint was an S. J. Hamilton, apparently the proprietor of the Oakwood Press. Hamilton might have learned that a Willcox descendant had closed down the Ivy Mill and might have succeeded in obtaining some of its last products, just enough to print a limited edition. Not quite hidden in the inner margins of this slender quarto is the watermark JM WILLCOX = PHILADELPHIA, the parting words of a craft at the end of an era.

Notes 1.

Frederick R. Goff, The John Dunlap Broadside: The First Printing of the Declaration of Independence (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1976), 9; Niles’ Weekly Register, 5 Aug. 1820, 401–2. Fine paper copies of The Federalist at the American Antiquarian Society and the New York Public Library show watermarks of James Whatman, Christopher Patch, and one or two other papermakers. Watermarks are not evident in the ordinary copies except in the last gatherings, where one can see a fleur-de-lis design adopted by the newly founded Brandywine Mill (Del. Mill 1). Patriotic Americans might have liked the idea that at least that much of The Federalist came from domestic sources, since it contains the “Articles of the New Constitution.” Sam Fore

Not e s   ::  lxxxi (Harlan Crow Library, Dallas, Texas) very kindly brought the Brandywine watermark to my attention. 2. Bidwell 2008 contains my recommendations on how biographical directories can be made to serve the purposes of bibliographers and historians of the book. 3. D. C. Coleman, The British Paper Industry, 1495–1860: A Study in Industrial Growth (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958; repr. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975). 4. Weeks 1916, 79. A. J. Valente draws on Weeks and other general works for a directory of nineteenth-century mills in his Rag Paper Manufacture in the United States, 1801–1900 (Jefferson, N.C., and London: McFarland & Company, 2010). I have not been able to correlate my findings with Valente’s directory, which was published while this work was being prepared for press. 5. A digital reproduction of the University of Utah copy is available at http://content.lib.utah.edu/u?/DardHunter,686 (accessed 12 Feb. 2011), but not all of it is available. At least one page was omitted during the scanning process. For extra verisimilitude, Hunter made facsimile watermarks on tipped-in paper samples, which were meant to be held up to the light to be viewed in the same way as the originals. The scanning technicians either did not notice them or decided to pass over them in silence. 6. N.J. Mill 23; Pa. Mill 80. 7. Many examples could be cited of multi-purpose mills. Pa. Mill 36 shared a raceway with snuff mills belonging to the same proprietors. Md. Mill 19 was originally a flour mill and continued in that business under new management, which also built on the property a saw mill and a paper manufactory. N.Y. Mill 5 contained a grist mill, a fulling mill, and a saw mill in the same building. Percy Wells Bidwell describes other manufacturing occupations of village dwellers in “Rural Economy in New England at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century,” Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 20 (1916): 241–399, where he also notes the versatility of country mechanics. 8. Papermaking was a sideline practiced only part of the year at Conn. Mill 5, Ky. Mill 10, Md. Mills 16 and 21, N.Y. Mill 29, Vt. Mill 9, and no doubt many other modest one-vat mills. 9. James 1970, 1. 10. Thomas 1970, 26–27. 11. McGaw 1987; McCorison 1984. For more on McGaw’s methods and approach, see my review of her book in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 81 (1987): 487–89. 12. The one exception is Georgia, site of a single papermaking venture that failed before it could be noticed by the census. 13. Mass. Mill 32, N.J. Mill 17, N.Y. Mill 29, and Pa. Mill 18. 14. I quote some of the more informative returns in Bidwell 1993, which recounts in greater detail how papermakers

coped with the economic problems posed by imported goods and the Panic of 1819. 15. The census marshals were supposed to begin the first Monday in August and to finish by 1 September 1821. The earliest return submitted by a papermaker is dated 4 August 1820 (Ohio Mill 2), the latest 1 March 1821 (N.Y. Mill 16). Wholesale prices in Philadelphia bottomed out in April 1821; see Anne Bezanson, Robert D. Gray, and Miriam Hussey, Wholesale Prices in Philadelphia, 1784–1861, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1936–1937), 1:7. Despite these problems, historians have recognized the value of the 1820 census statistics and have tried to tabulate them; see, for example, David J. Jeremy’s Transatlantic Industrial Revolution: The Diffusion of Textile Technologies between Britain and America, 1790–1830s (North Andover, Mass.: Merrimack Valley Textile Museum; Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981), 98, 161, 276–83. 16. Census of 1820, reel 1, pp. iii–vi; Census Digest 1823; Carroll D. Wright, The History and Growth of the United States Census, 56th Cong., 1st sess., S. Doc. 194, 25–27; Debates and Proceedings, 17th Cong., 2nd sess., 887–90. Faulty as it is, the Digest has come in useful here for its account of Mass. Mill 50, the raw return for which seems to be missing. 17. See Nathan Rosenberg’s review of the 1969 reprint edition of the McLane Report in Business History Review 47 (1973): 106–8. 18. Md. Mill 13; Mass. Mill 17. 19. For a typical example, see the advertisement of Dr. James Merry in the Nashville, Tennessee, Review, 24 November 1809, where he announced that he was about to build a paper mill and requested the public-spirited citizens of the area to start saving rags. As far as I can tell, Merry never carried out his plans and never went into the papermaking business in Tennessee or elsewhere. 20. John W. Maxson Jr. wrote about the firm and its ledgers in three articles: “Nathan Sellers, America’s First Large-Scale Maker of Paper Moulds,” Paper Maker 29 (February 1960): 1–25; “Coleman Sellers: Machine Maker to America’s First Mechanized Paper Mills,” Paper Maker 30 (February 1961): 13–27; and “George Escol Sellers: Inventor, Historian, and Papermaker,” Paper Maker 38, no. 1 (1969): 39–57. See also Sellers 1965 and Bidwell 1977. 21. D.C. Mill 1; Ky. Mill 3; Md. Mills 4 and 10; Mass. Mill 73; N.J. Mill 28; N.C. Mill 3; Pa. Mill 119; R.I. Mill 5; S.C. Mill 1; Tenn. Mill 1; Va. Mill 4. 22. Conn. Mills 3, 14, and 37; Mass. Mills 11, 18, and 52; N.Y. Mill 62. 23. I am very grateful to Joseph J. Felcone and Christine Jochem (North Jersey History & Genealogy Center, Morris-

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxxii town & Morris Township Library) for helping me to obtain photocopies of the Stephen Vail diaries. 24. French 1860; Gordon 1832; Gordon 1834; Kilbourn 1831; Merrill 1817; Morris 1834; Pease & Niles 1819; Spafford 1813; and Thompson 1824. 25. The Paper Maker was a larger, more ambitious continuation of Superior Facts. For an account of Snell’s career in the paper trade, see his obituary in Hurlbut’s Papermaker Gentleman 2 (Fall 1934): 1–4. 26. In his foreword to Gravell & Miller 2002 and an article in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 96 (2002): 351–79, Keith Arbour has argued for an earlier papermaking venture on the basis of a report made to the economist Sir William Petty, 4 February 1674/5: “Paper hath been made in New=England.” This is the sum total of the information Petty received, not enough in my opinion to indicate that a genuine, fully equipped paper mill was in operation at that time. Anyone involved in such a venture would have had to buy land, raise capital, appeal for raw materials, and line up willing customers—preparatory measures requiring paperwork likely to survive in several sources. In addition to local documentary evidence, one would expect the colonial authorities to have objected to these manufacturing endeavors, which would have been in violation of the Navigation Act of 1663. Indeed, when a paper mill finally was established in New England, the Board of Trade reported on this untoward development with disapproving comments, quoted by Timothy Pitkin in his Statistical View of the Commerce of the United States of America (Hartford: Printed by Charles Hosmer, 1816), 5. 27. Pa. Mills 2 and 10; Pa. Mills 24 and 26; Mass. Mills 16, 17, and 18? 28. N.J. Mill 2. 29. Pa. Mill 52. 30. Pa. Mill 32. 31. Joseph Jérôme Jean Le Français de Lalande, Art de faire le papier, Descriptions des arts et métiers, vol. 4 (Paris: Académie royale des sciences, 1761), translated by Richard MacIntyre Atkinson as The Art of Papermaking (Kilmurry, Sixmilebridge, Ireland: Ashling Press, 1976); Louis Jacques Goussier, “Papeterie,” Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers 11 (1765): 834–45; Nicolas Desmarest, “Papier (art de fabriquer le),” Encyclopédie méthodique; arts et métiers mécaniques 5 (1788): 463–592. 32. Bidwell 1990. 33. Gilpin Letter Book, 14 June 1808 and 13 Oct. 1808. 34. Gilpin Letter Book, 2 Apr. 1808. 35. [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 20 June 1823, 3, 1 Aug. 1823, 3, and 19 Dec. 1823, 3.

36. Bidwell 1990, 74. 37. [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 9 Sept. 1820, 4. 38. Stedman 1959, 112, contains an account of making coarse wrappings out of hempen tow. 39. Conn. Mills 5 and 30; Mass. Mills 4 and 22; N.J. Mill 20; N.Y. Mill 63; Vt. Mill 4. 40. Pa. Mills 96, 125, and 126. 41. Bidwell 1992, 65–71; Conn. Mill 14; Pa. Mill 100. 42. Situated in “Smith’s Valley,” Manhattan, N.Y. Mill 1 probably depended on some other source of power besides a water wheel, which could not have operated very efficiently in that part of the island. The steam-powered mills were Ky. Mills 8 and 9; Ohio Mills 7, 8, 13, 15, 17, and 18; and Pa. Mills 96, 110, 118, 121, and 122. Md. Mill 10 might have had a steam engine. 43. Lalande, Art de faire le papier, § 49; Jean-Louis Boithias and Corinne Mondin, Les moulins à papier et les anciens papetiers d’Auvergne (Nonette: Créer, 1981), 149, 171. 44. Bidwell 1990, 74–75. 45. Pa. Mill 21; Willcox 1911, 6; McGaw 1987, 41n; Bidwell 1990, 79. 46. Bidwell 1992, 99, 113; Bidwell 1990, 75; Boithias and Mondin, Les moulins à papier, 172–73; Günter Bayerl, Die Papiermühle: Vorindustrielle Papiermacherei auf dem Gebiet des alten deutschen Reiches, Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 3, Bd. 260, 2 vols. (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1987), 1:247–52. 47. Mass. Mills 1 and 2; N.Y. Mill 17; Pa. Mill 42. 48. Louis C. Hunter, A History of Industrial Power in the United States, 1780–1930, vol. 1, Waterpower in the Century of the Steam Engine (Charlottesville: Published for the Eleutherian Mills–Hagley Foundation by the University Press of Virginia, 1979), 139–55. For the cost of a water privilege, see Pa. Mill 11. 49. Conn. Mill 22; Pa. Mill 97. 50. Census of 1820, reel 3, item 134. The two-vat mill belonging to Henry Yates Jr. also had ten pairs of moulds. 51. N.H. Mill 9. 52. Census of 1820, reel 17, item 134. The day’s work at the Hoffman mills in Maryland was said to be 20 posts, 125 sheets to the post, but this account (Seitz 1946, 16) does not allow for variations in size and weight. 53. N.H. Mill 20; N.Y. Mill 51. More than eighty of the mills listed here suffered fire damage severe enough to inflict significant financial losses, and at least a dozen of them burned down more than once. 54. Bidwell 1990, 19–21. 55. Bidwell 1990, 23–28. In 1791 the newly founded Mass. Mill 50 was putting broke in the outside quires, an innovation the printer Ebenezer Andrews was trying to discourage

Not e s   ::  lxxxiii (Ebenezer T. Andrews to Isaiah Thomas, 18 Aug. 1791, Isaiah Thomas Papers, American Antiquarian Society). 56. Jane R. Pomeroy describes nine of Anderson’s ream wrappers in Alexander Anderson (1775–1870), Wood Engraver and Illustrator: An Annotated Bibliography, 3 vols. (New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Press, 2005), I, entry 88. 57. N.Y. Mill 37; Pa. Mills 115, 119, and 120; Vt. Mill 18. 58. Del. Mills 1, 2, and 5; Mass. Mill 67; INA policy 1247, 22 Aug. 1799, fire blotter vol. 2; INA policies 2803 and 2804, 19 Apr. 1803, fire blotter vol. 3; Relfs Philadelphia Gazette, 17 Jan. 1805, 4. 59. W.Va. Mill 1. 60. Gilpin Letter Book, invoices of 30 Dec. 1807, 4 Aug. 1808, 25 Nov. 1808, and 30 Dec. 1808. 61. [New York, N.Y.] American, 13 June 1820, 3. For “Spanish Cap” moulds, see Bidwell 1977, 315–18. 62. Bidwell 1992, 157; Conn. Mill 39; Mass. Mill 57; Pa. Mills 119 and 120. 63. Bidwell 1992, 240–41. See Mass. Mill 9 for proposals to rent a mill for cash; but if that was not forthcoming, the mill owner “would find materials and take all the paper at a price to be agreed upon.” No one wished to work on those terms at that time, just before the Panic of 1819, and the owner then tried to dispose of the mill by auction. If printers or stationers did not own a mill, they would be more likely to buy its products on a first refusal basis. Surely even tenant papermakers would not have to submit to contracts as stringent as those described in histories of the European trade. For an extreme example, see Manlio Calegari’s account of the traditional Genoese notarial contract, the compositio labo­ rerii, in La manifattura genovese della carta, sec. XVI–XVIII (Genoa: Edizioni Culturali Internazionali Genova, 1986). 64. John Krill, English Artists’ Paper, Renaissance to Regency, 2nd ed. (New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Press; Winterthur, Del.: Winterthur Museum, 2002), 65. 65. N.H. Mills 9 and 10; Bidwell 1992, 97, 129. 66. Weston 1895, 6; AAD 1831, 62. The “Navarino Excitement” is said to have started at Mass. Mill 69. 67. Mass. Mills 9 and 19, and Needham mill no. 5. 68. Eddy 1928, 2:32. 69. N.Y. Mill 47. 70. Bidwell 1992, 130–32. 71. Bidwell 1992, 140–48; Willcox 1911, 8, 33. 72. [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Journal, 21 July 1831, 4; Bidwell 1992, 137. 73. Bidwell 1992, 136; Carey Papers, 31:5128, 32: 5 Aug. 1820; Gilpin Letter Book, 3 Dec. 1808. 74. Bidwell 1992, 139–40; Carey Papers, 21:604, 24:1973, 26:2823, 34: 10 June 1820, and 34: 11 Jan. 1822; [Boston, Mass.] American Federalist Columbian Centinel, 15 Oct. 1823, 4.

75. Bidwell 1990, 78; Richard Johnson, New Duty on Paper: The Paper-Maker and Stationers Assistant (London: Sold by Debrett, Johnson, and Bladon and Symonds, 1794), A4v. Dating back to the seventeenth-century, the original name “colombier” still designated drawings of that size as late as 1952. See: E. J. Labarre, Dictionary and Encyclopaedia of Paper and Paper-Making, 2nd ed. (Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger, 1952), 53. The Philadelphia printer and publisher Thomas L. Plowman purchased from the Sellers firm an even larger size (24 inches by 39½ inches) named “mammoth,” a term I have not encountered elsewhere and perhaps also an American coinage inspired by the mammoth skeleton displayed in Peale’s Museum (Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Apr. 1808). 76. Bidwell 1992, 37; Md. Mills 13 and 14; Mass. Mill 57; W.Va. Mill 1. 77. [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 11 Feb. 1788, 1; [Boston, Mass.] Independent Ledger, 23 Oct. 1780, 4. 78. Del. Mill 1; Pa. Mill 107. 79. Conn. Mill 43; N.Y. Mill 30; Pa. Mills 27, 55, and 84; Thomas 1970, 28. 80. N.J. Mill 6. 81. Md. Mills 4 and 10; Mass. Mills 60 and 61; N.Y. Mill 40; Ohio Mills 7, 8, and 15. 82. Del. Mill 2. 83. For example, N.J. Mill 7 burned down with losses estimated at $15,000, only a third of which was covered by insurance. The proprietors of Mass. Mill 9 insured their property for $2,000 but estimated its value at $5,000. 84. Here too papermakers were using the rule of thumb that one vat could produce 2,000 reams a year. 85. Niles’ Weekly Register, 30 June 1827, 298–300. Later in the year contemptuous Jacksonians referred to this event as the “paper mill dinner” ([Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 19 Oct. 1827, 3). 86. Coxe 1814, 26–27; Thomas 1970, 27–28; A. Dykes Spicer, The Paper Trade (London: Methuen & Co., 1907), 241; Lockwood 1873, 135. In America a typical ream of medium printing weighed 20 pounds. 87. Conn. Mill 3; Mass. Mill 31; Bidwell 1992, 243. Gilpin originally estimated the output of his cylinder as equivalent to ten vats but then settled on the lower figure. The cylinder consumed 150 tons of rags in 1820, three times as much as the two vats at the Brandywine Mill. 88. Bidwell 2009, 200–213; Bidwell 1992, 179–96, 212–13. 89. Bidwell 2009, 211–12. 90. Bidwell 1992, 214–19. 91. I have listed them in Bidwell 1992, 337–46. 92. Bidwell 1992, 249–58, 343–46. 93. Bidwell 1992, 293–94.

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxxiv 94. Mass. Mills 55 and 60; N.J. Mill 40; McGaw 1987, 161–64; Surratt 1983, 206; Sellers 1965, 100-101; Sellers Letter Book, 15 Feb. 1832, 30 Apr. 1832, and 23 Oct. 1834; Bidwell 1992, 296. For other cylinder manufacturers, see Mass. Mill 36 and Pa. Mill 96. 95. Stedman 1959, 220; Sellers Letter Book, 25 Dec. 1833. 96. R. H. Clapperton, The Paper-Making Machine, Its Invention, Evolution and Development (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1967), 29, 44, 63, 96–97, 226. 97. Sellers Letter Book, 26 Aug. 1831, an account of Fourdrinier machines in Mass. Mill 18 and two other mills in the vicinity: “I believe that they are not as profitable as the Cylinders altho they do make better paper than the general run of ­Cylinders.” 98. N.Y. Mill 62; Barclay Papers; French 1860, 666. 99. Conn. Mill 43; AAD 1832, 143. 100. Conn. Mill 3; Smith, Winchester; A Century of Pioneering in the Paper Industry (South Windham, Conn.: Smith & Winchester Manufacturing Company, 1928). 101. N.J. Mills 37 and 38; Vail Diaries, 19 Dec. 1825, 1 Oct. 1827, 4 Feb. 1828, 16 Feb. 1828, 2 Mar. 1828, 23 Oct. 1830, 30 Nov. 1830, 1 Dec. 1830, 10 Dec. 1830, 14 Apr. 1831, and 16 Mar. 1832. According to Wiswall 1938, 13–14, Reuben Ware and William Clark set up a machine shop in Newton Lower Falls, Massachusetts, for the repair and construction of papermaking machines in 1832. It is not clear, however, whether they were just repairing machines in 1832 or whether they had started to make them at that time, and, if so, whether they were making cylinders or Fourdriniers. 102. This table supersedes a less accurate and complete version in Bidwell 2000. No distinction has been made between mills operating concurrently or successively. The table records two mills in Pennsylvania between 1700 and 1709, even though only a single mill was in operation at any one time during that period. 103. John J. McCusker and Russell R. Menard, The Economy of British America, 1607–1789 (Chapel Hill and London: Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture by the University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 309. 104. Green 1990, 10–21. 105. Virginia Gazette (Purdie & Dixon), 22 Mar. 1770, 3. 106. Bidwell 2000, 181. 107. Bidwell 2000, 178–79. See also Susan M. Allen, “The Impact of the Stamp Act of 1765 on Colonial American Printers: Threat or Bonanza?” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1996). 108. John Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, ed. R. T. H. Halsey (New York: Outlook Company, 1903), 22.

109. Leonard 1950, 492–96. 110. Thomas 1970, 413; Hunter 1947, 311; Leonard 1950, 497–98. None of these stories stands up to scrutiny, although there may be vestiges of fact in one or two of them. If any truth can be found in the Battle of Monmouth anecdote, the soldiers would have made their cartridges from sheets of David Jones’s Defensive War in a Just Cause Sinless (Philadelphia: Printed by Henry Miller, 1775). Some sources state that the sermon was by Gilbert Tennent—who did preach on the subject of defensive war—and that it was printed by Benjamin Franklin—who did publish tracts by Tennent on that topic. But those tracts were not sermons, and they were published thirty years before the incident in question. The earliest instance of this story I can find is in Alexander Garden’s Anecdotes of the Revolutionary War in America (Charleston [S.C.]: Printed for the author, by A. E. Miller, 1822), 338. See also John M. Eager, “Cartridge Paper in 1778,” Historical Magazine 8 (1864): 151–52. 111. Newman 1997, 14–15, 69. 112. Pa. Mill 21; Willcox 1911, 10. 113. Leonard 1950, 488–90. 114. Mass. Mill 35. 115. Conn. Mill 6. 116. Mass. Mill 3; Tenn. Mill 4; Vt. Mill 1; Va. Mill 2. The printer Samuel Loudon proposed to build a paper mill with the profits of a lottery in New York, but apparently his petition to the New York legislature was not approved (see N.Y. Mill 2). 117. Lester J. Cappon, ed., Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Era, 1760–1790 (Princeton: Published for the Newberry Library and the Institute of Early American History and Culture by Princeton University Press, 1976), map 30 and p. 104. 118. “Commonwealth of Massachusetts . . . The Petition of the Subscribers, Manufacturers of Paper,” 1 Nov. 1785, Book Trades Collection, American Antiquarian Society. 119 Tariff Acts Passed by the Congress of the United States from 1789 to 1897, 55th Cong., 2nd sess., H. Doc. 562, 10, 12–13. 120. Alexander Hamilton, Report on Manufactures, 63rd Cong., 1st sess., S. Doc. 172, 59. 121. Ohio Mill 15; Pa. Mill 121. 122. Bidwell 1993. 123. Md. Mill 10; Craig 1811, 161, 163; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 50. 124. Ky. Mills 8 and 9. 125. Bidwell 1992, 234–36. 126. Pa. Mill 100. 127. Md. Mill 18; Mass. Mill 17; N.J. Mill 39; Pa. Mill 84; Niles’ Weekly Register, 23 Oct. 1819, 116–20. 128. Vt. Mill 11.

Not e s  ::  lxxxv 129. Many of the Census of 1820 returns contain comments about the decline in prices, for example: reel 13, item 513; reel 14, item 703; and reel 12, item 267. For problems getting paid in cash, see Census of 1820, reel 14, item 630, and reel 3, item 239. For increasing inventories, see Census of 1820, reel 14, item 705, and reel 17, item 134. 130. Bidwell 1993, 102–5; Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1523; Niles’ Weekly Register, 15 Jan. 1820, 331, and 22 Jan. 1820, 541; Debates and Proceedings, 15th Cong., 1st sess., 6 and 14 Jan. 1818, 565, 737; Tariff Acts Passed by the Congress of the United States from 1789 to 1897, 55th Cong., 2nd sess., H. Doc. 562, 50, 70, 110; Weeks 1916, 195, 285. 131. McLane Report, 1:144–45. 132. Gordon 1834, 37. 133. Pease & Niles 1819, 61–62; Conn. Mills 10 and 14. 134. Sixth Census, 26th Cong., 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc. 38. These figures can also be compared with the census statistics tabulated in Lockwood 1873, 134, which registers 443 mills in 1850, 555 mills in 1860, and 669 mills in 1870. 135. Del. Mill 1 and Pa. Mill 33 were abandoned. Pa. Mills 74 and 82 and Mass. Mills 47, 66, and 67 were reorganized under new ownership. 136. James M. Willcox, Paper Making in the United States, 31st Cong., 2nd sess., Ex. Doc. 32, 404–6; Hunter 1947, 376–81, 565; “The Manufacture of Paper from Wood in the United States,” in Albert Prouteaux, Practical Guide for the Manufacture of Paper and Boards (Philadelphia: Henry Carey Baird, 1866), 263–68. 137. N.H. Mill 8; Vt. Mill 11. 138. Census of 1820, reel 15, item 876; N.H. Mill 15; Bidwell 1992, 122; Will of George Greatrake, probated 16 Apr. 1832, New Castle County Probate Records, Delaware State Archives; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 4 June 1817, 3. 139. Willcox 1911, 53. 140. Conn. Mill 28; Ky. Mill 1; Me. Mill 7; Md. Mill 18; N.H. Mill 17; Pa. Mill 87; Stedman 1959, 110–12. 141. Thomas 1970, 405–9. As an example of Crukshank’s connections in the printing trade, one could consider Isaac Collins’s use of paper with the PPD = plow | WORK & BE RICH watermark. If I am correct in attributing that watermark to Truman & Crukshank, then Crukshank is probably responsible for selling that paper to Collins, who had been his partner in a Philadelphia printing and stationery concern. 142. Mortgage instruments could be used for other purposes, such as raising money to prop up a declining business (Del. Mill 4, Mass. Mill 11, Pa. Mill 100, and Vt. Mill 7). Papermakers could buy out a partner with a mortgage (Conn. Mill 43) or buy the equipment they would need to start out in a rented mill (Pa. Mill 39). 143. Stedman 1959, 42.

144. Dickoré 1947; Cassel 1893, 66; Pa. Mills 56 and 57; N.C. Mill 2. 145. Among the socially prominent papermakers in this period were Charles Kinsey, a New Jersey congressman, Mark Willcox, a Pennsylvania judge, and Caleb Burbank, a major general in the Massachusetts state militia. Burbank owned an imposing mansion, which earned him the sobriquet “the richest man in Millbury.” Frederick Treudley, Bishop Bratton, Horatio G. Garrett, and members of the Fulton family were some of the downwardly mobile salaried employees who had previously owned or rented paper mills. 146. Bidwell 1992, 277–83. 147. Census of 1820, reel 4, item 35; reel 10, item 1377; and reel 14, item 691. McLane Report, 1:1006; 2:408, 512–15, 777–78. 148. Sellers 1965, 95. 149. Newman 1997, 202. 150. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 201, 658, 874. 151. Conn. Mills 1 and 24; Pa. Mill 48. 152. Gravell & Miller 2002 and Newman 1997 illustrate some examples of banknote watermarks. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania has a large quantity of original examples in the Willcox Papers and the Gilpin Papers. 153. Bidwell 1983a, 349–56. 154. Conn. Mills 1 and 14; Del. Mills 1 and 4. For a full account of two-sheet moulds in America, see Bidwell 1977, 300–301, 315–17. 155. Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Nov. 1788: writing demy; Bidwell 1977. Henry Hudson helped to uphold the dignity of official documents by supplying laid writings to the federal government in the 1830s. See Baker 2010, 100–103, for a thorough analysis of the wove paper in two copies of Isaiah Thomas’s edition of the Elegiac Sonnets. 156. Occasional Miscellany of the Library Company of Philadelphia (Winter 1993): 2; Hunter 1947, 123–24; Willcox 1911, 58; Hunter 1952, 67; J. Leander Bishop, A History of ­American Manufactures from 1608 to 1860, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Edward Young & Co.; London: Sampson Low, Son & Co., 1861–1864), 1:198. 157. Willcox 1911, 20; Bidwell 1992, 31; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Dunlap’s American Daily Advertiser, 11 July 1793, 3; Gottesman 1954, 267; Gottesman 1965, 292. 158. Sellers Diary, 17 and 20 May 1776, 11 July 1776, 15 Oct. 1776, and 19 Nov. 1823; Sellers 1965, xix, 89; Maxson, “Nathan Sellers”; Maxson, “George Escol Sellers,” 41. 159. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 358, 675, 871, 912. 160. Some of these watermarks can be attributed to the Sellers firm on the basis of its ledgers: Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 534 (Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Mar. 1799), and Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 674 (Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 May 1817). 161. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 65, 88–89, 657, 713, 828, 1045.

Intro d u c t i o n  ::  lxxxvi 162. One of his fat-face watermarks is illustrated in Bidwell 1990, 56. His difficulties with sewing watermarks onto moulds during warm weather occasioned some correspondence with Holdship in 1828 (Sellers Letter Book, 19 Aug. 1828), when Holdship’s Tuscan watermarks first come into view (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 407, 441). 163. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 567, 694, 1019 (Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1808). This last Britannia has a W & T countermark, which I have not been able to identify, although I am fairly sure that those initials designate a firm in the New York area. 164. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 302, 336, 634, 777, 779, 781, 812, 1001, 1003. 165. Sellers Letter Book, 6 Oct. 1828. 166. Census of 1820, reel 14, item 582; Needles Day Book; Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 111; Will of Joseph A. Needles, 24 Oct. 1842, City of Philadelphia Registry of Wills, will book no. 18, p. 57; Sellers Letter Book, 28 July 1832; McElroy’s Philadelphia City Directory for 1860 (Philadelphia: E. C. and J. Biddle & Co., 1860), 732. 167. Pa. Mill 63. 168. Brown 1949, 92 (part X). What little I know about Sawn’s papermaking career is corroborated by genealogical information in the SawnFamilyPages website, http://sawnfamily .com/searchform.php (accessed 18 March 2011). 169. Sellers Letter Book, 24 July 1821, 7 Mar. 1822, 2 Mar. 1825; Henry Barclay to James Henderson, Barclay Papers, 8 Aug. 1831. 170. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 124, 129, 130, 217, 436–37, 502–3, 663, 664, 802, 891–92, 910.

171. [New York, N.Y.] Evening Post, 2 Mar. 1805, 1; AAD 1832, 130; Abijah Dunnell to Owen & Hurlbut, 4 Mar. 1833, Hurlbut Papers. On the basis of this last reference one might be tempted to attribute some O & H fat-face watermarks (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 730–32) to Dunnell, but this style is so prevalent during this period that it is hard to pronounce upon it with any great certainty. 172. Gottesman 1938, 257; [Trenton, N.J.] New-Jersey Gazette, 13 May 1778. I am very grateful to Joseph Felcone for alerting me to Plowman’s sojourn in New Jersey. 173. Burke 1847, 86; Weeks 1916, 100; Hunter 1947, 131, 519; Brown 1949, 340. 174. Trotter Day Book, Domestic Orders, case Q1, 7 Oct. 1810 and 7 Apr. 1815; Trotter Day Book, Domestic Letters Received, box UA-2, 27 May 1817 and 15 June 1817; J. Heron Foster, comp., A Full Account of the Great Fire at Pittsburgh (Pittsburgh: Published by J. W. Cook, 1845), 34. 175. Lewis Papers, Jan. 1817; Ellen F. Vose, Robert Vose and His Descendants (Boston: Privately printed, 1932), entry 612. 176. [Hartford, Conn.] American Mercury, 7 July 1818, 4. 177. [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 10 July 1821, 4. 178. AAD 1832, 15. 179. Needles Day Book, 23 Jan. 1818; Sellers Letter Books, 27 Oct. 1829, 13 Sept. 1831, 15 Feb. 1832, 5 Nov. 1832; Ferguson 1980, 107; Edwin T. Freedley, Philadelphia and Its Manufactures (Philadelphia: Edward Young, 1859), 338, 504; Lock­wood 1882, xxiii. 180. Weeks 1916, 186; James M. Willcox, Paper Making in the United States, 406; Willcox 1911, 33.

American Paper Mills, 1690–1832

Chapter 1

Pennsylvania

Philadelphia County Germantown 1.  Paper Mill Run, a stream flowing into Wissahickon Creek. The first paper mill in the American colonies was built by William Rittenhouse (also Wilhelm Rittinghausen or Rittinghuysen) in partnership with linen draper and landowner Robert Turner, ironmonger Thomas Tresse, and printer William Bradford. Born in Broich near Mülheim, Germany, perhaps trained in a Broich paper mill, Rittenhouse worked in one or more Dutch mills and took a citizen’s oath in Amsterdam before emigrating to America with his sons Claus and Garret. In 1690 he and his partners rented from Samuel Carpenter the land on which they built the mill, their lease extending for a term of 990 years. The precise terms of the partnership are not known, but it would seem that each of the partners owned a quarter interest in the enterprise. In that case they might have agreed to pay the start-up costs on an equal basis and to share whatever profits they should gain once the business was securely established. The mill was in operation by 1691 and was sufficiently well known to have inspired the local poet­ aster Richard Frame, who mentioned it in his Short Description of Pennsilvania, printed by Bradford in 1692. After moving his press from Philadelphia to New York, Bradford rented his quarter share in the mill in 1697 to Rittenhouse in return for a certain quantity of

paper delivered every year as well as first refusal of all its printing grades and some of its writings and wrappings at stipulated prices; Turner sold his share about the same time. Claus probably took care of the dayto-day management of the mill, which was destroyed by a flood in 1700. From the wreckage they recovered an iron press, 252 pounds of iron fittings, and a pile of boards and shingles, altogether worth £15 2s. 4d. Built just when engines were being introduced in England, this was a stamping mill, probably powered by an undershot water wheel. References: Green 1990, 5–13, 22–23; Macfarlan, mill 8; Hunter 1952, 20–28; Voorn 1983/4; Allen 1942; Cassel 1893, 47–70.

::  1  ::

NR = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — George Keith, Truth and Innocency Defended (Philadelphia: William Bradford, 1692; PPL, reprod. in Hunter 1952, fig. 4); George Keith, A Serious Appeal to All the More Sober, Impartial & Judicious People in New-England (Philadelphia: William Bradford, 1692; tracing in Green 1990, 18); An Act for Granting to Their Majesties the Rate of One Penny per Pound upon All the Real and Personal Estates within This Province of New-York [12 Nov. 1692] (New York: William Bradford, 1693; PPL); ms., Chester County, Pa., 1695 (NYHS). NR = crown shield clover [laid] — blank sheet (Spawn). W[R?] = crown shield clover | PENSILVANIA [laid] — ms., n.p., 1696 (Allen 1942, 120); ms., Darby, Pa., 1699 (AAS); ms., blank sheet (AAS); mss., n.p., 1700 (Pemberton Papers, HSP; tracing in Green 1990, 18).

Ameri ca n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  2 In 1701 William and his son Claus Rittenhouse (also Claas, Klaus, or Nicholas) replaced the mill they had lost in the flood with an improved version equipped with a more efficient overshot water wheel. William Bradford originally proposed to abandon the papermaking business, perhaps not wanting to risk another disaster, but then consented to sell his share and relinquish his claims on the output of the mill. William Rittenhouse acquired the shares of the other partners and leased three shares to Claus, who inherited the mill when his father died in 1708. He succeeded in buying the mill property from Carpenter’s estate, which had been collecting rent on it at least through 1723. He was assisted by sons William Rittenhouse II and Matthias Rittenhouse; the latter quit the papermaking business ca. 1732 to tend a farm in Norriton. References: Green 1990, 11–13, 23–24; Allen 1942, 123; Hunter 1952, 28; Macfarlan, mill 8; Cassel 1893, 6, 70– 74, 93; McCulloch 1921, 117, 119. KR = crown shield fleur-de-lis — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1703 and 1709 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 618– 19); New York, Acts Passed the 4d Sessions of the General Assembly [13 April 1704] (New York: William Bradford, 1704; PPL); The Laws of His Majesties Colony of NewYork (New York: Printed by William Bradford, 1719; PPL). WR = foolscap [laid] — New York, Acts Passed the 5th Sessions of the General Assembly [13 June 1705] (New York: William Bradford, 1705; PPL).

Fig. 1.1. Watermark of William Rittenhouse, blank sheet. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Clover [laid] — New York, The 2d Sessions of the Seventh Assembly . . . An Act for the Better Securing the Five Nations of Indians in Their Fidelity to His Majesty [29 July 1700] (New York: William Bradford, 1700; PPL).

2.  Paper Mill Run, one of two Rittenhouse paper mills on the same mill race, appearing on surveys made by Christian Lehman in 1764 and 1772; probably the “upper mill.”

KR = clover [laid] — American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia: Andrew Bradford, 1719–1720; PPL, reprod. in Hunter 1952, fig. 5); Ellis Pugh, Annerch ir Cymru (Philadelphia: Andrew Bradford, 1721; PPL); An Ordinance for Regulating and Establishing Fees for the Court of Admiralty in the Province of New-York (New York: William Bradford, 1722; PPL); Acts Passed in the General Assembly [14 Oct. 1725] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Andrew Bradford, 1725; PPL); The Laws of the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Andrew Bradford, 1728; AAS); Acts Passed in the General Assembly [11 Aug. 1729] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Andrew Bradford, 1729; AAS);

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  3 ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1731 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 616–17). KR [laid] — ms., Philadelphia County, Pa., 1725 (AAS). KR = fleur-de-lis | fleur-de-lis in shield [laid] — The Laws of the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Andrew Bradford, 1728; PPL). Clover [laid] — A New Version of the Psalms of David (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin . . . sold also by A. Bradford, 1733; Miller 1974, 64); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1743 (NYHS). Note: Gravell & Miller have an entry for a KR = clover watermark found in a Philadelphia document dated 1716, which is quite possible, but the countermark they reproduce (wmk 614) has been confused with another countermark (wmk 618), which belongs to a fleur-de-lis watermark.

Inherited by William Rittenhouse II when his father Claus Rittenhouse died in 1734. He was assisted by eldest children Nicholas II and Mary Rittenhouse. He greatly enlarged the landholdings of the family by acquiring around 125 acres on either side of the original 20-acre tract that had been rented from Carpenter. Most of the year he made fullers’ press boards, but he also made writings in the spring when the water was free from silt. References: McCulloch 1921, 114–16; Green 1990, 24. Clover | WR [laid] — ms., n.p., 1748 (AAS); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1751 and 1755 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1015).

William Rittenhouse II retired from the papermaking business and divided his landholdings among his children sometime before 1772, possibly around 1758. He assigned a tract containing the lower mill to his son Jacob Rittenhouse and, next to it, a tract containing the upper mill to his son Abraham Rittenhouse. Unfortunately, Christian Lehman’s 1772 survey of the family properties does not specify whether one or both of these mills were employed in paper manufacture. At some point Abraham quit the papermaking business to operate a grist mill, which he bequeathed to his

Fig. 1.2. Watermark of William Rittenhouse II, ca. 1748. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

sons in a will probated in 1815. It is tempting to think that he jettisoned the antiquated stamping machinery of the upper mill and took up a less demanding trade. However, Macfarlan indicates that both mills eventually came into the hands of Jacob. In his version of events, William Rittenhouse II sold the original mill property in 1760 to Abraham and Jacob, who then sold it in 1785 to William Rittenhouse III by a deed that assigned the “old mill” and its rights back to Jacob. This account can be corroborated by the 1764 survey but not by the 1772 survey, which shows separate parcels in the possession of the two brothers. Even more difficult to reconcile is the testimony of William McCulloch, who obtained information about the family’s papermaking business from a cousin of Jacob Rittenhouse, also named Jacob, a font of vivid anecdote even at the advanced age of eighty-six, ca. 1812–1814. This cousin claimed that William Rittenhouse II gave his children Nicholas II, Mary, Abraham, and Jacob equal shares in the paper mill. Nicholas II and Mary sold their

Ameri ca n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  4 shares to Jacob and Abraham, and Abraham then sold his half interest to Jacob. References: Green 1990, 24; Germantown, 55; Cassell 1893, 130; Macfarlan, mill 8; McCulloch 1921, 116. If Jacob did own the upper mill, he bequeathed it in 1811 to his nephews Enoch and Samuel Rittenhouse. Neither was involved in the papermaking trade, but they could have rented that mill and the lower mill, which they also inherited. Given that there is no evidence for them renting two mills at the same time, it is more likely that this establishment was abandoned or converted to some other kind of manufacturing endeavor. References: Macfarlan, mill 8; McCulloch 1921, 116. 3.  West side of Wissahickon Creek, in a part of Germantown known as Crefeld, near the Montgomery County line. William Dewees built a paper mill here on a tract of 100 acres purchased in 1710. Born in Holland, Dewees emigrated to America around 1703 and served his apprenticeship in Pa. Mill 2 under the supervision of Claus Rittenhouse, who married his sister Wilhelmina. References: Macfarlan, mill 24; La Munyan 1905, 21; Allen 1942, 127; Filby 1981, 462; Hunter 1952, 26. In 1713 Dewees sold the mill and the tract of land to Claus Rittenhouse, John Gorgas, Abraham Tunis, and William Streeper. John Gorgas married Psyche Rittenhouse, daughter of Claus Rittenhouse. References: La Munyan 1905, 26–27; Allen 1942, 127; Macfarlan, mill 24. IG = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — An Act Passed in a General Assembly [14 Oct. 1717] (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Andrew Bradford, 1718; PPL); Acts of the Province of Pennsylvania [14 Oct. 1720] (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Andrew Bradford, 1721; PPL); William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People Called Quakers (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by Samuel Keimer, 1728; CSmH; MWA; Miller 1974, 1). Note: Gorgas may have continued to use this watermark in Pa. Mill 4.

It is not known how active the mill was before 1713 or how long it operated after 1713, but Dewees bought back 93 of the original 100 acres in 1729, when a grist mill and a paper mill were on this property. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 24. 4.  Wissahickon Creek, about eleven miles north of Philadelphia. William Dewees and John Gorgas are said to have built this mill about 1728 and to have converted it to a grist mill after eight or ten years, but it may have been confused with Pa. Mill 3. References: McCulloch 1921, 127; Thomas 1970, 25. 5.  West side of Wissahickon Creek, in a part of Germantown known as Crefeld, near the Montgomery County line, perhaps adjoining the site of Pa. Mill 3. William Dewees and his son-in-law Henry Antes built a paper and grist mill near or next to Pa. Mill 3. In a deed dated 2 February 1730, Dewees and Antes agreed to share the construction costs, although Dewees was to pay for the dam, mill race, and running gears of the paper mill, which could be operated only when the grist mill could spare enough water to run another wheel. References: Macfarlan, mills 25, 26; La Munyan 1905, 29. In 1738 Antes moved to Hanover Township and sold his interest in the mills, which henceforth belonged to Garrett Dewees, son of William Dewees, and Joseph Wollen Jr. Reference: Macfarlan, mills 25, 26. In 1751 Garrett Dewees sold his half interest to his brother-in-law William Streeper. Quite possibly, the manufacture of paper had been abandoned by this time. Reference: Macfarlan, mills 25, 26. 6.  West side of Wissahickon Creek, beyond the junction with Cresheim Creek, in Germantown. William Dewees built a paper mill on land he purchased here in 1731, his fourth mill in Germantown. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 20. In 1736 he transferred the mill to his son William

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  5 Dewees II, who ran it with the assistance of Anthony Newhouse. References: Macfarlan, mill 20; La Munyan 1905, 87; Miller 1974, xl. Landowner Colonel Thomas York and the papermaker Matthias Maris (also Meuris) purchased the mill in 1742 or, if Magee can be believed, in 1736. After Maris died deeply in debt, William Rittenhouse II and John Johnson drew up an inventory of the mill dated 17 November 1746 (APS), which lists one large mould, five pairs of moulds, and four sets of felts—equipment used in a small one-vat mill. The inventory names Frederick Bicking as one of Maris’s apprentices. Maris’s executors announced that his house, land, and paper mill would be sold “by way of publick vendue” on 14 May 1747. At this sale, 70 reams of brown paper and 27 reams, 8 quires of printing paper were purchased by Benjamin Franklin, who had been a regular customer of Maris between 1742 and 1746. References: Miller 1974, xl–xli; McCulloch 1921, 127; Magee 1933; Macfarlan, mill 20; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Gazette, 30 Apr. 1747, 2. Merchant Peter Koch (also Kock) purchased the mill for £410 at Maris’s sale and rented it to papermakers, perhaps Frederick Bicking or Jacob Hagey. In 1748 the Swedish travel writer Peter Kalm visited the mill in the company of Koch, who had emigrated from Sweden. Kalm noted that the tenants of the mill were manufacturing coarse grades and were paying an annual lease of £50 Pennsylvania currency. References: McCulloch 1921, 127; Miller 1974, xli; Magee 1933; Strassburger 1934, 1:204. John Johnson—perhaps the same person who drew up Maris’s inventory—purchased the mill at a ­sheriff ’s sale in 1753 for £329. It was previously advertised for sale as “the estate of Peter Koch deceased” along with two other properties in Chestnut Hill, this tract comprising 45 acres “commodiously situated on Wissahicunk Creek for a grist mill.” The sellers suggested that it could be converted to other purposes, perhaps having doubts about its prospects and profitability. References: Macfarlan, mill 20; Magee 1933; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Gazette, 16 June 1752, 5 Oct. 1752, 17 May 1753.

In 1757 John Johnson sold the mill to the papermaker Nicholas Hasselbach, who emigrated to Philadelphia in 1749 and who may have been running the mill as an employee or tenant of Johnson. McCulloch claims that Hasselbach installed the first engine in an American mill, but his account is so confused that it cannot be trusted. In the same year Hasselbach built another paper mill in Montgomery County but then went into the printing trade. After moving to Baltimore, Hasselbach sold the mill in 1766 to Joseph Paul III, who converted it into a grist mill. References: Macfarlan, mill 20; Magee 1933; McCulloch 1921, 127–28, 139; Strassburger 1934, 1:390; Wroth 1922, 112–14. NH | star [laid] — Christopher Sower II, Eine nütz­ liche Anweisung oder Beyhülffe vor die Teutschen um Englisch zu lernen (Germantown: Christopher Sower II, 1762; DLC); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1763 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 719).

7.  On a branch of Frankford Creek. Built around 1744 by Christopher Sower I, who ­employed William Adleheit and Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz to run the business and perform some of the more skilled operations. References: Thomas 1970, 25–26; McCulloch 1921, 128. Bequeathed in 1758 to Christopher Sower II, who probably abandoned it when he built Pa. Mill 11 nearby. Reference: Weeks 1916, 31. S = clover in double surround [laid] — ms., Pa., 1762 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 832–33). S [laid] — Biblia (Germantown: Christopher Sower II, 1763; CSmH; Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 830); Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia: Benjamin Franklin, 1765; Miller 1974, 842).

8.  On a small stream entering Wissahickon Creek at a sharp bend in the creek before it reaches Germantown Avenue. In 1747 Henry Dewees, son of William Dewees I, purchased half an acre here from his brother Garrett De-

Ameri ca n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  6 wees and built a paper mill, mentioned in an undated petition for a road. Possibly he built the mill even earlier or was managing one of his father’s mills in 1746; a map of that date shows “Hy. De Wees’ Paper Mill” about half a mile below Pa. Mill 5. In any case, he paid taxes on Pa. Mill 8 in 1769 but transferred the tract to his son Henry Dewees II, who sold it in 1792 by a deed that mentions other buildings on the property but no paper mill. References: Macfarlan, mill 23; Allen 1942, 127; La Munyan 1905, 38, 87. 9.  Spruce Mill. Wissahickon Creek on the east bank, below Thomas Mill Road. Originally a grist mill. John Barge purchased this property along with another mill on another tract at a sheriff ’s sale in 1754. When Barge died a year later, he bequeathed a paper mill with this name to his widow and children. In later documents, however, this mill appears again as a grist mill. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 21. 10.  Paper Mill Run, one of two Rittenhouse paper mills on the same mill race, appearing on surveys made by Christian Lehman in 1764 and 1772; probably the “lower mill.” Built as a grist mill by William Rittenhouse II after the death of Claus Rittenhouse and before 1760. References: Green 1990, 23–24; Macfarlan, mill 7. As noted above (Pa. Mill 2), William Rittenhouse II divided up his landholdings among his children sometime before 1772, possibly around 1758. By 1772 Jacob Rittenhouse had come into possession of a tract containing the lower mill, which he appears to have converted to paper manufacture, possibly in an attempt to adopt more advanced manufacturing techniques. He retired in 1798 and began renting a mill to other papermakers. Macfarlan reported, as hearsay, that Jacob Markle rented the lower mill but was not aware of the other tenants listed here. If Markle did rent it, then an argument could be made that the papermaking business was transferred from the upper mill to the lower mill. References: McCulloch 1921, 116; Sellers Moulds

Finished, 16 Aug. 1797: single wrapping; Macfarlan, mill 7. Crown | IR [laid] — In General Assembly of Pennsylvania, Saturday, November 28, 1778 (Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778; PHi broadside, half sheet only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1779 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 494). IR [laid] — ms., n.p., 1781 (AAS); mss., St. Georges, Del., 1785, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 493). IR [laid, lettering by a German mouldmaker] — Laws Enacted in the Sixth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [22 Oct. 1781], vol. 2 (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782; PPL).

Wallover & Sawn {Peter Wallover and Daniel Sawn (also Sawne)} rented the mill between 1798 and around 1803, according to McCulloch, although they could have been renting Pa. Mill 2. The Sellers ledgers indicate that their partnership ended around 1802. If Sawn departed in 1802, Wallover may have brought in a new partner and reorganized the firm as Wallover & Collins. References: McCulloch 1921, 117; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 July 1800: fine demy, watermarked with three letters, i.e., W & S, and an eagle; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Feb. 1801: double cap, watermarked with three letters, i.e., W & S, and an eagle; Carey Papers, 16:6725. W & S [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1798 (Carey Papers, 14:4925); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Carey Papers, 17:7712); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1798 and 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1016).

Jacob Markle rented the mill from the Rittenhouse family, ca. 1804–1809. He married Catharine Rittenhouse, widow of Isaac Rittenhouse. References: McCulloch 1921, 117; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 June 1803: double wrapping or crown; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Apr. 1806: double wrapping; Cassel 1893, 6, 129; Macfarlan, mill 7. After their mill in Montgomery County (Pa. Mill 55) burned down, Thomas and John G. Langstroth rented this mill around 1809, when a newspaper adver-

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  7 tisement mentioned John G. Langstroth’s mills near Germantown. According to McCulloch, they were in business here for about five years, in which case John G. Langstroth may have taken charge of sales in town, where he worked at several different addresses during this period. Between 1809 and 1815 he purchased several pairs of moulds under his own name, and one pair with his initials. References: McCulloch 1921, 117; Brown 1949, 564; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 July 1809: royal laid; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 July 1811: royal writing, watermarked JGL 1811 and a device. JGL | 1811 [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 546; countermark only).

Bequeathed by Jacob in 1811 to his nephews Enoch and Samuel Rittenhouse. References: Macfarlan, mill 7; McCulloch 1921, 116. Charles Markle & Co., sons of Jacob Markle, rented the mill after the Langstroth family. They were in residence ca. 1812–1814, when McCulloch was compiling corrections and additions to Isaiah Thomas’s History of Printing in America (1810). References: McCulloch 1921, 117; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Mar. 1815: littress; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 1 June 1819: demy laid, crown watermarked CM & Co. and crown. George and William Matthews occupied a mill in Philadelphia County “six miles from the city, one mile from Germantown, and one and one-half miles from the Falls of the Schuylkill” around 1817, when George Matthews purchased medium moulds from the Sellers firm. In 1815 William Matthews also bought medium moulds and in the same year was selling medium fine printing to the Carey firm from an address in “Roxbury.” William appears in Philadelphia directories as a paper seller in 1814 and 1819–1820, but these other records indicate that he and George had tried their hand in the manufacturing side by renting a mill—perhaps a Rittenhouse mill after the Markle family had departed. References: Brown 1949, 615; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Aug. 1817: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 June 1815: medium vellum; Carey Papers, 28:4074.

In a broadside advertisement (at PPL), J. Humes and J. and W. Lippincott announced that they would be selling a paper mill with 10 acres of land on Tuesday, 21 April [1818]. “Situated in Philadelphia county, Roxborough township, six miles from Philadelphia, one mile from Germantown” (the same location as the Matthews mill), this establishment included a permanent dam, cast-iron running gear, a sizing house, a two-story stone house, and a nearly new two-story stone house that could accommodate two families of workers. Humes and Lippincott’s advertisement probably refers to Pa. Mill 2 or 10 rather than Pa. Mill 15, which was operated by Nicholas Rittenhouse at that time, whereas the mill described in this advertisement was being “leased at five hundred dollars per annum.” Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 15 April 1818, carried a similar announcement, stating that the mill was in good repair but was being offered at auction for its water power, a fall of 25 feet producing 8 horsepower. After working in Montgomery County, Peter Wallover returned to this area and was running a mill in Roxborough between 1816 and 1820, possibly Pa. Mill 2 or 10. In 1820 he was buying moulds from the Needles firm and selling printing and plate papers to Mathew Carey. He was running a two-vat mill at that time, consuming 36.4 tons of rags per year and employing four men, nine women, and seven children to produce “diff. kinds” of paper; his annual output was valued at $7,400. His rent amounted to $1,200 per year, a burdensome expenditure because he could not sell his goods for cash, and his sales had slumped so badly that he was operating the mill at two-thirds capacity. References: Needles Day Book, 9 Sept. 1820: mending crown moulds; Needles Day Book, 14 Oct. 1820: vellum double crown; Carey Papers, 30:5030, 29:4708, 32 (4 Mar. 1820); Census of 1820, reel 14, item 630. It is not known whether the Rittenhouse family was renting this mill, Pa. Mill 2, or both mills to other papermakers between 1798 and 1820; the tenants are listed here on the assumption that this more modern mill was more likely to have remained in business. The mill was converted to a woolen factory before

Ameri ca n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  8 1855. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 7, identifying this as the “lower mill” in the Lehman survey of 1772. 11.  Near the upper side of the falls of the Schuylkill, by the Wissahickon Road in Roxborough. Christopher Sower II built this mill in 1773, possibly for production of paper for the third Sower Bible (1776), which, however, is not watermarked. At one point he may have rented it to Morris Truman and Joseph Crukshank, who advertised in 1777 for a journeyman to work at a mill “near the Falls of Schulkill.” They soon started their own business at Darby in Pa. Mill 27, perhaps compelled to move out because of their landlord’s political problems. Denounced as a loyalist, Sower forfeited his property, which included a paper mill according to documents recording the sale of his estate to Jacob Morgan Jr. in December 1779. Initially, this mill may have been worked by his son Daniel Sower, who was to inherit it and may have briefly operated another paper mill in the vicinity after this one was confiscated. In 1780 Morgan offered it for sale or rent along with a “neatly finished” dwelling house, a stable, and a garden. He reassured aspiring papermakers that it was still in good condition, “the running Geers being all new, made by a compleat Workman.” References: McCulloch 1921, 151, 161; Cassel 1893, 14; Weeks 1916, 33; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet, 13 May 1777, 1; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Packet, 2 Dec. 1780, 4. PPD = plow | WORK & BE RICH [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1770(?) and 1776 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 766–67); William Mason, Methodism Displayed, and Enthusiasm Detected, 6th ed. (Burlington, N.J.: Isaac Collins, 1773; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone); William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase and Progress, of the . . . Quakers, 3rd ed. (Burlington, N.J.: Isaac Collins, 1774; PPL); ms., Carlisle, Pa., 1777 (NYHS); paper currency privately issued by Joseph Ogden, proprietor of the Middle Ferry, Schuylkill River, Philadelphia, Pa., 1777 (Newman 1997, 351); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1782 (AAS; lacking half sheet with PPD countermark).

CS = cloverleaf in double surround [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1776 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 249–50); The Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [30 Sept. 1775] (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Francis Bailey, 1782; PPL). S = clover [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1786 (Gravell & Miller, 2002 wmks 834–35). Note: This is the earliest known appearance of the plow design, an attempt to employ patriotic imagery in American watermarks instead of foreign motifs, such as the fleur-de-lis and Britannia. Possibly it is a simplification of the arms of Pennsylvania, which contain a plow among other heraldic charges. Even the anglophile, cosmopolitan Gilpin brothers used this symbol of rural virtue at the beginning of their papermaking career (Del. Mill 1). One papermaker went so far as to insinuate the American plow into a Britannia design, with the Britannia figure holding a liberty cap instead of a spear (N.J. Mill 5). The PPD initials do not correspond to the names of any papermakers listed here but may signify “Pennsylvania Philadelphia.” Most likely, Morris Truman or Joseph Crukshank or both of them in partnership introduced this design, as they used it with their own initials just a few years after it first appeared (see Pa. Mill 27). But it cannot be attributed to this mill with any certainty until more is known about their papermaking business.

In 1796 the Sellers firm supplied moulds to a mill at the falls of the Schuylkill. By that time the mill belonged to Joseph Few, who died so deeply in debt that the property had to be sold by the sheriff. The mill was on a small tract of land, less than two acres, and the proprietor was obliged to pay rent of £21 a year in ­Pennsylvania currency for the water rights. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 June 1796: double wrapping; Philadelphia Gazette, 20 Oct. 1796, 2. 12.  Cresheim Creek, near Germantown. Benjamin Gorgas purchased a grist mill on this property in 1800 and converted it to papermaking. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 16.

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  9 John Gorgas II was active in the Germantown area ca. 1808–1813, possibly associated with Benjamin Gorgas, who put the mill up for sale in 1814. His advertisement states that the stone mill building was erected “about 5 years ago” and that it measured 33 by 45 feet, probably large enough for only one vat. References: Cassel 1893, 229; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 5 Jan. 1814, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Sept. 1808: double wrapping; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Feb. 1813: vellum crown; sales of printing paper, 1812–1813, Billmeyer Ledger. In 1817 Benjamin Gorgas sold the mill to Peter Bechtel. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 16.

Bequeathed by Peter Bechtel in 1838 to his son Peter Bechtel II, who may have managed the mill and/or Pa. Mill 12 as early as 1820. Around 1834 Peter Bechtel II acquired a 29-inch cylinder machine, which could have been installed either here or in Pa. Mill 12. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, Feb. 1820 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Mar. 1820: laid cap, watermarked PB JR.; Sellers Order Book, 1 Aug. 1834 and 20 June 1836.

Note: For an account of Bechtel’s watermarks, see Pa. Mill 13.

PB Jr [laid] — ms., Gloucester, N.J., 1821 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 755).

13.  Cresheim Creek, near Germantown. Peter Bechtel purchased grist and linseed oil mills on this property in 1801 and converted them to a paper mill. He may have started in the paper trade as early as 1798, when he bought property adjacent to the Robeson establishment on Mill Creek (Pa. Mill 53). He was a regular customer of the Sellers firm, first buying moulds for his Montgomery County mill, then for his two Cresheim Creek mills. He also bought moulds for his son Jacob Bechtel. References: Macfarlan, mill 15; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Mar. 1806: double foolscap laid, watermarked PB and bell; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 14 Jan. 1812: post vellum, watermarked PB on corners; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Jan. 1817: medium vellum and laid super royal; sales of printing and writing papers, 1812–1813, Billmeyer Ledger. PB = bell [laid] — ms., Sussex County, Del., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 749–50). P BECHTEL [laid] — ms., Cape Henlopen, Del., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 140). PB = posthorn [wove] — mss., Dover, Del., 1808, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 748, 751–52); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1817 (AAS; countermark only?).

PB [wove, cornermarked] — ms., Hermitage Furnace, Westmoreland County, Pa., 1815 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller wmk 748 is the same as wmk 751.

14.  On Wissahickon Creek above Paper Mill Run, about eight miles north of Philadelphia. Previously a grist mill, this establishment was converted to papermaking by the Philadelphia bookseller John Conrad in 1803, not long before he first appears in the ledgers of the Sellers firm. In 1804 he purchased moulds for Jacob Holgate, who later purchased several pairs on his own account. A Jacob Holgate lived in the Germantown area and paid taxes on real estate valued at $2,520 in 1809. If he is the same Holgate, he may have been a local landowner, a partner with Conrad, and an on-site supervisor of the mill rather than a foreman employed in it. Another possible partner is the Philadelphia bookseller Matthew McConnell Jr., for whom Conrad ordered moulds with the watermark C & McC. McConnell soon went into business for himself at another location nearby (Pa. Mill 15), perhaps having to sever his ties with Conrad, who had financial problems in 1811 and went bankrupt in 1812. One of Conrad’s creditors may have been the New York bookseller Samuel Campbell, who put the mill up for sale in 1816, apparently without success; six months later it was advertised for sale at auction along with 83 acres of land. It had two engines and probably two vats. References: Macfarlan, mill 11; Bidwell 1983a, 362–67;

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  10 Shoemaker 1891, 52; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Oct. 1804: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Aug. 1806: vellum post, watermarked HOLGATE; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Oct. 1809: post vellum, watermarked C & McC; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Jan. 1810: watermark C & McC for McConnell; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 4 Oct. 1816, 3, and 5 Apr. 1817, 4. C & McC [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1812 (AAS); ms., n.p., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 238). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the C & McC watermark to a member of the Cadwallader family in association with John McCahan, who is not known to have been active in the paper trade before 1830.

15.  Paper Mill Run, near the junction with Wissahickon Creek. Philadelphia bookseller and stationer Matthew McConnell Jr. purchased a grist mill formerly owned by members of the Rittenhouse family and converted it to papermaking in 1811. He probably learned the papermaking trade in partnership with John Conrad, who had been running Pa. Mill 14 not too far away. Whatever experience the young McConnell acquired in either establishment was not enough to keep him in business for very long. References: Macfarlan, mill 6; Green 1990, 24–27; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 May 1811 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Aug. 1811: medium vellum; Brown 1949, 569. Phillip H. Nicklin, a Philadelphia bookseller, purchased the mill in 1813. References: Macfarlan, mill 6; Brown 1949, 622. Nicholas Rittenhouse appears to have operated this mill sometime between 1813 and 1825. In his census return he describes it as a one-vat mill capitalized at $3,000 and staffed by three men, three women, and two children. A watercolor sketch of the mill in 1816 is reproduced in Green 1990. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 31 July 1813: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Apr. 1819: cap vellum; McCulloch 1921, 113; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 629.

George Markle may have run the mill with or after Nicholas Rittenhouse. One of his ream wrappers, engraved ca. 1825–1827, is reproduced in Green 1990. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Sept. 1812: super royal; Germantown, 57.

West Philadelphia, formerly Blockley Township. 16.  On the Haverford Road, about four miles from the city. In 1812 Frederick and George Helmbold advertised for sale a one-vat, three-story mill at this location. Built in 1803, the mill was operated by Frederick Helmbold in partnership with George Helmbold, publisher of the Philadelphia newspaper The Tickler. George and perhaps Frederick too were sons of the papermaker and paper dealer George Christopher Helmbold. The Sellers firm recorded transactions under both their names as early as 1807, when The Tickler was founded. Since they usually ordered super royal moulds, they probably manufactured newsprint, although George Helmbold was selling large quantities of fairly expensive medium to the Carey firm in 1816. References: The Tickler, 15 Jan. 1812, 1; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Sept. 1807: super royal; Carey Papers, 29:4446. In 1820 George Helmbold claimed that he had sold the mill in 1811 and that it had been converted into a woolen mill, which had fallen into disrepair; but note in the above that he was still advertising it for sale in 1812. Reference: [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 15 Nov. 1820, 1. 17.  Near Haddington. Still in Blockley Township, George Helmbold described for the Census of 1820 a two-vat mill that he had purchased in 1814 for $30,000. Apparently he moved his papermaking business from Pa. Mill 16 to this larger establishment, employing nine men, six women, and four children. He estimated that his annual output was worth $12,000, an impressive figure,

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  11 suggesting that he managed to carry on despite severe financial problems in 1818, when Thomas Gilpin, one of his assignees, put this mill up for sale along with a Lower Merion mill, probably Pa. Mill 51. Somehow Helmbold must have come to terms with his creditors, who allowed him to stay in business, if only briefly. He was residing in Philadelphia in 1815, when rags stored in a lower room of his house caught fire under suspicious circumstances. His wife and children barely escaped with their lives. References: Census of 1820, reel 14, item 671; [New York, N.Y.] National Advocate, 12 June 1815, 2; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Franklin Gazette, 10 Nov. 1818, 3. 18.  Not located. W. Wilcox employed three men and two children at a one-vat, one-engine mill, manufacturing printing and wrapping paper around 1820. In his census questionnaire Wilcox reported that his business had declined about a third, no doubt due to pressures in the economy and the market, which was then being flooded by foreign papers sold at cut-rate prices. Possibly he went into the paper business just before the Panic of 1819 and abandoned it soon after, not able to compete with the larger mills in his area. I have not been able to find any mention of him or his mill in other records of the paper trade. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 14, item 670.

Addendum Francis Goucher put a mill in Blockley Township up for sale in 1813. Reference: Brown 1949, 451.

Manayunk 19.  Not located. Joseph McDowell manufactured writing paper, press boards, and other products in this mill, which was operating as early as 1832 and burned down in 1858. He may have previously owned a mill in Montgomery County (see Pa. Mill 55). One of his ream wrap-

pers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: AAD 1832, 74; Hunter 1950, 271, 279; Sellers Order Book, 27 Mar. 1834. 20.  Ridge Road Mill. Samuel Eckstein invested in several local mills after having founded a paper and rag warehouse around 1819. In 1828 he was building in Manayunk a “large paper mill, which will require 40 hands.” Possibly by 1831 and certainly by 1836 Eckstein was running a cylinder machine in this mill. His foreman, John Wright, quit to go into business for himself installing cylinders in other mills for the machine makers Coleman Sellers & Sons. References: Brown 1949, 396; Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 2 (1828): 14–15; Vail Diaries, 27 Oct. 1828; AAD 1832, 74; Sellers Letter Book, 11 Oct. 1831, 5 May 1832, and 11 June 1832; Sellers Order Book, 3 Mar. 1835 and 22 June 1836.

Addenda Daniel Sawn & Co. Possibly associated with or successor of Peter Wallover in Pa. Mill 10, Sawn sold lowgrade demy to Mathew Carey in 1802. According to Brown, he appears in Philadelphia directories as a paper mould manufacturer, 1805–1808, but I have not been able to verify this citation. A Daniel Sawn is listed as a paper hanger in the 1803 Philadelphia directory and as a tavern keeper in the 1804–1808 directories. He eventually left Philadelphia to become foreman of N.J. Mill 28. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 May 1802, and Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 May 1802: demy vellum, watermarked DS & Co; Carey Papers, 18:6632, 6634; Brown 1949, 92 (part X). DS & Co [laid] — Daniel Smith & Co., A Catalogue of Fruit Trees [10 Aug. 1802] (Burlington [N.J.?], 1802; PHi broadside); ms., Philadelphia [Pa.?], ca. Apr. 1803 (Carey Papers, 18:8289); ms., n.p., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 311).

William Goucher. Active ca. 1800–1811. Purchased several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm, some

Ameri ca n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  12 with his initials. In 1800 he ordered moulds for Peter Miller in Hagerstown, Maryland, where he might have been working at that time. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Feb. 1800 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Mar. 1800: double cap, watermarked WG; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Oct. 1811: double cap vellum. WG [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1802 (Carey Papers, 16:6790).

John Wright. Active ca. 1807. Paper hanger? Possibly related to J. Wright, proprietor of a paper-hanging warehouse and bandbox manufactory in New York. References: Brown 1949, 144 (part XI); AAD 1832, 167. Isaac T. Langstroth. Active ca. 1810–1818. Listed as a paper merchant in Philadelphia city directories, but may have also been owner of or partner in the family’s mill in Montgomery County, Pa. Mill 55. Reference: Brown 1949, 564. Thomas Langstroth. Listed as a papermaker in Philadelphia city directories between 1813 and 1820, perhaps as owner of or partner in the family’s mill in Montgomery County, Pa. Mill 55. Reference: Brown 1949, 564. Piscator Langstroth. Active ca. 1815–1817. Possibly owner of or partner in the family’s mill in Montgomery County, Pa. Mill 55. He sold medium and royal printing to the Carey firm in 1815 and 1817. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 May 1815: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Jan. 1817: super royal; Carey Papers, 28:4068, 30:4864. Myers & Goucher. Active ca. 1815–1817. Purchased moulds from the Sellers firm. Sold printing paper to the Carey firm in 1817. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Dec. 1815 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Jan. 1816: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Aug. 1817: crown; Carey Papers, 30:4916. The Philadelphia booksellers and stationers Bennet & Walton { Joseph Bennet, Titus Bennet, and Joseph Walton} may have had interests in several mills in the Philadelphia vicinity, including the Union Paper Mill of William Barbour, Pa. Mill 113. They sold coarse medium and colored paper to the Carey firm in 1820. In 1823 they were manufacturing printings and wrap-

pings at the Wissahiccon Paper Mill, probably Pa. Mill 14 or 15. By 1828 they were making better grades of paper in “their own manufactory” and were sorting out rags of lower quality for sale to other mills. They purchased a pulp dresser for a Fourdrinier in 1832 but were repairing a cylinder machine in 1835. A year later they bought N.J. Mill 39. References: Brown 1949, 226; Carey Papers, 34: 4 Mar. 1820, 1 Apr. 1820, and 27 Dec. 1821; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Oct. 1822: medium vellum; Kayser 1823, 180; Sellers Letter Book, 3 Jan. 1828 and 25 Aug. 1832; Sellers Order Book, 21 Nov. 1835. B & W [wove, 74 mm.] — ms., n.p., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 132). B & W [wove, 60 mm.] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 133); plates in The Pearl; or, Affection’s Gift (Philadelphia: Thomas T. Ash, 1833; CLU).

Thomas Badarague hired the Sellers firm to equip an entire paper mill at Gader Hollow with a 37-foot wheel, a boiler, duster, engine, stuff chest, vat, sizing kettle, hog wheel, and other machinery. The place-name Gader Hollow does not appear in any of my sources and perhaps should be transcribed as Cedar Hollow, Chester County, Pennsylvania. The mill must have been fairly close to Philadelphia because Badarague paid the Sellers firm to supervise the work of masons, carpenters, and millwrights. References: Sellers Letter Book (accounts), 27 July 1833; Sellers Order Book, 28 Nov. 1834. cc

Delaware County Concord 21.  Ivy Mill or Ivy Mills. West Branch of Chester Creek, twenty miles southwest of Philadelphia. In 1729 Thomas Willcox built a paper mill at this location with Thomas Brown, who owned a half interest in the mill and was to receive two-fifths of its profits. Willcox received three-fifths in consideration

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  13 for teaching Brown the craft of papermaking. In 1732 Brown leased his half interest to Willcox and then sold it to him when the lease expired in 1739. The lease agreement contains an inventory of the Ivy Mill, a one-vat establishment with stampers, a glazing engine, a mould for making press boards, and only one pair of moulds suitable for making writings and printings. Willcox probably learned the papermaking trade in a Devonshire mill before he emigrated to America; he first appears in the Concord tax records in 1725, when Delaware County was part of Chester County. His son Mark Willcox was operating the mill for him by or before 1767. Benjamin Franklin sold large quantities of rags to the Ivy Mill in return for printing paper and pasteboards. Willcox also manufactured glazed fullers’ press boards and writing papers but was best known for his security papers, which would continue to be a specialty of the firm. References: Snell 1928a, 4; Willcox 1911, 3–9, 21, 59; Miller 1974, xxxix–xl. W = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Isaac Eaton, The Qualifications, Characters and Duties, of a Good Minister of Jesus Christ, Considered (Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1755; Miller 1974, 604). TMW = dove [laid] — ms., n.p., 1778 (NYHS); ms., n.p., 1779 (AAS); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1778–1779 (Willcox 1911, 30); ms., New Castle, Del., 1779 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 935–36); Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the First General Assembly [28 Nov. 1776] (Philadelphia: John Dunlap, 1779; PPL). TMW = fleur-de-lis | Strasbourg bend [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1781 (AAS, a blank half sheet, lacking the countermark but with a note that it appears along with the watermark in the will book S, 1781, Philadelphia City Hall); ms. Philadelphia, Pa., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 942–43). TMW = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1790 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 938–39); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790–1801, (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 940–41; deteriorated watermark). Note: Mark Willcox appears to have introduced the TMW watermark during the last years of his father’s

life and to have continued using it after his father died. Reference: Willcox 1911, 29–30.

Mark Willcox inherited the Ivy Mill in 1779 and built its reputation for quality products such as banknotes, Continental currency, and paper for government documents. However, his main interests seem to have been elsewhere. He studied law and went to live in Philadelphia, where he ran a mercantile concern until he retired around 1811. He served as a member of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania in 1788 and as a judge in Delaware County from 1791 to 1824. From 1788 until around 1813, Mark purchased from the Sellers firm many pairs of moulds, some watermarked with a W. He employed John Reader, a talented English papermaker and millwright who worked in Ireland before emigrating to America and arriving in Philadelphia around 1768. Reader is credited with the improvement of writing grades manufactured in America and with the introduction of the Hollander or “engine,” as it was known in American mills. Thomas Willcox II worked as foreman of the Ivy Mill from 1790 to 1810 after having sold his paper mill in Upper Providence Township. References: Willcox 1911, 8–28, 53; Ashmead 1884, 492–94; Sellers Ledgers, 12 Feb. 1780: foolscap with letters and devices; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Nov. 1788: demy laid; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 June 1795: demy, watermarked W; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1797: double foolscap, watermarked W; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Mar. 1802: demy vellum, watermarked W; McCulloch 1921, 126–27, 139. MW = dove [laid] — Anno millesimo septingentesimo octuagesimo primo. At a General Assembly Begun at Dover, in the Delaware State [20 Oct. 1780] (Wilming­ ton: James Adams, 1781; PPL); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1781, and n.p., 1783 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 685– 86); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1782 (AAS). MW = posthorn [laid] — mss., New Castle County, Del., 1784, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1786 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 687–88, but the countermark 687 is the same as countermark 685); ms., Delaware County, Pa., 1787 (Willcox 1911, 30); blank sheet (AAS).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  14 WILLCOX [laid] — ms., n.p., 1784 (AAS). W [laid] — John Trumbull, M’Fingal: An Epic Poem (Philadelphia: Mathew Carey, 1791; John Bidwell); The American Museum, vols. 9–11 (Philadelphia: Mathew Carey, 1791–1792; Bodleian Library, BL); Laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 4 vols. (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1793–1797; Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1801; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1805 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1810 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller assign to Daniel Womelsdorf, father and son, W watermarks on documents in Pennsylvania and Delaware dated 1776, 1800, 1802, and 1824 (wmks 971 and 972), even though Daniel Womelsdorf Jr. left Pennsylvania in 1784 to take a position in Va. Mill 2 and died in 1804. The lettering looks like the workmanship of the Sellers firm, which sold moulds with this watermark to the Willcox family but did not record any dealings with the Womelsdorfs.

Three sons of Mark Willcox succeeded him in this business. In 1808 his eldest son, Joseph, joined the firm, receiving one-third of the profits. Another son, John, became a partner on the same terms in 1811 and managed the papermaking business on his own after the death of his brother. John continued to purchase moulds with a W watermark. In 1819 and 1820 he sold fine medium and fine royal to Mathew Carey, who was related to his father by marriage. He complained in his 1820 census return that imports were ruining the business of the Ivy Mill. He employed four men, eight women, and two children to work one vat, the annual output of which had declined in value to $7,200. Business may have picked up by 1826, when eighteen hands were making 1,500 reams per year. John Bowers was foreman of the mill between 1810 and 1822, after working there as a journeyman at various times and after briefly renting N.J. Mill 5 around 1785. Between 1822 and 1828 the foreman was John Gilmore, who then made a brief attempt to start an independent business in partnership with William Gilmore at Del. Mill 6. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 Sept. 1818: double foolscap vellum, watermarked W; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 May 1822: post vellum; Carey

Papers, 33:5933; McCulloch 1921, 230–31; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 706; Willcox 1911, 31, 53; Pearson 1826, 20. James M. Willcox managed the Ivy Mill after his brother John died in 1826, and he inherited the business after his father died in 1827. He completely rebuilt the mill in 1829 to increase its capacity and later built other mills nearby to manufacture paper by machine. As before, the Ivy Mill specialized in intricately water­ marked security grades, supplying the Treasury Department, federal, state, and local banks in the United States, and banks in South America, Canada, and Greece; samples of its banknote paper can be seen in the Willcox Papers at HSP. Vat mills could still compete with machines in this sector of the market, which sustained the family’s hand papermaking business until 1866. Printed in 1867, the Short Description of Pennsilvania cited below probably contains some of the last paper made by hand at the Ivy Mill, the only American vat mill then in operation. After the Willcox family abandoned the traditional techniques, no paper was made by hand in this country until the L. L. Brown Paper Company of North Adams, Massachusetts, reintroduced the craft in 1881. A Willcox ream wrapper, dated 1830 in pen, is reproduced in Hunter 1950. James M. Willcox sold some of his products through Sheldon Potter’s Commission Paper and Rag Warehouse in Philadelphia. References: AAD 1832, 214; Potter to Willcox, 28 June 1828, Willcox Papers; Willcox 1911, 32–55; Hunter 1947, 250, 442, 581. JM WILLCOX | PHILADA = ivy leaf [laid] — ms., Chester, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1046– 47); ms., Huntsville, Ala., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 504; lacks countermark?). JM WILLCOX [laid] — mss., Gallatin, Tenn., 1834, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1846 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1044, 1045). WILLCOX | PHILADA [wove] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS). WILLCOX | PHILADA [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1050).

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  15 JM WILLCOX | PHILADA [laid] — ms., n.p., “about 1855” (AAS; countermark only?). JM WILLCOX | PHILADA [wove] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS). JM WILLCOX = PHILADELPHIA [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1846 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1048–49); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); Richard Frame, A Short Description of Pennsilvania (Philadelphia: Oakwood Press, 1867; John Bidwell).

22.  West Branch of Chester Creek. William Trimble Jr. built a saw mill on this property in 1782 and a paper mill in or before 1797, operating it under his own name until 1804. In 1798 he sold royal and map paper to Mathew Carey. References: Ashmead 1884, 490; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Dec. 1797: double cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Apr. 1799: post, watermarked WT with a posthorn; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Jan. 1803: medium vellum; Carey Papers, 13:4770. WT [laid] — Acts of the Twenty-Third General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [First Sitting, 23 Oct. 1798] (Trenton: Printed by Gershom Craft, 1798; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone); statement of William Trimble Jr., Concord, Pa., ca. Feb. 1801 (Carey Papers, 15:5994); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1801, and Wilmington, Del., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1017).

In 1804 Robert and Moses Gilmore begin purchasing moulds for this mill, probably not as employees of William Trimble Jr. but as tenants, given that some of the moulds are watermarked with Robert’s initials. The Gilmores drop out of sight in 1808. Ashmead states that Trimble ran the mill until it was converted to a cotton factory in 1813. Apparently, it was not a very profitable venture, for Trimble put the factory up for sale in 1819, noting that it could be reconfigured as a snuff mill or a two-vat paper mill. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 Apr. 1804: double cap and medium; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Mar. 1805 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Mar. 1805: post, watermarked with a de-

vice [posthorn?] and RG; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Feb. 1808: vellum demy laid over; Ashmead 1884, 490; [Westchester, Pa.] Village Record, 24 Feb. 1819, 3. RG [laid] — mss., Del., 1805, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 815, 816); printed indenture, Bridgeton, N.J., 1819 (AAS).

Upper Providence Township 23.  Upper Bank or Manchester Mill. On Ridley Creek. Built by James Willcox, son of Thomas Willcox, before 1766, when he was assessed for 52 acres with a “Peaper & Sawmill.” After he died, his widow, Prudence Willcox, paid the taxes on the property until her son Thomas Willcox II assumed the management of the mill in 1780. Reference: Willcox 1911, 67–68. JW [laid] — ms., Worcester, Mass., 1773 (AAS); ms., Chester area, ca. 1782 (AAS). Note: This JW watermark might also be attributed to James Webb at Pa. Mill 82.

Sold in 1784 or 1785 by Thomas Willcox II to John Lungren, who worked the mill for some time before building another mill in Aston Township. While he occupied this mill, Lungren purchased several pairs of moulds with the JLG watermark. References: Willcox 1911, 53; Ashmead 1884, 669; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Sept. 1792: royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: double foolscap, watermarked JLG. ILG [laid] — Philadelphia, 15th May, 1788. Inventory of the Furniture and Goods of the Hon. John Penn, Senr. (Philadelphia: Printed by Dunlap and Claypoole, 1788; PHi broadside); mss., New Castle, Del., 1788 and 1790 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 492). JLG = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Catalogue of the Books, Belonging to the Library Company of Philadelphia (Philadelphia: Printed by Zachariah Poulson, Junior, 1789; NN; CSmH). JLG [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790 and 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 561); frontispiece map

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  16 in Thomas Truxtun, Remarks, Instructions and Examples Relating to the Latitude & Longitude (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Dobson, 1794; NN).

Sold by John Lungren, 30 December 1795, to William Levis I, whose son John Levis managed the mill while he ran one or more mills in Upper Darby; he purchased moulds for this and a Darby mill in 1803. Converted to a cotton mill in 1813, 1818, or 1822. References: Weeks 1916, 94; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 and 28 June 1803: demy or medium vellum; Ashmead 1884, 544, 669; McCulloch 1921, 123. JL = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint Méry, Description topographique . . . de l’Isle Saint-Domingue (Philadelphia: Chez l’auteur, 1797– 1798; CSmH).

Upper Darby Township 24.  Glenwood Mills. Darby Creek. A maltster, Samuel Levis I settled in the Darby Creek area in 1684. His son Samuel Levis II probably owned one or more mills; whether they were saw mills, fulling mills, or grist mills is not known. His son Samuel Levis III owned two or more paper mills, probably built or adapted (Glenwood was formerly a grist mill) during the paper shortage of the Revolution; he was one of Nathan Sellers’s first customers. He had so many descendants in the papermaking trade and so many of them owned mills that Ashmead and other local historians have had trouble tracing their careers. Unfortunately, Jane Levis Carter’s 1982 family history does not clarify the situation. This and the following Levis entries must be regarded as a provisional attempt to reconcile conflicting information about this important papermaking clan. References: Sellers Ledgers, 1 Feb. 1778: royal and demy; Sellers Ledgers, 27 June 1782: double moulds with letters and devices; Ashmead 1884, 544; Hunter 1952, 132; Carter 1982, 41. S & JL [laid] — John Willison, The Afflicted Man’s Companion (Philadelphia: Printed by W. Young, 1788;

NN); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 871); ms., Conn., 1789 (AAS). SL [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 873); ms., n.p., 1794 (AAS); Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative-Council of the State of New-Jersey [22 Oct. 1793] (Trenton: Printed by Matthias Day, 1794; information provided by Joseph J. Felcone). Note: The S & JL watermark could be attributed to this mill on the supposition that Samuel Levis III might have enlisted John Levis to help him in one of his three establishments in his later years, around the same time he formed a partnership with William Levis I in Pa. Mill 26. The S & JL and S & WL watermarks would have differentiated the products of these two mills.

Samuel Levis III bequeathed the mill in 1793 to his son Samuel Levis IV, also known in the trade as Samuel Levis Jr. The younger Levis purchased moulds as early as 1794 and sold foolscap of various grades to Mathew Carey in that and the following year. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Dec. 1794: demy laid over and double wrapping; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 July 1797: medium laid; Carey Papers, 5:1856, 1873, 1876. SL [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 874). Note: Gravell & Miller wmk 874 is a later state of the S & JL wmk 871, missing the ampersand and the J. Possibly the missing pieces were removed as a result of damage or deterioration, or they could have been removed to indicate that Samuel Levis IV had become sole owner of the establishment upon the death of his father.

Samuel Levis IV bequeathed the mill in 1813 to his sons Samuel Levis V, William Levis III, and Oborn Levis I. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 544. Oborn Levis I or II came into possession of the Glenwood Mills after he exchanged properties with Samuel Levis V, although it is not clear what property he exchanged. A grist mill, a saw mill, and a one-vat paper mill were owned and operated by Oborn Levis II, who employed about thirteen hands to make 36

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  17 reams of imperial a week in 1826. Oborn purchased several pairs of super royal and a pair of imperial moulds, probably for the manufacture of newsprint. References: Ashmead 1884, 544; Pearson 1826, 9; ­Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Mar. 1815: super royal laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Oct. 1823: imperial vellum; Needles Day Book, 7 June 1821. The firm of Thomas Amies & Son is said to have managed the mill between 1828 and 1838, but I have not been able to substantiate this assertion and suspect that it may have resulted from a confusion between this mill and the Clifton Mills, operated by William Amies & Company. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 544. 25.  Tuscarora Mills. Darby Creek near the Springfield Township line. Built by Samuel Levis III during the Revolution and bequeathed in 1793 to his son William Levis I. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 545. After William Levis I died in 1818, the mill passed into the hands of Palmer & Marker {William Palmer and Jonathan Marker}, who in 1826 manufactured medium, imperial, and pasteboard at two vats, employing twenty-three hands. Palmer was residing on the property in 1820 and may have been renting the mill from Levis’s heirs in that year, when they put it up for sale along with 37.5 acres of land, a stone dwelling house, and eight stone tenements for the workers. Jonathan Marker may be related to or identified with John Marker, who worked in Montgomery County at Pa. Mill 46 belonging to William Hagey. References: Ashmead 1884, 544–45; Pearson 1826, 9; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Aug. 1817: medium vellum; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 22 Nov. 1820, 4. Around 1830 William Palmer’s son-in-law Frederick Server took over the management of the mill, which was then making low-grade board. Palmer & Marker may have still owned the mill in 1835, when they ordered a new wire facing for a cylinder machine. It was given the name Tuscarora Mills around 1844, after it

ceased to manufacture paper. References: Ashmead 1884, 545; Carter 1982, 81; Sellers Order Book, 20 May 1835. 26.  Lamb Mill, later known as Clifton Mills. Darby Creek, immediately downstream from Glenwood Mills and perhaps sharing the same mill race. In 1793 Samuel Levis III bequeathed the mill to his son William Levis I, who had been managing it for his father as early as 1782. One might surmise that they had been running this mill as a partnership on the evidence of their SWL and S & WL watermarks, which have been found in documents dating as early as 1784. If so, Samuel Levis III must have been succeeded in the partnership by another Samuel, conceivably Samuel Levis IV, since Samuel & William Levis remained in business until around 1804. Also, this partnership could have been based at Pa. Mill 24 or 25, or both mills, but its watermarks are listed here. Likewise, William Levis’s watermarks also appear here, although the moulds could have been employed in any of his mills. William Levis Jr., probably William I’s son William Levis II, purchased moulds between 1806 and 1817, perhaps having taken over management of the business from the Samuel & William Levis partnership. A receipt book belonging to the Levis family, containing entries for transactions running from 1791 to 1796 and from 1841 to 1849, is described in M & S Rare Books catalogue 77 (2004), item 305, and catalogue 91 (2011), item 311. References: Carey Papers, 16:6358; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Nov. 1795: demy vellum, sold to William Levis and watermarked with two letters, i.e., WL; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Jan. 1803: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Nov. 1806: super royal laid; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Apr. 1817: medium vellum; Ashmead 1884, 544. S & WL = Britannia | bell [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1784, and n.p., 1787 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 886–89); [bond and warrant:] Know all men by these presents, that, [blank] held and firmly bound unto [blank] in the sum of [blank] (Philadelphia: Printed by

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  18 Robert Smith, for William Woodhouse, 1788?; PPL); Acts Passed at a Congress of the United States of America, Begun and Held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, in the Year M,DCC,LXXXIX (New-York: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, [1789 or 1790]; MWiW-C; deteriorated watermark). S & WL [laid] — ms., Monmouth County, N.J., 1789 (AAS; countermark only?). SWL = fleur-de-lis [laid] — The Arminian Magazine (Philadelphia: Printed by Prichard & Hall . . . and sold by John Dickins, 1789–1790; CSmH). SWL = crown | bell [laid] — Acts Passed at a Congress of the United States of America, Begun and Held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, in the Year M,DCC,LXXXIX (New-York: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, [1789 or 1790]; MWiW-C); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1791 (AAS); Acts Passed at a General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Virginia [18 Oct. 1790] (Richmond: Printed by John Dixon, [1791]; PPL); ms., Salem?, 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 893–94). WL = crown | bell [laid] — mss., Kent County, Del., 1793, and Duck Creek, Del., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1004–5); Acts of the Eighteenth General ­Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [22 Oct. 1793] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1794; PPL); U.S. Laws, statutes, etc. (3rd Cong., 2nd sess.), An Act for Continuing and Regulating the Military Establishment [3 Mar. 1795] (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs, 1795; PPL); statement of William Levis, 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2852, lacks countermark). WL [laid] — An Ordinance, for the Suppression of Nuisances, for the Regulation of the Drivers of Carriages and Horses in . . . Southwark [22 Sept. 1794] ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1794]; PHi broadside); Benjamin S. Barton, Fragments of the Natural History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Printed for the author by Way & Groff, 1799; NN); statement of William Levis, ca. Feb. 1802 (Carey Papers, 16:6853).

WL = eagle [laid] — Acts of the Nineteenth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [28 Oct. 1794] (Trenton: Printed by Matthias Day, 1795; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2943); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 and 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1006–7); (A) Return of Seamen on board the . . . ([Boston: s.n., 179_], printed doc., dated in ms. 1798; DLC broadside port. 46:4); Henry Clarke, Clarke’s Seaman’s Desiderata (New Brunswick, N.J.: Printed by Abraham Blauvelt, 1801; NHi); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1802 (AAS). WL = posthorn [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1797 (AAS); mss., Dover, Del., 1797 and 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1008–9). WL = posthorn [laid] — mss., Burlington, N.J., 1803, and Glasgow, Del., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1010–11).

After William Levis I died in 1818, his sons William II and Oborn II sold the mill in 1825 to the Philadelphia wholesale stationer Samuel Eckstein, who leased it to William Amies & Company. At that time it was a twovat mill, employing about thirty hands and manufacturing 80–100 reams of writing grades per week. Eckstein also owned a machine mill in Manayunk, Pa. Mill 20. References: Ashmead 1884, 544; Pearson 1826, 9. W AMIES & Co | PHILA = dove [wove] — ms., Harrisburg, Pa., 1827 (AAS); Fielding Lucas Jr., Lucas’ Progressive Drawing Book (Baltimore: Published by ­Fielding Lucas, Jun’r, John D. Toy, Printer, 1827; PPL); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1827 and 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 88–89); The Ornament of the American Fireside . . . Dedicated to the Youth of the United States ([New York]: Anderson, Sons & Co., [1829?]; DLC).

The mill was occupied by Joseph Robeson, possibly as early as 1827, certainly by 1834, but it was still owned by Eckstein, who bought supplies for it and moulds for Robeson. Members of the Sellers firm referred to it as the “Levis mill” or the “Darby Creek Mill.” Robeson might have started there at that earlier date on the evidence of his ream wrapper, the work of a Philadelphia

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  19

Fig. 1.3. Lamb Mill. Jos. Robeson. Delaware County near Philadelphia. Detail of a ream wrapper, engraved by Phineas Eldridge Hamm after a design by Hugh Bridport, ca. 1825–1827. Courtesy of the Library Company of Philadelphia.

engraver who plied his trade only until 1827. References: Sellers Order Book, 8 Jan. 1834: post, watermarked lamb and J. ROBESON PHILA; Sellers Order Book, 24 June 1836: medium wove; Groce & Wallace 1957, 288. No 2 S. E = lamb | No 2 [wove] — ms., Norfolk, Va., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 865–66); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1833 (AAS). ROBESON | PHILA [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 825; countermark only?). J. ROBESON | PHILA = lamb [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1837 (NYHS); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 826–27); blank sheets

(included in special copies of Bidwell 1990, which contains a reproduction of the watermark on p. 56). J. ROBESON | PHILA = lamb [laid] — ms., n.p., 1845? (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute wmks 825 and 826–27 to Jonathan Robeson, who retired long before the 1830s.

Oborn Levis II bought back the Lamb Mill around 1842 and continued to manufacture paper there until his death, whereupon the property passed into the hands of his son Oborn Levis III. In 1867 Oborn III converted the establishment into a cotton factory, which came to be known as Clifton Mills. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 544.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  20

Darby 27.  Beehive Mill. South of Kellyville, on Darby Creek; some sources locate this mill in Upper Darby Township. Truman & Crukshank {Morris Truman (also Trueman) and Joseph Crukshank} purchased this property in 1777 and built a paper mill there the following year. Crukshank, a Philadelphia printer, no doubt hoped to secure a steady and reliable source of paper for his shop in town. Truman was the managing partner. In that capacity he posted a $100 reward for the capture and return of John Bowers, an apprentice who ran away at the age of eighteen or nineteen (but stayed in the paper trade and worked in at least two other mills, N.J. Mill 5 and Pa. Mill 21). Truman & Crukshank must have been in business before they invested in this establishment, probably at Pa. Mill 11, since they were already ordering moulds in 1776. References: Sellers Diary, 15 Oct. 1776: double moulds, watermarked plow and T & C; Sellers Ledgers, 17 Jan. 1777: print moulds; Sellers Ledgers, 7 Oct. 1780: double foolscap, watermarked with letters and a device; Ashmead 1884, 542; Brown 1949, 387; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Packet, 25 Nov. 1799, 3. T & C = plow [laid] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1778 (AAS; reprod. as fig. I.7); ms., n.p., 1778 (Magee 1935, 224); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1779 and 1785 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 912; countermark only); A Short ­Vindication of the Religious Society Called Quakers (Philadelphia: Joseph Crukshank, 1780; PHi; countermark only); ms., Pottstown, Pa., 1782 (AAS; countermark only).

In 1785 Truman purchased Crukshank’s share and then formed a partnership with Evan Truman in 1788. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 542. M & ET = plow [laid] — mss., Winchester, Va., 1790, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1793 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 675–76); Extract from the Epistle of the ­Meeting for Sufferings in London [15 Dec. 1791] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1791; PHi broadside).

Active ca. 1793, the firm of Trumans & Company probably consisted of Morris Truman and either Evan Truman or, more likely, Richard Truman (also Trueman). Richard appears in Philadelphia directories as a papermaker between 1793 and 1797, when he and Morris Truman purchased moulds under both their names. Morris Truman put the mill up for sale in 1794 along with a grist mill, five dwelling houses for workmen, a barn, and an orchard, all on six acres of land. Measuring 105 by 30 feet, the mill contained two vats, three engines, four presses, a size press, and a “sizing furnace.” References: Brown 1949, 136; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Jan. 1797: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Sept. 1797: double wrapping; Philadelphia Gazette, 27 Nov. 1794, 2. TRUMAN’S & Co = plow [laid] — ms., Northumberland County, Pa., 1793 (NYHS; lacking half sheet with plow watermark); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1793 and 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 948–49); Acts of the Eighteenth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [22 Oct. 1793] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1794; PPL); ms., Middletown, N.J., 1795 (AAS; lacking half sheet with plow watermark). T & Co = plow [laid] — Sarah Grubb, Some Account of the Life and Religious Labours of Sarah Grubb (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1795; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). R & MT = plow [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1791(?) and 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 818– 19); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1796–1797 (AAS). R & MT [laid] — The World Displayed (Philadelphia: Publish’d by Dobelbower, Key and Simpson, 1795– 1796; MWA); invoice of J. H. Dobelbower, Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2779); The Holy Bible (Philadelphia: Printed for John Thompson & Abraham Small, 1798 [issued in parts, 1796–1798]; MWA).

The paper dealer John Matthews insured the mill for $2,500 in 1799, after having bought it from Morris Truman and having arranged for Richard Truman to stay on as tenant or manager. Before making this invest-

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  21 ment, John Matthews was either manufacturing or selling paper in the Philadelphia area ca. 1790–1795, but he does not appear in the city directories as a paper seller until 1797. He published a newspaper advertisement in 1798 inquiring about paper mills for rent in the Philadelphia area. He began buying moulds from the Sellers firm in 1800 and continued to order papermaking supplies until 1830. He may have improved or expanded the mill, which he insured for $4,000 in 1805. In 1826 it produced about 60 reams of writing and printing a week at two vats, employing eleven men and fourteen women and girls under the direct supervision of the owner, who lived in a “mansion house” on the premises. After John Matthews died, sometime between 1830 and 1834, his estate carried on the business at the Beehive Mill, as it was then known, perhaps under the management of Matthew Matthews. References: Ashmead 1884, 542; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser, 14 June 1798, 4; INA policy 1169, 17 Apr. 1799, fire blotter, vol. 2; INA policy 3529, 3 Jan. 1805, fire blotter, vol. 2; Carey Papers, 15:5872, 16:6514, 5:1825, 1787, etc.; Brown 1949, 615; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Apr. 1800: double cap, watermarked with wheat sheaf and MATTHEWS; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 June 1816: double cap, watermarked Britannia and JM?; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Aug. 1817: post vellum, watermarked JM; Sellers Letter Book, 5 July 1830; Pearson 1826, 8; Sellers Order Book, 22 Apr. 1834: post, watermarked beehive and two letters; Sellers Order Book, 30 Sept. 1834: long cap moulds sold to Matthew Matthews; Sellers Order Book, 14 Oct. 1835: double-faced cap, watermarked with a device and twelve letters, sold to Matthew Matthews. MATTHEWS = wheat sheaf [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. Dec. 1801 (Carey Papers, 16:6771); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 699; lacks countermark). MATTHEWS = wheat sheaf in triple surround [laid] — ms., Cumberland County, N.J., 1802 (AAS); mss., Wilmington, Del., 1801, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1039; lacks countermark).

MATTHEWS = wheat sheaf and two sickles in triple surround [laid] — Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [1 Dec. 1800] (Richmond: Printed by M. Jones, 1801; PPL); blank sheet (Spawn); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 695–96). MATTHEWS = Britannia [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 693–94). MATTHEWS = slender wheat sheaf in triple surround [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 697–98). J MATTHEWS [wove] — ms., n.p., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 702). JM [wove] — ms., Bellefont, Pa., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 563); ms., n.p., 1825 (AAS); Thomas Hood, Whims and Oddities (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Carey, 1828; BL); plates in John Nicholson, The ­Operative Mechanic (Philadelphia: T. Desilver, Jun., James Kay, Jun. & Co., Printers, 1831; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1837 (AAS). JM = Britannia [laid] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1823, and Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1854 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 566–67). MATTHEWS = beehive [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 691–92). JM = beehive [wove] — ms., Turbutville, Va., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 564–65). MATTHEWS = 1836 [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1841 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 700; lacks countermark).

Middletown Township 28.  On Ridley Creek, upstream of Pa. Mill 23. Isaac Levis I, another son of Samuel Levis III, built a mill at this location around 1790. He sold paper to Mathew Carey around 1792–1794. References: Ashmead 1884, 544, 625; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 May 1794: double crown wrapping; Carey Papers, 6:1928.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  22 Isaac I bequeathed the mill to his eldest son, Seth Levis, who purchased moulds under his own name not long after his father died in 1794. He sold wrapping paper to Mathew Carey in 1801. References: Ashmead 1884, 625; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Aug. 1795: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 May 1796: double foolscap laid over; Carey Papers, 16:6348. In or before 1807 Seth Levis formed the partnership Levis & Lewis with his brother-in-law Edward Lewis, who became sole proprietor after Levis died around 1825. Under Lewis, the establishment was a two-vat mill employing twenty-one hands in the manufacture of imperial and royal printing, but it was also operating as a grist mill and a saw mill. It was destroyed by a flood in 1843. References: Ashmead 1884, 625; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Sept. 1814: medium vellum; Pearson 1826, 16. L & L [laid] — ms., n.p., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 646). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to Levis & Lewis wmk 647, whose lettering might be construed as L & L if one of the letters was upside down, but it is actually a deteriorated T & L watermark, which I attribute to Townsend & Lewis (N.Y. Mill 11).

Springfield Township 29.  On Darby Creek. Thomas Levis I bought moulds as early as 1790 and had some watermarked with his initials, but soon arranged for the mill to be managed by his sons John Levis and Thomas Levis II; each was assessed for a half interest in the mill in 1799. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 Dec. 1790: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: post, watermarked with a posthorn and TL; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Sept. 1795: royal sold to John Levis; Ashmead 1884, 724; Carey Papers, 6:1906, 1908, 5:1863, 8:2849. TL [laid] — mss., Kent County, Del., 1792, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 928); Laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, vol. 2

(Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1793; PPL); statement of John Levis, 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2849; countermark only?). T LEVIS & [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 660). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the TL initials above, occurring in mss. as early as 1792 (wmk 928), to Thomas Langstroth. Langstroth, however, did not start his mill in Montgomery County until around 1794, and he marked his paper with a monogram, perhaps to differentiate his initials from those of Levis.

Thomas Levis II and Edward Levis managed the business under their name from 1799 until at least 1817, by which time John Levis had taken a position elsewhere. They had a store or an office in Philadelphia, perhaps at one of the addresses where Thomas II appears as a papermaker in city directories between 1806 and 1817. References: Carey Papers, 14:5169, 29:4507; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Oct. 1800: post; Brown 1949, 566. This mill may have been managed by a Samuel Levis some years before 1825, when it was purchased by Oborn Levis II, who either rented it to Stephen Pancoast (also Pancrast) or employed him as foreman. At that time the mill had two vats and a workforce of about twenty-three hands, who produced 33 reams of medium and 48 reams of printing demy per week. Pancoast occupied this mill until 1838 and also owned a grist mill and a saw mill nearby on Crum Creek, but he was in the papermaking business either here or at ­another mill in 1821, when he bought a pair of demy vellum moulds, his only transaction in the Sellers ledgers. References: Ashmead 1884, 724; Pearson 1826, 9, 13; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 May 1821: demy vellum. 30.  Wallingford Mills. On Crum Creek. In 1811 John Lewis Jr. was assessed for a paper mill, for which he bought wrapping and printing moulds, at least one pair watermarked with his initials. References: Ashmead 1884, 723; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Sept. 1810: post vellum, watermarked JL.

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  23 JL [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1811, and Salem, N.J., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 558).

George Lewis joined the business in 1817 or perhaps earlier, as John and George were selling bonnet boards and medium printing under both their names to the Carey firm in 1815. They sold Carey “dark Coloured paper” in 1821. George Lewis claimed in his census return that they could turn a profit of $1,200–1,500 a year when business was good; but in their present situation they could run only one of their two vats and were employing only four men, five women, and two children. They were making writing and printing grades, mostly the latter it would seem, because the value of their annual output was only $5,400. Business improved by 1826, when they employed twenty hands to manufacture printing and hanging paper, around 60–66 reams per week; a woolen factory on the property was managed by another firm. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Mar. 1817: double cap vellum; Ashmead 1884, 723; Carey Papers, 28:4070, 34: 28 Apr. 1821; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 691; Pearson 1826, 13. Ashmead says that the mill was converted into a cotton factory in 1835 or after, but John Lewis was buying supplies for a cylinder machine at that time. In 1843 a tornado and rainstorm destroyed the dam, head gates, and some of the machinery of John Lewis’s paper mill. References: Ashmead 1884, 723; Sellers Order Book, 10 Oct. 1834: cylinder face sold to John R. Lewis; Sellers Order Book, 6 Jan. 1835: facing and backing wire sold to John Lewis; Carter 1982, 72.

Aston Township 31.  West Branch of Chester Creek, five miles above Chester. Built around 1794 by Aaron Mattson, possibly in partnership with someone else. He bought foolscap moulds watermarked M & E in 1794, and William Young sold foolscap with this watermark to Mathew Carey a year later. Mattson may have terminated his partnership with Mr. E. around 1803, by which time he was making paper watermarked with his own initials.

References: Ashmead 1884, 297–98; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Nov. 1794: double cap, watermarked M & E; Carey Papers, 4:1335; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 May 1806: double cap, watermarked AM. AM [laid] — ms., Del., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 13).

John Mattson tried to sell the mill and other property belonging to Aaron Mattson & Son in 1805, noting that his father was “far advanced in years” and that he wanted to relocate out of state. He seems to have been running one vat, although his manufacturing facilities had been “calculated” for two. Also for sale was a “good Farm” on 100 acres of land. For whatever reason, he did not sell and took over the business before or around 1814, when he began buying moulds under his own name. He told the census takers that he had made “a reasonable profit” between 1815 and 1818, but had lost more than $5,000 during the next two years because he was unable to compete against underpriced European imports. The demand for paper was so low that he had stockpiled the products of the mill for more than a year rather than sell them at an even greater loss. For example, Mattson consigned 80 reams of royal printing to the Carey firm in September 1820, but no customer could be found until more than a year later, when the printer Abraham Small took the paper—but did not pay for it. At that time Mattson was running a one-vat mill and was employing four men, seven women, and two children, with an annual output estimated at $7,425. References: [Easton, Md.] Republican Star or Eastern Shore General Advertiser, 15 Jan. 1805, 4; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 May 1814: littress; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 705; Carey ­Papers, 32: 14 Sept. 1820, 34: 21 Nov. 1821; Benjamin Tilghman to John Willcox, 1 May 1826, Willcox Papers, HSP. Mattson defaulted on his debts, and his property was seized by the sheriff. In 1824 the mill was sold at auction along with 183 acres of land, a two-story stone mansion house, and several outbuildings for $7,330, less than half of the capital employed in 1820. The mill had become “dilapidated” but contained two

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  24 vats. Mattson either added one during the last year or so, which seems highly unlikely in his circumstances, or neglected to inform the census that he had closed down one of his two vats when his business began to decline. The new owner converted the mill to cotton manufacture. References: Ashmead 1884, 297–98; Wallace 1980, 80. 32.  Swedesborough Paper Mills or Lenni Mills. On Chester Creek. After leaving Pa. Mill 23 in Upper Providence Township, John Lungren built a mill here in 1798 on a tract of 85 acres. He continued to buy double foolscap moulds with the JLG watermark, as well as moulds in other sizes, until he died in 1816. References: Ashmead 1884, 296–97; Carter 1982, 70; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 May 1812, double foolscap, watermarked JLG. JLG [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1803 (Carey Papers, 18:8214); ms., Charleston, S.C., 1806 (AAS); ms., New Orleans, La., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 562); printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., dated in ms. 1810 (NYHS); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790(?) and 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 561).

John Lungren bequeathed the mill in 1816 to his sons William and Charles, who are said to have rented it, but Charles assumed some part of the business before his father died. In his 1820 census return Charles stated that two mill wheels ran three vats in the Swedesborough establishment, which employed eight men, twelve women, and five children to manufacture paper and bookbinders’ boards; he valued his annual output at $18,000. He estimated that the demand for paper had declined by a third and that prices had dropped by about the same amount. References: Ashmead 1884, 296–97; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 June 1815: medium vellum; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 703; Kayser 1823, 180. After falling into debt, the Lungrens went out of business around 1823, when the mill was sold at a sheriff ’s sale to one of their creditors, a Philadelphia commission merchant named William Martin Jr. William

Lungren then moved to Upper Darby, where he worked as a millwright for the Sellers firm. Martin joined with his brother-in-law Joseph W. Smith in a partnership to run the Lenni Mills, comprising a cotton factory and a two-vat paper mill “occupied by” John B. Duckett, who employed twenty-three hands to manufacture 60 reams of quarto post and 33 reams of medium printing per week. The firm of Martin & Smith was mainly concerned with the cotton mill, although Martin was listed as one of the references for the Commission Paper and Rag Warehouse in Philadelphia, which was operated by Sheldon Potter. References: Wallace 1980, 75; Pearson 1826, 21; Ashmead 1884, 297; Martin 1877, 331–34; AAD 1832, 214; Paper Commission Warehouse, advertisement in the Willcox Papers, HSP. Note: Since Martin was not born until 1797 and did not buy the mill until 1823, it is impossible to accept the W MARTIN watermark ca. 1799 attributed to him in Hunter 1952, 159, or the WM watermark ca. 1803 attributed to him in Gravell & Miller 2002 (wmk 1012). The WM watermark is also suspect because the lettering is not in the Sellers style. Both watermarks properly belong to the Englishman William Martin, who was running a paper mill in or near Leeds ca. 1804–1816. References: Gravell & Miller 1983, p. 257; Shorter 1972, 118.

In 1827 Martin purchased Smith’s share of the business and became so heavily indebted by other expenses that he stopped payment when the price of cotton fell in 1829. One of his major creditors was his uncle and former partner in the commission business, Peter Hill, whose father-in-law was Nathan Sellers. Sellers purchased the Lenni property at a sheriff ’s sale in 1829, put it in trust for his daughter, and gave Hill power of attorney to find tenants for the farm and mills. The paper mill appears to have been abandoned or converted at this time. Reference: Wallace 1980, 87–91. 33.  On the West Branch of Chester Creek, opposite Parkmount. While managing Lenni Mills (Pa. Mill 32), John B. Duckett purchased his own land on Chester Creek

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  25 where a woolen factory had been in operation. There he built a three-story paper mill, which would have been in operation around 1826 if he built the mill soon after buying the property, or around 1829 if he remained at Lenni Mills until Martin failed. He was certainly in business by 1831, when he bought a cylinder machine with the latest improvements. References: Ashmead 1884, 297; Pearson 1826, 19; Sellers Letter Book, 10 Oct. 1831; Sellers Order Book, 9 Dec. 1835. Duckett failed during the Panic of 1837. A year later the Bank of Delaware County foreclosed the mortgage and seized the mill, which was torn down to make room for another factory. Reference: Wallace 1980, 352.

Haverford Township 34.  On Cobb’s Creek, six or seven miles from Philadelphia, near the Lancaster Turnpike. Thomas Goucher was active at this location in 1803, although he started buying moulds from the Sellers firm a few years earlier. I have found no record of him after 1803, when he bought medium moulds and sold four reams of medium to the Carey firm. Possibly he was associated with either William Goucher or Francis Goucher. References: Brown 1949, 451; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 May 1799: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 May 1803: medium vellum; Carey Papers, 17:7203. Francis Goucher owned a mill in Haverford Township in 1817, presumably the same one advertised by Edward D. Humphreys a year later (see below). Goucher ordered moulds from the Sellers firm between 1805 and 1818, including one pair with an FG and posthorn watermark. He sold ironmongers’ paper to the Carey firm in 1820 and patented improvements in washing engines in 1822, when he was living in Philadelphia, and in 1833, when he was living in Chester County. References: Ashmead 1884, 571; Brown 1949, 451; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Aug. 1805: vellum super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Feb. 1807: extra vellum post, watermarked FG and posthorn;

Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 July 1818: laid royal; Carey Papers, 32:5753; Burke 1847, 315, 87. FG & Co [laid] — ms., Chenango Point, N.Y., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 357); ms., Newfane [Vt.?], 1815 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute this watermark to Goucher without comment, although there is no evidence that his firm was ever styled Francis Goucher & Co. The peculiar et-ligature ampersand can also be found in P & W watermarks occurring in Maryland and Massachusetts documents (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 782, 783–84; P & W = flowers, Boston, Mass., 1793 [AAS]). Gravell & Miller attribute these P & W watermarks to Peter Wallover, apparently misled by his first name, for he was never in a partnership with those initials.

Edward D. Humphreys advertised for sale a mill at this location in 1818 and was active there around 1820– 1822, but appears to have gone out of business before 1826. References: Brown 1949, 494; Ashmead 1884, 571; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 30 Oct. 1818, 4.

Lower Providence Township 35.  On Crum Creek. In 1826 John Pancoast “and others” were running a new two-vat mill on land he had purchased the year before. He continued to operate the mill until 1833, when it was purchased by Elizabeth Lewis. Her husband, John Lewis, ran the mill until 1868. References: Pearson 1826, 13; Ashmead 1884, 663. 36.  On Crum Creek. A two-vat mill was built on property bequeathed in 1825 by Thomas Leiper to his sons George Gray Leiper, William J. Leiper, and Samuel M. Leiper. In 1826 John Holmes was running the mill for Thomas Leiper & Sons, who were also operating two snuff mills on the same mill race. Holmes married Elizabeth Leiper, a granddaughter of Thomas Leiper. Refer-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  26 ences: Ashmead 1884, 662; Pearson 1826, 12; Martin 1877, 243. George Gray Leiper ran the mill from 1829 until it burned down in 1836. Reference: Ashmead 1884, 662. 37.  On Ridley Creek, on property previously known as Rose Valley Mills. In 1826 Park Shee bought a snuff mill, “lately employed in pulverizing medicines,” and converted it to paper manufacture on a large scale, installing three engines, a drying machine, and probably a cylinder machine. He remained in business until after 1850. References: Ashmead 1884, 660; Pearson 1826, 15–16; Sellers ­Letter Book (accounts), 18 July 1833.

Addenda A member of the Levis family was associated with the Philadelphia stationer Isaac Pearson in the firm of Pearson & Levis, which sold paper to Mathew Carey in 1796 and 1798. Reference: Carey Papers, 8:2862, 14: 5273. The Sellers firm sold at least four pairs of moulds to John Levis Jr., possibly the son of the John Levis who was running Pa. Mill 29. He is said to have had his own mill between 1817 and 1835 (when it was converted to a cotton factory), but on what authority, I cannot ascertain. A SPRING HILL watermark has been attributed to a John Levis, but this is almost certainly a fragment of an Irish watermark, SPRING HILL | Co CORK [laid] — ms., N.H., 1783 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmks 642–43); ms., York County, Pa., 1789 (AAS). References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Feb. 1810: four pairs in different sizes; Carter 1982, 62, 73; Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 904. Although Edward Levis left the Springfield Township Pa. Mill 29 between 1817 and 1825, he or another Edward Levis was buying moulds in 1834. An Edward Levis was employed at Edgar Patterson’s Georgetown paper mill in 1826. References: [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 15 Sept. 1826, 2; Sellers Order

Book, 19 Sept. 1834: royal vellum; Sellers Order Book, 14 Oct. 1834: imperial. In 1809 Isaac Levis II joined with William Weaver to establish the firm of Levis & Weaver, papermakers and stationers. Weaver retired from the firm in 1813, and Levis carried on the business until 1820 or after. With Weaver and on his own, Levis bought moulds through 1823 for a mill or mills he owned in the vicinity or for papermakers who supplied his stationery business. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 18 Mar. 1809: super royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Aug. 1823: imperial wove; Brown 1949, 566, 567. The McLane Report calls for thirteen paper mills operating in Delaware County in 1832, producing altogether 41,000 reams a year worth $215,000. If Pa. Mill 24 was still in business at this time, one could say that twelve mills are accounted for in this directory, but there are too many doubtful cases to make that claim. Reference: McLane Report, 2:202. cc

Montgomery County Springfield Township 38.  On Sandy Run, in Camp Hill across from Dreshertown Road, about twelve miles from Philadelphia. Jacob Colliday (also Coladay) built lime quarries, kilns, and a paper mill on a tract of about 300 acres, which he purchased in 1739. It is not known whether he made any paper at this mill, but he had completed it by December 1745, when he offered to sell the land “by publick Vendue” in two parcels, one comprising 200 acres and the other 100 acres with “a very good Paper Mill, which never wants Water.” He succeeded in selling the land with the mill to Lynford Lardner, an attorney and agent for Richard Penn. References: Hunter 1952, 147; Macfarlan, mill 35; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Gazette, 6 Dec. 1745, 3. At first, Lardner employed Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz (also Schütz, perhaps also Henry Scheetz) to run the mill, or perhaps he rented it to Scheetz in

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  27 1751, in which case Lardner may have first employed Anthony Newhouse to manage the mill or may have rented it to him between 1748 and 1750. Newhouse was residing at the Sandy Run mill in June 1749. On the other hand, Scheetz could have gone to work at the mill when Lardner bought it, having been in the area since 1739, when he arrived in Philadelphia on a ship bearing Palatines from Rotterdam. References: Macfarlan, mill 35; Miller 1974, xli–xlii; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Gazette, 1 June 1749; Strassburger 1934, 1:257–62. GHS [laid] — Pa. Indian Treaty, Minutes of Conferences Held at Easton (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1758; Miller 1974, 696 and other Franklin imprints, 1758–1762); The American Magazine and Monthly Chronicle for the British Colonies (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by William Bradford, 1757–1758; DLC, NYHS); The New-York Mercury, 8 July 1765 and 16 Dec. 1765 (New York: Printed by Hugh Gaine, 1765; PPL).

Christian and Henry Friend bought the mill from Lardner just before Lardner died in 1774. References: Macfarlan, mill 35; Hunter 1952, 151. C FREIND = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii III . . . decimo tertio [laws to the session of 26 Feb. 1773] (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Hall and Sellers, 1773; PPL); ms., Dover, Del., 1776 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 368–69).

In 1786 Christian and Henry Friend sold the concern to Scheetz, who bequeathed it to his son Justice (also Justus) in 1793. Justice kept it going for seven years or more and then converted it to a grist mill. References: Macfarlan, mill 35; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 May 1794: double cap, watermarked JS; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 May 1800: double cap, watermarked JS. Note: Both Justice Scheetz and John Steele purchased moulds watermarked JS in the same period, and both sold their wares in the Philadelphia area. Some JS water­marks attributed to Steele below may actually belong to Scheetz.

39.  Near the Bethlehem Pike, on Paper Mill Run not far from where it joins Wissahickon Creek. In 1759 Michael Schlatter leased 2.5 acres at this location to John Scheetz for the purpose of building a paper mill. A year later the mill was partly built, and Scheetz raised funds for equipping it by taking a mortgage of £300 with Jacob Hagey. Although Hunter claims this mill was active between 1760 and 1776, I have found no record of it after 1760, and Macfarlan notes that it does not appear in a survey taken in 1765. References: Macfarlan, mill 28; Hunter 1952, 163; Weis 1956, 307. 40.  Springfield Manor Henry Dewees I owned a mill and a dwelling house in this district as early as 1747. He described himself as a papermaker in deeds dated 1747 and 1788 as well as a mortgage dated 1768, which mentions a mill on that property; but it is possible that he manufactured paper only at Pa. Mill 8 and/or one of his father’s mills. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 30. Jacob Dewees, papermaker of Springfield Township, abandoned his profession for a life of crime ca. 1780. His misdeeds are not recorded but must have been serious enough that he should want to escape the clutches of the law and that the authorities should offer a reward of $1,000 to anyone who could capture him. Reference: [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Packet, 2 Dec. 1780, 4. 41.  On Sandy Run, in Camp Hill “just South of the Reading Railroad, before it crosses the Trenton CutOff.” While employed in or renting Pa. Mill 38, Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz purchased property on this site in 1758 and built a paper mill here in 1769. In 1773 he took as an apprentice John Pansler, son of the Berks County papermaker Ludwig Pansler. His eldest son, Henry Scheetz, probably managed the mill for him in his last years. References: Tepper 1977, 229; Macfarlan, mill 34; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Apr. 1791: medium laid.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  28 HS = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1786 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 431–32; note bent crossbar in H); Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [17 Oct. 1791] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1791; PPL); Report of the Secretary of State, on the Subject of the Cod and Whale Fisheries (Philadelphia: Printed by John Fenno, 1791; PPL); Treasury Department broadside, 1792 (AAS). HS = clover [laid] — Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Twelfth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [22 Oct. 1787] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1787; PPL); ms., Monmouth County, N.J., 1789 (AAS). HS in script = clover [laid] — Philadelphia, September 6th, 1790. Gentlemen, Permit Us to Congratulate You upon the Establishment of a Constitution in Pennsylvania ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1790]; PHi broadside). HS [laid] — Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Thirteenth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [27 Oct. 1788] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1788; PPL); ms., n.p., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 430; note bent crossbar in H); Calculation, Shewing in What Time a Permanent Bridge over the River Schuylkill . . . May Be Built [8 Jan. 1798] (Philadelphia: Printed by Z. Poulson, jun., 1798; PHi). HS | SANDYRUN = posthorn in shield [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1792? (AAS); mss., Dover, Del., 1791, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 433, reproducing countermark only; note bent crossbars in H and A); Isaac Neale, (Circular.) Bur­ lington, April 18, 1796. Sir, The Subscriber Having Just Published . . . the Miscellanies of Mrs. Moore ([Burlington, N.J.: s.n., 1796]; countermark only, information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). Note: It is not known whether Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz used the HS watermark or whether his son Henry Scheetz introduced it while working for his father. If Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz used the watermark, perhaps having anglicized his name, then it could also be attributed to Pa. Mill 38.

Henry Scheetz inherited the mill when Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz died in 1793. C. William Miller states that

Henry Scheetz and Henry Scheetz II purchased Pa. Mill 38 from the residuary heirs of Lynford Lardner in 1792, but Miller may not have realized that the Scheetz family was operating two mills on Sandy Run. In any case, the Carey firm purchased paper from Gerhard Heinrich’s son Henry Scheetz between 1802 and 1821, and the Sellers firm sold moulds to him between 1793 and 1816. Prominent in local politics, he served as a soldier in the Revolutionary War and as a major general in the War of 1812. It is tempting to think that he displayed his patriotic credentials and his political allegiances in the WASHINGTON watermark below. A Samuel Pitt purchased moulds for the Sandy Run mill in 1801. References: Macfarlan, mill 34; Miller 1974, xlii; Carey Papers, 16:6627, 34: ca. 8 Mar. 1821; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Dec. 1793: double cap, water­ marked HS; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 Sept. 1801: super royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 June 1816: medium vellum. A Britannia figure seated on a plow within a triple surround containing the text GEORGE WASHINGTON [laid] — ms., Mount Vernon, Va., blank sheets, ca. 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1032, 1033); blank sheet (NNPM, MA 6435); blank sheets (AAS). HS [laid] — General Statement of the Contracts for Opening and Improving Roads and Rivers (Philadelphia: Printed by Zachariah Poulson, Junior, 1797; NN); Report of the Committee of the Common Council, on the City Debts and Expenditures (Philadelphia: Printed by Z. Poulson, Jun., 1798; NN); printed form (Philadelphia: Bartram & Reynolds, 18__, dated 1809 in ms.; NYHS). HS | SANDYRUN = posthorn [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1795 (AAS; countermark only); ms., Hopewell, N.J., 1796 (AAS); ms., Nazareth, Pa., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 434–35; note straight crossbars in H and A). Note: The WASHINGTON watermark is only tentatively attributed to Scheetz by Gravell & Miller, who also mention the possibility that it could have been made for a member of the Levis family. One could easily imagine that the president would have been

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  29 in Philadelphia documents not long after that date. Sheetz must have been a member of the Scheetz family, which operated two mills in Springfield Township during the 1790s. Reference: Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Apr. 1796: double cap, watermarked with three letters, i.e., B & S. B & S [laid] — Plan for the Establishment of a Company, to be Incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania . . . by the Name and Title of “The Company for Erecting a Bridge over the River Schuylkill, at or near the City of Philadelphia” [25 Jan. 1797] ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1797]; PHi broadside); Message from the President of the United States, Accompanying a Report to Him from the Secretary of State . . . 20th February, 1798, Ordered to Lie on the Table. Published by Order of the House of Representatives (Philadelphia: Printed by W. Ross, 1798; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 127).

Fig. 1.4. George Washington watermark. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

presented with paper specially watermarked with his name and with patriotic insignia. It is possible that this paper was custom-made for a letterpress copying device employed by Washington as early as 1794. On 23 August 1798 Samuel Hodgdon, the Intendant of Stores of the United States, reported that he had been “very particular” in procuring “patent copying Paper” along with other supplies for the copy press. Paper bearing a reproduction of this watermark was made by the Eaton Paper Company in Pittsfield or Lee, Mass. (AAS). Reference: The Papers of George Washington Digital Edition, ed. Theodore J. Crackel (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, Rotunda, 2007).

In 1850 Jacob and George Scheetz, executors of their father Henry Scheetz, sold the mill and land to John Shaffer. Reference: Macfarlan, mill 34.

Addenda Beckley & Sheetz purchased moulds in 1796 that were probably watermarked B & S, a watermark appearing

B & S [wove ] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 128).

Benjamin Williams ordered several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1806 and 1813. He may have been working at a mill in Springfield Township, since one pair was sent to him at Sandy Run, and he may have owned an interest in that mill, since one pair was watermarked with his initials. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Apr. 1806: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Aug. 1807: post vellum, water­ marked BW; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 July 1813: crown laid over. BW [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 131).

Whitemarsh Township 42.  Miquon, on Trout Run; sometimes said to be on the Schuylkill River. After working as a foreman for William Dewees in the late 1730s, Anthony Newhouse built a paper mill in this location on land he bought in 1746. Between 1742 and 1749 he dealt extensively with Benjamin Franklin,

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  30 both buying rags and selling paper, including a large amount used for Pennsylvania currency. References: Miller 1974, xli; Hommel 1947, 279–80. In 1752 Newhouse sold the mill to Jacob Hagey (also Hege; Hans Jacob Hage), a Swiss papermaker who had emigrated to Philadelphia the year before on a ship from Rotterdam. In 1780 Hagey was taxed for three paper mills, perhaps the one in Lower Merion (Pa. Mill 46), this one, and another one in the vicinity. References: Strassburger 1934, 1:469–70; Hagey 1951, 337–39; Miller 1974, xlv. IH [laid] — John Jerman, The American Almanack for the Year . . . 1755 (Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, [1754]; Miller 1974, 591 and other Franklin imprints through 1765); New York Mercury, 23 Nov. 1761 (New York: Printed by Hugh Gaine, 1765; MWiW-C); The Constitutional Courant, 21 Sept. 1765 (Constitution Hill, North-America: Printed by Andrew Marvel [i.e., Woodbridge, N.J.: William Goddard, 1765]; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1770 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 488); ms., Suffolk County, Mass., 1771 (AAS). IH = crown [laid] — William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase and Progress, of the . . . Quakers, 3rd ed. (Burlington, N.J.: Isaac Collins, 1774; PPL); ms., Northampton County, Pa., 1780 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 489–90). Note: Some of these watermarks could have originated in Hagey’s other mill in Lower Merion (Pa. Mill 46). Isaac Collins started printing Sewel’s History with Hagey’s paper, which was so unsatisfactory that Collins finished the book with paper supplied by Frederick Bicking. Both Hagey’s and Bicking’s watermarks are present in this volume, but not in a sequence that would suggest that one paper stock followed another. Reference: Hixson 1968, 44, 46.

In 1792 Jacob Hagey bequeathed the mill to his son Daniel Hagey, who, like his brother William Hagey, was already running the mill he inherited from his father. Like William, he married a daughter of Henry Katz. He and Johannes Hagey were named executors of Jacob Hagey’s estate. References: Hagey 1951, 340–

42, 353; Hommel 1947, 282; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: writing moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 13 Dec. 1809: moulds laid over; Die Chesnuthiller Wochenschrift, 4 Dec. 1792, 3. DH = clover [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 299-300). Note: This watermark is dated 1798 in Gravell & Miller 1979 and 1793 in Gravell & Miller 2002.

By 1813 the mill was occupied by Daniel Hagey’s sonin-law William Henvis, who ran it in partnership with his son-in-law William Snyder. In 1815 and 1818 Henvis sold several types of low-grade medium to the Carey firm. References: Hagey 1951, 361; Sellers Moulds Ordered, Jan. 1813: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 July 1820: cap vellum; Carey Papers, 28:4053, 31:5297. The Census of 1820 describes three mills in White­ marsh, without, however, naming any of the proprietors. Since this mill is best known and was most active, there is some reason to believe that it was the largest of the three, running two water wheels, two vats, and two engines, and employing five men, one woman, and one child to manufacture “Medium Paper.” Its annual output was valued at $4,000, such a small amount that only one vat could have been in operation at that time. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 14, item 783. 43.  Miquon, on Trout Run, adjoining Jacob Hagey’s property. Nicholas Hasselbach purchased 17 acres at this location on 22 March 1757 and built a paper mill there a few months before he bought Pa. Mill 6. References: Magee 1933; Hommel 1947, 283–85. When Hasselbach bought Pa. Mill 6, he put Henry Katz in charge of this mill and then sold it to him on 14 January 1760. Henry Katz probably served his apprenticeship in one of the Katz family paper mills in Germany before emigrating to America in 1751. Two of his daughters married into the Hagey family. Katz and Frederck Bicking submitted a memorial to the Penn-

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  31 sylvania Committee of Safety stating that the paper trade was so indispensable to the war effort that papermakers should be exempted from military service. References: Magee 1933; Hommel 1947, 283–85; Hagey 1951, 345; Grosse-Stoltenberg 1982; Rupp 1965, 254; Barker 1926a, 19. Cat [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1773 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 260). HK = three tulips in a vase [laid] — ms., Dover, Del., 1779 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 421–22); ms., New Castle County, Del., n.d. (AAS; half sheet only, lacks countermark); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1780 (Magee 1935, 221). H = two tulips [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1792 (Gravell & Miller, wmk 952; lacks countermark); Journal of the Proceedings of the Legislative-Council of the State of New-Jersey [23 Oct. 1792] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1793; information provided by Joseph J. Felcone). Note: Following Hunter, Gravell & Miller attribute a two-headed deer watermark to Katz, although they note that it has also been assigned to the Hagey family. I believe that Simon Class is a better candidate, because he used that device with his initials. Even more dubious, the cat watermark does not display very convincing feline features and does not resemble the cat watermarks the Katz family had been using in the Old World (illustrated in Grosse-Stoltenberg 1982, 177, 184). At best it might be interpreted as a lion, a motif more likely to occur in imported paper at that time.

Hunter mentions an Andrew Katz (also Kates, Kaltz) active in Whitemarsh Township in 1769, presumably at the same mill but using the watermark AK. I have not seen an AK watermark datable to that period, nor have I been able to find any mention of Andrew Katz in other sources. Reference: Hunter 1952, 156. When Henry Katz died in 1794, his son Henry Katz II inherited the mill and ran it in partnership with his son John Katz, who sometimes ordered moulds under his own name. This paper mill may have been the sec-

ond largest of three unnamed mills in Whitemarsh recorded in the Census of 1820. If so, it contained one vat and two engines and employed four men, one woman, and two children to manufacture “Medium Paper” priced at $3 a ream. Its annual output was valued at $6,000. Henry Katz II sold coarse medium to the Carey firm at the price of $2.88 a ream in 1816. Conrad Katz, Jacob Katz, and William Katz may have also worked at this mill. After Henry Katz II died, John Katz and his brother-in-law Leonard Streeper sold the mill, or another mill on the property, in 1837. References: Census of 1820, reel 14, item 782; Carey Papers, 29:4476; Hunter 1952, 156; Hommel 1947, 283–87; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Apr. 1812: double wrapping; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 Aug. 1818: medium vellum. H KATZ = bird [laid] — ms., n.p., 1798 (Hommel 1947, 287). H KATZ = fleur-de-lis [laid] — One of the People, To the Friends of Israel Israel [22 Feb. 1798] ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1798]; PHi broadside; half sheet with countermark only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 621–22). H KATZ [laid] — ms., ship Nancy, 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 423; deteriorated watermark, lacking the last two letters); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS).

44.  Not located. Between 1812 and 1815 John Bilger obtained several pairs of moulds for a Whitemarsh mill, which was making wrapping, writing, and “Psalterspiel” paper in 1813. This establishment may have been the smallest of three unidentified paper mills in Whitemarsh recorded in the Census of 1820. If so, it contained one vat and one engine, employed two men and three children, and manufactured “Medium Paper.” Its annual output was valued at $3,750. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Mar. 1812: medium vellum, ordered by John Conrad; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 14 Mar. 1815: demy vellum; sales of paper, 2 July 1813–17 Dec. 1813, Billmeyer Ledger; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 781.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  32

Addenda Jacob Newhouse appears in Hunter (1952, 160) as a papermaker active in Whitemarsh Township between 1769 and 1774, but Hunter also states that he “probably” was a partner with Jacob Hagey in Pa. Mill 46 in Lower Merion, perhaps on the authority of Barker, who merely mentions him as a resident of Lower Merion. Reference: Barker 1926a, 22. IACOB = NEWHOUSE [laid] — Laws Enacted in the Third [Pennsylvania] General Assembly [26 Oct. 1778] (Philadelphia: Printed by John Dunlap, 1778; PPL).

Around 1814 a brother of John G. Langstroth was operating one of the Whitemarsh mills (Pa. Mills 42– 44), which probably remained in the family into the 1820s. Reference: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 5 July 1814: double wrapping.

Lower Merion 45.  Lower Mill. On Mill Creek, upstream of the John Roberts mill. At age thirty Conrad Scheetz (also Johann Conrad Schütz) arrived in Philadelphia on a ship from Rotterdam two years before his brother Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz. If the immigration records are correct, he was born in 1707, although Hunter claims he was born in 1717. After setting up Va. Mill 1 for William Parks, he returned to Pennsylvania and perhaps worked a while for Thomas Willcox before starting his own papermaking business around 1745. It is not known exactly where he was working at that time, but he was purchasing rags in quantity from Franklin and selling him paper with the CS watermark, clear evidence that he either owned a mill or was renting one. In 1748 he purchased from a fuller 100 acres on Mill Creek and took a £200 mortgage on the property as well as a second £200 mortgage two years later, perhaps to finance his second mill. This mill must have been operating by 1752, when it appears in Scull & Heap’s map of the Philadelphia vicinity. References: Strassburger 1934,

1:168–69; Hunter 1952, 164; Barker 1926a, 9; Miller 1974, xliii; Scharf & Westcott 1884, 1: map facing p. 14. CS = crown shield fleur-de-lis and BF [laid] — By the Honourable George Thomas, Esq;, Lieutenant Governor, and Commander in Chief, of the Province of Pennsylvania . . . A Proclamation (Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin, 1746; Miller 1974, 405 and other Franklin imprints, 1747–1748). CS in shield = Pennsylvania arms [laid] — Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1748; Miller 1974, 452 and other Franklin imprints in 1748, 1749, and 1754). CS = serpent on rod [laid] — Ein jeder sein eigner Doctor (Philadelphia: Gedruckt und zu finden bey Benjamin Fräncklin und Johann Böhm, 1749; Miller 1974, 467 and other Franklin imprints, with or without the CS countermark, 1750–1755). Virginia arms = wreath [laid] — Die Hoch Teutsche und Englische Zeitung (Philadelphia: Gedruckt und zu finden bey Benjamin Fräncklin, 1751–1752; Miller 1974, 543). Crown shield harp [laid] — Laws of New-York from the Year 1691 to 1751 (New York: Printed by James Parker, 1752; MWiW-C); Petrus Sachariae Nakskow, The Articles of Faith (New York: Printed and sold by J. Parker and W. Weyman . . . , 1754; MWiW-C). Crown | WP = Virginia arms | EN DAT VIRGINIA QUARTAM in cartouche [laid] — George Fisher, The American Instructor, 10th ed. (Philadelphia: Printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1753; Miller 1974, 568 and other Franklin imprints, 1753–1763); The American Magazine and Monthly Chronicle for the British Colonies (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by William Bradford, 1757–1758; DLC, MWiW-C, NYHS); Biblia (Germantown, Pa.: Christopher Sower II, 1763; AAS, reprod. in Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1013–14; tracing in Goodwin 1939). CS = unicorn [laid] — George Fisher, The American Instructor, 10th ed. (Philadelphia: Printed by B. Frank-

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  33 lin and D. Hall, 1753; Miller 1974, 568 and other Franklin imprints, 1753–1758). WP = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Petrus Sachariae Nakskow, The Articles of Faith (New York: Printed and sold by J. Parker and W. Weyman . . . , 1754; MWiW-C); Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia: Benjamin Franklin, 1754; Miller 1974, 593 and other Franklin imprints in 1754, 1755, and 1761). CS = Pennsylvania arms with round base [laid] — Thomas More, The American Country Almanack, for . . . 1755 (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin and D. Hall, [1754]; Miller 1974, 592). Centermarked CS [laid] — Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii II . . . vigesimo nono [laws to the session of 10 May 1756] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1756; Miller 1974, 645). Centermarked many-pointed star or sun [laid] — Israel Acrelius, A Sermon Explaining the Duties of Christian Subjects (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1756; Miller 1974, 628 and other Franklin imprints, 1756–1760). WP = Arms of England [laid] — Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii II . . . tricesimo secundo [laws to the session of 10 Sept. 1759] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1759; PPL; Miller 1974, 710). Note: In his introduction Miller (1974, xliv) states that the star or sun watermark has an initial on either side, but his entries do not mention the initials. Neither Hunter nor Gravell & Miller were able to explain why the Virginia arms and Irish harp watermarks appeared in Pennsylvania imprints after Va. Mill 1 had gone out of business. However, Miller (xliv) neatly solved the problem by suggesting that Scheetz retrieved the moulds of the Williamsburg mill after his former employer died and took them for use in his Pennsylvania mill, having neglected for some reason to remove or replace the water­marks. The American Magazine contains his brother’s GHS watermark along with the Virginia arms.

After Conrad Scheetz died in 1771, his widow, Catherine Scheetz, managed both his mills (Pa. Mills 45

and 49) with the assistance of her sons Benjamin and Frederick. William Hoffman may have rented one of the Scheetz mills, where he had been working as a journey­man upon his arrival in America in 1767 or 1768. If so, he soon left to rent another mill in Lancaster County. Catherine died sometime before 1788, when a family dispute over ownership of the mills was resolved by awarding the lower mill to Frederick Scheetz (also Sheets). Between 1787 and 1789 he sold paper on a regular basis to the Carey firm, which purchased from another supplier 10 reams of foolscap with his FS water­mark in 1795. References: Barker 1926a, 10; Seitz 1986b, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: demy, watermarked FS; Carey Papers, 2:607, 4:1335. FS = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Laws of the Thirteenth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [3 Feb. 1789] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1789; PPL); Laws of the Thirteenth General Assembly of . . . Pennsylvania [18 Aug. 1789] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1789; NYHS); Laws of the State of North-Carolina (Edenton: Printed by Hodge & Wills, 1791; PPL). FS [laid] — Charles Crawford, Observations upon Negro-Slavery (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by ­Eleazer Oswald, 1790; NHi); mss., Worcester County, Md., 1802, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 361). FS = plow [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790, and Montgomery County, Pa., 1790 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 362–63); George Washington, United States, November the 22d, 1792. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives. I Send You Herewith the Abstract . . . Pursuant to the Acts . . . For Raising a Revenue upon Foreign and Domestic Distilled Spirits (Philadelphia: Printed by Childs and Swaine, 1792; CSmH); Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [10 Nov. 1795] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1796; PPL).

Frederick Scheetz died in 1798, leaving his estate to be administered by Barbara Scheetz (also Sheets or Schutz), probably his widow, because she was identified as Mrs. Barbara Schutz when she married Jo-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  34 seph Robeson in 1799. She appears to have entrusted the business to Francis Scheetz, who began buying moulds in 1797. He would have run it quite some time if he was the “F Sheats” on Mill Creek, Lower Merion, who purchased washers from the Sellers firm in 1836. References: Barker 1926a, 22; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Mar. 1797: super royal; Philadelphia Gazette, 21 Aug. 1798, 3, and 10 May 1799, 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Oct. 1804: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Dec. 1821: imperial vellum; Sellers Order Book, 11 Mar. 1836. 46.  On Mill Creek, just before it runs into the Schuylkill River. Christopher Robins (also Christopf Rapp) built a paper mill and a saw mill on this site around 1754 and petitioned for a road to his mills in 1758. He may not have been a papermaker by trade and seems to have been most active as an innkeeper in Whitemarsh Township. References: Nugent 1957, 23; Barker 1926a, 12; Miller 1974, xlv. Crossed hammers | CRA [laid] — Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii II . . . tricesimo [laws to the session of 4 Nov. 1756] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1757; PPL; Miller 1974, 665 and other Franklin imprints through 1764). Note: Miller states that this attribution is “wholly without corroboration,” although the initials correspond to the name of Christopf Rapp, who seems to have entered the papermaking business just before they first appeared in Franklin imprints and to have left it not long after other watermarks took their place. Another version of the CRA watermark omits the hammers.

According to Nugent, the landowner John Roberts purchased the mill in 1758, although it is more likely that Roberts built his own mill around that time. Reference: Nugent 1957, 23–26. According to Miller and Barker, Christopher Robins sold the mill in 1769 to Jacob Hagey, who was already operating Pa. Mill 42 in Whitemarsh Township. Hagey paid taxes on three paper mills in 1780. His son

William Hagey managed the mill in Lower Merion and bought it in 1785, along with 71.5 acres of land, for the nominal sum of 5s., apparently anticipating an inheritance. William Hagey married a daughter of Henry Katz and had several children, including Jacob Hagy and Joseph Hagy, who both worked as papermakers in Lower Merion. References: Barker 1926a, 12; Miller 1974, xlv; Hagey 1951, 337–42, 346; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: demy; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Oct. 1816: medium vellum for Joseph Hagy. WH [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1777, and Duck Creek, Del., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 991). Note: The lettering of this WH watermark is similar in style to an IH watermark attributed to Jacob Hagey in Gravell & Miller 2002 (wmk 488).

Jacob Hagy inherited the mill when his father died in 1792 and was buying moulds under his own name between 1808 and 1823. He married a daughter of Jonathan Robeson. References: Hagey 1951, 355; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Mar. 1808: medium vellum and demy laid; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Sept. 1823: double cap vellum, watermarked with an eagle. 47.  On Mill Creek, upstream of the Jonathan Robeson mill. John Roberts inherited property on both sides of Mill Creek and added more land to his holdings, amounting to nearly 700 acres in all. He owned several grist and saw mills as well as a paper mill, which he built around 1758. This mill must not have been very active and may have been abandoned or converted. After an altercation with American troops, Roberts was arrested, tried, and executed for treason in 1778. His extensive landholdings were sold in 1780, among them a tract of 300 acres with two grist mills, a saw mill, and a paper mill, “all in good order.” This “valuable estate” amounted to 378 acres in 1792, when it was advertised for sale by John Donnaldson and others. If it failed to sell, the proprietors proposed to rent the paper mill, which was “vary forcible and in good repair.” The paper mill eventually passed into the hands of George

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  35 McClenachan, who sold it to the papermaker Peter Wallover in 1807. Wallover’s watermarks indicate that he took a partner with the initial J, perhaps the Evan Jones noted below. He went out of business around 1816, and the property was sold by the sheriff. References: Barker 1926a, 3–5, 17–18; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Packet, 30 May 1780, 4; [Philadelphia, Pa.] The Mail, or Claypoole’s Daily Advertiser, 13 Mar. 1792, 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Aug. 1807: double cap, watermarked W & J and eagle; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Jan. 1816: medium vellum. PW = American eagle [laid] — Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [3 Dec. 1804] (Richmond: Printed by Samuel Pleasants, Jr., [1805]; PPL); ms., Milton [Mass.?], 1808 (AAS); doc. printed by William McCulloch of Philadelphia, dated in pen 1813 (NYHS); mss., Dover, Del., 1813, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 778–79, 780–81). PW = American eagle [wove] — mss., n.p., 1805 and 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 776–77); ms., n.p., 1808 (Gilpin Letter Book). P WALLOVER | 1805 = American eagle [laid] — drawing, n.p., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1027–28). W = American eagle [wove] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 974–75); ms., Huntingdon Furnace, Pa., 1809 (AAS). W & J = American eagle [laid] — ms., Sunbury or Luzerne, Pa., 1809 (AAS; reprod. as fig. I.8); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1809, and Brandywine, Md., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1000–1001). W & J = American eagle [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1002-3); ms., Alexandria, Va., 1811 (Correspondence of Joshua and Thomas Gilpin, 1810–1811, PHi; countermark only). Note: Wallover ordered moulds with his initials as early as 1804. It is possible that he originally used them in Pa. Mill 10 and then brought them to this establishment. It is even more likely that he had already moved to Lower Merion by 1804 and was working in one of the local mills—which one, I have not been able to ascer-

tain. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Apr. 1804: post vellum, watermarked PW and eagle; http://www .lowermerionhistory.org/texts/price/price1805.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011).

Evan Jones is said to have purchased the mill at the sheriff ’s sale, but I have found no record of him in the paper trade until he bought moulds in 1834. In 1848 he converted the mill to textile manufacture. References: Barker 1926a, 18; Sellers Order Book, 27 Dec. 1834: medium; Sellers Order Book, 27 May 1835: repairing moulds. 48.  On Mill Creek, slightly upstream from the Christopher Robins mill, adjoining land owned by John Righter. Formerly an apprentice of Matthias Maris, Frederick Bicking (also John Frederick Bicking) bought a tract of 150 acres on Mill Creek in or before 1761 and built on it a paper mill, which was one of his taxable properties in 1769. He identified himself as a papermaker residing in Lower Merion in 1761, when he placed a notice in the newspapers about a runaway servant. He supplied 492 reams to Isaac Collins for printing William Sewel’s History of the Rise, Increase and Progress, of the . . . Quakers (Burlington, N.J., 1774), apparently winning the contract because Collins disliked the paper he had been buying from Jacob Hagey. Bicking and Henry Katz submitted a memorial to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety stating that the paper trade was so indispensable to the war effort that papermakers should be exempted from military service. If I am correct in attributing the F & JB watermark to this mill, Bicking may have taken his son John Bicking or Joseph Bicking into partnership around 1780; one or the other might have then gone on to use the JB watermark around 1790. Frederick Bicking or his son Frederick Bicking II sold medium and map paper to the Carey firm in 1793 and 1794 and to William Young in 1801. References: Barker 1926a, 15–16, 19; McCulloch 1921, 92, 128; Brown 1949, 290; Miller 1974, xlv; Hixson 1968, 44, 46; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Gazette, 19 Feb. 1761, 4; Sellers Ledgers, 22 and 28 Mar. 1783:

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  36 demy, watermarked FB and fleur-de-lis; Carey Papers, 3:1040–41; Young Papers, statement 2 Apr. 1801. FB [laid] — Biblia (Germantown, Pa.: Christopher Sower II, 1763; AAS, NYHS); Laws of the Government of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, vol. 2 (Wilmington: Printed by James Adams, 1763; PPL); Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii III . . . quarto [laws to the session of 22 Sept. 1764] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1764; PPL; Miller 1974, 819 and other Franklin imprints in 1764 and 1765); By the Honourable John Penn . . . A Proclamation [15 Sept. 1774] (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1774; PHi broadside); Acts of the General Assembly of the Province of New-Jersey (Burlington, N.J.: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1776; PPL); mss., New Castle, Del., 1776, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 347, 348). FB [next to] crown | GR = Britannia [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1767 and 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 351–52); William Sewel, The History of the Rise, Increase and Progress, of the . . . Quakers, 3rd ed. (Burlington, N.J.: Isaac Collins, 1774; PPL); ms., Lebanon, Pa., 1781 (NYHS); Thomas Day, Fragment of an Original Letter on the Slavery of the Negroes (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1784; PHi broadside). FB = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1777 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 353–54); Hugh Henry Brackenridge, Modern Chivalry (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by John M’Culloch, 1792; BAL 1300). F & JB [laid] — mss., n.p., 1781, and Newport, Del., 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 358); The Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania [30 Sept. 1775] (Philadelphia: Printed and Sold by Francis Bailey, 1782; PPL). FB = posthorn [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1784 and 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 355–56); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (NYHS). B = fleur-de-lis [laid] — The American Museum, vol. 3 (Philadelphia: Mathew Carey, 1788; Bodleian Library). FB = bell [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 349–50); Congress of the United

States, Begun and Held at the City of New-York, on Wednesday the Fourth of March, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-Nine. An Act to Establish the Judicial Courts of the United States ([New York: Printed by Childs and Swaine, 1789]; MWiW-C); Pa. Treasury, Balance Account. Dr. David Rittenhouse, Esq. Late Treasurer of Pennsylvania, Cr. [Feb. 1791] ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1791]; PHi broadside). JB [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790, n.p., 1791, and Nazareth, Pa., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 506, 507); Pa. General Assembly, An Act for the Improvement of the Wissahickon Road from the City of Philadelphia to the Ten Mile Stone on the Said Road (Philadelphia: Printed by Zachariah Poulson, junr., 1794; PHi); Thomas Truxtun, Remarks, Instructions and Examples Relating to the Latitude & Longitude (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Dobson, 1794; NN). Note: The FB crown Britannia paper in Sewel’s History of the Rise, Increase and Progress of the . . . ­Quakers is mixed with paper watermarked crown | GR [next to] BF = Britannia, the initials probably transposed in one mould of the pair by a mistake of the mouldmaker. Gravell & Miller attribute wmks 506 and 507 to James Boies in Mass. Mill 3, even though they found these watermarks in Pennsylvania documents. Gravell & Miller, wmk 507, is also reproduced in Gravell & Miller 1983, where it is said to have been found in paper used in Philadelphia.

Frederick Bicking II inherited the mill from his father in 1809, although he must have been working there as early as 1792, when the Sellers firm supplied moulds to “Fredk. Bicking’s Sons.” Another son, Joseph Bicking, left to start his own papermaking business in Pa. Mill 83 in Chester County. References: Barker 1926a, 15–16; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 July 1792: medium; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Aug. 1815: super royal laid; McCulloch 1921, 92. The Sellers firm supplied Richard Bicking with moulds between 1815 and 1824, as well as a 30-inch cylinder machine in 1834. He sold $104 worth of paper to Carey in 1820. None of these transactions mentions the location of his mill, but if he was working in one of

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  37 the family mills, it would be more likely that he inherited or managed this one rather than one of the Bicking mills in Chester County (Pa. Mills 79 and 83). References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Aug. 1815: royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Sept. 1824: laid crown; Sellers Order Book, 11 Dec. 1834; Carey Papers, 32: 3 May 1820. 49.  Upper Mill or Dove Mill. On Mill Creek. In 1769 Conrad Scheetz paid taxes on two paper mills. After he died in 1771, his widow, Catherine Scheetz, managed both mills with assistance from her sons Benjamin and Frederick. Simon Steddikorn (also Stetekorn, Stedtekorn, and Steddicorne) may have been involved in this mill around 1785, when the Pennsylvania Gazette reported an accident at his mill, probably one of the Scheetz mills, because he had married one of Conrad Scheetz’s many daughters; he is also listed as a papermaker in the Philadelphia directory for that year. References: Brown 1949, 129 (part XI); Barker 1926a, 9–10; Nugent 1957, 22, 25. The stationer, bookseller, and printer Henry Kammerer (also Heinrich Kammerer) married a daughter of Conrad Scheetz and appears to have had some claim on the Scheetz mills. After Catherine died, the case went to court, and in 1788 both mills were awarded to Kammerer, who then turned over the lower mill (Pa. Mill 45) to Frederick Scheetz and the upper mill to his erstwhile apprentice George Christopher Helmbold, who also married a daughter of Conrad Scheetz. References: Barker 1926a, 9–10; Brown 1949, 499; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: double cap with four devices and eight letters, i.e., GH in four places; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 June 1796: double cap, watermarked GH and fleur-de-lis. GH = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Dauphin County, Pa., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 375–76); government doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789 (NYHS). GH [laid] — Abstract of Goods, Wares and Merchandize Exported from the Several States from the 1st of October,

1791 . . . (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, [1793]; AAS). GH = fleur-de-lis [laid] — U.S. Dept. of the Treasury, A Summary Statement Exhibiting the Receipts into the Treasury from Domestic Resources (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, [1794]; NHi); Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [10 Nov. 1795] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1796; PPL). Note: The 1788–1789 fleur-de-lis is more typical and less attenuated than the 1795–1796 version (cf. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 775).

In 1798 George Christopher Helmbold sold the mill to Thomas Amies, who had been in the paper trade since at least 1794, perhaps as an employee of the Ivy Mill (Pa. Mill 21). In 1801 and 1802 Amies was in a partnership with Peter Wallover as Amies, Wallover & Company, but he was also buying moulds under his own name at that time. While also manufacturing writing, banknote, and copperplate grades, he supplied top-quality printing papers for some of Philadelphia’s most ambitious publications, such as Joel Barlow’s Columbiad (Philadelphia, 1807), Alexander Wilson’s American Ornithology (Philadelphia, 1808–1814), and John Binns’s facsimile of the Declaration of Independence (Philadelphia, 1819). He maintained an outlet or a paper store in Philadelphia, where he resided for some years before going to live at the paper mill in 1814. The Philadelphia stationer Isaac Pearson also carried Amies papers. In his census return Amies stated that he employed twelve men, eighteen women, and four children to manufacture “Fine Paper.” His annual output was valued at $19,000. He estimated that he had $25,000 capital invested in the mill and machinery and $12,000 invested in raw materials. References: Hunter 1950, 311–13; Barker 1926a, 10–11; Brown 1949, 221; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Nov. 1794: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Nov. 1801: writing royal, watermarked with a dove and fifteen letters, probably AMIES & Co. PHILADA.; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 June 1802: vellum demy or post, water-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  38 marked AMIES W & Co; Bidwell 1983a, 355; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 790. AMIES & Co = dove [laid] — mss., Baltimore, Md., 1798, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 53–54); frontispiece map of John Drayton, A View of South-Carolina (Charleston [S.C.]: Printed by W. P. Young, 1802; MWiW-C). AMIES | S & Co [wove] — ms., Mississippi Territory, 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 87). AMIES | & Co [laid] — ms., Cape Henlopen, Del., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 52). AMIES & Co = dove [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 55–56). AMIES | & Co = dove [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 57–58). AMIES = dove [wove] — Joel Barlow, The Columbiad (Philadelphia: Printed by Fry and Kammerer for C. and A. Conrad and Co., Philadelphia; Conrad, Lucas and Co., Baltimore, 1807; fine paper copies at NN and CSmH); mss., Washington, D.C., 1811, and New Castle, Del., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 42–43, 44–45). AMIES [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1808 (Gravell & Miller, wmk 38; countermark only?). AMIES [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller, wmk 39; countermark only?). AMIES | PHILADA [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 66). AMIES | & Co = dove [wove, repeated twice] — Catalogue of the Library of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Printed by Jonathan Elliot, 1815; NNPM). AMIES | DOVE MILL [wove] — mss., n.p., 1817, and Nashville, Tenn., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 60). AMIES = anchor, crate, and ship [wove] — colored engravings in William P. C. Barton, Vegetable Materia Medica, vol. 2 (Philadelphia: M. Carey & Son, 1818; NN); mss., Canton, China, 1830, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 40–41).

Amies [in script] = dove — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 46–47); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1820 (NYHS). AMIES | PHILADA. = dove [wove] — mss., Washington, D.C., 1820, Cedar Grove, Pa., 1831, and Russellville, Ala., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 67–68, 69). Amies | Ph.a [in script] = dove [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1821 and 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 63–64); ms., n.p., ca. 1825 (AAS). AMIES | PHILA = dove [wove] — Thomas Croker, Fairy Legends and Traditions of the South of Ireland, pt. 2 (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Carey, etc., 1828; BL). AMIES | PHILADA. = dove | CONGRESS | US [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 [i.e., 1830?], and Canton, China, 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 72– 73). AMIES | PHILA [laid, in bold antique lettering] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1829 (AAS); ms., Montpelier, Vt., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 65). AMIES | PHILADA | 1829 = dove | Britannia as Justice | LAW PAPER [laid] — ms., Delaware County, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 74–75); ms., New York, N.Y., 1835 (AAS). AMIES | PHILADA | No 2 = dove | No 2 [wove] — mss., New Orleans, La., 1830, and Norristown, Pa., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 76, 77–78). AMIES & Co | PHILA [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 59). AMIES dove PHILADA [wove] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 49). AMIES | DOVE MILLS [wove] — mss., Nashville, Tenn., 1833, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 61); printed circular, Philadelphia, Pa., 1834 (AAS). AMIES | dove | 1835 [laid] — ms., Boston, 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 48).

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  39

Fig. 1.5. Dove Mill. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy of the Library Company of Philadelphia.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  40

Fig. 1.6. Allegorical vignette in a ream wrapper, Amies. Montgomery C o. near Philadelphia. Hot Pressed, engraved by James W. Steel after a design by Thomas Underwood, ca. 1829–1837. The verse refers to competitors who employed the dove motif in their water­ marks and publicity. The most blatant offender was Andrew J. Allen, proprietor of the Dove Mill in Leominster, Massachusetts. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

AMIES = ship [wove] — mss., Lexington, Ky., 1836, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1843 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 50–51). AMIES | DOVE MILLS [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 62). AMIES | PHILADA = dove [wove, embossed: Amies & dove] — ms., Boston, Mass.?, 1837 (AAS). AMIES | PHILA dove [laid] — ms., West Chester, Pa., 1839 (NYHS; half sheet only).

The Dove Mill burned down in 1830. The one account I have of this disaster does not specify the losses but notes that the insurance amounted to $4,000 on the mill and $5,000 on the stock, that is, rags and other raw materials. Reference: [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 20 May 1830, 3. Richard Amies, perhaps a son of Thomas Amies, worked at the Dove Mill or managed it in 1834, if not earlier, given that he had used his own name in watermarks some years before. Although he adopted the dove watermark associated with the family mill, he also

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  41 used a lamb watermark, which suggests that he might have been associated with William Amies & Company in the Lamb Mill (Pa. Mill 26). References: Sellers Order Book, 11 June 1834: post, watermarked with one letter, probably A; Sellers Order Book, 6 Sept. 1834: post, watermarked AMIES and dove. R. AMIES [wove] — plates in Samuel F. Gray, Chemistry of the Arts (Philadelphia: Carey & Lea, 1830; CSmH); John Nicholson, The Operative Mechanic (Philadelphia: T. Desilver, Jun., James Kay, Jun. & Co., Printers, 1831; PPL). R AMIES & Co [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (AAS). R AMIES & Co | No 2 = lamb [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 81–82). R. AMIES & Co | PHILA | No 2 = lamb | No 2 [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 85–86). R. AMIES & Co | PHILA = lamb [wove] — ms., New Orleans, La., 1834 (NYHS); ms., New Orleans, La., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 83–84). A [wove] — ms., Kentucky Mills, Pa., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 2). R AMIES = PHILADA [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 79–80).

Hunter lists William and Joseph Amies in connection with Thomas Amies at this mill, apparently having encountered a watermark with their names, WM & JOS AMIES. The Sellers Order Book contains an entry for wire supplied to William and John Amies, 2 May 1835, the second name possibly a clerical error. The Robert C. Williams Paper Museum (Atlanta, Ga.) has a ream wrapper (or a quire wrapper) printed for the Wm. & Jos. Amies firm in or before 1838. Reference: Hunter 1952, 143. W & J AMIES | PHILADA [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 90). AMIES = PHILADELPHIA | dove [laid] — ms.,

Philadelphia, Pa., 1840 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 70–71). W & J AMIES | PHILADA [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1841 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 91).

50.  Near Mary Water’s Ford on the Schuylkill. A mill manufacturing mostly wrapping grades, built by Lloyd Jones (also Lees Jones?) in 1791 and operating as late as 1821. Macfarlan’s map of the Mill Creek district identifies this as the same as the Paul Jones establishment below. In 1823 Paul Jones & Co. was operating a one-vat mill on Guthrey’s run on the west side of the Schuylkill, two miles above the falls. The Jones firm made various types of board and sheathing paper. References: Barker 1926a, 21; Barker 1926b, 358; Brown 1949, 498; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 Dec. 1794: royal and other entries, mostly for sheathing moulds; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1821: press moulds; sales of sheathing and binders’ board in Carey Papers, 13:4677; Kayser 1823, 179–80; Macfarlan 1935. 51.  On Gulley Run, in West Manayunk. Paul Jones advertised this mill for rent in 1795, when it was “entirely new.” It contained three presses, two of them with iron screws, but probably only one vat. He eventually leased it to Peter Wallover, who had been one of his apprentices. References: Nugent 1957, 25; Barker 1926a, 21; Hunter 1952, 155; Philadelphia Gazette, 12 Mar. 1795, 3. Sometime before 1807 Jones sold the mill to George Christopher Helmbold, who had previously occupied the Scheetz upper mill nearby (Pa. Mill 49). If Helmbold moved to this mill immediately after vacating the Scheetz mill, he would have been in business here around 1798. Between 1799 and 1802 he ran a paper store in Philadelphia. In 1801 he sold paper to the Carey firm as “George Helmbold Sen.” to distinguish himself from his son George Helmbold, who had an interest in Pa. Mill 17 in Blockley Township. His widow, Elizabeth Helmbold, and an Andrew Helm-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  42 bold bought moulds for a year or two after he died in 1808. References: Barker 1926a, 17; Brown 1949, 456; Carey Papers, 16:6274; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 June 1809: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Oct. 1809: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Feb. 1810: medium vellum laid over. GH [laid] — ms., Rockham, N.Y., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 374).

A Henry Helmbold may have also been connected with this mill, although nothing is known of him except that he lived in Lower Merion and bought moulds over many years. References: Barker 1926a, 22; Hunter 1952, 153; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Aug. 1795: double cap, watermarked HH; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Mar. 1824: imperial. HH [laid] — mss., Pottstown, Pa., 1794, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 417); Thomas Truxtun, Remarks, Instructions and Examples Relating to the Latitude & Longitude (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Dobson, 1794; NN).

George Christopher Helmbold’s son George Helmbold owned all or most of this mill in 1818, when he was obliged to surrender it to his creditors along with Pa. Mill 17. It was still a one-vat mill at that time, small enough that Helmbold or his creditors would have had good reason to close it down. Reference: [Philadelphia, Pa.] Franklin Gazette, 10 Nov. 1818, 3. 52.  On Mill Creek, between Summit Avenue and Gladwyne. Sometime before 1798, perhaps in 1795, John Righter converted a mill to papermaking on property he had purchased on Mill Creek in 1760. He referred to himself as a papermaker in his will of 1808 and in a deed of 1812. He employed the skilled papermaker, millwright, and mechanic John Reader in his last years, according to McCulloch, who states that Reader died in 1802, 1804, or 1806. Here as elsewhere it is difficult to corroborate McCulloch’s testimony, which seems

even less trustworthy because he claimed that Righter had been in the papermaking business on Mill Creek “more than half a century” when he interviewed the “aged paper maker” ca. 1814. This much can be verified in other sources: Reader actually died in 1798 but was staying with Righter at the time. References: Nugent 1957, 22, 25; Barker 1926a, 13–15, 22; McCulloch 1921, 126–27, 138–39; http://www.lowermerionhistory .org/texts/price/price1798.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011). 53.  On Mill Creek, downstream from the Roberts mill (Pa. Mill 47). In 1795 Jonathan Robeson (also Robinson) built a paper mill on land he had purchased from John Righter, perhaps the same as Pa. Mill 52. The two mills may have been conflated because this one was built on the same land and at the same date, and Robeson’s papermaking activities are much better documented than Righter’s. Nevertheless, Macfarlan states explicitly that Robeson had a paper mill on Righter’s property. He married Hannah Levis, and their daughter Hannah Levis Robeson married the younger Jacob Hagy in 1805, another example of interbreeding in the trade. Joseph Robeson may have been associated with him, as he was residing in Montgomery County in 1816, when he took out a patent for heating pulp in vats. References: Nugent 1957, 22, 25; Barker 1926a, 14; Macfarlan, mill 16; Hagey 1951, 355; Burke 1847, 86; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 July 1796: double wrapping; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Nov. 1800: double cap, watermarked with two letters (his initials?); Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 Dec. 1818: double cap wove. Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill ROBESON watermarks which properly belong to the Lamb Mill of Joseph Robeson (Pa. Mill 26).

Bechtel & Robinson purchased medium moulds from the Needles firm for this mill or for Pa. Mill 13. The Bechtel family may have had some business connection with the Robeson family because Peter Bechtel lived in Lower Merion before establishing himself in

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  43 Pa. Mill 13. In 1798 he bought 13 acres of land next to the Robeson mill, where he may have learned or practiced the papermaking trade. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 May 1797: demy; Needles Day Book, 11 Apr. 1820 and 20 Dec. 1821; Macfarlan, mill 15. PB [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1799 (Carey Papers, 14:4924); Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury . . . Exhibiting the Tonnage of the Shipping of the United States . . . April 12th, 1800 ([Philadelphia?: s.n., 1800]; PPL). PB = posthorn [laid] — mss., Havana, Cuba, 1800, and New Castle, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 753–54); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1805 (Magee 1934, 43).

Addenda Simon Class (also Close, Claus, Closs) appears in the tax registers of Lower Merion Township between 1769 and 1783 as well as lists of papermakers in that area. He probably rented a local mill through the 1780s, when his watermarks appear frequently in Philadelphia imprints, especially music publications. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 251; Barker 1926a, 22; Hunter 1952, 148; Wolfe 1980, 284–86. Two-headed deer on table or ornamental stand = star [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1775 (AAS); Instructions for Inlisting Rifle-Men, in the Service of Pennsylvania ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1776]; PHi broadside); mss., New Castle, Del., 1778, and Head of Chester Creek, Pa., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 315–16; omitting the table); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1779 (AAS; lacking half sheet with star device); ms., Lebanon, Pa., 1781 (NYHS); Laws Enacted in the Sixth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [22 Oct. 1781] (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1782; vol. 2, PPL); mss., various places, 1776–1786 (Magee 1935, 221). SC = six-pointed star [laid] — U.S. Continental Army, To All Brave, Healthy, Able Bodied, and Well Disposed Young Men, in this Neighbourhood, Who Have Any Inclination to Join the Troops, Now Raising under General Washington ([Philadelphia?: s.n., 1776]; PHi

Fig. 1.7. Watermark of Simon Class, ca. 1779. Half sheet, lacking the star watermark on the other side of the sheet. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

broadside); Peter Markoe, The Times (Philadelphia: Printed for the author by Prichard and Hall, 1788; CSmH; NN). Star [laid] — Society of Friends, The Epistle from the Yearly-Meeting Held in London, by Adjournments, from the 16th of the Fifth Month 1785, to the 23d of the Same Inclusive (Philadelphia?: s.n., 1785; PPL). Crown | a wreath enclosing two-headed deer | SC = six-pointed star [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1788 and 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 858–59); ms., n.p., 1790 (NYHS; half sheet with deer and SC watermark only); ms., n.p., ca. May 1791 (Carey Papers, 7: invoice of Joseph Rodgers; half sheet with deer and SC watermark only). SC = six-pointed star in ornamental double surround [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1793 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 856–57). Note: The star watermark in the 1785 yearly epistle is in the same style as the star conjoined with the twoheaded deer. These watermarks are usually attributed

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  44 to the Katz or Hagey families but are attributed to Class here because both of these devices appear with his initials at a later date.

Flinn & Treudley {Patrick Flinn and Frederick Treudley} probably rented a mill in Lower Merion between around 1802 and 1805. Treudley asked the Sellers firm to make moulds for him with an FT watermark, which might be the same as those recorded by Gravell & Miller, although the two examples they found suggest that the paper had been made in the New York area somewhat later than Treudley’s known dates of activity in Lower Merion. When entering this order in the Sellers ledgers, the bookkeeper noted but then crossed out a SANDY RUN watermark, perhaps associating Treudley with Pa. Mill 41 in Springfield Township. Many years later Treudley became foreman of W.Va. Mill 3. References: Brown 1949, 400; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Nov. 1802: royal vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 1 or 2 July 1805: medium writing, watermarked FT and SANDY RUN. FT [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmk 245); ms., New York, N.Y., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 364).

John Boy, Philip Fritz, and Christian Oblinger appear in a list of papermakers residing in Lower Merion. None is mentioned elsewhere, with the exception of Christian Oblinger, who had emigrated to America in 1792 and purchased moulds in 1824. He appears to have learned the trade as an apprentice bound to Thomas Langstroth, although he ran away in 1798, much to the exasperation of his master, who offered a reward of sixpence for his apprehension or return. References: Barker 1926a, 22; Strassburger 1934, 3:52; Philadelphia Gazette, 26 Dec. 1798, suppl., p. 2; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Jan. 1824: imperial vellum.

Douglas Township 54.  On the West Branch of Perkiomen Creek. Hunter records a John Mock active here in 1783 and an Isaac C. Yoder on Perkiomen Creek, active in 1796. I have found no mention of them in other sources, but the

1816 Melish map of Montgomery County shows a paper mill in this location. Reference: Hunter 1952, 160, 168.

Moreland Township 55.  On Pennypack Creek. The firm of Truman & Langstroth or Trumans & Langstroth {Richard Truman and Huson Langstroth?} may have built the mill on Pennypack Creek but did not run it for very long. Langstroth died in 1794, leaving his partner and his heir George Langstroth (also Longstrath) in such dire financial straits that their property had to be sold by the sheriff. Measuring 95 by 30 feet, the mill contained two vats, “large airy drying lofts,” and machinery “acknowledged to be equal, if not superior, to any on the continent.” Truman & Langstroth sold printing paper and other grades to the Carey firm in 1794 and to William Young in 1795. References: Brown 1949, 136 (part XI), 564; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Dunlap’s American Daily Advertiser, 3 Sept. 1794, 1; Carey Papers, 4:1254; Young Papers, receipt, August 1795. Thomas Langstroth (also Longstreth) took over the business, at first on his own and then in partnership with his brother John G. Langstroth until 1809, when the mill burned down. The losses were estimated at $20,000. A suspected arsonist was apprehended, tried, and convicted, but his sentence of seven years’ hard labor was set aside by the governor. Thomas Langstroth purchased moulds under his own name beginning in 1794, some with the watermark of a plow and the monogram TL. When they became partners around 1802, the brothers purchased moulds with the initials T & JL. They sold foolscap writing and vellum medium printing to the Carey firm in 1802 and 1803. After the mill burned down, they rented Pa. Mill 10 from the Rittenhouse family. References: Bean 1884, 977; [Worcester, Mass.] Massachusetts Spy, 12 Apr. 1809, 3, and 22 Nov. 1809, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Dec. 1794: double crown; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Jan. 1801: double cap, watermarked with a TL monogram and a plow; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 July 1803: demy writing, watermarked T & JL; Carey Papers, 16:6354, 18:7972.

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  45

Fig. 1.8. Paper mill interior. Detail of a ream wrapper, I. G. Langstroth, Philadelphia, engraved by Francis Kearny after a design by John James Barralet, before 1815. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

TL monogram = plow [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2703, 2707); mss., Dover, Del., 1797 and 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 929; ­countermark only); New-York, June 10, 1800. Sir, the Following Rules for the Regulation of the Company of New-York Rangers, Are Submitted to Your Consideration (New York: G. Forman, 1800; PPL broadside); blank sheet (Spawn). Eagle and stars | T & JL [in script] | PENNA [the ­lettering in a double surround] = T & JL [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1804 (AAS); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 923; lacks coun-

termark?); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (NYHS; lacks countermark?). T & JL = crown [laid] — blank sheet (AAS). T & JL = eagle [laid] — Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [3 Dec. 1804] (Richmond: Printed by Samuel Pleasants, Jr., [1805]; PPL); mss., Arlington, Mass., 1805, and Wilmington, Del., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 921–22). T & JL [wove] — ms., Tioga, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 920); ms., Moreland Township, Pa., 1808 (Gilpin Letter Book).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  46 T & JL | 1805 = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 924–25).

Joseph McDowell is said to have rebuilt the mill and carried it on for “many years,” but I have found no confirming evidence for this claim in the Sellers ledgers or local directories. However, McDowell did have a mill nearby in Manayunk in the 1830s (see Pa. Mill 19). References: Bean 1884, 977; Hunter 1952, 159. It is more likely that John G. Langstroth resumed or retained control of the “Pennepack” mill sometime before 1823, when he was making in that establishment “superfine writing and drawing paper, Bank note paper, &c.” In 1815 the Philadelphia merchant Miers Fisher noted in his diary that there were heavy rains “up Pennypack ab.t Langstroths paper mill”— evidence that it was in his or his family’s hands at that date. Langstroth purchased rags from the Carey firm and sold to it a variety of writing, printing, copperplate, and drawing papers. He often bought moulds watermarked with his initials or a star, but did not instruct the Sellers firm where to send them, except a pair of double wrapping that was to be delivered to his brother in Whitemarsh. Between 1814 and 1824 he dealt in paper at various Philadelphia addresses, acquiring some reputation as an authority on the trade. He delivered a report on it for a committee of citizens concerned about the plight of Philadelphia manufactures after the Panic of 1819. References: Fisher Diaries, 9 Aug. 1815; Kayser 1823, 180; Brown 1949, 564; Bidwell 1993, 106; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 5 July 1814: double wrapping; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Sept. 1824: drawing super royal, watermarked with a star; Carey Papers, 34: 20 Oct. 1821–11 Jan. 1822. L compass | square [wove] — ms., n.p., ca. 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 639). JGL = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — Henry Rowley Bishop, The Pilgrim of Love (Philadelphia: Carr, ca. 1822; Wolfe 1980, 274). JGL six-pointed star = compass | square [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks

544–45); business forms, Charleston, S.C., dated in type 183_ (AAS). cc

Lancaster County Cocalico Township 56.  On Cocalico Creek. Born in Strasbourg, the brothers Samuel Eckerling (also Eckerlin) and Israel Eckerling arrived in America in 1725 and joined the German Anabaptist community of Ephrata in 1740. As prior of the community, Israel Eckerling promoted several business ventures, including a saw mill, a grist mill, a printing shop, and a paper mill. Some authors state that the Ephrata Cloister manufactured paper as early as 1736, apparently because they confused the paper mill with a grist mill that was constructed at that date. The community acquired the land on which the mill was built in 1741 and probably took a year or two to construct and equip the establishment, which would have then been finished just in time to supply the newly erected printing press. The Ephrata papermakers utilized moulds manufactured by America’s first mouldmaker, Isaac Langle of Germantown, who died around 1744. The mill closed down in 1745, when the Eckerling brothers were expelled from the community, but it was still standing in 1747, when some mills nearby burned down. Work resumed at the mill to manufacture paper for the great folio martyrology Der Blutige Schau-Platz (1748). According to Macfarlan, Mary Gorgas, sister of John Gorgas II, was living in Ephrata in 1741. Before 1749 three of her four brothers followed her there, perhaps becoming members of the brotherhood. Two of them, Benjamin and Jacob, were papermakers and may have been working in the mill. Nonetheless, it is difficult to accept that they were working at the mill at such an early date because Benjamin was not born until 1747. A traveler who visited Ephrata in 1753 mentioned that the mill manufactured “the best kind of card paper.” References: Weis 1956, 213; Sachse 1897, 328–29, 334;

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  47

Fig. 1.9. Betaradiographs of an Ephrata Paper Mill watermark in Conrad Beissel, Paradisisches Wunder-Spiel (Ephratae: Sumptibus Societatis, 1754). Courtesy of the Morgan Library & Museum.

Hunter 1947, 123–24; Spohn 1977, 37–39; Macfarlan, 2:10; Cassel 1893, 229. Cross and keys in ornamental compartment [laid] — Das Gesäng der einsamen und verlassenen TurtelTaube (Ephrata: Drucks der Brüderschafft, 1747; PPL). EFRATA [laid] — ms., Ephrata, Pa., 1747 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 343). EFT = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Erster Theil der theosophischen Lectionen (Ephrata: gedruckt im Jahr 1752; PPL); Conrad Beissel, Paradisisches Wunder-Spiel (Ephratae: Sumptibus Societatis, 1754; NNPM). EF in heart = crown [laid] — Conrad Beissel, Paradisisches Wunder-Spiel (Ephratae: Sumptibus Societatis, 1754; NNPM).

Fig. 1.10. Betaradiographs of an Ephrata Paper Mill watermark in Conrad Beissel, Paradisisches Wunder-Spiel (Ephratae: Sumptibus Societatis, 1754). Courtesy of the Morgan Library & Museum.

Note: The cross and keys watermark is similar in design to the ZION | cross and keys | EFRATA watermark reproduced in Weeks, who claims that it appears in a “book printed at Ephrata before 1745.” Reference: Weeks 1916, 30.

57.  Second Ephrata mill, on Cocalico Creek. In 1753 John and Margareth Bowman sold water rights on Cocalico Creek to the Ephrata Cloister for a grist

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  48 mill built in 1756. Sometime between 1756 and 1770, the cloister’s paper manufacturing activities were transferred to this mill under the management of the brothers Samuel Funk and Jacob Funk. References: Sachse 1897, 330; Spohn 1977, 39–40. EF = crown [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1767 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 339–40). Note: Weeks and Hunter attribute to the Ephrata community several watermarks that probably belong to other mills: FB watermarks appearing in American paper after 1760 should be assigned to Frederick Bicking rather than the “Funk Brüder,” and the cipher 4|RF watermark ascribed to them is probably just a reversed cipher 4|FR watermark employed by Friedrich Roemmer in N.J. Mill 2. References: Weeks 1916, 30; Hunter 1923, 93; Hunter 1952, 151.

In 1770 George Zinn and Benjamin Bowman leased the Ephrata mill for a period of four years, apparently as successors of the Funk brothers, who witnessed the lease. Benjamin Bowman was the son of John Bowman, who had sold the water rights to the mill. He was no longer involved with the mill in 1780, when he was taxed for 50 acres, two horses, and two cows. References: Spohn 1977, 40–41; Ellis & Evans 1883, 835. William Hoffman rented a mill at or near Ephrata after his employer Conrad Scheetz died in 1771. He was identified as a resident “of Dunker Town” in the indentures of Peter Ulrick, who arrived in Philadelphia in December 1772. Reference: Seitz 1946, 12; Tepper 1977, 192. WH [laid] — John Ferree, By Virtue of a Certain Writ of Levari Facias [13 Aug. 1774] (Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1774; PHi broadside); John Fisher, Brush-Maker, at the Sign of the Seven Brushes . . . John Fisher, Bürsten-Macher, in der König-strasse (Lancas­ ter: Gedruckt bey Francis Bailey, ca. 1780; PHi broadside, the English and German versions printed together on the same half sheet). WH = posthorn in shield [laid] — ms., Lititz, Pa., 1774 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 996–97).

Peter Ulrick worked for William Hoffman at the mill and took it over after Hoffman left to start his own business in Md. Mill 1. He appears on the tax rolls of Lancaster County in 1782, and his PU watermark appears in some Ephrata imprints between 1782 and 1784. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 312; Magee 1948, 77. In 1784 Jacob Funk noted in his diary that a fire had been extinguished in the new mill house. Reference: Sachse 1897, 330. When the overseers of N.C. Mill 2 sent Christian Stauber north to study the craft of papermaking in 1789, they advised him that “no really good paper” was being made at Ephrata and that he should look elsewhere for instruction. Reference: Rogers 1982, 18. In 1790, sixteen years after George Zinn and Benjamin Bowman’s lease expired, Bowman’s son Christian Bowman leased the mill for a thirty-year period at £20 per year. Reference: Spohn 1977, 41. For $80 a year, Christian Bowman sublet the mill to his son Joseph Bowman. Another son, Benjamin Bowman II, served as executor of their father’s estate and continued to pay the cloister rent of $53.33 a year until Christian Bowman’s lease expired in 1820. References: Spohn 1977, 42; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Jan. 1807: single cap sold to Christian Bowman; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 May 1811: demy wove, ordered by Benjamin and Joseph Bowman; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Nov. 1813: one press mould, ordered by Benjamin and Joseph Bowman of Ephrata; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 June 1817: medium vellum sold to Joseph Bowman. CB in script within ornamental shield [laid] — mss., n.p., 1777(?), and Lancaster, Pa., 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 199). CB [laid] — ms., Manheim, Pa., 1782 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 200). CB in script within ornamental heart or shield [laid] — An die Einwohner der Caunty Northampton [7 Sept. 1787] ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1787]; PHi broadside); ms., Berks County, Pa., 1788 (AAS); ms., Franklin County, Pa., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 198);

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  49 ms., n.p., 1789 (NYHS); ms., Chester County, Pa., 1790 (AAS). CB in script [laid] — ms., n.p., 1791 (AAS); mss., Dauphin County, Pa., 1796, and New Holland, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 196, 197). C & IB [laid] — ms., Northumberland County, Pa., 1793 (AAS); ms., North County [Md.?], 1794 (NYHS); mss., Lancaster, Pa., 1794, and Lebanon County, Pa., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 226). CB [laid] — Acts of the General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [3 Dec. 1799] (Lancaster: Printed by Francis & Robert Bailey, 1800; PPL); ms., Lancaster County, Pa., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 201). Note: Gravell & Miller originally attributed the CB water­mark to the Ephrata mill in their 1979 edition, but it was reassigned to Charles Bunce in their 2002 edition (wmk 201). This watermark may be a deteriorated or altered version of the C & IB watermark used by Christian and Joseph Bowman and should be ascribed to their mill in any case because it appears in documents originating in Lancaster County and because its lettering is similar in style to other German watermarks of that region. For similar reasons, wmk 200 should be attributed to Christian Bowman rather than to Bunce, even though it suggests that Bowman was involved in the Ephrata mill at a date earlier than those cited by the secondary sources.

In 1805 the Sellers firm sent a pair of moulds to Cocalico Township for the use of Conrad Brocky, perhaps the same as Conrad Bracher, active in Bucks County ca. 1791–1797. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Nov. 1805 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Dec. 1805: demy laid. John Berstler (also Barstler), brother of Jacob Berst­ ler, was working at the mill as early as 1821 and began renting it in 1822, but he died in 1823. References: Spohn 1977, 43–44; http://www.fsfanatic.com/sahmom/ Berstler/d25.htm#P25 (accessed 7 June 2008). William Murphy rented the mill between 1824 and 1826, paying $50 per quarter. References: Spohn 1977, 44; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 May 1824: super royal vellum.

William Cooper rented the mill between 1826 and 1828. Reference: Spohn 1977, 44. In 1828 the Pennsylvania General Assembly authorized the Ephrata Cloister to sell the mill at public auction, along with land that had become “improductive and burdensome.” The new owners abandoned the papermaking trade and converted the mill to a grist mill and saw mill. References: Spohn 1977, 44–45, 57; Sights, Scenes 1993, 117.

Colerain Township 58.  Near Octorara Creek? Patterson Bell was a regular customer of the Sellers firm between 1804 and 1816. In 1818 he advertised land for sale in Chester County and directed interested parties to contact him “at his mills in Colerain Township.” References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Oct. 1804: double cap, watermarked P BELL; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 June 1816: medium vellum; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 25 Feb. 1818. P BELL [laid] — ms., Dorchester County, Md., 1806 (Seitz 1986b); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1806, and Sussex County, Del., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 143, 144); London Yearly Meeting (Society of Friends), The Epistle from the Yearly Meeting (Philadelphia: Joseph Rakestraw, 1807; CSmH). BELL [wove] — mss., Washington, Mississippi Territory, 1808, and New Orleans, La., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 142).

Manheim Township 59.  Near the border with Codorus Township. Manheim was formerly part of York County. After working in his father’s mill (Pa. Mill 65) and perhaps running it, Jacob Keller moved from Berks County to this location before 1807, or as early as 1792 if Hunter’s information is correct. Between around 1807 and 1817 he was dealing regularly with the Baltimore booksellers and stationers Warner & Hanna

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  50 {William Warner and Andrew Hanna} and then with Warner alone after Hanna died in 1812. One pair of moulds was ordered for Keller by a resident of Han­ over in York County. Keller himself first appears in the Sellers ledgers in 1807 and continued to correspond with the Sellers firm as late as 1824. The Small & Wagner 1821 map of York and Adams counties shows a paper mill just south of another unidentified type of mill belonging to Keller. References: Gordon 1832, 271; Hunter 1952, 156; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Dec. 1807: medium vellum, watermarked JK, ordered by Warner & Hanna; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Apr. 1811: double cap, watermarked JK; Sellers Letter Book, 6 Sept. 1824; Silver, 1953, 54–55.

mill or built another mill nearby to manufacture paper, a completely new venture it would seem from the family records, although Miller conjectures that he had already worked in the Willcox and Conrad Scheetz mills (Pa. Mills 21 and 45). He advertised for a papermaker in the Pennsylvania Gazette in 1747 and for a fuller in 1748. He bought rags from and sold paper to Benjamin Franklin, who loaned him money in 1750, perhaps to enlarge his papermaking business. In 1752 he advertised again for a papermaker and also offered to sell his property in Amity Township. References: Magee 1948, 76; Jackson 1939; Komarek 1986; Miller 1974, xl.

IK [laid] — ms., York, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 491).

DWD = harp in shield, fleur-de-lis [laid] — Henry Scougal, Das Leben Gottes in der Seele des Menschen (Philadelphia: Gedruckt und zu haben bey Benjamin Fräncklin und Ant. Armbrüster, 1756; Miller 1974, 653).

JK [laid] — mss., Baltimore, Md., 1813, and n.p., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 554, 555).

DWD = fleur-de-lis [laid] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1759 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmks 191–92).

JK [wove] — ms., n.p., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 556).

After Daniel died in 1759, his wife, Elizabeth Womelsdorf, inherited the mill, which was described as a grist and paper mill in her will, dated 22 May 1772. In 1767 she was taxed for a grist mill and paper mill. Her son Daniel Womelsdorf Jr. managed the mill for her and then on his own account until he moved to Virginia in 1784. References: Komarek 1986; Magee 1948, 76.

JK [wove, one of the initials wrong reading] — ms., Carlisle, Pa., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 557).

60.  Due west of the Keller mill, on a stream emptying into Hammer Creek. The Small & Wagner 1821 map of York and Adams counties shows an unidentified paper mill on this stream, near a mill belonging to Albrecht. Albrecht may be related to Jacob Albright, who was a papermaker in York County in 1800. Reference: Hunter 1952, 143. cc

Berks County Amity Township

W [laid] — Thomas Bradbury Chandler, What Think Ye of the Congress Now? (New York: Printed by James Rivington, 1775; DLC); Henry Barry, The General, Attacked by a Subaltern (New York : Re-printed by James Rivington, [1775]; NHi). Note: Unlike the W watermarks attributed to Womelsdorf in Gravell & Miller 2002 (wmks 971, 972), this one displays the characteristic lettering style of a German mouldmaker, quite different from the lettering style of Nathan Sellers and his workmen, who designed W watermarks for the Willcox family.

61.  On Manatawny Creek. 62.  On Manatawny Creek, near the Earl Township line. Daniel Womelsdorf owned a fulling mill in Amity Township, located on 200 acres of land he had purchased sometime before 1734. In 1747 he enlarged the

Jacob Rhodes Jr. (also Rhoads) was living in the area as early as 1767, apparently making his living by other

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  51 means before he went into the paper trade, like many others who perceived its potential during the Revolution. He paid taxes on a paper mill in this township between 1779 and 1784 and remained active in the trade until 1794. References: Magee 1948, 76; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Apr. 1794: medium. JR [laid] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1790, and Holland Creek, Del., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 571); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., n.d. (NYHS).

Daniel Rhodes (also Rhoads) inherited or acquired the mill in 1794 and operated it as late as 1817. There is no record of the mill after that date, although Daniel Rhodes and Daniel Rhodes Jr. remained in the area and held various county offices between 1815 and 1823. Perhaps the mill was a casualty of the Panic of 1819. References: Montgomery 1886, 491, 495, 947; Richards 1820; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Oct. 1794: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Nov. 1795: single foolscap, watermarked with four letters, i.e., DR in two places; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Aug. 1817: double crown laid. DR [laid] — ms., Petersburg [Va.?], 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2810); Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, Accompanying Sundry Statements, Exhibiting the Amount of Duties upon Domestic Distilled Spirits and Stills, for the Year Ending the 30th of June, 1797 . . . (Philadelphia: Printed by Way & Groff, [1798]; MWiW-C).

Alsace Township 63.  Upper Paper Mill, on Antietam Creek. Paul Feger built a paper mill here around 1772, one of three mills he owned on Antietam Creek. His son Christopher Feger worked at one of his mills and predeceased him. Reference: Magee 1948, 76–77. PF = crown | Lorraine double C monogram [laid] — financial doc., Philadelphia, Pa., before 1801 (Carey Papers, 17: ca. 1801–1802). PF = Lorraine double C monogram in double surround — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1779 and 1791 (Grav-

ell & Miller 2002, wmks 757–58); Acts Passed at a General Assembly, of the Commonwealth of Virginia [18 Oct. 1790] (Richmond: Printed by John Dixon, [1791]; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1790 (NYHS; countermark only). Note: Paper with these watermarks could have been made in one of Feger’s other mills (Pa. Mills 64 or 65).

Henry Feger inherited the mill when his father Paul Feger died in 1790. Reference: Magee 1948, 76–77. Ludwig Pansler either occupied this mill or operated another one in Alsace Township. It is more likely that he was foreman of the mill under Paul Feger and continued to work it after the owner died. An experienced papermaker, he had been in the trade since 1773, when he apprenticed his son John Pansler to Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz. Magee claims that he was residing in this area in 1780 and that his watermarks can be found in documents dating from 1785 to 1812. As yet, I have not found any Pansler watermarks earlier than 1788, when he might have begun to rent the mill from Henry Feger, but there is no reason he could not have used his own watermarks at an earlier date. Reference: Magee 1948, 77. LP [laid] — Laws Enacted in the Third Sitting of the Twelfth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [2 Sept. 1788] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1788; PPL); Laws Enacted in the First Sitting of the Thirteenth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania [27 Oct. 1788] (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Bradford, 1788; CSmH); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1791, and Schuylkill County, Pa., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 648); U.S. Dept. of the Treasury, A General Abstract of Duties Arising on the Tonnage of Vessels Entered into the United States [6 Jan.1791] (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs and John Swaine, 1791; MWiW-C); ms., New York, N.Y., 1791 (AAS).

Enoch Caller (also Koller, Coller, or Callar) either occupied this mill or operated another one in Alsace Township ca. 1809–1816. If, as Magee claims, he died in 1810 leaving twelve children, all minors, he would

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  52 have to have been succeeded by a son with the same name sometime before 1816, when an Enoch Caller ordered moulds from the Sellers firm. He lived in the mill, “a large log building,” which was destroyed by a fire and was never rebuilt. References: Mont­ gomery 1886, 985; Richards 1820; Magee 1948, 78; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Dec. 1809: medium laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Oct. 1816: medium vellum. William Idler, a mouldmaker, occupied this mill between 1808 and 1810. A resident of Reading, he appears to have started in the mouldmaking business in 1803, when he took out an advertisement in Der Readinger Adler to notify local papermakers that he could repair moulds and furnish new ones in a manner “better than one could hope from a rank beginner.” He also sold writing paper on the side, perhaps having received payment in kind. In 1808 he asked the Sellers firm to deliver a pair of their double cap moulds to “Kellers mill about 3 miles from Reading.” Toward the end of that year Idler began to sell paper to Der Readinger Adler but did not remain in business very long. In 1810 he offered for sale a paper mill in Alsace Township with a dwelling house and an orchard on nearly 38 acres of land. The mill contained three iron presses as well as sundry supplies and equipment such as rags, moulds, and felts, which were also for sale. On the basis of this advertisement, I believe that the Sellers firm was delivering the moulds Idler ordered in 1808 to Enoch Caller’s mill in Alsace Township rather than to Abraham Keller’s mill in Exeter Township. In any case, Idler returned to Reading and resumed the mouldmaking business, which he again advertised in Der Readinger Adler, this time commending his skill in making watermarks. References: Magee 1948, 77; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Aug. 1808: double cap; Der Readinger Adler, 24 May 1803, 3, 3 Apr. 1810, 3, 29 Jan. 1811, 3. WI = six-pointed star [laid] — ms., Greenwood Furnace, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 998–99); printed indenture, Philadelphia, Pa., 1813 (NYHS); ms., Philadelphia County, Pa., n.d. (NYHS).

Exeter Township 64.  On Antietam Creek. Paul Feger built a paper mill here around 1772, one of three mills he owned on Antietam Creek. His son Christopher Feger worked at one of his mills and predeceased him. See Pa. Mill 63 for possible watermarks. Reference: Magee 1948, 76–77. Dewalt Feger inherited the mill when his father Paul Feger died in 1790. Reference: Magee 1948, 76–77. One of the sons of Paul Feger rented the mill he inherited (Pa. Mill 63 or 64) to Lewis Schmink between ca. 1792 and 1794, when the mill was advertised for sale in a Reading newspaper. Schmink can probably be identified with Lewis Sminkins, active perhaps as early as 1787 and certainly by 1791. References: Magee 1948, 77. Hunter 1952, 164; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: medium moulds, watermarked LS. LS [laid] — J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer (Philadelphia: From the press of Mathew Carey, 1793; MWiW-C); William Findley, History of the Insurrection in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania (Philadephia: Printed by Samuel Harrison Smith, 1796; MWiW-C); Thomas Paine, Agrarian Justice (Philadelphia: Printed by R. Folwell, for Benjamin Franklin Bache, [1797]; MWiW-C).

Around 1807 John Breiner (also Briner) may have rented or purchased this mill, or may have operated another one nearby. References: Montgomery 1886, 974; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Apr. 1807: double wrapping. 65.  On Antietam Creek. Paul Feger built a paper mill here around 1772, one of three mills he owned on Antietam Creek. His son Christopher Feger worked at one of his mills and predeceased him. See Pa. Mill 63 for possible watermarks. Reference: Magee 1948, 76–77. Abraham Keller inherited this mill when his fatherin-law Paul Feger died in 1790. Magee claims that

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  53 Keller was residing in this area in 1781 and that his son Jacob Keller owned the mill in 1791, although Abraham Keller was still buying moulds under his own name and with his watermark as late as 1804. After Jacob left the mill, it was converted into a carding factory. References: Magee 1948, 76–77; Montgomery 1886, 975; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Apr. 1796: double wrapping or print; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Feb. 1804: double cap, watermarked AK. AK = six-pointed star [laid] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789 (NYHS); printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 10–11; note bent crossbar in A); The Sportsman’s Companion or an Essay on Shooting, 2nd ed. (Burlington, [N.J.]: Printed by Isaac Neale, 1791; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). AK [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 9); ms., n.p., ca. 1799 (Carey Papers, 14: 4950); Laws of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, vol. 4 (Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1801; PPL); ms., Lancaster, Pa., 1806 (NYHS); ms., Huntingdon, Pa., 1807 (AAS; note bent crossbar in A). A KELLER = tulip [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1790 (NYHS; lacking countermark); printed doc., n.p., 1793, and ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 623–24; note bent crossbar in A); Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [21 Oct. 1793] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1794; PPL).

Cumru Township 66.  On Cacoosing Creek? Around 1780 Christopher Hawks (also Haak) owned a paper mill here on a tract of 200 acres, taxed at £45. Hunter claims that he was active here as early as 1768, though without citing any evidence for this date. References: Magee 1948, 77; Hunter 1952, 153. Daniel Herst operated this mill after Hawks departed, around 1784. Reference: Magee 1948, 77. A journeyman papermaker trained in Switzerland,

Peter Ulrick (also Johann Peter Ullrich) arrived in Philadelphia in December 1772 on the brig Morning Star, which carried apprentices and indentured servants from Rotterdam by way of Cowes. Ulrick’s papermaking skills were in such great demand that several mill owners invested in his indentures. He was originally bound to Henry Kammerer, who soon assigned him to Catherine Scheetz, who then transferred his indentures to William Hoffman “of Dunker Town.” Hoffman rented the Ephrata mill in Lancaster County (Pa. Mill 57) after working for the Scheetz family in Montgomery County and before establishing his own mill in Maryland. Ulrick may have worked for Hoffman at the Ephrata mill and may have taken it over after his employer departed. Not long after that, he succeeded Herst in this mill, for which he bought moulds on a regular basis between 1792 and 1809. He might have been associated with Michael Ulrick (also Ulrich), who purchased moulds in 1795 and owned land next to another Ulrick paper mill (Pa. Mill 68) around 1813. References: Strassburger 1934, 1:744–45; Tepper 1977, 192, 203; Magee 1948, 76–77; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: post, watermarked PU, and post horn; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 June 1795: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Dec. 1809: medium vellum. P ULRICK = fleur-de-lis [laid] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1776, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 957–58); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1785 (AAS; countermark only); ms., Berks County, Pa., 1787 (NYHS). Crowned shield enclosing fleur-de-lis | PU [laid] — mss., n.p., 1777, and Washington, Pa., 1780 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 772, 773); Pa. State Council, At a Meeting at the Council Chamber, 15th September, 1784 ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1784]; PHi broadside); ms., n.p., n.d. (NYHS); reprod. in Magee 1948, 77. PU = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Mercer County [N.J.?], 1792 (AAS); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 774–75). PU [laid] — mss., n.p., 1788, Berks County, Pa., 1795, and Cumberland Forge, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  54 2002, wmks 769, 770, 771); blank sheet (AAS); Thomas Truxtun, Remarks, Instructions and Examples Relating to the Latitude & Longitude (Philadelphia: Printed by T. Dobson, 1794; NN). Note: If Gravell & Miller’s dates are correct, Ulrick would have used moulds with his watermarks in another mill, most likely Pa. Mill 57, before bringing them to this establishment.

John van Reed II was either operating this mill in 1808 or built another one in this township. He advertised for two papermaking apprentices in Der Readinger Adler, 28 January 1812. The Carey firm bought from him three grades of foolscap in 1818. In 1820 his oneengine mill in “Cumro” consumed 25 tons of rags per year and employed six men and three children to produce foolscap writing and “all kinds” of printing grades. The Richards 1820 map shows two mills on Cacoosing Creek belonging to “Vanreed.” References: Magee 1948, 78; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Feb. 1808: double cap writing, laid demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Mar. 1813: double cap laid; Carey Papers, 31:5529; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 875. JVR [laid] — ms., n.p., 1811 (NYHS); ms., Harrisburg, Pa., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 594).

Addenda Christian Maurer resided in this township and was listed as a papermaker active in 1767, but without any indication where he was employed. Perhaps he worked for Elizabeth Womelsdorf at Pa. Mill 61. One might expect him to have taken a journeyman’s job at this early date, if he was the Christian Maurer who had immigrated just two years previously in 1765, arriving in Philadelphia on the ship Polly from Rotterdam by way of Cowes. If these dates are correct, then another person with this name obtained a license to run a tavern in Reading, Pennsylvania, in 1762. References: Magee 1948, 76; Strassburger 1934, 1:703–4; Montgomery 1886, 659. Isaac Copeland (also Koplin) owned or rented a mill in this township in 1779, according to Magee, although Gravell & Miller note that he was taxed for a

mill in Heidelberg Township in 1784 and relinquished the mill at a sheriff ’s sale in 1790. References: Magee 1948, 77; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 252. IC = crowned harp [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1780 and 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 484–85, 486–87). IC = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 482–83); Votes and Proceedings of the Twentieth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [first sitting, 27 Oct. 1795] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1795; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). Note: The attribution of the fleur-de-lis watermark to Copeland is not at all certain. Joseph J. Felcone has found a letter from Isaac Collins to the speaker of the New Jersey assembly where Collins complains of the difficulty of finding paper: “I travelled upwards of 200 Miles among Paper Mills in Pursuit of it, and was finally obliged to wait till it was made by special Contract.” If Copeland went out of business in 1790, he could not have won the contract to make Collins’s paper.

Peter Petry is recorded as a papermaker residing in this township in 1781. Reference: Hunter 1952, 161.

Maidencreek Township 67.  Hamburg Borough, near the border of Windsor Township. Daniel Rothermel, a papermaker, purchased property in this borough in 1786 but is said to have been active as early as 1780. He may have employed Christopher Dehl, who is listed as a papermaker residing in this township in 1784. References: Montgomery 1886, 880–81; Magee 1948, 77. DR = plow [laid] — At the General Assembly . . . of Rhode-Island [second Monday in June 1780] (Providence: Printed by John Carter, 1780; PPL); mss., Philadelphia, Pa. 1784, and Dover, Del., 1787 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 307–10). DR [laid] — Journal of the Proceedings of the LegislativeCouncil of the State of New-Jersey [28 Oct. 1788] (Tren-

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  55 ton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1788; information provided by Joseph J. Felcone); blank sheet, Pa., 1789? (AAS).

Adam Rahn and Conrad Herbst operated a paper mill in this township, beginning just when Rothermel disappears from view, perhaps occupying his mill after he departed. Rahn advertised for a papermaking apprentice in 1829. It is unclear when Conrad Herbst died or when he quit the partnership, or when the partnership began, if there was one, as both Herbst and Rahn obtained moulds watermarked with their own names. References: Montgomery 1886, 1031, 1034; Magee 1948, 78; Richards 1820; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Jan. 1794: single cap, watermarked AR–CH; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Nov. 1809: single cap, watermarked A RAHN; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 Nov. 1809: single cap or wrapping laid over for Herbst. CH in wreath or cogged circle [laid] — printed doc., Dover, Del., 1791, and ms., Mount Broun, 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 224, 225); ms., n.p., 1792 (AAS). AR in monoline lettering [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1791 and 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 20). CH [laid] — Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (Philadelphia: Printed by D. Humphreys, 1792; MWA); ms., Berks County, Pa., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 223). AR in outline lettering [laid] — ms., n.p., 1795 (AAS); printed bond, Know All Men by These Presents, dated in type 179_ and completed in ms. in N.J., 11 Oct. 1798 (PPL broadside); ms., Philadelphia [Pa.?], ca. 1799 (Carey Papers, 14:5428); ms., Berks County, Pa., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 21). AR = CH [laid] — To the Legislative-Council and General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey. The Petition of the Inhabitants of the City of Perth-Amboy (N.p.: s.n., [1798]; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). A RAHN [laid] — mss., Pa., 1809, and Dauphin County, Pa., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 822; note bent crossbars in A and H); ms., Pa., 1817 (AAS).

68.  On Maiden Creek, above Berkley. Around 1813 Jacob Ulrick (also Ulrich), son of the papermaker Peter Ulrick, built a mill on Maiden Creek opposite a fulling mill owned by Michael Ulrick. References: Montgomery 1886, 1032; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Apr. 1813: double cap vellum. Operating as Jacob Ulrich & Co. in 1820, this onevat mill consumed 16.3 tons of rags per year and employed seven men and one child to produce writing, printing, and wrapping grades; its annual output was valued at $3,157.25. References: Richards 1820; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 876. This firm remained in business through 1824, if not longer. The mill later fell into the hands of George Fox, who converted it to a distillery and then a grist mill. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 Apr. 1824: cap vellum; Montgomery 1886, 1032. JU & Co [wove] — ms., Philadelphia area, Pa., 1828 (AAS); ms., Schuylkill County, Pa., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 593). JU [wove] — ms., n.p., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 592). Note: Gravell & Miller assign these watermarks to Pa. Mill 85 in Chester County, although Ulrick was only briefly involved in that mill and at a date too early to have produced these examples.

Oley Township 69.  Upper part of the township. John Steitzel (also Johannes Stötzel) was born in Stutt­ gart and emigrated to Philadelphia in 1753 on a ship from Rotterdam. He was running a paper mill in Oley Township as early as 1790. Magee locates the mill in Cumru Township, but with insufficient conviction to challenge the other sources cited here. References: Montgomery 1886, 552, 934; Magee 1948, 77–78; Strass­burger 1934, 2:523–25. The mill passed into the hands of John Steitzel’s

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  56 son Ludwig Steitzel around 1796, when Ludwig began to purchase moulds from the Sellers firm. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Jan. 1797: medium; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Mar. 1805: medium vellum. William Barbour (also Barber) operated this mill or another mill in this township between 1808 and 1812, before moving to Carlisle, where he founded Pa. Mill 113. In 1812 he advertised his property in Oley Township for sale, along with his papermaking equipment. References: Magee 1948, 78; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Jan. 1808: double cap, watermarked WB and plow, sent to Oley; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Apr. 1811: double cap, watermarked WB and plow. WB = plow [laid] — ms., n.p., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 982; countermark only); ms., Deerfield, N.J., 1811 (AAS).

Solomon Boyer was making paper in Oley Township as early as 1805, if not at this mill then at another one in this vicinity. He started buying moulds from the Sellers firm in 1812, when Barbour put his business up for sale, as if he had just taken it over—perhaps in association with Samuel Boyer, who, according to Magee, was active as a papermaker in Oley Township around 1832. However, the name of Samuel Boyer does not appear in the Sellers ledgers, whereas Solomon Boyer transacted business with the Sellers firm several times between 1812 and 1827. Solomon finally converted the mill into a forge in 1836. Samuel Boyer may have left to work in the York Paper Mill (Pa. Mill 116). The Census of 1820 does not name the proprietors of the Oley Mill, a one-vat establishment employing four men, four boys, and a girl in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, and printings worth $2,500 a year. Business was bad and getting worse, according to the anonymous respondent, who complained of low prices and slow sales. Perhaps for that reason the mill consumed only 12 tons of rags a year. References: Magee 1948, 78; Montgomery 1886, 934; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 893; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Apr. 1812: double cap; Sellers Letter Book, 7 Apr. 1826 [i.e., 1827], “Paper maker near Reading.”

S. B. = OLEY [wove] — ms., Lancaster County, Pa., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 837–38); Abriss eines Unterrichts in der Christlichen Lehre (Reading: C. A. Bruckman, [1820?]; NYHS). S BOYER | 1834 [wove] — printed doc., Pa., inscribed Harrisburg, 1835 (AAS; lacks date portion of watermark); ms., Del., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 156–57).

Addenda Jacob Bertow purchased several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1801 and 1807. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 July 1801: single cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 July 1807: laid single cap, sent to Oley. The papermaker Johann Conrad Berlet resided in the Oley area around 1751. References: Hunter 1952, 144; http://awesomegenealogy.com/pennsylvania_news papersgermantownpgs1751.pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2011).

Heidelberg Township 70.  Second mill of the Van Reed family. John van Reed II was already operating a mill in Cumru Township (Pa. Mill 66) when he purchased another mill in Cumru and Heidelberg townships on 15 February 1820. The Census of 1820 contains reports he made on two mills, one in Cumru and the other in “Hidleberg.” Running one engine and a duster, the Heidelberg mill consumed 25 tons of rags a year and employed six men and one child in the manufacture of wrapping, printing, and foolscap writing paper. Its annual output was valued at $3,750. References: Althouse 1966, 89; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 867. John van Reed III and Henry van Reed II inherited the mill when their father John van Reed II died in 1823. In 1856 they divided the property, Henry receiving a paper mill, dam, and other assets. The mill was converted into a grist mill ca. 1896–1898. Reference: Althouse 1966, 95–96.

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  57 71.  Third mill of the Van Reed family, on Tulpehocken Creek. Henry van Reed I, brother of John van Reed II, purchased from their father John van Reed I a saw mill, grist mill, and land in Cumru, Bern, and Heidelberg townships on 11 February 1820. He converted a mill to paper manufacture around 1825. Reference: Althouse 1966, 89–90. Charles van Reed I inherited the mill when his father Henry van Reed I died in 1826. Ten years later he installed a cylinder machine. References: Althouse 1966, 89–90; Montgomery 1886, 1120–21; Sellers Letter Book, 2 Jan. 1827; Sellers Order Book, 16 June 1836: cylinder machine. Henry Z. van Reed inherited the business sometime before 1872, when he commissioned Charles C. Hofmann to paint a view of his house, farm, and mill. Hofmann’s painting suggests that Van Reed had not done much to modernize the mill, a steam-powered establishment with a second-story loft for storing rags and a long salle with an array of windows providing light for the women who inspected, sorted, and packed the paper. In front, the corpulent, cigar-smoking proprietor appears to be bargaining with a drover, whose mule team has just delivered a wagonload of rags. Reference: Carolyn J. Weekley, “Notable Accessions at the Abby Aldrich Rockefeller Folk Art Center, Williamsburg, Virginia,” Antiques 126 (1984): 541. Charles van Reed II inherited the mill when his father Henry Z. van Reed died in 1879, and he was still operating it in 1886. Reference: Montgomery 1886, 1172–73. 72.  Spring Creek? John Fischer (also Fisher) is located by Hunter in Heidelberg Township ca. 1825. He purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1814 and 1823 and sold coarse printing, super royal, and writing paper to the Carey firm in 1815. The Richards 1820 map of Berks County shows two mills belonging to Fisher on Spring Creek. References: Hunter 1952, 151; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Feb. 1814: double cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15

Aug. 1815: double cap laid, sent to him “above Reading”; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 July 1823: cap vellum, sent to him at Reading; Carey Papers, 28:4041–42.

Addenda Conrad Feger, brother of Paul Feger, owned a paper mill on Antietam Creek ca. 1787–1795. Charles van Reed I is said to have rebuilt the mill after it was destroyed by fire, but there is no corroborating evidence that he owned a mill at that location. After quitting the paper trade, Conrad Feger ran a tavern in Reading. References: Montgomery 1886, 985; Magee 1948, 76– 77; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Oct. 1795: demy vellum, supplied to “Conrad Feger—near Reading.” CF = mermaid in double surround [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1787 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmks 128– 29); Order of Procession, in Honor of the Establishment of the Constitution of the United States [4 July 1788] (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Seller [sic], 1788; PHi broadside); Pa. Treasury, Statement of the Public Accounts, in Continental and State Money, from the First of January, 1788, to the Thirtieth of September, 1789 ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1789]; PHi). CF in crude fleur-de-lis [laid] — mss., Kent County, Del., 1789, and Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1795 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 221); Laws of the Thirteenth General Assembly . . . of Pennsylvania, Enacted in the Third Sitting [18 Aug. 1789] (Philadelphia: Printed by Thomas Bradford, 1789; NYHS; PPL). Note: The mermaid device is unusual, and the lettering of the CF countermark does not look like typical Pennsylvania-German craftsmanship. Gravell & Miller relegated this design to their catalogue of foreign watermarks, but the watermarks of Conrad Feger’s brother Peter Feger are equally outlandish, and the CF mermaid has been sighted frequently enough in the Philadelphia area that it could be considered local produce.

John Kershner (also Kirchner) purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1792 and 1807; one of his orders was annotated with the information that he lived “4 miles from Reading.” In 1792 Conrad Leatherman purchased a

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  58 pair watermarked JK, perhaps intended for Kershner’s mill, and another pair watermarked TK, perhaps for another member of the family. Kershner paid taxes on property in Norwegian Township in 1802. He may have been related to Jacob Kershner, who is listed by Magee as a papermaker active between 1791 and 1799 at a mill seven miles from Reading. Not very convincingly, Magee attributes to Jacob Kershner plow and fleur-de-lis watermarks with JK countermarks. References: Montgomery 1886, 1194; Magee 1948, 77–78; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Dec. 1792: single cap, watermarked JK, ordered by Conrad Leatherman; Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 Feb. 1794: single cap, watermarked JK and fleur-de-lis; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Jan. 1802: double cap, watermarked TK; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 July 1807: double wrapping, ordered for John Kirchner by William Idler. JK = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Berks County, Pa., 1795 (AAS); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1800 (Carey Papers, 15:5949; countermark only). TK [laid] — ms., Chillicothe, Ohio, 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 926).

Samuel Fegar and Daniel Fager purchased supplies from the Sellers firm, perhaps for one or more of the Feger family mills. The Richards 1820 map of Berks County shows that the Feger family also owned a mill in Alsace Township. References: Sellers Order Book, 9 July 1834: music moulds; Sellers Order Book, 22 Jan. 1835: hog wheel and pinion; Sellers Order Book, 26 Feb. 1835: cylinder machine. James H. van Reed had moulds repaired by the Sellers firm for one of the Van Reed paper mills, Pa. Mill 70 or 71. Reference: Sellers Order Book, 3 Dec. 1835. cc

Chester County East Nottingham Township 73.  On the West Branch of Big Elk Creek, two miles east of Oxford. McCulloch states that the Associate Presbytery of Pennsylvania engaged John Fulton, a papermaker in

Oxford Township, to supervise the publication of church documents around 1765. At some point the mill was run by his son James Fulton, who appears as a papermaker in the county tax rolls in 1779. References: McCulloch 1921, 216; James 1954, 16; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 263; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 Feb. 1795: double wrapping, sent to “Jo[h]n Fulton & Son”; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Nov. 1795: double cap, watermarked with two letters, i.e., JF. IF [laid] — Sales of Forfeited Estates in Pennsylvania [2 July 1787] (Philadelphia: Printed by Robert Aitken and Son, 1787; PHi broadside, half sheet only). JF [laid] — ms., Chester County, Pa., ca. 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 512); blank half sheet (AAS).

In 1796 John Fulton bequeathed the mill to his son James Fulton, who purchased moulds under his name from 1804 until 1811. The Sellers ledgers list some mould purchases under the name of John Fulton, either because of some confusion between father and son or because James Fulton was running the business in association with his son John Fulton II. In 1805 the Philadelphia paper merchant William Bonnell in partnership with George Fulton acquired the Delaware Paper Mill Ware-House from William Young. Bonnell ordered moulds for James Fulton in 1815, perhaps serving as an agent for this family or providing an outlet for their products in Philadelphia. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 263; Relfs Philadelphia Gazette, 17 Jan. 1805, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Sept. 1804: demy vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Sept. 1811: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 July 1815: medium vellum. James Fulton trained four of his sons in the papermaking business: John II, Joseph, Miller, and James Jefferson (also James Jr.?). John Fulton II and James Fulton Jr. bought moulds in 1810 and 1811. Thereafter Joseph appears to have been mainly responsible for the mill, buying moulds between 1813 and 1816 and selling low-grade papers to the Carey firm in 1816. He advertised the mill for sale in 1815, when only one of the two vats was in operation. He claimed that it was “in good order, being about four years built,” which

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  59 suggests that it might have been renovated in 1811, perhaps when Joseph took it over. Samuel Bahil and James Falls were probably employed here before going into business for themselves at Pa. Mills 85 and 86. References: Hindman 1816; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 263; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Nov. 1810: medium laid over, for John Fulton; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Nov. 1811: medium vellum, sold to James Fulton Jr.; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Nov. 1813: medium vellum, sold to Joseph Fulton; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Jan. 1816: medium vellum, sold to Joseph Fulton; Carey Papers, 29:4410; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 13 Sept. 1815, 3. Sold at a sheriff ’s sale in 1822 to Matthew Wilson, son-in-law of James Fulton. Wilson then rented the mill to Miller Fulton and James J. Fulton until he sold it to his son Charles Wilson in 1829. In 1826 a John Fulton and a James C. Fulton were working as journeymen papermakers in Pa. Mill 122, the Anchor Steam Mill in Pittsburgh. Perhaps they were members of this family who moved west to Pittsburgh after their business failed. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 263; Hindman 1830; Hunter 1952, 168; Jones 1826, 118. Charles Wilson sold the mill in 1831 to James McKissick, who operated it until 1849 as McKissick’s Paper and Saw Mill. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 263. 74.  On North East Creek, near Oxford. Apparently established by Roger Kirk, but managed by his son Josiah Kirk, who purchased moulds in 1812 and 1813 and paid taxes on a paper mill between 1814 and 1819, perhaps in the later years renting the mill or employing others to manage it. References: James 1970, 12; Hunter 1952, 157; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Nov. 1812: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Nov. 1813: super royal. James Norton & Co. rented the mill around 1815, before Norton moved to Pa. Mill 123 in Juniata County. References: James 1970, 12; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Mar. 1815?: post vellum and flemish washer, sent to East Nottingham; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Sept. 1815: laid super royal, sent to East Nottingham. Josiah Kirk’s brother Lewis Kirk owned the mill

until he died in 1821; the records of his estate mention that the mill had one vat. References: James 1970, 12; Hunter 1952, 157. Josiah Kirk’s brother Timothy Kirk took over the property and ran the mill until he failed in the Panic of 1837. References: James 1970, 12–13; Hunter 1952, 157; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Mar. 1824: cap and post vellum. Josiah Kirk’s son-in-law Daniel Stubbs bought the property at a sheriff ’s sale in 1838. Under various owners, the mill was making white paper in 1850, box board in 1860, straw board in 1873/4, and binders’ and straw board in 1902/3. Reference: James 1970, 12–14. 75.  On the East Branch of Big Elk Creek, partly in New London Township. James Robinson was in the papermaking business either on the East Branch or north of the Fulton mill on the West Branch between 1817 and 1823. References: Hunter 1952, 163; James 1970, 8; Hindman 1816.

UwchlanTownship 76.  On the East Branch of Brandywine Creek, three miles north of Downingtown. Lewis Gevel (also Ludwig Gable) purchased moulds from the Sellers firm as early as 1780, most likely when this mill began operations, but it did not thrive and was knocked down at a sheriff ’s sale in 1789 to Philip Fisher. References: James 1954, 16; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 264. L GEVEL [laid] — At the General Assembly . . . of RhodeIsland [second Monday in June 1780] (Providence: Printed by John Carter, 1780; PPL); mss., n.p., 1783, and n.p., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 384); ms., Pa., 1785 (AAS); At the General Assembly . . . of Rhode-Island [Oct. 1786, 2nd sess.] (Providence: Printed by John Carter, 1786; PPL). LG = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1787 (AAS); To the Honourable the Legislative Council and General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey. The Representation and Petition of the Subscribers, Inhabitants

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  60 of the Eastern Division of the Said State (N.p.: s.n., [1787]; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). Note: The L GEVEL watermark also appears in deteriorated versions, missing one or more letters, such as: (1) L GE E [laid], ms., Pa., 1785 (AAS); or (2) L EVEL [laid], A Collection of All Such Public Acts of the General Assembly . . . of Virginia, Passed Since the Year 1768 (Richmond: Printed by Thomas Nicolson and William Prentis, 1785; PPL, MWiW-C). It is difficult to accept the 1775 date assigned by Gravell & Miller to an L EVEL watermark (wmk 658). Hunter records an L GABLE watermark, which, however, I have not seen in any of the watermark collections I have examined. Reference: Hunter 1952, 152.

Philip Fisher sold the mill in 1791 to Jacob Angus and Thomas Davis, who began buying moulds from the Sellers firm in 1792. Davis purchased felts from the Carey firm in 1793. The mill burned down in 1810 and was rebuilt notwithstanding losses estimated at $15,000. Along with Pa. Mill 77, this must have been one of the two one-vat mills in Uwchlan Township described in the Census of 1820. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 264; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Dec. 1792: demy; Carey Papers, 4:1293; Needles Day Book, 21 Mar. 1823: foolscap, sold to Thomas Davis at “Ukelin Township—near Downington”; [Salem, Mass.] Essex Register, 24 Mar. 1810, 1. The firm Cooper & Davis operated the mill between 1826 and 1832. References: Hunter 1952, 148; Hindman 1830. After serving an apprenticeship in this mill, James M. Dorlan managed it for a few years for Joseph M. Downing before going into business for himself at another mill on the East Branch around 1832. Hunter may have conflated James M. Dorlan and Joseph M. Downing in his entry for James M. Downing, proprietor of the Laurel Paper Mill in 1828. References: Futhey & Cope 1881, 518A; Hunter 1952, 150. James Guie & Sons manufactured manila paper in this establishment in the 1880s, when it was known as the Eagle Paper Mills. References: Futhey & Cope 1881, plate facing p. 343; Heathcote 1932, 123.

77.  On Marsh Creek, three miles north of Downingtown. According to Hunter, Robert Allison (also Allinson) operated a mill here between 1790 and 1808 in association with Robert Allison Jr. He sold three reams and seven quires to the Carey firm in 1803. References: Hunter 1952, 143; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: wrapping and foolscap; Carey Papers, 18:7728. Possibly, the Allison family left the mill earlier than 1808. I have not been able to ascertain how Hunter arrived at that date, which is almost certainly off by two years, as shown below, or even longer. Neither of the Allisons appear after 1803 in any of the records I have consulted. If indeed they had left the mill, Collins & Shee {Park Shee?} could have been operating it in 1804, when they ordered moulds from the Sellers firm. The Sellers ledgers do not reveal where they were based, although they seem to have been active just after the Allison family dropped out of sight and just before Shee & Mode took their place. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Feb. 1804: vellum post, watermarked C & S; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Nov. 1804: double cap. C & S [laid] — ms., n.p., 1805 (Spawn); mss., Wil­ mington, Del., 1807, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1810 (Gra­v­ ell & Miller 2002, wmks 243, 244).

Hunter and Gravell & Miller state that the mill was rented to Shee & Mode {Park Shee (also Shay) and Alexander Mode} in 1808, although this firm was already purchasing moulds under its own name in 1806. Alexander Mode might have replaced Collins, who left the firm after only a year or two. Park Shee resided in Philadelphia and perhaps worked there as a stationer in 1807, when he patented a paper-trimming machine. In or before 1812 Alexander Mode left this firm to work with his brother in their newly constructed mill in Coatesville (Pa. Mill 80). References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 290–91; Hunter 1952, 160; Burke 1847, 86; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Mar. 1806: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 July 1806: double cap laid, watermarked with four anchors; Sellers Moulds

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  61 Ordered, 19 Mar. 1810 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 May 1810: double cap, sold to Park Shay. Anchor [laid] — blank sheet (NYHS).

The Census of 1820 includes returns for two unidentified mills in Uwchlan Township. Both were small onevat establishments consuming 10 tons of rags a year. One employed three men, one woman, and six children to manufacture hanging, foolscap, and wrapping papers; the other had three men, two women, and six children making pasteboards, wrapping, “tee paper,” and paper no. 1 and no. 2 on royal, foolscap, and pasteboard moulds. The annual output of the latter was valued at $6,000. The Hindman 1816 and 1830 maps of Chester County show two paper mills in this township. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 14, items 816, 817.

West Fallowfield Township 78.  On Octoraro Creek, at Steelville. After a brief career as a printer in Philadelphia, around 1785, John Steele established a mill here in 1788, perhaps with the intention of supplying his former colleagues in the printing trade, including his brothers-inlaw Francis and Jacob Bailey. Francis Bailey sometimes ordered moulds for Steele. The mill may not have been in operation until 1791, when Steele began to purchase moulds and to pay taxes on the mill. His brother James joined the firm around 1793, when they started selling medium and other papers to Mathew Carey. References: James 1954, 16; James 1970, 5–6; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 Aug. 1794: royal, watermarked JS; Carey Papers, 2:533. JS [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1792 and 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 572); ms., Lancaster County, Pa., 1795 (AAS); Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, Accompanying a Report and Sundry Statements Made in Pursuance of Two Resolutions of the House of Representatives, of the 18th of January, 1796 (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs, 1796; PPL; a twin mould has an IS or deteriorated JS watermark);

statement of John and James Steele, ca. 1800 (Carey Papers, 14:5308). Britannia | JS [laid?] — Hunter 1952, 165; James 1954, 16. Note: Some of the JS watermarks might be assigned to Justice Scheetz in Pa. Mill 38.

James Steele carried on the mill alone after his brother John returned to Philadelphia in 1808. He purchased moulds under his own name between 1807 and 1824, when a son joined the firm. James Steele & Son fell into financial difficulties in 1831, when they had trouble paying debts due to the Sellers firm, yet they could summon enough credit to install a cylinder machine around 1834. The mill, containing two engines and “improved machinery,” was sold at public auction in 1844 along with several other businesses owned by James Steele. References: James 1970, 6; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 June 1807: super royal; Sellers Letter Book, 25 Feb. 1824; Sellers Letter Book, 7 Jan. 1831; Sellers Order Book, 20 Dec. 1834: cylinder facing.

East Brandywine Township, formerly East Caln Township 79.  On Beaver Creek, one and a half miles northwest of Downingtown. John Bicking, son of Frederick Bicking, built this mill or converted it to papermaking around 1791, if not earlier. On at least two occasions he purchased moulds with an IB & Co. watermark, implying that he had a partner or partners, perhaps his brother Joseph Bicking, who owned a mill nearby (Pa. Mill 83). He appears to have specialized in fairly high-quality writing paper and even ordered moulds and felts from England. The mill burned down in 1808 and was rebuilt. After the fire, Hugh Glen, one of Bicking’s employees, went into business for himself as a rag collector in Lancaster and Chester counties. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 241; James 1954, 17; Gilpin Letter Book, 4 Apr. 1808; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Apr. 1804: post vellum, watermarked J BICKING and posthorn; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Sept. 1805: demy writing, water-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  62 marked I BICKING; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 18 June 1807: post, watermarked JB & Co., ordered by John Bicking; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Mar. 1818: vellum cap laid over. IB = bell [laid] — printed docs., Philadelphia, Pa., 1787 and 1792 (AAS); printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1788 (NYHS; half sheet only, lacks countermark); Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [21 Oct. 1793] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1794; PPL); ms., n.p., 1779 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 475–76). B = bell [laid] — printed doc., Duck Creek, Del., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 105–6; deteriorated countermark?). IB = posthorn [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1792, and Wilmington, Del., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 477–78); ms., Lancaster, Pa., ca. 1799 (Carey Papers, 13:4617); ms., Cumberland County, N.J., 1799 (AAS). IB [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 474). I BICKING [wove] — ms., Berkeley County, W.Va., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 151). Note: Gravell & Miller assign the date of 1779 to wmks 475–76, but the style of lettering suggests a later date more in keeping with the other examples.

Inherited in 1820 by John Bicking Jr., who operated the mill for two years and then rented it to other papermakers. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 241; Hindman 1830. James Guie ran this mill or another one on Beaver Creek between 1833 and 1836. He purchased a cylinder machine from the Sellers firm in 1835. References: Hunter 1952, 152; Sellers Order Book, 13 Apr. 1835. It is not known what became of this mill, although members of the Bicking family continued to make paper in Chester County, either here or at other mills nearby. R. G. Dun & Co. compiled credit reports on the business of J. F. Bicking, a resident of Russellville, who was trained in the paper trade and was “suppd. to

understand it.” But Bicking and his brother J. C. Bicking had already failed by 1876, and Dun’s informants detected no improvement in J. F.’s financial standing in 1880. It was thought that he was renting his property, but the nature and location of that property is not mentioned. Reference: Dun Ledgers, Pa., 39:115.

East Fallowfield Township 80.  On Buck Run, three miles southwest of Coatesville. James M. Gibbons built this two-vat mill around 1795 and ran it until 1810, when he began to pursue other business interests: he was president of the Bank of Chester County in 1816–1817. He sold foolscap and royal printing to the Carey firm in 1799 and bought felting from the Trotter firm in 1800. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 264–65; Futhey & Cope 1881, 387; James 1954, 16; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Jan. 1796: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 July 1809: double cap; Trotter Day Book v. A-1; Carey Papers, 14:5080. JMG [laid] — ms., East Bradford, Pa., 1795 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 568); ms., Huntingdon County, Pa., 1796 (AAS).

Jacob Berstler (also Bastler or Barstler) had been working in Uwchlan and West Marlborough paper mills and apparently owned one of them before purchasing this mill in 1810. His brother John Berstler joined the business in 1818. If that date is correct, John’s papermaking career began before and continued after his time at Buck Run: he had been buying moulds under his own name as early as 1815 and went off to the Ephrata mill (Pa. Mill 57) sometime before 1821. Jacob attempted to sell the mill in 1813 and advertised it for sale again several times between 1822 and 1824 as part of an estate comprising 130 acres, with a dwelling house, a stone barn, and other outbuildings. In addition to the power provided by Buck Run, a “never failing” spring on the property supplied clean water suitable for rinsing rags in the washing engines (a valuable advantage because the stream water could be sullied by rains and turbu-

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  63 lence). Jacob sold 58 reams of medium to the Carey firm in 1817. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 264; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 Apr. 1811: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Feb. 1815: double cap vellum, sold to John Bastler; Needles Day Book, 15 Feb. 1821: refacing royal vellum moulds; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 29 May 1813, 4; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 6 Aug. 1822, 24 Feb. 1824; Carey Papers, 30:4735; http://www.fsfanatic.com/sahmom/ Berstler/d24.htm#P24 (accessed 7 June 2008). The mill then passed through several hands. Alexander Mode and William Mode II purchased it in June 1824 and sold it in 1825 to the Philadelphia stationer Samuel Eckstein, who sold it almost as quickly to John Carson in 1827. During this period, the mill was operated by John Berstler’s son Philip Berstler. Hunter states that a David Berstler was at the mill between 1825 and 1827, although he owned at that time 122 acres in East Fallowfield, presumably a different tract of land where he had taken up a different occupation. Hunter also locates Joseph A. Bicking at Buck Run between 1827 and 1850, as if he were a successor to David Berst­ ler. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 264–65; Hunter 1952, 144–45; http://www.fsfanatic.com/sah mom/Berstler/d32.htm#P32 (accessed 7 June 2008). Anthony Kelty purchased the mill in 1829 and ran it until around 1840, when he moved to Pa. Mill 104 in Bucks County. He purchased moulds from the Sellers and Needles firms as early as 1822, probably working at another mill in the Philadelphia area in partnership with other papermakers, whose names I have not been able to verify (perhaps a Thomas and a Terlinden). References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 264–65, 279; James 1954, 16; Needles Day Book, 19 Feb. 1822: cap vellum, sold to Thomas & Kelty; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Aug. 1823: super royal vellum = Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Sept. 1823, sold to Terlinden & Kelty; Sellers Order Book, 5 Mar. 1836: foolscap, watermarked A KELTY and a bird. AK [wove] — Charles West Thomson, The Sylph and Other Poems (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Carey, 1828; BL).

A KELTY = messenger pigeon [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1828, and Alexandria, Va., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 625–26); blank sheet (NYHS); printed doc., Princeton, N.J., n.d. (AAS); William P. C. Barton, A Flora of North America (Philadelphia: M. Carey & Sons, 1821–1823 [i.e., 1837]; NN, a reprint of the first volume, and perhaps also of some of the plates, as described in Kaser 1963, item 624). A KELTY = messenger pigeon [laid] — ms., New Castle County, Del., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 627–28).

81.  Mode Paper Mill or Dove Mill. On the West Branch of Brandywine Creek at Modena, two miles from Coatesville. Alexander Mode and William Mode II, sons of William Mode I, a local farmer and proprietor of a saw mill and a grist mill, established a paper mill here in 1812, producing 250 pounds of tub-sized writing or printing grades a day. They sold 228 reams of medium printing to the Carey firm in 1821. References: Futhey & Cope 1881, 175–76; Hindman 1830; James 1954, 17; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Mar. 1812: double cap and medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 July 1817: double cap vellum, watermarked M; Sellers Order Book, 28 Sept. 1835: long cap; Carey Papers, 34: 25 Jan. 1821. M = dove [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1819, and Athens, Ga., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 667–68). M [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1820 (Wall Papers, folder 10); printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., dated in type 182_ and in ms. 1830 (AAS). MODE [wove] — ms. and printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1827 and 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 712); ms., Sussex County, Del., 1829 (AAS). MODE [wove, antique lettering] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1830 and 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 713); Mercer County, Ky., Harrodsburg, November 8, 1831. Gentlemen, We herewith enclose to you the preamble and resolutions . . . ([Ky.?: s.n., 1831]; DLC, broadside port. 22:3).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  64 Note: Gravell & Miller attribute an M = eagle watermark to this firm, but that watermark was probably used by Thomas Mendenhall, proprietor of Md. Mill 4.

After William Mode II died in 1839, the mill ceased operations for ten years, but was reopened and modernized by his sons Alexander II and William Mode III, trading under the name of W. & A. Mode. By 1871 they were thought to be worth about $70,000 and to have substantial holdings in local real estate. References: James 1954, 17; Dun Ledgers, Pa., 39:114. A. MODE [wove] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1846, and ms., Swatara, Pa., 1849 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 714); blank sheet (AAS).

The Megargee Brothers managed the Dove Mill for W. & A. Mode in 1874, when it was making higher quality printing papers, and they purchased it in 1881. They were making printing grades and newsprint on a 72-inch Fourdrinier in 1882. References: Manufactories 1875, 225; James 1954, 17; Lockwood 1882, 99.

Kennett Township 82.  On Red Clay Creek, a half mile from Kennett Square. James or Joseph Webb built a mill at this location around 1798, when James Webb ordered moulds from the Sellers firm. Perhaps the father of Joseph Webb, James may have been in the papermaking business quite some time if he was the same James Webb who purchased moulds from Nathan Sellers in 1776. Joseph Webb may have been working for the Meeteer family in Del. Mill 2 in New Castle County, where he was living in 1798 when he purchased the land on which this mill was built. After 1798 James Webb no longer appears in the Sellers ledgers, but Joseph Webb frequently purchased moulds from the Sellers and Needles firms until 1820, when the mill was appraised at $1,200. References: Hunter 1952, 167; Cooper 1991, 6; Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 316–17; James 1954, 17; Hindman 1816; Hindman 1830: “Webb’s P.M.”; Sellers Diary, 11 July 1776; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 13 Mar. 1798:

super royal laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 June 1802: double cap, watermarked J WEBB; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Dec. 1808: double cap, watermarked JW; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Mar. 1809: demy writing, watermarked J WEBB and “English mark”; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Apr. 1809: demy writing, watermarked J WEBB and crown shield fleur-de-lis; Needles Day Book, 8 Dec. 1820: vellum super royal. J WEBB [laid] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1801 and 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1035, 1036); ms., statement of Peter Brynberg, Wilmington, Del., ca. 1803 (Carey Papers, 18:8199). J WEBB = Britannia [laid] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1037–38); ms., Kennett Square, Pa., 1808 (AAS; countermark only).

Bishop Bratton purchased this mill from Joseph Webb in 1821, after working for the Willcox family at Pa. Mill 21 since at least 1810. The mill burned down in 1824; it was rebuilt but apparently did not prosper, and it ceased operations in 1834. In 1835 Bratton’s assignees advertised it for sale along with 37 acres of farmland, a barn, a dwelling house, two tenements, and other outbuildings. The mill had a wheel of 18 feet in diameter, with a 3-foot head of water and a potential fall of 30 feet, producing power sufficient for the manufacture of paper, flour, iron, or woolens. After the mill was sold, Bratton returned to work at the Willcox mill and was listed among its employees in 1838. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 244–45; Willcox 1911, 54; Needles Day Book, 27 July 1821: medium vellum, ordered by Joseph Webb for Bishop Bratton; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Apr. 1823: double cap vellum, watermarked BB; Delaware State Journal, 10 Nov. 1835, 1. BB [wove] — mss., Lewis, Del., 1822, and Sussex County, Del., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 111); ms., Essex [Md.?, Mass.?], 1836 (AAS). BRATTON [wove] — ms., Lebanon County, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 160). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute a BB & Co watermark (wmk 112) to Bishop Bratton, even though he did not

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  65 have partners and was not part of a company. They found the watermark in a Long Island document dated 1834, and I have found another example at AAS in a New York State printed indenture dated 1838. A papermaker in the New York area might be a more likely candidate, although there is some possibility that it could be assigned to Bill Blake & Co., proprietors of Vt. Mill 14. See Hunter 1952, 145.

Charles Matthews acquired the mill and ran it for a few years until he succumbed during the Panic of 1837. The mill was sold at a sheriff ’s sale in 1838. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 244–45.

West Brandywine Township 83.  On the West Branch of Brandywine Creek, one mile north of Coatesville. Joseph Bicking established a mill here around 1805 after learning the trade at Pa. Mill 48 in Montgomery County. He bought moulds under his own name as early as 1797, perhaps for the family mill in Montgomery County, where he might have been making paper with his characteristic JB initials around 1794. The JB & Co watermark he used in 1805 suggests that he had then gone into business for himself. On the other hand, he could have bought those moulds for his brother John Bicking, who had the same initials and was operating Pa. Mill 79 not far away in East Brandywine Township. He was briefly in partnership with Michael Featherman, who left in 1816 to lease Pa. Mill 87. In 1817 Joseph alerted newspaper readers that two apprentices, Stephen Geatier and Daniel Vanderslice, had run away from his mill in Brandywine Township. After having made his escape, Geatier disappeared from sight, but Vanderslice remained in the trade, probably working as a journeyman, and re-emerged in the Kentucky paper trade. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 241–42; Hunter 1952, 145; James 1954, 17; McCulloch 1921, 92; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Feb. 1797: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 July 1805: post vellum, watermarked JB & Co; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Nov. 1806: double cap, water-

marked JB; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Aug. 1814: post vellum; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, 7 Aug. 1817, 3. JB & Co [wove] — ms., Berkeley County, W.Va., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 510). JB [wove] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1813, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 508); ms., Easton, Pa., 1815 (AAS); printed doc., New York, N.Y., dated in type 181_ and in ms. 1815 (AAS). JB [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 509); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1817 (AAS). Note: James and Gravell & Miller assign IB watermarks to John Bicking and JB watermarks to Joseph Bicking on the basis of entries in the Sellers ledgers. Indeed, the brothers may have instructed the Sellers firm to make that distinction, although some transactions are ambiguous, perhaps because the brothers bought those moulds as partners.

By 1824 Joseph Bicking’s son Frederick Bicking III was managing the mill for his father, who retired in 1831. The mill appears to have been operating only intermittently after 1835. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 241–42.

London Britain Township 84.  London Britain Paper Mill. On the south or west branch of White Clay Creek. Robert Carter operated this mill between 1811 and 1813, perhaps after working in one of the mills owned by William Levis I. References: Hunter 1952, 147; Carter 1982, 82–83; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 Aug. 1808: double wrapping, ordered by Robert Carter and sent to William Levis I. When the Delaware Paper Mills (Del. Mill 5) burned down in 1814, William Young moved his papermaking business to this mill and arranged for George Smith to manage it as partner or tenant, probably the latter. Smith may have emigrated to the United States not long before if he was the same George Smith

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  66 whose papermaking business in Godalming, Surrey, failed in 1803; he was probably managing the Delaware Paper Mills in 1806. The London Britain mill house was renovated or rebuilt in 1817 to accommodate two vats, but only one vat was operating during the depression of 1820, when Smith reported to the census that he employed five men, four women, and four children. He valued the mill’s annual output at $5,148. He also noted that imported paper had brought down prices and had obstructed sales to the point where the establishment would soon be “oblidged to stop.” Smith and Young advertised it for sale several times in 1821 and 1822 but remained in business even though Smith could not pay the taxes on the mill and predicted that he would not be able to pay his creditors unless he sold his farm. He offered to sell his share in the firm or his stock in trade to Young for $2,000 or $1,500, and submitted an itemized inventory of the equipment in the mill, including two engines, two vats, two stuff chests, six pairs of moulds, felts, and presses, for a total value of $1,212.90. Smith departed soon after and may have left the papermaking trade altogether. Despite his losses, Young paid $1,200 to repair the dam in 1822 and $4,000 to repair the mill around 1829, when it was again advertised for sale. Three stories high, measuring 80 feet by 30 feet, the mill was on a tract of 70 acres with a farm, a mansion house, and three stone houses for the workers. References: Young Papers; Maxted 1985, 22; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 June 1822: royal vellum, sold to George Smith; Census of 1820, reel 14, item 854; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 Jan. 1824: royal vellum, sold to William Young; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 23 Oct. 1821, 3, 24 Dec. 1822, 3, and 21 Apr. 1829, 3. Hunter states that Adam Hufnal was in the paper trade at this location in 1826. If Hunter’s information is correct, Hufnal may have been renting the London Britain Mill after Smith departed. Reference: Hunter 1952, 154. Hunter states that Ducket & Hall succeeded William Young at the London Britain Mill in 1830. Young advertised it for sale in April 1829 and died in May, so it is quite possible that his executors sold it a year later,

but I have found no mention of this firm elsewhere. Reference: Hunter 1952, 150.

Upper Oxford Township 85.  On Muddy Run. In 1809 James Fulton purchased at a sheriff ’s sale a plot of 198 acres with a tilt hammer mill. His son John Fulton II operated on this site a paper mill valued at $300 in 1811. By 1820 the Fultons had abandoned this modest venture, and James was running a cotton manufactory on the property. Reference: James 1970, 8. Jacob Ulrick and Samuel Johnson of Wilmington, Delaware, purchased the property in 1820 from James Fulton, who had inherited another mill in Chester County (Pa. Mill 73). Ulrick too was already occupied in another papermaking venture (Pa. Mill 68) and apparently did not intend to start up a second business here. The tax records do not mention a mill in operation at this location between 1821 and 1826. Samuel Johnson’s role in this transaction is not known, but there is no evidence that he was ever involved in the papermaking trade. Reference: James 1970, 8. After working in the London Britain Paper Mill (Pa. Mill 84), and the Spring Lawn Paper Mill (Pa. Mill 92), Samuel Bechtell was operating a paper mill at this location in 1826, when he was taxed for the mill and 200 acres of land, appraised at $1,800 and $1,600, respectively. The mill might have been valued at that amount because Bechtell had renovated the building or installed new machinery; in any case, the valuation was reduced to $1,000 the following year. Reference: James 1970, 8. In 1830 Bechtell sublet the mill to Samuel Bahil (also Bahill or Bahel), perhaps only briefly, because there is no mention of the paper mill in the township tax records between 1831 and 1847. Bahil was active in the trade before and after his stint at this mill: he worked in East Nottingham in 1822, in Lancaster County sometime before 1830, and at a mill somewhere in the Pennsylvania area in 1835. References: James 1970, 8; Needles Day Book, 12 Aug. 1822: double crown; Needles

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  67 Day Book, 27 Dec. 1822: refacing medium moulds; Sellers Order Book, 6 May 1835: copper deckles. 86.  On Muddy Run, three-quarters of a mile above Pa. Mill 85. In 1829 James Falls was assessed for 263 acres of land and a paper mill, valued at $800. He may have previously worked at Pa. Mill 73 in East Nottingham, where the Sellers firm sent some moulds he purchased in 1814. According to Hunter, he occupied a mill on Big Elk Creek in Chester County between 1817 and 1830. References: James 1970, 10; Hunter 1952, 150; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Sept. 1814: laid double cap and medium vellum. Falls may have enlarged or improved the mill just before he died in 1830, when the mill was valued at $1,200. His son Henry Falls inherited the establishment and may have kept it running for a while, doing enough business to be listed as a papermaker in the tax records. Reference: James 1970, 10.

West Nottingham Township 87.  Half mile up North East Creek from the other Kirk mill, Pa. Mill 74, on the west side of the creek. Lewis Kirk and Josiah Kirk converted a cotton mill to a one-vat paper mill, which they leased to Michael Featherman in 1816. Trading as Kirk & Featherman, the tenant divided the expenses, losses, and profits equally with the owners and, in addition, agreed to pay them rent amounting to $300 a year. References: James 1954, 17; James 1970, 14; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 June 1817: medium and double cap wove. Michael Featherman is said to have purchased the mill in 1820, but in 1822 Jacob Kirk advertised it for sale on behalf of the estate of Lewis Kirk, deceased. Also for sale were a saw mill, a two-story dwelling house, and four tenement houses for workers on 141 acres of land. During that period of financial stress, Featherman may not have been able to satisfy the terms of the bill of sale, which obliged him to pay $4,900 for the mills, tenements, and 113 acres of land. Jacob Kirk failed to

sell the mill and must have negotiated a new agreement with Featherman, who was still in residence and continued to purchase moulds as late as 1824. References: James 1970, 14; Hunter 1952, 150; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 17 Dec. 1822, 1; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Feb. 1824: post vellum, watermarked MF. By 1829 Featherman had acquired ownership of the mill, along with debts so burdensome that his creditors arranged for a sheriff ’s sale. Once again, no one would offer a satisfactory price, so Featherman stayed in business through 1831, when his paper and saw mills were assessed at $1,200. Reference: James 1970, 15. George Brinton, a landowner, bought the property in 1836. The Featherman family remained until around 1845, when Brinton put the place up for sale, noting that “Miller Fulton resides thereon.” Although Fulton was a papermaker, it is not known whether he carried on the papermaking business after the Feathermans had left. Reference: James 1970, 15. 88.  On Octoraro Creek, seven miles below Mount Vernon. Two of the four sons of James Fulton, Miller and James Jefferson Fulton, operated a paper mill, grist mill, and farm at this location between 1829 and 1845. They never invested very heavily in the paper business and may have been in it only intermittently. The paper mill, grist mill, and saw mill were valued at only $700 in 1835. Quite possibly, the papermaking portion of the mill or mills contained only one vat, which was closed down when the water was low or when profits were higher elsewhere. In 1841 James J. Fulton confessed that his affairs were in a bad way, although “I have been engaged in the manufacture of paper all my life.” Reference: James 1970, 12.

Lower Oxford Township 89.  At Mount Vernon, on Leech Run, about a mile before it enters Octoraro Creek. In the 1820s David Lefever was operating a two-vat mill at this location, perhaps on property owned by

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  68 Joseph Dickey. The mill appears in the tax records valued at $400 in 1826 and $1,000 in 1829. Reference: James 1970, 11. After Lefever died, around 1834, the Dickey family managed the mill in partnership with the brothers James and William Lysle among others. Reference: James 1970, 11. 90.  On Muddy Run, a half mile before it enters Octoraro Creek. In 1834 the sheriff of Chester County advertised for sale a “Grist, Saw, and Paper Mill” on 220 acres of land. The paper mill contained one vat and three presses. Later known as the Valley Paper Mill, it manufactured mainly wrapping paper for various owners until it burned down in 1892. Reference: James 1970, 6–7.

London Grove Township 91.  Middle Branch of White Clay Creek, at West Grove, west of Avondale. Hunter records a mill at this location belonging to Robert, William, and Wilson Lysle (also Lisle) around 1828. He may have misconstrued the latter two names, since the Sellers ledgers sometimes refer to a W. W. Lysle, who seems to have been associated with William Sherer Jr. In 1831 the firm was doing business as James & William Lysle. Wilson and George Lysle, sons of James Lysle, ran a papermaking business not far away in Chesterville in 1872. References: Hunter 1952, 159; Sellers Letter Book, 20 Jan. 1830 and 7 Feb. 1831; Sellers Order Book, 3 Feb. 1835: royal, ordered by W. W. Sherer for W. W. Lysle; Dun Ledgers, Pa., 39:92, 337.

Elk Township 92.  Spring Lawn Paper Mill. On Big Elk Creek, near the Maryland state line, about three miles south of New London Cross Roads. Formerly in East Nottingham Township. Built by Robert M. Sherer on land he inherited in 1828 from his father William Sherer, a tanner and

landowner. Robert M. Sherer also ran a farm on this land, as well as a store, perhaps in partnership with his brother William Sherer Jr., who purchased moulds for the mill. Either Robert M. Sherer or William Sherer Jr. was a partner in the Philadelphia firm Sherer & Nichols, which sometimes purchased moulds and sold sand paper to James M. Willcox. References: Futhey & Cope 1881, 725; James 1954, 17; Hunter 1952, 164; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 17 Feb. 1819, 1; Sherer & Nichols to James M. Willcox, 15 Jan. 1836, Willcox Papers, HSP; Sellers Letter Book, 24 Jan. 1828 and 27 Jan. 1829; Sellers Order Book, 27 Feb. 1834: facing cap moulds. SHERER [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1830, and New Castle, Del., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 899); The Pearl; or, Affection’s Gift (Philadelphia: Thomas T. Ash, 1831; BL); Samuel Rogers, Italy, a Poem (Philadelphia: Thomas T. Ash, [1834 or 1835]; CSmH); printed doc., Harrisburg, Pa., 1834 (AAS).

Between 1834 and 1836 the Sherer family either rented the mill to John E. McHenry and Moses McHenry or employed them to manage the mill. References: Hunter 1952, 159; Sellers Order Book, 27 Mar. 1834: short cap; Sellers Order Book, 24 Feb. 1836: refacing medium. Purchased in 1846 by Robert Allison, M.D., who advertised it for sale in 1848 along with some land, houses for seven families, and machinery, including four engines and a Fourdrinier. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 306–7. In 1874 the Spring Lawn Mill was one of several mills belonging to the Megargee Brothers manufacturing firm based in Philadelphia. Reference: Manufactories 1875, 225.

Addenda Morton & Taylor, “Paper makers Chester Co.,” purchased extra super royal moulds in 1819. Reference: Needles Day Book, 23 Oct. 1819. Aaron Denman of Philadelphia was said to be manufacturing paper from straw in Chester in 1829. Al-

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  69 though he may have been related to the papermakers Matthias Denman and Daniel N. Denman of New Jersey, there is no other evidence that he was involved in the paper trade in either Chester or Philadelphia. He could not have pursued his experiments with straw paper for very long without coming up against William Magaw, who held the patent. Reference: Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 4 (1829): 12. cc

Franklin County Chambersburg 93.  On or near Conococheague Creek. Built soon after 1780 by Dr. John Calhoun, son-in-law of Colonel Benjamin Chambers, founder of Chambersburg. The mill supplied newsprint to the Pittsburgh Gazette and other newspapers in western Pennsylvania. References: Weeks 1916, 161; Snell 1933a, 113; Hayden 1968, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1807: post vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Jan. 1818: vellum cap. The firm of A. & J. Calhoun {probably Alexander and John Calhoun} operated the mill around 1823–1824. References: Sellers Letter Book, 16 June 1823; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 May 1824: medium vellum. The firm of McClure & Calhoun operated the mill around 1826–1827. The mill was torn down in 1832 to make room for the Mammoth Mill (Pa. Mill 97). References: Sellers Letter Book, 15 Nov. 1826 and 30 May 1827; Hayden 1968, 3. 94.  Union Paper-Mill. “Chamberstown.” John Scott built the Union Paper-Mill in 1788. Trading as John Scott & Co., he remained in business at this location for about a decade. He may have then gone on to work in Steubenville at Ohio Mill 15. References: Weeks 1916, 161; Hunter 1952, 163; Carlisle Gazette, 10 Sept. 1788, 3, 3 Feb. 1790, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 June 1789: laid royal and laid printing; Sellers Moulds

Finished, 19 May 1792: laid post, watermarked with a posthorn. 95.  Not located. Hunter lists a mill in Chambersburg belonging to J. Starr & Co., active around 1803 and employing watermarks he transcribes as JS & CO and STARR & CO = a figure holding a spade or plume. The latter watermark I have not seen; the former is fairly common, although the coincidence of dates and initials raises the possibility that it could be attributed either to John Shryock or to John Scott in Pa. Mills 94 or 96. Reference: Hunter 1952, 165. JS & Co [laid] — mss., Winchester, Va., 1797, and Bedford, Va., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 573, 574); ms., Bedford County, Pa., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 575); ms., Washington County, Pa., 1797 (AAS); ms., Allegheny County, Pa., 1798 (HSP Watermarks); ms., n.p., ca. 1799 (Carey Papers, 13:4791); printed doc., Tenn., dated in type 18__ and in ms. 1803 (NHi, Hanreik Papers, box 1). Note: The second edition of Gravell & Miller attributes wmks 573 and 574 to John Steele (even though there is no record of him being a member of a company), but they do not venture an attribution for wmk 575 (although it is a deteriorated version of wmks 573 and 574).

96.  Hollywell Mill. On Conococheague Creek, one and a half miles south of Chambersburg. According to Weeks and Hayden, this mill was built in 1790 by John Shryock and Thomas Johns, operating as Johns & Shryock. However, there is no corroborating evidence that they were active at such an early date, and Snell does not hesitate to say that they began in 1808. In that year they advertised for rags to supply a paper mill they were building and were expecting to finish at the end of the year; they purchased their first pair of moulds from the Sellers firm in 1809. References: Weeks 1916, 161; Snell 1933a, 114; Hayden 1968,

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  70 3; [Chambersburg, Pa.] Franklin Repository, 29 Mar. 1808, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 May 1809: double cap, watermarked with a star. J & S in five-pointed star [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 588); ms., Irwin,Westmoreland County, Pa., 1811 (NYHS).

Between 1810 and 1822 John Shryock did business with the Sellers firm as John Shryock & Co. I have not been able to ascertain whether he renegotiated his partnership with Thomas Johns or whether he took on a new partner or partners, such as his son George A. Shryock, who operated the mill for Macdonald & Ridgely {Alexander Macdonald and Nicholas G. Ridgely} of Baltimore by 1829. References: Shryock 1866, 9; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Apr. 1810: double cap, watermarked S & Co. in a star; Sellers Letter Book, 21 Jan 1822. S & Co in five-pointed star [laid] — ms., Fallowfield Township, Pa., 1812 (NYHS); mss., Columbia, Tenn., 1812, and Baltimore, Md., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 842, 844). S & Co in five-pointed star [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1815 (Carey Papers, 28:4129); ms. Baltimore, Md., 1820 (NYHS); mss., Carlisle, Pa., 1811, Philadelphia, Pa., 1813, and Baltimore, Md., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 841, 843, 845).

George A. Shryock took over the management of the mill in 1827 and enlarged it to manufacture printing paper, hanging paper, and binders’ board from straw, a process patented by William Magaw in 1828. Shryock installed at least three cylinder machines, four engines, a steam engine, and other improvements costing altogether around $35,000. He ordered his first cylinder machine from one of the Laflins of Lee, Massachusetts, whom he met in New York while on his way to see the cylinder machine of David Ames in Springfield. After installing a new steam boiler in 1829–1830, he was able to make 150–200 reams of crown wrapping paper a day. In partnership with Nicholas G. Ridgely, he purchased from Magaw the rights to manufacture straw paper in the eastern United States, to be supplied not just by the Hollywell Mill but also other mills in Pennsylvania,

New Jersey, and New York. But Ridgely died before these ambitious plans could be realized, and in 1831 Shryock formed another firm to build the Mammoth Mill (Pa. Mill 97), where he moved his business. References: Shryock 1866, 7–9; Weeks 1916, 222–23; Niles Weekly Register 35 (18 Oct. 1828): 117; Sellers Letter Book, 29 Apr. 1830, 3 July 1830. GAS & CO [wove] — ms., Franklin [County?, Pa.?], 1833 (AAS).

Alexander Macdonald and the executors of Ridgely retained the ownership of the mill and resumed the manufacture of paper from rags. References: Shryock 1866, 10; Weeks 1916, 162. 97.  Mammoth Mill. On Conococheague Creek, two and a quarter miles below the Hollywell Mill. Built in 1831 by George A. Shryock in partnership with S. D. Culbertson, Reade (or Reed) Washington, and Alexander Calhoun (or Colhoun) for the manufacture of straw paper by the methods patented by William Magaw. Three or maybe even five stories high, measuring 150 by 50 feet, the mill building was designed to accommodate seventeen dry presses, eight engines, and eight cylinder machines producing 5.5 tons a day. The mill burned down in 1864 when Chambersburg was razed by the Confederate army. References: Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 8 (1831): 367, 9 (1832): 384; Shryock 1866, 10–11; Weeks 1916, 223; Snell 1933a, 11. cc

Northampton County Lower Saucon Township 98.  On Saucon Creek. George Unkley appears frequently in the Sellers ledgers beginning in 1789 but is otherwise poorly represented in the records of the papermaking trade. References: Hunter 1952, 166; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  71 June 1789: royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 July 1797: double moulds, watermarked GU; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 Aug. 1812: double cap laid over.

Township around 1794. References: Hunter 1952, 157; Coon 1927, 13; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Apr. 1794: double crown wrapping and double cap.

GU [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789, Northampton County, Pa., 1789, and Berks County, Pa., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 379, 380); ms., Huntingdon [Pa.?], 1807 (AAS).

AL [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1799 (AAS); ms., n.p., 1799 (Carey Papers, 14:5306); ms., Del., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 12).

G UNKLEY [laid] — mss., Berkeley County, W.Va., 1793, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 962).

Bethlehem 99.  Not located. Hunter notes that Thomas Boyd had a mill in this town but does not mention when he was active. Boyd purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1791 and 1821, when his son Edward Boyd was involved in sales to the Carey firm. Copeland Boyd, perhaps another son, corresponded with the Sellers firm in 1831. Before he moved to Bethlehem, Thomas Boyd may have been working at a mill in Montgomery County, where he may have been associated with Thomas Amies and Isaac Pearson. Pearson was a Philadelphia stationer who sold Amies’s papers along with the products of other mills. References: Hunter 1952, 146; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: medium; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 8 Mar. 1806: medium vellum, to be sent to and billed to Thomas Amies; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 Apr. 1821: cap vellum; Carey Papers, 34: 11 Sept. 1821, an invoice giving the address “Montgomery County,” and 26 Nov. 1821: medium delivered by Edward Boyd; Trotter Day Book, v. A-2, 18 June 1800: felting sold to Thomas Boyd and Isaac Pearson; Sellers Letter Book, 5 May 1831.

Allen Township 100.  Probably on Hokendauqua Creek. Abraham Levan (also LeVan) had a farm in Northampton, Pennsylvania, in 1769 and a paper mill in Allen

LEVAN [laid] — ms., Sussex County, Del., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 656); blank sheet (AAS).

Abraham Levan and his wife granted the mill to their son Abraham Levan Jr., who joined the business around 1804 or 1808 and mortgaged it to a local bank in 1812. When the mortgage came due in 1817, he could not pay, but the bank let the loan ride until 1819 or 1820, when his debt and interest amounted to $3,620.96. No doubt the bank was obliged to call in its loans during the Panic of 1819. By order of the court, the sheriff sold the mill at public auction to Thomas McKean and Isaac Levan, who bid $2,500 for the property. References: Coon 1927, 23, 35–36; Historical Society of Pennsylvania Deed Collection, 24 Jan. 1820; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Sept. 1804: double cap, watermarked LEVAN, sold to Abraham Levan & Son; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Sept. 1808: vellum demy laid over, sold to Abraham Levan Jr. A brother of Abraham Levan Jr., Isaac Levan took over the management of the mill, perhaps in association with his son Isaac Levan Jr. Peter Levan, another brother of Abraham Levan Jr., may have been involved with the mill in 1818. References: Coon 1927, 36; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Mar. 1821: vellum cap, watermarked LEVAN; Sellers Letter Book, 20 Dec. 1823: moulds addressed to Isaac Levan Jr.; Sellers Letter Book, 17 Dec. 1829; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Oct. 1818: medium vellum, ordered by Peter Levan. LEVAN [wove, in bold antique lettering] — ms., Monmouth County, N.J., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 657).

Daniel Levan bought bleaching powder, felting, and other supplies from the Sellers firm in 1834. References: Sellers Order Book, 14 Oct. 1834; Sellers Order Book, 12 Dec. 1834.

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Snyder County

perished in the flames. Reference: [Dedham, Mass.] Village Register, 3 July 1828, 2.

Selinsgrove

Beaver Township

101.  On the southern bank of Middle Creek, south of Selinsgrove.

102.  Near Middleburg.

Jacob Zourne (also Zoorne) purchased several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1792 and 1818, with instructions to send them to Sunbury, Pennsylvania, or by way of Harrisburg. He was probably a partner or foreman of Simon Snyder, who settled in Selinsgrove in 1784. Snyder ran a store and owned an interest in the Isle of Que Mills in this locality. Selinsgrove was part of Northumberland County in 1810, when the census noted that one or more mills in that county were producing paper worth $7,500 a year. Although Zourne used his own initials in his watermarks at first, he was doing business as Snyder & Zourne in 1818. References: Dunkelberger 1948, 4; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 63; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1792: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Aug. 1800: double cap, watermarked JZ; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Apr. 1818: three pairs of moulds, two washers, and a duster ordered by Snyder & Zourne; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Mar. 1819: royal vellum, ordered by Simon Snyder for Jacob Zourne. JZ [laid] — ms., n.p., 1803 (Carey Papers, 18:8217); ms., Sussex County, Del., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 611).

John Snyder, son of Simon Snyder, was running the mill between 1823 and 1826. References: Dunkelberger 1948, 28–29; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1823: double cap wove; Sellers Letter Book, 25 Mar. 1826. SNYDER [wove] — mss., Sunbury, Pa., 1824, and Selinsgrove, Pa., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 901).

Henry Snyder was in charge of the establishment in 1828 but was absent when it burned down in a conflagration so swift and fierce that three men and two boys

In 1832 the Sellers firm wrote to Philip Mitchell at this location to resolve some confusion about super royal moulds. I have found no other evidence for a mill in this area or for Mitchell’s involvement in the paper trade. Reference: Sellers Letter Book, 17 Feb. 1832. cc

Bucks County Richland or Quakertown 103.  Bog Run or Tohickon Creek? Conrad Bracher (also Brache) purchased moulds for a mill “near the Great Swamp” in Bucks County. Perhaps the same as Conrad Brocky, active in Lancaster County ca. 1805. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1792: foolscap, watermarked with two letters, i.e., CB; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 May 1797: medium. CB [laid] — Pennsylvania, ss. By the President and Supreme Executive Council of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, A Proclamation [20 Nov. 1782] (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1782; PHi broadside). CB [laid] — Acts Passed at a General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia [21 Oct. 1793] (Richmond: Printed by Augustine Davis, 1794; PPL); U.S. Dept. of the Treasury, (Presented to the House, the 19th of January, 1796.) A Statement, Shewing the Final Liquidation of the French Loans (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs, 1796; PPL broadside). Note: The lettering of the 1782-era CB watermark, lacking serifs, suggests the handiwork of a German mouldmaker, while the 1790s-era CB is in the Sellers style (cf. Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 204).

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  73

Solebury Township 104.  At Great Spring near New Hope. Son of a farmer in Great Spring, Samuel Delucenna Ingham was apprenticed at age sixteen to Thomas Langstroth, proprietor of Pa. Mill 55 in Montgomery County. At age twenty, he went to work at a Bloomfield, New Jersey, mill, where he became foreman. He returned home in 1800 to build his own paper mill on family property. He seems to have been the sole proprietor at first but to have taken partners or hired managers after he started on a political career. He served in Congress and became Secretary of the Treasury under President Jackson. After retiring from politics in 1831, he pursued various business ventures and eventually left New Hope to tend banking interests in Trenton, New Jersey. His brothers Hezekiah and Isaiah Ingham worked at this mill before renting Ohio Mill 12 around 1812. References: Bean 1884, 977; DAB, 9:473; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Feb. 1804: writing demy, watermarked SI; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Sept. 1806: post vellum, watermarked SI GT. SPRING. SI [laid] — Articles of the Good Will Fire-Company, Instituted at Philadelphia the 27th Day of March, in the Year of Our Lord 1802 (Philadelphia: s.n., 1802; PHi broadside). SI [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1808, and Tinicum, Pa., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 870). GT SPRING [wove] — mss., Dartmouth, N.H., 1810, and Ceres, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 401); ms., Susquehanna County, Pa., 1837 (AAS).

Ingham & Lewis purchased moulds in 1808. Reference: Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 Apr. 1808: laid medium writing, watermarked with three letters, i.e., I & L. I & L GT SPRING [laid] — ms., Sunbury, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 402); ms., Huntingdon County, Pa., 1810 (AAS); blank sheet (Spawn).

Ingham & Denormandie {Samuel Delucenna Ingham and Anthony Denormandie} purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1814 and 1817, and sold fine and superior medium to the Carey firm in 1818. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Apr. 1814: royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 June 1817: royal; Carey Papers, 30:4845. Ingham & Langstroth {Samuel Delucenna Ingham and Edmund Langstroth (also Longstreth)} purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1821 and 1824. Langstroth purchased moulds under his own name in 1820 and sold 64 reams of foolscap to the Carey firm in 1821. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 Dec. 1820: extra super royal wove; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Apr. 1821 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 May 1821: post vellum, watermarked I & L; Sellers Letter Book, 2 Dec. 1824; Carey Papers, 34: 2 June 1821. The Sellers firm obtained for S. D. Ingham & Sons some wire cloth, perhaps intended for a cylinder machine, in which case it would have been replaced by the Fourdrinier machine they installed in 1836. John Hank was leasing the mill at this time. References: Sellers Letter Book, 2 Dec. 1829; Church 1908, 215. Around 1840 Samuel Delucenna Ingham sold the mill to Anthony Kelty, who manufactured manila wrapping paper from rope and bagging. Reference: Church 1908, 215. cc

Pike County Milford 105.  Probably on Saw Creek. John Biddis (also Biddes) built a paper mill in Milford around 1793 to exploit a patent for manufacturing paper and pasteboard from sawdust. He laid out the town in 1796. References: Weeks 1916, 98–99; Burke 1847, 85; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Aug. 1793: large and demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Jan. 1795: single wrapping; Pennsylvania 1989, 245.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  74 cc

Lebanon County North Lebanon Township 106.  On Cat-tail Run, in Heilman Dale, northwest of Lebanon. John Adam Heilman II built a paper mill at this location in 1793. Among his customers were local newspaper publishers and state government officials in Harrisburg. References: Heilman 1919, 250–51; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Feb. 1794: foolscap and demy; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 Aug. 1797: single writing, watermarked AHM; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Apr. 1823: laid super royal. AHM [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 8; note bent crossbars in A and H).

After Heilman died in 1827, his executors managed the paper mill until 1833, when the papermaking business was abandoned. Reference: Heilman 1919, 250. I have not been able to verify the location of this mill. Gordon 1832 does not mention a North Lebanon Township, but the Smith 1830 map of Dauphin and Lebanon counties shows a paper mill in Annville, northwest of Lebanon. cc

Fayette County Jefferson Township 107.  Redstone Paper Mill. The first mill in western Pennsylvania, on Redstone Creek, four miles west of Brownsville. Samuel Jackson, a millwright, built several mills on this tract of land, which he acquired in 1777. In 1791 he agreed to establish a paper mill in partnership with the blacksmith Jonathan Sharpless, who would manage the mill and would invest $1,500 as his half interest in the venture. Sharpless learned the craft of papermaking at a mill in Chester County, perhaps in association

with his brother Benjamin Sharpless, who may have been active in that area before working at Pa. Mill 120 in Columbia County. After completing his belated apprenticeship, Jonathan started to build the Redstone mill in 1794, advertised for rags in 1796, and was selling paper to the Pittsburgh Gazette in 1797. Jackson had to contribute additional funds to cover the construction expenses, amounting to $6,000. At first he ordered moulds under the name of Jackson & Nichols, apparently expecting them to be delivered to his store in Brownsville, which he ran in partnership with Ellis Nichols, but the firm Jackson & Sharpless was ordering moulds and selling paper under its own name by 1801. References: Ellis 1882, 620–23; Weeks 1916, 159; Hunter 1952, 92–97; Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 Feb. 1796: medium, sold to Jackson & Nichols; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 Jan. 1801: double cap, sold to Jackson & Sharpless with watermark J & S REDSTONE; Carey Papers, 16:6849. J & S = REDSTONE [laid] — mss., Chillicothe, Ohio, 1800 and 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 582–83). J & S = dove [wove] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1807 (AAS). J & S = dove [laid] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 586–87); ms., n.p., 1809 (Hunter 1952, fig. 19). J & S = REDSTONE [wove] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1808 (AAS); ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 580–81). Dove perched on an anvil [laid] — ms., Erie, Pa., 1809 (AAS; lacks countermark?).

In 1810 Sharpless retired and turned over the management of the mill to Jackson’s son Jesse, who had married Sharpless’s daughter Betsy. Sharpless collected rent of $1,200 a year for his share in the mill. Between January and September 1816 the mill closed down for repairs after a freshet swept away the mill dam. At this time the mill was making no. 1 or no. 3 foolscap at its fine vat, at the rate of eight reams a day, and common medium, large wrapping, and bookbinders’ board at its coarse vat. After Samuel Jackson died in 1817,

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  75 Jesse Jackson was sole owner of the mill for a while but then formed a partnership with his brother-in-law Samuel Sharpless. In 1820 the firm was running a twovat mill with two engines, employing eight men, sixteen women, and three children to manufacture various kinds of paper and pasteboard. The annual output was valued at $9,000. The proprietors informed the census authorities that business was “dull” and that they could not make any “sales of consequence,” even at a 24 percent discount. They also ran a grist mill and a saw mill in or next to this establishment, no doubt ­reassigning workers from one place to the other depending on the season and the state of the trade. During the last thirty years the profit on sales had declined from 10 percent to 5 percent, mainly because of the rising cost of raw materials. Cash was scarce, and the proprietors were compelled to barter their products “for anything we can get.” References: Weeks 1916, 163; Hunter 1952, 97; Census of 1820, reel 12, item 267; Ledger of the Redstone Paper Mill, 1815–1818, Pennsylvania State Archives, Harrisburg. In 1822 Jesse Jackson left the mill in the hands of Samuel Sharpless, William Sharpless, and Job Harvey, who operated the mill until 1825. References: Ellis 1882, 622; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Apr. 1823: double cap vellum. Jefferson Carter and William Sharpless operated the mill from 1825 through 1832, although the firm was ordering moulds as Sharpless & Harvey in 1827. John Wallace was employed as foreman “for many years.” In 1832 the firm Sharpless & Co., a joint-stock concern capitalized at $10,000, employed twenty-five women and eleven men at two vats to manufacture 3,300 reams a year valued at $10,000. In 1842 the mill was destroyed by fire at a loss of $20,000. References: Ellis 1882, 622; Sellers Letter Book, 5 Dec. 1827; Weeks 1916, 163; McLane Report, 2:517–18.

S & Co = dove [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1840 (AAS; countermark only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1843 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 846–47). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute wmks 246 and 247–48 to Clark & Sharpless in Pa. Mill 120, although Clark had left that firm long before these watermarks appeared, and the dove design had already been used by previous proprietors of this mill. Likewise, they attribute wmks 846–47 to Shryock & Co. in Pa. Mill 96, although that firm identified its products with a star, not a dove.

Connellsville Township 108.  Yough Paper Mill. On the right bank of the Youghiogheny River, above Connellsville, a short distance above Gibsonville. Built in 1810 by Daniel and Joseph Rogers of Connellsville and Zadoc Walker of Uniontown. Several pairs of moulds were ordered for them by John Lea, perhaps their foreman. Although they designed the mill to run two vats, they had only one in operation in 1820, when their workforce of five men and six children was manufacturing pasteboard as well as paper. Their annual output was valued at $5,241. They reported that sales were slow due to the competition of paper shipped to New Orleans and distributed in Kentucky, Tennessee, and other parts of their western market. References: Ellis 1882, 403; Census of 1820, reel 12, item 256; Jones 1826, 73; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Aug. 1810: a washer and five pairs, the watermark YOUGH – DJR & W in “one place”; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Nov. 1811: medium vellum, ordered by John Lea; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 June 1815: medium laid. DJR & W [wove] — mss., Chillicothe, Ohio, 1813, and Ky., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 304).

C & S = dove [wove] — ms., Albany, N.Y., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 247–48).

D & JR & W [wove] — ms., Vincennes [Ind.?], 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 305).

C & S [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1833 (AAS); mss., Albany, N.Y., 1834, and Hudson, N.Y., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 246).

In 1831 the mill was acquired by Gebhart, Norton & Kurtz {Herman Gebhart, Josiah Kurtz, and L. L. Norton}, who employed thirty workers to make 3,000

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  76 reams a year, no doubt having reactivated the second vat. References: Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 10 (1832): 14; J. C. McClenathan, Centennial History of the Borough of Connellsville, Pennsylvania, 1806–1906 (Columbus, Ohio: Champlin Press, 1906), 512. After a short time the mill passed into the hands of D. S. Knox, M. Lore, and John Scott, who continued in business until 1836. Reference: Ellis 1882, 403. 109.  On the Youghiogheny River. Established in 1830 with a capital investment of $10,000, this two-vat mill was being operated by Joseph Trevor & Co. in 1832. The McLane Report quotes the comments of a partner or employee who did not see a very bright future for this joint-stock concern, which had yet to pay any dividends and was not likely to turn a profit soon because of competitive pressures in the immediate vicinity: “it is a RAGGED business now.” Eight men, two boys, and seventeen women produced 3,900 reams a year worth $10,025, of which a third was sold locally; the rest was shipped to Pittsburgh, Wheeling, and elsewhere. A three-horse team went around to collect rags and to make deliveries. At the same time, Hazard’s Register reported on this mill with different and less credible production figures: thirty hands were said to make 3,000 reams a year. References: McLane Report, 2:516–17; Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 10 (1832): 14.

Brownsville 110.   Not located. In 1832 Kupps & Carter {Kupps and Jefferson Carter?} were building at this location a steam mill that would “give employment to from fifty to sixty hands.” Kupps appears to have dropped out and to have been replaced by one Clark by 1836, when the firm Clark & Carter obtained a 32-inch cylinder for their mill in Brownsville. References: Samuel Hazard, ed., Register of Pennsylvania 10 (1832): 22; Sellers Order Book, 6 Jan. 1836.

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Cumberland County Southampton Township 111.  Sixteen miles from Carlisle, five miles from Shippensburg. In 1795 George Kline, printer of the Carlisle Gazette, announced that William C. Duckett (also Ducket) had just built the first paper mill in the county and was beginning to make writings and printings “equal to any imported.” Storekeepers and printers could buy these papers from Kline, who promised to pay the “highest price” for rags. Duckett might be identified with the papermaker William Duckett of Slaughterford, Wiltshire, who settled his accounts in bankruptcy proceedings between 1792 and 1793. In that case Duckett would have emigrated almost immediately and would have succeeded in raising sufficient capital to purchase property in Southampton Township. But he was still short of cash in 1799, when the paper mill was seized by the sheriff and put up for sale along with a saw mill, a grist mill, and 164 acres of land. He appears to have recovered from this business setback, or to have moved his business elsewhere, for he was buying moulds in 1801 and as late as 1822. He certainly did not fare any better in Springfield, New Jersey, where he was a partner in an unidentified paper mill that was sold by the sheriff in 1813. References: Kline’s Carlisle Weekly Gazette, 26 Aug. 1795, 3, 18 Sept. 1799, suppl., p. 1; Hunter 1952, 150; Maxted 1985, 7; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 July 1801 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 July 1801: large medium wove; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 May 1820: royal vellum, ordered by William Duckett & Son; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Apr. 1822: medium vellum. 112.  On Yellow Breeches Creek, west of Jacksonville. John and William Buchanan operated a mill at this location between around 1798 and 1800, when they appear in the census records along with a Jonathan Kennedy, also identified as a papermaker. It is possible that

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  77 they were renting Pa. Mill 111 from William C. Duckett or were otherwise involved in that establishment. References: Hunter 1952, 146; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 245; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 May 1798: double cap, watermarked J & WB, sent to Shippensburg. J & WB [laid] — ms., Shippensburg, Pa., 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 602).

Mount Holly Springs or South Middleton 113.  Union Paper Mill. Near Carlisle; this district also known as Papertown. Leaving some debts unpaid, William Barbour (also Barber) abandoned his business in Oley Township, Berks Country (probably Pa. Mill 69), removed to Carlisle, and formed the firm of Barber, McClure & Knox {William Barbour, Joseph Knox, and John McClure}, which built a mill at this location in 1812. In this new venture he may have received some financial support from the Philadelphia stationers Bennet & Walton { Joseph Bennet, Titus Bennet, and Joseph Walton} and/ or the Maryland papermakers Samuel and William Meeteer, who ordered moulds on his behalf. References: Hunter 1952, 144; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 238; Brown 1949, 226; Sellers Moulds Ordered, [Jan.] 1814: royal vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Feb. 1815: cap vellum, watermarked WB & Co and plow, ordered by Bennet & Walton; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 May 1815: post vellum, watermarked WB & Co, for the account of Samuel and William Meeteer. WB & Co [wove] — ms., Newville, Cumberland County, Pa., 1816 (AAS; countermark only?). WB & C = plow [wove] — blank sheet (AAS); ms., Carlisle, Pa., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 978–79). o

WB [wove] — Joshua Shaw, Picturesque Views of American Scenery (Philadelphia: Published by M. Carey & Son, 1820; NjP, MWiW-C).

Previously employed in Chambersburg, Sampson S. Mullen (also Mullin) purchased an interest in the firm

from Knox and McClure in 1819. Barbour ordered moulds with the B & M watermark in 1822, but only he was named as proprietor in the Census of 1820, which describes a one-vat mill employing four men, five women, and one child to manufacture nos. 1, 2, and 3 white and brown papers, its annual output valued at $3,756. The mill was destroyed by fire in 1846 but was rebuilt and remained in business until it was destroyed by another fire in 1895. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 238; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 1048; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Sept. 1822: cap and post vellum, both watermarked B & M; Sellers Order Book, 5 Apr. 1836: refacing cap moulds, watermarked with three letters, i.e., B & M. BARBOUR | & | MULLEN [wove] — mss., Huntsville, Ala., 1827, and Harrisburg, Pa., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 136). B & M [wove] — mss., Wilmington, Del., n.d., Carlisle, Pa., 1829, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 122, 123); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS). BARBOUR & MULLIN [wove] — ms., Harford County, Md., 1833 (AAS); ms., Elk Ridge Landing, Md., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 137). S.S.M. [wove] — ms., Carlisle, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 879).

Members of the Mullin family were involved in three Mount Holly paper mills in 1873. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 98. cc

Huntingdon County Warrior’s Mark Township 114.  Laurel Spring Paper Mill. At Laurel Springs on the Little Juniata River, northeast of the town of Birmingham. John Cadwallader and his family owned in Birmingham a large tract of land, which they tried to develop as a real estate venture around 1797. The mill appears

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  78 to have been built around 1800, when John Cadwallader & Co. first ordered moulds from the Sellers firm and when Patrick Creswell, a papermaker in Md. Mill 4, wrote to the proprietors about becoming foreman. While John Cadwallader looked after the financial side of the business, his brothers Charles Cadwallader and Joseph Cadwallader took charge of the day-to-day management of the mill. The Census of 1810 noted that it was producing goods worth $4,500 a year. The Cadwalladers regularly consigned writing papers for sale at a hardware store in Baltimore. References: Africa 1883, 71, 391–92; Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 247–48; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 63; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Sept. 1800 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 Sept. 1800: double foolscap, watermarked C; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 June 1808: cap vellum, ordered by Joseph Cadwallader; [Baltimore, Md.] Federal Republican & Commercial Gazette, 29 Aug. 1810, 3. C [laid] — ms., Huntingdon County, Pa., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 194); ms., Huntingdon County, Pa., 1806 (AAS).

Charles Cadwallader appears in the Census of 1820 as the “owner” of the Laurel Spring Mill, which was then occupied by Thomas Stewart, who had invested $1,000 in the venture. Charles Cadwallader also contributed $3,000 to capitalize this one-vat mill, producing annually “Good writing paper” and other goods valued at $4,125. Six men, three women, and four children worked at this establishment for wages amounting to $1,877 a year. References: Africa 1883, 391–92; Census of 1820, reel 12, item 279; Morrison 1820. 115.  Laurel Spring Paper Mill. Closer to Laurel Springs than the original mill. Around 1820 Charles Cadwallader sold Pa. Mill 114 to Michael Wallace, who engaged Andrew Harpst and his sons to manage it either as tenants or as employees. A crude log cabin structure, the original mill was converted to a clover and linseed oil mill, and a new paper mill was built of stone sometime after 1820. Around 1830 this and other mill properties were purchased by

John McCahan, publisher of the Huntingdon Gazette. He reported that his paper, grist, and oil mills were capitalized at $10,000 and that he employed six men, four women, and three horses to manufacture 1,650 reams a year valued at $5,500. These goods, sold in the vicinity on credit and for barter, had become less profitable because he had to compete against imports and the products of the newly introduced machines. References: Africa 1883, 391–92; Gordon 1832, 468; Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 247–48, 288; McLane Report, 2:519–20. Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this firm a C & McC watermark actually used by John Conrad and Matthew McConnell Jr. in Pa. Mill 14, which was active much earlier than this one. They also attribute to it a C watermark occurring in a New York document dated 1836, long after the mill had passed out of Cadwallader’s hands. cc

York County York 116.  King’s Paper Mill, York Paper Mill, Codorus Paper Mill. On Codorus Creek, just west of York. Hunter claims that Philip Jacob King was active in the paper trade as early as 1798, but he probably did not build this mill until around 1810, when the census noted that one or more mills in York County were producing paper worth $7,600 a year. King’s brother Adam King published the York Recorder, which first advertised the new business in 1812. A Berks County papermaker, Samuel Boyer, was living here in 1817 when a freshet completely destroyed his house and washed away all of his possessions. References: Hunter 1952, 156; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 279; Carter & Glossbrenner 1975, 148; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 63; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Apr. 1811 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 May 1811: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 May 1812: double cap vellum, watermarked PIK and posthorn; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 Dec. 1822: small super royal and medium vellum.

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  79 PJK monogram = clover [laid] — printed bond, Philadelphia, Pa., 1811 (NYHS).

EHRHART [wove] — ms., n.p., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 344).

PJK [laid] — mss., n.p., 1815, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 762, 763). PJK [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 764).

Philip Jacob King turned over the active management of the mill to his son George King around 1819, when George began to order moulds from the Sellers firm. At that time the mill contained one vat and employed five men and six children to manufacture 600 reams writing, 400 reams wrapping, and 700 reams printing in a year, with a total value estimated at $4,250. By 1829, King was planning to buy a cylinder machine and to abandon hand manufacture; at that time he was making mostly cartridge paper but also some white paper when suitable rags were available. He was doing business with the machinists Phelps & Spafford in 1832. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 279; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Dec. 1819 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 Feb. 1820: imperial vellum and cap vellum, watermarked KING; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 992; Small & Wagner 1821; Sellers Order Book, 27 Jan. 1835: moulds, watermarked GK; Sellers 1965, 106– 7; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834. GK [wove] — plates in William P. C. Barton, A Flora of North America (Philadelphia: M. Carey & Sons, 1821–1823; NN). KING [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 631); blank sheet, dated 1827 (AAS).

117.  In York or Little York. Jacob Ehrhart purchased a 30-inch cylinder machine for his mill at this location in 1835–1836. He bought a felt for a drying machine in 1846. This watermark indicates that he had been making paper at the vat in 1833 or even earlier, when papermaking by hand was still deemed a viable venture. References: Sellers Order Book, 11 Dec. 1835; Sellers Order Book, 13 Feb. 1836; Smith, Winchester, Letter Book, 1846–47.

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Westmoreland County Sewickley Township 118.  Sewickley Paper Mill. On Sewickley Creek near West Newton. General Joseph Markle was the son of Gaspard Markle, who built a grist mill on Sewickley Creek in 1772. Among other improvements, Joseph Markle built a paper mill at this location in 1811 in partnership with Simon Drum Jr., postmaster of Greensburg, Pennsylvania. In 1820 they employed eleven men, twenty-five women, and three children to manufacture a wide variety of writing, printing, and wrapping papers, which they sold in western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky. They estimated the value of their annual output at $16,400, a figure commensurate with the size of the mill, which contained three vats by 1826. Drum left the management of the mill to Markle, who turned it over to his wife while he was fighting Indians in the West. Drum dropped out of the partnership between 1820 and 1826. References: Boucher 1906, 1:348, 3:561–62, 650– 51; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Apr. 1811: moulds, washers, and duster; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 May 1817: double wrapping and double cap vellum, watermarked M & D; Census of 1820, reel 13, item 513; Jones 1826, 73. M & D [wove] — mss., Greensburg, Pa., 1817, and Russellville, Pa., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 674); ms., Armstrong County, Pa., 1818 (AAS). J MARKLE [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1826, and Bardstown, Ky., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 689); mss., Columbiana County, Ohio, 1827, and Knox County, Ohio, 1827 (AAS).

Joseph Markle encountered credit difficulties in 1829 after installing a steam engine, an expensive investment, and after backing other businessmen who appear to have persuaded him to endorse their notes. His

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  80 sons General Cyrus P. Markle and Shepard B. Markle agreed to pay off his debts in return for 300 acres of land and the papermaking business, which they enlarged and sustained until the 1880s. They purchased a cylinder machine in 1832, when their mill was manufacturing 5,000 reams a year valued at $15,000. References: Boucher 1906, 1:573, 3:562–63; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 287; McLane Report, 2:522–23; Sellers Letter Book, 24 Jan. 1832. The firm C. P. Markle & Sons owned two paper mills in and near West Newton in 1873. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 103. cc

Luzerne County Kingston 119.  Kingston Paper Mill. Not located. Henry Buckingham, postmaster of Kingston, established this mill in 1812 with financial support provided by shareholders George Chahoon, Adam Parker, and Joseph or Henry Tuttle. Buckingham advertised in The Gleaner and Luzerne Advertiser for rags of various types, including woolen rags and tow for the purpose of making boards or wrappings. M & S Rare Books catalogue 91 (2011), item 314, describes a 334-page ledger of the Kingston Paper Mill, ca. 1815, noting that Horace Parker owned three shares at one point and that Chahoon sold his share to Asa Simms in 1814. The proprietors purchased at least one pair of moulds from James Henderson of Springfield, New Jersey. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Oct. 1811: assortment of moulds and washer; Sellers Moulds ­Ordered, 11 Oct. 1816: medium vellum; [Wilkes-Barre, Pa.] Gleaner, 5 June 1812, 3. BS & P [laid] — printed doc., Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1816 (AAS); ms., Tioga, Pa., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 129). BS & P [wove] — ms., Meadville, Pa., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 130).

Pettebone & Thomas submitted to the 1820 Census of Manufactures an account of a one-vat mill at this location. They employed four men, six women, and one child to manufacture fine medium, post, royal, printing, and wrapping papers, a year’s production valued at $2,500. They reported that their facilities were in good repair but that sales were “dull.” Reference: Census of 1820, reel 15, item 1144. The Sellers firm sold moulds to Matthias Hollenback in 1822 and offered to sell him more in 1824, when he was residing in Wilkes-Barre. Either he took over this mill, situated quite close to Wilkes-Barre, or he operated another one in the vicinity. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 May 1822, short cap vellum, watermarked MH; Sellers Letter Book, 5 Aug. 1824. MH [wove] — mss., Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1825 and 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 677).

W. H. Alexander & Co. acquired a one-vat paper mill in Luzerne County in 1830. The firm employed five men, six women, and one boy in the manufacture of 1,500 reams a year valued at $4,500. Its products sold at prices ranging from $2.50 to $3.75 a ream, some locally for cash and in barter for rags and some in Philadelphia at six months’ credit. Reference: McLane Report, 2:521, 631. cc

Columbia County Catawissa Township 120.  Not located. The firm Clark & Sharpless { John Clark and Benjamin Sharpless, brother of Jonathan Sharpless} established a mill at this location in 1812. In their 1820 census return the proprietors stated that they had invested $4,500 in this two-vat mill, which employed between twenty and thirty workers in 1817, when their annual output was valued at $14,000. But the mill had been idle for the last seventeen months due to the depression following the Panic of 1819. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Mar. 1813: medium vellum; Trotter Day Book, Domestic Orders, case Q1, 2 June 1814; Sellers

Penn sy lva n i a   ::  81 Moulds Ordered, 5 Feb. 1822: double cap wove, watermarked C & S; Census of 1820, reel 15, item 1109. C & S [wove] — ms., Sussex County, Del., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 245).

By 1824, Clark had dropped out of the firm, and Sharpless was operating as Benjamin Sharpless & Co. In 1832 he estimated that the fixed capital invested in the mill amounted to $21,000 and that it was currently consuming 20 tons of rags a year to manufacture 1,900 reams valued at $6,200. He employed seven men and eight women on a part-time schedule, eight hours a day and ten months a year. Judging from his output, he was keeping only one vat in operation. He sold some of his goods for cash, some for barter, and some at six or nine months’ credit either locally or in Philadelphia, where, however, he could not turn a profit because of the glut of imported goods. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 Jan. 1824: medium vellum; McLane Report, 2:511–12. BS & Co [wove] — mss., Sussex County, Del., 1815, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 126); ms., Cumberland County, N.J., 1828 (AAS).

Sharpless quit the papermaking business around 1835, and the mill building burned down in 1883. Reference: Cope 1887, 1:246. cc

Allegheny County Pittsburgh 121.  Pittsburgh Steam Paper Mill. In the Northern Liberties of Pittsburgh. As early as 1812, the Pittsburgh booksellers Patterson & Hopkins ordered three sizes of moulds either for this mill or another one in the vicinity. It was definitely in operation by 1814, powered by a 16-horsepower steam engine designed by Oliver Evans. The beating engines processed 60 tons of rags and tow per year, probably enough to run three vats as noted in the Census of 1820. The workforce in 1816 amounted to twelve men, ten boys, and eighteen women and girls. In 1818 the

R. Patterson & Lambdin firm {Robert Patterson and Jonathan Harrison Lambdin} ordered moulds with a PATTERSON & Co watermark, which appeared in a Pittsburgh imprint published in the same year. The next year this firm sold to the Carey firm 99 reams of post, perhaps made from the same moulds. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Aug. 1812: three sizes of moulds; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 15 Jan. 1814, 3; [Wilmington Del.] American Watchman, 22 May 1816, 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Jan. 1818: vellum cap and vellum post, watermarked PATTERSON & Co.; Carey Papers, 33:5871. PATTERSON & Co [wove] — James Hall, An Oration Delivered in Commemoration of the Festival of St. John the Baptist (Pittsburgh: Published by request Ohio Lodge no, [sic] 113, Butler & Lambdin, Printers, 1818; BAL 6915); ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1819 (AAS); ms., Nashville, Tenn., 1821 (NYHS); ms., Portage, Ohio, 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 792). R. P. & L. [wove] — ms., Morgan County, Ohio, 1824 (AAS); ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 820).

Henry Holdship was one of the assignees of the firm of R. Patterson & Lambdin, which went under in 1823. The assignees continued the bookselling and stationery business of the firm, and Lambdin was retained as their agent. Joseph Patterson and John McDonald reported to the Census of 1820 that the mill contained a steam engine and three vats producing paper “of all kinds” valued at $30,115 per year. They employed eleven men, two women, and twenty-five children working under the supervision of the foreman G. Hirst. References: Sellers Letter Book, 31 Aug. 1824; http:// sidneyrigdon.com/dbroadhu/PA/penn1820.htm (accessed 20 Feb. 2011); Census of 1820, reel 12, item 5. J PATTERSON & Co [wove] — ms., Cincinnati, Ohio, 1822 (Wall Papers, folder 13); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1824 and 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 795). JP [wove] — ms., Knox County, Ohio, 1824 (AAS); ms., Hopkinsville., Ky., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 570).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  82 Dealing as J. Patterson & Co., the firm was either renamed or reorganized by 1826, at which time the mill was idle. The proprietors rated the steam engine at 20 horsepower. Reference: Jones 1826, 72. A new owner converted the mill into a cotton factory in 1827. Reference: [Salem, Mass.] Essex Register, 18 Oct. 1827, 2. 122.  Anchor Steam Paper Mill. Corner of Ross and Brackenridge Streets. Powered by a 30-horsepower steam engine, this enormous six-vat mill belonged to the Pittsburgh bookseller and stationer Henry Holdship, who appears to have started the business around 1824. By 1826 he employed eighty-eight workers manufacturing 40 reams per week per vat, or 2,080 reams per year, for a total of 12,480 reams per year valued at $37,440 (or $3 a ream). He was said to have exported paper worth $40,000 to South America within the last eighteen months and to have had extensive sales in both the eastern and the western parts of the United States. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 July 1824: fine cap laid; Delaware Gazette, 4 Nov. 1825, 3; Jones 1826, 72. A son (possibly George W. Holdship, a clerk in the bookstore) joined the papermaking business by 1827 and shortly after became a member of the firm Henry Holdship & Son. The mill appears under Henry Holdship’s name in the McLane Report, which states that he employed 120 workers manufacturing 16,000 reams per year valued at $58,000 (or $3.63 a ream). Holdship estimated the total capital invested in the mill at $50,000. References: McLane Report, 2:631; Jones 1826, 122; AAD 1831, 114. HOLDSHIP = anchor [wove, in Tuscan lettering] — ms., Moorefield, W.Va., 1828 (AAS); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1820, and Concord, Ohio, 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 441–42). HOLDSHIP = anchor [laid, in roman lettering] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 443–44); ms., Meadville, Pa., n.d. (AAS).

HOLDSHIP = anchor [wove, in roman lettering] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 445–46). H [wove, in Tuscan lettering] — mss., Pottsville, Pa., 1831, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 407). Note: Paper with these watermarks could have been made in the firm’s Clinton Steam Paper Mill (Ohio Mill 15). Gravell & Miller’s 1820 date for the Philadelphia ms. with the HOLDSHIP watermark is doubtful because the Tuscan lettering style had not come into fashion by that date and because there is no record of the Holdships’ papermaking activities until 1824.

Addenda In 1832 Hines & Howard operated a mill at an undisclosed location in Allegheny County, probably in or around Pittsburgh. They employed thirty-five hands manufacturing 3,400 reams a year valued at $11,300. Reference: McLane Report, 2:631. H & H [laid] — ms., Portersville, Pa., 1839 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 418). Note: This watermark could also be attributed to Holdship & Hannah, who were running Ohio Mill 15 not too far away at just about the same time.

In 1832 Brown & Co. operated a mill at an undisclosed location in Allegheny County, probably in or around Pittsburgh. This firm employed sixty hands manufacturing 10,000 reams a year in an establishment capitalized at $20,000. Reference: McLane Report, 2:631. cc

Juniata County Milford Township 123.  Milford Paper Mill. On Licking Creek. After renting Pa. Mill 74 in Chester County, James Norton & Co. moved west to this location, where they operated a one-vat mill from around 1816 to around

Penn sy lva n i a  ::  83 1820. They employed seven men, four women, and five children to manufacture “Paper of different Kinds,” their annual output valued at $5,500. For the census, they summed up their situation tersely: “Works New—sale of Paper dull.” References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Dec. 1816: laid cap, laid medium, post vellum, etc.; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 May 1820: cap and medium vellum; Census of 1820, reel 13, item 444; Gordon 1832, 300. The firm Norton & Selheimer operated the mill between 1820 and 1822, when it was succeeded by Selheimer & Kirk {Selheimer and William Kirk}, which stayed in business until 1831. References: Sellers Letter Book, 10 Apr. 1826; A. L. Guss, “Milford Township,” http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/ ~milliken/alguss/milford.html (accessed 20 Feb. 2011). cc

Beaver County Fallston 124.  Big Beaver Paper Mill. At the falls of Big Beaver. This mill was built in 1826 as a “joint stock concern” by Johnston & Stockton {Samuel Reed Johnston and Robert Clark Stockton}, proprietors of a printing firm in Pittsburgh. They started with two vats producing about $10,000 worth of paper per year, their output increasing in value to $15,000 per year in 1832, when they employed ten men, five boys, and twenty-three women. By that time they were running a cylinder machine consuming 83 tons of rags a year. References: Jones 1826, 73; Sellers Letter Book, 9 Mar. 1826 and 21 Apr. 1826, concerning beaver watermarks on post moulds; Sellers Letter Book, 6 July 1830, concerning cylinder wire; AAD 1831, 114; McLane Report, 2:510–11. J & S = beaver [wove] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 584–85); ms., n.p., 1830 (Hunter 1950, 146). Note: Following Hunter, Gravell & Miller mistakenly attribute this watermark to Jackson & Sharpless.

cc

Crawford County Meadville 125.  Not located. William Magaw owned a two-vat mill at this location in 1826. Reference: Jones 1826, 73. Magaw established the firm Magaw, Atkinson & Carr {William Magaw, Thomas Atkinson, and Carr} to exploit his newly invented process for manufacturing paper from straw, patented in 1828 and 1830. Atkinson appears to have been a local printer or publisher. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, Sept. 1821: three sizes and flemish washer; Burke 1847, 86. Magaw described the mill in the McLane Report as an “Individual concern,” as if he were the sole proprietor. Eight men and three women manufactured 9,200 reams per year on a cylinder machine he had ordered in 1829. Most likely, they were making wrapping grades, since straw paper would not have served for book printing or writing purposes, and since the prices he reported were figured by the pound rather than by the ream. He estimated his annual output to be worth about $9,000, mostly sold by barter—for lake fish in the north and for tobacco, cordage, rice, nails, glass, and other products in the south. References: McLane Report, 2:408, 512– 14; Sellers Letter Book, 18 Aug. 1829. 126.  Not located. In 1830 Wooster & Holmes {Lewis Wooster and Joseph E. (also B.) Holmes} obtained a patent for manufacturing paper from wood, mainly chips of lime and aspen, shaved to the right size by special machinery and treated in an alkali solution. They claimed that 100 pounds of wood would produce five to seven reams of paper, and succeeded in selling wrapping grades and binders’ board as well as newsprint for the Crawford Messenger. However, they had to abandon the process and close the mill after running into legal difficulties with their neighbor William Magaw, who accused

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  84 them of infringing his patent. References: Munsell 1876, 89–90; Burke 1847, 86. cc

Dauphin County West Hanover 127.  Not located. In 1827 and 1830 the Sellers firm sold foolscap moulds to Abraham Boyer in this location. The Smith 1830 map of Dauphin and Lebanon counties does not mention a Boyer in West Hanover, but does show a paper mill on Indian Creek in East Hanover. Reference: Sellers Letter Book, 11 Feb. 1830.

Hummelstown 128.  Not located. In 1828 the Sellers firm sold moulds to Michael Brech­ bill (Brickbell?) in this location. Reference: Sellers Letter Book, 15 Apr. 1828.

Addendum The Census of 1810 estimated that the annual output of the paper trade in Dauphin County was worth $7,500 but did not specify how many mills were involved. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 63.

sortment of writings and printings, which were already “principally on hand.” The mill did not prosper, perhaps because of its mechanized competition, and passed through several changes of ownership in a few years. Proud & Parsons {Proud & Thomas C. Parsons} ordered moulds for it in 1830. Around 1835 it belonged to Beckwith & Proud, who “became involved” and relinquished it to H. Humes & Son. The Humes family cut their losses and closed it down before 1840. References: Sellers Letter Book, 3 and 6 May 1830; Centre Democrat, 7 May 1831; Linn 1883, 238; Census of 1840. cc

Erie County 130.  Not located. In 1832 R. Pelton employed five men and six women in the manufacture of 3,300 reams a year worth $10,100. He claimed to have made a profit of $3,000 during the last three years on sales at “the manufactory and its vicinity.” The McLane Report does not name a town where this mill was located, although one could conjecture that it was in Erie, Fairview, or North East, all of which contained paper mills in the 1880s. References: McLane Report, 2:515; Lockwood 1882, 96, 100. cc

Somerset County 131.  Not located.

cc

Centre County 129.  Eagle Paper Mill. Not located. In 1831 Humes & Proud {H. Humes and Proud} advertised for rags and announced that their mill was “now in complete operation,” capable of making a large as-

In 1832 a one-vat mill in this county had a workforce of eight people producing goods worth $5,600 a year. The McLane Report does not specify the proprietor or the location of this mill, perhaps because it was too small to be noticed in any greater detail. The Census of 1840 did not record a paper manufactory in this county. Reference: McLane Report, 2:631.

chapter 2

Massachusetts

Norfolk County Milton 1.  On the Neponset River, eight miles from Boston. Known as the Liberty Paper Mill, ca. 1770–1793. In 1728 Daniel Henchman, Gillam Phillips, Benjamin Faneuil, Thomas Hancock, and Henry Dering obtained a charter from the Province of Massachusetts Bay to start a papermaking business, which was granted a ten-year monopoly in the province provided that the proprietors succeeded in making 200 reams of brown and printing grades during their first year and progressively more until they reached the goal of making 500 reams of writing, printing, and wrapping grades a year. They leased a fulling mill in Milton, installed the necessary machinery, and built a house for the workers, with the upper story serving as a drying loft. The senior partner, Daniel Henchman, was a bookbinder, bookseller, and the father-in-law of Thomas Hancock, a merchant who imported paper from England, no doubt writing and printing grades of higher quality than the products of the Milton mill. Hancock became so heavily involved in the import trade that he began to smuggle paper from Amsterdam when English prices rose abruptly in 1737. Gillam Phillips, also a bookseller, was the brother-in-law of the merchant Benjamin Faneuil. (Most sources say he was the son-in-law of Benjamin Faneuil, who appears to have been confused with his father Benjamin Faneuil [d. ca. 1718].) Henry Dering acted as the business agent, probably tending the day-to-day financial affairs of the enter-

prise. The Henchman syndicate entrusted the management of the mill to Henry Woodman, whose efforts were not entirely satisfactory, although he did succeed in getting the mill under way in 1729 and was making cheap printing grades by 1730, when the publishers of an almanac announced that it was printed on “the first Paper made at Milton, N. Eng.” It is not known whether the partners were able to fulfill the terms of their charter, but Henchman was able to show sample sheets to the provincial legislature in 1731. In a letter dated 4 December 1731, Governor Jonathan Belcher reported to the Lords of Trade that the mill had been founded about three years ago and that its annual output was worth about £200 sterling. References: Baxter 1934, 21–23; Dorchester 1859, 611–12; Park 1923, 300, 310; Drake 1962, item 3031; Bidwell 2000, 175; O’Neal 1978, item 43; “The Belcher Papers,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 6th ser., 6 (1893): 70; Wallingford 1951, no. 1. In 1733 Phillips sold his share in the mill to Peter Faneuil, brother of the younger Benjamin Faneuil. Reference: Baxter 1934, 23. Jeremiah Smith replaced Woodman as foreman in 1737. Dering departed at about that time, complaining that it was too difficult to collect enough rags to keep the business going. Born in northern Ireland, Smith

::  85  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  86 was not a trained papermaker and must have been practicing another trade when he emigrated to Boston in 1726. Although the mill was no more profitable while Smith was in charge, he purchased the building and property the partners had been leasing, comprising seven acres, and bought out the Faneuil brothers in 1746 as well as Henchman in 1748. References: Baxter 1934, 23–24, 26; Dorchester 1859, 612–15. After the original partners left, the mill suspended operations at times when Smith ran out of rags or ran short of skilled labor; at one point he employed no journeymen at all but only three boys. He hired papermakers wherever he could find them, even in the British garrison in Boston, where John Hazleton was stationed until he obtained a furlough to work in Milton ca. 1759. Smith employed the soldier as foreman and an American, Abijah Smith, as “chief vatman.” Hazleton’s industrial interlude did not last for long, as he had to rejoin the regiment when it was sent off to war against the French, and he died in battle during the assault on Quebec. Thoroughly discouraged, Smith neglected the mill and applied for a permit to run a tavern, a more reliable investment. References: Baxter 1934, 24, 26; Hunter 1952, 36; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Mercury, 6 Jan. 1791, 4. James Boies (also Boyce), a son-in-law of Smith, recruited the first truly qualified foreman of the mill, Richard Clarke (also Clark), an experienced papermaker from Newcastle upon Tyne. Clarke may have had twenty years’ experience if he was the same Richard Clarke who was seeking workmen for a brown-­ paper mill in the Newcastle area in 1741. Boies met Clarke on a ship carrying English immigrants to New York and persuaded him to work for Smith in 1760. Clarke succeeded in reviving the mill, a feat greatly appreciated by Boston publishers, who noted in a rag advertisement in 1763 that papermaking had languished in Massachusetts but that “lately one Mr. Clark, has carried it on at the Mills in Milton, to as great Perfection as at Pennsylvania.” Noting the benefits of papermaking, and the “ruinous Condition” of the mill, the Massachusetts legislature resolved in December 1763 to grant Boies and Clarke an interest-free loan of £400

so they could proceed with the necessary repairs. Soon after, Clarke left Smith’s employ to work with Boies at Mass. Mill 2. References: Shorter 1957, 222–23; O’Neal 1978, item 91; Nathaniel Ames, An ­Astronomical Diary, or Almanack for . . . 1764 (New London, Conn.: Reprinted and sold by Timothy Green, [1763]); Dorchester 1859, 613–14; Weeks 1916, 23–24. After Clarke left, Smith carried on alone until 1769, when he invited his son-in-law Daniel Vose to take a half interest in the mill. Vose’s ledger lists a wide variety of products, including pasteboard, hanging paper, cartridge paper, large amounts of whitish brown paper, occasional small batches of writing paper, and many deliveries of printings in the foolscap, crown, and demy sizes. The Boston printers Edes & Gill were regular customers, as were Mills & Hicks, Ezekiel Russell, William M’Alpine, Isaiah Thomas, and John Kneeland. References: Dorchester 1859, 614; Teele 1887, 372, 398; Liberty Ledger. DV [laid] — Monitor (pseud.), To the Provincial Congress (Boston: s.n., 1774?; PHi broadside); Whereas a Great Number of People Have Express’d a Desire that the Names of the Addressers to the Late Gov. Hutchinson, and Protesters Against the Solemn League and Covenant Might be Made Publick (Boston: John Kneeland, 1774; PHi broadside); ms., n.p., 1781 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 312); ms., Suffolk County, Mass., 1782 (AAS).

When Smith retired in 1775, Vose bought the other half interest and became sole proprietor, although he also took on partners who operated under the name of Vose, Lewis & Crane between 1781 and 1787. I have not been able to identify Lewis and Crane, who could have been investors or journeymen charged with the management of the mill. Histories of the Crane Paper Mill in Dalton (Mass. Mill 47) state that Crane was Zenas Crane’s father Stephen Crane, who, however, died before the partnership was formed. I have not found his name in the Liberty Ledger and can only guess that he might have been confused with Henry Crane, who made some purchases in 1786 on the firm’s account. Perhaps this confusion stems from a misreading of the

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  87 Liberty Ledger, which records sales of paper as early as 1770. On this basis historians have assumed that the Vose, Lewis & Crane partnership was formed in that year, but the ledger contains a summary account of the partnership’s affairs, with annual statements starting in 1781 and ending in 1787. Vose was one of four paper manufacturers who petitioned the Massachusetts legislature in 1785 for an embargo on imported paper, promising that the five mills in the Commonwealth would supply all its needs at specified prices. References: Hopkins 2001; Liberty Ledger; Bemis Petition; Dorchester 1859, 614. Between 1788 and 1804 part of the mill was employed in the manufacture of chocolate. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 614. Vose rented the mill to John Sullivan and Joseph Bodge for a few years until 1800. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 616. Vose rented the mill to Isaac Sanderson (also Saunderson) in 1801, and the Vose family sold it to him in 1810, when the water privilege was worth $2,500 and the improvements $3,500. Sanderson was making fine writing papers here in 1803 but later became more concerned with the board manufacture he carried on in Mass. Mill 4. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 616–17, 641. I SAUNDERSON = crown shield fleur-de-lis | unidentified cipher — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); ms., Portsmouth, N.H., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 895; countermark only).

In 1834 Sanderson was renting the mill to Joshua Ayers, but only until 1835, when Sanderson put it up for sale, noting that it had two mill wheels running a cylinder machine and three engines, “all in good repair.” His advertisement suggests that it might be converted to other purposes, as if the old building was less desirable than the land on the Neponset, which could be used for a wharf or some other business requiring water power. Indeed, he did succeed in selling the mill in 1839 to someone who tore it down a year later to carry on a different trade. References: Dorchester 1859, 617; Boston Courier, 30 Oct. 1835.

2.  The Upper Paper Mill. On the north side of the trench around the falls of the Neponset River, between Milton and Dorchester, near Blue Hill Avenue. James Boies purchased land at this location in 1764, built a paper mill there, and a year later sold a half interest in it to Richard Clarke, who had previously been working at Mass. Mill 1. The preface of Flagg’s Collection of the Best Psalm Tunes (1764) states that its paper “is the Manufacture of our own Country.” I have attributed the watermark below to Mass. Mill 2 rather than Mass. Mill 1 because this sort of advertisement is usually associated with a newly established mill and because Mass. Mill 1 may have been under repair at this time. The Upper Paper Mill burned down in 1768 and was rebuilt. Clarke offered for sale in 1773 his half share in the business, including “Half of the Negro Caesar, and Half Benefit of three Apprentices.” The partners Boies & Clark announced in a broadside dated 16 January 1775 that they were willing to pay an additional two pence per pound for white cotton and linen rags in an attempt to cope with the “present alarming situation of the Colonies.” References: Teele 1887, 374–75; Wallingford 1951, no. 2; Boston News-Letter, 11 Feb. 1773, 3. IV = fleur-de-lis [laid] — Josiah Flagg, A Collection of the Best Psalm Tunes (Boston: Engrav’d by Paul Revere, printed & sold by him and Josiah Flagg, 1764; NNPM). In triple surround: IB | B = Britannia [laid] — ms., Salem, Mass., 1775 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmks 389– 90); printed doc., Medfield, Mass., dated in type 179_ and dated in ms. 1791 (AAS). In a single surround: Britannia | IB = crown | GR [laid] — blank sheet said to have been excised from the “New Mill Journal for 1777,” later in the possession of Tileston & Hollingsworth (AAS; Shipton 1950, 232). Note: Although Gravell & Miller believed the IB | B watermark to be on foreign paper, it is almost certainly domestic, like the David Bemis & Co. paper described below, which also survives in a Medfield document

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  88

Fig. 2.2. Watermark of Hugh McLean, ca. 1792–1793. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Fig. 2.1. Watermark of James Boies in Josiah Flagg, A Collection of the Best Psalm Tunes (Boston: Engrav’d by Paul Revere, printed & sold by him and Josiah Flagg, 1764). Courtesy of the Morgan Library & Museum.

dated 1791. This paper could also have been made at Mass. Mill 3.

When Richard Clarke died in 1777, his son George Clarke (also Clark) inherited his share and then sold it in 1779 to Hugh McLean, perhaps because he was already occupied, not very successfully, in Mass. Mill 11 in Dorchester. References: Teele 1887, 374–75, 397–98; Dorchester 1859, 622–23, 628. Boies and McLean dissolved their partnership in Mass. Mills 2 and 3 in 1790, McLean taking sole possession of this mill and assigning his share in the other mill to Boies. Reference: Teele 1887, 375. HM = fish [laid] — ms., n.p., ca. 1792–1793 (AAS); ms., Boston, Mass., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 424;

countermark only); Know all Men by these Presents, That we, John Abbot, Gentleman, and Moses Thomas, Housewright, both of Westford, printed doc. concerning sales of pews in Westford, Mass., inscribed 13 Nov. 1794 (DLC broadside port. 44:25a; countermark only).

Captain Henry Cox, at first an apprentice in this mill and then foreman, leased the mill from McLean’s widow, Agnes, after McLean died in 1798 or 1799. Around 1802 Cox left to join a partnership in Mass. Mill 3. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 624. George Bird leased the mill between 1803 and 1805 and then moved to Dedham, where he bought Mass. Mill 9. A John McLean was seeking a new tenant in 1804 while Bird was still in residence. The mill was said to be in good condition and in such a promising situation for water power that it could be converted to a double mill. References: Teele 1887, 375; Dorchester 1859, 624; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 28 July 1804, 4. Ebenezer Stedman and Josiah Randall leased the mill for two years, and then John Savels took the place of Stedman around 1807, or some years earlier if, as Hunter claims, he moved to Gardiner, Maine, in 1806. Savels was certainly in Maine by 1812, when he built

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  89 Me. Mill 5. He learned the papermaking trade as an apprentice either in this establishment or in Mass. Mill 11 when it was operated by his uncle William Sumner. Around 1808 Agnes McLean sold the Upper Paper Mill to Tileston & Hollingsworth {Edmund Tileston and Mark Hollingsworth}, who previously had been renting Mass. Mill 11. They renovated the mill, installed two vats, and continued to run it along with their other manufactories. References: Dorchester 1859, 624; Kayser 1823, 114; Hunter 1950, 227; Goold 1875, 163. Edmund P. Tileston and Amos Hollingsworth, sons of the original proprietors, joined the firm in 1831. The elder Tileston died in 1834, and the elder Hollingsworth retired a year later. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 626. 3.  Opposite the Upper Paper Mill, on the south side of the trench around the falls of the Neponset River, between Milton and Dorchester. James Boies built a paper mill here next to a slitting mill sometime between 1769 and 1771, when he sold a half interest in the business to his son-in-law Hugh McLean. Boies and McLean petitioned in 1775 to have four apprentices discharged from military service. In a broadside advertisement for rags, Hugh McLean & Co. reprinted a legislative resolve (dated 16 February 1776) encouraging the collection of rags such as could be used in his current product line of printing, writing, and wrapping papers, including whitish brown, London brown, bonnet papers, and press papers. This broadside contains a crude woodcut depicting a three-story mill with a rag loft and an undershot water­ wheel. References: Teele 1887, 375–77; Dorchester 1859, 623–24; Paper-Mills, at the Slitting-Mill, in Milton (Salem: Printed by E. Russell, 1776). In 1782 the mill was destroyed by a fire and was rebuilt a few feet below the original location, the construction costs covered by a lottery. In the same year Boies and McLean took into partnership Michael McCarney, who had emigrated from Ireland to America in 1763 and had been brought up in McLean’s family. As co-proprietors of Mass. Mills 2 and 3, Boies and

McLean joined with two other paper manufacturers to petition the Massachusetts legislature in 1785 for an embargo on imported paper. References: Boston Evening-Post, 8 June 1782, 4; Bemis Petition; Dorchester 1859, 605, 623–24; Boyer 1977, 189. Boies and McLean dissolved their partnership in Mass. Mills 2 and 3 in 1790, Boies taking sole possession of this mill and assigning his share in the other mill to McLean. McCarney joined another papermaking firm at Mass. Mill 12. References: Teele 1887, 375; Dorchester 1859, 623–25. Jeremiah Smith Boies, son of James Boies, operated this mill during his father’s last years and took over the mill when his father died in 1798. In 1795 he served as clerk at a meeting of Massachusetts mill owners who conferred on the possibility of establishing a cooperative salesroom in Boston. References: Teele 1887, 399; McMurtrie 1929, 1; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1791: post, watermarked JSB and posthorn. JSB = flower [laid] — mss., Medway, Mass., 1793, and Cambridge, Mass., 1799 (AAS); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 589–90).

After running the mill himself for a few years, Boies leased it to his foreman Amasa Fuller, who ran it with George Bird until 1803, when Henry Cox took the place of Bird. Cox stayed only until 1807. Fuller then ran the mill on his own as a two-vat establishment and purchased the property sometime before 1825, when his son Richardson Fuller, Benjamin F. Crehore, and Jarvis Fenno took over the business. The younger Fuller died shortly afterward. When Crehore died in 1828, the executors of Amasa Fuller sold the mill to Tileston & Hollingsworth {Edmund Tileston and Mark Hollingsworth}. Around 1809 the privilege was assessed at $3,000 and the improvements at $3,500. References: Teele 1887, 375; Dorchester 1859, 625, 641. Tileston & Hollingsworth renovated this establishment and continued to run it for many years, perhaps as late as 1882 if it can be identified with the Fuller Mill, which manufactured colored mediums for this firm, one of three mills it owned in Milton at this time. In 1915 it was sold to the William Curtis Lumber Com-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  90 pany. References: Dorchester 1859, 626; Lockwood 1882, 50; Wallingford 1951, no. 2. 4.  On the Neponset River, just below Mass. Mill 1. In 1817 Isaac Sanderson built a new paper mill near the old Vose mill, which he had been running since 1801. He adopted and publicized an impressive number of manufacturing improvements, including a wrought iron tub wheel—the first iron water wheel in the area. An advertisement in a Baltimore newspaper credited the invention to David H. Gilbert and invited industrialists to view a model of the mill wheel that Sanderson proposed to bring to Baltimore. In 1827 he installed a cylinder machine used for the manufacture of pasteboard and press papers. He patented improvements in cylinder machines and in the manufacture of pasteboard for bandboxes in 1829 and 1830. He is said to have experimented with making paper and pasteboard from beach grass harvested in Cape Cod. References: Dorchester 1859, 616–17; Munsell 1876, 85–86, 90; Baltimore Patriot, 13 Feb. 1834, 3; Burke 1847, 85.

Addendum In 1832 twenty-one men and fourteen women were working in the Milton paper mills, which contained machinery valued at $18,000 and produced goods worth $61,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:398–99.

Needham 5.  Nehoiden Mill. On the Charles River, near Pratt’s Bridge (later Washington Street Bridge), between Newton and Needham. William Hoogs settled in Newton Lower Falls in 1775 and then acquired land across the bridge at this location, where he built a tannery. In 1793 he contracted with the Boston merchants Francis Wright and Joseph Greene and with another Newton resident, Edward Jackson, son of Ephraim Jackson I, to build near the tannery a paper mill to be operated by the papermaker Stephen Crane Jr., brother of Zenas Crane. Wright and

Greene purchased Jackson’s interest in the mill a few weeks after it went into production in January 1794. Wright was one of the Massachusetts mill owners who met in 1795 to discuss the possibility of establishing a cooperative salesroom in Boston. References: Wiswall 1938, 44, 62–64; Hurd 1890, 3:103; McMurtrie 1929, 1; Hopkins 2001; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Nov. 1793: double foolscap, watermarked SC & Co. Needham. J | & | W and C & C in a cross formation sharing an ampersand in the center [laid] — mss., Amesbury, Mass., 1793, and Watertown, Mass., 1793 (AAS). SC & Co = NEEDHAM [laid] — Commonwealth of Massachusetts. York, ss. At a Court of General Sessions of the Peace [23 Aug. 1796] (Portland [Me.?], 1796; PPL broadside; watermark only, lacking the half sheet with the SC & Co countermark); [Boston, Mass.] Independent Chronicle, 29 May 1797 (AAS; countermark only, lacking the half sheet with the NEEDHAM watermark); ms.?, n.p., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 726–27; lacking the SC portion of the countermark); ms., Charleston [Mass.?], 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 725; watermark only, lacking the half sheet with the SC & Co countermark). J | & | W = SAVE RAGS [laid] — ms., Medford, Mass., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 600–601); mss., Medford, Mass., 1797, and Hillsborough, Va., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 598–99; deteriorated version of the J & W countermark); wrapping paper, n.p., 1798 (AAS; lacking the half sheet with the J | & | W countermark).

In 1796 the mill was insured for $3,000 and its stock in trade for $2,000. Reference: INA policies 122 and 123, 8 Feb. 1796. Wright and Greene purchased Crane’s interest in July 1796, making them sole proprietors with Hoogs, who then bought them out in November 1799; he also bought a share owned by Russell Sturgis, who must have invested in this mill only briefly and appears to have had no other connection with the paper trade. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 64–66. After Hoogs died in 1802, his son William Hoogs II ran the mill until his creditors took it over in 1810. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 66, 69.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  91 Charles Rice purchased the mill from Hoogs’s creditors ca. 1818 and sold it in 1835, by which time it was known as the Nehoiden Mill. One of the five mills located in Needham by the McLane Report is said to have been run with the assistance of Charles Rice; if that was the Nehoiden Mill, it probably contained two vats consuming approximately 56 tons of rags a year to manufacture 2,817 reams valued at $11,268. Four men and two women were employed in the establishment, which was capitalized at $8,000 and equipped with machinery valued at $2,000. Charles Rice was running a two-vat mill in Needham in 1823. References: Wiswall 1938, 66, 68, 69; Kayser 1823, 114; McLane Report, 1:400–401. 6.  On the Charles River at the Upper Dam. Ephraim Jackson II, brother of Edward Jackson, built a mill at this location and operated it from 1801 until 1811. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 41–42. A firm headed by Moses Grant II was renting the mill from Jackson in 1815, when it burned down along with a grist mill that was attached to it. Reference: [Boston, Mass.] New-England Palladium, 17 Nov. 1815, 2. In 1815 the mill seat was sold to Joseph Jackson, Tyler Bigelow, and William Parker, who sold it a year later to Solomon Curtis and William Hurd. At this point, the mill had not yet been rebuilt. One advertisement notes that the previous mill had contained two vats and offers for sale iron hardware that had been salvaged from the fire. References: Wiswall 1938, 37, 41–42; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 23 Mar. 1816, 1. After Solomon Curtis died in 1818, his heirs sold the property to Isaac Stevens, John Clark, and Rufus Ellis, who then sold the water rights and buildings to George Hooker and John Nichols in 1822; shortly thereafter, Hooker sold his share to A. C. & W. ­Curtis {Allen C. Curtis and William Curtis}. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 38, 41–42. In 1822 A. C. & W. Curtis, George Hooker, and John Nichols sold land to Amos Lyon, who then built or rebuilt a two-vat paper mill on this location. In 1834 the mill of Amos Lyon & Co. burned down at a loss

estimated at $50,000 but was rebuilt. One reason his losses were so large is that he had recently bought ­machinery from Phelps & Spafford, perhaps even a papermaking machine. References: Wiswall 1938, 41–42; Kayser 1823, 114; Munsell 1876, 100; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1837; Hurd 1890, 3:102. 7.  On the Charles River at the Upper Dam. Peter Lyon, brother of Amos Lyon, built a mill at this location in 1810 and then sold it to William and Adolphus Durant in 1822. Their mill had two vats in 1823. Lyon later became the proprietor of a mill in Chaplin, Windham County, Connecticut. References: Wiswall 1938, 57, 59; Kayser 1823, 114; Pratt 1849, 305. PL [wove] — ms., Medfield, Mass., n.d. (AAS); ms., Exeter, Ohio, 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 765).

William Durant, formerly apprenticed to Boies and McLean, operated this mill after Adolphus Durant went on to run Mass. Mill 51. He sold it, along with land and water rights, to John L. Rice for $6,500 in 1831. Rice was the half-brother of Thomas Rice I. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 57–58.

Fig. 2.3. Two Reams. Manufactured by Peter Lyon, Needham. Letterpress ream label. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  92

A. C. & W. Curtis {Allen C. & William Curtis}, John Nichols, and Rufus Ellis either built this mill or somehow acquired it before 1824, when they sold it to John Dodd. Walcott & Willis bought it from Dodd in 1828 but went out of business in 1830 by way of a sheriff ’s sale, where it passed into the hands of Alexander H. Twombly, one of their creditors, who then sold it to William Hurd and Lemuel Crehore in 1831. Possibly the same as Mass. Mill 6. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 50–51. Hurd and Crehore owned several mills in a partnership that was dissolved in 1834, probably because they needed to regroup after the mill burned down in the same fire that destroyed Mass. Mill 6. Hurd then took over their properties on the Needham side of the river. References: Wiswall 1938, 25–26; [Portland, Me.] Eastern Argus, 26 May 1834, 3.

where near the amount Amos Lyon & Co. was said to have lost when Mass. Mill 6 burned down in 1834. Besides the mill I consider to be the Nehoiden Mill, the others can be summarized as follows: (2) capitalized at $5,500, machinery valued at $1,200, four men and two women processing 57 tons of rags a year to manufacture 2,800 reams valued at $12,000; (3) capitalized at $6,000, machinery valued at $3,000, four men and one woman processing approximately 63 tons of rags a year to manufacture 9,390 reams valued at $4,695, probably wrappings; (4) capitalized at $3,000, machinery valued at $700, four men processing approximately 63 tons of rags a year to manufacture products valued at $4,650, probably wrappings; (5) capitalized at $8,000, machinery valued at $1,000, seventeen men and six women processing 130 tons of raw materials a year to manufacture pasteboard valued at $12,000. Reference: McLane Report, 1:400–401.

Addenda

Dedham

After working at Mass. Mill 1, George Bird purchased a water privilege in Charles River Village in 1793. Three years later he offered to sell a quarter share in a Needham paper mill “owned by Ellis, Bird, and others.” References: Wheelwright 1952, 39; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 1 June 1796, 4. Jonathan Ellis was the proprietor of a Needham paper mill in 1805, when he invited journeymen to discuss employment possibilities with him at his Boston address or with the “Foreman of his Paper-Mill in Needham.” Reference: [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 10 Aug. 1805, 3. In 1816 Hurd & Bemis {William Hurd and Charles Bemis} owned one-third of a Needham paper mill; Elliott & Curtis {Simon Elliott and Solomon Curtis} owned the other two-thirds. Possibly this was Mass. Mill 6. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:102. The McLane Report contains figures for five mills in Needham, one possibly the Nehoiden Mill (Mass. Mill 5) and one or two of the others perhaps actually situated in Newton, just across the river. All five of the establishments were small, none capitalized any-

9.  On the lower dam of Mill Creek or Mother Brook.

8.  On the Charles River at the Upper Dam.

Poor & Mann {Daniel Poor and Herman Mann} built a paper mill in Dedham sometime before 18 July 1799, when they solicited rags and advertised their services in Mann’s newspaper, the Columbian Minerva. Mann withdrew from the partnership in 1800 but continued as a job printer and started to manufacture marbled paper in 1809. In 1801 the town sheriff put up for sale at public auction Poor’s one-half share in the paper mill, including tools and utensils, as well as the right to purchase the water privilege, which had been leased to him in 1799. Poor’s share passed into the hands of Richard Jordan, previously the proprietor of N.H. Mill 1. Jordan was residing in Andover, Massachusetts, when he died in 1802, leaving the administrator of his estate to sell his share at auction on the same terms. References: Wolfe 1981, 4, 19–21, 32, 96, 127; [Dedham, Mass.] Columbian Minerva, 28 Apr. 1801, 1; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 21 Aug. 1802, 4, and 9 Mar. 1803, 4. In 1804 the business passed into the hands of George Bird, who had been working in Milton at Mass. Mills 2

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  93 and 3. The mill burned down in 1809 or 1812 and was rebuilt. Poor went on to work at Andover in Mass. Mill 50. By 1818, Bird was renting the mill to papermakers on a yearly basis and on generous terms: if the tenant could not pay cash, he would supply the rags and buy the products of the establishment at set prices. Even on this basis it was hard to find a satisfactory tenant during the Panic of 1819, which was sufficiently discouraging that Bird tried to sell the mill at auction, apparently without success. He served on a committee of Bostonarea papermakers who were to gather signatures for a petition urging Congress “to increase the present duty on paper.” References: Wolfe 1981, 20; Hurd 1884, 65; Wheelwright 1952, 40; Dedham Gazette, 13 Mar. 1818, 4, and 12 Mar. 1819, 4. In 1823 Bird entered into a partnership with the textile manufacturer Frederick A. Taft and in the same year leased his property to the Norfolk Manufacturing Company, which Taft and John Lemist of Roxbury helped to organize. The corporation bought the property in 1830, after Bird had left to establish Mass. Mill

10 in East Walpole. Taft obtained patents for manufacturing pasteboard and a fire-resistant house sheathing paper. The mill burned down in 1833, about a year after Taft wrote an account of his thriving business for the McLane Report. He claimed to manufacture 100 tons of pasteboard and 4,000 reams of paper a year with a total value of $13,000, employing six men, one boy, and one woman to run machinery worth $1,500 in an establishment valued at $5,000. It was insured for $2,000. Phelps & Spafford later sold him machinery costing $1,273.41. References: Hurd 1884, 65; Munsell 1876, 94, 96; Burke 1847, 86; McLane Report, 1:378– 79; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 9 Apr. 1833, 2.

East Walpole 10.  On the Neponset River at Washington Street. After having taken a partner in Mass. Mill 9, George Bird started a new mill in East Walpole, formerly South

Fig. 2.4. Brick Chimney (250 Feet in Height) at Paper Mills of F. W. Bird & Son, East Walpole, Mass. Postcard, ca. 1906. Collection of John Bidwell.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  94 Dedham. While residing in Walpole, Bird patented an improvement in paper polishing in 1825 (although Wheelwright asserts that he moved from Dedham to East Walpole in 1828). His son Francis William Bird joined the firm in 1833, when ten men were running machinery worth $3,000 in an establishment valued at $20,000. The Birds were manufacturing printing and coarse paper with a total value of $25,000 per year; they sold about an eighth of their production in Massachusetts and shipped the rest to New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans. In 1839 the mill was making mostly printing paper but also some wrapping grades. References: Wheelwright 1952, 40; Burke 1847, 86; McLane Report, 1:378–79. In 1882 the firm F. W. Bird, Hollingsworth & Co. was running two mills in East Walpole, manufacturing wrapping grades on cylinder machines. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 46. cc

Suffolk County Dorchester 11.  Between the Neponset River and River Street, west of Blue Hill Avenue. After working for his father Richard Clarke in Milton, George Clarke (also Clark) went to Dorchester and in 1773 bought from the town 14 acres of land on which he built a paper mill. Apparently he never succeeded in gaining much of a profit from the mill, which he mortgaged to Abigail Quincy in 1781. He may have abandoned it around 1785, since it was not one of the five paper mills in Massachusetts mentioned by David Bemis in his petition against imported goods. References: Dorchester 1859, 628; Bemis Petition. In 1786 Clarke sold the mill to Patrick Connor and William Sumner, who then purchased the mortgage from Abigail Quincy. A year later Connor sold half of his half interest to Richard Clarke II, son of George Clarke, and conveyed a life interest in the other half to George Clarke in 1794. However, a quarter share in a

Dorchester paper and grist mill came up for auction in 1798 along with other assets formerly belonging to Richard Clarke II. It is not clear what happened to his quarter interest in this business. References: Dorchester 1859, 628–30; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Jan. 1794: double cap, watermarked CLARKE, delivered to Thomas Dobson; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 31 Mar. 1798, 3. CLARK [laid] — printed form, Mass., 1790s (AAS). CLARKE [laid] — No. [blank] The Commonwealth of Virginia. To [blank] Gentleman [Lieutenant’s appointment in the militia] (Richmond, Va.: s.n., 179_; dated 1796 in pen; PPL). CLARKE & Co [laid] — ms., Lincoln County, Mass., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 265). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the CLARKE & Co watermark to Richard Clarke I, who, however, died before this paper was made. A better candidate would be his grandson Richard Clarke II, who could have been alluding to his partnership with his father and Patrick Connor.

William Sumner ran the mill on his own after Richard Clarke II died in 1796. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 629. In the spring of 1806 Sumner leased the mill to Tileston & Hollingsworth {Edmund Tileston and Mark Hollingsworth}. References: Dorchester 1859, 630, 632; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 June 1808 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 July 1808: double cap for card paper. Tileston & Hollingsworth left the mill in the spring of 1809 to purchase Mass. Mill 2 from Agnes McLean. Sumner then resumed the business with his son William Sumner II. In 1809 the water privilege was ­assessed at $4,500 and the improvements at $3,500. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 630, 641. William Sumner I retired in 1822, leaving the business in the hands of his sons Edward Sumner and William Sumner II. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 630. The Sumner brothers ran into financial trouble and

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  95 in 1827 relinquished the management of the mill to Colonel Nathaniel Crane or Tileston & Hollingsworth {Edmund Tileston and Mark Hollingsworth}. The new management repaired the facilities and installed a machine, possibly the first Fourdrinier machine in New England. References: Dorchester 1859, 630; Wallingford 1951, no. 4. Crane may have left around 1832, and Edward Sumner ran the mill until he died in 1836. By one account, Crane, acting as administrator of the estate of William Sumner I, then sold the mill and four acres of land to Tileston & Hollingsworth. The machinists C. M. Pickering & Co. listed the Fourdrinier in this mill, or possibly Mass. Mill 14, as one of four they (or rather Phelps & Spafford) had erected in the Boston area before 1832. In that year Tileston & Hollings­ worth bought from Phelps & Spafford deckle straps costing $17.50 and, for the dry end of their Fourdrinier, a drying and cutting machine costing $1,351.95. References: Dorchester 1859, 630; Wallingford 1951, no. 4; AAD 1832, 51, 143; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829– 1834. In 1832 Edmund Tileston and Enoch Baldwin counted seventeen men and fourteen women working in the “Dorchester Paper Mills” and estimated their annual output at $37,000. They may have been referring to more than one mill, since they appraised the property and buildings at $20,000 and the machinery at $2,400; the latter figure seems low if there was a Fourdrinier on the premises. Reference: McLane Report, 1:380–81. In 1849 Tileston & Hollingsworth’s main office was in Dorchester. At this time they were a major supplier to the Boston publishers Ticknor and Fields, whose cost books contain specifications for papers supplied by this firm during the 1850s. References: Pratt 1849, 174; Tryon & Charvat 1949. Tileston & Hollingsworth continued to manufacture paper at this location as late as 1951, although they had torn down the old Sumner mill and replaced it with a new building containing four engines and a Fourdrinier. References: Wallingford 1951, no. 4; Dorchester 1859, 631; Lockwood 1882, 50.

12.  On the Neponset River at the Lower Mills, just west of Dorchester Avenue. In 1790 James Babcock, a papermaker from Watertown, converted a snuff mill at this location to the manufacture of paper in partnership with Samuel Leeds and Michael McCarney, who each owned a quarter share in the venture. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 603, 624. Babcock died soon after he and his partners started the papermaking business. His half share was acquired by Abel Alline, who also owned an eighth share in the concern, which he sold to Leeds in 1795; he sold a half share to William Hawes in 1797. Joseph Hawes was also involved in the business. McCarney seems to have succeeded Babcock as the managing partner by 1792, when watermarks appearing in that year indicate that the firm was doing business as Michael McCarney & Co. In 1795 he met with other Massachusetts mill owners to confer on “general Customs in the different Mills,” probably meaning production quotas, labor regulations, and price controls. References: Dorchester 1859, 603–4; McMurtrie 1929, 1. MMcC & Co = ring [laid] — ms., n.p., 1792 (AAS); ms., West Point, N.Y., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 682–83).

In 1803 William Hawes sold out to Samuel Leeds, who in turn sold out to the chocolate manufacturer Edmund Baker in 1805. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 605. Baker became the sole proprietor in 1807, when he acquired McCarney’s share from McCarney’s son-inlaw. He then retired from active management of the mill and rented it to Captain Henry Cox and Eliab Thorp, who carried on the business as Cox & Thorp for five years. In 1809 Baker was assessed $3,000 for the water privilege and $4,700 for the improvements at this location. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 605–6, 641. Thorp left the firm in 1813 and went to Athol, where he was probably involved with Mass. Mill 44. Cox continued on his own until 1816, when Charles Baker, son of Edmund Baker, became a partner. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 606.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  96 H COX = dove [wove] — mss., Westford, Mass., 1816, and Wrentham, Mass., 1817 (AAS); ms., Lancaster, Pa., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 273–74).

Henry Cox departed in 1819 to establish Me. Mill 4 in North Yarmouth and was succeeded by Caleb Jarvis, who had been foreman of the mill, henceforth operating as Charles Baker & Co. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 606. C BAKER & Co = dove [wove] — mss., Suffolk, Mass., 1816, and South Reading, Mass., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 134–35); printed doc., Topsfield, Mass., 1820 (AAS).

Edmund Baker rented the mill to Tileston & Hollings­ worth from 1823 to 1829. Jarvis continued as foreman. References: Dorchester 1859, 607; Wallingford 1951, no. 5. In 1829 Jesse Lyon and Jeremiah Fisher Daniels occupied the mill, which was converted to machine manufacture. Lyon’s brother Amos Lyon may have also owned a share in this concern in 1829. References: Dorchester 1859, 607; Wiswall 1938, 45–46. In 1843 Edmund Baker sold the mill to his son Walter Baker, who rented it once again to Tileston & Hollingsworth. They continued to operate it until 1860. References: Wallingford 1951, no. 5; Dorchester 1859, 607. 13.  Between the Neponset River and River Street, east of Blue Hill Avenue. In 1795 Jeremiah Smith Boies built at this location one or more mills for grinding corn and chocolate as well as for making paper. References: Teele 1887, 399; Dorchester 1859, 631. Previously employed in New Jersey or in a mill on the Brandywine, Mark Hollingsworth worked here as foreman and then in 1801 purchased an interest in the mill in partnership with Edmund Tileston, who had been apprenticed to Leeds and McCarney in Mass. Mill 12 and had been working in Needham, probably at Mass. Mill 5. Boies resigned from active manage-

ment of the firm, although he furnished some capital for it and allowed the partners the use of the manufacturing facilities. References: Dorchester 1859, 631–32; Teele 1887, 399; Wallingford 1951, no. 6. Boies left the firm when the mill burned down in 1805. Tileston & Hollingsworth abandoned the papermaking business at this location and rented Mass. Mill 11. Reference: Dorchester 1859, 632. 14.  Across the Neponset River from the Upper Paper Mill in Milton. In 1817 Tileston & Hollingsworth converted a chocolate mill formerly operated by Jeremiah Smith Boies to paper manufacture. Strangely, the usually voluble Dorchester history has nothing more to say about this establishment, which might be identified with Mass. Mill 13, except that it is clearly at a different location. Wallingford claims that Tileston & Hollingsworth bought it from Agnes McLean in 1809, possibly confusing it with Mass. Mill 2. In 1823 Tileston & Hollingsworth “owned and occupied” two mills, one in Milton and one in Dorchester, both with two vats. References: Dorchester 1859, 623–25; Kayser 1823, 114; Wallingford 1951, no. 8. cc

Middlesex County Newton 15.  Watertown Mill. On the Charles River near Watertown. In 1778 David Bemis and Enos Sumner built a dam at this location, on land owned by Bemis on the Watertown side and by Sumner on the Newton side. Sumner sold his land a year later to John D. McDougall of Boston, Michael McCarney of Milton, and Nathaniel Patten, a bookbinder and possibly the same Nathaniel Patten who briefly left Boston in 1774 to ply this trade in comparatively peaceful Norwich, Connecti-

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  97 cut. These three joined with Bemis to build a paper mill on the premises in 1779. As if filling new positions, they advertised in October 1780 for two apprentice boys and two or three journeymen; they promised applicants employment all year round in their riverside establishment, unlike mills that closed down during the winter (presumably because they were on smaller streams that could be clogged by ice). McDougall and McCarney sold their shares to Bemis in 1780, and Patten sold him the remaining one-third share in the mill in 1781 after having gone to Hartford, Connecticut, where he continued to be involved in the papermaking business either as a stationer or as a partner in one of the local mills. Bemis was one of four paper manufacturers who petitioned the Massachusetts legislature in 1785 for an embargo on imported paper, assuring that the five mills in the Commonwealth would supply all its needs at specified prices. References: Hurd 1890, 3:104; Draper 1900, 175; Baldwin 1908, 39–41; Caulkins 1874, 361–62; [Boston, Mass.] Independent Ledger, 23 Oct. 1780, 4; Bemis Petition. In his later years Bemis enlisted his son Luke Bemis to run the business, styled David Bemis & Co. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:104. D BEMIS & C = bell [laid] — ms., Swansea, Mass., 1786 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 145–46); ms., n.p., after 24 Feb. 1786 (AAS; countermark only). o

DB & Co [laid, 100 mm.] = fleur-de-lis — ms., Amherst, N.H., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 288; counter­ mark only?); At a Convention of Clergy and Lay-­ Deputies of the Protestant Episcopal Churches [5 and 6 Oct. 1790] (Newburyport, Mass.: Printed by John Mycall, [1790]; DLC broadside port. 44:3); printed doc., Leicester, Mass., 1791 (AAS; countermark only?). DB & Co [laid, 60 mm.] — printed doc., Medfield, Mass., inscribed 1791 (AAS; countermark only?); ms., Boston, Mass., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 289; countermark only?).

When David Bemis died in 1790, the mill passed to his sons Isaac Bemis and Luke Bemis. References: Hurd 1890, 3:104; Draper 1900, 177–78.

L & IB [laid] — ms., Fryeburg, Me., 1792 (AAS). L & J BEMIS [laid] — printed doc., Marshfield, Mass., 1790s (AAS); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 149).

The Bemis brothers petitioned the Massachusetts General Court for assistance in rebuilding the mill after it burned down around June 1793. They received a loan of £1,000 for five years, free of interest. References: Hurd 1890, 3:104; [Warren, R.I.] Herald of the United States, 6 June 1793, 307. Isaac Bemis committed suicide in 1794, leaving Luke Bemis as sole proprietor. In the following year Luke Bemis put the mill up for sale along with a saw mill, but found no buyers. He was an active member of the paper trade and met with other Massachusetts mill owners to confer on “general Customs in the different Mills,” probably meaning production quotas, labor regulations, and price controls. References: Draper 1900, 178; McMurtrie 1929, 1; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Aug. 1796: double pott, watermarked L BEMIS and plow; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 4 Feb. 1795, 3. L BEMIS = Indian with bow and arrow [laid] — n.p., n.d. (AAS); Hunter 1952, 144; ms., Cape Franious [i.e., Cap François, Haiti?], 1796 (Gravell & Miller 1979, wmk 355; watermark only, lacking half sheet with countermark?). L BEMIS = plow [laid] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1800 (AAS); ms., Norfolk, Va., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 147–48).

Sometime before 1815 Luke Bemis’s brother-in-law Caleb Eddy joined the business, henceforth operating as Bemis & Eddy. They owned a paper warehouse on the Long Wharf in Boston, where they also managed a rope walk and a ship chandlery. In 1820 they reported that they could not compete against Italian and other imported papers, which had glutted the market and undercut their sales to the point that they were running only one of the mill’s three vats. Probably having laid off some of their workforce, they employed six men, four women, and two children making writings, print-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  98 ences: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 51; Draper 1900, 178; Hurd 1890, 3:105. 16.  On the Charles River, along Washington Street, at the upper dam in Newton Lower Falls.

Fig. 2.5. Watertown. Luke Bemis. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

ings, press papers, bonnet papers, and candle papers in an establishment they valued at $7,000. References: Hurd 1890, 3:105; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 8 July 1819; billhead on an invoice dated 7 June 1822, AAS; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 45. BEMIS & EDDY [laid] — mss., Savannah, Ga., 1815, and Arundel, Quebec, 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 150); ms., n.p., not after 1819 (AAS).

In 1821 Seth Bemis, brother of Luke Bemis, purchased the property from Bemis & Eddy. Already involved in a cotton and woolen factory on the Watertown side of the river, he decided to relinquish the paper trade, which was doing poorly anyway, and to adapt the mill for the manufacture of dye-woods and drugs. Refer-

In 1790 John Ware built a paper mill on 14 acres of land he purchased at this location in 1789. He also operated a saw mill and a forge on his property. By 1797 his Newton landholdings had grown to 150 acres, including a farm, a store, a bake house, the paper mill, a saw mill, and two vacant mill privileges. All this he was willing to sell or divide for sale as separate businesses. References: Wiswall 1938, 23; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 16 Sept. 1797, 4. In 1815 Ware sold the property with the water privilege and the paper and saw mills to William Hurd, Charles Bemis, John Marston, and Charles Jackson for $3,000. A year later Marston and Jackson sold their interest in the property to Hurd and Bemis, and a year after that Bemis sold out to Hurd, leaving him the sole proprietor of the land and the mills. Hurd claimed the mill had been in operation about thirty-five years in 1820, when he was employing eight men, four girls, and four boys to manufacture writings, printings, press paper, bonnet paper, and other products, his annual output valued at $12,000. The mill contained two engines and two vats, consuming 52 tons of rags a year. Hurd complained that after the end of the European war a glut of Italian imports had “very much injured this business.” References: Wiswall 1938, 23; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 49; Kayser 1823, 114. W HURD = NEWTON [wove] — ms. Smithfield, R.I., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 469–70); ms., Franklin County [Mass.?], 1825 (AAS).

Lemuel Crehore became a partner in the mill in 1825 and joined with Hurd in additional investments on the Needham side of the river. Sometime before 1832 Hurd & Crehore installed in this mill a Fourdrinier machine built by the New York machinists C. M. Pickering & Co. in association with or in the employment of Phelps & Spafford. When the partnership was dissolved in

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  99 1834, Hurd sold to Crehore a number of lots on the Newton side of the river, including this mill and the Grant mill (Mass. Mill 21). The millwright Benjamin Neal took Hurd’s place in the partnership. References: Wiswall 1938, 25–26; AAD 1832, 143. Forty men, thirty-six women, and eight boys were employed in the “paper factory” of Crehore, Hurd & Curtises in 1832. This information comes from an entry in the McLane Report, which conflates statistics for two or more mills large enough to contain fairly sophisticated mass-production facilities. These establishments consumed 690 tons of rags a year and manufactured goods valued at $135,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:348–49. In 1845 Neal sold out to Crehore, who renovated the mill and apparently combined it with his other mill on the Hurd property. In 1854 the enlarged establishment contained four beating engines, a 62-inch Fourdrinier making newsprint, and a 36-inch cylinder making press papers; it remained in the family until 1919 and was still in operation as late as 1938. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 27–29. 17.  Jackson Paper Mill; Curtis Mills. On the Charles River, next to Mass. Mill 16 at the upper dam in Newton Lower Falls. In 1789 Ephraim Jackson II purchased a half acre of land at this location, which already had a leather mill with a water privilege. He built a paper mill here in partnership with the Milton papermakers Solomon Curtis and Thomas Annis and the Dorchester millwright Hezekiah R. Miller, who each purchased quarter shares in the property in June 1792. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 31–32. In 1796 Simon Elliott accumulated a half interest in this mill, having acquired Miller’s quarter interest by way of Henry Cox and Annis’s quarter interest by way of Solomon Curtis, who bought and sold that share on the same day. The firm Elliott & Curtis ran this mill after Elliott bought Jackson’s quarter interest in 1799, and it also operated the adjoining Mass. Mill 18

after Elliott sold Curtis an interest in that mill in 1804. During the following years the partners frequently exchanged fractional shares in these properties and at least once brought in another partner, Peter Lyon, who owned a small interest in the firm between 1804 and 1806. In 1816 the firm owned the water rights for two of the six paper mills on the Needham and ­Newton sides of Newton Lower Falls, as well as the right to run glazing machines in their mills, provided that there was enough power to run all six establishments, a fulling mill, and a saw mill. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 32–33, 90. E & C = NEWTON [laid] — Tax for the Year 1799. Commonwealth of Massachusetts ([Boston: Printed by Young & Minns, 1799]; DLC broadside port. 46:10a); ms., Framingham, Mass., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 328–29). SE & CO = NEWTON [laid] — ms., Hatfield, Mass., 1814 (AAS). SE & CO [laid] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1818 (AAS).

Shortly before he died in 1818, Solomon Curtis sold for $2,500 a quarter interest in the property, which then comprised two paper mills on an acre of land, to his son William Curtis. At the same time, Elliott assigned his share in the property to Thomas H. Perkins and Rufus Ellis, representing the creditors of Simon Elliott & Company, but redeemed the property and then sold it the following year, probably caught short by the Panic of 1819. He sold his three-quarters interest in this mill to George Hooker, who purchased the remaining one-quarter interest from Allen C. & William Curtis, thus becoming sole proprietor. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 34. In 1820 the firm of Nichols & Hooker was running a mill in Newton and employed in that establishment eight men, two women, and two children to manufacture wrapping grades, sheathing paper, and boards, with an annual output valued at $5,830. The mill contained two engines, but only one of its two vats was in operation. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 46; Kayser 1823, 114.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  100 for papers supplied by this firm for books printed in 1848 and 1851. References: Wiswall 1938, 36; Tryon & Charvat 1949, A 121a, A 225b. 18.  New Mill; Curtis Mills. On the Charles River, next to Mass. Mill 17 at the upper dam in Newton Lower Falls.

Fig. 2.6. One Ream. Patent Wove Paper, Manufactured by John Nichols, Newton Lower Falls, Massachusetts. Letterpress ream label, wood engraving by Abel Bowen, probably derived from a copper engraving by Bowen after a design by Joseph Andrews, “East View of Faneuil Hall Market,” published in Bowen’s Picture of Boston (Boston: Abel Bowen, etc., 1829). Collection of John Bidwell.

In 1824 Hooker sold the mill to Rufus Ellis, who sold it to John Nichols in 1826. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 34. Nichols was directly involved in the day-to-day operations of the mill. While working alongside his employees one day in 1831, he got caught in the machinery, and his head was “literally bruised in pieces.” At a public sale later that year his heirs sold the mill to Allen C. and William Curtis for $5,193.66. References: Wiswall 1938, 34; [Portsmouth, N.H.] Portsmouth Journal, 5 Feb. 1831, 3. The Curtis brothers tore down this and Mass. Mill 18 to build a new stone mill, still standing in 1938. In 1854 the mill contained eight 24-inch beaters and two 62-inch Fourdrinier machines, manufacturing book paper and newsprint. The cost books of the Boston publishers Ticknor and Fields contain specifications

Simon Elliott built a paper mill on this property, which he purchased by deeds dated 1791 and 1794. A grist mill previously occupied this site. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 32. Elliott sold Solomon Curtis an interest in the mill in 1804; the partners operated this and the adjoining Mass. Mill 17 as Elliott & Curtis. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 32. Allen C. Curtis and William Curtis purchased their father Solomon Curtis’s quarter interest in 1818. A year later they bought Elliott’s three-quarters interest for $4,125. They estimated that they had invested $12,000 in the mill by 1820, when they employed ten men, eight women and girls, and four boys to manufacture writings, printings, press papers, and bonnet papers, their annual output valued at $12,000 to $13,000. A 16-foot breast wheel ran two engines consuming 52 tons of rags a year, which would have been enough to supply two vats. References: Wiswall 1938, 33–35; Kayser 1823, 114; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 47. AC & W CURTIS = eagle [wove] — ms., Middlesex County, Mass., 1827 (AAS); ms., Providence, R.I., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 283; lacks half sheet with watermark?).

The machinists C. M. Pickering & Co. listed the Fourdrinier in this mill as one of four they (or rather Phelps & Spafford) had erected in the Boston area before 1832. The Curtis brothers still owed money to Phelps & Spafford at that time, yet they also purchased from that firm a drying and cutting machine costing $1,594.17. Perhaps misled by local tradition, Wiswall claims that they obtained two machines in England and had them smuggled to America around 1828. Ref-

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  101 erences: Wiswall 1938, 11, 35; AAD 1832, 143; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834. In 1834 the Curtis brothers tore down this and Mass. Mill 17 to build a new stone mill, still standing in 1938. For more information on the Curtis firm, see the entry for Mass. Mill 17. One of their ream labels is in the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Atlanta, Ga. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 35. 19.  Foster’s Mills. On the Charles River, on the mainland at the east side of the raceway near Pratt’s Bridge (later Washington Street Bridge) between Newton and Needham. In 1806 William Hoogs II, his brother Francis Hoogs, and Samuel Brown of Needham purchased a snuff mill at this location by a deed describing Francis Hoogs and Samuel Brown as papermakers. The firm of Hoogs & Brown was making paper somewhere in Newton in 1805, when the proprietors posted a reward for a runaway apprentice. They may have converted the mill, although there is no definite mention of papermaking at this site until 1813. Brown sold his share in the firm in 1807. References: Wiswall 1938, 73–74, 82; [Boston, Mass.] Democrat, 21 Aug. 1805, 3. After the Hoogs brothers failed, one of their creditors, Samuel Brown of Boston, took possession of their property in 1810 and then sold it to Peter Lyon in 1815. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 73–74, 82. In 1817 Lyon sold the property to Bartlett & Foster {Bartlett and Joseph Foster}, reserving for himself a small grist mill he had built at the rear of the paper mill and a third of the water rights. Lyon obtained half of the water rights in 1819. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 74–76, 82. The mill had one vat in 1823, when it was “owned and occupied” by Joseph Foster. During 1822 and 1823, it passed through the hands of Allen C. Curtis, William Parker, and Peter Lyon. Parker and Lyon sold it to Amasa Fuller, who ran it from 1824 until sometime before 1830, when the executors of Fuller’s estate sold it to Joseph H. Foster (=Joseph Foster?). References: Kayser 1823, 114; Hurd 1890, 3:103.

In 1832 James Foster employed eight men to manufacture pasteboard, press papers, and “sand sheeting paper,” with an annual output valued at $16,800. Perhaps Joseph Foster was employing a relative to manage the mill, or perhaps someone had mistaken his name, but in any case this account seems to fit this mill, which was said to have been “established” in 1817, when Foster bought it. Reference: McLane Report, 1:348–49. Toward the end of his life, Foster fell into financial difficulties but continued to operate the mill until he died in 1853. Then his son Joseph Foster II managed the mill, and his assignee Ebenezer Bradley oversaw its financial affairs until Thomas Rice II purchased it in 1857. Containing three beaters, the mill was designed to manufacture binders’ board, dried in the loft or on a nearby plot of ground. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 76–77. 20.  Foster’s Mills. On the Charles River, on an island at the west side of the raceway near Pratt’s Bridge (later Washington Street Bridge) between Newton and Needham. A trip-hammer mill first operated at this site, then a wire factory. Andrews & Pratt built a paper mill on this property after they purchased it in 1813 from Samuel Brown of Boston, creditor of William Hoogs II. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 73. In 1818 Andrews & Pratt sold the mill to Peter Lyon, who also operated a grist mill on the premises. Only one vat was in operation in 1823 and 1832, when Lyon employed three men and two women to manufacture 4,544 reams in a year, with a total value of $13,584. References: Wiswall 1938, 74; Kayser 1823, 114; McLane Report, 1:348–49. Lyon sold the paper and grist mills to his brother Joseph W. Lyon and Paul Dewing while retaining a mortgage on the premises. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 74–76. John Welles, assignee of Lyon’s mortgage, sold the property to Joseph Foster, who operated it with the adjoining paper mill as Foster’s Mills, described in the entry for Mass. Mill 19. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 76, 82.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  102 21.  At the upper dam in Newton Lower Falls, on property originally owned by John Ware. Moses Grant & Son {Moses Grant and Moses Grant II} purchased a small plot of land at this location to manufacture binders’ board. In 1811 Moses Grant II sold his interest in the mill to his father. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 23–24. Although the business had been suffering from the glut of low-priced imports, the mill was still in operation in 1820, when six men, four women, and two children were working at two vats consuming 50 tons of rags a year and producing goods worth $10,000 a year. Dated August 1820, the census return was submitted by Moses Grant II, who must have been managing the mill for the family, his father having died sometime before 10 January 1820. He claimed that $8,000 had been invested in this establishment. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 48; Wiswall 1938, 24. William Hurd acquired the property from the Grant family in 1821 for $4,500. Moses Grant II continued to sell paper and deal in rags at a store in Boston, forming a partnership with Otis Daniell in 1830. In 1832 Grant & Daniell helped the Connecticut machinists Phelps & Spafford obtain machine wire for some of the first Fourdriniers made in America. References: Wiswall 1938, 24–25; Tryon & Charvat 1949, 478; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834. Lemuel Crehore became a partner in the mill in 1825 and joined with Hurd in additional investments on the Needham side of the river. When the partnership was dissolved in 1834, Hurd sold to Crehore a number of lots on the Newton side of the river, including this mill and the Ware mill (Mass. Mill 16). In 1846 Crehore purchased Hurd’s remaining interest in the property and consolidated the two mills. Reference: Wiswall 1938, 27.

Addendum Around 1810 Thomas Rice I moved from Needham to Newton Lower Falls, where he owned a mill also operated by his son Thomas Rice II. Reference: Weeks 1916, 199.

Waltham 22.  Eden Vale Mill. On the Charles River near the center of Waltham, ten miles from Boston. John Boies (also John Boyce and perhaps John Smith Boies) built a paper mill at this location around 1788. The Massachusetts Magazine published an engraved view of the Eden Vale Mill in April 1793. Boies appears to have been a prominent member of the local paper trade. In 1795 he chaired a meeting of Massachusetts mill owners who conferred on the possibility of establishing a cooperative salesroom in Boston. He presented to the Massachusetts Historical Society a specimen of paper made from potato vines, not a very promising alternative to rags, he conceded, because the paper lacked strength and firmness. His estate was ­appraised at £4,550 in 1798. John Boies & Co. employed between fourteen and eighteen men, women, and boys in 1805 and gave them lodgings in a boarding house in the vicinity. The mill contained two vats, two engines, and three presses with iron screws when it was put up for sale by Geyer & Fletcher in 1807. Writing paper must have been an important product since the “for sale” advertisement made special note of two desirable features, the sizing apparatus in an adjacent building and a nearby spring, which supplied pure water to one of the engines. The dam harnessed enough water to run three additional mills, which might be used in cotton-spinning ventures. The Boston Manufacturing Company purchased the mill and water privilege in 1813, by which time the papermaking business had been abandoned. Moulds, felts, and other tools belonging to Boies were auctioned off in 1814. References: Hurd 1890, 3:751; Weeks 1916, 83; McMurtrie 1929, 1; [Boston, Mass.] Independent Chronicle, 31 Oct. 1805, 3, 23 Apr. 1807, suppl., p. 2, and 17 Mar. 1814, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Nov. 1788: double foolscap laid, watermarked J BOIES and eagle; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 July 1795: double cap, watermarked JB; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Sept. 1805: large post, watermarked J BOIES & Co. WALTHAM; Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 1 (1879): 90;

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  103 http://www.waltham-community.org/history.html (accessed 30 April 2012). J BOIES = eagle [laid] — ms., n.p., ca. 1788–1789? (AAS); ms., Flemington, N.H., 1790 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 154–55); U.S. Congress, An Act for the Government and Regulation of Seamen in the Merchants’ Service (Boston: Printed by S. Hall, 1790; PPL broadside); ms., New York, N.Y., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 1979, wmks 111–12). Eagle [laid] —To the Selectmen or Assessors of the Town of [blank]. Whereas the Court of Sessions for the County of York, at Waterborough, Issued an Order . . . [24 Dec. 1796] ([Me.: s.n., 1796]; PPL broadside; design similar to Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 155, but no countermark in the other half sheet). J BOIES & CO [wove] — Harvard University, Order of Exercises for Commencement, August XXVII, MDCCCVI. (Cambridge, Mass.: William Hilliard, printer, 1806; DLC broadside port. 48:4a). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute wmks 154–55 to James Boies even though he was nearly retired. John Boies was much more active in 1788, when “J. Boies” ordered moulds with this watermark.

23.  On the Charles River near the Waltham Bleachery. Christopher Gore built a paper mill on his property in Waltham in 1794. He probably did not operate it himself but either rented it to tenants or formed partnerships with other investors and members of the trade. At various times it was operated by William Parker of Cambridge, Major Uriah Moore, and Enoch Wiswall. By one account the Waltham Cotton and Woolen Company purchased the property around 1810. However, Thomas Parker and William Parker were the proprietors of a Waltham paper mill in 1813, when they put it up for sale on advantageous terms to “young men” who could buy a share in the firm and expect easy credit, or they could even pay in kind. This was probably Mass. Mill 23 rather than 22 because it was described as “small, but convenient,” terms suggesting a one-vat mill. Gore later became governor of Massa-

chusetts. References: Hurd 1890, 3:751; Weeks 1916, 83; http://www.waltham-community.org/history.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 10 Apr. 1813, 4. W PARKER [wove] — ms., Boston Mass., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 789).

24.  On Stony Brook near Weston. After serving their apprenticeship in Mass. Mill 22, the brothers Nathan and Amos Upham built a mill here in 1802 for the manufacture of coarse wrapping grades. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:751. In 1820 the Upham brothers sold the mill to John M. Gibbs, who may have also owned or operated a mill in Pepperell (Mass. Mill 30). He was still making brown wrappings in 1832, when he employed two men and one woman to manufacture 4,000 reams a year with a total value of $2,200. The McLane Report states that the mill was founded in 1824. References: Hurd 1890, 3:751; McLane Report, 1:372. In 1835 Gibbs sold the mill to John Roberts and Stephen Roberts, who had worked in several paper mills not far from Waltham. The mill burned down in 1844 and was rebuilt. John Roberts is said to have installed a Fourdrinier at an early date, but in 1882 the mill was making sheathing and wrapping papers on cylinder machines. References: Hurd 1890, 3:751; Weeks 1916, 133–34; Lockwood 1882, 54.

Watertown 25.  Watertown Paper Mill. On the Charles River near the bridge. I have not been able to find information about the origins of the Watertown Paper Mill. In 1803 it had been in business long enough to be implicated in the bankruptcy of Thomas Annis, who must have acquired a share in it after leaving Mass. Mill 17. Among other assets liquidated by his assignees were 70 reams of printing paper, 130 reams of wrappings, 17 reams of writings, ten pairs of moulds, three sets of felts, and

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  104 “All the Right, Title, and equity of Redemption” in “a certain Paper-Mill situated in said Watertown.” Reference: [Boston, Mass.] Independent Chronicle, 26 Sept. 1803, 3. John Hunting did not volunteer any information about his Watertown paper manufactory for the Census of 1820, but the assistant marshal guessed that its products and facilities were similar to those of Nichols & Hooker in Mass. Mill 17. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 51. Francis Whitney, “late of Sudbury,” died intestate in or before 1825, leaving an estate comprising a half share in a papermaking business in partnership with Leonard Whitney. With assets amounting to $1,691.96, his estate was declared insolvent in 1827; there is no indication whether the Whitneys actually owned a mill or where that mill would have been located (AAS box 2, folder 2). In 1831 Leonard Whitney was working in Boston as the agent for the Watertown Paper Mill, apparently not the same as the Bemis mill (Mass. Mill 15), which must have closed before that date. Reference: AAD 1831, 25. The Watertown paper mill of Leonard Whitney & Son burned down in 1856, with a loss of $12,000; the insurance covered only half of that amount. The Whitney family rebuilt the mill and retained an interest in it as late as 1882. References: Munsell 1876, 146; Lockwood 1882, 55. 26.  Not located. The “undivided third part” of a paper mill on the Charles River in Watertown was put up for sale by auction in 1822 and 1824. The auctioneers did not name the consignor of this property but noted that it was occupied by Mr. May. References: Boston Commercial Gazette, 25 Nov. 1822, 3, and 27 May 1824, 3. In 1832 Watertown contained two paper mills, one belonging to May, the other to Parker, who might have been involved with the Watertown Paper Mill above. May could be identified with or related to William May, who appears as a paper manufacturer in Watertown in an 1849 trade directory. Between them, the May and

Parker mills provided a livelihood to fifteen men, six women, and two boys, making wrappings and printings worth $27,500 a year. Two-thirds of the sales were made in state, the rest in New York and Philadelphia. References: McLane Report, 1:360–61; Pratt 1849, 174.

Natick 27.  Not located. In 1816 Calvin Shepard announced that he wished to employ a journeyman papermaker and an apprentice boy who could count on “good encouragement and humane treatment.” His advertisement contains no information about his paper mill but identifies him as a resident of Natick. Reference: Dedham Gazette, 29 Nov. 1816, 4. The Census of 1820 does not name the proprietor of the Natick paper mill, an average-sized concern containing two vats and one engine powered by a tub wheel. Seven men, four women, and three children worked at this establishment, which had thrived after the War of 1812 but had fallen on hard times during the last two years because imports were driving down prices. Sales in general were “dull at the present time.” It manufactured writings, printings, and wrappings, with an annual output valued at $9,052. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 29.

Ashland 28.  On the Hopkinton River in a district formerly part of Framingham. In 1818 a mill for the manufacture of writing grades was built at this location by John Bigelow, David Bigelow, Perkins Bigelow, and Gardner Wilder II. A Dexter Bigelow may have also been involved with the firm. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:549, 646. D BIGELOW & CO = two doves [laid] — ms., Lancaster [Mass.?, N.H.?], 1829 (AAS).

In 1832 D. Bigelow & Co. employed four men and four women to manufacture printing grades, with an annual

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  105 output valued at $10,200. This was probably a one-vat mill, given the size of the workforce and the amount of raw materials it required, 25 tons of rags a year. The machinery was valued at $700, and the entire establishment was said to be capitalized at $8,000. Reference: McLane Report, 1:330–31. The Bigelow family was no longer connected with the business by 1846. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:549.

29.  Rail Road Mill. On the Hopkinton River in a district formerly part of Framingham, a half mile east of Ashland Village, at the intersection of Fountain and Union Streets. Calvin Shepard & Son purchased a mill site at this location in 1828 and started manufacturing newsprint at the vat. Calvin Shepard Jr. succeeded to the busi-

Fig. 2.7. Calvin Shepard Jr. Rail Road Mill, Framingham, Mass. Ream wrapper, tinted lithograph, ca. 1849. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  106 ness when his father died. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:547, 646. In 1832 A. Shepard Jr. (=Calvin Shepard Jr.?) employed six men, two boys, and ten women to manufacture printing grades for customers in Massachusetts, with an annual output valued at $14,000. He estimated that the mill was capitalized at $12,000, that it contained machinery worth $1,200, and that it consumed 67 tons of rags a year. These figures indicate that it contained two vats. Reference: McLane Report, 1:330–31. Calvin Shepard Jr. was manufacturing printing grades in two mills, one in Ashland and the other in Millbury, Worcester County, in 1849. In that year the Boston and Worcester Railroad opened the Framingham branch, a civic improvement that might have inspired the name of the paper mill. Reference: Pratt 1849, 174.

Pepperell 30.  On the lower privilege of the Nissittisset River. According to Hurd, Benjamin Lawrence built a paper mill on this location in 1818. It is unclear how long he owned it and how much he was involved with the business, which was carried on either for him or after him by E. & W. Curtis {Edward Curtis and William Curtis}. The ream wrapper reproduced here notes that the products of the Pepperell mill could be had in the warehouse of the manufacturer William Parker & Co. in Boston. It is quite possible that Hurd was ­mistaken and that the mill was built by the Boston wholesale stationer William Parker in partnership with T. L. Parker of Cambridge. William Parker refers to the Pepperell establishment as “his Paper Mill” in his advertisements, which include itemized lists of his stock on hand, mostly wrappings. References: Hurd 1890, 3:244–45; Boston Commercial Gazette, 28 Dec. 1818, 2, and 29 Nov. 1819, 3. In 1820 John M. Gibbs & Co. employed four men, five women, and two children at their Pepperell establishment, which consumed 22 tons of rags a year to manufacture “Papers of various qualities.” The number of hands employed and the amount of rags

Fig. 2.8. Pot, N.o 1. One Ream. Manufactured at Pepperell, Mass. by E. & W. Curtis. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Abel Bowen. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

consumed indicate that this was a one-vat mill. Besides this census entry, there is no evidence that Gibbs was running a mill in Pepperell at this time, when he was just starting in Waltham at Mass. Mill 24. These figures might actually apply to his Waltham mill, although it is hard to imagine how the census could have mistaken its location. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 37. In 1832 Bullard & Emerson {Bullard and Andrew Emerson} employed five men and four women in a Pepperell papermaking business capitalized at $8,000, probably this mill rather than the much larger establishment Andrew Emerson was running at the Babbitasset Falls around 1834 (and therefore not included in this directory). Bullard might be identified with a

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  107 Colonel Buttrick, who is listed as one of the owners of this mill. Equipped with a Fourdrinier, the larger mill must have required more employees and a larger investment. Emerson also owned a paper warehouse in Boston. References: Hurd 1890, 3:244–45; McLane Report, 1:350–51; Pratt 1849, 174. The mill burned down in 1841. J. A. Wilder owned it at that time, and either he or his successor rebuilt it soon thereafter. Reference: Hurd 1890, 3:244–45.

Sudbury 31.  On the Sudbury River? William May & Co. occupied a paper mill, saw mill, and grist mill in Sudbury “for several years” before offering the mills for sale or lease in 1822. They took out an advertisement noting that their property was on the Concord River, which is formed by the Sudbury River and the Assabet River. Reference: Boston Daily Advertiser, 27 July 1822, 3. Established or perhaps renovated in 1830, the Sudbury mill of Parker & Townsend had a Fourdrinier, a steam drying machine, and other machinery with an aggregate value of $4,000. Parker may have been the Boston paper merchant William Parker, who appears in a list of purchasers of Fourdrinier machines erected before 1832 by the machinists C. M. Pickering & Co. of New York (in association with or employed by Phelps & Spafford). During one year this mass-production facility consumed 250 tons of rags and made 10,400 reams worth $41,600, and yet required a workforce of only ten men and eight women. The owners reported that a third of their sales occurred in Massachusetts, the rest in southern and western states, although they also shipped consignments to Havana amounting to $3,500 a year. References: McLane Report, 1:358–59; AAD 1832, 143. William T. Parker was running the mill in 1842 when it burned down. What became of his manufacturing career, I do not know, but he remained in the distribution sector in Boston, where he had a paper warehouse in 1849. References: Munsell 1876, 108; Pratt 1849, 174.

Shirley 32.  Not located. In 1820 the partnership of Rice & Ayres (also Ayers) ran a one-vat, one-engine mill in Middlesex County, perhaps in the vicinity of Shirley. The proprietors employed six men and two boys in the manufacture of wrappings, pasteboard, and other low-grade paper products made from ropes, woolen rags, and cotton waste. They estimated their annual output to be worth $5,510. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 35. 33.  On the Catacunemaug River. Jonas Parker and his brother Thomas Parker built a small one-vat, one-engine mill at this location, probably between 1820 and 1830. Residents of Shirley, they learned the papermaking trade in Waltham and then came back to go into business for themselves. John Edgarton owned an interest in this mill. References: Chandler 1883, 53; Weeks 1916, 135. Not succeeding in this venture, the Parker brothers sold out after a few years to Lemuel Willard & Brother, who in turn sold the business to Joseph Edgarton & Company. The Edgarton firm also failed to make a profit in this mill and eventually converted it to a batting mill, which burned down in 1837. Reference: Chandler 1883, 53. 34.  Nashua River Paper Mill. On the Nashua River. Joseph Edgarton owned a cotton factory in Shirley in 1820 as well as an interest in a nearby paper mill (Mass. Mill 33). In 1828 or 1829 he built a larger paper mill, operated by Edgarton, Whitcomb & Co., and continued to invest in industrial ventures in Shirley and elsewhere. By 1832 this firm was running three cotton mills in Shirley and was planning to establish paper mills in Groton and other towns nearby, while keeping a front office or salesroom in Boston. The paper mill in Shirley employed eight men and two women in the manufacture of wrappings for sale in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Mobile, and New

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  108 Orleans. In 1833 the foreman Henry P. Howe invented a fire-drying apparatus, which was promising enough for him to leave the mill around 1836 and to start his own business in Worcester manufacturing papermaking machinery. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 34; Chandler 1883, 54; Weeks 1916, 135; McLane Report, 1:350–51; AAD 1831, 18; AAD 1832, 248; Burke 1847, 85. After Howe departed, the mill was reconfigured and expanded to accommodate four new engines in addition to the four already in use. The mill passed into other hands before it burned down in 1837. It was rebuilt on the same site around 1842 and was replaced in the 1850s by a new building, which also went up in flames and was then converted to woolen manufactures. References: Chandler 1883, 55; Weeks 1916, 135.

Addendum William Coolidge of Boston purchased several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1805 and 1811. He was perhaps a wholesale stationer acting on behalf of papermakers in the vicinity, but he had some manufacturing interests, enough at least to have patented a paper-polishing machine in 1808. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Mar. 1805: vellum super royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 May 1811: laid double cap; Burke 1847, 86. cc

Worcester County Millbury 35.  On an outlet of Singletary Lake (originally known as Crooked Pond), a part of Sutton, Massachusetts, until it was transferred to Millbury in 1813. Around 1761 Captain Abijah Burbank settled in Sutton, Massachusetts, where he ran a fulling mill and powder mill before the Revolutionary War. He built a paper mill here in 1775 or 1776, in response to a resolution of Worcester County delegates promising to support such an undertaking with “generous con-

tributions and subscriptions.” The Worcester printer Isaiah Thomas endorsed the resolution in the 5 July 1775 Massachusetts Spy, where he published a notice soliciting the services of a millwright and foreman. Burbank began on a fairly large scale for his day, with a mill containing two vats and two engines, powered by a breast wheel, capable of producing 1,500 pounds a week. He was able to display samples of coarse paper in June 1776, but the mill was not fully operational until 1778, when he announced that he had obtained a qualified superintendent and promised to supply paper as good and cheap as the products of other Massachusetts mills. References: Sedgley 1928, 65; Crane 1887, 120–21; Nichols 1900, 435; Leonard 1950, 490–91. For the sum of £600 Captain Burbank sold the mill and some properties in Sutton in 1783 to his sons Major General Caleb Burbank and Elijah Burbank. He then went to Vermont, where his son Abijah Burbank Jr. founded a mill in Sharon (Vt. Mill 7). In 1795 Jeremiah Smith Boies complained that the Burbanks had been paying too much for rags and had not sent a representative to meet with other Massachusetts papermakers to decide on “general Customs in the different Mills.” References: Sedgley 1928, 65; McMurtrie 1929, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 June 1789: double foolscap and demy, ordered by Isaiah Thomas and both watermarked C & EB; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 July 1792: double pott laid, ordered by Isaiah Thomas and watermarked CEB. CEB [laid] — ms., Stratford, Conn., 1794 (AAS); ms., Brookfield, Mass., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 220). C & E | BURBANK = arms of Massachusetts [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 172–73). CEB in single surround [laid] — ms., Bridgewater, Mass., 1798 (AAS). E | BURBANK = arms of Massachusetts [laid] — At the General Assembly of . . . Rhode Island [May 1798] (Warren, R.I.: Printed by Nathaniel Phillips, 1798; PPL). BURBANK [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 164).

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  109 Elijah Burbank probably relinquished his share in the business by 1799, when he went to Worcester to take over the Isaiah Thomas paper mill (Mass. Mill 36). Caleb Burbank then continued on his own, apparently with some success in this and other business affairs. He was active in state politics, rose to high rank in the state militia, and built a mansion overlooking the town where he was known as “the richest man in Millbury.” He installed a cylinder machine in 1828 and a rag cutter in 1830, machinery valued at $500 in 1832, when he employed five men, one boy, and seven women to manufacture 5,100 reams a year worth $9,900. Then capitalized at $12,000, the establishment was said to have been founded in 1796, perhaps when he took over the mill or rebuilt it. His nephew Gardner Burbank may have worked here between 1829 and 1835. Like many other manufacturers, he became involved in the financial turmoil preceding the Panic of 1837, apparently by endorsing notes of colleagues who failed and whose creditors then called on him to discharge the protested notes. In 1834 he assigned his property to his creditors, who conveyed it to new proprietors in 1836. In other hands, the mill remained in operation until the Civil War. References: Kayser 1823, 114; McLane Report, 1:516–17; Crane 1887, 122–23; Sedgley 1928, 115–17; Weeks 1916, 137; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Nov. 1800: pott, watermarked CB, ordered by Isaiah Thomas. Crossed arrows in a single surround [laid] — ms., Springfield, Mass., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 97).

Fig. 2.9. One Ream. Caleb Burbank, Millbury, (Mass.). Letterpress ream label. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

(AAS); ms., Stockbridge, Mass., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 98; lacking Massachusetts arms watermark?); mss., Blue Hill, Mass. or Me., 1811, and n.p., 1813 (AAS; lacking Massachusetts arms watermark?); ms., Blue Hill, Mass. or Me., 1821 (AAS; deteriorated watermark; lacking crossed arrows countermark?). C BURBANK = arms of Massachusetts in escutcheon | M [laid] — ms., n.p., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 165–67). CALEB BURBANK [laid] — ms., Cambridge, Mass., 1824 (AAS).

Addendum

C BURBANK | 1803 = arms of Massachusetts in escutcheon [laid] — ms., Dandridge, Tenn., 1804 (­Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 168–69); ms., n.p., 1820 (AAS; countermark only, lacking Massachusetts arms watermark).

Elijah Burbank acquired a mill in or near Sutton, which he sold to his sons Gardner Burbank and General Leonard Burbank in 1834. Reference: Sedgley 1928, 117, 216.

C BURBANK | 1804 = arms of Massachusetts in escutcheon [laid] — mss., York, Me., 1804, and Norwich, Conn., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 170–71); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS; lacks half sheet with Massachusetts arms watermark).

Worcester

Crossed arrows in a double surround = arms of Mas­ sachusetts in escutcheon | M [laid] — blank sheet

36.  On the Blackstone River in Quinsigamond ­Village. Isaiah Thomas purchased land at this location in 1793 and built a paper mill here in 1794, probably because his extensive printing operations required more than the Burbanks could supply with the products of Mass.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  110 Mill 35. The American Antiquarian Society has in its Isaiah Thomas Papers the account book of the mill, 1794–1796, as well as the first sheet of writing paper made at the mill, finished on 1 August 1794. Thomas manufactured his own wove paper for his edition of Charlotte Smith’s Elegiac Sonnets (Worcester, 1795). On behalf of other Massachusetts mill owners, Jeremiah Smith Boies scolded Thomas in 1795, complaining that he had been paying too much for rags and that he had not met with them to decide on “general Customs in the different Mills.” Thomas’s mill was originally a two-vat establishment, employing ten men and eleven women. References: Crane 1887, 127–28; Sedgley 1928, 65; McMurtrie 1929, 3; Nichols 1900, 436; Shipton 1948, 63; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: double cap and pott, ordered by Isaiah Thomas, both watermarked IT; Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Feb. 1797: demy and medium, purchased by Thomas & Andrews. IT [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 499); printed doc., Leicester, Mass., dated in type 17__ and dated in ms. 1800 (AAS). IT | 1794 [wove, with watermarked guide lines for writing] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1802 (AAS).

In 1798 Thomas sold the mill to Caleb Burbank and Elijah Burbank. Elijah moved to Worcester and managed their business there under his own name and then on his own account when he bought out his brother in 1811. Reference: Crane 1887, 127–28. E BURBANK | 1803 = arms of Massachusetts [laid] — ms., Kent County, R.I., 1804 (AAS); printed doc., Greenwich, Mass., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 176; countermark only, lacking Massachusetts arms watermark?). E BURBANK | 1804 = arms of Massachusetts | M [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); John Marriott, Poems (New Bedford, Mass.: Re-printed by A. Shearman, jun., 1805; NYHS); James Strong, A Geographical Chart of the American Federal Republic (Walpole, N.H.: Printed at the Press of Thomas and Thomas, by Geo. W. Nichols, [1805?]; PPL broadside); ms., Boston, Mass., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 177–78).

Fig. 2.10. Pot, No. I. Elijah Burbank, Worcester. Letterpress ream wrapper, ca. 1812. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

E | BURBANK [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 174).

Elijah Burbank brought his son Gardner Burbank into the business before 1820, though on what terms, it is hard to ascertain. According to Crane, Gardner had allocated for his use one engine and one vat where he manufactured wrappings in partnership with one Belknap. The 1820 census report on this mill originally listed him as the proprietor, but then added the name of Elijah Burbank in another hand. The census may corroborate Crane’s account of the Burbanks’ busi-

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  111 ness arrangements, in that it describes a mill of three vats, three engines, and three presses, perhaps two of each run by the father and one of each run by the son. Ten men, eight women, and ten children worked in this establishment, with an annual output valued at $17,160 but with minimal profits because of the recent glut of low-priced imported papers. The “upper part” of the mill burned down in 1827, additional evidence that there were two papermaking operations on the same premises. If Gardner was making wrappings on machinery configured for this purpose, that might explain why no watermarks have been found with his name. He patented an improvement in papermaking in 1826, possibly a new type of cylinder machine. Isaac Burbank, son of Abijah Burbank, patented an improvement in papermaking in 1824 while a resident of Worcester; possibly he too was experimenting with

cylinder machines. References: Sedgley 1928, 66, 117– 18; Crane 1887, 128; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 56; Kayser 1823, 114; Burke 1847, 85–86; Weeks 1916, 178. E BURBANK [wove] — ms., Sutton, Mass., 1821 (AAS); ms., [Fitchburg?, Mass.?], 1822 (AAS); ms., Worcester, Mass., ca. 1810–1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 175).

In 1832 Elijah Burbank was running the mill under his own name, manufacturing writings, printings, and wrappings, with an annual output valued at $20,000, half for sale in New York City, the rest in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. He employed eight men, nine women, and a boy in an establishment capitalized at $30,000, with machinery valued at $300. He failed in 1834, and his papermaking machinery, including an “entirely new” cylinder machine made by Phelps & Spafford, was sold by the sheriff in 1835—possibly to new proprietors constituted as the Quinsigamond Paper Company, which was carrying on the business as of 1836. References: Sedgley 1928, 216; McLane Report, 1:568–69; Weeks 1916, 138; Boston Courier, 4 Apr. 1835; Lincoln 1837, 321.

Leominster 37.  Not located.

Fig. 2.11. Pot Paper. 1 Ream. Elijah Burbank, Worcester, Mass. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Abel Bowen. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Nichols & Kendall {William Nichols and Jonas Kendall} built a one-vat paper mill in Leominster in 1796, employing Samuel Crocker as a vatman. Beginning at age eight, his son Alvah Crocker worked there as an apprentice under the supervision of Israel Nichols. At an early date this firm may have been operating as Kendall & Carter, a name I have encountered only in ream labels (one at MWA, another advertised for sale in 2003 by De Wolfe and Wood Rare Books, Alfred, Maine). The mill burned down in 1810 but was rebuilt. Kendall may have also been involved in textile ventures, having patented in 1817 a method for bleaching cotton and linen yarn. References: Crane 1887, 128–29; Hunter 1950, 281; Kirkpatrick 1971, 1:170; Wheelwright & Kean 1957, 3–36; Burke 1847, 100.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  112 ducing $65,000 to $70,000 worth of paper per year in the early 1850s. His main office was in Boston. References: Wilder 1853, 126; Pratt 1849, 174. 38.  Dove Mill. Some distance below Mass. Mill 37.

Fig. 2.12. American Manufacture. Kendall & Carter, Leominster [Mass.]. Fools-Cap. Letterpress ream label. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

N & K [laid] — ms., n.p., ca. 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 722); printed doc., Hillsborough County, N.H., dated in type 180_ and in ms. 1811 (AAS).

Kendall was operating the mill on his own by 1820, when it contained two vats and produced goods worth $8,000 a year. However, only one vat was in operation at that time due to slack demand, the competition of low-priced imported papers, and the scarcity of hard currency. In 1823 Kayser’s Commercial Directory listed it as a one-vat mill. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 71; Kayser 1823, 114. KENDALL [wove] — ms., U.S.S. Independence, 1826 (AAS); ms., Boston, Mass., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 630).

By 1825 the firm had installed a cylinder machine and was operating as J. Kendall & Sons. In 1833 the Kendalls upgraded their facilities once again and acquired a small Fourdrinier, probably made by Phelps & Spafford, whose ledgers record several small transactions with the Kendall company in 1834. J. G. & J. H. Ken­dall of Leominster took out a patent for bleaching paper in 1846. References: Hunter 1950, 281; Burke 1847, 100; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834. In 1845 the mill was acquired by Edward Crehore, who installed a steam engine and new machinery, pro-

Nichols & Kendall {William Nichols and Jonas Kendall} built a second mill at this location in 1801, and Nichols became sole proprietor in 1804, when the principals renegotiated or dissolved their partnership. Reference: Wilder 1853, 126. Andrew J. Allen purchased the mill from Nichols in 1818, not a very onerous investment since it had only one vat at that time. His advertisements mention the “uncommon pains taken in pressing and finishing” his products, mainly writings but also drawings, printings, filter paper, blotting paper, cartridge paper, and “Log Book fine Blue Demy and Foolscap.” In 1834 Allen & Co. of Boston ordered moulds with a dove watermark. References: Hunter 1950, 281; Kayser 1823, 114; [Boston, Mass.] American Federalist Columbian ­Centinel, 15 Oct. 1823, 4; Sellers Order Book, 27 Oct. 1834: refacing post moulds watermarked ALLEN (?) and bird; Schreyer 1988, 22. ALLEN = dove facing right [wove] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 25–26); ms., [Newbury?], Rockingham County [N.H.?], 1823 (AAS). ALLEN [laid] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1821 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 24); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS). Dove [wove] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 326). ALLEN = dove facing left with head turned back [wove] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); ms., Worcester, Mass., 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 27; lacking half sheet with ALLEN countermark).

The mill stopped sometime before 1850, when Allen sold the water privilege to someone who built a grist mill and an oil mill on the premises. Reference: Wilder 1853, 126.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  113

Fig. 2.13. Kendall & Sons, Leominster, Mass. Detail of a ream wrapper, engraved by William S. Pendleton after a design by J. Kendall, ca. 1825. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

39.  Two hundred rods upstream from Mass. Mill 37. Caleb Leland ( Jr.?) built a one-vat mill at this location in 1802 and then sold it to Edward Simmons in 1807. Still a single-vat mill, it belonged to William Simmons in 1823. References: Wilder 1853, 126–27; Kayser 1823, 114. In 1836 the Simmons family sold the mill to William T. Parker, who was still running it in the early 1850s, manufacturing about $14,000 worth of paper per year. Reference: Wilder 1853, 127. Fig. 2.14. J. Kendall & Sons, Leominster, Mass. Detail of a letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving after a design by J. Kendall. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

40.  Next to Mass. Mill 37. In 1828 J. Kendall & Sons purchased a carding and woolen factory next to their mill and converted it to paper manufacture. It was still in operation in 1851, when another papermaking establishment was being built on the same stream. The McLane Report calls for

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  114

Fig. 2.15. Dove Mill, Leominster, (Mass.) Worcester County. Letterpress ream wrapper, ca. 1827. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

three paper mills in Leominster in 1832, although four appear to have been in business at that time. Twenty men and thirty women worked in these three establishments, which represented an investment of $20,000 in fixed capital and $2,000 in machinery. References: Wilder 1853, 127; McLane Report, 1:504–5.

Fitchburg 41.  On the Nashua River, eighty rods downstream from Mass. Mill 42. Thomas French, a blacksmith, built a mill at this location in 1804, possibly under a contract with Jonas

Marshall Jr., who sold the property to two papermakers in June 1807: Edward Simmons of Dorchester and Solomon Dwinnell Jr. of Sutton. Dwinnell must have been working at the Burbank mill (Mass. Mill 35). Reference: Crane 1887, 129. In September 1807 Simmons and Dwinnell sold the mill to Elijah Burbank, who then sold it in February 1808 to his son Leonard Burbank for $2,500. Reference: Crane 1887, 129. In 1820 Leonard Burbank employed three men, three women, and two children at this mill, its one vat consuming 20 tons of rags a year. He complained that the market was “dull” due to an onslaught of imports and the “stagnation of business.” The mill burned down in 1823 but was promptly rebuilt. Samuel Crocker and his son Alvah Crocker worked there as journeymen in 1824. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 71; Kayser 1823, 114; Kirkpatrick 1971, 1:124; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 23 Jan. 1823, 1. Already in a parlous state, Burbank’s business failed in 1835, about the same time his uncle Caleb Burbank defaulted on his debts. Alvah Crocker purchased the mill and installed a drying cylinder and a cutting machine to operate alongside a papermaking machine (probably a cylinder) supplied by two engines. In 1836 the firm Crocker & Gardner was manufacturing wrapping grades in this establishment. References: Kirkpatrick 1971, 1:172; Torrey 1836, 11. In 1850 Alvah Crocker formed the firm of Crocker, Burbank & Co. with Gardner S. Burbank, son of Silas Burbank, proprietor of Vt. Mill 15. In 1882 Crocker, Burbank & Co. were operating six mills in Fitchburg, one of them supplying pulp for the others. References: Sedgley 1928, 220; Wheelwright & Kean 1957, 13; Lockwood 1882, 46. 42.  On the Nashua River, one and a half miles west of Fitchburg Village. After working for Leonard Burbank in Mass. Mill 41, Alvah Crocker built a mill at this location in 1826 at the cost of $12,000 for the building and $10,000 for the machinery. References: Wheelwright & Kean 1957, 7; Torrey 1836, 10.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  115 After a flood destroyed the mill in 1829, Crocker rebuilt it on a larger scale and equipped it with a Fourdrinier machine purchased from Phelps & Spafford, who charged him $2,000 for the Fourdrinier, $1,000 for a drying machine, and about $100 for a cutting machine. In 1832 Crocker & Co. employed six men and three women to manufacture writing, printing, and wrapping grades for sale in Boston and New York, their annual output valued at $12,000. The establishment was said to have been capitalized at $8,000 and to contain machinery worth $600. For the later history of this firm, see Mass. Mill 41. References: Kirkpatrick 1971, 1:171; McLane Report, 1:486–87. 43.  Not located. In 1832 Dickinson & Goulding operated a mill in Fitchburg, where they employed five men in the manufacture of wrappings worth $5,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:486–87.

Athol 44.  Not located. Eliab Thorp left Mass. Mill 12 in 1813 to begin his own business in Athol, where he or Eliphalet Thorp built a one-vat mill sometime before 1820. At that time Eliphalet Thorp was employing four men, three women, and two children to manufacture foolscap and pot writings, demy and royal printings, and various wrappings, with an annual output valued at $6,000. In 1820 he reported that demand for his products had declined during the last two years and that his inventory included a large amount of goods one year old and some two years old. In 1832 he employed four men and three women in an establishment capitalized at $4,500, with machinery valued at $500. At that time the mill was making writings, printings, and wrappings, but mostly printings for sale in the New England area. He installed a small papermaking machine, probably a cylinder, in 1835. He retired in 1856, leaving the mill in the hands of his sons, who ran it until 1863. Yale University Library has

Fig. 2.16. Paper Manufactory. Athol. . . . Mass. Eliphalet Thorp. One Ream. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

an account book in which he recorded production figures between 1825 and 1845. References: Smith 1970, 38–39, 48; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 78; Kayser 1823, 114; McLane Report, 1:474–75.

Harvard 45.  Not located. In 1832 Whitcombe & Stacy employed three men in the manufacture of paper to be sold in Boston. They estimated that their total production for a year would be worth $3,500; given that small amount, they might have been making wrapping grades. Reference: McLane Report, 1:494–95.

Hardwick 46.  Not located. The paper mill of Dickinson & Merrick shared its building with a saw mill and a grist mill belonging to

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  116 another firm. In 1833 a fire broke out in the drying loft and consumed the entire building, inflicting uninsured losses of $2,000 on the papermaking side of the business. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 29 Jan. 1833, 3.

Addendum The Census of 1810 calls for seven paper mills in this county, only six of which can be accounted for in my listing. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 9. cc

Hampden County Springfield 47.  Mill River? In 1786 Samuel Babcock was making writings, wrappings, cartridge paper, and newsprint in a mill at this location, either in partnership with or succeeded by John Babcock, who purchased moulds in 1793. Samuel Babcock was in New Haven when he died in 1790. References: Green 1888, 347; Weeks 1916, 85; Hunter 1952, 143; [New Haven, Conn.] Connecticut Journal, 25 Aug. 1790, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, Sept. 1793: double cap and demy. According to some sources, Eleazer Wright built a paper mill at this location prior to 1788, although the McLane Report states that the first Springfield mill was established in 1791. References: Weeks 1916, 85; Hunter 1952, 168; McLane Report, 1:96–97, 288–89. Nathaniel Patten either owned or managed the Springfield mill while he was running a bookstore in Hartford, where he settled sometime after selling his share in Mass. Mill 15 in 1781. He sold paper to the state of Connecticut in that year. Keith Arbour has discovered an advertisement for rags in a 1793 almanac published by Patten, who was collecting them for this mill. Also in 1793 Patten announced that he was seeking a journeyman to work in the Springfield establishment. A local newspaper reported that it burned down

in 1794 and that his losses were estimated at £250—not enough to drive him out of business, however, for he purchased moulds later in that year and in the following year. References: Baldwin 1908, 41; Conn. Public Records, 3:488; [Hartford, Conn.] American Mercury, 12 Aug. 1793, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Apr. 1794: double pott; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 July 1795: demy; [Stockbridge, Mass.] Western Star, 11 Feb. 1794, 3. N PATTEN = plow in triple surround surmounted by a crown [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1795, and Greenfield, Mass., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 790–91); blank sheet (AAS).

If Hunter is correct, David Ames purchased the mill in 1800, but Hunter may have garbled the account of Weeks, who noted merely that Ames purchased a Springfield mill built about 1800. It is more likely that he purchased his first mill in or after 1802. Trained as a gunsmith, Ames came to Springfield in 1794 to manage the armory but decided that his mechanical skills would be more profitably engaged in the paper trade. He was far enough along in 1806 to advertise for rags and to post job openings for apprentice boys. He enlarged the mill and purchased others in the vicinity, so that by 1820 he employed twenty-four men and forty-five children in establishments containing six vats and consuming 70 tons of rags a year. He or his representative claimed to manufacture “mostly best Superfine hot prest letter paper” with some success, but expressed disappointment in the current state of the trade, depressed by a glut of imported goods, which also caused a scarcity of specie. In 1818 Ames was selling letter paper to the Carey firm at the premium price of $5 a ream. References: Weeks 1916, 125; Hunter 1950, 265; [Springfield, Mass.] Hampshire Federalist, 7 Oct. 1806, 4; Hounshell 1984, 33; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 104; Kayser 1823, 114; Carey Papers, 31:5128; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 Mar. 1804: double cap, watermarked D AMES; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Apr. 1804: demy, watermarked D AMES. D AMES [laid] — ms., West Springfield, Mass., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 30); The Koran (Spring-

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  117 field, Mass.: Printed by Henry Brewer, for Isaiah Thomas, Jun., 1806; MWiW-C). D AMES [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1814, and Norfolk, Va., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 31, 32); ms., Essex County, Mass., 1820 (AAS). D AMES | 1815 [wove] — Wilson Cary Nicholas, Richmond, May 30th, 1816. Sir, By a Resolution of the General Assembly of Virginia, the President and Directors of the Literary Fund are Requested to Digest and Report a System of Public Education ([Richmond, Va.: s.n., 1816]; DLC); ms., Boston, Mass., 1816 (AAS); ms., Hartford, Conn., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 37). D. AMES = Britannia in triple surround [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 33–34). D AMES = dove [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 35–36); ms., Boston [Mass.?], after March 1822 (AAS); ms., William Bouch to William Learned Marcy, 1824 (MWiW-C); Circular, the Medical Department of the Columbian College in the District of Columbia ([Washington, D.C.: s.n., 1825]; DLC). D AMES [laid; lettering in modern style] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1825 (NYHS).

The firm began doing business as D. & J. Ames around 1823, when David Ames took into partnership his sons David Ames Jr. and John Ames. John Ames patented a cylinder machine in 1822 after trying and failing to obtain information about Thomas Gilpin’s cylinder in the Brandywine Paper Mill (Del. Mill 1). By 1824 he was making newsprint on his cylinder machine and selling it to the proprietor of the recently founded Springfield Republican, Samuel Bowles, who complained that it was “too thin and too hard.” Ames sold at least two cylinders to other papermakers and tried to collect royalties from those who had obtained similar models elsewhere. After Gilpin’s patent expired in 1830, he succeeded in asserting his patent rights in court, even though his competitors had gathered evidence disproving the originality of his invention (and Gilpin’s as well). However, the litigation gained them some time, and John Ames’s patent expired before he could corner the market for cylinder machines. He

Fig. 2.17. One Ream Superfine Vellum Post. David Ames. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

also patented other manufacturing improvements, including a cutting machine, sizing techniques, and methods for preparing rags. References: Sellers Letter Book, 29 July 1823; Samuel Bowles to Owen & Hurlbut, 20 Sept. 1824, Hurlbut Papers; Burke 1847, 85; Bidwell 1992, 293–96. In 1832 the firm of D. & J. Ames was operating three mills with seventeen engines, employing 54 men, 122 women, and 6 boys to manufacture 39,324 reams in a year valued at $150,000. Among other observations recorded in the McLane Report, the proprietors noted that prices had declined steadily since 1824 because of improved machinery, cheaper raw materials, and greater competition at home and abroad. They were particularly concerned about imports of tissue and banknote papers and suggested that higher duties may not be as effective a remedy as legal protections against dumping surplus goods on the American market. They sent most of their exports to South America. At the height of their prosperity, the Ames brothers were

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  118 running sixteen engines in five paper mills consuming three tons of rags a day. References: McLane Report, 1:96–97, 288–89; Weeks 1916, 125. Overextended perhaps, D. & J. Ames failed during the Panic of 1837. Their Springfield mill passed into the hands of Greenleaf & Taylor and burned down sometime thereafter. Reference: Weeks 1916, 126. 48.  Mill River? Lathrop & Willard built a four-engine mill “10 miles above this place” sometime before 1825. Reference: Green 1888, 389–90. L & W [wove] — mss., Windham, Conn., 1821, and Richmond, Va., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 652); printed doc., Washington, D.C., 1828 (AAS). LATHROP & WILLARD [wove] — ms. Princeton, N.J., 1828 (Wall Papers, folder 19); ms., Dedham, Mass., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 655); ms., Newton, Mass., 1836 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller were not aware of this firm but may have been correct in conjecturing some relationship with Howard & Lathrop, proprietors of Mass. Mill 55.

a hot press in 1819, when it was advertised for sale by Joshua Frost and Daniel C. Brewer. The proprietors employed the hot press in the manufacture of writing grades, which they could make to advantage with pure water supplied by a nearby spring. Around 1826 the mill passed into the hands of David Ames, who then installed one of the cylinder machines developed by his son John Ames. Along with Mass. Mill 46, this establishment became part of the Ames family’s sprawling manufacturing complex, designed to exploit their version of the cylinder machine. David Ames sold the water privilege to the Chicopee Manufacturing Company, probably when he was caught short by the Panic of 1837. However, his sons D. & J. Ames continued to operate the mill, specializing in writing grades, until 1853, when it was acquired by the Chicopee Manufacturing Company. Beginning around 1836, the Ames brothers marked many of their writing papers with their name in blind embossed crests. References: Holland 1855, 2:45; Boston Patriot & Daily Mercantile Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1819, 4; Pratt 1849, 174; Nickell 1993, 203–6. cc

Essex County

Chicopee

Andover

49.  On the Chicopee River, formerly part of Springfield.

50.  On the Shawshin River, near to where it flows into the Merrimack River.

William Bowman, Benjamin Cox, and Lemuel Cox built a mill at this location in or after 1806. The mill appears to have been managed by Benjamin Cox, who was residing in Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1818, when he patented an improvement in preparing rags. References: Holland 1855, 2:45; Burke 1847, 87.

Samuel Phillips built a gunpowder mill at this location in the winter of 1775–1776, but after some explosions and fatalities, he decided to convert the establishment to the manufacture of paper. The mill was managed for him by Thomas Houghton Jr., son of Thomas Houghton Sr., who has the distinction of running the first steam engine in a paper mill, at Sutton, near Hull, England. The Houghtons were obliged to begin bankruptcy proceedings in 1788, just after they installed the machine, built by Boulton & Watt. Their investment in steam power probably brought them down, although one source says that they failed because of tax litiga-

B COX [wove; in script] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 271).

Sometime around 1819 Bowman and the Coxes sold out to Chauncey Brewer and Joshua Frost of Springfield. The mill contained two vats, two engines, and

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  119 tion. At any rate, the younger Thomas Houghton must have emigrated immediately and found a position with Phillips as soon as he arrived. The powder mill was still in operation at that time, so Phillips built a new mill at his expense, with the understanding that he would not pay Houghton a salary or charge rent for the facilities, but that they would share the profits equally. They probably finished the new mill in late 1789, since Houghton complained in July 1791 that he had run up debts with Phillips after having been in business just over a year. Forty feet square, the main building contained two engines and two vats (one for printings and writings, the other for wrappings) as well as a rag room on the second floor. The drying loft, finishing room, and sizing kettle were in an adjacent building, 80 by 24 feet, not far from a third building used as a warehouse for rags and paper ready for shipment. Phillips moved the equipment for boiling size into a separate structure (no doubt because it was a fire hazard) sometime before November 1796, when he insured the mill for $2,500 and its stock in trade for $2,500. References: Bailey 1880, 580–85; Maxted 1985, 13; INA policies 231 and 232, 16 Nov. 1796; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 June 1789: double foolscap, watermarked ANDOVER in double surround; [Walpole, N.H.] Farmer’s Weekly Museum, 25 Apr. 1797, 3. ANDOVER [laid; in double surround] — ms., n.p., 1782 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 93); ms., Boston, Mass., 1793 (AAS). ANDOVER [laid] — mss., Salem, Mass., 1793, and Mass., 1793 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 94, 95). Note: The date Gravell & Miller assign to their wmk 93 is difficult to accept because the Andover mill was not in operation until 1789.

Houghton became a partner in the firm in 1795, probably having paid off his debts by then. One of his sons took over the management of the mill after he retired. Charles Bunce was superintendent of the mill for four years before he established his own mill in Manchester (Conn. Mill 11). After Phillips died in 1802, his son Colonel John Phillips took his place in the firm. Turnover

Fig. 2.18. Andover. Ream label. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

in the management of the mill caused some distress to a local printer, who complained that he “formerly purchased his paper with rags, but the Paper­maker having broke and ran off, nothing but money will buy paper now. His rags he must keep, and rags he must wear, if obliged to plead much longer in vain.” The Census of 1810 stated that the mill had made 4,611 reams in a year, worth $10,300; at that rate of production, both vats were still in operation. The mill burned down in 1811 and was rebuilt. At that time it was being operated by Stedman & Prentiss, “industrious young men . . . in a very humble and distressing situation.” Stedman was probably Ebenezer Stedman, formerly a tenant of Mass. Mill 2. The Andover mill went down during the summer of 1813, leaving a Haverhill printer in such desperate straits that he hijacked a shipment of paper from one of the New Hampshire manufactories. References: Bailey 1880, 585; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 9; [Haverhill, Mass.] Merrimack Intelligencer, 11 Nov. 1809, and 10

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  120 Aug. 1811; [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 31 Aug. 1813, 4. It is unclear what happened to the mill after John Phillips died in 1820. The 1820 census return does not survive, although statistics about the mill appear in the Census Digest of 1823, where it was noted that only one of two vats was in operation. Nine men, five women, and two children were employed in the manufacture of writings and printings—and perhaps also some wrappings, given that the mill consumed 6 tons of junk yearly as well as 30 tons of rags. Amos Blanchard had an interest in the mill in 1824, when his nephew Abel Blanchard came to work for him. Two years later Abel Blanchard bought out his uncle and formed a partnership with Daniel Poor, another professional papermaker, formerly employed in Mass. Mill 9. Mary Rhinelander McCarl has found documents in the Massachusetts Historical Society showing that Peter Chardon Brooks sold the mill property for $22,000 to Abraham Marland of Andover in 1828. Brooks also assigned to Marland the lease by which Blanchard was entitled to carry on the papermaking business in this establishment. The firm of Poor & Blanchard continued to rent it as late as 1832, when they employed four men and eight women to produce goods worth $15,000 per annum. They quit within a year or two, unable or unwilling to compete with nearby machine mills. In 1835 Blanchard sold out to John Marland, who used the property for woolen manufactures. References: Bailey 1880, 585; Essex Institute Historical Collections 50 (1914): 49; McLane Report, 1:212–13.

sold him machinery in 1833 to the amount of $1,301.34. In 1836 the mill employed twelve hands. References: McLane Report, 1:242–43; Newhall 1836, 191; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834.

Middleton 52.  Oak Dale Mill. On or near the Ipswich River. The son of a Salem shipping master, Francis Peabody inherited the means to invest in several manufacturing ventures. He was an avid student of the practical sciences and sought to employ recent technological innovations in a wide range of industrial pursuits. He was a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and, briefly, president of the Essex Institute. Among other ventures, he owned interests in a whale-oil candle-making firm and a lead mill in Salem, producing the prime ingredient of lead paint. He had grand plans for this paper mill, which he built from the bottom up on land he purchased in Middleton in 1832, a five-acre tract with water rights included. Fully mechanized, looking more like a factory than a mill house, the Oak Dale establishment contained a Fourdrinier and heated drying cylinders constructed by Phelps & Spafford. In 1836 F. Peabody & Co. was said to be running “the largest establishment of the kind in the country.” He sold it to Zenas and Luther Crane in 1843. References: Essex Institute Historical Collections 9, pt. 2 (1868): 43–80, and 99 (1963): 343; New­ hall 1836, 194; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834; [Salem, Mass.] Salem Gazette, 11 Oct. 1833, 2.

Methuen 51.  Not located. After working in Mass. Mill 7, Adolphus Durant became the proprietor of this establishment in or before 1832, when he employed five men and seven women in the manufacture of goods worth $14,000 a year. At that time he appraised his fixed capital at $7,000 and his machinery at $6,000, which might have included a Fourdrinier constructed by Phelps & Spafford, who

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Hampshire County Amherst 53.  On the Mill River. A one-vat mill was established here in 1795 by one Rowe, perhaps in association with William Lyman, whose address is given in the Sellers ledgers as “Northampton County Massachusetts.” This is not the only instance

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  121

Fig. 2.19. One Ream. Fine Vellum Cap. F. Peabody & Co., Salem, Mass., Oak Dale. Ream wrapper, engraved by George Girdler Smith. Collection of Rare Book School, Charlottesville, Virginia.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  122 of geographical guesswork on the part of the clerks in the Sellers firm. References: Hunter 1950, 233; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 Sept. 1794 and 20 Sept. 1794: demy, double crown wrapping, and double cap, sold to William Lyman. Reuben Roberts and one Cox purchased the mill from Rowe around 1807. In 1809 Reuben’s brother Ephraim Roberts acquired Cox’s interest in the business, which henceforth operated as E. & R. Roberts. One of the firm’s ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. The Census of 1820 does not name the proprietors of this mill, a modest concern employing six men, nine women, and five children at one vat, one engine, a glazing machine, and two presses. Although it contained a bare minimum of machinery, it was operating at full capacity and consumed 20 tons of rags a year to manufacture foolscap, demy, medium, and royal papers valued at $5,000. In 1832 the firm employed seven men and seven women, their annual output valued at $6,000. The McLane Report states that the mill was founded in 1810, perhaps meaning that the mill was rebuilt at that date. References: Carpenter 1896, 573; Hunter 1950, 233–35; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 119; McLane Report, 1:298–99. Manning and William Roberts carried on the family firm, though under what name, I cannot ascertain. Reference: Hunter 1950, 233. In 1849 the firm of S. Roberts & Co. was producing 20,000 reams a year of straw, board, and wrapping papers at a mill in North Amherst, perhaps not the same as the E. & R. Roberts mill. Reference: Pratt 1849, 174. In 1882 W. L. Roberts was making straw wrappings on cylinder machines in two mills, one of them idle, in North Amherst. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 51.

Northampton

ers Moulds Finished, 22 May 1795: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1800: double cap. In 1817 William Butler sold the mill to his brother Daniel Butler, who had been running a variety store in Northampton. In 1820 Daniel Butler employed five men, two boys, and five girls in the manufacture of letter, printing, and brown papers at a single vat consuming 20 tons of rags a year. He estimated that $10,000 capital would be needed to run this mill profitably. In 1832 six men and eleven women were working in his establishment, capitalized at $6,000, its annual output valued at $9,000. The McLane Report notes that the mill was founded in 1798. References: Trumbull 1898, 2:482, 526; Census of 1820, reel 2, items 110, 111; McLane Report, 1:308–9. D BUTLER | NH [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1823 (AAS); mss., New York, N.Y., 1823, and Boston, Mass., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 179). NH | DB [wove] — ms., William Learned Marcy to Ephraim Starr, New York, N.Y., 1825 (MWiW-C). DB | NH [wove] — ms., New Haven, Conn., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 290). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute watermarks 179 and 290 to the Butler family’s mills in Connecticut; but the watermarks are too late to have been made for Daniel Butler of Hartford, who died in 1812. In this case the NH initials may refer to Northampton instead of New Haven.

The embossed stamp of the Eagle Mills of Northampton appears in paper dated 1847. After Daniel Butler died in 1849, the mill passed into the hands of William Clark. References: Nickell 1993, 205; Trumbull 1898, 2:526.

54.  Paper Mill Village.

South Hadley Falls

After serving his time in the shop of Hudson & Goodwin in Hartford, the printer William Butler came to Northampton in 1786 and established a newspaper, which he supplied with newsprint from a paper mill he built in 1795. References: Trumbull 1898, 2:481; Sell-

55.  Canal Village. Howard & Lathrop {Charles Howard and Wells Lathrop} built a paper mill at this location in 1825. The proprietors of a dry goods store in Springfield, they

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  123 probably invested in the papermaking trade after witnessing the accomplishments of their neighbors David and John Ames. They installed a cylinder machine closely resembling the model developed by the Ameses, who successfully sued them for the infringement of John Ames’s patent. By that time, 1833, Howard & Lathrop were operating a second machine different enough in its design that they could claim that it was not covered by the patent. They also purchased cylinder equipment from the Sellers firm, which had been conferring with them and other papermakers on ways to evade the Ameses’ attempts to control cylinder technology. In 1832 they employed twenty men and thirty women in an establishment capitalized at $13,500 and equipped with machinery valued at $5,000. They estimated that their annual output was worth $60,000. Their H & L initials appear in an embossed stamp in paper dated 1840. Joseph Carew managed the mill from 1830 until it closed in 1847. References: Ames v. Howard, 1 Fed. Cas. 755, No. 326 (C.C.D. Mass. 1833); McLane Report, 1:294–95; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 14 Feb. 1834, 3; George Bliss to C. M. Owen, 3 May 1834, Hurlbut Papers; Sellers Order Book, 6 Aug. 1834: cylinder machine; Nickell 1993, 206; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 249. 56.  Canal Village. In 1831 D. & J. Ames {David Ames Jr. and John Ames} purchased land and water rights close to the Howard & Lathrop mill with the intention of building an establishment fully equipped for exploiting the cylinder machine technology developed in their Springfield and Chicopee mills (Mass. Mills 40 and 41). Containing twelve engines, it was the largest paper mill in New England until the Ameses’ business succumbed in the Panic of 1837. References: Green 1939, 14; Weeks 1916, 125.

Addendum The Census of 1810 calls for four mills in Hampshire County. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 9.

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Berkshire County Dalton 57.  Old Berkshire Mill. On the Housatonic River. In February 1801 Zenas Crane, Henry Wiswell, and John Willard advertised for rags and announced their intention to build a paper mill in Dalton. Crane came to Dalton after having learned the trade under the supervision of his elder brother, Stephen Crane Jr., at Mass. Mill 5 in Needham and after having worked for the Burbank family at Mass. Mill 35 in Millbury. Willard dropped out before the business was established and was replaced by Daniel Gilbert. Crane, Wiswell, and Gilbert erected a two-story, one-vat mill on 14 acres of land costing $194. References: Pierce 1977, 13–14; McGaw 1987, mill 1. In 1803 Gilbert sold out to Crane and Wiswell. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 1. In 1807 Crane sold his share to Wiswell, left the papermaking business, and opened a “mercantile store” in Dalton. Reference: Pierce 1977, 13–14. Wiswell failed around 1810, perhaps defaulting on a mortgage with Crane, who then briefly returned to the firm but then left again to work in Mass. Mill 58. David Carson had been managing the mill since 1807 or 1809, having served his apprenticeship under Solomon Curtis in Newton and perhaps having worked as a journeyman at the Craig mill in Newburgh (N.Y. Mill 17). After Wiswell left, Carson took over the establishment in partnership with David Campbell and Daniel Boardman. References: McGaw 1987, mill 1; McGaw 1987, 39; Munsell 1876, 67; Smith 1885, 29. In 1813 Campbell sold out to Henry Marsh, and in the following year Carson bought out his partners. One of his ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. In 1820 he reported to the census that the capital invested in the firm amounted to $6,000, not including the cost of the buildings. He employed four men, three boys, and five girls at one vat and one engine, manufacturing per year 200 reams of letter paper, 700 reams of writing

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  124 grades, 100 reams of writing medium, and 1,000 reams of medium printing and super royal printing. He estimated that his annual output was worth $6,000, but noted that demand had decreased, especially for the printing grades. He could sell only small quantities at a time, at credit terms ranging from three to twelve months. References: McGaw 1987, mill 1; Hunter 1950, 301, 305; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 126. In 1831 and 1832 Carson was manufacturing about 6,000 reams a year of writing, printing, and currency papers here and in Mass. Mill 59. References: AAD 1831, 43; AAD 1832, 49.

Crane & Chamberlin. They employed four men, six women, and three children at one vat and one engine, their annual output valued at $6,500. One of their ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: McGaw 1987, mill 2; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 127; Hunter 1950, 301, 303. Chamberlin sold his share to Crane in 1826 or perhaps as early as 1822. References: McGaw 1987, mill 2; Holland 1855, 2:484; Smith 1885, 28–33.

DC [wove] — ms., n.p., 1827 (AAS); mss., Albany, N.Y., 1828 and 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 291).

ZC [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (AAS); mss., Raleigh, N.C., 1829, and Albany, N.Y., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1057).

D CARSON [wove] — mss., Albany, N.Y., 1833 and 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 259).

Z CRANE [wove] — ms., Albany, N.Y., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 280); ms., New Hanover County, N.C., not before 1827 (AAS).

Carson turned over the business to his sons when he retired in 1849. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 1.

Crane installed one of John Ames’s cylinder machines in 1831, when he was producing 5,000 to 6,000 reams a year of writing and printing grades. References: Smith 1885, 33; AAD 1831, 43; AAD 1832, 49. Crane brought his sons Zenas Marshall Crane and James Brewer Crane into the firm as junior partners in 1836 and turned it over to them in 1842. A ream wrapper captioned Zenas Crane & Sons is reproduced in Hunter 1950, where it is tentatively dated about 1835. References: Holland 1855, 2:484; Pierce 1977, 17–18; Hunter 1950, 301, 307.

58.  Old Red Mill. On the Housatonic River.

59.  Defiance Mill. On the Housatonic River.

Joseph Chamberlin built a mill at this location in 1809 on land owned by Martin Chamberlin, who sold the land to Joseph Chamberlin, David Carson, and Henry Wiswell after the mill was completed. In 1810 Zenas Crane purchased Carson’s share, though he may have exchanged it with Wiswell for a share in Mass. Mill 57. References: Smith 1885, 28, 30; McGaw 1987, mill 2. In 1813 Joseph Chamberlin sold his share to Crane, who then sold a half interest in the concern to Martin Chamberlin and William Cole(?) in 1816. Cole sold his share to Crane in 1817. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 2. By 1820 Crane owned three-quarters and Martin Chamberlin one-quarter of the firm, operating as

David Carson built the one-vat, one-engine Defiance Mill in 1821 or 1823, perhaps in partnership with Joseph Chamberlin. Papers bearing his watermark could have been made here or at Mass. Mill 57. References: Holland 1855, 2:483–84; Weston 1895, 18; McGaw 1987, mill 4. Henry Chamberlin bought the mill in 1840, more as an investment than a vocation, as it was generally operated by others, including Platner & Smith {George Platner and Elizur Smith}. In 1855 the proprietors employed twenty hands, manufacturing 60 tons of foolscap and ledger papers per year. References: Holland 1855, 2:483–84; Weston 1895, 18; McGaw 1987, mill 4. The Defiance Mill was making ledger papers on

DC = crown shield posthorn [wove] — ms., n.p., 1838 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill DC watermarks occurring in Philadelphia documents of the 1790s (wmks 292 and 293). Carson would not have been putting his own initials on his wares at such an early date.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  125 two Fourdrinier machines in 1873. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 36.

South Lee 60.  On the Housatonic River at the Upper Hoplands, below the South Lee post office. Trained in East Hartford, Connecticut, Samuel Church built a two-vat mill at this location in 1806. A local historian claimed that it was originally a stamping mill with twenty mortars, a story difficult to believe because all American mills were using beaters by the end of the eighteenth century—and it would have been impossible for Church to compete against the Dalton mills if he was using this antiquated technology. He later installed two additional vats, which certainly would have been worked in tandem with several engines. References: Holland 1855, 2:520; Smith 1885, 28; Weston 1895, 4; Snell 1929d, 1; Snell 1933b; McGaw 1987, mill 30. Daniel Couch was making press papers in a South Lee mill in 1817. Since this mill is the only one known in that town to have been active at that time, there is a strong possibility that Couch was involved in it either as a tenant or as an investor. I have found his name mentioned in connection with the paper trade only in this one source, which raises the question whether it is a corruption of Daniel Church. Reference: [Stockbridge, Mass.] Berkshire Star, 9 Oct. 1817, 4. Brown & Curtis purchased the mill sometime before 1822. References: Hyde 1878, 289; Weston 1895, 11. Owen & Hurlbut {Charles M. Owen and Thomas Hurlbut} acquired the mill in 1822. Hyde states that they employed four men and six women, manufacturing 10 reams of letter paper a day, the output of a onevat mill. However, two or three vats must have been in operation in 1831, when the mill was producing 6,000 reams a year. Owen & Hurlbut installed a cylinder machine in 1833, apparently not one of the Ames models, because they joined with other papermakers who contested John Ames’s patent. Around 1835 Owen & Hurlbut won a contract to make paper for the U.S. Congress, whose name appears in one of their em-

bossed crests. By 1855 they were producing 120,000 reams a year of writing grades. The watermarks listed below could have been used in this mill, Mass. Mill 51, or Mass. Mill 52. References: Hyde 1878, 294–96; AAD 1831, 62; McGaw 1987, 71; Hurlbut Papers; Nickell 1993, 204–5. OWEN & HURLBUT = star [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1824 (AAS); ms., William Cullen Bryant, Great Barrington, Mass., to Charles Sedgwick, 21 Dec. 1824 (NNPM); mss., West Point, N.Y., 1825, and New York, N.Y., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 745–46); ms., Erie [N.Y.?, Pa.?], 1826 (NYHS). O & H [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 730); ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (Hurlbut Papers); ms., Albany, N.Y., 1835 (AAS). O & H [laid] — mss., New Haven, Conn., 1829, and New York, N.Y., 1831 and 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 731, 732). OH [wove] — ms., South Lee, Mass., 1833 (Hurlbut Papers). O & H = Britannia [laid] — mss. New York, N.Y., 1837, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1842 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 733–34, 735–36).

After the Owen & Hurlbut firm was dissolved in 1860, Thomas Hurlbut’s sons formed the Hurlbut Paper Company. The mill remained in operation until it was superseded by a larger and better equipped manufacturing facility built between 1872 and 1874. Reference: Snell 1933b. 61.  Phenix Mill (also Phoenix Mill). On the Housatonic River. Owen & Hurlbut built this mill in 1822, one of three establishments they were operating in 1823. A ream wrapper with a view of the mill is reproduced in Snell 1929d. It was either designed to run four vats or enlarged to accommodate them. Owen & Hurlbut may have consolidated their manufacturing facilities by 1832, when they claimed to be running two mills, one of them founded in 1822, the other in 1827, the latter

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  126 probably rebuilt in that year. See Mass. Mills 60 and 62. References: Snell 1929d, 2; Snell 1933b; McGaw 1987, mill 31; McLane Report, 1:146–47. The Phoenix Mill burned down in 1879. Reference: Snell 1933b. 62.  On the Housatonic River, east of Mass. Mill 60. Owen & Hurlbut converted a grist mill for paper manufacture in 1822, one of three establishments the firm was operating in 1823. Two of them may have been consolidated by 1832, when the proprietors claimed to be running two mills, one of them founded in 1822, the other in 1827, the latter probably rebuilt in that year. See Mass. Mills 60 and 61. References: Snell 1929d, 2; Snell 1933b; McGaw 1987, mill 32; McLane Report, 1:146–47; Weston 1895, 11.

Lee 63.  Union Mill, later Eagle Mill. On the Housatonic River. Samuel Church built a mill here in 1808, not long after he built Mass. Mill 60. References: Hyde 1878, 289; McGaw 1987, mill 34. Joseph and Leonard Church acquired the mill sometime before 1826. At one point each owned a quarter share in partnership with Milton Ingersoll and Joshua Briggs. Briggs’s interest in the firm was put up for auction in 1831 for the benefit of his heirs. In 1831 the Union Mill was making most types of paper as well as waterproof bonnets. The McLane Report does not include any statistical information about this business but states that it was founded in 1828, perhaps when the mill was rebuilt or modernized. The watermarks below could have been used in the firm’s other mill, Mass. Mill 68. References: McGaw 1987, mill 34; AAD 1831, 62; [Lenox, Mass.] Berkshire Journal, 28 Apr. 1831, 3. J & LC [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1826, and Hudson, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 560).

J & L CHURCH [wove] — ms., Albany, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 263).

Around 1838 Platner & Smith {George Platner and Elizur Smith} acquired the mill, one of several they operated in the area (see Mass. Mills 59, 65, and 71). Snell states that it was later renamed Eagle Mill, which McGaw records as a later name of Mass. Mill 65. By 1855 Platner & Smith employed 170–180 hands in the manufacture of writing grades, with an annual output valued at $225,000; they requisitioned 900 tons of rags a year for their manufacturing operations. The water­ marks listed below could have been used in any of their mills. Embossed crests incorporating their names or initials have been found in papers dating between 1843 and 1859. References: McGaw 1987, mill 34; Snell 1929c, 2; Holland 1855, 2:521; Hyde 1878, 289; Nickell 1993, 208–9. Eagle | P & S [laid] — ms., Columbiana County, Ohio, 1856 (AAS). PLATNER & SMITH | LEE MASS [machine-made laid?] — ms., Providence, Pa., between 1860 and 1865 (AAS); ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 803).

64.  Castle Mill. On Laurel Lake Stream. Samuel Church and William M. Black built a one-vat, one-engine mill at this location sometime before 1820. The mill must have been in operation several years before the Census of 1820, when Black & Church reported that they had recently repaired their facilities at some expense. They employed four men, three women, and two children to manufacture about 2,000 reams a year, mostly foolscap no. 2, but also foolscap no. 1, fine medium, coarse printing, wrapping, and hanging papers, their annual output valued at $4,150. Adjoining this establishment were a grist mill and a fulling mill with a carding machine, which were all destroyed when the paper mill caught fire in 1823. References: McGaw 1987, mill 38; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 134; [Newburyport, Mass.] Newburyport Herald, 14 Oct. 1823, 3.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  127 Zenas Crane and David Carson owned the mill in 1825. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 38. John Nye Jr. & Co. { John Nye Jr., Ball & Bassett, Thomas Bassett, and Isaac C. Ives} purchased a half interest in the concern in 1827, and perhaps the rest in 1828, when the business was “founded” according to the McLane Report. Nye and his partners also kept a store in Lee as a sideline to their papermaking venture. In 1831 they were making 800 pounds a day of letter, foolscap, printing, and bonnet papers. Ball & Bassett converted the mill to a satinet factory in 1832, then in 1850 turned it over to Platner & Smith, who returned it to paper manufacture in 1857. References: Hyde 1838, 309; McGaw 1987, mill 38; McLane Report, 1:146-7; AAD 1831, 62.

founded in 1820 and that it was operating under the name of Starbuck & Co. References: AAD 1831, 62; McLane Report, 1:146–47; McGaw 1987, mill 35. Platner & Smith {George Platner and Elizur Smith} acquired the mill around 1838. An embossed crest with the name ENTERPRISE MILL has been found on paper dated 1860. See Mass. Mill 63 for the later history of this firm and for references to other mills it operated in this area. A brick structure adjoining the Eagle Mill, known as the Huddle, was built on the site of the old wooden Enterprise Mill sometime before the 1820s. References: McGaw 1987, mill 35; Snell 1929c, 2; Nickell 1993, 205.

65.  Enterprise or Huddle Mill. On the Housatonic River.

Like Samuel Phillips (Mass. Mill 50), the brothers Walter Laflin, Winthrop Laflin, and Cutler Laflin were at first involved in gunpowder manufacture but then decided that papermaking was a more predictable and profitable investment. After an explosion destroyed their powder mill in 1824, they went into the papermaking business, trading as W. & W. & C. Laflin. In 1826 they built in the center of town a manufactory large enough that it could have been designed for mass production. The Housatonic Mill had an imposing main structure measuring 100 by 35 feet, with two wings on the west side and another one on the east side, a plan much larger than usual (but still not so large as the Mammoth Mill, Pa. Mill 97). It contained the first papermaking machine in the Berkshires (a cylinder), four engines, and workspace for twenty men and forty women, who were employed in the manufacture of newsprint for shipment to New York. The first issue of the New York Tribune appeared on Laflin paper. References: McGaw 1987, mill 37; McGaw 1987, 185; Weston 1895, 5; Snell 1929c, 2. Walter Laflin and Joseph M. Boies owned the mill in 1836, apparently taking it over in the same year the Laflins’ other mill changed hands. If that is the case, the brothers may have quit these mills under duress, having invested so much in them that they could not meet their obligations when the economy faltered

Luman Church rebuilt a carriage shop as a paper mill around 1820. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 35. James Whiton & Son occupied the mill sometime before Nathaniel Starbuck acquired it in 1831. The water­marks below could have been used in the Whitons’ other mill, Mass. Mill 68. Reference: AAD 1831, 62. JW & SON [wove] — ms., Lee, Mass., 1828 (Hurlbut Papers); ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (AAS); mss., New York, N.Y., 1828, and Hudson, N.Y., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 595). J WHITON & SON = compass | square [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1041–42). J WHITON & SON [wove] — ms., Louisville, Ky., 1844 (AAS).

In 1831 Nathaniel Starbuck was manufacturing on these premises a line of waterproof bonnets and 3,000 reams a year of printing and writing grades, including fine, fancy, colored, and common letter papers. The McLane Report does not include any statistical information about this business but states that it was

66.  Housatonic Mill. On the Housatonic River.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  128 Their watermarks are listed here but could have been used in their other mill, Mass. Mill 66. In addition to these establishments, which produced about 1,500 pounds of paper a day, they started a paper hanging manufactory in 1830, which produced 132,000 pieces a year worth $19,800. References: Hyde 1878, 290–91; Munsell 1876, 97; Snell 1929c, 3; Huttner 1993, 133; McGaw 1987, mill 36; McLane Report, 1:146–47; AAD 1831, 62; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 11 Nov. 1833, 3. W LAFLIN [laid] — mss., Princeton, N.J., 1836, and Wilmington, Del., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 653).

George H. Phelps and Matthew Field owned the mill in 1836. They and their successors rebuilt it three times after it burned down in 1840, 1856, and 1865. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 36.

Fig. 2.20. Housatonic Mill. W & W & C, Laflin. Lee, Massachusetts. One Ream Superfine Vellum Post. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

just before the Panic of 1837. For more information about their concern, see Mass. Mill 67. References: Hyde 1878, 290–91; McGaw 1987, mill 37. 67.  Crow Hollow or Columbia Mill. On the Housatonic River, three-quarters of a mile upstream from the Housatonic Mill (Mass. Mill 66). In 1827 the Laflin brothers built their second mill on this location, another large establishment, capable of producing 24–60 reams of printing paper a day. They suffered a loss of $20,000 when it burned down in 1833, but they collected $8,000 in insurance and rebuilt it immediately. As was common practice in the Berkshires, they shipped large quantities to New York, which accounted for such a large portion of their business that they established their own paper warehouse in that city, operating under the name W. & W. & C. Laflin between 1832 and 1834 and as Laflin & Field in 1835.

Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this firm a LAFLIN’S | 1852 watermark, although the Laflin brothers had departed from both of their Berkshire mills in 1836, probably having failed in the turmoil preceding the Panic of 1837. Almost certainly this watermark identifies the products of a mill in Herkimer, New York, belonging to two sons of Walter Laflin. They established the business in 1849 and specialized in fine writings made on a machine with elaborate watermarks, two of which are noticed below. References: Weston 1895, 22; William D. Murphy, Biographical Sketches of the State Officers and Members of the Legislature of the State of New York, in 1859 (Albany: Printed by C. van Benthuysen, 1859), 64–65. LAFLINS’ | NEW YORK = cherub with American flag | portion of globe | cursive L [laid] — ms., Bangor, Me., 1853 (AAS; on blue paper embossed “Laflin Bro’s”). American flag | cursive L [laid] — ms., St. Paul, Minn., 1857 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 640); ms., Central Falls [R.I.?, Ky.?], 1861 (AAS; embossed “Laflins”).

Addendum Beginning in 1835, Ives, Sturges & Co. owned a mercantile concern in Lee as well as an interest in one of

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  129 the local paper mills. References: Hyde 1878, 70; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 277. IS & Co = dove [laid] — mss., Wilmington, Del., 1837, and New York, N.Y., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 497–98). IS & Co = IS & Co [laid] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1841 (AAS).

East Lee 68.  Forest Mill. On Lake May Stream. Luman Church built a mill at this location in 1819 but soon failed, perhaps having run up debts while starting up this business and then losing his credit during the Panic of 1819. References: Hyde 1878, 289, 296; McGaw 1987, mill 42. Joseph and Leonard Church occupied the mill for several years and were then succeeded by James Whiton & Son. Both firms had interests in other mills and used watermarks that could have originated in either one of their establishments. See Mass. Mills 63 and 65. References: Hyde 1878, 296; McGaw 1987, mill 42. Ingersoll & Benton { Jared Ingersoll and Caleb Benton} acquired the mill in 1831. References: McGaw 1987, mill 42; McLane Report, 1:146–47. I & B = star [laid] — ms., Springfield, Mass., 1835 (AAS); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 480–81). I & B [wove] — ms., Albany, N.Y., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 479).

Benton & Garfield {Caleb Benton and Harrison Garfield} took over the concern in 1835 and ran it profitably enough that they could build other paper mills in the vicinity. They specialized in writing and ledger papers. References: McGaw 1987, mill 42; Pratt 1849, 174; Hyde 1878, 296; Snell 1929a, 4, 6. 69.  On Lake May Stream. In 1824 the wire and chair manufacturer Stephen Thatcher bought an interest in this mill, operated by

Zenas Crane and William Van Bergan, one of Crane’s employees. Crane was probably the silent partner in the firm Stephen Thatcher & Co. Unless Thatcher was involved in another mill in the area, Snell must be mistaken in saying that this mill was founded in 1833 by Thatcher & Son. References: McGaw 1987, 135; McGaw 1987, mill 50; Snell 1929a, 9. S.T. & Co [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 881).

By 1827, Thatcher had bought out Crane and Van Bergan (if he too was a partner). Van Bergan went back to work in one of Crane’s mills, where he had been a vatman. In 1831 Thatcher announced that he was making all types of paper, about 500 pounds per day. References: McGaw 1987, 73, 135; McGaw 1987, mill 50; AAD 1831, 62. Thatcher took his son George into the business around 1833, and his son-in-law Jared Ingersoll around 1840; how long either of them stayed in the firm is not clear, although it was operating as Thatcher & Ingersoll between 1840 and 1849. Thatcher sold out in 1852 and went to live in Saratoga, where he died in 1880. He claimed that he was the oldest papermaker in the United States. References: McGaw 1987, 135; McGaw 1987, mill 50; Pratt 1849, 174; Hill 1930, 96. 70.  Waverly or New England Mill. On Lake May Stream below Mass. Mill 69. Luman Church built this mill in 1829 and was running it in partnership with someone named Brown in 1832. They manufactured fine writings. The McLane Report says nothing about the business of Church & Brown except to note that it was founded in 1831. References: Snell 1929a, 6; McGaw 1987, mill 51; McLane Report, 1:146–47. Stephen Thatcher and Jared Ingersoll were running the mill in 1842. Reference: McGaw 1987, mill 51. The firms Charles Sturges & Co. and Sturges, Phillips & Allen are named as the owners of the New England Mill in ream wrappers at MWA. I have not been

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  130

Fig. 2.21. New England Mill. Lee, Mass. Charles Sturges & Co. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

able to identify Sturges, but he might have been a partner in Ives, Sturges & Co. ca. 1835. The establishment was known as the Waverly Mill in 1855 but was operating as the New England Mill in 1878. Reference: Hyde 1878, 297–98.

Tyringham 71.  Turkey Mill. On Hop Brook. According to the McLane Report, Milton Ingersoll built this mill in 1828, but Weston claims that it was founded in 1832 by Sweet & Judd {Riley Sweet and Asa Judd}, who first relied on hand manufacturing techniques but soon installed a cylinder machine. References: McGaw 1987, mill 28; McLane Report, 1:146– 47; Weston 1895, 15. Ingersoll & Platner { Jared Ingersoll and George Platner} purchased the mill in 1833, while Jared Ingersoll was still involved in Mass. Mill 68. Elizur Smith

Fig. 2.22. One Ream. New England Mill. Superfine Blue Laid Cap. Satin. Sturges, Phillips & Allen, Lee, Mass. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

bought a share in the mill in 1834 and bought out Ingersoll in 1835, thus founding the firm Platner & Smith, which also operated Mass. Mill 63 and other Berkshire mills. Like the Whatmans’ Turkey Mill in Maidstone, Kent, this mill specialized in fine writing grades, made with pure water from a nearby spring rather than from the stream water that drove the mill wheel. Writings made by Platner & Smith in this establishment won the “World’s Fair first premium” at the International Exhibition in 1862. At first a “huge” water wheel provided power for the mill, but the proprietors eventually installed two steam boilers in a wing at the front of the building. Smoke from the furnaces was vented through a 54-foot chimney, a landmark in the town of Tyringham even after the original structure burned down in 1869. Like other factories of the

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  131 Eloise Myers, Tyringham: A Hinterland Settlement, 3rd ed. (Tyringham: Hinterland Press, 1989), 31–32. TURKEY MILL | eagle and American flag in shield encircled by stars [machine-made laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1864 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 953).

Monterey 72.  On Konkapot Brook. John Manser established a small vat mill here in 1830. Not much is known about Manser or his mill, which he operated more or less on his own, one of the few Berkshire papermakers displaying no discernible family connections or trade contacts with other local mills. References: McGaw 1987, mill 20; McGaw 1987, 146. cc

Bristol County Taunton 73.  On the Three Mile River in Westville. Fig. 2.23. Platner & Smith, Lee, Mass. Platner & Smith’s Fine Blue Wove Letter Paper. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving signed Strong (Thomas W. Strong?). The configuration of this building resembles a photographic illustration of the Turkey Mill, ca. 1894, in Snell 1928b. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

era, the Turkey Mill had a steam whistle on the roof (see fig. 2.23), a matter of local pride to the townspeople, who claimed that it was the “loudest . . . in the world.” The Lee address on the ream wrapper refers to the firm’s offices in town rather than the location of the mill. After Platner died in 1855, Elizur Smith formed a joint-stock company with two of his nephews, who decided to close down this mill and concentrate their activities in Lee because of the cost of transportation. References: McGaw 1987, mill 28; Hunter 1950, 311; Huttner 1993, 66; Snell 1928b; “The Old Turkey Mill at Tyringham,” Berkshire Hills 4 (1903–1904): 165–66;

Boston bookseller and stationer John West moved to Taunton in 1809 and built a mill there in that year. He retained an interest in his bookstore until 1820, no doubt using it to distribute the goods he manufactured out of town. Richard Park managed the mill for him, perhaps beginning in 1810, when West purchased an assortment of moulds, which were billed to his Boston firm John West & Co. The Census of 1810 noted that he was making 3,000 rolls per year worth $4,500. References: Emery 1893, 642; Silver 1949, 46–47; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Apr. 1810: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 July 1810: six pairs of moulds ordered by John West & Co.; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Nov. 1810: post vellum, watermarked JW & Co.; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 9. West and Park identified themselves as owners of the mill in their 1820 census return, which contains a fairly detailed account of their business. They employed seven men, twelve women and girls, and four

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  132

Fig. 2.24. Turkey Mill. Platner & Smith, Lee, Mass. Ream wrapper, two-color lithograph. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

boys in this establishment, valued at $10,000 in active capital and the same amount in fixed capital, comprising the cost of the mill, the water privilege, and their investment in machinery: two vats, two engines, and five presses, including a hot press for finishing fine writing papers. They manufactured writing, printing, and wrapping papers worth about $12,000 a year, consuming 40 tons of rags costing $4,000, the standard amount for a two-vat mill. Their sales had declined, but they believed that tariff protection was needed not so much against British imports as against cheap

Mediterranean papers. They argued that a duty of ten to twenty cents a pound was “indispensably necessary to the Salvation of the Paper Manufacturing Business of this Country.” Although West and Park were both “owners” of the mill, Park began operating it under his own name at this time, West having retired from his bookstore and having become more interested in local manufacturing ventures. He and two partners built a cotton mill on the same property, later known as Westville. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 141.

Massac h u s e t t s  ::  133 Mass., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 786); ms., Newton, Mass., 1830 (AAS).

The firm Park, Lincoln & Park {Richard Park, Caleb M. Lincoln, and Edwin Park} managed the mill some time before 1833, when Caleb M. Lincoln and Edwin Park took over the business upon the death of Richard Park. The new proprietors did not try to enlarge or modernize the mill, which employed twenty people in 1832 to manufacture 3,850 reams a year valued at $10,500. References: Emery 1891, 642; McLane Report, 1:160–61. After the Panic of 1837 the cotton and paper mills on this property were consolidated, and the paper mill machinery was eventually sold to Caleb M. Lincoln and Lorenzo Lincoln for a mill they were operating in North Dighton, Massachusetts. Reference: Emery 1891, 642.

Acushnet 74.  Acushnet Paper Mill? In Fairhaven, which borders on New Bedford and which included Acushnet between 1812 and 1861.

Fig. 2.25. Vellum Foolscap, No. I. R. Park & Co. Taunton, (Massachusetts.) One Ream. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

R PARK & Co | TAUNTON = eagle [laid] — ms., n.p., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 787–88); ms., Wellington, Mass., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 945; fragment of countermark only); ms., near Duxbury, Mass., n.d. (AAS). R PARK & Co [wove] — Gilbert J. Hunt, Proposals for Publishing by Subscription, The History of America ([New York: Gilbert J. Hunt], 1821; DLC); ms., n.p., 1821 (AAS); mss., New York, N.Y., 1821, and Boston,

Stephen Taber resided on the premises of a paper mill near New Bedford in 1815, when he put it up for lease. He noted that he had a quantity of rags on hand as if he didn’t expect to be using them any time soon. Reference: [Boston, Mass.] Independent Chronicle, 23 Mar. 1815, suppl., p. 2. The Census of 1820 does not name the proprietor of a one-vat, one-engine mill in Fairhaven, a very modest affair equipped with only two presses and four pairs of moulds. Nevertheless, the respondent claimed that business was good and reported that his workforce of six men and two women was making paper “of all Kinds” worth $4,700 a year. In 1825 Pardon Taber advertised for woolen rags, which he must have been using in the manufacture of wrapping grades in his mill at the “head of Accushnet river.” Business seems to have declined by 1832, when this establishment employed only two men and two women in the manufacture of wrappings worth $1,250 a year. References:

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  134 Census of 1820, reel 2, item 156; New Bedford Mercury, 1 July 1825, 1; McLane Report, 1:188–89. The G. W. Blunt White Library at Mystic Seaport contains the business papers of Jonathan P. Lund, who operated the Acushnet Paper Mill around 1844 in association with Charles W. Morgan.

Swansea 75.  Swansey Paper Manufacturing Company. Near Swansea Village. The proprietors manufactured “all kinds of Paper” and sold them through their agent William Mitchell in Providence, Rhode Island. Their advertisement appears unchanged in both editions of the American Advertising Directory. It is possible that they went out of business just before the 1832 edition was published since their firm is not mentioned in the McLane Report, which was being compiled at that time. References: AAD 1831, 122; AAD 1832, 241. cc

Plymouth County Bridgewater 76.  On the Great River, in the south parish. Established in 1823, this mill belonged to M. and J. M. Eddy in 1828, when it burned down with losses estimated at $6,500. The insurance coverage

amounted to $3,000 on the building and $1,000 on the stock, enough to repair the damage and to replace the supplies and equipment lost by the tenants, Geo. Hooker & Co. Reference: [Amherst, N.H.] The Farmers’ Cabinet, 20 Dec. 1828, 3. In 1832 Hooker & Warren employed seven men and eight women in the manufacture of mostly wrapping grades for sale in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The McLane Report contains an itemized account of production in a typical year (presumably the previous year): 300 reams writings; 700 reams royal (printing?); 1,022 reams hangings; 500 reams sheathings; 3,000 reams wrappings; and 8,000 pounds of blue candle paper. The mill’s total output was valued at $9,469. The proprietors estimated their fixed capital at $5,000 and the value of their machinery at $2,250, perhaps representing an investment in a cylinder machine. References: McLane Report, 1:408–9; Nahum Mitchell, History of the Early Settlement of Bridgewater (Boston: Printed for the author, by Kidder & Wright, 1840), 55.

Wareham 77.  On the Weweantic River. Pardon Taber (also Tabor) built the first paper mill in Wareham in 1824. Reference: The Plymouth County Directory (Middleboro, Mass.: Published by Stillman B. Pratt & Co., 1867), 117. A Wareham mill, presumably Taber’s, was running a papermaking machine in 1830. Reference: Rodman 1927.

chapter 3

New Jersey

Union County Elizabeth 1.  Not located. Like other colonial printers, William Bradford took a special interest in the sources of his supplies. He helped to establish not only the first paper mill in Pennsylvania but also the first one in New Jersey. After clashing with the Quaker authorities in Pennsylvania, Bradford moved his printing business to a more congenial market in New York, where he was appointed printer to the Provincial Council in 1693. He later rented his share in the Rittenhouse mill (Pa. Mill 1) in return for first refusal of all its printing grades at a designated price. Even after losing his monopoly on Rittenhouse products, he purchased large quantities from that mill to supplement his stock of higher quality imported goods. He still needed a more reliable supply of ordinary printing grades, especially after he began to publish the colony’s first newspaper, the New-York Gazette, in 1725. In the previous year the provincial government rejected his petition for a fifteen-year monopoly on paper manufacture in New York. As a convenient alternative, he built a mill in New Jersey—exactly when and where are not known—but it had been in operation for some time when an indentured servant, James Roberts, absconded in 1729. A newspaper advertisement offering a reward for Roberts’s capture is the earliest and nearly the only record of the existence of “William Bradford’s Paper-Mill at Elizabeth-Town.” Roberts could not have been working there before June 1726,

when he was taken from Newgate Prison and transported to Maryland on the convict ship Loyal Margrett. Another newspaper advertisement refers to “the Paper-Mill in Elizabeth-Town,” where some adjoining farm lands and agricultural goods were to be sold at auction in 1735. However, the mill may have ceased operations by that date and may have been mentioned only as a landmark. References: Hunter 1952, 29–32; Green 1990, 5–20; Kaminkow 1967, 134, 184–85. cc

Middlesex County Spotswood 2.  On the Matchiponix (or Machaponix) Branch of the South River. Friedrich Roemmer (also Rymer, Remer, Rimer, Ramer, Roemer) was one of the Palatines and “Inhabitants of Lorain” who arrived in Philadelphia in 1754 on the ship Nancy from Rotterdam by way of Cowes. In 1764 he announced that he had “lately set up” a mill in Spotswood and that it “has begun to

::  135  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  136 work,” although he must have been in business in or before 1761, when his watermarks begin to appear in Franklin imprints. In addition to printing grades, he manufactured wrappings, blue paper, pasteboard, and “every Kind of Common Paper.” In 1772 he offered to teach the papermaking business to anyone who would buy his mill, measuring “50 feet in length, and 30 in width.” References: Strassburger 1934, 1:591–94; NewYork Gazette, 13 Aug. 1764, 4, and 15 June 1772, suppl., p. 2; Miller 1974, xlv; Hunter 1952, 163; Gottesman 1938, 237–38. Cipher 4 | FR [laid] — Pa. General Assembly, Anno regni Georgii III . . . primo [laws to the session of 26 Sept. 1761] (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by B. Franklin, 1761; Miller 1974, 759); New-London Gazette, 11 Oct. 1765 (New London: Printed by Timothy Green, 1765; PPL); A Letter to the Majority of the General Assembly of Liliput (New York: John Holt, 1772; PHi broadside); mss., n.p., n.d., and n.p., 1772 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 359, 360). FR [laid] — To the Public. [Text begins: Few are ignorant, that the Assemblymen of this Colony, were anciently induced to consent to tax the four Counties of New-York, West-Chester, Queen’s and Richmond] (New York: Printed by John Holt, 1770; PPL broadside); Yale College, Viro praestantissimo, ingenuis artibus ac sublimi virtute omnique foelicissimè gubernandi ratione ornatissimo Jonathani Trumbull . . . hasce theses . . . defendere conabuntur juvenes in artibus initiati [11 Sept. 1771] (Novo-Portu: E typis Thomae et Samuelis Green, 1771; PPL broadside). Note: The cipher 4 watermark sometimes appears with the initials in reverse, i.e., RF.

3.  Spotswood, on the South River. William Shaffer (also Shaffar and Schaeffer) called himself a papermaker in 1771, when he advertised for a journeyman, apparently to work in one of the mills supplying his stationery business in New York. He was probably renting the Spotswood mill from a baker named John Klyne (also Kline), who put it up for sale

in 1775 along with 130 acres of land, noting that it was “in very good order” and that it was currently “occupied” by Shaffer. In 1776 Shaffer advertised for one or two journeymen to work in his new paper mill in Spotswood, which he wished to rent along with an adjoining farm. How new it was at that time is impossible to ascertain, since he may have acquired and remodeled Roemmer’s establishment (N.J. Mill 2). He was running the only paper mill in the state in November 1777, when he petitioned the General Assembly to exempt two of his workmen from military duty. While situated in Burlington, New Jersey, the printer Isaac Collins was a regular customer of the mill but complained that it delivered insufficient amounts at exorbitant prices. Collins finally gave up on Shaffer and informed the New Jersey government that the Trenton paper mill of Stacy Potts (N.J Mill 5) was more worthy of its patronage. In the meantime, Klyne had taken up the tanning trade in Albany and had stopped communicating with Shaffer, who took out a newspaper advertisement in July 1778 to announce that he was going to quit in three months and to advise Klyne to come down and settle his accounts. The mill had stopped during most of the previous year because of the war, and Shaffer did not expect conditions to improve. True to his word, he dropped out of the trade in 1778; but he may have remained in Middlesex County, where a William Shaffer drew up a will dated 1779. Hunter claims that Collins was running a paper mill in Burlington in 1777, apparently confused by Collins’s attempts to buy from Shaffer and Potts. References: Hunter 1952, 148, 163; Gottesman 1938, 237–38; Leonard 1950, 495; Rockefeller 1953, 4; Hixson 1968, 69, 76–80; New-York Gazette, 20 Nov. 1775, 2; [Trenton, N.J.] New-Jersey Gazette, 29 July 1778, 3; New Jersey Wills, 2:896. Peter Museck (also Musick) was the proprietor of the Spotswood mill in February 1779, when he advertised for rags in the New-Jersey Journal. References: Stickle 1968, 168; Hunter 1952, 160. The paper mill was still standing in 1792, but there is no evidence that it was active, except that one of the owners at that time, James Dorsett, might have ordered moulds from the Sellers firm. When Dorsett died in

New J e r s ey  ::  137 1794, he was identified as “one of the proprietors of the Paper Mill.” The Census of 1810 noted that one paper mill in Middlesex County was producing 3,000 reams a year with a total value of $5,000. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Apr. 1791: large royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Apr. 1792: single foolscap, watermarked with three letters; Clayton 1882b, 820; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 42; Wilson & Stratford 2002, 473.

Addendum 4.  Eleven miles from New Brunswick. A two-vat mill with new engines and power train was put up for sale in 1831, inquiries to be directed to the postmaster of New Brunswick, New Jersey. The one advertisement I have seen does not identify the current owner of the mill and does not disclose its location except to say that it was about eleven miles from New Brunswick—far enough away that it could have been in one of the adjacent counties. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Mirror, 9 Apr. 1831, 4. cc

Mercer County Trenton 5.  Not located. In November 1777 Stacy Potts informed the New Jersey General Assembly that he was building a paper mill in Trenton and asked the legislators to exempt from military duty the workmen he would employ. This business was one of several industrial ventures he helped to organize in the Trenton area, including a tannery and a steel factory. His papermaking initiatives were encouraged by the local printer Isaac Collins, whose wife was a distant relative of Potts and who had been dissatisfied with the services rendered by the Spotswood mill (N.J. Mill 3). This mill would be closer, cheaper, and more dependable. Advertisements for rags started to appear in Collins’s New-Jersey Ga-

zette at the end of 1778. While the mill was under construction, Potts formed a partnership with John Reynolds, a papermaker in Germantown, Pennsylvania, who had already proposed to establish a paper mill in New Jersey in association with another Pennsylvania papermaker, George Riche (also Richie). Reynolds appears to have joined up with Potts after having failed to win support for the proposals he had made with Riche. (Still seeking government support, Riche petitioned the New York House of Assembly for assistance in building a paper mill in 1786.) There is no documentary evidence that Potts & Reynolds started their mill before March 1781, when their products began to be advertised in the New-Jersey Gazette, although they must have been making paper by 1779, when their watermark appears in the New Jersey General Assembly’s Votes and Proceedings. References: Rockefeller 1953, 3-8; Sellers Ledgers, 4 Dec. 1778: print moulds; Sellers Ledgers, 25 Jan. 1779: demy, watermarked with fourteen letters; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Oct. 1780: letter demanding payment; Hixson 1968, 77-80, 117; Nelson 1911, 50; [New York, N.Y.] New-York Journal, 16 Mar. 1786, 2; New Jersey, General Assembly, Votes and Proceedings [1777], 27. POTTS & | REYNOLDS = PEACE & UNITY | a Britannia figure enthroned on a plow, holding a liberty cap on a staff [laid] — Votes and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Third sitting, third assembly, 27 Oct. 1778] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1779; PPL); ms. Dover, Del., 1786 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 808–9). S POTTS = PEACE & UNITY | a Britannia figure enthroned on a plow, holding a liberty cap on a staff [laid] — Votes and Proceedings of the Fifth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Third sitting, 24 Oct. 1780] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1781; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). POTTS = PEACE & UNITY | a Britannia figure enthroned on a plow, holding a liberty cap on a staff [laid] — Votes and Proceedings of the Sixth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Third sitting, 23 Oct. 1781] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1782; PPL); Acts of

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  138 the Eighth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [First sitting, 28 Oct. 1783] (Trenton: Printed by Isaac Collins, 1784; PPL); ms., Trenton, N.J., 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 806–7). POTTS & REYNOLDS [laid] — Richard Price, Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution (London: Printed; Trenton: Re-printed by Isaac Collins, 1785; DLC).

In April 1785 Potts announced that he intended to leave Trenton and advertised for sale several rental properties, including a tanyard, a carriage maker’s shop, and a “good” paper mill that was producing a rental income of £100 a year. In December he drafted or renewed a rental contract with John Bowers and Frederick Long, who advertised for rags in April 1786. Bowers had been an apprentice of Morris Truman in Pa. Mill 27. Long tried to recruit two apprentices for the papermaking business in October 1787. Potts’s tenants appear to have left shortly thereafter, Long to parts unknown, Bowers to the Ivy Mill (Pa. Mill 21), where he was working in late 1788 or early 1789. References: Rockefeller 1953, 11; Wilson 1988, 80, 315; Willcox 1911, 53; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Pennsylvania Packet, 16 Apr. 1785, 3. 6.  On Assunpink Creek. Formerly in Nottingham Township, Burlington County, an area amalgamated in Mercer County in 1838. This portion of Nottingham Township became part of Trenton in 1856. Houston & Davisson {Churchill Houston and John Davisson (also Davison and Davidson)} purchased moulds from the Sellers firm between 1811 and 1815. In 1823 the mouldmakers complained about a debt dating back to 1820 in a letter to Houston, who was then living in Princeton, New Jersey. References: New Jersey Wills, 2:794; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Sept. 1811 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Oct. 1811: double cap, water­marked H & D; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Aug. 1815: super royal vellum; Sellers Letter Book, 31 Jan. 1823.

Fig. 3.1. No. John Davisson, Trenton, (N.J.). Letterpress ream wrapper, ca. 1822. The American eagle is a stock cut also appearing in figs. 11.6 and 12.7. Photograph by Damon Tvaryanas. Courtesy of the Trentoniana Collection, Trenton Public Library.

H & D [laid] — ms., Flemington, N.J., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 410).

An account of the mill in the Census of 1820 appears over Davisson’s name. Capitalized at $50,000, it was a substantial four-vat establishment employing fifteen men, twenty-five women, and ten children to manufacture “all kinds of paper”; its annual output was valued at $20,000. Davisson bought several pairs of moulds from the Needles firm in 1822 and 1823, perhaps having had to take his business elsewhere after failing to pay his debts to Sellers. The mill was still in operation as late as 1832, although Davisson might have left it by then to work in N.J. Mill 7. References: Census of 1820, reel 17, item 135; Needles Day Book, 1 May 1822: super royal; Needles Day Book, 21 May 1822: writing medium, watermarked with a “device”; Needles Day Book, 9 Aug. 1823: imperial; Gordon 1834, 200.

New J e r s ey  ::  139 7.  Trenton Paper Mills. On Front Street, Trenton, near or on Petty’s Run. Davisson was doing business at the Trenton Paper Mills in 1829, when the Sellers firm sent him a letter concerning a wire covering for a cylinder machine, which occasioned further correspondence over the name of John G. Davisson & Co. in 1830. Raum claimed that General Garret D. Wall sold the Front Street mill to Davisson in 1819 after having converted it from cotton manufacture to papermaking. But Raum appears to have conflated N.J. Mills 6 and 7, not realizing that Davisson had changed his place of business. References: Sellers Letter Book, 19 Oct. 1829; Sellers Letter Book, 4 Jan. 1830; Raum 1871, 235. Capitalized at $14,000, the Trenton mill was making 3,000 reams of paper a year in 1837, when it was owned by General Wall and operated by John Davisson. Reference: Potts 1837, 253. Davisson probably retired in or before 1847, when the current owners sold the mill, which then passed through several hands and continued to manufacture paper as late as 1871. Reference: Raum 1871, 235.

Addendum Dr. Daniel W. Coxe is said to have built a paper mill in Trenton around 1756. Later owners converted it into a paint and linseed oil manufactory. I have found no corroborating evidence for this mill. References: Raum 1871, 235; Rockefeller 1953, 3. cc

Monmouth County Allentown In 1781 William Tapscot solicited the services of a paper­maker to work in his paper mill “near Allentown.” Dard Hunter considered this advertisement sufficient evidence for a paper mill, but I am not convinced. This is the only mention of the mill I have found, although Tapscot did own a grist mill on Doc-

tor’s Creek sometime before 1790. It is possible that he intended to build a paper mill at that location, or convert some other type of mill to paper manufacture, and was confident enough to refer to it as a fait accompli, but abandoned the attempt because of the scarcity of rags and skilled personnel. William Tapscot father and son made out wills dated 1786 and 1819, respectively; presumably it was the son who flirted with the papermaking business. References: [Trenton, N.J.] New-Jersey Gazette, 11 Apr. 1781, 3; [Elizabeth, N.J.] New-Jersey Journal, 14 July 1790, 2; New Jersey Wills, 2:996; Hunter 1952, 165. cc

Essex County Millburn (part of Springfield until 1857) 8.  Columbian or Columbia Paper Mill. On the east branch of the Rahway River, on the road between Springfield and Millburn. After serving his apprenticeship in Wilmington and working as a journeyman in Philadelphia, Shepard Kollock established his own shop in Chatham, New Jersey, where he printed a newspaper from 1779 until 1783. He then established printing offices in New York and New Brunswick. After a year or two he decided to close down his New Brunswick office and move closer to New York. He settled in Elizabeth, where he published a newspaper under the title he had been using in Chatham, The New-Jersey Journal. No doubt he entered the papermaking business to procure a steady supply of newsprint as well as cheap printing paper for his book publications. Between 1785 or 1786 and 1805 he was associated with the New York bookseller Robert Hodge, who probably owned a share in the mill and helped to sell its products in the city. Kollock & Hodge must have begun production between 1786 and December 1788, when the printer advertised for two or three apprentices to work at the mill “near Springfield.” Their earliest efforts might have disappointed

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  140 them, for they offered the establishment for sale “at public vendue” in March 1791; they failed to find a satisfactory customer and were buying “country rags” the following month. In 1795 Kollock advertised for a vatman; candidates could apply at his printing office or at the mill, where they could speak to William Kennan, probably the foreman at that time. Another foreman could have been Alexander Porter, whose name appears in an advertisement for apprentices in 1796. Kollock was one of several papermakers in Springfield and New York who negotiated an agreement in 1798 on the maximum prices they would pay for rags. References: Wilson 1988, 262; Wilson & Stratford 2002, 10, 15, 24, 162; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Sept. 1792: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Jan 1802: double wrapping laid over; Anderson 1975, 125, 135; Hixson 1968, 10–11; Nelson 1911, 33; [Elizabeth, N.J.] New-Jersey Journal, 14 Dec. 1796 and 9 Oct. 1798. SK [laid] — Votes and Proceedings of the Nineteenth General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [First sitting, 28 Oct. 1794] (Elizabeth, N.J.: Printed by Shepard Kollock, [1794?]; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone); ms., n.p., 1795 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 872).

A half interest in the Columbia Paper Mill was put up for sale at public auction in 1802. Situated on five acres of land along with a dwelling house and an orchard, it was said to be in good repair and to have produced rental income of $500 during the previous year. Kollock retired from the printing business in 1818, but as yet I have found no information on the fate of his paper mill. Reference: [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 9 Mar. 1802, 3. 9.  Thistle Paper Mill. On the Rahway River, not far from Millburn. Samuel Campbell learned the papermaking trade in Scotland before he emigrated to New York, where he set up shop as a bookseller and stationer in 1785 or 1786. He might have started in the papermaking business around 1789, when he is said to have settled in Millburn. Meisner seems to have confused this Samuel

Campbell with an earlier Samuel Campbell who emigrated from Scotland in 1756 and acquired land at this location before the Revolutionary War. Snell states that he installed his papermaking equipment in a converted forge. His managing partner may have been Thomas Marr, who died in 1791 and was succeeded by Charles Marr, whose partnership with Campbell was dissolved in 1793. Charles Marr then went to Hanover, New Jersey, where he operated N.J. Mill 32. (Joseph J. Felcone very kindly shared with me the information about the Marr family he has found in contemporary New Jersey newspapers.) Campbell claimed that the writing and wrapping papers he manufactured at the Thistle Paper Mill were “equal to any imported” in an advertisement in his edition of Doctor Watts’s Imitation of the Psalms of David, Corrected and Enlarged by Joel Barlow (1795). He also manufactured plate paper, cartridge paper, and paper for music printing. He was one of several New York and New Jersey papermakers who negotiated an agreement in 1798 on the maximum prices they would pay for rags. In 1799 he insured the building for $2,500 and its “Stock and materials” for an additional $2,500. The mill and its contents were still covered for those amounts when it burned down in 1804; total damages were estimated at $15,000. Despite these losses, business was good enough for Campbell to rebuild immediately, and he was still buying moulds in April 1805. In 1821 he reported to the census officials that he employed five men and six women at only one of his two vats, the other idled because of slow sales; business conditions were poor, he believed, because American manufacturers had to compete with great quantities of cheap goods imported from France and Italy. References: McKay 1942, 16; Shaw 1884, 2:712; Snell 1934, 1–3; Meisner 2002, chap. 10; Wilson & Stratford 2002, 12, 26, 82; Grolier 1907, item 16; [Elizabeth, N.J.] New-Jersey Journal, 9 Oct. 1798; Wolfe 1980, 154; INA policies 1191 and 1192, 23 May 1799, fire blotter, vol. 2; [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 1 May 1804, 3; Gottesman 1965, 290; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Feb. 1795: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Apr. 1805: large wove super royal; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 40.

New J e r s ey  ::  141 CAMPBELL [&?] MARR [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1792 (AAS). C = M [laid] — Wood’s Newark Gazette (Newark: Printed and published by John Woods, 1793; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). C & M = circle enclosing arms of New York [laid] — ms., Westchester, N.Y., 1793 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002 wmks 234–35; the watermark is reproduced in reverse). C & M = unencircled arms of New York [laid] — Wood’s Town and Country Almanac (Newark, N.J.: Printed by John Woods, 1794 [i.e., 1793]; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). C = circle enclosing arms of New York [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 192–93). SC = arms of New York [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1793 (NYHS; watermark only); ms., New York, N.Y., 1795 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 852–53); ms., n.p., 1800 (NYHS; countermark only); ms., New York, N.Y., letter of Samuel Campbell, 1800 (INA; watermark only). CAMPBELL N YORK [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 254); Circular. Princeton, [blank]179 [blank] Sir, As Complaints Have Been Sometimes Made of the Expenses Incurred by a Young Man in Obtaining an Education at this Place (N.J.: s.n., n.d.; dated in type 179_ and dated in ms. 1799; DLC broadside, information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). SC = fleur-de-lis — The Centinel of Freedom (Newark: Printed and published by Daniel Dodge, and Co., 1786; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone). SC YORK = circle enclosing arms of New York [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 860–61). SC = arms of New York | 1797 [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 855; lacks countermark). SC = escutcheon enclosing arms of New York | 1797 [laid] — ms., n.p., 1800 (AAS; lacks countermark).

SC = escutcheon enclosing arms of New York [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 854; lacks countermark). SC = Britannia [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 848–49); statement of Samuel Campbell, New York, N.Y., 1803 (Carey Papers, 17:7628; lacks countermark). SC 1805 [wove] — James Montgomery, The Wanderer in Switzerland and Other Poems (New York: Printed for S. Stansbury, 1807; Seitz 1986b); ms., Fort Lewis [Va.?], 1815 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 862). SC = arms of England [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 850–51); ms., Lawrence County, Miss., 1821 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute their watermarks 234– 35 to Campbell & Mitchell of Orange County, New York, on the authority of Dard Hunter, who states that this mill was active as early as 1773. I have found no record of this partnership, although Samuel Campbell was associated with the bookseller, bookbinder, and stationer Edward Mitchell between 1805 and 1808. It is far more likely that these watermarks refer to Campbell’s partnership with Thomas and Charles Marr. Gravell & Miller wmk 192 is a later state of their wmk 234, perhaps a deteriorated mould or, more likely, an alteration in the mould after Charles Marr quit the Thistle Mill. References: Hunter 1952, 147; McKay 1942, 16, 51.

Samuel Campbell brought his son John Campbell into the firm, first operating as Samuel Campbell & Son, 1819–1824, and then as J. & S. Campbell, 1825–1833. Around 1825 they closed down the bookstore, and in 1831 they were dealing primarily as paper merchants, buying domestic and foreign rags as well as other paper­making supplies and selling the products of New Jersey mills to customers in New York. They commissioned Stephen Vail to build for them a Fourdrinier machine, which cost $1,000, not counting the stuff chest. They paid for it in May 1831 with a $500 check and a $500 note due in two months. After Samuel Campbell retired around 1834, the firm con-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  142 his debts in 1786. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:372; [Elizabeth, N.J.] New-Jersey Journal, 9 Oct. 1798 and 28 Jan. 1812; New-York Spectator, 8 June 1819, 3; Hunter 1952, 149; PAAS 26:426; Morris County 1914, 1:291.

Fig. 3.2. Watermark of Campbell & Marr, ca. 1792. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

tinued as John Campbell & Co., then as Campbell & Persse while Dudley Persse was a partner between 1836 and 1839, and again as John Campbell & Co. until 1854. The younger Campbell rented the Thistle Mill to Samuel Clark and then to Clark’s son and son-inlaw, John Clark and Oliver E. Bailey. In its later years the mill manufactured newsprint on a cylinder machine. It was destroyed by a fire in 1857 and was not rebuilt. References: McKay 1942, 16; Huttner 1993, 47–48; AAD 1832, 99; Snell 1934, 1–4; Vail Diaries, 23 Oct. 1830 and 17 May 1831. 10.  Not located. Matthias Denman was one of several papermakers in Springfield and New York who negotiated an agreement in 1798 on the maximum prices they would pay for rags. Hunter indicates that he was active in the Springfield paper trade between 1812 and 1819. The mill burned down in 1812. If Hunter is correct, Denman would have rebuilt the mill, but I have not found any of his watermarks after that date. It is possible that he delegated the day-to-day management of the business to an employee or a tenant such as John Clark, who occupied a Springfield mill that burned down in 1819. Denman owned that establishment, as well as a woolen factory on the premises, and suffered losses of nearly $14,000, of which only $7,000 was covered by insurance. Otherwise, I know nothing about his business activities in his early years except that he held printing equipment “distrained for Rent” owed to him by David Cree, who attempted to publish a newspaper in Morristown, New Jersey, in 1784 but defaulted on

MD [laid] — ms., Sussex County, N.J., 1812 (AAS); ms., Randolph Township, N.J., 1812 (AAS).

11.  New-York Mill. Opposite Samuel Tyler’s mill, which was close to or on the site of N.J. Mill 14. In 1798 Davis & Dunham {Matthew L. Davis and David Dunham} met with other papermakers in Springfield and two papermakers in New York to negotiate an agreement on the maximum prices they would pay for rags. This is the earliest record I have for this firm (once again, courtesy of Joseph J. Felcone). Dunham ran a dry goods store in New York, which stocked the products of this and other mills in the vicinity. In addition, Davis was a printer and newspaper publisher in New York between 1794 and 1798, and Dunham was active as an auctioneer between 1802 and 1820. Davis joined with him in the auction business until 1804 or perhaps 1803, when he appears to have quit the papermaking firm, then operating as Dunham & Randolph. References: McKay 1942, 22, 25; Gottesman 1965, 291; [Elizabeth, N.J.] New-Jersey Journal, 25 Sept. 1798, 4, and 9 Oct. 1798; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Sept. 1800: double cap. watermarked with nine letters, i.e., D & D NY MILL; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 June 1803: medium, ordered by Dunham & Randolph of New York. Eagle and liberty pole = 1797 [laid] — Charlotte Biggs, A Residence in France (Elizabeth, N.J.: Printed by Shepard Kollock for Cornelius Davis, 1798; Joseph J. Felcone). D & D | 1798 = eagle and liberty pole [laid] — Augustin de Barruel, Memoirs, vol. 4 (Elizabeth, N.J.: Printed by Shepard Kollock for Cornelius Davis, 1799; Joseph J. Felcone); John Burton, Lectures on Female Education, 5th American ed. (Elizabeth, N.J.: Printed by S. Kollock for Cornelius Davis, 1799; Joseph J. Felcone).

New J e r s ey  ::  143 D & D = bird [laid] — William Dunlap, The Wild-Goose Chace: A Play (New York: Printed by G. F. Hopkins for William Dunlap, 1800; BAL 4982 with two other Dunlap plays, BAL 4983 and 4984). D & D = NY MILL [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1801, and Marbletown, N.Y., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 294–95); ms., New York, N.Y., 1802 (AAS; lacking half sheet with the watermark NY MILL).

12.  Short Hills Paper Mill. On a branch of the Rahway River, on Millburn Avenue. John Clark’s two-vat paper mill burned down in 1801, not quite a year after he had started in business here, consuming all he had earned during “many years of toil.” Indeed, he may have been involved in another mill nearby since one of his watermarks appears in a New Jersey imprint as early as 1798/1799—or perhaps he began at this location somewhat earlier than indicated by the local histories. He rebuilt the mill and continued to manufacture “all varieties of paper.” References: Shaw 1884, 2:713; Munsell 1876, 56; Meisner 2002, chap. 10; [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 5 May 1801, 3. JC = fleur-de-lis [laid] — The Rural Magazine (Newark, N.J.: Printed by J. H. Williams for the Proprietors, 1798–1799; NjR); Samuel Stanhope Smith, Sermons (Newark, N.J.: Printed and sold by Jacob Halsey and Co., 1799; NjP). JC [laid] — ms., Sussex County, Del., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 511). J CLARK [wove] — printed doc., n.p., dated in type 180_ and dated in ms. 1806 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 264)

John Lang purchased a half interest in the mill in 1806 and became sole proprietor in 1807. Reference: Shaw 1884, 2:713. Abraham Wooley (also A. R. Woolley) bought the mill from Lang in 1808. If that date is correct, Wooley would have seen his investment go up in smoke just a few weeks later, for the mill burned down at the begin-

ning of the year; he lost not only the building but also his machinery and supplies. He then sold the business to John Breath in 1811, although it is not clear whether he sold a reconstructed mill or merely the property with the water privilege. References: Shaw 1884, 2:713; New-York Weekly Museum, 20 Feb. 1808, 3. Thomas Campbell settled here in 1817 after operating N.Y. Mill 50 in Dutchess County, New York. As soon as he arrived, he bought the mill from Breath’s executors (although Breath’s will is dated 1818). During the depressed economic conditions of 1820, Campbell employed four men, three women, and two children at one vat, manufacturing writing, printing, and wrapping grades with an estimated annual value of $4,000 to $5,000. He was sufficiently discouraged by the state of the trade to put the mill up for sale, noting that his new dwelling house, orchard, and picturesque locale would make “a desirable summer retreat for a family,” but even those inducements failed to elicit an acceptable offer. On a trip to Springfield in 1831, Stephen Vail stopped to look at the Short Hills papermaking machine (probably a cylinder) and noted that it “works very well”—or at least better than the calendaring machine, which Vail repaired a few months later. In 1839 Thomas Campbell leased the establishment to his son Wellington Campbell, who was still in business making various kinds of card in 1882. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:345, 352; Shaw 1884, 2:713, 715; Snell 1934, 3–4; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 41; New-York Columbian, 10 Aug. 1820, 3; Vail Diaries, 7 May 1831 and 18 Aug. 1831; Lockwood 1882, 65. 13.  On the Rahway River, below Taylor Park Lake. Woolebridge Eaglesfield operated a paper mill in Millburn in 1810. He put it up for sale at a “bargain” price in 1817, when he was running it as a partner in the firm of Eaglesfield & Lyon. He later leased it to John and James White and then sold it to his son-in-law Israel Dodd Condit, who formed a partnership with Elijah Smith, another son-in-law of Eaglesfield. In 1830 Condit ordered a Fourdrinier machine from Stephen Vail but then changed his mind and engaged another firm

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  144 to build a cylinder, a less onerous investment. With the money he saved, he may have also bought a steamheated drying device, an essential ingredient of massproduction papermaking. Among other products, the mill manufactured newsprint for newspapers in New York. After Smith left the firm, Condit converted the mill to a hat-body factory. References: Shaw 1884, 2:713; Meisner 2002, chap. 10; [New York, N.Y.] Commercial Advertiser, 30 Oct. 1817, 3; Vail Diaries, 30 Sept. 1830 and 10 Dec. 1830.

References: New Jersey Wills, 1:499; [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 18 Apr. 1820, 4; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 21. Thompson & Belaney acquired the mill sometime after 1820 and relinquished it in 1825, when it became the property of James White. In 1856 White sold it to a firm headed by Israel Dodd Condit. Reference: Shaw 1884, 2:713.

14.  On a branch of the Rahway River, a half mile from the church in Springfield.

Samuel Parkhurst operated a binders’ board mill in Millburn as early as 1818. In 1820 he reported to the census that he bought 30 tons a year of junk or tarred rope to make pasteboard priced at $80 a ton, probably for sale in New York City. He employed three men in this line of business. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:451; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 42; Meisner 2002, chap. 10. John White owned and operated the mill for some time before it was converted to a hat-body factory. He purchased replacement parts from the paper machine manufacturer Stephen Vail in 1826 and 1828. References: Shaw 1884, 2:714; Vail Diaries, 13 Aug. 1826 and 15 Dec. 1828.

Captain Jonas Wade converted a grist mill at this location to paper manufacture sometime before 1810. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:499; Shaw 1884, 2:713; Meisner 2002, chap. 10. J WADE [laid] — ms., Chatham, N.J., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1026). JW = American eagle [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 596–97). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the American eagle watermark to Mass. Mill 73, owned by John West, who was less likely to be supplying the New York market at this time and was probably using a JW & Co. watermark.

Oliver Wade operated a two-vat paper mill and a pasteboard manufactory here in 1820. In his capacity as sole executor of Jonas Wade, he put the mill up for sale along with a tannery, a distillery, a grist mill, a saw mill, and other properties in Springfield in March 1820, but he was still running the paper mill in January 1821, when he was interviewed by the census authorities. He told them that cheap imports from France and Italy had stifled demand and driven prices down so low that he was running only one of his two vats, employing six men and six women in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings, his annual sales amounting to about $5,000. Two men worked at one engine and two presses in his pasteboard manufactory, their annual output of binders’ board worth about $2,400.

15.  Near the intersection of Main and Essex Streets.

16.  Diamond Mill. On a branch of the Rahway River. Jonathan Parkhurst built a binders’ board mill in Millburn around 1820 and operated it in partnership with his father, Abraham Parkhurst. Jonathan appears to have been the senior member of the firm Abraham Parkhurst & Sons in 1828, when he bought a large calendaring machine from Stephen Vail. He rebuilt the mill after it burned down in 1844, and it was still in operation in 1882. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:451; Shaw 1884, 2:712–13; Vail Diaries 5 Mar. 1828 and 26 Aug. 1828; Lockwood 1882, 65. 17.  Not located. In 1820 White & Belland were running a one-vat mill in Springfield, where they made writings, printings,

New J e r s ey  ::  145 and wrappings with a total value of $4,000 or $5,000 a year. They employed four men and six women. Possibly White could be related to or identified with James White, who was involved with N.J. Mills 13, 14, and 35, or with John White, who was involved with N.J. Mills 13 and 15. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 17, item 39. 18.  At the site of the present high school athletic field. The brothers Joseph P. Smith, John W. Smith, and William C. Smith built this binders’ board mill in 1822. A few years later William C. Smith left the firm, as did John W. Smith in 1838, leaving Joseph P. Smith as sole proprietor. The mill remained in the family until it was closed in 1872. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:478– 79; Shaw 1884, 2:713; Meisner 2002, chap. 10. 19.  At the Springfield line. Samuel Miller and Daniel N. Denman converted a woolen mill at this location to paper manufacture sometime after 1825. Somehow they acquired a cylinder as early as 1827 and were running it successfully enough to attract the notice of Stephen Vail, whose son Alfred Vail made a special trip to Springfield to look it over. The firm later operated as Denman & Ayres after Miller departed. References: Shaw 1884, 2:713; Meisner 2002, chap. 10; Vail Diaries, 11 May 1827. William and Abner Stites acquired the mill in 1835 and converted it from the manufacture of wrapping grades to binders’ board. Reference: Shaw 1884, 2:713.

Addendum Alexander Ming and William C. Duckett owned a cotton factory, a saw mill, a paper mill, and 20 acres of land in Springfield in 1813, when their properties were liquidated by order of the sheriff. Duckett had already suffered setbacks in Pa. Mill 111, which had also been sold by the sheriff. Reference: [Elizabeth, N.J.] NewJersey Journal, 15 June 1813, 3.

Bloomfield 20.  On the Second River, behind Franklin Street. Charles Kinsey built a mill at this location before 1802, when he moved to Paterson, New Jersey. References: Folsom 1912, 57; Congress 1971, 1239. In 1802 Joseph Condit Jr. invited papermakers to visit the paper mill at Bloomfield, where they could inspect samples of paper made from “shavings of tanned Leather” by a process he had patented just two weeks earlier. References: [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 15 Mar. 1802, 1; Burke 1847, 86. Eliphalet Hall and Jacob K. Meade were operating this mill in 1818, and both still resided in Bloomfield in 1830. Reference: Folsom 1912, 57 and map between pp. 184 and 185. H & M [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 426).

This paper mill may have been one of three known to have been operating in Bloomfield in 1832. There were still three paper mills in Bloomfield in 1840, after the Belleville tract (see N.J. Mill 28) became a separate township in 1839. References: Gordon 1834, 104–5; Folsom 1912, 142. 21.  On the Third River, next to the Morris Canal and the road to Paterson. Baldwin & Pitt purchased a pair of Sellers’ moulds in 1804. The partners were probably Ichabod Baldwin and Samuel Pitt, who invested in several manufacturing ventures in the Bloomfield area. Baldwin also owned a tannery. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 Aug. 1804: large super royal vellum; Cushman 1992, 8. 22.  On the Third River. Near the road to Belleville? Johnson & Dodd operated a paper mill in Bloomfield in 1809. The Dodd family owned three mill sites on the Third River. References: Folsom 1912, 16; [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 3 Jan. 1809, 3. In 1817 the creditors of Job S. Dodd put up for sale

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  146 at auction the properties he had surrendered under a writ of fieri facias, including a “Paper Mill and Bark Mill in Bloomfield.” Reference: [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 30 Dec. 1817, 1. 23.  On the North Branch of the Second River, West Bloomfield,on Bloomfield Avenue (formerly the ­NewarkPompton Turnpike), four and a half miles from Newark. John Purvis and Alexander Wilson were working in a Bloomfield paper mill in 1812, apparently as partners, for both immigrated from England on the same day in 1802. Reference: Scott 1979, 248, 250. Purvis, Wilson & Laing put up for sale a one-vat, two-engine mill at this location in 1814. The mill was on a “never failing stream” and had an “excellent well” to provide spring water for the washing engine. A bleaching house was on the grounds, as well as a boarding house that could accommodate three families. Reference: [New York, N.Y.] Columbian, 6 June 1814, 1. PW & L = posthorn [wove] — printed doc., New York, N.Y., ca. 1806–1828 (AAS; reproduced in Gravell & Miller 2002 as wmk 785 but omitting the posthorn portion of the watermark). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute this watermark to Peter Wallover of Philadelphia, although the style of the ampersand indicates that it was the work of a mouldmaker in the New York area, quite possibly James Henderson of Springfield, New Jersey. They do not offer an explanation for the initial L, and Wallover was not associated with anyone who might have used that initial.

Isaac Ward had a paper mill at this location in 1830. Reference: Folsom 1912, map between pp. 184 and 185. 24.  On the Third River, next to the Morris Canal and the road to Paterson, below N.J. Mill 21. Cushman claims that John Collins operated a paper mill at this location, although Collins’s will indicates that he made his living as a farmer. After he died in 1806, his property passed to his son Isaac Collins. It is possible that his son or his son’s tenant built a paper

Fig. 3.3. Watermark of Purvis, Wilson & Laing in a printed document, New York, ca. 1806–1828. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

mill sometime before 1815, when Samuel Pitt purchased it and the “Paper Mill Pond.” Pitt supplied the paper for Philip Freneau’s Collection of Poems on American Affairs (New York: Published by David Longworth, 1815) in two volumes. He was still in the papermaking business as late as 1830. References: Cushman 1992, 28; Folsom 1912, 61 and map between pp. 184 and 185; Charles F. Heartman, ed., Unpublished Freneauana (New York: Printed for the editor, 1918), 12–15. PITT & Co [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 802). PITT [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 801).

25.  Near Harrison Street and the Morris Canal. An investor named Gwinn purchased a saw mill at this location and converted it to the manufacture of paper.

New J e r s ey  ::  147 He built a home on his property but leased the mill to William Frame of Bloomfield. Reference: Folsom 1912, 30. 26.  Near Harrison Street and the Morris Canal. After buying the property for N.J. Mill 25, Gwinn built a second paper mill nearby and leased it as well to William Frame. Eventually steam power was introduced in both mills. Reference: Folsom 1912, 30. 27.  On the North Branch of the Second River. The Brower family ran a pasteboard mill in Bloomfield in 1830 and possibly manufactured paper as well. There might be some connection with George W. Brower, who ran a paper warehouse in New York in 1835 and appears in New York directories as a paper hanger in 1842. References: Folsom 1912, 61 and map between pp. 184 and 185; Huttner 1993, 39.

Addendum Matthias Bowden was a papermaker in Bloomfield in 1830, but there is no indication whether he owned his own mill or was employed in one of the local manufactories. Reference: Folsom 1912, 62.

Belleville 28.  Third River Paper Mill. On the Third River, three miles north of Belleville (which was originally part of Bloomfield but became a separate township in 1839). Around 1808 a grist mill at this location was converted to paper manufacture by the firm Bird, Hopkins & Whiting {Bird, George Folliet Hopkins, and Samuel Whiting}. Hopkins had been a printer in New Jersey but then moved to New York, where he appeared as a printer in city directories in 1797. Directories also identify him as a stationer between 1800 and 1842 and as proprietor of a paper warehouse in 1814. Samuel Whiting & Co. appear in New York directories as booksellers in 1811, and Whiting continued in the

bookselling business until 1833. He used a watermark with the same two doves design as that of Bird, Hopkins & Whiting and with the initials SW & Co, which could signify either that he continued in the papermaking business after the original firm dissolved or that he was ordering specially watermarked paper for his shop in New York. It is possible that Bird is a corruption of Bayard, a member of the bookselling firm Hopkins & Bayard operating at Hopkins’s New York city address in 1808 and transacting business on behalf of this mill at that date. Another possibility is that Bird was associated with Hopkins & Bayard in a firm named something like Bird, Hopkins & Bayard, which could be the origin of the BH & B watermark listed below. Daniel Sawn was the foreman in 1814, when he announced that he had openings for four apprentices, evidence that this mill had at least two vats. Dard Hunter reproduced an undated ream wrapper of the Third River Paper Mill in Papermaking by Hand in America. References: McKay 1942, 36, 76; Huttner 1993, 115–16; Gilpin Letter Book, 3 Jan. 1809; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Feb. 1808: assortment of moulds ordered by Hopkins for his mill “near New York”; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 June 1808: demy laid, watermarked with four letters, i.e., BH & W; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 5 May 1810: wove royal printing; [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 5 Apr. 1814, 4; Hunter 1950, 237. BH & B [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 117). BH & W [laid] — printed doc., New York, N.Y., dated in type 18__ and in ms. 1811 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 119). BH & W [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1811 and 1812 (NNC, Nicholas Fish Papers); ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 118). H & W | THIRD RIVER = two doves and a sprig of ivy [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1813, and New Haven, Conn., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 436– 37; wmk 436 reproduced in reverse); ms., Newburgh, N.Y., 1815 (AAS; countermark only). SW & Co N YORK = two doves and a sprig of ivy

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  148 [wove] — mss., West Point, N.Y., 1815, and New York, N.Y., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 891–92).

The Third River Paper Mill passed into the hands of Morris & Kingsland by 1818, when they appointed T. & J. Swords {Thomas and James Swords} to be their agent in New York. A year later they transferred their business to Jonathan Seymour, the most prominent paper merchant in New York. They continued to use their predecessors’ doves watermark, which signaled fine writings and printings such as hot-pressed quarto post and top-quality medium printing (costing as much as $6.50 a ream). Reference: [New York, N.Y.] Commercial Advertiser, 10 Feb. 1818, 4, and 23 June 1819, 3. M & K N YORK = two doves and a sprig of ivy [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1818 (AAS; reprod. in fig. I.9); ms., Washington, D.C., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 680–81). M & K N YORK [wove] — mss., Washington, D.C., 1819, and Hartford, Conn., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 679); printed doc., Petersburg, Va., dated in type 182_ and in ms. 1823 (AAS); A Bill for the Preservation and Civilization of the Indian Tribes within the United States ([Washington, D.C.: Gales & Seaton?, 1826]; DLC). M & K | N YORK [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 678). THIRD RIVER [wove] — ms. New York, N.Y., 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 946).

Warren and Melville Curtis are said to have acquired the Third River Paper Mill sometime between 1809 and 1825, although the latter date seems more likely on the basis of the datable watermarks employed by Morris & Kingsland. The Curtises completely mechanized the mill by 1834, installing at some expense a Phelps & Spafford Fourdrinier along with a pulp dresser, steamdrying cylinders, and a cutting machine. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 242; [Boston, Mass.] The Liberator, 17 Jan. 1835, 12; Vail Diaries. Hunter claims that Joseph and Richard Kingsland

occupied the Third River Paper Mill, and Gravell & Miller state that they took it over after the Curtises, but other sources imply that the Kingslands were solely concerned with the Madison Mill until 1837, when they built a second establishment in Franklin, New Jersey. There is some possibility that these two names refer to the same mill, but both are used so frequently that it has seemed best to account for them in separate entries to avoid confusion. References: Hunter 1950, 233; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 242. 29.  Madison Paper Mill. On the Third River, two and a half miles north of Belleville. Bird, Hopkins & Whiting offered the Madison Paper Mill “or the larger part thereof ” for sale in 1812. At that time the mill contained three vats and had room for one more in the main building, which measured 104 by 32 feet. Reference: [Newark, N.J.] Centinel of Freedom, 25 Feb. 1812, 4. Joseph Kingsland operated several saw mills and grist mills in Essex County and perhaps also Bergen County, where his family owned substantial tracts of land. He bought the Madison Paper Mill when it came up for sale in 1812, a propitious time to invest in domestic manufactures, which had been expanding in response to disruptions in foreign trade. The machinists C. M. Pickering & Co. listed the Fourdrinier they built for him in Belleville as one of the seven machines they had completed by 1832 (in association with or employed by Phelps & Spafford). Kingsland had previously approached Stephen Vail with the idea that he, Kingsland, might make some components of a 42-inch Fourdrinier and that Vail would take care of the rest, but Vail declined to work on those terms. References: Clayton 1882a, 402; Vail Diaries, 15 Sept. 1830 and 5 Oct. 1830; AAD 1832, 143. After Joseph Kingsland retired in 1856, his papermaking ventures were continued under the management of his sons Joseph II and Richard Kingsland. They owned two paper mills on the Third River in 1873; at that time the Madison Mill contained three engines, a “Kingsland engine,” and a 62-inch Fourdrinier

New J e r s ey  ::  149 machine. References: Clayton 1882a, 402; Lockwood 1873, 59. 30.  Not located. W. & C. Baldwin are said to have purchased for their mill in Bloomfield one of the first Fourdrinier machines manufactured by the Smith & Winchester Manufacturing Company. This story was embroidered at a later date by someone who assumed that the Smith & Winchester firm was operating without competition in the United States. In fact, the Baldwins bought their Fourdrinier and a pulp dresser from Stephen Vail in 1832. I have not been able to ascertain how they were related to the Baldwin who was active in the Bloomfield paper trade ca. 1804 at N.J. Mill 21. References: Weeks 1916, 180; Vail Diaries, 14 July 1832.

Maplewood 31.  On the site of the Dunnell Road firehouse in a district formerly known as Jefferson Village. Abijah Legge Dunnell purchased a woolen mill and converted it to the manufacture of paper in 1812. He had a papermaking machine, probably a cylinder, which had features of sufficient interest to Stephen Vail that he inspected it while on a trip to Springfield in 1830 and obtained drawings of it in 1832. References: http:// www.altlaw.com/edball/html/d0046/i00367.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); http://www.altlaw.com/edball/ html/d0072/i02982.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); Vail Diaries, 10 Dec. 1830 and 15 May 1832. The estate of A. L. Dunnel was making hardware paper on a 62-inch double cylinder machine in 1873. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 61.

Addenda The Census of 1810 calls for ten paper mills in Essex County. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 42. Gordon’s Gazetteer calls for nineteen paper mills in Essex County ca. 1832. Reference: Gordon 1834, 37.

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Morris County Hanover 32.  Melville Paper Mill. On the Whippany River, four miles from Morristown. Charles Marr moved to Hanover soon after he concluded his partnership with Samuel Campbell in N.J. Mill 9. In May 1794 he announced that his mill was finished and ready to begin operations. The business proved so unprofitable, however, that one of his creditors had it sold at auction by the sheriff in November 1796. Marr continued to advertise for rags through 1799, either having retained some connection with the mill or acting as an agent for another one in the Hanover vicinity. For this account of Marr’s Hanover papermaking ventures, I am much indebted to Joseph J. Felcone, who has shown me the information he has collected about Marr in contemporary New Jersey newspapers. Reference: Wilson & Stratford 2002, 243. Crown | CM Co = MD & Co [laid] — ms., Elizabeth, N.J., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmk 135; watermark only); ms., New York, N.Y., 1797 (AAS; countermark only); Votes and Proceedings of the Twenty-Second General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Second sitting, 24 Oct. 1797] (Trenton: Printed by Matthias Day, 1798; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmk 497; countermark only). CM = horse’s head | plow [laid] — ms., Franklin Furnace, Pa., 1796 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 236–37); ms., Essex County, N.J., 1800 (AAS). Note: Following Dard Hunter, Gravell & Miller attribute to Campbell & Mitchell the horse’s head watermark as well as the C & M watermarks listed in the entry for N.J. Mill 9. They attribute the crown watermark to a foreign papermaker even though the CM lettering is quite similar to the CM lettering in the horse’s head watermark. They were not aware of the MD &

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  150 Co countermark, which refers to the New Jersey state printer Matthias Day or the New Jersey papermaker Matthias Denman.

Around 1800 William Maher sold a paper mill at this location to Jacob Gray and Cornelius Voorhees. I can only conjecture that this was the same mill operated by Marr, who seems to have gone out of business just before Gray and Voorhees arrived. Reference: Morris County 1914, 1:143. After working in N.J. Mill 44, Joseph Bleything purchased this establishment, perhaps around 1825, when he ran up debts with the papermaking machinery manufacturer Stephen Vail. At one point he proposed to rent a mill owned by or named after E. Miller. His son William H. Bleything was also involved in this papermaking venture, perhaps as a junior partner. Joseph Bleything bought a pulp dresser from Vail and haggled with him over the price of a Fourdrinier ($1,200 on a year’s credit) but obtained a cylinder elsewhere in 1832. This account is more reliable than the Morris County local history, which states that Bleything installed the first Fourdrinier in New Jersey in 1830. References: Morris County 1914, 1:143; Sellers Letter Book, 15 Feb. 1832; Vail Diaries, 8 Dec. 1825 and 2 Dec. 1831. In 1843 Gaunt & Derrickson purchased this mill as well as the Phoenix Mill upstream, rebuilt them, and sold them to Daniel Coghlan in 1847. Coghlan was making envelope paper on a 62-inch Fourdrinier in 1873. References: Morris County 1914, 1:143; Lockwood 1873, 62. 33.  Phoenix Mill. On the Whippany River, upstream of N.J. Mill 32. Robert Donaldson ran a paper warehouse in New York between 1819 and 1835. In 1819 he announced that a volume of law reports he had published was available at his “Book and Paper Ware Room.” Hunter dates his papermaking activities as early as 1800, perhaps just a notional date, since Hunter knew about Donaldson’s mill only on the basis of a ream wrapper reproduced in Papermaking by Hand in America. The earliest di-

rect evidence I have found for his papermaking business is his RD watermark, first appearing in 1812. But he probably started before 1810, when the census recorded the existence of two paper mills in Morris County. His establishment contained two vats and two engines worked by ten men, eight women, and one child in the manufacture of paper and boards. Capitalized at $25,000, Donaldson’s business cost him more than the revenue it produced, at least in 1820, when he complained that demand had declined because of imports. He won a prize for his quarto post paper in the seventh Exhibition of Domestic Manufactures at the Franklin Institute, where he also displayed scented, tinted, and embossed writing papers. The Phoenix Mill probably got its name around 1821 after a fire destroyed the building and inflicted losses estimated as high as $15,000—but not so high as to discourage Donaldson, whose watermarks show that his business had risen from the ashes by 1824. In 1834 he installed a 41-inch cylinder machine, although he appears to have been running a Fourdrinier in 1832, when Stephen Vail made some adjustments to the deckle straps and the shaking mechanism. References: National Intelligencer, 21 Sept. 1819, 3; Huttner, 1993, 74; Hunter 1950, 291, 299; Hunter 1952, 150; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 42; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 43; New-York Spectator, 26 Dec. 1821, 3; Journal of the Franklin Institute, n.s. 8 (1831): 328; Vail Diaries, 25 May 1832 and 27 June 1832; Sellers Order Book, 19 Aug. 1834. RD = American eagle [laid] — printed doc., Morristown, N.J., dated 18__ in type and 1812 in ms. (AAS); ms., Sussex County, N.J., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 811–12). RD [wove] — James Abraham Hillhouse, The Judgment, A Vision (New York: Published by James Eastburn, 1821; DLC, BAL 8512). RD = phoenix in double surround [wove] —ms., New York, N.Y., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 813–14; watermark 814 reproduced in reverse); printed doc., New York, N.Y., dated 182_ in type and 1828 in ms. (AAS).

New J e r s ey  ::  151 R DONALDSON [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 323); ms., Enos Throop to I. W. Flagg, Auburn, N.Y., 1830 (MWiW-C). R DONALDSON [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 324). R DONALDSON | PHENIX MILL [laid] — mss., Canton, China, 1828, and Albany, N.Y., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 325); ms., New York, N.Y., 1831 (AAS). Within a one-line oval cartouche: DONALDSON | phoenix within a one-line oval cartouche | MILL [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832, and Lancaster, Pa., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 321, 322). R DONALDSON [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1836 (AAS; edgemarked, embossed DONALDSON U.S. GOV N. YORK).

Donaldson was succeeded by his son Robert Donaldson Jr. around 1835, when he closed down his paper warehouse in New York. After the cylinder was installed, the Phoenix Mill was producing 10 tons a week, mostly newsprint and other printing papers for Frank Leslie’s Pictorial, the New York Ledger, and other journals. References: Sellers Order Book, 20 May 1835; Morris County 1914, 1:144. RD JR | PM | 1835 [laid] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1840 (AAS).

In 1843 Gaunt & Derrickson purchased the Phoenix Mill as well as N.J. Mill 32 downstream, rebuilt them, and sold them to Daniel Coghlan in 1847. Reference: Morris County 1914, 1:143–44. 34.  On the Whippany River? A state gazetteer notes that there were three paper mills in Hanover Township in 1832. Stephen Vail visited the “Whippany Papermills” in 1832 and did some business with them but did not mention the proprietors by name in his diaries. References: Gordon 1834, 155–56; Vail Diaries, 6 Sept. 1832.

Pequannock 35.  On the Pequannock River, near Pompton Plains? James White & Son operated a paper mill here as early as 1810. Reference: Morris County 1882, 279. In 1828 Edmund Langstroth bought from Stephen Vail a screw for a dry press in his paper mill in Pompton. This is the only evidence I have found for a mill in Pompton, probably Pompton Plains (in Vail’s vicinity) rather than Pompton Township in Passaic County. But I do know that Langstroth was a veteran member of the trade, as he was born into a prominent papermaking family and was previously employed in Pa. Mill 104. Reference: Vail Diaries, 11 Jan 1828 and 8 Feb. 1828. This paper mill may have been one of the five known to have been operating in Morris County in 1832. Reference: Gordon 1834, 37. In 1845 the White family may have been renting the mill to John Logan, who enlarged it and installed machinery, and then rented it to other tenants until James White took over the establishment in 1862. Reference: Morris County 1882, 279.

Chatham 36.  On the Passaic River. The Bonnel family ran a grist mill at or near this location as early as 1749. Jonathan C. Bonnel went into the papermaking business sometime before 1812, when Chatham papermaker Richard C. Harding was caught in a roundup of British aliens during the War of 1812. The mill did not figure prominently in the paper trade because it manufactured mainly pasteboard. References: Morris County 1914, 1:283, 314; Scott 1979, 245. This paper mill may have been one of the five known to have been operating in Morris County in 1832. Reference: Gordon 1834, 37. By 1845 the mill was being operated by C. P. Edwards. Reference: Morris County 1914, 1: plate facing p. 304.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  152

Morristown 37.  Morris Paper Mill. Near the Speedwell Iron Works. The only information I have found about this mill is in the diaries of the ironmaster Stephen Vail, who lived in the vicinity and loaned money to the proprietors, Knight & Phillips {William Knight & N. R. Phillips}. Knight appears to have been a silent partner, leaving Phillips in charge of production and sales, perhaps even with an outlet in New York if Phillips can be identified with the papermaker Nathaniel R. Phillips, who appeared in a city directory in 1826. If the date cited for a watermark with his initials is correct, he may have been in business in the New York area as early as 1813. In 1825, however, Knight & Phillips were either just starting out or were running short of cash, which they raised by mortgaging the mill to Vail for $6,000. A year later Vail loaned them an additional $2,000, but Knight then dropped out of the firm, and his partner failed to pay the interest on the mortgage. Phillips may have defaulted on other, more onerous debts if there was any truth to the rumor that the sheriff was about to levy an execution on his personal property. References: Vail Diaries, 7 Dec. 1825, 7 Aug. 1826, 16 Oct. 1826, 7 Aug. 1827, and 6 May 1828; Huttner 1993, 181. NRP & Co [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 724); ms., Morristown, N.J., 1828 (Wall Papers, folder 19). Note: The date Gravell & Miller assign to wmk 724 is difficult to reconcile with the extremely brief papermaking career of Nathaniel R. Phillips, who appears in New York city directories as a cabinet maker before and after 1826.

Vail lost patience with Phillips, “a difucult man & faithless fellow,” and suspected him of making a fraudulent assignment of assets to one of his creditors, Peter Freeman. Vail’s son-in-law Dayton I. Canfield agreed to take over the mill and tried to negotiate an agreement with Freeman and Phillips. Still looking out for the main chance, Phillips proposed that Canfield

should form a partnership with his compliant creditor and hire him, the penitent debtor, as a journeyman with wages of $8 per week. Canfield did not wish to be associated with them, and negotiations stalled for a few months until they finally relinquished control of the mill in 1828. After they left, Vail discovered that some of the machinery had been damaged by sabotage or neglect. He was so pleased to be rid of them and to have someone he could trust in this business that he loaned his son-in-law $2,000 and prepared another mortgage on the mill that would secure the money due to him from the previous mortgages. By making these investments, he obtained a pilot plant where he could develop new applications for his metalworking skills. On these premises he learned to build a prototype Fourdrinier, which was put into operation in July 1830. He could show this demonstration model to potential customers, who seem to have been sufficiently impressed that they commissioned him to make other Fourdrinier machines. The Vail family continued to support Canfield’s papermaking ventures and helped him to establish a warehouse in New York in 1841. References: Vail Diaries, 31 July 1827, 12 May 1828, 29 May 1828, 19 Dec. 1828, 23 and 24 Dec. 1828, 19 Dec. 1829, 2 and 3 Apr. 1830, and 23 July 1830; Huttner 1993, 48. DI CANFIELD [wove] — ms., Rockaway, N.Y., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 255); ms., Springfield, N.J., 1833 (Hurlbut Papers).

38.  Near Morris Plains? L. Moore (Lawrence? Loomis?) purchased from Stephen Vail a Fourdrinier, which was ready to be installed in August 1832 and was operating satisfactorily in November. The Fourdrinier was equipped with a drying machine designed by Charles M. Pickering. Vail invested in this establishment and made his first payment of $500 in April 1832. I have not been able to find any other record of Moore’s papermaking activities. Reference: Vail Diaries, 30 Apr. 1832, 3–31 Aug. 1832, and 5 Nov. 1832.

New J e r s ey  ::  153 cc

Burlington County Mount Holly 39.  On Rancocas Creek, part of Northampton Township, renamed Mount Holly Township in 1931. Austin & Carr {Cyrus Austin and Isaac Carr} purchased moulds for this mill as early as 1797. A year later Austin patented an improved bleaching process, not an original invention but an adroit appropriation of foreign technology. Some of his specifications were copied verbatim from an English patent published in the 1794 Repertory of Arts and Manufactures. It is not known whether he used the bleaching process in his own manufacturing operations or whether he fully understood its potential, not just for treating colored rags but also for finding new sources of raw materials. Less interested in its long-term economic implications than in his short-term profits, he charged licensing fees to other entrepreneurs who wished to adopt this inno­vation in paper chemistry. References: New Jersey Wills, 1:106; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 June 1797: medium; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Sept. 1800: post vellum, watermarked with three letters, i.e., A & C; Burke 1847, 85; Bidwell 1992, 68–69. A & C [laid] — Acts of the Twenty-Second General Assembly of the State of New-Jersey [Second sitting, 24 Oct. 1797] (Trenton: Printed by Matthias Day, 1798; information supplied by Joseph J. Felcone); ms., Trenton, N.J., 1800 (Carey Papers, 16:6836); ms., New York, N.Y., 1801 (AAS); mss., West Point, N.Y., 1802, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 5, 6). A & C [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 4); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS).

Isaac Carr may have quit the papermaking business around 1800, when his name dropped out of the mill’s watermarks, but he remained in Mount Holly, where he was involved with a fulling mill between 1807 and 1813. Austin left sometime between 1803 and 1806,

when Isaac Carr & Co. purchased a pair of moulds either for their use or for Austin’s successors. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Mar. 1801: writing demy, watermarked fleur-de-lis AUSTIN 1800; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 June 1803: double cap, water­ marked C AUSTIN; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1806: vellum post laid over for Isaac Carr & Co.; Woodward & Hageman 1883, 1:176. AUSTIN = fleur-de-lis | 1800 [laid] — ms., Beaver County, Pa., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 100– 101); Favorita Waltz Brazilense (New York: Peter Weldon, 1810; Wolfe 1980, 153, 275, 293). C AUSTIN [laid] — ms., Trenton, N.J., 1806 (AAS); ms., Trenton, N.J., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 99).

Edward Thomas purchased moulds under his own name in 1806 and 1807 and as a partner in Cox & Thomas { Jesse Cox and Edward Thomas} beginning in 1808. This firm also owned a store in Mount Holly. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Nov. 1806: super royal vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Apr. 1807: double cap laid over on Edward Thomas’s frames; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 Apr. 1808: post vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 May 1809: demy writing laid over, watermarked C & T fleur-de-lis; Woodward & Hageman 1883, 1:182–83. C & T = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms. Haverford, Pa., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 252–53). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute this watermark to Cox & Thorp in Mass. Mill 12 despite the evidence of the Sellers entry.

The Census of 1810 stated that the Rancocas Creek mill produced 3,380 reams in a year, with a total value of $16,900, not a very credible figure, since it seems to have been predicated on an average price per ream of $5. Around 1810 or 1811 Edward Thomas dropped out of the firm, which continued as Jesse Cox & Sons until at least 1822. One of the sons may have been John Cox, who ordered moulds from the Sellers firm in 1820. Cox & Sons sold medium papers to the Carey

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  154 firm in 1815. The mill contained two vats and two engines, but during the depression following the Panic of 1819 the proprietors closed down one of the vats and reduced their workforce to two men, eight women, and three children. Even after cutting back, they could not sell three-quarters of what they produced because of competition from European imports. Prices of writing medium had fallen from $15 to $9 a ream, writing demy from $12 to $7, post from between $4.00 and $4.25 to $3.25, and foolscap from between $4.50 and $5.00 to $3.50. Formerly, demand was so strong that they had employed eight men, twenty-two women, and four boys working overtime and exceeding their daily quotas by 50 percent. A papermaking machine was installed not long before 1832, when the mill employed forty to fifty hands manufacturing 10,000 reams of paper a year. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Aug. 1810: post, watermarked with a posthorn and COX; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 June 1811: Spanish moulds purchased by Cox & Thomas; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Apr. 1820: ordered by John Cox; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 16 Mar. 1822: several pairs, watermarked J COX; Carey Papers, 28:4016A; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 42; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 134; Gordon 1834, 187. COX [wove] — mss., Burlington, N.J., 1815, and ­Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 270); ms., Burlington County, N.J., 1824 (Wall Papers, folder 13).

The Philadelphia booksellers and stationers Bennet & Walton { Joseph Bennet, Titus Bennet, and Joseph Walton} purchased the mill in 1836, installed a Fourdrinier machine, and hired Samuel F. Levis to manage their enlarged and modernized facility. The mill burned down in 1840 and was not rebuilt. Reference: Woodward & Hageman 1883, 1:177.

Addendum Gordon’s Gazetteer calls for two paper mills in Burlington County ca. 1832. Reference: Gordon 1834, 37.

cc

Passaic County Paterson 40.  On the middle race, on the site of the Essex Mill. Charles Kinsey moved to Paterson in 1802 after running N.J. Mill 20 in Bloomfield. He may have been making paper in Paterson in partnership with Israel Crane and Andrew Ogden as early as November 1802, when they petitioned the New Jersey legislature against the construction of a dam on the Passaic River at Slotterdam. The petition identifies them as proprietors of “the” paper mill at Paterson, in which capacity Ogden purchased moulds in 1803. However, he must have left the partnership sometime before 1804, when Kinsey established the firm of Kinsey, Crane & Fair­ child with Crane and Thomas Fairchild. They moved, renovated, or expanded their facilities by leasing a mill site from the Society for Establishing Useful Manufactures. Fairchild bought out Crane’s interest in 1805 and formed the firm Kinsey & Fairchild, which sold its products in New York at a paper warehouse noted in city directories at several addresses between 1806 and 1815. In 1807 Kinsey patented a papermaking machine using a cylinder mechanism similar to those patented by Thomas Gilpin in 1816 and John Ames in 1822. His machine was constructed by Daniel Sawn, who had been a papermaker and perhaps a mouldmaker in the Philadelphia area. Nothing more is known about Kinsey’s invention, which was forgotten until Ames’s opponents sought to challenge the validity of his patent and began to refer to Kinsey as the original inventor. They claimed that Ames had hired Sawn to work on his machine as if to offer additional evidence that Ames had been filching other people’s ideas and that he could not have developed a viable cylinder on his own. Apparently, Kinsey’s partners compelled him to abandon his experiments and to convert the mill to a cotton factory during the manufacturing boom before the War of 1812. The paper warehouse in New York began to stock cotton goods in 1811. Like many other

New J e r s ey  ::  155 manufacturers, Kinsey & Fairchild failed in the economic turmoil leading up to the Panic of 1819. Kinsey served in the state general assembly at various times between 1812 and 1826 and was twice elected to Congress between 1817 and 1821. References: Congress 1971, 1239; http://www.njarchives.org/links/guides/sle00002 .html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 June 1803: Scotch vellum medium laid over; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Nov. 1810: wove royal; Sellers Letter Book, 15 May 1834; McKay 1942, 41; Clayton 1882a, 452; Burke 1847, 85; Trumbull 1882, 41–43; Albany Argus, 5 Jan. 1819, 4. 41.  Near the Essex Mill. After Kinsey & Fairchild failed, Charles Kinsey and his son leased a nearby building for seven years. Reference: Clayton 1882a, 453. 42.  Not located. While visiting the Speedwell works on 1 November 1831, John Evans of Paterson asked Stephen Vail to build him a Fourdrinier and to deliver it by Christmas. Vail was not sure about Evans’s ability to pay and did nothing except to inquire about his credit. Evans was so disappointed not to get his Christmas wish that he wrote a letter to Vail “with abusive language” and took his business elsewhere. He corresponded with the Sellers firm about its cylinder improvements and a pulp dresser he had designed or patented. He probably went out of business before 1834, when N.J. Mill 43 appears in a New Jersey gazetteer as the only paper mill in Paterson. References: Vail Diaries, 1 Nov. 1831, 17 Feb. 1832, 24 Mar. 1832, and 26 May 1832; Sellers Letter Book, 5 Mar. 1832. 43.  On the upper race near Spruce and Market Streets. Edward Curtis, Warren Curtis, and Melville Curtis built a three-story paper mill at this location before or around 1834. References: Gordon 1834, 210; http://

www.patersonhistory.com/industry/ivanhoe.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011).

Addendum John Willson of Paterson purchased paper moulds in 1811, perhaps for the Kinsey & Fairchild mill. Reference: Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Nov. 1811: post vellum, watermarked with posthorn.

Acquackanonk 44.  North of Newark, on a tract now comprising the City of Passaic and part of Paterson. Possibly this name was used loosely, and the mill was one of several in the Bloomfield area of Essex County. Jonathan Hughes and Joseph Bleything were working in a paper mill here in 1812, apparently as partners, for both immigrated from England on the same day in 1807. Hughes may have been the same Jonathan Hughes who had been operating a paper mill in Staffordshire with a partner until 1793, when his partner left and he began to run it on his own account. Hughes and Bleything also operated paper stores in New York in 1816 and 1823. References: Scott 1979, 242, 246; Shorter 1957, 234; McKay 1942, 37; Huttner 1993, 118. cc

Bergen County Waldwick 45.  In New Prospect, near Hohokus. Around 1824 Charles Kinsey and his son left Paterson (see N.J. Mills 40 and 41) and moved to New Prospect, where the father is said to have carried on the papermaking business while also serving as a judge in Bergen County courts between 1830 and 1845. He wrote a report on New Jersey industries in 1832. References: Congress 1971, 1239; McLane Report, 2:135; Clayton 1882a, 453.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  156

Addendum Gordon’s Gazetteer calls for three paper mills in Bergen County ca. 1832. Reference: Gordon 1834, 37. cc

Cumberland County Bridgeton 46.  Olive Branch Mill. Merseilles & Sibley started in business here with purchases of rags in 1832. They bought a cylinder ma-

chine in 1833 and began paying wages in that year. They sold the products of the mill in the Philadelphia market, but without much success, and had to settle with their creditors at fifty-three cents to the dollar. David Reeves and John Sibley took over as trustees of the firm and decided to close it down. Although their surviving account books contain entries as late as 1837, they must have been collecting debts and paying creditors at that time, for they did not record any sales after April 1834 or any payments of wages after May 1834. References: Oak Knoll Books Catalogue 50 (1983), item 174; Sellers Order Book, 17 Oct. 1834; Schreyer 1988, 23–24.

chapter 4

Maine

Cumberland County Falmouth 1.  On the Presumpscot River, six miles southwest of Portland. Before he emigrated to America, the rag merchant Richard Fry owned an interest in two Buckinghamshire mills in the 1720s as well as a paper warehouse in London. He was declared bankrupt in 1730, when he was running the Sheffield Mills in Berkshire. At loose ends perhaps, he agreed to manage a paper mill in Maine proposed by the real estate speculators Thomas Westbrook and Samuel Waldo. He may have heard glowing reports of Maine’s economic prospects from Waldo, who is said to have gone to England for the purpose of recruiting a skilled papermaker. In 1731 Fry arrived in Boston, where he went into business as a stationer, bookseller, papermaker, and rag merchant. He claimed to have collected 7,000 pounds of rags, although it is not clear whether he intended them to be used in Mass. Mill 1 or in his Maine papermaking venture. In 1732 the governor of Massachusetts reported to the Board of Trade that the Falmouth mill was not yet in operation “for want of material.” Although Waldo promised Fry that the mill would be ready for him upon his arrival, the papermaker probably did not occupy his premises in Maine until 1734, when he signed a lease for a term of twenty-one years, obliging him to pay an annual rental of £64 sterling. Fry succeeded in shipping 50 reams of paper to his landlords but quit the mill in December 1736 without having made any

payments. Waldo and Westbrook sued him and obtained a judgment for £70, enough to send Fry to debtor’s prison for several years. Waldo then turned against Westbrook, whose property was seized under execution. It is not clear what happened to the mill after Fry abandoned it; nor is it known if he was ever released from prison, although his widow Martha described herself as a papermaker when she signed documents concerning the disposition of his estate in 1745. After the falling out with Fry, Westbrook sought to replace him with George Massey, who filed a deposition in 1740 concerning his part in the affair. I have not seen his deposition (in the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan), which may reveal whether the mill remained in operation while the original tenant was in prison. References: London Gazette, 10–14 Nov. 1730, 2; Shorter 1957, 125, 129, 133; Goold 1875, 159–62; Fry 1908; Hunter 1952, 38–40; Baxter 1934, 24; DAB, 19:333; William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, “Finding Aid for Richard Fry Papers” (1992). 2.  On the Strandwater River. While the Presumpscot mill was under construction, Thomas Westbrook built or planned to build a second

::  157  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  158 mill on his property. In 1733 the local minister noted in his diary that he had visited the site “where the papermill is to be set.” There is no evidence that Westbrook actually succeeded in making paper in his mill, although Goold claimed that the building was completed and contained papermaking equipment. Reference: Goold 1875, 162–63.

Westbrook 3.  Near Saccarappa Falls on the Presumpscot River. In 1795 Samuel Freeman, Joseph Long, and Samuel Fowle advertised for rags they intended to use in a mill they were building “in the vicinity of Portland.” Two years later Freeman was selling writing, printing, and sheathing paper in hopes of recouping “the great expence he has been at in erecting works for the purpose.” References: [Portland, Me.] Eastern Herald, 24 Aug. 1795, 4; [Portland, Me.] Oriental Trumpet, 30 Nov. 1797, 1. The Census of 1810 stated that one paper mill was operating in Cumberland County but did not include any information about its products. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 3. The Saccarappa mill burned down in 1813, when it was owned by Partridge & Tower. The proprietors lost all of their equipment, 20 tons of rags, and 20 reams of writings—evidence that they were probably running a one-vat establishment. One of the proprietors may have been the papermaker Joseph Tower, who died in Westbrook in 1829. References: Portland Gazette, 4 Oct. 1813, 3; [Portland, Me.] Eastern Argus, 18 Dec. 1829, 4.

North Yarmouth

in Me. Mill 5. The business failed after manufacturing writing and wrapping grades for about five years. The mill contained two vats in 1825, when the Cox family’s half interest in the firm was put up for sale by auction. References: Dorchester 1859, 603–7; Goold 1875, 164; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel American Federalist, 16 Apr. 1825, 3. Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill a ­HARRIS watermark (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 438), even though it was found in a Rhode Island document dated 1813, before Harris & Cox went into business. It is more likely that this paper had been imported from England, where several papermakers named Harris were active at this time.

William Rand and Calvin Stockbridge acquired this mill sometime before 1832, when they supplied information about their concern for the McLane Report. Rand & Stockbridge employed six men, six women, and two boys to manufacture 3,750 reams a year worth $15,000. After about fifteen years, technological progress in the paper trade caught up with them and drove them out of business. Jewett & Read acted as the firm’s agents in Portland, where they sold wrappings, writings, printings, and sheathing papers—a complete range of paper products manufactured on “Neal’s Patent Machine.” I have not found any other record of this machine. References: Goold 1875, 164; McLane Report, 1:18; [Portland, Me.] Eastern Argus, 19 Oct. 1830, 3. cc

Kennebec County Gardiner 5.  On the Cobbassee or Cobbosseecontee River.

4.  Twelve miles north of Portland. In 1819 Henry Cox left Mass. Mill 12 to establish a mill in Maine for his two sons, who appear to have taken a partner to form the firm of Harris & Cox. One of the sons may have been George Cox, later a partner

After serving his time in one of the mills around Milton, Massachusetts, John Savels leased Mass. Mill 2 for a while before moving to Gardiner, Maine, in 1806. He built the Gardiner mill in 1812 and operated it as John Savels & Company in partnership with Eben Moore,

M a i n e  ::  159 John Stone, and local landowner Robert Hallowell Gardiner, who owned the mill site. The mill burned down in 1813 and was rebuilt in sixty days. One of Savels’s ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Goold 1875, 163–64; Weeks 1916, 139; Hanson 1852, 172; Hunter 1950, 227, 271. JS in script = Indian [laid] — ms., West Yarmouth [Me.?], 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 495–96; the Indian is reproduced in reverse); ms., n.p., 1818 (AAS). JS = GARDINER [wove] — ms., Portland, Me., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 578–79); printed doc., Rockingham County, N.H., dated in type 182_ and in ms. 1820 (AAS; lacks GARDINER watermark).

Savels bought Gardiner’s share in 1820 and formed a new firm, Savels, Cox & Company, in partnership with one of his employees, George Cox, who also learned the trade in Milton. The partners employed ten men, twelve women, and two children in a two-vat concern capitalized at $20,000 and consuming 46.5 tons of rags a year. They estimated their annual output to be worth $14,000 but reported that their profits were declining because of the “great influx of foreign paper.” The University of Delaware has a ream wrapper with Savels’s name, dated 1823. References: Hunter 1950, 227; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 42; Schreyer 1988, 22. After Savels died in 1824, his share passed to his son William Savels, a preacher, perhaps active only as a silent partner. Cox went off to build Me. Mill 6 in Hallowell and sold his interest to Moses Springer, who traded under the name of Moore, Springer & Company {Eben Moore, Moses Springer, and William Savels}. In 1832 ten men and twenty women were manufacturing paper worth $22,500 a year from 80 tons of rags costing $10,000. The increase in output between 1820 and 1832 might be attributed to the acquisition of a cylinder machine. The proprietors claimed that they were making a handsome profit because “Small establishments do better than large.” References: Hunter 1950, 271; McLane Report, 1:18; Hanson 1852, 152; Goold 1875, 164; Kingsbury & Deyo 1892, 2:614.

Hallowell 6.  On Seven Mile Brook in Vassalboro. After working in Me. Mill 5, George Cox formed the firm of George Cox & Company in partnership with the Hallowell bookseller Calvin Spaulding and a local printing house, Glazier, Masters & Company. According to Kingsbury & Deyo, Cox had a partner named Talpy. In 1832 Cox & Company employed ten men and sixteen women manufacturing 4,500 reams a year worth $13,500. The mill burned down in 1841 or 1848 and was not rebuilt. References: Goold 1875, 164; Hunter 1950, 227, 271; McLane Report, 1:18; Kingsbury & Deyo 1892, 2:1111. cc

Knox County Union 7.  On Crawford’s River. This portion of Knox County was formerly in Lincoln County. Josiah F. Day began manufacturing paper at this location in 1816 or perhaps as early as 1810, when the census officials noted that one paper mill was operating in Lincoln County, producing 4,500 reams a year worth $16,000—a highly optimistic figure for such a remote mill, which would be hard pressed to find customers willing and able to pay an average price of $3.55 per ream. References: Goold 1875, 164; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 3. The mill belonged to John M’Thorndike and was occupied by John M. Gibbs in 1818, when it burned down. Gibbs lost everything in the fire and moved to Massachusetts, where he started a new business at either Mass. Mill 24 in Waltham or Mass. Mill 30 in Pepperell. Reference: [Boston, Mass.] Yankee, 6 Feb. 1818, 3. In 1820 this mill appears to have been occupied by Holmes & Follansbee {Elijah Holmes and Leonard Follansbee}, who paid an annual rent of $400 and

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  160

Fig. 4.1. George Cox & Co. Hallowell, Me. One Ream. Wove Pot. Letterpress ream wrapper, 1826, wood engraving by Alexander Anderson. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

M a i n e  ::  161 employed eight people, including two or three girls, to manufacture $5,400 worth of writings, printings, and wrappings a year. Sibley offers a cursory account of two unidentified paper mills in Union, one of which appears to be this one, built in 1810, burned in 1818, rebuilt in 1819, and discontinued in 1837. The McLane Report contains production figures for an unidentified mill in Union with a staff of four men and six women manufacturing 1,500 reams of paper a year worth $4,500. Either this mill or Me. Mill 9 could have appeared in the report compiled in 1832, but I believe that this one was more likely to have been in business at that time, when Me. Mill 9 would have been closed for repairs. References: Census of 1820, reel 1, item 36; McLane Report, 1:18; Sibley 1851, 109, 464. 8.  On Crawford’s River. One Bachelder ran the second and smaller mill in Union, founded in late 1820, just in time to be recorded in the Census of 1820. Start-up costs amounted to $1,000, and the prospects of turning a profit were reported to be slim during the current depression. There was no mention of his papermaking business in 1832, when his saw mill in Union was destroyed by a flood. References: Census of 1820, reel 1, item 36; [Providence, R.I.] Rhode Island American and Gazette, 29 May 1832, 2. 9.  On Crawford’s River above the Middle Bridge. Sibley describes a mill “above the Middle Bridge,” which was destroyed by fire in 1843 with the loss of machinery valued at $3,000 and “unwrought stock” worth more than $2,000. He does not identify the

owner, but a coincidence of dates suggests that he was Josiah F. Day, whose papermaking career ended in 1843 according to Weeks. If he retired because of that fire, he might have moved from Me. Mill 7 to this establishment sometime before 1832, when it was demolished by a flood. Presumably he rebuilt it and managed to stay in business until 1843. The flood and the fire provide the only evidence for dating this mill. References: Weeks 1916, 139; Sibley 1851, 109, 464; [Providence, R.I.] Rhode Island American and Gazette, 29 May 1832, 2.

Camden 10.  Camden Paper Mill. Not located. At a cost of $5,000 Ebenezer H. Barrett and John Swann built a one-vat mill in or near Camden in 1828. They were said to be manufacturing $40 worth of paper a day. If so, they were not able to sustain that pace of production as of 1832, when the annual ­output of the mill was estimated at $6,000. It would have been making around $20 worth of paper per day if it was in operation year round; probably it closed down during the winter months. Five men and six women worked in this establishment, which contained fixed assets valued at $3,000. Barrett put the mill up for sale in 1833, offering easy terms, long credit, and the option of buying quarter shares or the entire establishment. From the Census of 1840, it appears that nothing had changed in its operations and facilities, still capitalized at $3,000 and still providing employment for five men making goods worth $6,000 a year. It burned down in 1841. References: Munsell 1876, 83; McLane Report, 1:18; [Portland, Me.] Eastern Argus, 31 May 1833, 3; Census of 1840.

chapter 5

Virginia

Crown | WP in single surround = Virginia arms [laid] — Virginia Gazette, 21–28 August 1746, 28 August–4 September 1746, 4–11 September 1746 (tracing of wmks in Clements Library copies in Goodwin 1939).

James City County Williamsburg 1.  On Archer’s Hope Creek, south of Williamsburg. William Parks, printer of the Virginia Gazette, built the first paper mill in Virginia with the advice and assistance of Benjamin Franklin, who supplied rags, felts, moulds, and skilled personnel. Through Franklin, Parks obtained the services of Conrad Scheetz, a German immigrant with sufficient knowledge of the craft to design the mill, train the workers, and begin production. The mill must have been making paper by March 1744, when Scheetz left to start his own papermaking business in Pennsylvania. Parks published a poetical plea for rags in the Virginia Gazette of 26 July 1744 and had enough on hand to make paper worth £55 12s. 9d., which amount was duly credited to his account in Franklin’s ledgers on 3 September 1744. He died at sea in 1750, and the mill was sold under execution for £96 3s. 9d. in 1752. Goodwin suggested that the mill could have continued in other hands, presumably those of the new proprietor of the Virginia Gazette, William Hunter. Miller, on the other hand, thought that it could not have remained in business, for Hunter did not use Virginia paper in the Gazette and had to buy paper from Franklin in 1751. If the mill was closed, no doubt the executors of Parks’s estate would have been glad to sell off the machinery and tools, such as the paper moulds, which Conrad Scheetz retrieved and used in Pa. Mill 45 as early as 1751 or 1752. References: Goodwin 1939; Miller 1974, xliii–xliv.

Crown | WP = Virginia arms | EN DAT VIRGINIA QUARTAM in cartouche [laid] — William Stith, The History of the First Discovery and Settlement of Virginia (Williamsburg: William Parks, 1747; DLC, MWiW-C); William Stith, The History of the First Discovery and Settlement of Virginia (Virginia: printed; London: Reprinted for S. Birt, 1753; DLC, tracing of watermarks in the Colonial Williamsburg copy in Goodwin 1939). WP = crown shield harp [laid] — John Thomson, An Explication of the Shorter Catechism (Williamsburg: Printed by William Parks, 1749; DLC, tracing of watermarks in the Colonial Williamsburg copy in Goodwin 1939). Note: The 1753 London edition of Stith’s history of Virginia is a reissue of the William Parks 1747 edition with cancel title pages and a reprinted preface. cc

Augusta County Staunton 2.  Near Staunton. In 1790 Alexander St. Clair, William Chambers, John Boys, Robert Grattan, Robert Gamble, and others received legislative approval to hold a lottery for the

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Virg i n i a  ::  163 purpose of raising £300 to build a paper mill “for the use of Gideon Morgan and Peter Burkhart.” Morgan and Burkhart were probably more involved with the business side of the concern than with its manufacturing operations since they are not identified as paper­ makers in other sources. The foreman appears to have been Daniel Womelsdorf Jr., who left the family business at Pa. Mill 61 in 1784 and moved to Virginia, possibly with the expectation of running this mill for the citizens of Augusta County. Some birth and marriage certificates issued in that vicinity are said to contain his W watermark. He was still in business in 1810, when the census noted that his annual output was worth $14,400, an impressive figure but not entirely trustworthy. He closed the mill after the local printing firm failed to pay for the paper he supplied, but he remained in Augusta County and was buried there. References: Peyton 1882, 349; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 104; Komarek 1986, 5. cc

Fairfax County Clifton 3.  Clifton Paper Mill. On tidewater, within thirty-four miles of Alexandria, twenty-eight miles of Dumfries, and twenty-five miles of Falmouth and Fredericksburg. John and Samuel Sowden ordered for this establishment several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1795 and 1800. John Sowden was obliged to put the mill up for sale in 1800. “Nothing would induce me to part with this valuable property,” he announced in a newspaper advertisement, “but for the pressing demands against those concerned.” Presumably he meant silent partners who needed to liquidate their investment. The advertisement notes that the mill building measured 50 by 21 feet and was situated next to two vat houses, a drying house, a rag house, a dwelling house (not quite finished), and a settling pond, which supplied pure water for the engines. References: Hunter

1952, 165; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Claypoole’s American Daily Advertiser, 9 Sept. 1800, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Dec. 1795: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Dec. 1796: royal, sent to Virginia; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Aug. 1800: double wrapping. J & SS [laid] — ms., Norfolk, Va., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 591). D [laid] — ms., Dumfries, Va., 1803 (Carey Papers, 18:8191). J SOWDEN = crown [laid] — ms., Long Island, N.Y., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 902–3).

The mill probably went down before the Census of 1810, which does not record any papermaking activities in Fairfax County. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 104. cc

Dinwiddie County Petersburg 4.  Battersea Paper Mill. On the Battersea estate, a mile and a half west of Petersburg. In November 1807 Bannister & Company { John Munro Bannister, John Daly Burk, and possibly others} had almost completed the construction of a paper mill on the Battersea estate, which belonged to Bannister. The foreman, John Le Messurier (also Le Mesurier), traveled north in March 1808 to recruit the necessary personnel and succeeded in raiding the Brandywine Paper Mill (Del. Mill 1) by a clever subterfuge. He obtained a letter of recommendation from one of the Brandywine proprietors and presented it to the foreman, Lawrence Greatrake, who allowed him to converse with the workers. A vatman, a coucher, and a sizer listened to his tempting job descriptions and defected to Virginia in such disgraceful circumstances that Greatrake wrote to Le Messurier and demanded satisfaction in a duel. Burk died in a duel a month later (although not by the hand of Greatrake), compelling

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  164 his partners to advertise his share in the lease in the local newspaper. Production must have started soon after May 1808, when the proprietors ordered a complete assortment of moulds from the Sellers firm. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 237; Bidwell 1992, 116; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Feb. 1808: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 June 1809: double cap laid, watermarked with eleven letters, i.e., B & Co PETERSBG, and a device of tobacco leaves; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Apr. 1810: wove fine post, watermarked B & Co., Petrsbg. V..a

The mill may have supplied newsprint to publishers in Richmond, who in turn may have owned an interest in the concern or acted as its agent in ordering moulds from the Sellers firm. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 June 1815: super royal laid, ordered by Thomas Ritchie for Thomas Burling; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 8 March 1817: royal vellum for Ritchie, Trueheart & DuVal {Thomas Ritchie, Daniel Trueheart, and Philip DuVal}. cc

B & C | PETERSB [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 108; countermark only?, lacking tobacco leaves watermark?).

Botetourt County

Tobacco leaves [laid] — ms., Norfolk, Va., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 947; lacking B & Co | PETERSBG countermark?).

5.  Looney’s Mill Creek.

o

G

B & Co PETERSBG [wove] — ms., Enniscorthy [Va.?], 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 109). B & Co | PTRSBG [wove] — ms., Virginia Town, Va., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 110).

Bannister & Company drop out of the Sellers ledgers in 1810, but Le Messurier continued to order moulds between 1811 and 1815, in one case requesting a BTSA watermark, which may refer to the Battersea Paper Mill. He also ordered moulds watermarked with his own initials, perhaps signaling that he had become the managing partner in the concern. Lists of British aliens compiled in 1812 and 1813 might include two of his employees, Thomas Farr, a papermaker resident in Petersburg, and George Miller, a papermaker in nearby Henrico County. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 June 1811: double cap, watermarked BTSA ; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Feb. 1812: double cap, watermarked M; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Aug. 1812: double cap, watermarked J LE M, to be forwarded to Norfolk; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Oct. 1815: super royal laid and double cap laid; Scott 1979, 323, 327. M [laid] — Society of Friends, London Yearly Meeting, The Epistle (Richmond: s.n., 1812; CSmH).

Fincastle

Born in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, Henry Stair (also Johann Heinrich Stoehr, Henry Starr?), built a paper mill on land he bought on Looney’s Mill Creek in 1803. This mill must have been in operation before 1811, when William Kyle of Richmond ordered moulds from the Sellers firm. He appears to have been an agent for his brothers Robert Kyle and Hazlett Kyle of Fincastle, Virginia, who also obtained moulds under their own names, once in 1816 and again in 1817, when they asked for the delivery to be made care of William Kyle. Merchants by profession, Robert emigrated from Ireland in 1807 and Hazlett in 1810, according to a list of British aliens compiled in 1812. Also a merchant, William died in Fincastle while visiting Robert there in 1832; his will, probated in New York, mentions extensive business interests in Richmond, Portsmouth, and Botetourt County. It is not clear whether the Kyle brothers were the agents, partners, or successors of Henry Stair. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 Sept. 1811: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 Dec. 1816: super royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Mar. 1817: super royal, double cap; Scott 1979, 325; Kile 1958, 44–45; http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb .ancestry.com/~jacmac/stoehr-stair.htm (accessed 20 Feb. 2011).

Virg i n i a  ::  165 cc

cc

Campbell County

Frederick County

Lynchburg

Winchester

6.  On or near the James River?

7.  Red Bud Paper Mill. On Red Bud Run?

The Census of 1810 calls for a paper mill in Campbell County making 1,000 reams a year with a total value of $3,000. In 1816 the Lynchburg Press published an account of local industries, including a paper mill, which by that time may have belonged to the Lynchburg merchant David Kyle in association with Henry Starr (=Henry Stair?). References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 104; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 Sept. 1818: newsprint moulds, ordered by Henry Starr for David Kyle; http:// www.wscottsmith.com/elliotthouse/1816/ (accessed 20 Feb. 2011).

The earliest evidence I have for this establishment is an entry in the Census of 1810, which calls for a paper mill in Frederick County but offers no further comment. James Carter occupied the Red Bud Paper Mill in 1814, when he offered a reward for the recovery of a stolen horse with a saddle bearing the name of John Carter. This Carter may have been one of the proprietors, in which capacity he submitted an order for moulds in 1817 by way of John Hagerty. In 1820 a mill in Frederick County occupied by Smith & Barber was said to employ thirteen hands with an annual output worth $7,000. I doubt that they would have been running a second mill in this remote part of the state, but I cannot ascertain what, if any, relationship they had with the Carter family. James Carter of Winchester, Virginia, ordered a cylinder machine for the Red Bud Paper Mill in 1830. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 104; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 8 Dec. 1814, 4; Sellers Moulds Ordered, Jan. 1817: vellum cap and crown; Census of 1820, reel 18, item 159; Sellers Letter Book, 31 July and 23 Aug. 1830.

chapter 6

Rhode Island

Providence County Providence 1.  Providence Paper Manufactory, later New-England Paper Manufactory¸ and last known as Rising Sun Paper Mill. On the Woonasquatucket River, in Olney­ ville, west of downtown Providence. John Waterman, Jonathan Olney, Jonathan Ballou (also Ballau), and William Goddard formed a partnership in 1764 to build a paper mill on the outskirts of Providence, each holding an eighth share in the venture. It is not known who held the remaining half interest in the mill. An inn keeper and member of the town council, Olney was descended from one of the original proprietors of Providence. Waterman, his son-in-law, managed the mill and also installed on the premises a printing office, which issued the Catalogue of the Providence Library in 1768. Goddard was printer of the Providence Gazette and may have hoped that the mill would provide a steady supply of newsprint for his press, a matter of some concern during the Stamp Act crisis, when the colonists were proposing to boycott British imports. In any case, he sold his share to Waterman in 1766, when he left Providence to join in a printing business in New York. The Providence Gazette was continued by his mother, Sarah Goddard, who printed the 9 August 1766 issue with some of

the first paper made by the mill. Jonathan Olney sold his share to his son Christopher Olney in 1767. John Waterman acquired Ballou’s interest in 1771. Chapin claimed that Waterman built a second paper mill on the Woonasquatucket on the basis of advertisements referring to the “Paper Mills” and an undated map identifying one mill as the Brown George and the other as the Rising Sun (a name I have not found in use before 1817). I have not been able to consult this map or verify the existence of a second mill in other sources. It was not uncommon for a single manufactory to be called the “Paper Mills,” for example, Mass. Mills 1 and 3 and Del. Mill 5. If there were two mills, it seems unlikely that both of them would have stopped when Waterman died, as noted below. He also owned chocolate and fulling mills, business ventures mentioned in maps and deeds in such vague terms that they are often confused with paper mills. References: Chapin 1926, 303– 5; Hunter 1952, 50–54; Hunter 1950, 76; Olney 1889, 21, 34; Brown 1958, 132.

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PROVIDENCE [laid] — Providence Gazette (Providence: Sarah Goddard, 1766; reprod. in Hunter 1952, fig. 8; tracing in Chapin 1926, 304). C OLNEY [laid] — ms., n.p., 1771 (Spawn).

Rhod e I s l a n d  ::  167 The mill closed down for a while after Waterman died in 1777 and then resumed operations under the management of his son John Olney Waterman, who inherited his three-quarters share in the firm, and his uncle Christopher Olney, trading as Olney & Waterman. John Olney Waterman appears in local newspapers as a papermaker, clothier, and chocolate maker between 1779 and 1794. In 1781 he was a partner in the firm of Waterman & Mathewson, clothiers and papermakers, although he was no longer quite so active in that last capacity, Olney having taken over the management of the paper business. Benjamin Talbot advertised for rags for the Providence Paper Manufactory in 1788. References: Chapin 1926, 305–7; Olney 1889, 33; Brown 1958, 164, 175; Hunter 1952, 53. C OLNEY [laid] — ms., Freetown, Mass., 1787 (AAS); At the General Assembly of . . . Rhode Island [Feb. 1793] (Providence, R.I.: Printed by Bennett Wheeler, [1793]; PPL); At the General Assembly of . . . Rhode Island [May 1798] (Warren, R.I.: Printed by Nathaniel Phillips, 1798; PPL). C OLNEY = anchor in shield [laid] — mss., Alexandria, Va., 1787, and New York, N.Y., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 739–40). CO [wove] — ms., Providence, R.I., 1797 (AAS); ms., Charleston [Conn.?], 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 239).

Christopher Olney operated the mill in partnership with his son Christopher C. Olney as Christopher Olney & Son from around 1794 until 1797, when the son took over management of the mill. References: Brown 1958, 119; Olney 1889, 34; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 July 1796: vellum post; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 July 1797: double cap, watermarked CC OLNEY. CC OLNEY [laid] — mss., Providence, R.I., 1787, and Canterbury, Conn., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 741); ms., Portsmouth, N.H., 1799 (AAS); New-York, December 23, 1799. Sir, You Are Hereby Directed to Attend a Company Meeting of the New-York Rangers (New York: Printed by George Forman, 1799; PPL broadside). Note: The dates assigned by Gravell & Miller to wmk 741 are difficult to reconcile with the Sellers ledgers and

Fig. 6.1. No. 2. Foolscap, Manufactured by Christopher Olney and Co. at the Providence Paper-Mills, Rhode-Island. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

with the papermaking career of Christopher C. Olney, who was surely too young to merit his own watermark in 1787, when he was fourteen. He could have made his debut in 1794, when he was twenty-one.

Christopher C. Olney operated the mill in partnership with his brother Nathaniel G. Olney as Christopher C. Olney & Co. from around 1800 until 1809, when Christopher C. Olney died. References: Olney 1889, 55; Brown 1958, 119; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 5 Dec. 1801: double cap, watermarked CCO and anchor; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 May 1808: demy vellum. CCO = anchor [laid] — n.p., n.d. (tracing in Chapin 1926, 307); ms., Herkimer County, N.Y., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 215–16).

Christopher Olney, father and son, were both running paper mills when they died, both in the same year, 1809.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  168 According to Chapin, the South Paper Mill, belonging to Christopher Olney & Co., came into the hands of Nathaniel G. Olney, the surviving partner of the firm. However, Brown states that the mill formerly owned by Christopher C. Olney was operated by Olney & Helme {Nathaniel G. Olney and Bernon Helme} until 1810, when Helme left the firm. Chapin says that R.I. Mill 3, the North Paper Mill formerly owned by the elder Christopher Olney, passed into the hands of Olney & Helme. In either case, Helme definitely had an interest in this mill, which he and William C. Bowen offered for sale in 1813. By that time, its prospects as a paper manufactory were not enticing, and Helme’s advertisement suggested that it should be converted into a cotton mill. An unsigned newspaper notice in 1819 announced that it had been converted into a grist mill. It is unclear whether the new proprietors resumed the papermaking business on the same premises or in a new structure. References: Chapin 1926, 308; Brown 1958, 119–20; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Mar. 1809: double foolscap laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Jan. 1810: wove super royal and wove cap; [Providence, R.I.] Rhode-Island American, 5 Feb. 1813, 1; Providence Patriot, 9 June 1819, 3. Weeks states that Wheaton & Eddy took over the paper mills owned by Christopher Olney. In fact, Nathaniel G. Olney did grant a deed of some kind to Joseph Wheaton and Alexander Adie. Wheaton & Adie advertised in 1817 for a vatman and a layboy to work in the Rising Sun Paper Mill. References: Weeks 1916, 138–39; Providence, Recorder of Deeds, microfilm index to deeds and mortgages; Providence Patriot, 24 May 1817, 4. In 1820 Samuel Thurber III reported to the census bureau that he was not able to obtain information about one of two paper mills in Providence, which could mean that this one had been abandoned or was in the process of being sold. Apparently the proprietors went out of business during the Panic of 1819 and defaulted on their mortgage, leaving the property in the hands of the mortgagees A. & I. Wilkinson, who attempted to sell the Rising Sun Cotton Mill and the Rising Sun Paper Mill at auction. The paper mill con-

tained two engines and was situated on eight acres of land, which included the cotton mill, a dye house, and two dwellings. References: Census of 1820, reel 2, item 2; [Providence, R.I.] Rhode-Island American, 20 Feb. 1818, 3, 16 Mar. 1819, 3, and 10 Mar. 1820, 3. Sometime around 1823 the Olneyville mill passed into the hands of Richard Waterman, who was running two vats at that time. He and George W. Annis obtained in 1828 a patent for manufacturing by hand thick wrappings or board called “double paper.” Providence city directories list some of the journeymen employed in the mill: Thomas Andros (1830), James Calder (1826; an apprentice in Mass. Mill 3 ca. 1775); Edward Lawrence (1832 and 1836); Charles Randall Jr. (1836, 1850–1854, and 1858); Harris I. Randall (1854); Isaac Randall (1830–1836, 1850, 1852–1855); Isaac C. Randall Jr. (1853–1855); Josiah Randall (1830); and William Randall (1836 and 1838). Richard Waterman appeared in Providence business directories as a manufacturer of paper and linseed oil between 1826 and 1856; he bought papermaking equipment from Phelps & Spafford in 1833. Pratt contains an entry for a paper manufacturer and dealer R. Waterman, who might be either Richard or Rufus Waterman (see below). While Waterman or the Watermans managed the front office in town, Annis oversaw production at the mill until 1857, when he quit the papermaking business and became a farmer. References: Kayser 1823, 204; Burke 1847, 85; Munsell 1876, 83; Brown 1958, 18, 19, 38, 98, 134; Sellers Order Book, 30 July 1834: paper cutter for Richard Waterman; AAD 1831, 122; AAD 1832, 242; Phelps & Spafford Order Book, 1833–1835; Pratt 1849, 267. Annis retired, and Rufus Waterman put the machinery of the Rising Sun Paper Mill up for sale after Richard Waterman died in 1857. Reference: Brown 1958, 19. 2.  New Paper-Mill. On the Moshassuck River, in northern Providence. In 1780 Samuel Thurber Jr. & Sons {Samuel Thurber Jr., Martin Thurber, Edward Thurber, and Samuel

Rhode I s l a n d  ::  169 Thurber III} advertised for rags and a journeyman to work in the New Paper-Mill, no doubt given this name to distinguish it from Olney’s establishment. In 1781 Martin Thurber announced in the Gazette that he could sell at the mill and in his shop writings, printings, wrappings, and clothier’s bonnet paper. Dexter Thurber of Providence purchased moulds in 1804. The mill burned down in 1805 with a loss of $4,000, a comparatively modest amount because “the machinery was principally saved.” Samuel Thurber must have rebuilt it immediately, for he purchased moulds two months after the fire. References: Chapin 1926, 306; Hunter 1950, 74; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 16 Jan. 1805, 2; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Oct. 1796: double cap, watermarked ST & Co. and anchor; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Feb. 1804: royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 Oct. 1804: vellum post; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 and 22 Mar. 1805: super royal, double cap, and press moulds. ST & Co = anchor [laid] — mss., n.p., 1786, and n.p., ca. 1801 (AAS); mss., Boston, Mass., 1787, Taunton, Mass., 1790, Brimfield, Mass., 1804, and Sussex County, Del., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 92, 882–83, 884–85); At the General Assembly of . . . Rhode Island [May 1798] (Warren, R.I.: Printed by Nathaniel Phillips, 1798; PPL); tracings in Chapin 1926, 307, 308.

After Martin Thurber died in 1783 and Samuel Thurber Jr. died in 1807, Edward Thurber and Samuel Thurber III carried on the business as Samuel Thurber Jr. & Sons until 1812. References: Chapin 1926, 306–7; Brown 1958, 167.

Smithfield 3.  North Paper Mill. On either the Woonasquatucket River or the Blackstone River, just north of Providence. According to Chapin, the firm Olney & Helme {Nathaniel G. Olney and Bernon Helme} took over the North Paper Mill when the senior Christopher Olney died in 1809. Chapin does not mention when the mill

was founded but implies that the North and South Paper Mills are later names for the Rising Sun and Brown George mills, both in Olneyville. In any case, Nathaniel G. Olney quit the papermaking business in 1810 to tend his store in Providence, where he was active until 1813. In 1820 Helme was operating this mill in Smithfield, which offers some slender evidence that the North Paper Mill was not in Olneyville, in western Providence, but in another part of town. Of course, Helme could have built the Smithfield mill on his own initiative, in which case Chapin’s account of the two Olneyville mills might be more trustworthy. The Census of 1820 states that Helme was probably making 20 reams of writings and 12 reams of wrappings a week. References: Chapin 1926, 308; Brown 1958, 120; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 8; Pease & Niles 1819, 345–47. Unable to pay his debts, Bernon Helme turned over to his assignee Gideon Thornton various assets, including his two-vat paper mill on the Woonasqua­ tucket River in Smithfield, along with its tools, equipment, and several tons of rags. Thornton put these properties up for sale at auction in 1821. Whether he succeeded in selling them is not clear because Bernon Helme was said to be operating a two-vat mill on the Woonasquatucket in 1823. Perhaps that information was out of date. References: Providence Patriot, 24 Mar. 1821, 3; Kayser 1823, 201. 4.  Mill Perseverance. Not located. In 1823 Daniel Mowry III announced that he wished to employ a “first rate workman” at Mill Perseverance in Smithfield. Reference: Providence Patriot, 5 Nov. 1823, 1. The products of the Paper Mill Perseverance Co. could be purchased in Providence through the agents Thornton & Lothrop in 1828 and Thomas S. Mowry in 1830. The firm Thomas S. Mowry & Co. dealt in printings, writings, and wrappings “of all descriptions.” References: Brown 1958, 121, 166; AAD 1831, 121.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  170 cc

Kent County Coventry 5.  Greenville Paper Mill. On the South Branch of the Pawtuxet River, eleven and a half miles from Providence. A lawyer by profession, Theodore Adelphidus Foster started a publishing concern around 1802 and established a paper mill around 1807, when the bookseller Henry Cushing ordered an assortment of moulds for the Greenville company. Foster put all or part of the mill up for sale along with a three-eighths share of an adjoining cotton factory in 1811 and 1815, apparently without success. At that time the mill contained two engines “and all apparatus to carry on the same.” Elder David Curtis and Theodore’s younger brother Peregrine Pynchon Foster were running the papermaking side of the business in 1815 and were in the process of rebuilding one of the engines. In 1817 investors were invited to bid for portions of a three-eighths share in the paper mill and cotton factory. Nothing more is heard of this mill after 1818, when Peregrine Foster advertised for a journeyman, although it is possible that the journeyman was being hired for R.I. Mill 6 rather than this establishment, which could have been abandoned by that date. References: Pierce 1899, 309–10; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 July 1807: moulds for Henry Cushing of “Greenville Co. R.I.”; Brown 1958,

66; [Providence, R.I.] Columbian Phenix, 11 May 1811, 4; [Providence, R.I.] Rhode-Island American, 3 Nov. 1815, 4, 9 May 1817, 3, and 2 Jan. 1818, 3; Pease & Niles 1819, 312, 370. GREENVILLE | Co RJ [laid] — ms., Newport, R.I., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 404); printed doc., Providence, R.I., dated 18__ in type and 1810 in ms. (AAS).

6.  On the South Branch of the Pawtuxet River, just below R.I. Mill 5. Investors who wished to bid for shares of R.I. Mill 5 in 1817 could also obtain one-sixth shares of a “new double-vat Paper Mill, now in operation.” It enjoyed all the requisite water rights, provided that the Pawtuxet could afford sufficient power to sustain the other mill upstream. The papermaking business may have been transferred to this facility before 1818, when the compilers of a gazetteer learned that there were three paper mills in Rhode Island, most likely R.I. Mills 1, 3, and 6. Reference: [Providence, R.I.] RhodeIsland American, 9 May 1817, 3.

Addendum The Census of 1810 does not specify how many mills were operating in Kent County, but notes that paper worth $19,023 had been produced in that county in the course of a year, a rather high amount for a single mill. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 27.

chapter 7

Connecticut

New London County Norwich 1.  On the west side of the Yantic River. The merchant Christopher Leffingwell had already invested in manufacturing ventures, including a chocolate mill and a stocking factory, before deciding to establish a paper mill in Norwich, a prosperous seaport engaged in the West Indies and coasting trade. He is said to have sent a workman, John Bliss, to learn about the papermaking business in Philadelphia. Bliss may have built the mill, but William Shaffer was its first foreman. On 9 August 1766 Leffingwell noted in one of his letterbooks that Shaffer had obtained rags and a copper kettle “for the Paper Mill Which I am Building.” The mill was producing writing paper by September and newsprint by 10 December, when the New London Gazette announced that paper made in Norwich was being used in that issue. Shaffer ordered moulds in or by way of Philadelphia in 1767 but left the firm by 1778, when Leffingwell’s foreman was Samuel Read, whose skills were in such demand that his employer wrote to the governor of Connecticut and pleaded for his release after he had enlisted in the navy. The General Assembly of Connecticut subsidized production at the Norwich mill by granting a bounty of two pence per quire for writings and one pence per quire for printings and coarse grades. The bounty was rescinded in 1770 after Leffingwell claimed that he had manufactured 4,020 quires of the higher quality paper

and 11,600 quires of the ordinary grades. Although he lost the subsidy, he gained some support from his brother Elisha Leffingwell, who purchased in the same year a quarter interest in his various manufacturing and mercantile ventures, including a fulling mill, a pottery kiln, a dyeing establishment, and a clothier’s shop. In 1775 Christopher Leffingwell was making wrapping papers and newsprint but had run out of the latter article because a drought had caused the mill to suspend operations almost entirely. References: Edwards 1967; Leffingwell Papers, box 4:1; Caulkins 1874, 607; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 21 Aug. 1775, 3.

::  171  ::

CL = CL | NORWICH | floral vignette, all in a double surround [laid] — ms., n.p., 1766 (reprod. in Hunter 1952, fig. 11); An Act and Law, Made and Passed by the General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut [2 Mar. 1775] (New London: Printed and sold by Timothy Green, 1775; PPL); ms., Norwich, Conn., 1776 (Christopher Leffingwell’s letterbook, Leffingwell Family Papers, CtY); Yale College, Illustrissimo et literaturâ, et sublimi virtute, et in summo magistratu gerendo, instructissimo viro, Jonathani Trumbull . . . hasce theses . . . die 12mo. Septembris, anno Domini M.DCC.LXXXI, defendere conabuntur juvenes in artibus initiati (Hartfordiae: Typis Hudson et Goodwin, 1781; PPL broadside); ms., Windham County,

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  172 Conn., 1786 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 227; lacks countermark); printed doc., Windham County, dated in type 178_ and in ms. 1791 (AAS; half sheet only); Yale College, Illustrissimo Samueli Huntington . . . hasce theses . . . die 12mo. Septembris, anno Domini M.DCC.LXXXVII, defendere conabuntur juvenes in artibus initiati (Novo Portu: E typis Josiae Meigs, 1787; PPL broadside). CL | NORWICH | floral vignette, all in a double surround [laid, turned chain lines] — Acts and Laws [Oct. 1770] (New London: Printed and sold by Timothy Green, 1770; PPL). LC = LC | NORWICH | floral ornament, all in a double surround [laid] — Acts and Laws, Made and Passed by the General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut [Second Thursday of October 1774] (New London: Printed and sold by Timothy Green, 1774; PPL); ms., Norwich, Conn., 1774 (AAS; lacks LC countermark); Acts and Laws of the State of Connecticut (New London: Printed by Timothy Green, 1784; NYHS); ms., Norwich, Conn., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 644, probably conjugate with Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 645). CL | bird = star [laid] — Orders of the Council of War Made Between the Sessions of the [Rhode Island] General Assembly Held in October and December, 1778 (Providence, R.I.: Printed by John Carter, [1778]; PPL). Note: Like other cases of transposed initials, the mould bearing the LC double surround watermark has a twin mould with the CL version.

Leffingwell’s son William Leffingwell and his nephew Elisha Leffingwell II took over the management of the mill after the elder Leffingwell was appointed to the post of naval officer of the Port of Norwich in 1784. However, he retained some interest in the business, which appears to have been trading as C. & W. Leffingwell as late as 1791. He was still ordering moulds under his own name in 1809, the year before he died. References: Edwards 1967; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Apr. 1791: medium, sold to C. & W. Leffingwell; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 Apr. 1799: double

cap, water­marked CL, sold to the New York office, Leffingwell & Pierpont; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Feb. 1809: double letter moulds vellum, sold to C. Leffingwell. C & WL [laid] — printed doc., Norwich, Conn., dated in type 17__ and in ms. 1794 (AAS).

I have not been able to find a reliable account of the mill’s operations after Christopher Leffingwell died in 1810. It was put up for sale in 1811 along with his mansion house, his substantial real estate holdings, a small portfolio of investments, and a grist mill in good condition occupying the same premises as a chocolate mill and a fulling mill, both in disrepair. In the same year a quantity of paper from his estate was consigned for sale at the book store of Samuel Whiting & Co. of New York. This would suggest that the business was winding down, but Weeks claimed that it was continued by the descendants of his son-in-law Thomas Hubbard, who may have been involved in the mill around 1776. References: Leffingwell Papers, box 2:17; [Norwich, Conn.] Courier, 16 Jan. 1811, 3; Weeks 1916, 37. In 1820 this mill could have belonged to either Russell Hubbard or Amos Hallam Hubbard, who both owned paper mills in Norwich at this time. Since Russell Hubbard was involved in Conn. Mill 2, Amos Hallam Hubbard probably owned this slightly larger establishment, also a one-vat, one-engine mill, but capitalized at $15,000 and consuming 24 tons of rags a year. Six men and nine women manufactured paper “of various kinds” worth $9,000 a year. Amos Hubbard would have taken over the mill in or after 1817, when he returned from a voyage to Calcutta, where one of his brothers had a printing business. References: Caulkins 1874, 491, 613; Hunter 1952, 154; Pease & Niles 1819, 147; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 93. AH HUBBARD [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1822, and New Orleans, La., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 449); Legislative Roll and Lodgings—May, 1825 ([Hartford, Conn.]: B. H. Norton, Times & Advertiser Office, [1825]; DLC broadside port. 6:21); ms., Preston, Conn., 1828 (AAS).

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  173 AH HUBBARD | 1822 [wove] — ms., N.J., 1824 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 450).

2.  On the west side of the Yantic River, at the falls, near or on the site of Conn. Mill 1. Andrew Huntington built a mill at this location in or soon after 1790. After October 1793 he formed a partnership with Ebenezer Bushnell, who had been running a newspaper in Norwich with Bushnell’s brother-in-law Thomas Hubbard. A few years later Bushnell quit to join the navy. Huntington was then briefly associated with William Adgate, whose brother Daniel Adgate purchased moulds in 1799. Huntington put the mill up for sale in 1801, apparently acting as the sole owner at that time. References: Caulkins 1874, 156, 581, 608, 613; [New London, Conn.] Connecticut Gazette, 7 Oct. 1801, 1; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Jan. 1796: assortment of moulds sold to Ebenezer Bushnell; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Jan. 1799: demy, sold to Daniel Adgate; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Nov. 1799: super royal, sold to Andrew Huntington and William Adgate; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 May 1814: super royal laid, sold to Andrew Huntington. Note: Gravell and Miller attribute an H & B = fish water­mark to this firm, although it occurs in documents dated no earlier than 1829. Since these documents are mostly in the Ohio area, I believe the watermark refers to a partnership between Henry Holdship and John C. Bayless in Ohio Mill 15. However, there is some possibility that this firm used an H & B watermark, known only by an entry in the Sellers ledgers. A person named Swift, possibly the lawyer Zephaniah Swift of Windham, Connecticut, may have been acting as an agent for this firm in 1794, when that person purchased an assortment of moulds watermarked H & B. Since Huntington & Bushnell had just formed a partnership at this time, perhaps they had an occasion to obtain or replenish a supply of moulds in the standard variety of sizes. Reference: Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Feb. 1794: royal, demy, crown, double cap, double pott.

Russell Hubbard and Thomas M. Huntington put up for sale in 1815 a “valuable Mill Seat” in Norwich containing a (combined?) paper and grist mill. They promised potential purchasers a “great bargain” because they were compelled to sell the property. Reference: Norwich Courier, 26 July 1815, 4. Apparently Russell Hubbard failed to sell the business in 1815 and had to buy out the Huntington family. Within the year he advertised under his own name for a foreman and for one or two journeymen as if he were starting up again after a period of downtime. Capitalized at $14,000, his mill contained one vat, which consumed about 20 tons of raw materials a year. He employed five men, nine women, and one child in the manufacture of quarto post, cap, and printing papers, with an annual output valued at $8,500. References: Hunter 1952, 154; Pease & Niles 1819, 147; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 92; Norwich Courier, 27 Sept. 1815, 3. R HUBBARD [wove] — ms. Norwich, Conn., 1826 (Taintor Papers); mss., New York, N.Y., 1826 and 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 451). R HUBBARD [laid] — ms., Mass., 1831 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 452).

Russell Hubbard was still the sole proprietor in 1831, when the mill contained two engines and employed a workforce of fourteen hands making the equivalent of 20 reams of medium a day. Reference: Norwich Courier, 7 Dec. 1831, 2. 3.  On the west side of the Yantic River, at the falls, near or on the site of Conn. Mill 1. The brothers Russell Hubbard and Amos H. Hubbard formed the firm of R. & A. H. Hubbard and traded under that name for twenty years, until Russell Hubbard died in 1857. At one point they owned two mills: the old wooden edifice built by Huntington & Bushnell (Conn. Mill 2), as well as a modern brick and stone manufactory. The McLane Report of 1832 contains information about two paper mills in Nor-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  174

Fig. 7.1. Russell Hubbard, Norwich, Conn. Engraved ream wrapper. It is unclear whether this is Conn. Mill 2 or 3. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  175 Amos Hubbard built the second mill mentioned in the McLane Report to accommodate the Fourdrinier machine, which would explain why its annual output was valued at three times the amount produced by the other establishment. He appears to have been using the Fourdrinier in the manufacture of newsprint for sale in New York City. In 1831 he employed twenty-five hands to tend four engines and the Fourdrinier, which made the equivalent of 60 reams of medium a day. By 1849 the Hubbards were specializing in colored paper and in writings, some of them bearing an embossed crest with their name and an eagle. References: Caulkins 1874, 613; McLane Report, 1:992–93, 1039–40; AAD 1832, 143, 169; Hunter 1947, 355–57; Phelps & Spafford Letter Book, 1829–1834, reprod. in Hunter 1947, fig. 260; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 8 Dec. 1831, 2; Norwich Courier, 7 Dec. 1831, 2; “First Fourdrinier”; Pratt 1849, 305; Nickell 1993, 206. A. H. Hubbard & Co. was still manufacturing paper in Norwich in 1882, producing colored mediums on a 68-inch and a 72-inch Fourdrinier. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 26. Fig. 7.2. R. & A. H. Hubbard. Norwich, Conn. Engraved ream wrapper. Another view of the mill depicted in fig. 7.1. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

wich but does not identify the owners. Five men and ten women worked at one mill, producing paper worth $18,000 a year, and ten men and twelve women worked at the other, much larger business, producing paper worth $55,000 a year. In 1829 Amos H. Hubbard purchased for the amount of $2,462 the first Fourdrinier machine built in America from Phelps & Spafford { James Phelps and George Spafford} of Stafford, Connecticut (later, of South Windham, Connecticut). This machine had the same specifications as the modest 49inch model imported by Frost & Pickering for Conn. Mill 43, although its productivity was greatly enhanced in 1831, when Phelps & Spafford equipped it with a drying machine composed of five steam-heated copper cylinders, 28 inches in diameter. Quite possibly

4.  Chelsea Paper Mill. On the Shetucket River, in the Greeneville district of Norwich. Phelps & Spafford sold the “Chelcy Paper Mill” of Norwich pit wheels and other machinery in 1832, when the McLane Report noted that Norwich had two paper mills in operation. I have not been able to ascertain whether this was a new establishment or one of the mills described above operating under a different name. References: McLane Report, 1:992–93; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834; Phelps & Spafford Order Book, 1833–1835. Two Norwich mills were still in operation in 1849, one belonging to the Hubbard family, the other trading as the Chelsea Manufacturing Company. The Chelsea mill was one of those known to have used Egyptian mummy wrappings as a substitute for rags. In 1873 it was making seven to eight tons a day on five Fourdrinier machines. References: Pratt 1849, 305; S. J. Wolfe, “Long Under Wraps, Cataloguing Puzzle Solved,” The

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  176 Book: Newsletter of the Program in the History of the Book in American Culture, no. 61 (Nov. 2003): 4–5; Lockwood 1873, 13.

Lyme 5.  Not located. Samuel Green, proprietor of the Connecticut Gazette, was running a one-vat, one-engine mill at this location in 1820, probably working only part of the year with a staff of three men, three women, and one child. He claimed to make 1,000 reams a year, worth $2 a ream, from 7.5 tons of rags costing $470. He must have been in business as early as 1799, when he advertised for two apprentice boys, who could apply either at the mill in Lyme or at his printing office in New London. In 1803 his foreman was Rufus Sturtevant, who later formed a firm to operate N.Y. Mill 39. Green was sufficiently involved in the management of the mill and concerned about the problems of the trade that he joined in the search for substitutes for rags and patented a method for making paper out of seaweed in 1809. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 159–60; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 84; Burke 1847, 86; [New London, Conn.] Connecticut Gazette, 20 Feb. 1799, 4, and 19 Jan. 1803, 4. In 1833 Green advertised his intention to take a partner in the papermaking business or to sell it with or without the equipment. He claimed that it was as profitable as his oil manufacturing concern on the same premises. Reference: New-London Gazette, 21 Aug. 1833, 3. cc

Hartford County Manchester 6.  On the Hockanum River at Union Village, Orford Parish, in East Hartford, later Manchester. Austin Ledyard and Ebenezer Watson, publisher of the Connecticut Courant, built a mill at this location

sometime before 1775. They advertised for a journeyman papermaker in 1776. Both proprietors died before the mill burned down in 1778 at an estimated loss of £5,000. A hundred reams of printing grades, 150 reams of writings, and a large supply of rags were destroyed by the blaze, which was said to have been of suspicious origin. The widows Sarah Ledyard and Hannah Watson petitioned the state assembly for relief, claiming that the mill provided stationery for the Continental Army and supplied the Hartford press with “eight thousand papers weekly.” The state granted them the right to raise £1,500 by a lottery, and they proceeded to rebuild the mill. References: Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 62; Munsell 1876, 45; Conn. Public Records, 1:503, 549; Goodwin 1879, 158; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 15 Apr. 1776, 4; New-London Gazette, 6 Feb. 1778, 1. Note: Hunter 1952, 167, calls for a W & L watermark ca. 1776, which I have not seen.

Hannah Watson bought out the heirs of Austin Led­ yard and in 1778 formed a new partnership with George Goodwin, who had been working for her husband on the Connecticut Courant. When she married Barzillai Hudson in 1779, Goodwin joined with her husband in the firm of Hudson & Goodwin. Elisha Babcock managed the mill for some time before he went into the printing business, around 1784. References: Conn. Public Records, 2:197–98; Hunter 1950, 239; Goodwin 1891, 641; [Boston, Mass.] Independent Chronicle, 27 Apr. 1780, 3. HARTFORD = bell [laid] — ms., Hartford, Conn., 1783 (AAS); “Laws of Vermont,” 1783 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 439–40); Acts and Laws of the State of Connecticut (New London: Printed by Timothy Green, 1784; PPL).

The mill burned down in December 1788, and the fire consumed “a large quantity of paper.” The proprietors may have decided to rebuild at another location and to start anew at Conn. Mill 10. Reference: [Worcester, Mass.] Worcester Magazine, 1 Jan. 1789, 3.

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  177 7.  On the Hockanum River at Buckland in East Hartford, later Manchester.

8.  On the Hockanum River at Union Village, Orford Parish, in East Hartford, later Manchester.

Richard L. Jones already owned a powder mill, a flaxseed oil mill, a grist mill, and a wire-drawing establishment in this vicinity when he built a paper mill here in 1780. Possibly he was related to Daniel Jones of Hartford, who ordered several pairs of moulds between 1794 and 1801. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:252; Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 80; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Feb. 1794: large royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Feb. 1801: double cap, watermarked DJ; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Mar. 1806: demy vellum, sold to Richard L. Jones.

In 1784 Butler & Hudson {Daniel Butler and Barzillai Hudson?} built a mill at this location a little farther west of the first Manchester mill. Butler put it up for sale in 1801 along with a new grist mill in an adjoining building, a small dwelling house, and six acres of land. References: Goodwin 1879, 160; Weeks 1916, 202; Trumbull 1886, 2:250–51; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 28 Sept. 1801, 2; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Sept. 1792: double foolscap, watermarked BUTLER. After Daniel Butler died in 1812, his estate passed to his daughters and son John Butler, who bought out his sisters in 1814. He was probably running two vats in 1820, since his establishment (capitalized at $20,000) was consuming 50 tons of rags a year. He employed ten men, sixteen women, and two children in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, and printings, with an annual output valued at $14,050. In 1832 he employed twelve men and three women in an establishment capitalized at $8,000 and producing goods worth $35,000 a year. Around 1839 and 1844 some of Butler’s letter paper bore an embossed crest with his name and a carrier pigeon in flight above olive branches. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 246–47; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 10; McLane Report, 1:992–93; Nickell 1993, 207.

DJ [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1804, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 303).

In 1821 Henry Champion of Colchester put up for sale a paper mill, grist mill, three dwelling houses, and about 30 acres of land, formerly the property of Daniel Jones, deceased. Reference: [New London, Conn.] Connecticut Gazette, 16 Jan. 1822, 1. The mill passed into the hands of several different owners, including Samuel C. Maxon and Joseph Chamberlain, who owned it in 1825. Reference: Trumbull 1886, 2:252. After emigrating from Amsterdam, Peter ­Rogers worked for a while in John Butler’s mill and then worked here in 1825 in partnership with William Debit, who had been the foreman of one of the Goodwin mills. Debit took out a patent for cleaning rags in 1828, renewed it in 1835, and took out a second patent for a similar process in 1836, when he sold the mill to Goodwin & Co. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:252–53; Burke 1847, 87. W DEBIT [wove] — ms., Southampton [N.Y.?], 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 313). W DEBIT [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 314).

The mill was still in operation in 1882, making book paper on Fourdrinier machines. References: Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 80; Lockwood 1882, 22.

J BUTLER = Britannia [laid] — ms., Bridgeton, N.J., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 180–81); ms., Cumberland County, N.J., 1850? (AAS). JOHN BUTLER [wove] — mss., Berlin, N.H., 1827, and Canton, China, 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 184). J BUTLER [wove] — Circular of the New-York Committee in Aid of the Cherokee Nation ([New York: s.n., 1832]; DLC broadside port. 118:4); ms., Georgetown, D.C., 1841 (AAS). JOHN BUTLER [wove, edgemarked] — ms., Bristol, R.I., 1836 (AAS). J BUTLER = ship at anchor [wove] — ms., New York,

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  178 freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~rhutch/fam04511 .htm (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); [Springfield, Mass.] Hampden Federalist, 27 Aug. 1818, 3. The mill or mills passed into other hands in 1851 and were still in operation as late as 1882, making writing grades on a 66-inch Fourdrinier. References: Goodwin 1879, 156; Lockwood 1882, 23. 10.  On the south side of the Hockanum River at the upper falls in Burnside, East Hartford, later Manchester.

Fig. 7.3. Connecticut. John Butler, Hartford. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Louis Fairchild. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

N.Y., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 182–83); ms., Boston, Mass., 1847 (AAS).

After John Butler died in 1847, the mill was sold to Clapp, Keeney & Co., said to be the first firm to use recycled paper shavings. One of the partners, Timothy Keeney II, was the son of Timothy Keeney I, Butler’s foreman. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:250–51; Pratt 1849, 305. 9.  On the Hockanum River above the upper mill and below the Burnside bridge, in Burnside, East Hartford, later Manchester. Shubael Griswold and Amariah Miller ran a paper mill and a fulling mill on this site in 1784. Griswold’s son Roger Griswold purchased moulds in 1796. In 1811 Hudson & Goodwin bought the property, which contained two paper mills in 1821 when it passed to the Hudson family. References: Goodwin 1879, 156; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Feb. 1796: super royal; http://

In 1789 Hudson & Goodwin {Barzillai Hudson and George Goodwin} built a mill at this location or perhaps converted a corn and saw mill for the purposes of paper manufacture. They may have also been involved with William Pitkin, who sold to George Pitkin in 1790 his share in a paper mill and saw mill situated “at the first Fall below the Cartway or Bridge over Hockanum River West on the Top of the next Fall below where the Old Fulling Mills were antiently erected.” A flood in 1807 swept away most of the bridges in the area and damaged a number of mills on the Hockanum, including a paper mill belonging to Hudson & Goodwin. Goodwin’s son Richard E. Goodwin and Hudson’s son Henry Hudson joined the firm some time before 1815. References: Goodwin 1879, 156; Goodwin 1891, 641–42; Trumbull 1886, 2:98; Conn. Public Records, 7:203–4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 May 1805: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 21 June 1815: post vellum, watermarked H & G; [Brattleboro, Vt.] Reporter, 7 Feb. 1807, 2. After the Hudson & Goodwin firm was dissolved in 1815, George Goodwin took the two upper mills (this and Conn. Mill 13) and went into business with his sons as George Goodwin & Sons {George Goodwin, Richard E. Goodwin, George Goodwin Jr., and Henry Goodwin}. In 1820 they employed thirteen men and twelve women in one or both mills, capitalized at $20,000; they were probably running two vats, which consumed 40 tons of rags a year and produced goods worth $13,000 a year. References: Goodwin 1891, 642– 43; Hunter 1950, 239; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 7.

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  179

Fig. 7.4. G. Goodwin & Sons, Hartford. Engraved ream wrapper. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

GOODWIN & SON [laid] — ms. Chillicothe, Ohio, 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 398). GG & S [wove] — blank sheet (AAS). GOODWINS [wove] — ms., North Reading, Mass., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 399). GOODWIN [wove] — mss., Washington, D.C., 1823, and West Point, N.Y., 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 396); ms. Bristol [Conn.?], 1825 (AAS). GG [wove] — ms., Litchfield, Conn., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 373). Note: Gravell & Miller do not suggest an attribution for the GG watermark except to note that John Hagerty purchased moulds with a GG watermark and to observe that Hagerty sometimes bought moulds for other papermakers. Reference: Sellers Moulds Finished, 20 Nov. 1813.

After George Goodwin and Richard Goodwin retired from the firm in 1825, it was reorganized as Goodwin

& Co. {George Goodwin Jr., Henry Goodwin, Charles Goodwin, and Edward Goodwin}. George Goodwin Jr. supervised the mill while his brothers tended the family’s bookstore, printing shop, and newspaper. He patented a rag-cutting machine and, more in anger than in sorrow, threatened to sue his family friend Henry Hudson, who had installed a similar device in his mill in 1831. Charles Goodwin looked after the firm’s dealings in New York, where he purchased supplies and sold Goodwin products through agents like Jonathan Seymour. Seymour appears to have been the family’s most important customer in the 1820s, but they also transacted business with several stationers in Boston. In 1832 Goodwin & Co. employed twenty men and twenty women producing goods worth $40,000 a year. Embossed crests reading Goodwin’s or H. & E. Goodwin have been found in letter papers of the 1840s. The family sold the mill in 1861. References: Goodwin 1891, 643, 651; Hunter 1950, 239; Goodwin & Co. account book, 1823–1825, and letter book, 1825–1829, CHS; Hudson & Co. legal docs., ms. 91514, CHS; AAD 1831, 54; AAD 1832, 61; McLane Report, 1:992–93; Nickell 1993, 206. G & Co [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 371); ms., Hartford, Conn., 1831 (Hudson & Co. legal docs., ms. 91514, CHS). GOODWIN & Co [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 397). Note: Gravell & Miller assign the date of 1825 to wmk 397, although their reproduction contains the date 1835.

The mill was still in operation in 1882. References: Goodwin 1879, 156; Lockwood 1882, 23. 11.  On Hop Brook in East Hartford, later Manchester. After serving his apprenticeship to David Bunce in Conn. Mill 24 or 25, Charles Bunce came to Hartford and worked in the Butler and Hudson & Goodwin mills. He left town to take a job as foreman of Mass. Mill. 50 in Andover and then returned to start his own business in a building originally intended to serve as an

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  180

Fig. 7.5. G. Goodwin & Sons, Hartford. Engraved ream wrapper, before 1833. Photograph by Douglas Stone. Courtesy of the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Institute of Paper Science and Technology, Georgia Tech, Atlanta, Georgia.

oil mill. In 1820 he employed five men, three women, and two children to produce writings, printings, wrappings, and press papers, with an annual output valued at $4,070. This one-vat establishment consumed 19 tons of rags a year. Bunce noted that it was in good condition, but that he had to cope with a very limited demand. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:253; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 9. 12.  On Hop Brook, in East Hartford, later Manchester. Charles Bunce’s eldest son George Bunce became a partner in his father’s mill in 1811, but by 1820 he was running his own business at another location in partnership with his brother Heman Bunce. They employed four men, three women, and three children in their one-vat establishment, which consumed 20 tons of rags a year and produced goods worth $3,450 a year. Like their father, they complained that business was bad and was probably getting worse, because their

Fig. 7.6. Goodwin & Co. Hartford. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Louis Fairchild. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

facilities were in disrepair after having been in operation for thirty-five years. It is unclear how long George Bunce worked in this establishment, for Trumbull notes that he purchased (or rented) a mill site around 1825 (Conn. Mill 15) and stayed there until he retired in 1850. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:253; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 11; AAD 1831, 66; AAD 1832, 76. Charles Bunce’s other sons—Heman Bunce, Charles Bunce Jr., Walter Bunce, Lewis Bunce, and Edwin Bunce—also worked in the family’s mills on Hop Brook. In 1849 Charles Bunce Jr. was making press, bonnet, and card papers at one location while W. & E. Bunce & Co. were at another mill; apparently both were destroyed by a freshet in 1869. Trumbull says that a mill belonging to Lewis Bunce and his sons was destroyed by the freshet, although Lewis Bunce had moved in 1849 to Humphreysville, where he was making printings and boards. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:253; Pratt 1849, 305; Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 103–4. 13.  On the north side of the Hockanum River at the upper falls in Burnside, East Hartford, later Manchester.

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  181 Hudson & Goodwin {Barzillai Hudson and George Goodwin} converted to paper manufacture an oil mill opposite their paper mill on the south side of the river before 1815, when the firm was dissolved and Goodwin took over both paper mills at the upper falls. Reference: Trumbull 1886, 2:98. The Goodwin family sold the mill around 1861, and it was still in operation in 1882. References: Goodwin 1879, 156; Lockwood 1882, 23. 14.  On the Hockanum River at the middle falls in Burnside, East Hartford, later Manchester. Hudson & Goodwin {Barzillai Hudson and George Goodwin} built a mill at the middle falls sometime before the firm was dissolved in 1815, when it became the property of Barzillai Hudson and his son Henry Hudson. References: Hunter 1950, 239; Goodwin 1891, 643; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Mar. 1816: demy vellum. Henry Hudson was running the mill in 1820, when he employed ten men, sixteen women, and two children in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings worth annually $14,050. The mill probably had two vats in operation, since it consumed 50 tons of rags a year. It is likely that he owned a half interest in the mill, the other half belonging to his father, Barzillai Hudson, who died around 1823. An inventory of Barzillai Hudson’s estate set the value of his half interest in the “New Paper Mill” at $7,000 and his seven-twelfths interest in the “Old Mill” at $2,916.67. The “Old Mill” might have been Conn. Mill 9, built in 1784 and possibly not in operation at this time. In 1825 Hudson & Co. was operating one mill containing three vats and employed around twenty men and fifty women. Having doubled the size of his workforce, Henry Hudson kept it at more or less the same size in the years up to 1832, when he employed twenty men, fifty women, and three boys working ten to twelve hours a day and making goods worth $70,000 a year. He continued to produce handmade writings in this mill after he bought Fourdrinier machines from Phelps & Spafford in 1830 and 1832. He probably installed his first machine in facilities he already owned. After testing its productivity

and profitability, he could then more confidently obtain a second machine to be placed in quarters specially designed for mass production, probably Conn. Mill 16. By 1830 he had closed down one of his three vats, perhaps to make room for the first machine, and in 1831 he allowed production to lapse while moving it either to another mill or to another part of the mill where he could connect it to a drying machine. Among other comments about the state of the trade, he told one of the compilers of the McLane Report that the “Cost [of manufacture was] somewhat decreased by improved machinery.” He could have used Conn. Mill 9 for production of handmade paper, or he could have used it for his second machine, but his watermarks are listed here: they show that he had obtained contracts for making paper for the U.S. Army and Navy, the Treasury, Congress, and perhaps other government departments. In January 1830 Mathew St. Clair Clarke, Clerk of the House of Representatives, purchased two lots of papers from the Hudson firm, one costing $743.75 and the other comprising 1,045 reams and costing $6,269.25—superfine writings, it would seem, since their average price was $6.00 a ream. References: Census of 1820, reel 4, item 8; McLane Report, 1:1006; National Archives, RG 233, Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, 17C-A4, Records of the Office of the Clerk, vol. 1822; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829– 1834, reprod. in Hunter 1947, fig. 262; Hudson & Co. legal docs., ms. 91514, CHS; Hudson & Co. record books, vols. 3 and 4, ms. 91500, CHS. HUDSON & Co [wove] — ms., South Kingston [R.I.?], 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 461). HUDSON [wove] — By His Excellency Oliver Wolcott . . . A Proclamation. Whereas the General Assembly [23 May 1823] ([Hartford: s.n., 1823]; DLC broadside port. 6:14; countermark only?); ms., Boston, Mass., 1843 (AAS). HUDSON = US NAVY [wove] — mss., Hudson, N.Y., 1828 and 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 465); ms., New York, N.Y., 1829 (AAS; lacks HUDSON countermark).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  182 HUDSON = Britannia, one layer of waves [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 457–58). HUDSON = ship at anchor | USN in script | HUDSON [wove] —ms., Washington, D.C., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 466); ms., Washington, D.C., 1836 (Hurlbut Papers). Ship at anchor | USN in script | HUDSON [laid] — blank sheet (Spawn). HUDSON = Britannia, two layers of waves [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (NYHS). HUDSON = bust of Washington [laid] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 467); ms., Palmer [Mass.?], 1841 (AAS). HUDSON | BATH [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 456). HUDSON = camp scene with cannon and crossed flags | US ARMY [laid, turned chain lines] — ms., Middletown, Conn., 1834 (AAS; reprod. in Bidwell 1983b, 105); ms., n.p., n.d. (NYHS). HUDSON = arms of the Treasury Department [laid, turned chain lines] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 459–60); ms., Washington, D.C., 1844 (AAS). HUDSON = American eagle on crossed flags [laid] — ms., Schuylkill County, Pa., 1836 (NYHS; lacks countermark); ms., Sunderland, Mass., 1838 (AAS); blank sheet (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 468). HUDSON = camp scene with cannon and crossed flags [wove] — ms., n.p., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 463–64). HUDSON = capitol building [laid] — ms., n.p., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 256); ms., Allentown, Pa., 1840 (AAS). Guardian angel (?) in oval cartouche | FOR REC­ ORDS | HUDSON [laid] — ms., Providence, R.I., 1837 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 462).

Fig. 7.7. Hudson & Co. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Eagle on promontory, two ships in the distance | HUDSON [laid] — ms., Strafford County, N.H., 1838 (AAS); blank fragment (NYHS). Note: Gravell & Miller also reproduce HUDSON water­marks dated 1822 and 1832 (wmks 453 and 454) and note that they were used as countermarks to other designs. Likewise, wmk 455 (HUDSON, turned chain lines, dated 1834) may have been a countermark to the arms of the Treasury Department, wmk 460—or rather a companion watermark if this paper had been made on double moulds, as is suggested by a Massachusetts printed document at AAS, dated 1837 in manuscript, on laid paper with ship at anchor | USN in script and HUDSON on one side of the sheet, and with arms of the Treasury Department and HUDSON on the other side, both with turned chain lines.

15.  One mile south of the Manchester Meeting House. George Bunce built this mill in 1825 or 1826, presumably after having decided that the decrepit machinery in Conn. Mill 12 was beyond repair. Measuring 72 by

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  183 34 feet, the three-story structure stood next to a twostory drying house, 24 by 50 feet, and an outbuilding used for sizing and bleaching. He replaced the two engines in 1831 and renewed the power train. In 1832, however, he announced that he was willing to sell, immediately, not just the physical plant but also his stock of rags, which would be enough to keep the mill going four to six months. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 27 Nov. 1832, 3.

Addendum In 1816 Henry King offered for sale a two-vat paper mill “in good order for business” along with another mill, three dwelling houses, and about 20 acres of land in East Hartford. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Mirror, 8 July 1816, 1.

Suffield 18.  Franklin Mill. On Stony Brook.

16.  On Hop Brook in Oakland, East Hartford, later Manchester. Henry Hudson built a mill on this site in 1832, possibly requiring new facilities to accommodate the second Fourdrinier he obtained from Phelps & Spafford, costing a total of $3,350 with drying apparatus and a cutting machine. References: Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 143; AAD 1832, 143; Weeks 1916, 180; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834, reprod. in Hunter 1947, fig. 262. After Henry Hudson died or retired the mill was managed by his son Melancthon Hudson and Melancthon’s sons William and Philip W. Hudson, perhaps in association with an R. Hudson, who appears in an 1849 directory as a paper manufacturer specializing in writings, drawings, and security grades. In the late 1830s and the 1840s their papers sometimes had embossed crests with the names Hudson & Co. or Hudson’s Bath. They appear not to have been very successful and were obliged to sell an interest in the firm outside the family in 1864, when they employed only thirty-eight people. References: Pratt 1849, 305; Weeks 1916, 202; Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 143; Nickell 1993, 206. 17.  On the corner of Hartford Road and Prospect Street, East Hartford, later Manchester. Peter Rogers built a mill on this site in 1832 for the manufacture of press boards and binders’ boards. After he died in 1841 he was succeeded by his son Henry Rogers, who built other mills in the vicinity. References: Trumbull 1886, 2:253; Spiess & Bidwell 1924, 92, 103.

Harvey Bissell appears to have been the managing partner of the firm Bissell & Pease, which built the Franklin Mill on land belonging to the tobacco farmer Henry Pease. Although the firm is said to have been founded in 1801, there is no evidence of its operations until its first known watermark appears in 1819, perhaps because it mostly made wrappings and newsprint. A ream wrapper with a view of the mill is reproduced in Edwards 1966b. Reference: Edwards 1966b, 11–12. B & P [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1819, and Owego Village, 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 124); ms., n.p., 1820 (AAS). BISSELL & PEASE [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1827 (Wall Papers, folder 18); mss., New York, N.Y., 1827 and 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 152).

Around 1830 George Carriel joined the firm, possibly serving as foreman; his practical knowledge of the trade is attested by patents for cleaning rags granted to him between 1831 and 1836, while he was a resident of Manchester, Connecticut. A ream wrapper bearing the name Bissell, Pease & Carriel is reproduced in Hunter 1950. His name may have been mangled by Pratt, who states that a George Carroll was making hardware paper in Manchester in 1849. Carriel probably departed before 1833, when the Bissell & Pease firm appears under its original name in the McLane Report, which states that it employed twelve men and twenty-five women in the manufacture of goods worth approximately $40,000 a year. References: Edwards 1966b, 12; Burke 1847, 87; McLane Report, 1:992–93; Pratt 1849, 305.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  184 BP & C [wove] — printed doc., Hartford County, Conn., not before 21 Dec. 1830 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 125); ms., New York, N.Y., 1837 (AAS).

After Carriel left, Harvey Bissell appears to have brought in another partner with practical knowledge of the trade, William Debit, who had worked in Conn. Mills 7 and either 10 or 13. BISSELL & DEBIT [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1836 (AAS).

In 1848 the mill passed into the hands of Joseph Daniel Stowe, who installed a cylinder machine for the manufacture of wrappings and hangings. Hunter 1950 contains an entirely different sequence of events, suggesting that Stowe bought Carriel’s interest as early as 1820, but his account is contradicted convincingly by the other sources cited here. In 1873 the Franklin Mill was making manila paper on a Fourdrinier machine. References: Snell 1929e, 2; Edwards 1966b, 12; Pratt 1849, 305; Hunter 1950, 291, 295; Lockwood 1873, 18. 19.  Eagle Mill. On Stony Brook, one mile west of the Franklin Mill. This mill was built in 1816 by the printer Simeon Butler and his brother Asa Butler, who ran a general store in the vicinity. Two years later an Andrew or William Ward joined the firm, which henceforth traded as Butlers & Ward or Butler & Ward. Although Edwards identifies the new partner as Andrew Ward, the firm used a W WARD watermark, suggesting that the Butlers were associated with a William Ward, perhaps the same one who ordered but did not buy three pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm in 1815. Thomas Hurlbut also owned an interest in the firm or served as foreman of the mill. In 1820 Butlers & Ward won a contract to furnish paper for the U.S. Senate, which had been using imported papers, much to the distress of Hezekiah Niles, editor of Niles’ Weekly Register, who complained that he had been receiving government correspondence watermarked with the royal crown of England. The Butlers added a U.S. watermark to the

writings they sold to the Senate, perhaps to appease protectionists like Niles. In 1820 Butler & Ward flatly refused to answer the questions of the census marshal, who nonetheless reported that they employed seven men, nine women, and one child in an establishment capitalized at $12,000. He noted that their writings were commanding top prices and estimated, less credibly, that they were making a profit of $3,000 a year on sales of $6,000. References: Edwards 1966a, 5–6; Snell 1929e, 9; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Sept. 1815: three sizes; Niles’ Weekly Register 18 (5 Aug. 1820): 401–2; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 35. BUTLERS & WARD | 1818 [wove] — mss., n.p., 1818, and New Castle, Del., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 191); ms., Springfield, Mass., 1824 (Hurlbut Papers); used in a binding by Henry I. Megarey of New York, N.Y., 1825 (Sidney F. Huttner). S & A BUTLER & | W WARD [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1819 (AAS); ms., Quincy, Mass., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 190). BUTLERS & WARD [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1821 (AAS). BUTLER & WARD | U.S. = American eagle [wove] — ms., Richmond, Va., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 186–87). BUTLER & WARD | U.S. [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1822 (John C. Calhoun to Ferris Pell, MWiW-C; lacking American eagle watermark?); mss., Washington, D.C., 1823, and New York, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 185; lacking American eagle watermark?); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1825, and Suffield, Conn., 1833 (AAS; lacking American eagle watermark?).

Ward dropped out of the firm around 1827, and the Butler brothers continued under their own name. One of their ream wrappers displays a mould with the ­watermark B & W, perhaps a memento of the earlier regime. S & A BUTLER | US [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1827, and Boston, Mass., 1839 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 189).

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  185 Conn. Mill 18) and Philip Valentine, an experienced papermaker, perhaps related to the New York paper merchants W. & C. Valentine. For a while the firm was trading as Butler, Bissell & Co., “Manufacturers of all kinds of Fine Letter and Writing Paper,” but the mill appears under the name of Asa Butler in the McLane Report, which notes that he employed twelve men and two women in the manufacture of goods worth $40,000 a year. References: Edwards 1966a, 6; AAD 1831, 133; AAD 1832, 250; McKay 1942, 73; McLane Report, 1:992–93. In 1833 Asa Butler sold the family’s other half interest in the mill to David Ames, proprietor of Mass. Mill 47. It is not clear what role Ames played in the management of the mill since it was operating as P. Valentine & Co. as early as 1835. Perhaps Valentine took over the day-to-day management of the mill when Asa Butler retired. Ames sold his share to William H. Dwight in 1846, when Joseph C. Parson, one of Ames’s foremen, purchased the other half share from Bissell and Valentine. Parson then bought Dwight’s holdings and formed the Eagle Mills Company, a corporation capitalized at $20,000, with shareholders in Suffield, Springfield, Northampton, and other towns in the vicinity. The Eagle Mills Company was making writing and cap papers on a cylinder machine in 1873. References: Edwards 1966a, 6–7; Snell 1929e, 9–11; Sellers Order Book, 1 Mar. 1836: cross cap, watermarked with twelve letters; Pratt 1849, 305; Lockwood 1873, 18. Fig. 7.8. S. & A. Butler, One Ream American Extra Superfine Vellum Post. Eagle Mill. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

S & A BUTLER | US [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (AAS); mss., New York, N.Y., 1828 and 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 188). S & AB [wove] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1830, and New York, N.Y., 1839 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 836); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS).

In 1829 the Butlers sold a half interest in the mill to Dr. Asaph Bissell (no relation to Harvey Bissell of

P VALENTINE & Co | SUFFIELD CONN [wove] — ms., Grafton, Mass., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 970); ms., Boston, Mass., 1847 (AAS). VALENTINE & Co [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1837 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 968). P VALENTINE & Co | SUFFIELD CONN [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1837, and Portland, Me., 1841 (AAS). PV & Co | SUFFIELD [wove] — printed doc., Greenfield, Mass., dated 183_ in type and 1838 in ms. (AAS). P VALENTINE & Co [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1839 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 969).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  186

East Windsor 20.  Eight miles north of Hartford. In 1831 E. & S. Hollister {Edwin M. Hollister and Samuel O. Hollister} advertised that they made paper on an “American Machine,” possibly a Fourdrinier obtained from Phelps & Spafford, but the McLane Report estimated their annual output to be worth only $15,000 a year, which seems too low for this type of mass production. They employed six men and ten women in an establishment capitalized at $6,000, a figure difficult to interpret; but if it is anywhere near their actual investment, their machine must have been a cylinder rather than a Fourdrinier. On the other hand, Edwin and Samuel already had some experience with a Fourdrinier at their father’s mill in Andover (Conn. Mill 37). They purchased large quantities of paper shavings in New York City, but I have not been able to ascertain what products they made with these recycled raw materials. Their agent in New York was Solomon Williams, who acted on behalf of the firm Williams & Hollisters (also Williams & Hollister). The brothers also operated two mills in Poquonock. It is unclear how many mills the Hollisters owned and where the mills were located, but they were still in business in 1846, when one of their mills burned down with a loss estimated at $12,000. References: AAD 1831, 46; AAD 1832, 53; McLane Report, 1:992–93; Weeks 1916, 194; Case 1886, 269–70; business papers of Williams & Hollisters, mss. 72518 and 72529, CHS; Newton Case Brainard, typescript list of Hartford papermakers, ms. 69990, CHS.

Windsor 21.  Poquonock. E. & S. Hollister {Edwin M. Hollister and Samuel O. Hollister} owned two mills in Poquonock, one of them an old mill that burned down in 1833. References: Case 1886, 269–70; business papers of Williams & Hollisters, mss. 72518 and 72529, CHS; Newton Case

Brainard, typescript list of Hartford papermakers, ms. 69990, CHS. 22.  Poquonock. E. & S. Hollister {Edwin M. Hollister and Samuel O. Hollister} also owned a comparatively new mill in Poquonock, a large establishment with six engines, which they managed to save when their old mill burned down in 1833. They probably built this new mill near the old one to provide suitable quarters for a papermaking machine. References: Case 1886, 269–70; business papers of Williams & Hollisters, mss. 72518 and 72529, CHS; Newton Case Brainard, typescript list of Hartford papermakers, ms. 69990, CHS. 23.  On the Farmington River? A paper mill with a workforce of six men and fifteen women belonged to the publisher and politician John M. Niles in 1832. He may have been running a papermaking machine in this establishment, which was capitalized at $15,000 and produced goods worth $27,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:992–93. cc

New Haven County New Haven 24.  Hotchkisstown, later Westville. In April 1776 Isaac Beers, Joel Gilbert, and Samuel Austin, all residents of New Haven, joined with the printers Thomas Green and Samuel Green to purchase land and acquire the rights to build a paper mill. Three months later the mill was under construction and was expected to be in operating condition “after a few weeks.” David Bunce probably managed the establishment for the proprietors and may have even become a partner, although there is no record of his activities before 1795, when he purchased moulds. Refer-

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  187 ences: Weeks 1916, 90; Bates 1914, 306; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Mar. 1795: double cap. After Samuel Green died in 1799, his one-sixth share in “Bunces Paper Mill” passed to his widow and two underage children. On her behalf, the executors of Green’s estate petitioned for permission to sell her share of the mill, which had become “productive of little profit, and [was] now wanting repairs.” Reference: Conn. Public Records, 10:161. David Bunce was succeeded at one or the other of his mills (see below) by Chauncey Bunce around 1802, when watermarks with his initials begin to appear. CB = arms of Connecticut | NH [laid] — Connecticut, An Act for Forming and Conducting the Military Force of this State ([Hartford?: Printed by Hudson & Goodwin?, 1802]; PPL); mss., New Haven, Conn., 1802, Conn., 1802, and n.p., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 211–12, 718); ms., Derby, Conn., 1802 (AAS; lacks countermark). Note: The 1802 Act contains two sheets, one with the watermark and countermark as above, the other with the initials of the countermark transposed (i.e., BC), a common mistake on the part of mouldmakers. The catalogers at PPL date it 1792 because it refers to national legislation passed in that year, but it was probably printed in 1802, when the Hudson & Goodwin firm printed another edition with the same title (MWA). The watermarks corroborate that date.

By 1820, Chauncey Bunce was operating a mill just outside the city in the village of “Hotchkiss Town.” With a staff of only five men, six girls, and six boys, it could not have been a very large establishment. Bunce reported that his manufactory had seen better days, that demand had dwindled, and that the market value of his products was “very low at present.” A watercolor of this mill by the painter and printmaker John Rubens Smith (1775–1849) is in the Prints & Photographs Division of the Library of Congress. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 Mar. 1805: double cap, watermarked CB with crown; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Feb. 1816: pott; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 44.

Posthorn with double strap | C BUNCE [wove] — ms., n.p., before 1804 (AAS); mss., ship Cumberland, ca. 1809, and Va., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 162). CB = Britannia [laid] — ms., Norfolk County, Mass., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 202–3). CB = crown [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 204–5). CB = posthorn with single strap [wove] — mss., New Haven Conn., 1810, and Charlestown, Mass., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 206–7). Posthorn with double strap | CB [wove] — ms., n.p., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 210). CB = posthorn with double strap [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 208–9). C BUNCE = posthorn [wove] — ms., Cheshire [Conn.?], 1826 (AAS). C BUNCE [wove] — ms., New Haven, Conn., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 163; countermark only?). Note: In their 2002 edition Gravell & Miller attribute a CB watermark (wmk 201) to Chauncey Bunce, but it is more likely a deteriorated version of a C & IB water­ mark used by Christian and Joseph Bowman in Pa. Mill 57. Likewise, their wmk 200 more likely belongs to Bowman than to Bunce because it appears in paper used in the vicinity of Bowman’s mill at a date before Bunce is known to have been in business.

The Hotchkisstown mill contained two vats in 1829, when S. Hotchkiss and A. Benton put it up for sale, noting that it had enough water power to run three engines and that it could easily accommodate a papermaking machine. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Mirror, 18 Apr. 1829, 3. 25.  “At the base of West Rock.” David Bunce built a second mill at this location a few years after 1776. Reference: Weeks 1916, 90.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  188 26.  Not located. Increase Cooke & Co. {Increase Cooke and John Babcock} may have owned a mill or an interest in a mill to supply newsprint for the Connecticut Journal, which they published, beginning in 1802. The New York bookseller and stationer Evert Duyckinck appears to have been acting as their agent. Reference: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Nov. 1805 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Jan. 1806: single double wrapping. Increase Cooke & Co. may have been succeeded by the firm of John Cook & Co. of New Haven, which bought moulds from the Sellers firm in 1810 and 1812. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Nov. 1810: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 13 June 1812 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 June 1812: vellum moulds.

Addenda The Census of 1820 notes among other industries of New Haven two unnamed paper mills, which “together did not do as much as Bunce.” Both manufactured coarse goods and were worked “mostly by the families to whom they belong.” When Pease & Niles compiled their gazetteer of Connecticut in 1818, they recorded the existence of four paper mills in the county of New Haven and two in the town of New Haven. One of those two mills may have been the Cooke establishment. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 95, 101; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 44. In 1832 the McLane Report noted only one paper mill in New Haven. A staff of twelve men and twentyfour women worked in an establishment capitalized at $14,000 and produced goods worth $55,000 a year. However, the American Advertising Directory listed two firms in Hotchkisstown at that time: Enos Sperry & Co. and Read & Page, both making writing, printing, colored, and copperplate papers “of every description.” It is unclear whether these manufacturers had taken over mills in New Haven or had built new ones nearby. References: McLane Report, 1:1033; AAD 1832, 64.

Seymour 27.  Humphreysville, in Derby at the Rimmon Falls on the Naugatuck River, several miles back from the Housatonic River. .

After serving as minister plenipotentiary in the court of Madrid, the poet and diplomat Colonel David Humphreys returned from Spain in 1802, bringing with him a herd of highly coveted merino sheep. He founded in Derby a woolen mill, which became the center of a model factory village that included a cotton mill, a grist mill, a saw mill, fulling mills, and a paper mill, probably built in 1805. At one point he employed seventy-three apprentice boys, many of them recruited in orphanages nearby and in New York. He delegated some of the management of this manufacturing complex to his nephew John Humphreys Jr., who purchased moulds in 1805 and 1806. Tour groups often visited the mills, mainly to see the flock of merino sheep, but on one occasion they also admired “Five hundred Reams of the finest quality letter paper.” References: Weeks 1916, 140, 203; Humphreys 1917, 2:385–86, 418; [New Haven, Conn.] Connecticut Herald, 4 Oct. 1808, 2; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Nov. 1805: double cap, water­marked H; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 May 1806: vellum post, watermarked HUMPHREYS RIMMON FALLS. H [laid] — printed doc., Fairfield County, Conn., dated 180_ in type and 1808 in ms. (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1811 (NNC, Nicholas Fish Papers). RIMMON FALLS [wove] — ms., Darby [i.e., Derby?], Conn., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 824).

In 1810 the firm was incorporated “with a capital of $500,000” as the Humphreysville Manufacturing Company. References: Humphreys 1917, 2:386; Pease & Niles 1819, 117. A local history claims that this mill was sold to Worrull (or Worrell) & Hudson, who then sold it in 1816 to Ebenezer Fisher and Henry La Forge. I have found no corroborating evidence for this account, which is contradicted by the 1820 census records (cited below),

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  189 stating that the mill was owned by Ann Humphreys. Probably these individuals did not own the mill, but were renting it from the Humphreys family. Charles Worrell offered a reward in a local newspaper for the return of an apprentice who had run away from the Humphreysville mill in 1812. References: Campbell, 1902, 164; [New Haven, Conn.] Connecticut Herald, 13 Oct. 1812, 4. When David Humphreys died in 1818, he bequeathed his property to his wife, Ann Frances Humphreys, with the proviso that she pay his nephews half the profits from his manufacturing ventures and half of the profits from his sheep and cattle farm. She put the Humphreysville establishment up for sale, estimating that the value of its eleven buildings, water privileges, machinery, and real estate should amount to between $85,000 and $100,000. If she succeeded in selling it, the new owners have not been identified, although Campbell claims that the paper mill was sold to the Humphreysville Manufacturing Company in 1831. In any case, the mill contained a single vat capable of producing goods worth $6,076 in the course of a year, not a very impressive amount, and yet it remained in operation until 1825, when the proprietors installed a ­machine to make newsprint, tissue, and colored papers. References: Humphreys 1917, 2:432; Campbell 1902, 164; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 66; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 17 June 1819, 3. Lewis Bunce manufactured press boards, clothiers’ boards, and printing grades in a Humphreysville establishment in 1849. Another paper mill in that town belonged to De Forest & Hodge, who were making printing grades. Reference: Pratt 1849, 305. 28.  Corner of Main and Day Streets in Seymour. Built in 1831 for John S. Moshier, this mill was in operation by the spring of 1832, when William Bates was acting as superintendent and Samuel Bassett was minding a newly installed papermaking machine. Reference: Campbell 1902, 165. John C. Wheeler acquired the mill in 1833 and leased it for three years to Daniel White for the amount

of $600 a year. White gave up his lease in about a year, but in the meantime he had hired Sylvester Smith as foreman of the mill, which then specialized in better quality papers for books and periodicals. When White quit, Wheeler gave Smith a quarter interest in the firm and then, after a flood damaged the dam in 1837, rented the mill to Smith & Bassett for the sum of $50 a month, to be paid in wrapping paper. Smith & Bassett began making paper from straw and did well enough in this business to purchase the mill in 1840 for a similar payment in kind, amounting to $4,220. References: Campbell 1902, 165; Pratt 1849, 305. S & B | NH [wove] — ms., Newburgh, N.Y., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 839).

Hamden 29.  Not located. A Connecticut gazetteer notes that one paper mill was operating in Hamden in 1818. It might have been one of the four paper mills in New Haven County recorded in the Census of 1810. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Pease & Niles 1819, 124–25. cc

Fairfield County Danbury 30.  Mill Plain, on Beaver Brook. Ephraim Washburn (also Washbourn) built a paper mill in the Beaver Brook district before 1780, apparently against the wishes of his neighbors, who complained that his dam was flooding the area around Mill Plain. When his mill caught fire, they allowed it to burn down; one of them even came under suspicion of arson, but nothing could be proved. Reference: Bailey 1896, 258. In 1792 the mill was making 1,500 reams a year and was managed by Lazarus Beach, who made some unsuccessful experiments in manufacturing paper out of

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  190 asbestos. He claimed that “the hottest fire would not consume” paper with this ingredient and presented samples to a New York museum. Receiving no encouragement, he quit the papermaking trade and embarked on a more congenial career in printing and journalism. References: Briggs 1937, 11–12; [Charleston, S.C.] City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, 28 Mar. 1793, 3. By 1794, Ephraim Washburn was in partnership with Edmund Washburn and was buying moulds through agents in New York, Rogers & Woolsey, who performed the same services for Julius Deming of Litch­field. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Feb. 1794: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 Mar. 1797: double cap. At one point the mill passed through the hands of two brothers named Ward. They sold it to Seth and Daniel Comstock, who purchased moulds in 1800 and 1811 and were still in business as late as 1823, when the mill was destroyed by fire. References: Bailey 1896, 258; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 July 1800: double cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Apr. 1811 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Apr. 1811: double cap laid; Pease & Niles 1819, 177; [Portsmouth, N.H.] Portsmouth Journal of Literature and Politics, 19 Apr. 1823, 3. After the mill burned down, the property was used for the manufacture of hats, the major industry in Danbury. Reference: Bailey 1896, 258.

$25,000, a figure difficult to believe for a one-vat mill, but perhaps reflecting his confidence in the state of the trade. “Demand good,” he observed, and he reported that his mill was “In Constant Employ.” References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Pease & Niles 1819, 179–80; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 138.

Greenwich

Reuben Fairchild established this mill in 1826 in partnership with his brothers Eben Fairchild and Daniel Fairchild. The firm did business as R. & E. Fairchild. Their foreman was Andrew Tait, who had learned the paper trade in Scotland and had emigrated to the United States in 1820. Reuben Fairchild was sufficiently involved in the manufacturing side of the business to have invented an “Agitator,” a device designed to prevent fibers from being aligned in just one direction, a common defect of cylinder machines. By keeping the pulp properly mixed in the machine, the Agitator made it possible to produce a stronger sheet with interlocking fibers emulating the properties of handmade papers. Fairchild’s patent is my only evidence that he was running a cylinder machine. If he

31.  On the Mianus River. The Census of 1810 calls for two mills in Fairfield County. It is possible that this establishment was operating by that date, although I have found no evidence for a mill in Greenwich before 1818, when Pease & Niles were compiling their gazetteer and noticed a paper mill in that town. By 1820 the mill belonged to Walter Swan, who formerly worked in N.Y. Mill 49 in partnership with George Reid. In 1820 Swan employed four men, three women, and six children in the manufacture of paper of middling quality worth about $3 a ream. He claimed that his annual sales amounted to

WS = fleur-de-lis [wove] — printed doc., New York, N.Y., 1819 (Wall Papers, folder 9); mss., New York, N.Y., 1823 and 1828 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmks 737– 38); ms., New York, N.Y., 1824 (AAS). W SWAN [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1822 and 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 907); ms., Westchester County, N.Y., 1826 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the W SWAN watermark to N.Y. Mill 49, although Swan was running it in partnership with George Reid (who would have demanded equal billing) and for only a few years at most, before going off on his own in Greenwich.

After Swan died in 1825, his widow ran the mill for a few more years until it was destroyed by a fire. Reference: Mead 1911, 341.

Trumbull 32.  Fairchild Paper Mill. On the Pequonnock River near the entrance to Fairchild Memorial Park.

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  191 did own one, he could not have been very happy with it, even with his improvements, because he ordered a Fourdrinier machine in 1834. References: Vail Diaries; Samuel Orcutt, A History of the Old Town of Stratford and the City of Bridgeport, Connecticut, vol. 2 (Bridgeport: Fairfield County Historical Society, 1886), 1061; Trumbull Historical Society, Trumbull (Charleston, S.C.: Arcadia, 1997), 57; Burke 1847, 86; patent certificate issued to Reuben Fairchild, 4 May 1829, William Reese Company, bulletin 18, item 14 (2011). cc

Litchfield County Salisbury 33.  On the Housatonic River. John Adam operated a mill at this location as early as 1783, according to Gravell & Miller, and was in business in 1787, according to Hunter. I have not been able to verify these dates, since neither source cites the origin of the information. Hunter may have derived his date from an unsigned piece in the Bulletin of the Connecticut Historical Society 9 (April 1943): 18, which notes that the society has a J ADAM & Co watermark on a document dated 1787 but provides no further details. The mill burned down in 1799, when it belonged to Forbes & Adams and Nathaniel Church. It must have been discontinued before 1819, when the compilers of the Pease & Niles gazetteer described the town of Salisbury in a detailed entry that contains no mention of a paper manufactory. Or it could have gone down before 1810, when the census of that year noticed only one paper mill in Litchfield County, probably Conn. Mill 34. References: Hunter 1952, 143; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 235; [New London, Conn.] Connecticut Gazette, 23 Apr. 1800, 3; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Pease & Niles 1819, 259. I ADAM & Co [laid] — printed doc., Colchester, Conn., 1788 (Taintor Papers); ms., Litchfield County, Conn., 1792 (AAS); ms., western New York State, n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 22).

J ADAM & Co [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1795 and 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 23); ms., Sharon, Conn., 1796 (AAS).

Litchfield 34.  On the outlet of Bantam Lake. Heber Stone and Julius Deming purchased land for a paper mill in 1792 and probably completed it by 1794, when they built a mill dam and obtained their first moulds. A merchant by profession, Deming delegated the management of the mill to his foreman Elisha Horton, a Boston papermaker and a patriot greatly respected by the residents of Litchfield because he had participated in the Boston Tea Party. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 286; Deming 1904, 122; East 1938, 81; Briggs 1937, 12; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 and 8 Mar. 1794: demy and double cap, ordered by Rogers & Woolsey of New York, watermarked LITCHFIELD. LITCHFIELD [laid] — mss., Albany, N.Y., 1790, and Litchfield, Conn., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 662); ms., Litchfield, Conn., 1795 (AAS); By His Excellency Oliver Wolcott, Esq . . . A Proclamation. As it particularly becomes a Christian people [17 Mar. 1797] ([Litchfield, Conn.?: Printed by Thomas Collier?, 1797]; DLC broadside port. 4:8). Note: The 1790 date in Gravell & Miller’s entry for wmk 662 is dubious because the mill was not in operation before 1792.

In 1800 Reuben Stone announced that he was selling press and bonnet papers as well as writings and wrappings at the paper mill in Litchfield. Two years later he sold the share of Heber Stone to Julius Deming. The Census of 1810 notes that the sole paper mill in Litchfield County had an annual output valued at $5,508. I have no further information about the history of this concern during the next seventeen years, unless it was the paper mill noted without any identifying comment by Pease & Niles in their entry for the town of Litchfield ca. 1818. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 286; [Litchfield, Conn.] Farmer’s Monitor, 22 Oct.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  192 1800, 3; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Pease & Niles 1819, 231–32. BRADLEYS | VILLE [wove] — ms., n.p., 1823 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 158). BRADLEYSVILLE [wove] — ms., Southington, Conn., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 159). Note: Bradleysville is a district in the west part of Litch­field. According to a newspaper story originally appearing in the Litchfield Eagle, a version of this watermark dated 1820 was used to detect forged notes purporting to have been made two or three years earlier. Reference: [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 12 Aug. 1823, 3.

In 1827 the mill belonged to Bradley & Wadsworth, who were “induced by necessity” to put it up for sale at a price “probably . . . below its value.” Also on the property were a grist mill and a saw mill, which could be purchased separately. Only one paper mill was operating in Salisbury in 1832, probably Conn. Mill 35. References: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 19 Mar. 1827, 4; Davenport 1832, 399. 35.  Not located. This mill was founded in 1829 as a joint-stock concern, capitalized at $20,000. A workforce of five men manufactured goods for sale in New York with a total value of about $14,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:1021–23. cc

Middlesex County Middletown 36.  Middlefield. Jehosaphat Starr Jr. built this mill in 1793 and probably started production in 1794, when he equipped it with a selection of moulds made by the Sellers firm. Elected a selectman in 1798, he was a prominent member of

the Middletown community and was probably more active as a merchant than as a manufacturer. Some of his moulds were ordered for him by James Casey, a resident of Middletown who might have had some connection with Vt. Mill 8. In 1810 the annual output of this concern was valued at only $2,000, probably indicating that it was in operation only part of the year. References: Field 1819, 42; Starr 1879, 231; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 Mar. and 15 Apr. 1794: several sizes; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 June 1798: super royal. After Starr died in 1814 the mill continued in operation, employing nine to twelve people in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings, including various kinds of boards. The executors of his estate put it up for sale in 1816 along with other industrial properties, a powder mill, a wire factory, a bake house, carding machines, and an oakum machine. It must have contained only one vat, since it produced only 1,200 to 1,600 reams a year. The proprietors may also have owned a paper store in town, which also had two bookstores, two book binderies, and two printing shops. References: Field 1819, 41–42; [Middletown, Conn.] Middlesex Gazette, 1 Aug. 1816, 3. In 1820 Coles & Wright reported that their oneengine mill had been in poor repair “for some years past” but was now in better condition. They complained of the present slump in the paper trade, which might explain why their manufactory consumed only 15 tons of rags a year. They employed seven men and seven women to make cap, letter, and ledger paper, with an annual output valued at $4,500. What they meant by “some years” is hard to say without any additional evidence as to the origins of the mill. But it was probably old enough to be the same as Starr’s, founded in 1793. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 271; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 216. William Coles may have taken over the business by 1824, when he was advertising for rags under his own name. Reference: [Middletown, Conn.] Middlesex Gazette, 31 Mar. 1824, 4. William Coles & Son carried on the firm in 1831. Reference: AAD 1831, 69 .

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  193 cc

Tolland County Coventry 37.  On the Skungamaug River, running between Coventry and Andover. The Windham, Connecticut, lawyer Zephaniah Swift purchased moulds in 1796 for Elijah House, who built a mill at this location sometime in the 1790s. It figures in the Census of 1810, which calls for only one paper mill in Tolland County and estimates its annual output at $4,000. It passed through several hands before it was acquired by Gideon Hollister in 1813. References: Jobbagy 2006, 1; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 Mar. 1796: double cap, watermarked E HOUSE. E HOUSE [laid] — ms., Coventry, Conn., 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 448); ms., Canajoharie, N.Y., 1802 (AAS).

The Census of 1820 reports that Hollister employed four men and four children in his manufactory, which contained one vat, one engine, a wet press, a dry press, and other equipment representing a capital investment of $4,000. More optimistic than other respondents, he told the census officials that demand was good for his products, which amounted to 400 reams of writings, 600 reams of printings, and 200 reams of wrappings a year. He charged on the average $4 a ream for writings and printings and $1 a ream for wrappings, and thus expected to sell a total of $4,200 a year. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 291–92; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 229. A mill in Andover took over the Fourdrinier machine of Frost & Pickering, who failed not long after they imported it for use in Conn. Mill 43. Since Andover was formerly part of Coventry, that mill was probably the Hollister establishment, which obtained a Fourdrinier by 1832, when Gideon Hollister & Sons upgraded it with a drying machine built by Phelps & Spafford. Hollister defaulted on his debts in 1841 and

surrendered the business to a group of Hartford investors. His sons established mills in the Hartford area. References: Larned 1874, 2:515–16; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834; Jobbagy 2006, 1–2; Case 1886, 137. 38.  On Mill Brook in Coventry Village. Prominent local merchant Solomon Gilbert built this mill in 1812 or 1815–1816, though he probably took no active part in its operations except as landlord or investor. Jeremiah Fitch and Charles McLean were also involved in this business, but in what capacity I cannot tell. References: Cole 1888, 380; Jobbagy 2006, 1. Calvin and Royal Manning took over the mill sometime before the Census of 1820. At that time it was slightly more productive than that of Gideon Hollister but was no larger except that it contained two dry presses instead of one and employed five men and five children. Like Hollister, the proprietors estimated their capital investment to be $4,000. In a year they would make 600 reams of writings priced at $4, 800 reams of printings priced at $4, and 30 reams of wrappings priced at $1, their total annual sales amounting to $5,900. They agreed with Hollister that demand was strong. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 291–92; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 229; Jobbagy 2006, 1–2. The Mannings leased the mill site and then sold it in 1830, probably having closed down the papermaking business sometime before then. Reference: Jobbagy 2006, 1–2.

Hebron 39.  On the Blackledge River, north of the Gay City district. Established in 1817, this mill belonged to Daniel Burrows Jr. and “others” in 1820, when it contained one vat, one engine, one wet press, and one dry press—a minimal amount of machinery, requiring a capital investment of $4,000 like the other one-vat mills in Tolland County. Burrows employed four men, four women, and one child in the manufacture of 400 reams

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  194 of writings, 450 reams of printings, and 200 reams of wrappings per year. Like Gideon Hollister and the Mannings, he charged on the average $4 a ream for writings and printings and $1 a ream for wrappings, thus selling products worth a total of about $3,600 a year. The proprietors are not named in the McLane Report, but they do not seem to have changed or enlarged the mill. They employed five men and nine women to manufacture goods worth $10,000 a year, half of which they sold in state and half in New York, where they allowed six months’ credit to their customers. References: Pease & Niles 1819, 295–96; Snell 1929b, 1; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 229; McLane Report, 1:1042–43. 40.  In the west side of town on the road to Marlborough. Established in 1827, this mill manufactured wrapping grades worth $3,500 a year. Like the other Hebron mill, this one sold half of its output in state and half in New York. References: McLane Report, 1:1042–43; Snell 1929b.

Amston 41.  Hope Valley Paper Mill. Not located. The McLane Report does not name the proprietors of this concern even though it was producing goods worth $135,000 a year in 1832. Capitalized at $22,000, the mill was large enough to employ seventeen men and ten women and to consume raw material worth $21,000 a year. No doubt it contained some kind of papermaking machine, probably a Fourdrinier, but where that machine was obtained and how it was used remains a mystery. I have not been able to find further information about this firm, and the McLane Report does not include any details about its operations except to note that the employees performed their tasks during a twelve-hour working day. Reference: McLane Report, 1:992–93.

cc

Windham County Windham 42.  On the Willimantic Falls. The earliest record of papermaking in Windham I can find is an obituary of a boy who drowned in 1800 after wading too deep in a pond “near the paper-mill in this town.” The firm of Clark & Gray { Jabez Clark (also Clarke) and Samuel Gray} was operating the mill around 1804, when Belah Badger of Windham purchased moulds with their watermark, acting either as an agent or as a partner. A local historian stated that the mill was “under full headway” by the War of 1812. By 1815 Clark & Gray were making demy printing for a local newspaper on a regular basis and were selling writings and printings to Oliver Peirce, a stationer in Providence, Rhode Island. In 1820 they were running this one-vat mill in tandem with a woolen factory containing carding facilities and 120 spindles. They employed nine men, three women, and four children in their combined industrial ventures, the papermaking component consuming from 16 to 17 tons of rags a year and producing goods worth about $8,000. The woolen trade was “very dull” in their opinion, but their other business was even worse off because there were “No Sales for paper.” They put the paper mill up for sale in 1817 along with the woolen factory, a fulling mill, a grist mill, and 80 acres of land, apparently without success. References: Windham Herald, 10 July 1800, 3; Larned 1874, 2:411; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 May 1804: double cap, watermarked C & G; Badger 1909, 20; Boston Daily Advertiser, 15 Dec. 1817, 4; Clark & Gray account book, 1816–1823, ms. 87569, CHS; Census of 1820, reel 4, item 149. C & G [laid] — printed doc., [Windham, Conn.?], 1805 (Taintor Papers); ms., Windham, Conn., 1808 (AAS); mss., Canterbury, Conn., 1808, and New York, N.Y., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 222).

After Clark & Gray failed, Byrne & Smith may have operated the mill in the late 1820s. Like Clark & Gray,

Conn e c t i c u t  ::  195 they used their surplus waterpower for other ventures— a grist mill and a saw mill on the same premises. Byrne might be identified with or related to John Byrne, publisher of the Windham Herald between 1791 and 1816. A Byrne & Smith ream wrapper is reproduced in Hunter. References: Brigham 1947, 1:74; Hunter 1950, 245. B & S [wove] — ms., Danbury, Conn., 1831 (AAS).

Larned states that George Spafford took over the mill after Clark & Gray, but the firm of Byrne & Smith may have been so obscure as to escape her notice. Spafford seems to have had more success in making paper than paper machines, for his firm was still in business in 1849, manufacturing printing grades as George Spafford & Son. He patented techniques for boiling and washing rags in 1840. References: Larned 1874, 2:519; Burke 1847, 87; Pratt 1849, 305. 43.  On the Nachauge (or Natchaug) River in the north part of town. John Taintor, his brother Charles Taintor, George Abbe, and Edmund Badger Jr. built a mill in Windham sometime between 1810 and 1818, when there were two paper mills in Windham. They must have started after the Census of 1810, which noticed only one paper mill in the county. Badger was the managing partner of the firm and may have ordered moulds for it by way of his brother Samuel Badger, a lawyer in Philadelphia. In 1816 he tried to sell his one-quarter share in the establishment, which contained two engines (and probably two vats) and was being operated in conjunction with a grist mill and a saw mill. References: Badger 1909, 45; Larned 1874, 2:412–13; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 30; [Providence, R.I.] Providence Patriot, 6 Jan. 1816, p. 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 June 1811: wove cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Dec. 1814: medium vellum. TA & B [wove] — mss., New Bedford, Mass., 1817, and New York, N.Y., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 910, 911); mss., Windham, Conn., 1818 and 1821 (Taintor Papers); ms., n.p., 1818 (Spawn).

TA & B [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 909).

Badger bought out his partners in 1818, paying Abbe an undisclosed sum and giving the Taintors six notes of $1,000 each, which he secured with a mortgage on the mill. He also agreed to insure the mill for $4,000 and its stock for $2,000. While settling their accounts, the partners obtained a statement from their New York agents Rogers & Post, who had been selling their products in the city, mostly printing grades like medium and super royal but also a smattering of writings. The mill had two vats and occupied a three-story building, measuring 36 by 76 feet, in 1824, when Badger put it up for sale along with a saw mill and a grist mill. His advertisement suggests that his papermaking facilities could be converted into a cotton mill, implying that their prospects were not good. References: Taintor Papers; [Providence, R.I.] Providence Patriot, 21 July 1824, 1. Badger went out of business in 1825. After other failures, the mill was acquired by an Englishman, Joseph Pickering, and a Boston investor, J. A. H. Frost, who provided the financial means for Pickering to import the second Fourdinier machine in America in December 1827. Frost & Pickering were not able to sustain the costs of setting up the machine, nor could their creditors in Boston, who sold the mill in 1831 to a cotton manufacturer. The machine was dismantled and moved to Conn. Mill 37 in Andover. Joseph Pickering was the father of the New York machinist Charles Pickering, who claimed to have “first introduced” the Fourdrinier in America and to have built a number of machines that were actually constructed by Phelps & Spafford. He was probably hired by that firm to build or install some of their earliest machines, which were no doubt based on the design of his father’s Fourdrinier. He then went into business for himself but was not able to compete against his former employers, not to mention the various manufacturers of cylinder machines. References: Weeks 1916, 180; Larned 1874, 2:515–16; AAD 1832, 143.

chapter 8

New York

Manhattan New York 1.  The New-York Paper Manufactory. On a small stream in “Smith’s Valley,” between the Fly Market and Burling’s Slip on Queen Street (later Pearl Street). The New York merchant John Keating was advertising for rags as early as February 1768, but there is no evidence of his manufacturing ambitions until September 1768, when he announced that “the Paper Mill is now completed . . . and all Persons who want to be supplied with Paper of this Manufacture, are desired to send their orders to John Keating, which shall be completed as fast as possible.” No watermarks can be attributed to this mill, probably because it could make only wrappings with the raw materials available at that time. Even if Keating could obtain a sufficient quantity of rags, he would have needed a reliable source of power to process them, and it is doubtful that he could have run a water wheel in that part of Manhattan, formerly a saltwater marsh. Quite possibly he relied on some other source of power and used the water from the stream for washing rags. Nevertheless, in 1771 he was confident enough in this venture to advertise for journeymen and to make a special effort to recruit a foreman who should understand the trade “in all its Branches.” He promised candidates qualified for that position a salary of £60 a year with meat, drink, washing, and lodging. Ultimately defeated by

the terrain of Manhattan, he notified his customers in 1772 that he had moved his manufactory to Peekskill, a more conducive locale for this type of rural industry. References: Hunter 1950, 89, 93; Hunter 1952, 59–61; Elliott 1953; Haacker 1956, 69–71. cc

Westchester County Cortlandt 2.  On Annsville Creek, near the boundary line with Putnam County. John Keating moved here in 1772 after he abandoned his manufactory in Manhattan (N.Y. Mill 1). He was in business only a few years in his new location when a detachment of British troops set fire to the mill in the course of an “excursion up the River” in 1777. A nearby printer, Samuel Loudon, lamented that his main source of supply had been “wickedly destroyed by the enemy.” Despite the demand for his products, Keating gave up on the papermaking trade and called

::  196  ::

new yo r k  ::  197 himself a merchant when he drew up his will. Loudon later petitioned the New York legislature for the right to hold a lottery to raise £3,000 for a paper mill; the petition (now in NHi) does not seem to have been approved. References: Haacker 1956, 69, 74, 104; Weeks 1916, 51; New-York Gazette, 15 Feb. 1773, suppl., p. 2. 3.  In Annsville, one and a half miles north of the village of Peekskill, on the Highland Turnpike. In the summer of 1824 Pierre Van Cortlandt erected a mill building with the intention of leasing it to papermakers. A year later he still did not have any tenants, nor had he finished the power train of the establishment, although he predicted that it could accommodate a mill wheel 30 feet in diameter. Reference: Haacker 1956, 107. James W. Mowatt was renting the mill in 1826 but was short of funds and departed by 1827, when the firm of Gross & Ritter {Gross and Thomas Ritter or Rutter} was in residence. At that time the mill contained one vat. Reference: Vail Diaries, 29 Oct. 1826 and 16 Feb. 1827. Gross & Ritter occupied the mill until it burned down in 1831. Newspaper reports differ about the losses, one claiming that it was insured for $2,000, another stating that it was not insured and that the damages amounted to $3,000. In any case, the papermaking business was abandoned and replaced by a foundry. References: Munsell 1876, 92; Haacker 1956, 107.

Ossining 4.  Mount Pleasant (later Ossining). William Durell was a bookseller, printer, and stationer in New York, where a city directory also identified him as a papermaker in 1796. He bought moulds from the Sellers firm either for his own manufactory or for other mills from which he obtained supplies for his printing shop and stationery store. He founded the Mount Pleasant Register around 1797 but had to close it down in 1800, when he was arrested for publishing

a libel against the president. His papermaking career in Mount Pleasant probably did not last much longer than his newspaper, not a single issue of which survives. Advertisements in other newspapers indicate that he built the mill in 1797 or 1798 and that it was operated by Birdsall & Hunter {Benjamin Birdsall and Elijah Hunter}, who might have carried on after Durell quit the papermaking business. David Longworth’s hot-pressed edition of Telemachus (New York, 1797) is said to have been printed on Mount Pleasant paper. References: McKay 1942, 25; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Apr. 1794: large royal vellum; Sellers Moulds ­Finished, 13 Sept. 1804: medium vellum; Brigham 1947, 1:605; Gottesman 1954, 271–72; Hamilton 1936, 17; Huttner 1993, 78. WD = M PLEASANT [laid] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1799, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 989–90).

I have no direct information about the fate of this mill. It burned down in 1803, leaving Birdsall in such dire straits that he had to put his house, garden, and mill site up for sale. He noted that the stone dam was still in good shape and that the water wheel, two cog wheels, and the engine could be salvaged. The stream could provide enough power to keep one vat at work even during a summer drought. There were no competing mills within thirty miles, and yet this manufactory was only thirty-six miles from New York City. Despite these advantages no one seems to have been tempted to resume the papermaking business at that time. The entry for Mount Pleasant in Spafford’s 1813 Gazetteer does not mention a paper manufactory. References: New-York Herald, 4 Jan. 1804, 4; Spafford 1813, 239.

Somers 5.  On the Croton River, sixteen miles from the Hudson River. A paper mill was operating in this town as early as 1813, or even in 1810, when the census officials noted that a single mill in Westchester County was produc-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  198 ing 7,000 reams a year. It was probably built by Darius Crosby, who was also running a grist mill, a fulling mill, and a saw mill in the same building when he died in 1818 or 1819. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 300; [New York, N.Y.] National Advocate, 6 Feb. 1819, 3. Crosby’s executors put the mill up for sale at auction in March 1819. Apparently they sold it to John Owen, who, a year later, told the census authorities that it contained one vat and consumed 15.6 tons of rags a year. He employed four men, five women, and two children in the manufacture of fine and coarse grades, which sold “at a price that will barely pay.” Reference: Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1398. 6.  On the Croton River, less than a hundred rods from N.Y. Mill 5. Darius Crosby also owned a one-third share in a paper mill close by his establishment. Reference: [New York, N.Y.] National Advocate, 6 Feb. 1819, 3. cc

Nassau County North Hempstead 7.  Hempstead Harbor, Roslyn Village in the town of North Hempstead, part of Queens County until Nassau County was formed in 1899. In 1773 the printer Hugh Gaine announced in his NewYork Mercury that he had established a paper mill at Hempstead Harbor in partnership with Hendrick Onderdonk and Henry Remsen. Like the Rittenhouse partnership, this consortium drew on capital outside the paper trade and book trade, but depended on the book trade for sales and distribution. Remsen was a merchant of loyalist sympathies and also a banker in his later years. Onderdonk was the proprietor of a country store, a grist mill, and a quantity of land in the Roslyn area. Gaine frequently advertised varieties of writing papers available at his bookstore “by the

Ream, Sheet or Quire.” The three partners combined their initials in some of their earliest watermarks. It is possible that they rented the mill to two English paper­ makers, Charles Loosley and Thomas Elms, who petitioned the New York convention for an exemption from militia duty in 1776 on the grounds that they had to pay “twenty shillings per day for rent” and that their workforce needed “constant oversight and direction.” They were reluctant to take up arms for the additional reason that they were loyalists, with convictions strong enough that they eventually emigrated to Canada. References: Greene 1965, 45, 50, 59; Onderdonk 1865, 46; East 1938, 190, 329; Onderdonk 1910, 31–38; Peter Force, American Archives, 4th ser., 6 (1846): 615–16. HAMSTEAD • H within double surround enclosing OGR [laid] — New York, Session Laws, The Thirtieth Assembly. Seventh Sessions (New York: Hugh Gaine, 1775; PPL; reprod. in Hunter 1952, fig. 12); Bernard Romans, A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida (New York: Printed for the author, 1775; PPL); Gaine’s Universal Register, or, American and British Kalendar, for the Year 1776 (New York: Printed by H. Gaine, 1775; PPL). LIBERTY | & | PRUDENCE [laid] — Interleaved copy of Gaine’s Universal Register, or, American and British Kalendar, for the Year 1776 (New York: Printed by H. Gaine, 1775; NHi); ms., n.p., 1776 (AAS); Committee of Safety, New-York, January 27, 1776. Instructions to the Colonels ([New York: Printed by Samuel Loudon, 1776]; NHi); mss., Oneida, N.Y., 1777, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1777 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 661). OGR [laid] — ms., Orange County, N.Y., 1777 (AAS); ms., Boston, Mass., 1777 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 729).

In 1790 George Washington noted in his diaries that he had visited Onderdonk’s grist mill as well as his two paper mills, “which he seems to carry on with spirit and to profit.” What Washington meant by two paper mills is hard to ascertain, unless he was referring to two vats, two engines, or the upper and lower mill houses described below. At this time Gaine sold to the On-

new yo r k  ::  199 derdonk family his interest in the establishment, which was being managed by Onderdonk’s son Andrew Onderdonk, whose watermarks suggest that he was operating the firm under his own name as early as 1791. References: Onderdonk 1910, 37–38, 64–65; Onderdonk Mill Papers, sales and receipt book, 18 Aug. 1790. A ONDERDONK = American eagle in single surround [laid] — Treasury of the United States. December 5th, 1791. Sir, permit me . . . [Specie account, 1 July–30 Sept 1791] (Philadelphia: Printed by Childs and Swaine, 1791; PPL); ms., New York, N.Y., 1792 (NYHS; lacks half sheet with countermark); ms., New York area?, 1793 (AAS); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1793, and New York, N.Y., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks, 742– 43); ms., Orange County, N.Y., 1794 (NYHS); Benjamin Franklin, The Works . . . Consisting of His Life Written by Himself, Together With Essays (New York: Printed and Sold by John Tiebout, 1798; MWiW-C). A ONDERDONK = American eagle [laid] — Abstract of the Epistle from the Yearly Meeting, Held in London, by Adjournments, from the 18th to the 27th of the Fifth Month, 1795, Inclusive ([New York: s.n., 1795]; PPL); ms., Tarborough, Pa., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 744; lacks countermark, watermark in a deteriorated version). American eagle in single surround [laid] — Journal of the Senate of the State of New-York [Twentieth session, 1 Nov. 1796 and 3 Jan. 1797] (Albany: Printed by Charles R. & George Webster, for John Morton, 1797; PPL); New York (City), Laws, statutes, etc., City of New York, ss. At a Common Council held on Thursday the 9th day of November, 1797. Complaint having been repeatedly made . . . [law regulating carts and cartmen] ([New York: s.n., 1797]; DLC broadside port. 112:16); E. Savage, Thermo Lamp (New York: Columbian Museum, 1802; DLC broadside port. 113:6a). AO & Co [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 16). AO = & Co [laid] — ms., Rensselaer County, N.Y., 1799 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 17–18).

AO [laid] — ms., n.p., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 15).

After Andrew Onderdonk died in 1797, his father transferred the management of the mill to two younger sons, William and Benjamin, who had been running a dry goods business. They proposed to relinquish their mercantile ventures in favor of their manufacturing interests, although they continued to be involved in overseas commerce as late as 1810. In 1800 Benjamin was running a stationery store in New York in an ­attempt to improve the distribution of their wares. References: Onderdonk 1910, 38, McKay 1942, 56; Onderdonk Papers, 24 Feb. 1798; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Feb. 1800: foolscap, watermarked W & B O 1800. W & BO = 1800 [laid] — mss., N.J., 1800, and New York, N.Y., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 980–81); mss., Stonington, Conn., 1802, and n.p., 1803 (AAS).

In 1801 William and Benjamin Onderdonk sold the mill and a farm of 63 acres to Daniel Hoogland and Abraham Coles for $12,500. A ream wrapper used by Hoogland is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Onderdonk 1910, 32, 292; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Aug. 1806: double cap vellum and double pott vellum, watermarked DH and sold to Isaac Riley & Co.; Hunter 1950, 225. DH [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., ca. 1812 (NNC, Nicholas Fish Papers). D HOOGLAND [laid] — ms., Richmond, Va., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 447).

Hoogland and Coles sold the establishment in 1810 to John M. Smith, who then sold it to William Valentine, proprietor of a New York stationery firm trading as W. & C. Valentine {William Valentine and Caleb Valentine} from 1805 to 1811 and as W. Valentine & Sons from 1812 to 1822. William Valentine moved to Roslyn in 1808 and took an active part in the management of the mill, although no doubt he relied on his office and warehouse in the city to take orders and stock his wares. In 1821 the assignees of the Valentine firm put up for sale all of its real estate holdings in North Hempstead.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  200 One of the lots was the “upper mill house” containing one vat and one engine. References: Onderdonk 1910, 32, 292; Hunter 1950, 221–22; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Mar. 1802: double cap, watermarked W & CV 1802; New-York Evening Post, 23 Apr. 1821, 3; Greene 1965, 71–73; McKay 1942, 73; Huttner 1993, 230. W & CV [laid] — ms., N.Y., 1804 (AAS; lacks other half sheet).

Myers Valentine inherited the mill from his father William. When he took it over and how long he ran it, I do not know, but he is said to have been the last owner of the property before it was “foreclosed” in 1895. In 1873 he was making strawboard and sheathing papers on a 48-inch cylinder machine. References: Greene 1965, 74–75, 79; Snell 1930c; Lockwood 1873, 81. 8.  Hempstead Harbor, near or adjoining N.Y. Mill 7. In 1821 the assignees of the Valentine firm put up for sale N.Y. Mill 7 along with “the lower paper mill house” containing two vats and two engines. The W & CV watermark noted above could be assigned to this larger establishment. Reference: New-York Evening Post, 23 Apr. 1821, 3. 9.  Hempstead Harbor. Richard Kirk owned several mills in this town, beginning with a fulling mill erected in 1770. His daughter Ann drowned by falling through the ice of his mill pond in 1787. Although his watermark appears as early as 1794, there is no documentary account of his papermaking activities until 1810, when his paper mill was destroyed by fire. He may have been related to William Kirk of Long Island, who purchased moulds in 1796. References: Onderdonk 1865, 43, 70, 96–97; Hunter 1952, 157; Greene 1965, 71–72; Snell 1930c; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 Sept. 1796: double cap for William Kirk, watermarked with a device and two letters. R KIRK [laid] — An Hymn to be Sung by the Episcopal Charity-Children at Trinity-Church, on Sunday,

November the Ninth, 1794 (New York: s.n., 1794; PPL broadside).

Kirk must have taken two or more sons into partnership by 1816. He probably died in or before 1820, when Silas Kirk & Co. put the mill up for sale along with a farm of 175 acres. There is no evidence that the paper mill was still in operation when this property passed out of family hands. References: [New York, N.Y.] National Advocate, 17 Aug. 1820, 3; Greene 1965, 72. R KIRK & SONS [wove] — ms., Princeton, N.J., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 632); ms., Middletown [Conn.?], 1818 (AAS; half sheet only). R KIRK & SONS = American eagle [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1819 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 633–34). Note: Gravell & Miller 2002 wmk 632 may be the same as wmk 633, in which case it may have been derived from a half sheet and is missing the watermark on the other side of the sheet. Gravell & Miller attribute these watermarks to the family of Roger Kirk in Chester County, Pennsylvania, proprietors of Pa. Mills 74 and 87, which, however, were both occupied by tenants who would have been inclined to do business under their own names. Richard Kirk is a better candidate because he is known to have used watermarks and because these watermarks appear in the vicinity of New York, the prime distribution point for his wares.

Hempstead 10.  On the Merrick River, in Freeport Village in the town of Hempstead. Joseph Smart appears in New York directories as a paper manufacturer between 1826 and 1830 and as the proprietor of a junk store between 1831 and 1837. At that later date he was still operating a mill on the Merrick River, which supplied printings to publishers in New York. Benjamin Thompson’s History of Long Island (New York: Published by E. French, 1839) is said

new yo r k  ::  201 to have been printed on paper made by Smart. References: Greene 1965, 87; Huttner 1993, 208.

Addenda The Census of 1810 noted that five paper mills were operating in Queens County, producing 10,500 reams a year. The Census of 1820 includes returns for three unidentified mills in North Hempstead, one of them located at Cow Neck. The largest mill was equipped with two vats and three engines, but only one vat and one engine were in operation at that time because the local springs were running low on water. The respondent also complained of slack demand for his products, which were bringing lower prices than before. Business had declined to the point where he was buying one-third of the usual amount of rags, and he had reduced his workforce to the minimum complement of five men, five women, and two children making goods worth $4,600 a year. The other two returns were for one-vat mills, one employing five men and one child, the other employing five men and six women. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Census of 1820, reel 10, items 1347–49. Jeffrey Smith of Long Island purchased moulds watermarked with his initials in 1801. It seems less likely that he was in Suffolk County than in Nassau County, where he could have rented N.Y. Mill 2 or 3 or could have owned a manufactory not documented in the sources I have consulted. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 14 Mar. 1801 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 May 1801: double cap, watermarked JS; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Mar. 1801: demy wrapping. cc

Suffolk County Huntington 11.  Cold Spring Harbor. Richard Conkling (also Conklin) is said to have been given the right to build a paper mill at this location in

1782. A local historian claimed that some of its products were exported to England, which seems highly unlikely, but lends some credence to the idea that this mill was actually in operation. Reference: Greene 1965, 82. Jotham Townsend regularly sold paper to New York printers and stationers between 1796 and 1801 while also dealing in rags, possibly in partnership with Benjamin Birdsall. Both were freeholders in Oyster Bay. But Townsend may have taken over Conkling’s mill if he can be identified as a member of the firm Towesend & Lewis, which was trying to recruit skilled personnel for a mill in Huntington in 1793. The firm may have been reorganized by 1795, when Jotham Townsend & Co. of Long Island purchased two pairs of moulds. In 1798 Townsend paid £20 “for work Done on paper Mill”—my only direct evidence for his manufacturing activities. References: Townsend Receipt Book; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 May 1795: double cap and super royal; http://www.rootsweb.ancestry .com/~nynassa2/Revolution/votes.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011); [New York, N.Y.] The Diary or Loudon’s Register, 18 May 1793, 3; A Memorial of John, Henry, and Richard Townsend, and Their Descendants (New York: W. A. Townsend, 1865), 199. T & L [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1798 (AAS); ms., Albany, N.Y., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 927); ms., New York, N.Y., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 647). Note: Gravell & Miller did not attribute wmk 927 and attributed wmk 647 to the firm of Levis & Lewis, although that watermark is clearly a deteriorated version of wmk 927.

John and George Townsend purchased moulds in 1800 and 1803, apparently taking over the mill around 1801, when sales of paper cease to appear in Jotham Townsend’s receipt book. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Feb. 1800: double cap = Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 Mar. 1800: double cap, watermarked with Britannia and crown in triple surround; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Apr. 1803: super royal laid.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  202

Patchogue

Moriches

12.  Short Neck?

14.  Not located.

Jonas Wicks of Short Neck built a mill in Patchogue in 1798. A freshet in 1807 swept away two mill dams in Patchogue and the house of Walter Swan, a paper­ maker who worked in several establishments (see N.Y. Mill 48 and Conn. Mill 31) but who first appears in this one—whether as proprietor, tenant, or employee it is hard to tell. This was probably one of the two paper mills in Suffolk County included in the Census of 1810. References: Greene 1965, 83; Spafford 1813, 50–51; [Sag Harbor, N.Y.] Suffolk Gazette, 9 Feb. 1807, 3; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37. In 1813 Nathaniel Smith offered for sale a two-vat paper mill in Brookhaven along with a half interest in a cotton mill on the same dam. A few years later he became the postmaster of Patchogue. Reference: [New York, N.Y.] Spectator, 27 Mar. 1813, 4. I have found no information about the later history of this mill. A paper mill in Patchogue was operating in 1839. Either this establishment remained in operation until then, or another mill was built in that village sometime after 1820. Reference: Thompson 1839, 280.

A storm in 1818 destroyed the dam of a paper mill in Moriches, a village in Brookhaven. James Snowden & Co. were the proprietors of the mill at that time. Reference: [Salem, Mass.] Salem Gazette, 6 Oct. 1818, 2. A one-vat mill in Brookhaven belonged to James S. Tuttle (also Tuthill), whose report to the Census of 1820 noted that he was residing in Moriches. He employed five men, six women, and two children in the manufacture of wrappings, printings, and writings selling for $1 to $4 a ream. He claimed to be making profits of $1,500 to $2,000 a year, but noted that sales of printings were suffering because of competition from imported goods. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1377.

Northport 15.  Cow Harbor.

Southampton

Scudder, Lewis & Co. put up for sale a paper mill at this location in 1814. It was still in operation at that time, but the Scudder firm’s advertisement suggested that it should be converted to the manufacture of cottons or woolens. Reference: New-York Spectator, 5 Mar. 1814, 4.

13.  Not located.

cc

In 1807 a Suffolk County newspaper advised its readers that they could buy wrapping papers from John Snowden, superintendent of a mill near Southampton belonging to White & Hedges. Apparently it was one of the two paper mills in Suffolk County reported by the Census of 1810, but it seems to have gone down ­before the Census of 1820, which noted only one establishment in the county, belonging to James S. Tuttle. References: Greene 1965, 85; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37.

Orange County Blooming Grove 16.  Craigsville, on Grey Court Creek, otherwise known as Cromlin Creek. James Craig built a paper mill here in 1790. On an adjacent tract of land he had a grist mill, a plaster mill, and a saw mill, all three quite new in 1811, when he put them up for sale because he wanted to concentrate on

new yo r k  ::  203 his papermaking business. References: French 1860, 504; [Goshen, N.Y.] Orange County Patriot, 5 Feb. 1811, 3. J CRAIG = Britannia [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 278–79); ms., New York, N.Y., 1810 (AAS; countermark only). I CRAIG [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 276). Note: The Sellers firm made for John Craig a pair of foolscap moulds with the watermark Britannia = G PIKE | 1805, apparently an attempt to imitate the products of the English papermaker George Pike. Gravell & Miller suggest that John Craig was connected to the Craig family of Orange County, but it is more likely that he was a merchant in Baltimore. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 Mar. 1807: foolscap; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 298.

Sometime around 1818 James Craig’s son Hector Craig took over the mill, though not with any great confidence in its prospects. He noted in his 1820 census return that his mill had declined and that many others had stopped because of the glut of imported papers on the American market. While coping with decreased demand and declining prices, he employed eight men, ten women, and four children at two vats consuming 45 tons of rags a year, enough to keep at work two engines as well as a mechanized duster. He did not describe his products but estimated that they were worth about $12,000 a year. In 1826 he wrote a testimonial for J. S. Eastman, who had invented a straw cutter that could also be used for rags. References: Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1523; [Baltimore, Md.] Baltimore Patriot, 25 Aug. 1826, 3. H CRAIG [wove] — mss., Bethany, Pa., 1818, and New York, N.Y., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 275). H CRAIG [wove, edgemarked] — ms., Craigsville, 1827 (Hector Craig to DeWitt Clinton, Clinton Papers, NNC); ms., Washington, D.C., 1830 (AAS).

Newburgh 17.  Newburgh Paper Mill; Orange County Paper Mill. On Quassaick Creek between Newburgh and New Windsor. James Craig and Hugh Walsh built this mill in 1792 and began production by 1794, when they published a newspaper advertisement offering journeymen papermakers employment in Newburgh. Walsh emigrated from the Belfast area in 1764 and settled in Philadelphia before moving to Newburgh, where he was engaged in several other business ventures. References: Hunter 1950, 291; Gottesman 1954, 267; Ruttenber 1875, 381–82; http://homepages.rootsweb.ancestry .com/~walsh/walsbook.html (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). WC & Co = NEWBURGH [laid] — Phineas Hedges, Strictures on the Elementa Medicinae of Doctor Brown (Goshen, N.Y.: Printed by David M. Westcott, 1795; PPL); ms., n.p., 1795 (AAS; countermark only, lacking NEWBURGH watermark); ms., New York State, 1798 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 987–88); ms., Savannah, Ga., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 985–86; deteriorated wmk).

In 1796 Craig sold his share either to a member of the Walsh family or to George Reid, who became a partner by 1809, when the firm Reid, Walsh & Co. advertised for rags. One of the employees was John Bishop, who was viewed with suspicion by the local authorities because he had emigrated from England in 1811 but had neglected to become a citizen before the War of 1812. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 315; To Country Merchants and Others Who Are in the Habit of Collecting Rags (Newburgh: Gazlay, printer, 1809; NjR); Scott 1979, 68. Hugh Walsh’s son John H. Walsh appears to have inherited full ownership of the mill upon the death of his father in 1817. In 1820 he reported to the census that he employed ten men and ten women in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings at two vats consuming 45 tons of rags a year. A large water wheel supplied power for two engines, a “water press,” and a

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  204 duster while a smaller wheel drove a paper cutter and a machine for glazing press papers. One of his ream wrappers, reproduced in Hunter 1950, refers to his establishment as the Orange County Paper Mill. References: Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1522; Hunter 1950, 293. WALSH [wove] — ms., Newburgh, N.Y., 1822 (AAS); ms., Newburgh, N.Y., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1029).

In 1831 and 1832 the paper warehouse of Jonathan Seymour served as the New York stockroom of the firm Walsh & Piercy, paper manufacturers in Newburgh. Most likely John H. Walsh was operating this mill in partnership with William Piercy, but he might also have been involved with another Newburgh mill mentioned in a contract between Piercy, George Reid, and George Steel in 1829. I have not been able to identify this other mill or determine whether it actually went into operation. References: AAD 1831, 74; AAD 1832, 89; Huttner 1993, 204; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 310. WALSH & PIERCY [wove] — ms., Burlington County, N.J., 1835 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1030).

By 1843 the family firm was making writing papers embossed with the name J. H. Walsh & Sons. One of the sons was John Dewitt Walsh, who may have inherited the firm. References: Nickell 1993, 207; ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1843 (AAS); Hunter 1950, 291. The Orange County Mill was still in family hands in 1882, when it was making writings on a 48-inch Fourdrinier. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 79. cc

Rensselaer County Troy 18.  On the Poestenkill. Mahlon Taylor built the first paper mill in upper New York State in 1792, hedging his bets, however, with a flume that also supplied water to a grist mill and a saw mill. Reference: Weeks 1916, 91–92. Soon after he built the mill, Taylor sold it for £400 to

Charles Richard Webster, George Webster, Ashbel Seymour, and Perley Ensign. Seymour and Ensign were papermakers of Hartford, Connecticut, no doubt recruited by the Websters to provide newsprint for their Albany Gazette, founded in 1784. This was a one-vat mill, producing 5–10 reams a day. References: Munsell 1876, 52; Weeks 1916, 92; Hamilton 1936, 17, 305–6; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1793: demy and double crown. WE & S — n.p., n.d. (Hunter 1952, 167). CR & GW — n.p., n.d. (Hunter 1952, 167).

In 1806 Elisha Skinner joined the newspaper firm, which became Websters & Skinners in 1811, when his brothers Hezekiah and Daniel Skinner became partners. The new members of the firm may have owned an interest in the paper mill, which may have been doing business as late as 1813, when Spafford called for two mills in Rensselaer County. References: Hamilton 1936, 305–6; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 Feb. 1810: demy, double cap watermarked SL & Co, and double cap watermarked JW & Co. In 1814 two merchants in Troy, Henry Vail and Townsend M’Coun, were challenging in court each other’s claims to a paper mill on or near the Poestenkill. Reference: [New York, N.Y.] Evening Post, 8 Sept. 1814, 1. 19.  Mill Ville Paper Mill; Troy Paper Mill. On the Wynantskill. The town postmaster David Buel built a mill at this location around 1801, when he published a plea for rags. He may have learned about papermaking in Litchfield, Connecticut, where he lived until 1797. The mill was swept away by a freshet in 1814 and was rebuilt not far from this site. The Troy businessman Ephraim Morgan bought several pairs of moulds watermarked with his name, a privilege he might have enjoyed as a partner or an agent responsible for sales of Buel’s products. If he was a partner in the firm, he would have retired by 1813, when it was operating as David Buel & Son. References: Welles 1881, 67, 121–22; Munsell 1876, 57–58; Hunter 1950, 281; [Albany, N.Y.] Albany Register, 19 Mar. 1813, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 June 1802: double pott,

new yo r k  ::  205 purchased by Ephraim Morgan; Sellers Moulds Finished, 29 Mar. 1806: double cap, purchased by Ephraim Morgan and watermarked E MORGAN | TROY. E MORGAN | TROY [laid] — ms., Rensselaer County, N.Y., 1807 (AAS); ms., Troy, N.Y., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 715). D BUEL [wove] — mss., Troy, N.Y., 1810 and 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 161); printed doc., Troy, N.Y., inscribed 1813 (AAS).

Buel sold the mill in 1819, either to the firm of Field & Stone, which was running it in that year, or to D. H. Stone, who claimed that he owned the mill in his 1820 census return. At that time he was employing five men, four women, and two boys at one vat and one engine that consumed 20 tons of rags a year, the standard amount for a mill of that size. They made “various kinds” of paper with an annual output valued at $6,555. However, prices had fallen recently because of the slump in the paper trade; at more prosperous times he employed six men and six women. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 245; Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1077. Hunter 1950 reproduces a ream wrapper used by the Troy Paper Mill, owned by Wilson & Bird in 1828. Reference: Hunter 1950, 281–83. John and Thomas Howland were the proprietors of the Troy Paper Mill and the Troy Paper Hanging Manufactory in 1831. The mill remained in the family until 1849. References: AAD 1831, 136; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 245. cc

Columbia County Stuyvesant Falls 20.  On Kinderhook Creek. Around 1801 Pitkin & Edmonds {Elisha Pitkin and Samuel Edmonds} converted a grist mill to paper manufacture with a single vat. Reference: Ellis 1878, 358. George Chittenden purchased the mill in 1802 and operated it until 1806. It was probably one of the two

mills in Columbia County noted by the Census of 1810 and Spafford’s 1813 gazetteer. References: Ellis 1878, 358; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51. If this mill is the same as one located in Kinderhook, it can be construed that it passed into the hands of Richard I. Goes sometime before 1820, when a fire broke out in the finishing room and consumed the entire building along with a stock of rags and a “considerable quantity” of paper ready for market. Casparus C. Goes was operating the mill at that time but neglected to insure it and lost everything he had invested in the business. Reference: [Boston, Mass.] New-England Palladium, 15 Feb. 1820, 2.

Stockport 21.  On Kinderhook Creek at Chittenden Falls. In 1809 George Chittenden built a second mill, where he manufactured printings, wrappings, and security paper. One of his ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Ellis 1878, 358; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Hunter 1950, 227; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Nov. 1812: double cap vellum. GC [wove] — mss., n.p., 1827, and Albany, N.Y., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 372); ms., Bethany [N.Y.?], 1828 (AAS). CHITTENDEN [wove] — mss., New York, N.Y., 1827, and Hudson, N.Y., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 262); ms., Georgia, 1831 (AAS).

After Chittenden died in 1845, his son George Chittenden Jr. continued the business until he died in 1873. By that time the mill had been several times enlarged and contained an 84-inch Fourdrinier machine supplied by seven engines. References: Munsell 1876, 67; Lockwood 1873, 83; Ellis 1878, 352 .

Chatham 22.  On Stein Kill Creek. The firm Dickey & Wilder established the first mill in Chatham around 1828. According to Weeks, this one-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  206 engine mill was operated by Eleazer Cady, who indeed lived in Chatham but died in 1819, a date too early to lend much credence to Weeks’s account. References: Weeks 1916, 203; http://www.familytreelegends.com/ trees/oatkamac/1/data/18239 (accessed 13 Feb. 2011); http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ny/county/columbia/ chatham/manufacturing.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). 23.  On Stein Kill Creek. In 1830 or 1834 two Connecticut papermakers, Hamilton & Wright, came to Chatham and either took over N.Y. Mill 22 or built on its property a new mill, where they installed a cylinder machine for manufacturing straw wrappings. References: Weeks 1916, 203; http:// www.usgennet.org/usa/ny/county/columbia/chatham/ manufacturing.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). Hamilton continued to work the mill after he terminated his partnership with Wright in 1832. Reference: Weeks 1916, 203. 24.  On Stein Kill Creek. Formerly a partner with Hamilton in N.Y. Mill 23, Wright built another cylinder machine mill on the same stream in or shortly after 1832. His establishment later passed through several hands. Reference: Weeks 1916, 203. cc

Oneida County New Hartford 25.  On Sauquoit Creek, formerly known as Sadaqueda Creek. In 1804 Richard Sanger ordered an assortment of moulds for a mill in Whitestown, which originally included the village of New Hartford. Later, Asa Douglass of New Hartford ordered moulds with the initials of Richard Sanger & Co. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 8

Nov. 1804: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Mar. 1807: double cap writing, watermarked RS & Co., ordered by Asa Douglass. This must have been one of the four paper mills in Oneida County recorded in the Census of 1810. Sometime before 1812 it passed into the hands of Jedediah Sanger, judge, state senator, and investor in several commercial ventures in the New Hartford area. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 June 1812: double cap vellum; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51; “The New Hartford Centennial,” Transactions of the Oneida Historical Society (1887–1889): 49–50. Jedediah Sanger relinquished the mill to Samuel Lyon sometime before 1820. Lyon reported to the 1820 census that he employed four men, one woman, and three children in a one-vat, one-engine establishment making paper “of all descriptions” worth $5,000 a year. He noted that his sales had been good but were now so poor that he could barely stay in business. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1021. 26.  On Sauquoit Creek, in the Washington Mills ­district. Leonard Kellogg & Co. {Leonard Kellogg, Nathan Seward, Asahel Higby, and Thomas Sayles} built this mill in 1807. Nathan Seward’s son Asahel Seward, a printer in Utica, purchased the interests of his father and Thomas Sayles in 1810/1811. He became sole proprietor or managing director after the death of his father in 1815. The mill was sold to an adjoining cotton manufacturing company in 1824. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Apr. 1808: double cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 1 July 1812: vellum cap; Hamilton 1936, 78, 297; M. M. Bagg, “The Earliest Factories of Oneida,” Transactions of the Oneida Historical Society (1881): 120. A SEWARD [wove] — ms., N.Y., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 897). A SEWARD & Co | UTICA [laid] — ms., Angelica, N.Y., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 898).

new yo r k  ::  207

Walesville 27.  On Oriskany Creek in Westmoreland, about nine miles west of Utica. Nathaniel Loomis and his son Erastus Loomis were running a mill here in 1804, when they hired Gurdon Caswell, a tailor by training, who married a daughter of Nathaniel Loomis and then left in 1808 to establish N.Y. Mill 36 in Watertown. References: Weeks 1916, 152–53; http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry .com/~twigs2000/charities7.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011); Haddock 1894, 546–47. In 1820 this one-vat paper mill was owned by Loomis, Peck & Co., who employed three men, three women, and two children in the manufacture of paper “of all descriptions” worth $5,000 a year. The proprietors told the census officials that their business had been declining the last two or three years because of low demand and low prices. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1012.

Jonathan Wales. Chester worked as foreman or agent until 1837, when he and Olmstead (whose daughter he had married in 1835) quit the papermaking trade and went to live in Michigan. References: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1023; http://www.hillsdalecounty.info/his tory0020.asp (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). 29.  Not located. In 1820 A. Forbes owned a one-vat, one-engine mill in Whitestown, where he employed two men, two women, and two children in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings—probably on a parttime basis because they used only five tons of rags a year. Even in better times the mill had not been profitable, but its prospects did not improve after he sold the water privilege, a confession of failure indicating that he needed ready cash more than a reliable source of power. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1022. cc

Whitestown 28.  On Oriskany Creek, perhaps in Walesville, a village in present Westmoreland. Wales & Olmstead { Jonathan Wales and Walter Olm­ stead (also Olmsted)} owned a mill in Whitestown around 1809. One of their ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Hunter 1950, 245; Hunter 1952, 167; Spafford 1813, 50–51; http://www .hillsdalecounty.info/history0020.asp (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). In 1820 the firm of Olmstead & Isbell (Walter Olmstead and Isbell} was running a one-vat mill employing three men, two women, and four children in the manufacture of all types of paper worth $6,500 a year—not a very profitable business at the time because the scarcity of specie had driven prices down and interfered with sales. Around 1828 or 1829 they hired Eason T. Chester, who had previously worked on the farm of

Greene County Catskill 30.  Jefferson Paper Mill. Austin’s Glen, in Jefferson Flats (now Jefferson Heights), about two miles west of Catskill. In 1804 Nathan Benjamin offered to pay in cash or kind for rags at his new store near the Catskill paper mill. He was the proprietor of the mill when it burned down in 1807 despite the best efforts of the local fire brigade, which saved a large quantity of stock. His losses were estimated at $10,000 to $12,000. Nevertheless, he was back in business the next year after having erected a new three-story structure, 60 by 35 feet, with two vats in outbuildings. His annual production amounted to 4,150 reams, a typical figure for a two-vat establishment. References: [Hudson, N.Y.] Bee, 15 May

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  208 1804, 4; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Berkshire Reporter, 19 Dec. 1807, 2; New-York Gazette & General Advertiser, 14 Nov. 1809, 3; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37. Abner Austin noted in his 1820 census return that the mill had been operating for twelve years (that is, twelve years since it was rebuilt in 1808) and that he had owned it for seven years. The business records of the Austin mill at NHi include an inventory of stock and tools drawn up at the end of 1814, when Henry Dingman was employed as foreman. Russell Austin was a partner in the firm until around 1820 and had definitely departed by 1825, when he was living in Sheffield, Massachusetts. Abner Austin wrote an unusually insightful and articulate account of the paper trade for the Census of 1820. Like other papermakers, he complained about imports, which had depressed the market for printings so greatly that the merchants must have found some way to evade the tariff. He urged Congress to repeal the ad valorem duty and to replace it with specific duties determined by the weight and “several degrees of fineness” of paper commonly shipped to America. In his opinion fine writings were not as much of a threat as the printings, although he noted the presence of coarse Spanish foolscap, coarse Italian post, and fine English post on the American market. He also saw a problem in the credit terms demanded by customers, who did not have to pay for some months after the delivery of the goods, although papermakers had to meet a weekly payroll and ­purchase raw materials in cash. He employed eight men, four women, and eight children in his two-vat, two-engine establishment, manufacturing writings, printings, and glazed bonnet boards with an aggregate value of $11,000 a year. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Nov. 1813: medium vellum; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Census of 1820, reel 11, item 1591. Catalogue 56 of the Philadelphia bookseller Carmen D. Valentino contains a description of the Austin family account books, 1844–1867, which record payments to paper mill employees between 1859 and 1863. In 1882 the firm Austin & Austin was making press

board on a 36-inch cylinder in the Hope Mill in Catskill. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 70.

New Baltimore 31.  One mile outside of New Baltimore. Here Nathaniel Bruce converted a grist mill to the manufacture of paper in or shortly after 1826. In 1829 he went into partnership with Hiram Seely (also Seeley) to form the firm of Bruce & Seeley. They ordered a Fourdrinier from Stephen Vail in December 1830. Vail delivered it in April 1831, and it was ready to begin production in May. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 245; Vail Diaries, 8 Dec. 1830, 20 Apr. 1831, and 10 May 1831. NB & Co [wove] — ms., Albany, N.Y., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 716).

After changing hands several times, the mill burned down and was rebuilt by James Crosswell, whose son William Crosswell and son-in-law Stephen Parsons were making hangings on a 48-inch cylinder in 1882. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 245; Lockwood 1882, 79. cc

Onondaga County Marcellus Falls 32.  On Nine Mile Creek? In 1806 a Mr. Cone built the first paper mill in Marcellus Falls, not a very large establishment as it was producing only 1,600 reams a year in 1810. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; http://www.rootsweb .com/~nyononda/marcellu/beaumar.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). Formerly a partner in Vt. Mill 3, the “noted paper maker” John Herring bought the Marcellus mill in 1816. Reference: http://www.rootsweb.com/~nyononda/mar cellu/beaumar.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011).

new yo r k  ::  209 One source says that Herring purchased the mill from Simeon Chapman, but I think that it is more likely that it passed into the hands of Simon Chapman, who told the census authorities in 1820 that his modest manufacturing facilities (one vat and one engine) were now in poor condition. He employed seven men and four women in the manufacture of printings and wrappings amounting to 1,600 reams a year, the same quantity his predecessors had been making ten years ago. He claimed that he had a “ready sale for paper.” References: Census of 1820, reel 7, item 721; http:// www.rootsweb.com/~nyononda/marcellu/beaumar .htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). cc

Otsego County Hartwick

In 1820 the mill belonged to the firm of L. & B. Todd {Lemuel Todd and Bethel Todd}, who reported to the census that they employed eight men, eleven women, and two children at two vats and two engines, producing writings worth $10,429 in the course of a year. Operated in conjunction with a saw mill, this establishment burned down three times, but members of the Todd family rebuilt it and must have modernized the facilities, which they occupied until 1855. The Todd family genealogy states that the mill was on the Otsego side of Oak Creek (formerly known as Oak’s Creek). References: John Edwards Todd, comp., The Todd Family in America (Northampton, Mass.: Press of Gazette Printing Co., 1920), 663–64; Census of 1820, reel 8, item 874.

Otsego 34.  Fly Creek Village?

33.  Oak Creek in Toddsville. Jehiel Todd built a mill here in partnership with Elihu Phinney, publisher of the Otsego Herald. Phinney announced their new venture in an advertisement for rags and predicted that they would be in business on or before 1 September 1806. In February 1807 he was able to advertise goods sold at “the new paper mill of Phinneys and Todds.” Sons of both partners were involved in this concern, probably Henry Phinney, Elihu Phinney Jr., Lemuel Todd, and Ira Todd. References: Hamilton 1936, 291; Otsego Herald, 27 Mar. 1806, 3; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 298; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; http://theusgenweb.org/ny/otsego/cemetery/christn .htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). PHINNEYS & | TODDS = OTSEGO [laid] — printed doc., Cooperstown, N.Y., 1810 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 798–99).

In 1819 Henry Phinney sold his share of the mill to Chester Walbridge, who stayed less than a year before moving on to N.Y. Mill 54. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 298.

In 1820 Foster, Steele & Co. reported to the census that they had been in business for two years, as yet without much success because of the glut of imported paper on the American market. If they were not the first proprietors, their predecessors would have been in business for no more than five years or so, for the Spafford directory mentions only one Otsego County paper mill in 1813. The proprietors claimed to have invested $8,000 in this one-engine establishment, where they employed six men, six women, and two children making on an annual basis 1,500 reams of writings at $2.50 per ream, 850 reams of printings at $3.50 per ream, and 300 reams of wrappings at $1.00 per ream. Beyond the census record, nothing is known about this firm, which might have gone down after the Panic of 1819. References: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 927; Spafford 1813, 50–51. If the mill passed into other hands during this financial crisis, one of its later owners may have been Chester Jarvis, who was running a mill in Fly Creek ca. 1826–1827. Reference: Sellers Letter Book, 2 Feb. 1826 and 6 Aug. 1827.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  210 cc

Lewis County Martinsburg 35.  On the East Road, about a mile southeast of Martinsburg. General Walter Martin built this modest one-engine mill in 1807 for his tenant John Clark, doing business as John Clark & Co. At a later date Daniel Gould was a member of this firm. Clark manufactured some writings at first, but soon found it easier to make and sell wrappings, wall papers, and other low-grade staples of the rural paper trade. Never very profitable, the mill went down in 1832, leaving Clark to his own devices. In the 1850s he was a “homeless wanderer” without any visible means of support except a divining rod, by which he discovered likely spots for digging wells in the Martinsburg region. References: Hough 1860, 172–74, 181–82; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51 . cc

Jefferson County Watertown 36.  Pioneer Mill. South side of the Black River, opposite Beebee’s Island. After working at N.Y. Mill 27 in Oneida County, Gurdon Caswell built here the first of his three mills in the Watertown area in 1808. In 1810 it was the only mill in the county and produced only 900 reams a year at a single vat. References: Haddock 1894, 190; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Weeks 1916, 153. The 1820 census report of James Q. Adams & Co. may have contained statistics for both this and the Factory Square mill noted below. In 1816 or (more likely) 1824 the Vermont papermakers Holbrook & Fessenden { John Holbrook and Joseph Fessenden} took over this and the Factory Square mill from insolvent debtors who had put them

up as collateral along with a bookstore, bindery, and printing office. References: Haddock 1894, 376; McCorison 1984, 31, 39. George Willard Knowlton and Clark Rice purchased both mills from Holbrook & Fessenden in 1824 and kept them in operation until 1833. Reference: Haddock 1894, 192, 376. Note: Paper bearing the K & R watermark noted below could have been made in either of these mills.

37.  Factory Square. Gurdon Caswell built this mill in 1819 and then sold it to his brother Henry Caswell and brother-in-law Erastus Loomis. References: Haddock 1894, 192; Weeks 1916, 153. This and the Pioneer Mill above may have been sold or leased to James Q. Adams & Co., who reported to the Census of 1820 that they had installed three vats but that only two were in operation at the time. Adams was still in Watertown in 1825, when he published Julia C. B. Hart’s novel Tonnewonte, or The Adopted Son of America, probably not his only publishing venture, but the only one I have found in online library catalogs. Perhaps supplying their own press, Adams & Co. made at their mill or mills demy and super royal printings as well as foolscap and other writings, a good portion of which was sold in Upper Canada and traded for “produce of the Country.” These bartered goods must not have been very profitable, although the proprietors claimed that their annual output was worth as much as $14,000. They employed eighteen men, six women, and four children, more than one would expect in a two-vat establishment, but perhaps more explicable if they were reporting aggregate figures for this and the Pioneer Mill, one containing a single vat, the other three vats, two of them in operation at that time. If they were running three vats in two mills, they were not working them at full capacity, as they were consuming only 40 tons of rags a year. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 6, item 577. In 1824 the Vermont papermakers Holbrook & Fessenden { John Holbrook and Joseph Fessenden} took

new yo r k  ::  211 over this and the Pioneer Mill from debtors who had put them up as collateral along with a bookstore, bindery, and printing office. One of the defaulting debtors was probably James Q. Adams, who may have gone out of business just as he was finishing Tonnewonte. Reference: Haddock 1894, 376. George Willard Knowlton and Clark Rice purchased both mills from Holbrook & Fessenden in 1825 for $7,000, considerably less than the $12,000 capital investment reported to the 1820 census by Adams & Co. Knowlton & Rice abandoned the mills in 1833 after suffering a number of fires and after moving their operations to a new establishment equipped with a cylinder machine. The family firm was still in business in 1882. References: Haddock 1894, 192, 376; Smith 1970, 24, 42; Munsell 1876, 96; Lockwood 1882, 86. K & R [wove] — mss., Westfield, Mass., 1827, and New York, N.Y., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 620).

ley was born. The Census of 1810 states that there was only one paper mill in the county, presumably this one, manufacturing 10,000 reams a year, a highly improbable figure for a mill in this remote location. References: Munsell 1876, 64; Hawley 1890, 108–9, 479; Weeks 1916, 115–17; Hunter 1952, 153; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 50–51. Rufus Sturtevant & Co. were running a one-vat mill in Moreau in 1820 with four men, two women, and two children on the payroll. They claimed to be making printings, writings, and wrappings worth $4,000 a year, although at that time sales were “dull perhaps owing the great depression of business.” Sturtevant was previously foreman of Conn. Mill 5. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 8, item 1117. cc

Bronx County

38.  Sewall’s Island.

New York

Gurdon Caswell built his third mill in 1823 in partnership with Ralph Clapp and William K. Asherd. After suffering some damage from fire, the mill was torn down in 1830, bringing Caswell’s Watertown millbuilding career to an end. He moved to Clayton, New York, where he died in 1862. References: Haddock 1894, 192; Weeks 1916, 153.

40.  Bronx Mill. On the Brune River or Bronx Creek, west of the Boston Post Road. In the village of WestFarms?

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Saratoga County Moreau 39.  Near Fort Edward. S. & A. Hawley & Co. {Seth Hawley and Amos Hawley} built this mill in 1808. Following Hawley, Hunter and Weeks identify the A. Hawley in this firm as Seth Hawley’s younger brother Alpheus Hawley, who, however, was born three years after the mill was founded. A more likely candidate may be Amos Hawley, who came to Moreau from Connecticut, where Seth Haw-

In 1808 David Lydig acquired property on Bronx Creek in partnership with his brother-in-law Peter A. Mesier, a stationer in New York and also, at various times, a bookbinder, bookseller, and lithographer. Their mill must have started production in 1809, when they purchased moulds under the name of Lydig & Mesier. The nature and duration of their partnership is hard to ascertain, since Mesier commissioned watermarks and a ream wrapper with his name alone, and he appears as the sole proprietor in the Census of 1820. But it was Lydig who put the mill up for sale in 1819, and he was its owner when it burned down in 1822. The mill contained four engines and four vats at that time. Although the census does not specify how many tons of rags were consumed per year, I believe that two or three vats were in operation because the workforce consisted of eight men, twenty-two women, and eight children—more than would be needed to run one vat

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  212 but certainly not enough for four. Mesier declared his annual output to be worth $25,000, a scarcely credible figure unless he was making large quantities of writing grades. There is no evidence that the mill was rebuilt after the fire in 1822, although it was insured for the tremendous sum of $32,000. One of Mesier’s ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Hunter 1950, 245; McKay 1942, 50; New-York Commercial Advertiser, 7 Mar. 1808, 3; Huttner 1993, 155; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 June 1809: double cap, watermarked LYDIG & MESIER and Britannia; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Apr. 1817: post vellum, water­marked PA MESIER; Spafford 1813, 325; Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1386; New-York Evening Post, 29 July 1819, 1; Munsell 1876, 75. LYDIG & MESIER = Britannia [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 665– 66); ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (AAS; countermark only). LYDIG & MESIER [wove] — A Stranger Takes the Liberty to Invite the Attention of the Patrons of Literature . . . to Proposals Which Have Been Recently Issued in Philadelphia for Publishing “Memoirs of the Life of C B Brown Deceased” ([Philadelphia or New York: s.n., not before 1810]; DLC); mss., New York, N.Y., 1810, and Lynchburg, Va., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 663, 664). PETER A MESIER = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., or Boston, Mass., between 1810 and 1822 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 709–10). PETER A MESIER = Britannia [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1813 (AAS); ms., New York, N.Y., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 708; countermark only). PA MESIER [wove] — James Eastburn & Co. of NewYork, and Hezekiah Howe, of New-Haven, Submit to the Patronage of Men of Science, the Following Prospectus of the American Scientific Journal ([New York?: s.n., 1818]; DLC); mss., New York, N.Y., n.d., and Jefferson County, Ga., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 707); ms., Greenfield Hill or New Haven, Conn., n.d. (AAS).

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Schoharie County Esperance 41.  Near the Schoharie bridge on the Great Western Turnpike. This region was formerly known as State Bridge. Wood & Reddington built this mill in 1809; there was only one paper mill in the county in 1813. References: Munsell 1876, 65–66; Spafford 1813, 50–51; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37. SCHOHARIE [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1812 (AAS).

Thomas Campbell is said to have leased a mill in Schoharie before operating mills in Dutchess County, New York, and Essex County, New Jersey. Reference: Shaw 1884, 2:715. In 1814 Henry W. Starin & Co. put up for sale a half interest in a number of mills at State Bridge, including a paper mill then occupied by “an incorporated company.” The mill contained two vats and still belonged to Starin when it burned down in 1821. References: Albany Argus, 12 July 1814, 2; Munsell 1876, 74. An unidentified firm was still manufacturing paper in Esperance in 1860. Hunter 1950 has a reproduction of a ream wrapper used at the Clinton Mill in Esperance by A. H. Dewar, whose papermaking activities are otherwise unrecorded. References: French 1860, 604–5; Hunter 1950, 255. cc

Madison County Cazenovia 42.  On Chittenango Creek. Zadock Sweetland built a mill here in 1810, possibly in association with Othniel Clark, who operated a saw mill and turning shop constructed by Sweetland across the creek. Reference: Weiskotten 1984.

new yo r k  ::  213 At some point the mill passed into the hands of Sweetland’s sons Samuel Sweetland and William Sweetland, who continued to operate the mill until 1865. In 1839 the workforce amounted to fifteen men, who were making goods worth $7,000 a year in manufacturing facilities capitalized at $10,000. The papermaking business had been declining after a fire in 1859 and was abandoned altogether after another fire in 1870. References: Weiskotten 1984; Census of 1840. cc

Livingston County Dansville 43.  Situated in Steuben County, the town of Dansville is just south of the village of Dansville, which is in Livingston County. I follow the state gazetteer and paper mill directories in locating the Dansville mills in Livingston County, although the censuses of 1810 and 1820 state that they are in Steuben County. In 1810 Nathaniel Rochester built a paper mill on a 700-acre estate in Dansville, where he also ran a saw mill and a grist mill. He sold his holdings for $24,000 in 1814 and later moved to a tract of land on the Genesee River that would become the city of Rochester. Some of the business he transacted in the Dansville establishment is recorded in a day book, 1810–1812, at the New-York Historical Society. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Bunnell 1902, 34, 79; Weeks 1916, 148–49; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 Feb. 1810: assortment of moulds. Christian Endress purchased the mill from Rochester and then sold it a year later to James Faulkner. Reference: Orsamus Turner, History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorham’s Purchase and Morris’ Reserve (Rochester: Published by William Alling, 1851), 361. Amos Bradley manufactured writings and printings at the Faulkner mill, which he rented from 1820 until 1825. He came to Dansville from Hartford, Connecti-

cut, where he might have learned the papermaking trade. Reference: Bunnell 1902, 224. 44.  On Canaseraga Creek. William Porter and Andrew Porter built a saw mill, grist mill, and paper mill on the other side of the valley from the Rochester mill noted above. Reference: Bunnell 1902, 34. The Census of 1820 includes a return for an unidentified one-vat, one-engine mill in “Dansvill” established in 1812. Since several sources agree that Rochester founded his mill in 1810, I believe this mill belonged to the Porters, who might have needed a year or two to evaluate the success of his venture and to follow his example. If so, they were able to report that their facilities were in good condition and that their products were in demand. They employed five men, three women, and two boys in the manufacture of 500 reams of printings, 100 reams of writings, and 800 reams of wrappings a year, with an aggregate value of $5,800. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 9, item 1196. 45.  Eagle Mill. On Canaseraga Creek in Poag’s Hole Valley. Andrew Porter built the Eagle Mill in 1824. A machinist in Dansville made a cylinder for this or the Columbian Mill (N.Y. Mill 46) around 1832. References: Bunnell 1902, 226; Smith 1970, 37. At some point the Eagle Mill passed into the hands of the Knowlton family, which kept the mill in operation as late as 1902. One of the Knowltons was making wrappings on a 36-inch cylinder in 1873, a machine small enough that it could have been built forty years earlier. References: Bunnell 1902, 226; Lockwood 1873, 68. 46.  Columbian Mill. Not located. While building a new mill in 1825, Amos Bradley took his sons Javin Bradley and Chester Bradley in partnership to form the firm of A. Bradley & Sons. Mills owned by this firm burned down repeatedly between

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  214

Fig. 8.1. One Ream. Superfine Calender Pressed, Columbian Mill. Foolscap No. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Alexander Anderson, printed by Archelaus Stevens, before 1838. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

new yo r k  ::  215 1837 and 1854. A machinist in Dansville made a cylinder for this or the Eagle Mill (N.Y. Mill 45) around 1832. References: Bunnell 1902, 224; Munsell 1876, 104; Smith 1970, 37.

H YATES [wove] — printed doc., Schenectady, N.Y., dated 183_ in type and 1833 in ms. (AAS); ms., Albany, N.Y., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmk 786). cc

cc

Schenectady County Rotterdam 47.  Schenectady Paper Mill. Formerly third ward of Schenectady. Ponties Creek? A paper mill was operating in Schenectady as early as 1812, but its location is difficult to ascertain. On the basis of information provided by the Schenectady County Historical Society, Gravell & Miller state that Benjamin Cummings had a mill on the Schoharie River, which, however, only skirts the southwestern edge of the county. I have not been able to find any other account of Cummings’s papermaking activities. On the other hand, I have been able to document a fairly ambitious two-vat paper mill belonging to Henry Yates Jr., who owned a substantial amount of land in Rotterdam. In his 1820 census return Yates listed all the equipment of his mill: two vats, two stuff chests, two engines, a duster, six large presses, one hot press, a trimming machine, and ten pairs of moulds. Only one vat was in operation at the time, but when the mill was running at full capacity its workforce would consist of eight men, eight women, and four children making writings and printings. Ichabod Hoit and other New York City agents of the Schenectady Paper Mill advertised the “superiority” of its products, including a wide range of writings, medium and royal printing, and super royal newsprint. References: Hamilton 1936, 17; Gravell & Miller 2002, pp. 256–57; Census of 1820, reel 9, item 1168; New-York Columbian, 4 Jan. 1820, 3. SCHENECTADY | American eagle [wove] — mss., Albany, N.Y., 1819, and New York, N.Y., 1826 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 896); ms., Glen, N.Y., n.d. (AAS). HY [wove] — ms., n.p., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 1983, wmk 786); ms., Delhi, N.Y., 1823 (AAS; half sheet only).

Dutchess County Poughkeepsie 48.  Three miles east of Poughkeepsie. This thriving mill began with one vat around 1813 under the management of George Reid and Walter Swan, who advertised for rags as partners in 1815. Swan left sometime between 1815 and 1820 to go into business for himself in Conn. Mill 31. In 1819 or 1820 Reid added a second vat and increased his workforce to nine men, two boys, and ten girls or women. More perceptive than most papermakers of his day, he told the 1820 census officials that the current market was so unstable that he could not estimate his annual output in terms of value but could submit more reliable figures about the quantity: 800 to 1,000 reams of writings, 2,000 reams of printings, and 600 to 700 reams of wrappings. Reid was also associated with N.Y. Mill 17 in Newburgh. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 310; Census of 1820, reel 10, item 1429. G REID [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 823). R [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1827 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 810). GR [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 377).

Stanfordville or Stanford 49.  Possibly on the main branch of Wappinger’s Creek. The Spafford 1813 gazetteer calls for two paper mills at this location, but I have not been able to find any other record of their operations. Perhaps these two

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  216 mills are the same as the two mills in Dutchess County recorded in the Census of 1810, which stated that their combined output amounted to 15,000 reams a year. The Stanford printers Henry Hull and John Franklin Hull purchased moulds in a common writing size in 1799, perhaps for a mill in the vicinity. I would be more confident in saying that they had taken a proprietary interest in a local mill if they had purchased moulds intended for the manufacture of printing grades. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 37; Spafford 1813, 304; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 June 1799: double cap.

mill is located “near the village of Manchester, in Farmington.” References: [Springfield, Mass.] Hampden Patriot, 21 Oct. 1819, 2; New-York Commercial Advertiser, 11 Oct. 1819, 2; Munsell 1876, 71–72. This mill is said to have made paper for the first edition of The Book of Mormon (Palmyra, N.Y.: Printed by E.B. Grandin, for the author, 1830). About this time Stephen Brewster, proprietor of a local woolen mill, acquired an interest in the establishment. References: McIntosh 1876,59; http://ontario.nygenweb.net/ brewsterfamilybio.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). cc

Manchester 50.  In or near Poughkeepsie. Thomas Campbell was running a mill in Manchester before 1817, when he purchased N.J. Mill 12. References: Shaw 1884, 2:715; French 1860, 272. cc

Ontario County Shortsville 51.  Near Manchester. E. K. Case, Jet Abbey, and Alvin West employed eight hands in this mill, built in 1817, apparently for the purpose of making writing grades. If so, Case and his associates seriously misjudged their market, since these high-priced wares would have been difficult to make and sell profitably in such a remote location. Reference: McIntosh 1876, 59. Shortsville was one of the villages in the district of Farmington, where a paper mill belonging to Simonds, Case & Co. caught fire in 1819 with a loss of $5,000, an accident caused by a desperate attempt to use a coal brazier in the drying loft. Another account of this fire estimates the damage at $7,000 and refers to the proprietors as J. Symonds & Co. In still another version the firm appears as Simonds, Abbey & Case, and the

Genesee County Batavia 52.  On Tonawanda Creek in Bushville. William H. Bush built several mills on land he cleared in Batavia, where he settled in 1806. He started with a saw mill, which supplied lumber to other settlers, and continued to develop his property with a grist mill, a woolen mill, a distillery, and a paper mill erected in 1817. These ventures were profitable, with the exception of the paper mill, which caught fire in 1820 with losses estimated at $3,000 to $4,000. References: Hamilton 1936, 18; Leon Pratt Alford, Laws of Management Applied to Manufacturing (New York: Ronald Press Company, 1928), 101; [Boston, Mass.] New-­England Palladium, 4 Feb. 1820, 2. William H. Wells came into possession of the mill in 1828 after the previous proprietor defaulted on his debts and surrendered it to Wells as his collateral. Aspiring papermakers could have bought it from Wells by putting down only $1,000, the balance in easy payments, “a great bargain” because the mill had been renovated not quite two years ago and was situated near a spring supplying pure water suitable for making higher grade printings and writings. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 2 Sept. 1828, 4.

new yo r k  ::  217 cc

Monroe County

Note: Gravell & Miller transcribe wmk 797 as R PECK & Co, but I believe it to be a deteriorated version of wmk 796.

Rochester

cc

53.  Upper Falls of the Genesee River.

Tompkins County

In 1818 the Vermont newspaperman Derick Sibley moved to Rochester, where he founded a paper mill in partnership with Harvey Gilman. By October of that year they completed the construction of their woodand-stone three-story building and were making newsprint for the Rochester Telegraph. References: French 1860, 402; Hamilton 1936, 298; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 297; Rochester Telegraph, 13 Oct. 1818, 2. Gilman & Sibley rented the mill to the firm of Warren & Co., also doing business as Warren & Jeffords {Oliver W. L. Warren, Colonel P. Jeffords, William Miller, and Daniel Bracy}, but the tenants ran out of money in seven months, and Warren was obliged to beg the indulgence of his creditors in August 1819. References: Rochester Telegraph, 2 Feb. 1819, 3, and 7 Sept. 1819, 3. Faring poorly in this venture, Gilman & Sibley relinquished the mill, which passed into the hands of E. Peck & Co. {Everard Peck and Silas Andrus} in or around January 1820. Peck owned a bookstore in Rochester and printed the Rochester Telegraph from 1818 to 1825. No doubt he made newsprint and some writings, which could be sold in his bookstore. Andrus appears to have withdrawn from the partnership in 1822. The papermaking business came to an end in 1827, when the mill caught fire with a loss of $6,000, half of which was covered by insurance. The proprietors lost 600 reams of paper and a large quantity of rags. References: Hamilton 1936, 18, 290; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 297; Munsell 1876, 81; Rochester Telegraph, 11 Jan. 1820, 3; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 3 Jan. 1828, 1.

Ithaca

E. PECK & CO. [wove] — mss., Rochester, N.Y., 1822 and 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 796, 797).

54.  Fall Creek Paper Mill. On Fall Creek in Ulysses (from which Ithaca was formed in 1821). In 1819 Otis Eddy and Thomas S. Matthewson (also Mathewson) purchased a small tract of land on which they built the first paper mill in this county. Reference: Selkreg 1894. After a short tenure in N.Y. Mill 33, Chester Walbridge purchased Eddy’s share in August 1820 to form the firm of Mathewson & Walbridge. No doubt it was Walbridge, responding to the census queries, who claimed that their one-vat, one-engine establishment was doing “as good work as any in the Country” even though it had been established by “men unacquainted with the business.” Mathewson & Walbridge employed five men, six girls, and two boys in the manufacture of writings in three grades and letter paper in two grades, their annual output valued at $6,300. References: Selkreg 1894; Census of 1820, reel 9, item 1205. Mack & Morgan {Ebenezer Mack and Chauncey Morgan}, publishers of the Ithaca American Journal (later the Ithaca Journal), purchased a share in the mill in 1823. Three years later Mack offered to sell his half interest in the Ithaca Journal, including some copyrights, the printing office, and a share in the paper mill, but he retained his investment in these ventures and continued to run them in association with William Andrus, who succeeded Morgan to form the firm Mack & Andrus. James Trench was also a member of the firm and was the manager of the mill, where his son Thomas Trench made some improvements in pressing cylinders and filtering techniques, patented in 1832.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  218 cc

Chenango County New Berlin 56.  Not located

Fig. 8.2. One Ream, Cap No. 1. Hot Pressed. Ruled. Manufactured at the Fall Creek Paper Mill. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Asahel H. Jervis was associated in the pressing cylinders patent with Thomas Trench, who also invented a web printing press, no doubt seeking to realize the potential of the papermaking machine by printing paper in rolls instead of sheets. References: Selkreg 1894; Silver 1971; Hamilton 1936, 74, 284, 286–87; Burke 1847, 86; Weeks 1916, 189; Munsell 1876, 94, 95. cc

Fulton County Broadalbin 55.  Formerly part of Montgomery County. In 1820 Chauncey North owned this one-vat, oneengine mill, which must have been in operation for some time since he reported that it was “in good order, better than formerly.” He employed six men and eight women in the manufacture of writings, printings, and paper hangings, his total output worth $5,000 a year. Sales were good in his opinion. The mill was equipped with two presses, a duster, and a trimming machine. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 7, item 599.

One of the first settlers of New Berlin, Levi Blakeslee owned large amounts of land in the area as well as flour mills, woolen mills, distilleries, and a one-vat paper mill built some time before 1820. In his census return of that year he complained that the building and equipment had deteriorated because of “wet and steam,” damage that would have accrued in the course of several years. He employed five men, six women, and two children in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, printings, and book paper, the value of his annual output estimated between $5,000 and $6,000. References: Census of 1820, reel 6, item 308; http://www .artmakers.com/chenango/history/newberlin.html (accessed 11 Feb. 2011); http://www.accessgenealogy. com/scripts/data/database.cgi?file=Data&report= SingleArticle&ArticleID=0017739 (accessed 11 Feb. 2011). cc

Albany County Watervliet 57.  Not located This mill was probably established some time before 1820, when it appeared in the census of that year with the note that “Business has rather decayed for these few years past.” Although the census calls for two vats, I believe that only one vat was in operation, since the mill consumed only 15 tons of rags a year and employed only three men and five children. Few in number, perhaps only a single family, they manufactured printings and writings for sale in Albany, Troy, and parts eastward, their total output worth $5,000 a year. The census return does not name the proprietors of this es-

new yo r k  ::  219 the mill for three years to Henry W. Clark, who made writings, wrappings, and printings for sale in the vicinity. References: Weeks 1916, 154–55; Snell 1932, 24–25; http://www.mobot.org/plantscience/ResBot/Niag/ Hist2/Porters.htm (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). 59.  Green Island, formerly Bath Island.

Fig. 8.3. Caldwell Fraser [& Co.] Superfine. Albany. Ream label. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

tablishment, but there is some slender evidence that it was part of the Caldwell’s Mills complex built by the Albany merchant James Caldwell for the manufacture of snuff, flour, and other products. Other members of the firm could be his son William Caldwell and William Fraser, manager of his manufacturing operations. References: Census of 1820, reel 5, item 45; Tricia Barbagallo, “James Caldwell: Immigrant Entrepreneur,” Hudson Valley Regional Review (2000), online version at http://www.nysm.nysed.gov/albany/art/art -jctb.html#17 (accessed 13 Feb. 2011). cc

After his lease expired, Henry W. Clark left N.Y. Mill 58 and purchased a mill site on Green Island in partnership with Albert H. Porter. A Virginia newspaper announced in 1826 that Porter & Clark were building a paper mill on Goat Island. Around 1835 they acquired a Fourdrinier machine, which was installed and operated for them by Charles H. Symonds, son of Jesse Symonds. They made newsprint for papers in Buffalo and New York City. Porter purchased Clark’s interest in the mill in 1840. References: Weeks 1916, 155; Snell 1932, 25; [Richmond, Va.] Richmond Enquirer, 23 June 1826, 2. P & C [wove] — ms., western New York State, 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 756). PORTER & CLARK [wove] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1832 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 804). cc

Seneca County Waterloo 60.  Not located.

Niagara County Niagara Falls 58.  On the Niagara River near the Goat Island bridge. Around 1823 Jesse Symonds, a papermaker from ­Connecticut, purchased a water privilege at this site and began to build a paper mill but died before he could complete it. His wife continued construction and leased

In March 1826 the Waterloo Seneca Farmer announced that a paper mill had started operations in that area. Reference: Hamilton 1936, 18. Johnson & Gage were running an “extensive” paper mill in Waterloo in 1833, when it burned down with losses estimated at $12,000. The insurance amounted to $7,500, a sum large enough to indicate that the mill had at least two vats or a cylinder ma-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  220 chine. Reference: [Charleston, S.C.] Southern Patriot, 24 Dec. 1833, 2. cc

St. Lawrence County Waddington 61.  On the Little River. In 1826 the firm of Whitcomb, Thayer & Wales purchased one of several mill sites at this location and built a straw-board mill, which appears to have started operations just before 1830. The partners are said to have come from Vermont or from one of the eastern states. The mill stopped sometime before 1862. Reference: Snell 1930b. cc

Ulster County Saugerties 62.  On or near Esopus Creek, where it meets the Hudson River. The town was originally known as Ulster, incorporated in 1831; the name was changed to Saugerties in 1855. This celebrated mill, containing the first Fourdrinier in America, started as a real estate venture on the part of New York merchants Henry and George Barclay, sons of the former British consul in New York and agents of Lloyds of London. With funds advanced by his father, Henry Barclay bought land and a water privilege in Saugerties in 1826 with the intention of subdividing his estate and renting or selling properties for industrial development. He constructed a dam and a race, which provided water power for a rolling mill, a cotton factory, and a paper mill. Beach, Hommerken & Kearny {Moses Yale Beach, George Hommerken (also Hommeken), and Kearny (also Kearney)} leased the mill, which was built in the shape of a T, the leg 42

feet wide and 111 feet long. The first of its three stories was made of stone, the second contained the salle, and the third had a drying loft and a garret for the rags, which were sorted in a room in the crossbar of the T, 42 feet wide and 101 feet long. In this building Beach and his partners installed a Fourdrinier fabricated in England by Bryan Donkin and shipped in 1827 to Saugerties, where it was erected by Peter Adams. Originally equipped with three sets of drying cylinders, the Fourdrinier was one of the larger models made by Donkin, with a web 60 inches wide, which might explain why it was said to be worth the tremendous sum of $30,000. A second Fourdrinier with a 62-inch web may have been imported from England in 1829. One or both machines ran all day and night, although probably not at full capacity, since the proprietors were never able to make a full complement of pulp, which would have required additional engines and another water wheel. They claimed that their paper manufactory was “probably” the largest in the country and predicted that it would employ 360 hands, although the workforce amounted to only 125 in 1860. Joseph Underwood was the “agent” of the mill and supervised production on site until he became involved in a chair factory situated on the same industrial estate, close enough, in fact, that his former employers complained that his privy was spoiling the waters of their canal. After Underwood left, Hommerken acted as agent, while Beach occupied the front office and looked after sales. Not always stationed at a desk, Beach spent his youth on a farm, learned the cabinetmaker’s trade, and experimented with mechanical inventions such as a gunpowder engine and a rag-cutting device, which he patented in 1828. One could easily imagine that he wished to expedite the preparation of raw materials for the machine, but the connection is not clear: the rag-cutting patent indicates that he was a resident of Springfield, Massachusetts, at that time. References: http://www.bklyn-genealogy-info.com/Business/Mer chant/Livingston.html (accessed 13 Feb. 2011); French 1860, 666; Barclay Papers; McLane Report, 2:129;

new yo r k  ::  221 Weeks 1916, 180; Wilkinson 1975, 39; Hamilton 1936, 18; Comparato 1979, 87; Burke 1847, 87. Beach and company may have already fallen behind in their rental payments in 1829, when they remitted a total of $2,166.63 for the year. Although their annual output could be worth as much as $150,000, they were not able to appease their creditors, including one Russell, whose loans amounting to around $14,000 were secured by a mortgage on the mill. Russell offered to sell the lease and the machinery to Beach (who “absconded” sometime between 1833 and 1835) or to any one of his partners who would pay back the loan. Henry Barclay appears to have paid off Russell on the advice of Kearny, who thought that it would be “mortifying” to let his scapegrace partner obtain possession of the property. While his partners were feuding, Hommerken and his crew neglected the maintenance of the machine, which was “much out of order” in 1835. To make matters worse, Barclay was also in serious financial trouble because of the money he had borrowed from his father and his brother George Barclay, who held a mortgage on the mill property. In 1828 he owed his father $48,780 but expected to repay his debts by selling stock in the Saugerties establishment. For some reason he abandoned this plan and was on his own when his tenants departed. He either took over the management of the mill or took charge of sales, which he could oversee at his paper warehouse in New York, established in 1836. References: Barclay Papers; McLane Report, 2:129; Vail Diaries, 29 Aug. 1828 and 19 Nov. 1835; Huttner 1993, 23. After leaving the firm, Beach also ran a paper warehouse in New York City and then went to work for his brother-in-law Benjamin Day in the printing works of the New York Sun, a pioneering penny newspaper that must have consumed great quantities of machinemade newsprint. Beach, therefore, ran the gamut of the paper trade, having taken an innovative part in the production, distribution, and consumption of this article, certainly with greater success at the end than at the beginning. After the Panic of 1837, Beach bought

out his brother-in-law and became the publisher of the Sun. References: Huttner 1993, 27; Comparato 1979, 86–88. cc

Chautauqua County Fredonia 63.  On Canadaway Creek. A freshet on Canadaway Creek damaged a paper mill “near Fredonia” in 1827. Reference: [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 26 Apr. 1827, 3. Andrew Sprague and Nicholas A. Sprague were involved in a “well known” Fredonia paper mill in 1828, when they patented a method of making paper from the husks of Indian corn. References: Hamilton 1936, 18; Munsell 1876, 85; Burke 1847, 86. cc

Cayuga County Auburn 64.  Auburn Paper Mill. On the south bank of Owasco Outlet, below the lower falls. During 1828 and 1829 the firm of Skinners & Hoskins {Thomas M. Skinner, George C. Skinner, and Ebenezer Hoskins} leased land and a water privilege from the owners of a cotton mill in order to build a paper mill at this location. Thomas M. Skinner was the printer of the Cayuga Republican, 1817–1833, and the Auburn Journal and Advertiser, 1833–1839/41. George C. Skinner managed the mill for the firm until it failed in the Panic of 1837, whereupon a local bank seized the property and subleased it to other parties. References: Hall 1869, 160; Hamilton 1936, 298. In the 1850s the Auburn Paper Mill employed fifty hands and produced goods worth $80,000 a year. Reference: French 1860, 199–200.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  222

Fig. 8.4. One Ream, N .o Superfine Hot-Pressed. Page & Priest, Salisbury Paper Mill, Herkimer Co. N. Y. Engraved ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

cc

Herkimer County Salisbury 65.  Salisbury Paper Mill. Not located. At one point this mill belonged to the firm Page & Priest {Page and Zenas Colville Priest}, who have left no trace of their activities that I can find except for a ream wrapper at MWA. Since the ream wrapper is for

hot-pressed paper, I believe the mill was in operation in the 1830s. Priest lived in Little Falls and in Salisbury at various times. While residing in Salisbury, he was the “purchasing agent for the firm of Page & Priest, paper manufacturers.” He was also involved in mercantile ventures along the Erie Canal and a bakery business in Little Falls, but he spent most of his life working for the New York Central & Hudson River Railroad Company. Reference: Utica Daily Observer, 5 Dec. 1887.

new yo r k  ::  223 cc

Oswego County Pulaski 66.  The Pulaski Paper Manufacturing Company. On the Salmon River? Nathan Randall, the publisher of a local newspaper, established this mill in 1831. He sold the newspaper

a year later, and it is not known whether he retained an interest in this papermaking venture. A blank book in my possession contains advertisements noting that books and stationery were for sale on the premises and that the proprietors had a bindery that could make up blank books for “country merchants.” The paper in this copy displays regularly recurring stitching marks from the mesh covering of a cylinder machine. Reference: Edgar Luderne Welch, Pulaski, N.Y., and Vicinity, Historical Souvenir Series, no. 13 ([Pulaski, N.Y.?: s.n., 1902?]), 7, 36.

chapter 9

Maryland

Baltimore County Hoffmanville or Paper Mills 1.  Clipper Mill. On the west bank of Great Gunpowder Falls, a quarter of a mile upstream from the Hoffmanville bridge. After renting Pa. Mill 57, William Hoffman moved to Maryland in 1775 and built this mill on land leased from the Proprietary’s Reserve. By 1776 he was selling cartridge paper to the Maryland Council of Safety. Hoffman manufactured mostly wrappings in this establishment after 1781, when he could depend on the superior facilities of the Gunpowder Mill (Md. Mill 2) for making writings and printings. Some sources question whether Hoffman was the first to make paper in Maryland or whether he was preceded by James Dorsett, who was granted £400 in 1776 by the Maryland Convention to build a paper mill. There is no evidence that Dorsett actually built the mill and put it into production, although his other activities are sufficiently well known for historians to conjecture that it was located in Elkridge or near Ellicott City. Another contender is a Mr. Stouffer of Frederick County, who was said to have competed against Hoffman for a reward of 1,000 acres of land offered by the governor to anyone who could manufacture the first ream of paper in the state. In this story Hoffman wins the prize by building a makeshift stamping mill instead of waiting to install the more complicated machinery needed to run an en-

gine. Again, there is no supporting evidence for this anecdote, which first appeared in a Baltimore newspaper in 1853 and was reprinted in other sources despite some suspect inconsistencies. References: Seitz 1946, 11, 13, 55; Seitz 1986b, 3–6; Seitz 1986a; Hunter 1952, 65–69; McGrain 1985, 268–69. W fleur-de-lis H | base formed of two lines [laid] — mss., New Castle, Del., 1777, and Baltimore, Md., 1793 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 994); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1781 (AAS). W fleur-de-lis H [laid] — ms., n.p., 1778 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 995).

One of five sons of William Hoffman, Christian Hoffman managed the Clipper Mill for his father and inherited it in 1811. William Hoffman’s will instructed the sons who inherited his paper, grist, and saw mills to indemnify the others who were assigned less valuable properties. In 1820 Christian Hoffman employed three men and five children to make paper and pasteboard worth $5,000 a year. He later reconfigured the mill to accommodate a second vat and borrowed money from John T. Worthington to acquire a papermaking machine but died before he could accomplish this project. References: Seitz 1946, 19–25; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 19 June 1818: three pairs in different sizes and two washers; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 117. Christian Hoffman’s son Peter Benton Hoffman purchased the mill at public auction around 1833 but had to relinquish the property for another court-­

::  224  ::

Mary l a n d  ::  225 ordered auction sale in 1836, when it was acquired by the Worthington family. References: Seitz 1946, 24–26; Sellers Order Book, 20 Aug. 1834. The Clipper Mill passed back into the hands of the Hoffman family before 1873, when it was making bogus and wrappings on a 40-inch cylinder machine. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 34. 2.  Gunpowder Mill. On the east bank of Great Gunpowder Falls, upstream of the Clipper Mill. William Hoffman made higher quality papers in a second mill built in 1781. This more ambitious structure stood on stone foundations measuring 80 feet long and 30–52 feet wide, a footprint large enough to accommodate two vats and a more sophisticated power train. He obtained rags and other raw materials from a store in Baltimore managed by his son Henry Hoffman, who may have also helped to sell his products. References: Seitz 1946, 13–14, 23, 56–57; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 Oct. 1807: super royal and double cap watermarked H. WH = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — Maryland Journal, 21 Sept. 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 367; lacks countermark); To the Inhabitants, Particularly the Farmers and Planters of the State of Maryland ([Md.?: s.n., 1785]; PHi broadside; countermark only); ms., near Baltimore, Md., 1787 (Hunter 1952, figs. 13 and 14). H [laid] — mss., Baltimore, Md., 1801, and Hanover, Mass., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 406). WH [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 993). Note: Although the H watermark is unattributed in Gravell & Miller, R. Carlton Seitz assigned it to William Hoffman on the grounds that he had seen numerous examples in the holdings of the Maryland Historical Society. See also the evidence of the Sellers entry cited above. Reference: Seitz 1986b.

William Hoffman’s son Peter Hoffman managed the Gunpowder Mill for his father and inherited it in 1811. See the previous entry for the terms of William Hoff-

man’s will. One of the Hoffman mills burned down in 1818, probably this one because it was described as “large and elegant” and must have been sufficiently expensive that the total losses were estimated at more than $20,000. The Clipper Mill would have been too small and old to have been worth that much. Peter Hoffman employed ten men and five children in the Gunpowder Mill in 1820, when it contained two vats and two engines consuming 40 tons of rags a year; it produced paper and pasteboard with an annual output valued at $11,000. References: Seitz 1946, 19–23; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 118; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 June 1814: super royal and post vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 Oct. 1816: laid cap, watermarked PH; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Feb. 1819: five sizes and washers; Baltimore Patriot, 17 Aug. 1818, 2. PH [laid] — mss., Berlin, Md., 1819, and Baltimore, Md., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 759); ms., near Harrisburg, Pa., n.d. (AAS).

By 1831, Peter Hoffman was running the mill in partnership with his son William Henkle Hoffman as Peter Hoffman & Son. When he retired ten years later he rented the mill to his son, who acquired other mills in the area, including the Marble Vale Paper Mill (Md. Mill 12) and the Clipper Mill (Md. Mill 1), which had passed out of the family. References: Seitz 1946, 36–47; Sellers Letter Book, 18 July 1831. PH & S [wove] — ms., Worcester County, Md., ca. 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 760); blank sheet (AAS).

The Gunpowder Mill was making manila paper on a 62-inch Fourdrinier in 1882. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 43. 3.  On a tract of land known as “Mary’s Delight,” located on Silver Run northeast of Hoffmanville in McGrain 1985 and on Grave Run south of Hoffmanville in Seitz 1986b. George Gist Jr. purchased a portion of “Mary’s Delight” from his father in 1813 and built a paper mill on

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  226 this property either around that date or perhaps as late as 1818. He and John Gist secured a loan with a mortgage on the mill, which was sold at auction in 1836 after John Gist died and after George Gist Jr. lost a judgment brought by one of his creditors. References: Seitz 1946, 31; Seitz 1986b; Seitz 1986a; McGrain 1985, 269, 274.

Oella 4.  On the Patapsco River, one mile below Ellicott’s Mills on the Fredericktown Road. Thomas Mendenhall of Philadelphia established this mill around 1794. Nothing else is known about his paper­making career, but the date of his Baltimore venture is corroborated by the ledgers of the Sellers firm, which sold him an assortment of moulds in 1794, as if he were buying equipment for a newly erected paper mill. He put the mill up for sale in 1798, claiming that it was “equal if not superior to any other in the United States.” Certainly he had some reason to be proud of his manufacturing facilities, a three-story stone mill house measuring 100 by 38 feet, not counting the outbuildings for the sizing apparatus and the two vats. He was running three engines but could run six even in the driest seasons. His property also included a frame dwelling house, a log dwelling house, a spring house, a smoke house, and a stable, all on 32 acres of land. References: Foster 1955, 166; Federal Gazette & Baltimore Daily Advertiser, 8 Jan. 1798, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 or 18 Apr. 1794: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 May 1797: super royal, watermarked M and eagle. M = eagle [laid] — ms., n.p., 1799 (Carey Papers, 14:5260, 5261); ms., Petersburg, Va., 1801 (AAS). M = eagle [wove] — ms., Alexandria, Va., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 669–70). MENDENHA[LL] [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 706). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute the M = eagle watermark to the Pennsylvania papermaker Alexander

Mode, who, however, used a dove watermark and appears to have started in the trade around 1806.

The Baltimore bookseller John Hagerty must have acquired the mill in or before 1799, when this establishment appears as “John Hagerty’s Paper Mill” in the diary of a Methodist circuit rider who had visited the premises. Hagerty was buying moulds with his watermark as early as 1798. He advertised paper of his own manufacture in 1802, when he and his nephew George Hagerty announced that they were moving their book and stationery store to a new address. Although it was the largest mill in Maryland, with four vats, it did not prosper under the management of Hagerty, who put it up for sale in 1805. References: Silver 1953, 31; Foster 1955, 166–67; McGrain 1985, 285; Relfs Philadelphia Gazette, 29 Mar. 1805, 4; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 8 June 1798: folio post, watermarked JH & Co 1798; Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 Apr. 1801: double cap, watermarked JH BALT o; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 July 1806: double cap, watermarked JH BALT o.. JH & Co [laid] — ms., Christiana Mills, Del., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 550). JH [laid] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1802 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 547). JH = BALT o [wove] — mss., Alexandria, Va., 1804, and Dover, Del., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 548– 49); Maryland, Council, (Circular.) Council Chamber Annapolis, March 31, 1806. Sir, in pursuance of the ­direction of the General Assembly . . . ([Annapolis: s.n., 1806]; DLC broadside port. 29:7a; BALT o countermark only); ms., New York, N.Y., 1808 (AAS). HJ = BALT o [wove] — ms., Mount Eagle, Va., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 419–20).

Conrad, Lucas & Co. { John Conrad, Michael Conrad, and Fielding Lucas Jr.} bought the mill from Hagerty in 1807 and insured it for $7,000 in 1808, a modest amount for a three-story stone structure with foundations measuring 120 by 40 feet. At the other extreme, Craig’s “Domestic Manufactures” claimed in 1811 that $40,000 had been invested in the mill, which made 12,000 reams per year, an enormous figure even if it

Mary l a n d  ::  227 had contained four vats. The Conrad firm was the Baltimore branch of the Philadelphia publishers C. & A. Conrad & Co., who issued Joel Barlow’s The Columbiad (1807) and Zebulon Montgomery Pike’s Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi (1810) among many other titles. When the Conrads’ fortunes began to decline, partly because of the failure of The Columbiad, they sold the books and stationery in the Baltimore store to Lucas, who then continued quite successfully on his own. A year later, in 1811, John Conrad was compelled to mortgage the mill to two Philadelphia publishers, Samuel F. Bradford and John Inskeep Jr., and to two Baltimore merchants, Edward Gray and Robert Taylor. Gray took over the mill and converted it into a cotton manufactory after Conrad was declared bankrupt in 1812. Among Conrad’s many creditors were the Sellers mouldmakers, who remarked ruefully in their account books that he “owes about 100 dollars cant get it.” References: Foster 1955, 166–67, 174; INA policy 4937, 15 Feb. 1808; Bidwell 1983a, 365–67; Brown 1949, 345–46; Craig 1811, 163; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Mar. 1808: double crown; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Sept. 1808: double cap, watermarked CL & Co PATAPSCO; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Sept. 1815: medium vellum. CL & Co = BALT o [laid] — Maryland, Laws, statutes, etc., A Further Supplement to the Act . . . Regulating the Mode of Staying Executions . . . ([Annapolis?: s.n., 1809]; DLC broadside port. 29:9); ms., Washington, D.C., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 228–29); printed doc., commission of John Reynolds, Knox County, Tenn., 1810 (NHi misc. mss.; lacks BALTo countermark). CL & Co = BALT o [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 230–31).

Parkton 5.  Great Gunpowder Falls, on a site now inundated by the Prettyboy Reservoir. John Shamberger (also Schamberger) is said to have built this mill around 1813. I have been unable to find

further information about the owner or the mill, even though it was in operation until 1906. In 1882 Parkton was the site of two manufactories making straw wrappings. References: Seitz 1986b; McGrain 1985, 288; Lockwood 1882, 44.

Beckleysville 6.  West bank of George’s Run. George Beckley established this mill before 1820 and improved it in 1834 by installing a cylinder machine. As his business prospered, a factory village grew up in its vicinity, eventually becoming a post office town with Beckley as postmaster and proprietor of the company store. The mill was making four tons of book or manila paper a day on a 62-inch Fourdrinier in 1902, when it burned down for the third and last time. References: McGrain 1985, 285–88; Seitz 1986b; Sellers Order Book, 29 Oct. 1834: castings for paper machine; Sellers Order Book, 13 Nov. 1834: cylinder machine; Lockwood 1882, 41. BECKLEY [wove] — ms., Md., 1820 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 141).

Bentley Springs 7.  Valley Mill. Little Gunpowder Falls, below the Andover Mill (Md. Mill 9). A tax list of 1823 contains an entry for a paper mill, valued at $400, on a tract of land called “Disappointment” or “Vaughn’s Disappointment,” which belonged to Philip A. Kroh. R. Carlton Seitz locates Kroh’s mill near White Hall, where two members of the Kroh family owned paper mills in 1873. Around 1820 Philip A. Kroh may have been associated with a member of the Gist family, active nearby in Md. Mill 3. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 July 1820: extra super royal for “Crow & Gist”; McGrain 1985, 293; Seitz 1986b; Lockwood 1873, 34. P KROH [wove] — ms., Harrisburg, Pa., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 637).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  228 The mill later belonged to Joseph Klatfelter (also Glatfelter?), then to Jacob Krout, and finally to Jarrett Shauck, in whose tenure it burned down in 1851 and again in 1860. Reference: McGrain 1985, 293.

Freeland 8.  Upper Mill. Little Gunpowder Falls. Peter Schauck built this mill before 1824. Reference: Seitz 1946, 26. In 1841 Edward Worthington sold the mill to Peter Benton Hoffman, who rebuilt it after a fire in 1851 and then sold it three years later. Reference: Seitz 1946, 26–28. 9.  Andover Mill. Little Gunpowder Falls. A member of the Gore family built this mill around 1823. R. Carlton Seitz confuses this mill with another one of the family’s mills on Grave Run near Beckleysville. References: McGrain 1985, 289; Seitz 1986b. This establishment was still in family hands in 1882, when it was making straw wrappings on a 48-inch cylinder. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 42.

Baltimore 10.  Franklin Manufacturing Company; Franklin Paper Mills. Gwynns Falls at the north end of Dickeyville. Aaron Righter Levering established the Franklin Manufacturing Company in partnership with Henry Payson and his cousins Aaron Levering, John Levering, and Nathan Levering, a Baltimore merchant who invested in several industrial ventures in the Gwynns Falls area. The partners appear to have started the manufacture of paper around 1808, when Aaron Righter Levering ordered from the Sellers firm an assortment of moulds such as would be required by a newly founded mill. Their first foreman was Isaac Wilson, formerly a journeyman at the Brandywine Paper Mill (Del. Mill 1).

He was succeeded by Lawrence Greatrake Jr., son of the foreman at Brandywine, around 1815, when the firm was incorporated as the Franklin Manufacturing Company, authorized to engage in the manufacture of paper and woolens, the wool to be provided by a herd of imported merino sheep. The younger Greatrake was living at the Franklin Paper Mills in 1815, when he ordered moulds for this establishment. According to Craig’s “Domestic Manufactures,” it produced 40,000 reams a year, a figure even more extravagant than Craig’s estimate of the output of the ConradLucas mill (Md. Mill 4), although the Franklin mill did have four vats and was built “on an enlarged scale in every respect,” 180 feet long, 36 feet wide, and three stories high. The Leverings built three two-story stone dwelling houses, eight two-story stone row houses, and a large two-story stone boarding house to accommodate their workers. At its peak, the mill employed twelve men, ten women, six boys, and ten girls in the manufacture of all types of paper with an aggregate value of $30,000 per year. Baltimore city directories list paper warehouses belonging to the firm at various addresses between 1812 and 1818. Levering and his associates discontinued the manufacture of paper in June 1817, apparently because they could not compete with low-priced imports sold at auction sales, although the financial turmoil preceding the Panic of 1819 was probably also to blame. James Dall, agent of the Franklin Manufacturing Company, put the mill up for sale in September 1817 along with a woolen factory, a dye house, a farm, a stone mansion house, and tenements for the workers. Aaron Righter Levering left Baltimore and the papermaking trade to become cashier of a bank in Georgetown. References: Jones 1858, 57–60; Seitz 1986a; McGrain 1985, 302; Davis 2009; Craig 1811, 163; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 50; Baltimore Patriot, 4 Jan. 1815, 3; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 29 July 1818, 1; Independent Chronicle & Boston Patriot, 24 Sept. 1817, 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Sept. 1808: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 Dec. 1808; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Sept. 1810: double cap, water-

Mary l a n d  ::  229 marked ALVA; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 May 1815: double cap, watermarked FM Co.. L & Co [laid] — mss., Md., 1810, and Sussex County, Del., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 641). LEVERING & Co [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 659); ms., Fairfax, Va., 1816 (AAS). ALVA [laid] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 29). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute two L & Co watermarks on wove paper of the 1830s (wmks 642 and 643) to the Leverings, who, however, were no longer in the papermaking business at that time.

Lawrence Greatrake Jr. rented the mill sometime between 1820 and 1822, when his business failed and his stock was sold by the sheriff. References: Kayser 1823, 76; Baltimore Patriot, 14 May 1819, 3, 18 Apr. 1821, 2, and 3 Aug. 1822, 1. The Baltimore County Court authorized the trustee Nathaniel Williams to sell one-eighth shares in the Franklin Manufacturing Company in 1824. Purchasers would have to settle debts dating back to July 1816. At this point the industrial estate comprised a woolen factory, paper mill, mansion house, twenty-two cottages, and 219 acres of land with water power to spare. The land and buildings came up for sale again in 1830, this time without any strings attached or any great expectations on the part of the trustees, who suggested that the works might be converted to a “Calico Printing establishment.” References: Baltimore Patriot, 27 Apr. 1824, 1, and 10 Aug. 1830, 3. The Franklin Manufacturing Company was reorganized several times during the 1820s in an attempt to satisfy its creditors and to pay off a mortgage. In 1830 the company’s trustees sold the paper mill and the woolen mill to the Baltimore merchant Lewin Wethered. There is some possibility that the company tried to revive the papermaking business because, when it closed down, a cylinder machine, a steam boiler, a stuff chest, and other papermaking equipment were sold to

the Laurel Mills in Bel Air. References: Davis 2009; Archer 1987, 1–2. 11.  Gwynns Falls in Dickeyville. In 1826 Samuel Tschudy (also Tschudi) applied to the Sellers firm for a line of credit to buy three or four pairs of moulds, as if he were just starting a papermaking business; a year later the firm acknowledged his order for the moulds. He ran a farm and a saw mill in the ­Gwynns Falls district on two tracts of land, one of which he mortgaged in 1822. Possibly he was trying to raise money to build the paper mill, a large twostory structure standing but probably not in operation in 1825, when it was sold for $3,800 in the course of foreclosure proceedings. Tschudy went to court and succeeded in overturning the foreclosure sale, which he claimed was for half of the real value of the mill. His correspondence with the Sellers firm is the only evidence I have found for his papermaking career, intermittent at best, but the mill was still standing in 1839, when his creditors again put it up for sale. They tried to sell it yet again in 1844, and again Tschudy protested the proceedings, but this time they prevailed and disposed of the property to Charles E. Wethered in 1847. References: Sellers Letter Book, 2 Sept. 1826 and 8 Aug. 1827; Seitz 1986b; Davis 2009; McGrain 1985, 293.

Phoenix 12.  Marble Vale Paper Mill. North of Loch Raven reservoir, on the east bank of Great Gunpowder Falls, about two miles northeast of Cockeysville. Charles Jessop built this mill around 1828 and in due course bequeathed it to his son Joshua Jessop. In 1830 the agent, foreman, or tenant was a Mr. Green. References: http://www.marylandfreestate.com/1a.html (accessed 27 Nov. 2004); Seitz 1946, 38; Seitz 1986a. John Hunter either renovated or rebuilt the mill before 1850, when he sold it to William Henkle Hoffman.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  230 References: Seitz 1946, 37–38; McGrain 1985, 274; Seitz 1986a. The Marble Vale mill was making book and news grades on a 62-inch Fourdrinier in 1882. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 43. cc

cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 May 1800: double cap for Conrad Chancellor (i.e., Kownslar), watermarked H & P eagle. Posthorn | H & P [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 429).

Howard County

H & P [laid] — mss., Havre de Grace, Md., 1811, and New Castle, Del., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 427, 428).

Elkridge

H & P | 1814 [wove] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Seitz 1986b).

13.  Hockley Mills. Seven miles from Baltimore on the road to Washington. Howard County was formed from part of Anne Arundel County in 1851.

The Census of 1810 noted that one paper mill in this county was producing 2,000 reams a year with a total value of $6,000. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 84.

Hockley Mills was a manufacturing complex on a tract of land belonging to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. The earliest record of the Hockley paper mill I have found is an advertisement for an escaped apprentice taken out in 1787 by a tenant or the foreman, Adam Waybill (also Wable), who identified himself as a “Paper-Maker, living near Elk-Ridge Landing.” He was robbed and murdered in 1803 while riding home from Baltimore, where he had been collecting debts to the amount of about $300. Carroll put the property up for sale in 1802, when it contained a large merchant mill, a slitting mill, a blacksmith’s shop, a nail factory, a saw mill, and a paper mill along with other appurtenances of a factory village. References: Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, 4 Sept. 1787, 4; [Baltimore, Md.] Republican; or Anti-Democrat, 12 Jan. 1802, 3, and 15 Apr. 1803, 3; [New York, N.Y.] Mercantile Advertiser, 8 Apr. 1803, 2. The Baltimore merchants Hammond & Pringle {William Hammond? and Pringle} appear to have operated the paper mill on this estate and may have bought an interest in it at some point. They employed as foremen Conrad Kownslar around 1800 and Christian Devries around 1802–1809, before these papermakers went into business for themselves in W.Va. Mill 1 and Md. Mill 19, respectively. References: Graybeal 2001; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Dec. 1801: double

cc

Washington County Hagerstown 14.  Election District no. 3. Peter and Matthias Miller ordered several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1799 and 1800. The Census of 1810 noted that a Washington County mill (presumably belonging to them or their successors) was making 2,000 reams a year with a total value of $7,000. Otherwise I know nothing of their papermaking career except that it had come to an end by 1820, when they were running a flour manufactory at their mill seat in Hagerstown. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 May 1799: double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 4 June 1799: demy and royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 July 1800: medium, ordered by William Goucher for Peter Miller; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 84; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 293. In 1803 George Miller, “papermaker and potter,” offered for sale all kinds of paper and pottery at his mill in Hagerstown. In addition to these trades, he was also involved in a grist mill, perhaps the same one that was being operated by Peter and Matthias Miller in 1820. Those who could not pay in cash for paper could get it by barter for wheat or rags, which his customers could

Mary l a n d   ::  231 also trade for flour. Reference: [Elizabethtown, Md.] Maryland Herald, 5 Jan. 1803, 3.

16.  Pleasant Dale Paper Mill; Tuscarora Paper Mill. On Tuscarora Creek, five and a half miles northwest of Frederick.

cc

Frederick County Frederick 15.  Middle Monocacy, “near Fredericktown.” As early as 1802 Nicholas Zimmerman of Frederick County, Maryland, was buying moulds from the Sellers firm, some of them delivered by way of the bookseller John Hagerty, who may have been his agent in Baltimore. He might have been in business even earlier if the Z watermark noted below can be attributed to him. Reference: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Apr. 1802: double cap. Z [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1792 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1056). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute this watermark to George Zinn, who rented the Ephrata mill (Pa. Mill 57) in partnership with another papermaker in the 1770s. Zimmerman is more likely to have marked paper with a single Z and to have sold it in the Baltimore area in the 1790s.

In 1820 Zimmerman was running the mill in partnership with one Smith as the firm Zimmerman & Smith. At that time their establishment contained one vat, one engine, and three presses and may have been in operation on a seasonal basis, for it consumed only 12 tons of rags a year. They employed five men, one woman, and two children making writings, printings, pasteboard, and wrappings with a market value of $2,800 a year. Their census return includes comments on the state of the trade in 1820: sales were strong before and during the War of 1812, but demand for their products was now so low that half of what they had made the previous year was still in stock. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 Apr. 1819: double cap vellum and printing medium vellum; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 168.

Matthias Bartgis, printer of a local newspaper, announced in 1809 that he had “recently” started a paper­ making business in association with one Boyer. Anyone who delivered a sufficient quantity of rags could receive a free subscription to his newspaper. In 1816 he put the mill up for sale along with his printing office on the premises, a saw mill under construction, and 69 acres of land. His printing business was modest at best, comprising mainly reprints of almanacs and a spelling book kept in standing type. His papermaking facilities consisted of a single vat, six pairs of moulds, and equipment for marbling wrappers. He was prepared to sell but would prefer to take a partner, who, however, would have to invest $2,000 or $3,000 in the firm. No one took the bait, and the mill was nearly moribund by 1820, when it was consuming only four tons of rags a year. He employed two men, one woman, and one child off and on at making writings, printings, and wrappings with a market value of $1,000 a year. He reported that prices were low, business was dull, and production was about a third of what his mill could achieve in better times. His foreman may have been George Broadrup, who offered a two-dollar reward for the capture of a runaway apprentice, absent without leave from the Tuscarora Paper Mill since spring 1819. References: [Fredericktown, Md.] Hornet, 4 Oct. 1809, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 Mar. 1812: medium vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 1 July 1818: super royal vellum, ordered by George Broadrup; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 15 July 1816, 1; [Georgetown, D.C.] National Messanger, 19 Jan. 1820, 3; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 167; Seitz 1986a; Rink 1981, 3259.

Emmitsburg 17.  Hampton Paper Mills. Election District no. 5. John Obermeyer & Co. (also Obermayer and Obermyer) built this establishment during the War of 1812

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  232 and began the manufacture of paper in 1817. As of 1820 the mill had yet to turn a profit and was working at only a third of its intended capacity because of the decline in trade. It contained one vat, one engine, a duster, and a glazing machine for pasteboard, which was one of its chief products along with printings, wrappings, and writings. Obermeyer & Co. employed three men, one woman, and two children, although not on a full-time basis, since the operation consumed only nine tons of rags a year. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 Sept. 1817: four sizes and a washer; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 187.

Addendum The Census of 1810 calls for four paper mills in Frederick County. I can account for two of them, and perhaps a third if Md. Mill 21 was originally in a part of that county. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 84. cc

Harford County Bel Air 18.  Laurel Mills. On Winter’s Run, on the road to Baltimore, not quite two miles from Bel Air. Born in Kennett Township, Pennsylvania, Daniel Lamborn purchased 30 acres of land on Winter’s Run “with a mill and other improvements” for £1,300 in 1808. He either converted this mill to the manufacture of paper or built another one on the property with suitable machinery. In 1810 the mill must have contained one vat, which produced 2,750 reams a year worth $9,750. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Jan. 1810: extra post vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 June 1811: post vellum, watermarked DL; Archer 1987, 1; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 84. DL [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 306).

Perhaps seized by the sheriff, the mill property passed into the hands of Thomas Archer Hays, who leased it

back to Lamborn at $500 per year in July 1818 along with a grist mill and a saw mill. The lease does not mention the paper mill, perhaps because it had fallen on hard times while Lamborn was in distress and while the paper trade was in a slump following the Panic of 1819. In 1820 it contained two vats and two engines, but only one vat and one engine were in use. In those reduced circumstances he employed four men, two women, and four children manufacturing goods worth $4,000 a year. He seems to have been less interested in the paper trade than in other manufacturing ventures, such as the saw mill mentioned above as well as a modest woolen mill and a fulling mill, which was in good condition in 1820 but not in operation at that time. References: Archer 1987, 1; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 227; Needles Day Book, 1 Dec. 1821: vellum double crown. Lamborn retired and moved to Elkridge sometime before March 1831, when Hays rented the mills to Jeremiah Evans for $700 a year. Hays agreed to spend $250 in improvements for the paper mill and to purchase the cylinder machine and other papermaking equipment in the Franklin Paper Mills (Md. Mill 10). Evans claimed to have invented a process for making wrapping grades from straw but was unable to make it pay and left the establishment after a few years. Reference: Archer 1987, 1–3. The mill was being operated by Hays and his brother N. W. S. Hays in 1834, when the Ames family of Springfield, Massachusetts, demanded royalties for the use of the cylinder machine. The Hays brothers made wrappings and printings until the mill burned down in 1856. Reference: Archer 1987, 3–4. cc

Carroll County Freedom 19.  Valley Mill. Piney Falls, near the village of Marriottsville in the Patapsco Valley. After working in Md. Mill 13, Christian Devries bought a flour mill at this location for $6,000 in 1809. He continued to make flour but also added a saw mill and

Mary l a n d  ::  233 installed the machinery to run a duster and an engine, which supplied pulp for a single vat, operational around 1811. Although he may have switched from one mill to another depending on the season, he appears to have been engaged in paper manufacture nearly year round, since his single vat consumed about 15 tons of rags a year. The two men in his employ were assisted by seven boys (six of them his sons) in making writings, printings, and wrappings, with an annual output valued at $3,607, perhaps a figure based on the previous year’s accounts. He may have sold some of his products through the Baltimore bookseller and stationer Abner Neal, who ordered several pairs of moulds between 1817 and 1821, including a pair with the ­Devries watermark in 1820. References: Graybeal 2001; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 126; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Sept. 1811: super royal; Needles Day Book, 19 Sept. 1818; Sellers Moulds Ordered, Feb. 1820: vellum cap, watermarked C DEVRIES; Sellers Letter Book, 16 Dec. 1825; Silver 1953, 43. CDV [laid] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1820 (AAS). C DEVRIES [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1828 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 319).

At some point Christian Devries formed a partnership with his son John B. Devries, either inviting him to join in the management of this mill or helping him to establish Md. Mill 20. Christian Devries installed a cylinder machine in this mill, which remained in operation until the beginning of the Civil War. References: Graybeal 2001; http://ftp.us-census.org/pub/usgenweb/census/ md/carroll/1840/pg0002.txt (accessed 8 Dec. 2004). DEVRIES & SON [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 320).

John B. Devries was running the Valley Mill in 1873, making manila on a 46-inch Fourdrinier machine. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 34.

tance from his father, Christian Devries. The Sellers firm sold him a cylinder machine, which he ran until the mill burned down in 1852. He rebuilt the mill, which remained in operation until it burned down again in 1884. References: Graybeal 2001; Lockwood 1882, 42.

Westminster 21.  East of the town of Westminster, part of Frederick County until 1837. In the Census of 1820 the mill was located in the third election district of Baltimore County. Ludwig Wampler (also Lewis Wampler) was operating a one-vat mill in Maryland as early as 1808, when the Maryland House of Delegates considered a petition to build a road starting at Wampler’s mill near the border of Baltimore and Frederick counties. His establishment was probably one of the four mills in Frederick County noted by the Census of 1810. In 1820 he employed three men and three children in the manufacture of paper and pasteboard with a “market value” of $2,000 a year. They probably worked on a seasonal basis, since the mill consumed only eight tons of rags a year. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 84; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 116; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Sept. 1815: cap vellum; Sellers Moulds Finished, 24 June 1818: double cap vellum, watermarked LW; http://www.mdarchives.state.md.us/megafile/msa/ speccol/sc2900/sc2908/000001/000556/html/am556 --21.html (accessed 28 Nov. 2004). LW [wove, 45 mm.] — mss., Ashwood, Pa., 1807, and Baltimore, Md., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 650). LW [laid] — ms., Mount Vernon Forge, Pa., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 649; countermark only?).

20.  On Piney Falls below Valley Mill.

LW = American eagle [laid] — ms., Gettysburg, Pa., 1815 (AAS).

John B. Devries began to build this mill in 1827 and finished it in 1829, perhaps receiving some assis-

LW [wove, 55 mm.] — ms., n.p., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 651).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  234 cc

Cecil County Elkton 22.  Cecil Paper Mills. On Little Elk Creek in South Milford Hundred. Robert Carter came to Cecil County from Chester County, Pennsylvania, where he had been involved in the London Britain Paper Mill (Pa. Mill 84) between 1811 and 1813. He converted a mill on Little Elk Creek to the manufacture of paper around 1816 with sufficient equipment to run two vats. In 1820 he reported that business had been declining for several years and had reached a low point unprecedented in this country. He employed six men, three women, and eight children in the manufacture of binders’ board, box board, writings, and wrappings worth $8,000 a year. He installed a cylinder machine around 1834 and made other improvements after the mill burned down in 1836, including a method for washing rags that he patented in 1838. References: Carter 1982, 83–85; Census of 1820, reel 16, item 143; Sellers Letter Book, 7 Nov. 1823; Sellers Order Book, 11 Apr. 1834: repairing cylinder; Burke 1847, 87. Carter retired around 1842 and sold the mill to his sons Joseph Carter and William Carter. Reference: Carter 1982, 85. The Carter family was still running Cecil Mills in 1873, making printings and newsprint on a 58-inch cylinder machine. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 32.

as paper manufacturers in 1822, although they were partners as early as 1812 in a firm formed to sell the products of the Milford mill. They might have started the Elkton mill around 1823, when they signed an indenture providing for an outside valuation of their properties when the time should come to dissolve the firm, but it is more likely that they built it after becoming involved in the Rockville mill (Md. Mill 24) around 1827. The Providence mill was definitely in operation by 1837, when Hannah Meeteer, executor of the late William Meeteer, and Samuel Meeteer commissioned colleagues in the trade to make an appraisal; they set a value of $12,000 on the Milford mill and $21,000 on the Providence mill. Having already installed a cylinder machine at Milford, the Meeteers must have configured or reconfigured this more valuable manufactory to accommodate a papermaking machine. William Meeteer was thinking about buying a Fourdrinier with drying apparatus in 1832, but his successors decided against it and purchased a 48-inch cylinder in 1834. References: Hancock 1955, 52; Silver 1953, 41; Vail Diaries, 30 Nov. 1832; Sellers Order Book, 11 Dec. 1834; “Valuation of Milford & Providence Paper Mills &c.,” 1837, AAS. The mill was still in operation in 1882, making newsprint on a 62-inch Fourdrinier. A previous proprietor had been running a 62-inch cylinder. References: Lockwood 1873, 32; Lockwood 1882, 42. cc

Montgomery County Rockville

Fair Hill

24.  Rockville Paper Mills. On Rock Creek?

23.  Providence Paper Mills. On Little Elk Creek, four miles from Elkton.

Samuel Meeteer and William Meeteer began to make paper in Rockville around 1827, when they requisitioned moulds watermarked with that name. After installing a cylinder machine in their Milford mill, they described themselves in business directories as “Manufacturers of Hand and Machine Writing and Printing Papers.” Perhaps they produced handmades here and machine-mades at Milford. A Rockville ream wrapper

Samuel Meeteer and William Meeteer learned the papermaking trade from their father, the Baltimore bookseller Thomas Meeteer, proprietor of the Milford Paper Mill (Del. Mill 2). They appear in Baltimore directories as booksellers and stationers in 1819 and

Mary l a n d  ::  235 is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Sellers Letter Book, 17 May 1827; AAD 1832, 17; Hunter 1950, 273. ROCKVILLE [wove, antique lettering] — mss., Wilmington, Del., 1829, and Md., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 828); New York Convention of the Friends of American Industry. . . . At a meeting of the sub-committee appointed by the permanent committee, convened at Baltimore, on Monday, 21st day of November, 1831 ([Baltimore: s.n., 1831]; DLC broadside port. 118:3c); ms., New Castle County, Del., 1837 (AAS).

ROCKVILLE [laid] — ms., Harford County, Md., 1832 (AAS); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 829).

In 1839 the Chancery Court of Maryland heard motions to foreclose a mortgage on the Rockville Paper Mills. Various members of the Meeteer family were involved, including Hannah Meeteer. Reference: http:// www.msa.md.gov/msa/stagser/s1400/s1432/html/s14 32ww.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011).

chapter 10

North Carolina

cc

Orange County

Forsyth County

Hillsborough

Winston-Salem

1.  Not located.

2.  On Peters Creek, west of Salem. Forsyth County was formerly part of Stokes County.

In September 1775 the North Carolina Provincial Congress offered a premium of £250 to anyone who could build within its jurisdiction a mill capable of making 30 reams of brown paper, 30 reams of whited brown paper, and 30 reams of writing paper, the three grades to be equal in quality to British imports priced at 2s. 6d., 3s., and 8s. per ream, respectively. This offer was to expire in eighteen months. In December 1777 John Hulgan (also Hogan and Holgan) petitioned for an extension, noting that it had been difficult to recruit qualified workmen before the dry season that summer but assuring the authorities that he possessed all the necessary qualifications: he had learned the trade in Europe and had practiced it “in the best paper mills in the State of Pennsylvania.” The “Proprietors” of the Hillsborough mill had already announced that it was “now ready to work,” provided that they could obtain enough rags in the vicinity. It is not known whether they collected the premium or succeeded in making paper of any commercial value. References: Leonard 1950, 492–93; Hunter 1952, 70–72; http:// familytreemaker.genealogy.com/users/s/p/e/Daniel-B -Spence-mn/website-0001/UHP-0106.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011).

Gottlieb Schober worked at various times as a teacher, storekeeper, and tinsmith in the Moravian community at Salem. He built up a thriving business in trade, not always with the approval of the community’s Board of Overseers. Nevertheless, in 1789 the overseers gave him permission to build a paper mill and encouraged him to hire a member of the Moravian brethren to operate the new establishment. He hired a tailor by the name of Christian Stauber, who went off to learn his new trade at Pa. Mill 57 in Ephrata and other mills in that vicinity. In the meantime Schober petitioned the General Assembly of North Carolina for an interest-free loan of £300 to cover the expense of recruiting qualified workmen and buying the necessary equipment. The assembly granted the loan for a period of three years. Still dubious about his business activities, the overseers refused to sell him land for the paper mill but agreed to lease him property where he could construct a dam, a mill building, and a sizing house. Schober signed the lease on 1 May 1791. By that time Stauber was able to make blotting papers (which did not require the extra equipment and difficult handiwork involved in sizing operations). He succeeded in making writings by June of that year. References: Surratt 1983, 9, 48–55, 221;

::  236  ::

North C a ro l i na  ::  237 Rogers 1982, 9–15; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 June 1789: demy, wrapping, and foolscap. In October 1791 Schober and Stauber signed a contract with provisions for sharing the expenses, profits, and losses of the mill. However, Schober accused his foreman of neglecting his duties and demoted him to the position of a salaried employee, a setback Stauber endured for only a few months before quitting the papermaking business for good in 1793 to resume his trade as a tailor. He was replaced by Johann Volz, next in a succession of foremen who left disenchanted with the papermaking craft and with the living conditions in the Moravian community. References: Surratt 1983, 51–57; Rogers 1982, 18–19; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Feb. 1805: single cap, watermarked S and NC. NC = S [laid] — mss., Va.?, 1792, and Morganton, N.C., 1796 (AAS); ms., Grayson County, Va., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 875–76); ms., Rutherford County [N.C.], 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 717; lacking the portion of the sheet with the S watermark). SS [laid] — ms., N.C., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 878). Note: Gravell and Miller attribute wmks 875–76 to William Young, proprietor of Del. Mill 5, who ordered moulds with the NC = S watermark, although it is almost certain that he ordered them on behalf of Gottlieb Schober. Reference: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 Sept. 1803: single cap, watermarked S and NC.

The Census of 1810 noted that one paper mill in Stokes County was making 800 reams a year with a total value of $2,000. The census authorities used the same figures to approximate the productivity of N.C. Mills 3 and 4, indicating that each of these establishments had a single vat. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 134. Schober offered to buy the paper mill property for $500 in 1813. The overseers declined to sell at that price, but finally allowed him to purchase the land in 1824. Reference: Surratt 1983, 156, 206. Gottlieb Schober’s son Emmanuel Schober became increasingly involved in the management of the paper

mill between ca. 1809 and 1824, when he began to inquire about buying a cylinder machine from the Sellers firm. If he could not afford a machine, he was prepared to sell the mill with 250 acres of land for $5,000. He decided not to invest in a machine but continued to make paper by hand until 1836, when the mill was sold to Christian Blum. References: Surratt 1983, 206–7; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 12 June 1809: double foolscap; Sellers Order Book, 18 June 1836: super royal. cc

Cumberland County Fayetteville 3.  Not located Born in Stirling, Scotland, David Anderson emigrated in 1784 to North Carolina, where he was apprenticed to a mercantile firm in Fayetteville. He went into business on his own with stores in Wilmington and Fayetteville and sent to Europe at least one vessel laden with local produce. He established this modest onevat, one-engine mill around 1808 and was running it on a part-time basis in 1810, when he was making 800 reams a year worth $2,000. He reported the same $2,000 figure in his 1820 census return and was still not working his mill at full capacity. He employed four men, one woman, and three children in the manufacture of mostly printings but also some writings and wrappings, consuming only seven tons of rags a year. He noted that three of the four male employees, the woman, and the children were blacks who “belong to the establishment.” At times they also tended a pair of corn stones driven by the same water wheel that powered the engine. The mill appears to have been managed by William J. Anderson in 1832. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 31 May 1808: assortment of moulds; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 133; Census of 1820, reel 19, item 8; Sellers Letter Book, 15 Feb. 1832; http:// www.ncgenweb.us/cumberland/andersonbible.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  238 cc

Wake County Raleigh 4.  Not located Joseph Gales, publisher of a local newspaper, built this one-vat mill in 1808 and by 1810 was making 800 reams a year with a market value of $2,000. He was involved in the business as late as 1815, when he ordered medium and super royal moulds, typical sizes for making printings and newsprint. He may have been associated

with or succeeded by the cotton planter and landowner Robert A. Jones, whose account books (in the library at the University of North Carolina) record the activities of a papermaking business in the Raleigh vicinity. The Census of 1820 does not identify the proprietor of this establishment and contains no information about its operations except to say that it employed six people who made writings, wrappings, and printings. References: [Washington, D.C.] Washington Expositor, 8 Oct. 1808, 256; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 134; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 31 Mar. 1815: super royal and medium; http://www.lib .unc.edu/mss/inv/j/Jones,Robert_A.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); Census of 1820, reel 19, item 67.

chapter 11

New Hampshire

Rockingham County Exeter 1.  Exeter Mills. On the Exeter River at the falls. Formerly employed in the paper trade in Milton, Massachusetts, Richard Jordan received in November 1777 a two-year, interest-free loan of £200 from the New Hampshire House of Representatives as “an Encouragement to carry on the paper Manufacture in Exeter.” The mill appears to have been in operation by April 1778, when local printers began to advertise for rags on his behalf, or by November 1778, when he petitioned the lower house for assistance in his rag-collecting efforts. The legislators directed the town officials to organize efforts to save and store rags for Jordan, who would duly pay for them. References: Hunter 1952, 77– 78; Leonard 1950, 491; Exeter Journal, 21 Apr. 1778, 4. Note: Gravell and Miller attribute to this mill an RJ water­mark found in a Philadelphia manuscript dated 1818, not a very likely destination for New Hampshire paper. Richard Jordan died in 1802, long after he had left this establishment. At the time of his death he was residing in Andover, Massachusetts, and owned a share in a mill at Dedham (Mass. Mill 9). Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 817.

The mill was in need of “thorough repair” in 1787, when it was purchased by Eliphalet Hale, who turned

it over to William Hale in 1795. References: Hunter 1950, 255; Boston Gazette, 6 Oct. 1788, 3. William Hale sold the mill in 1806 to Stephen Lampson (also Lamson), who was associated in this business with Gideon Lamson. References: Hunter 1950, 255; Hunter 1952, 157. In 1810 Stephen Lampson put the mill up for sale along with a house, a barn, and an apple orchard. Three years later he succeeded in selling it to Enoch Wiswall and John Hunting. Wiswall had been involved in Mass. Mill 23 but then quit the papermaking trade to become the agent of a cotton factory in Watertown, Massachusetts. Hunting would go on to work at Mass. Mill 25. References: Hunter 1950, 255; [Exeter, N.H.] Constitutionalist, 12 Nov. 1810, 1; Census of 1820, reel 2, item 51. Thomas Wiswall purchased the mill in 1815 and formed a partnership with Isaac Flagg. Wiswall & Flagg reported to the Census of 1820 that they were running two engines and two of the three vats in the mill with a workforce of seven men, three women, and six children manufacturing various types of paper worth $8,000 a year. They claimed that business was improving. If so, they might have had the means to buy a cylinder machine by 1832, when they employed only

::  239  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  240

Fig. 11.1. Wiswall, Flagg, & Co. New-Hampshire Paper Manufactory. Pot, No. I. One Ream. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

four men and four women in the manufacture of printings, wrappings, and sheathing papers worth about $10,000 a year. The mill burned down in 1833 with a loss estimated at more than $12,000, of which only $4,000 was covered by insurance. References: Hunter 1950, 255; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 2; McLane Report, 1:590–91; Munsell 1876, 97. After Thomas Wiswall died in 1836, Isaac Flagg carried on the business in association with his sons. In 1849 the firm of Flagg & Brothers employed twelve men and three women in the manufacture of coarse and fine grades worth $20,000 a year. References: Hunter 1950, 255; Pratt 1849, 88, 108.

Addenda 2.–5.  The Census of 1810 calls for three paper mills in Rockingham County, and a state gazetteer calls for five in 1817. The Census of 1820 states that the total value of paper manufactured per year in Rockingham amounted

Fig. 11.2. Exeter Mills. Fine Letter. Manufactured by Isaac Flagg. Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by H. E. Baldwin after a design by M. Colbath. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

to $25,000, which would represent the output of at least three mills the size of the Wiswall & Flagg establishment. The McLane Report contains aggregate production figures indicating that at least one other firm besides Wiswall & Flagg was making paper in this county in 1832, although that firm was so small that it was not named. Apparently it employed two men and two women in the manufacture of goods worth $5,000 a year. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 14; Merrill 1817, 189; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 14; McLane Report, 1:589. cc

Cheshire County Alstead 6.  Cheshire County Paper Manufactory. Paper Mill Village. Elisha Kingsbery (also Kingsbury) and Ephraim Kingsbery built a linseed oil mill and a paper mill here on 110

New Ha m p s h i r e  ::  241 acres of land deeded to them by a relative. The mills were “nearly finished” in 1794, when Elisha Kingsbery advertised for two papermaking apprentices and petitioned the New Hampshire House of Representatives for a loan of £200, the same amount granted to Richard Jordan. James and Elisha Kingsbery advertised for rags in 1795, promising to pay the “highest price” for deliveries to “their Paper Mill in Alstead.” References: McCorison 1984, 21; Hunter 1952, 78–79; [Walpole, N.H.] The New Hampshire and Vermont Journal, 12 May 1795, 4. Elisha Kingsbery sold quarter shares in his manufacturing ventures to Bill Blake, David Buckman, and Isaac Randall in 1800. Randall offered to sell a onethird interest in the mill in 1803; Blake paid $1,000 for a half interest in 1806 according to Hunter, although he may have left the Alstead mill as early as 1804 to manage the mill he and Kingsbery founded in Bellows Falls, Vermont. References: McCorison 1984, 21; [Walpole, N.H.] Farmer’s Museum, or Literary Gazette, 15 Nov. 1803, 1; Hunter 1952, 79. Webster Cole & Co. {Webster Cole and Philip Brown} announced in 1805 that they had put the mill “into operation” (as if it had been abandoned by the previous occupants) and that they were now prepared to buy rags and hire journeymen. The mill burned down in 1806, inflicting a loss of $3,300 on Cole and Brown, who had each paid $1,000 to purchase the establishment and had invested additional sums in repairs and supplies. They or their successors must have rebuilt the mill, which was making goods worth $5,200 a year according to the Census of 1810. References: [Walpole, N.H.] Farmer’s Museum, 13 Apr. 1805, 3; [Amherst, N.H.] Farmers’ Cabinet, 17 June 1806, 2; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 14. In 1813 the mill belonged to “Gen. Burbank,” most likely Major General Caleb Burbank, proprietor of Mass. Mill 35. He had been renting it to Isaac Burbank, who seems to have closed down the papermaking business to pursue other interests on an adjoining plot of land. The mill was still in good repair, although the moulds and felts were so worn as to be worth only $50. Burbank sold the mill to Isaiah Thomas, apparently in

Fig. 11.3. One Ream Vellum Cap N .o 1. Cheshire County Paper Manufactory. Manufactured by Walter Tufts, Alstead, N. H. Engraved ream wrapper. Tufts continued to order copies of this ream wrapper despite the poor condition of the engraved plate. The Huntington Library has a better impression of the oval vignette but only that portion of the ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

partnership with Anson Whipple, the manager of his bookstore in Walpole, New Hampshire. References: Shipton 1948, 68; Anson Whipple to Isaiah Thomas, 1 Jan. 1813 and 11 Feb. 1813, MWA. Isaiah Thomas sold the mill in 1818 to the printers Newton & Tufts {Newton & Walter Tufts}, who promised to pay the interest on a bond they had given him with deliveries of printing paper. In 1820 they employed three men, two women, and four children in the manufacture of no. 1 cap, pot, royal, medium, and demy papers, their annual output valued at $4,500. The mill contained one engine and, no doubt, a single vat. References: Shipton 1948, 71; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 46.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  242 In 1832 seven men and twelve women worked at the Alstead mill, which produced goods worth $13,000 a year, half sold in Boston and half in New Hampshire and Vermont. One of the proprietors or managers may have been Edmund Blake of Alstead, who patented a technique for paper sizing in 1833. References: McLane Report, 1:778–79; Burke 1847, 86. Capitalized at $6,000, the mill employed six men and three women in 1849, when it belonged to Blake & Chandler. Reference: Pratt 1849, 88, 108. cc

Hillsborough County Peterborough 7.  At the confluence of the Goose River and the Contoocook River. Jeremiah Smith and Samuel H. Smith were operating a one-vat mill at this location as early as 1794. The Census of 1810 stated that their annual output was worth $12,000, a figure difficult to believe even if they were making mostly writings and printings. In 1820 they employed four men, four girls, and a boy in the manufacture of about 1,500 reams a year. Perhaps on the basis of the previous year’s ledgers, they estimated that they had made 1,006 reams of writings, 274 reams of wrappings, 251 reams of medium printings, and other miscellaneous products with a total wholesale value of $4,146.75. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 10 or 18 Apr. 1794: double cap and demy, watermarked ER & Co.; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Nov. 1797: super royal; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 14; Merrill 1817, 178–79; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 36. The citizens of Peterborough blamed an outbreak of smallpox in 1829 on infected rags that had been handled by one of the girls in the paper mill. She communicated the disease to members of her family and to some of her friends who were employed in a neighboring cotton factory. Reference: [Salem, Mass.] Salem Gazette, 13 Mar. 1829, 2. Drawing on data collected in 1832, the McLane

Report does not identify the proprietors of the Peter­ borough mill, which, however, does not seem to have changed very much since 1820: four men and six women worked in this establishment, making products worth $4,000 a year. Reference: McLane Report, 1:869.

Hancock 8.  Union Paper Manufactory. Not located. The firm Butler, Dodge, Baldwin & Co. established this mill in 1828 at a cost of $6,500. Included in this sum was the price of the real estate and “fixtures.” They also invested $500 in machinery and paid an additional $700 in 1830. Reference: McLane Report, 1:846–47. Louis A. Fletcher purchased the mill in 1832 for $3,300. At that time it was a one-vat mill with a workforce of four men and six women producing goods worth $4,682.50 a year, a figure probably based on the previous year’s accounts. Reference: McLane Report, 1:846–47. cc

Merrimack County Pembroke 9.  Near the junction of the Merrimack and Suncook Rivers. Formerly part of Rockingham County. A paper mill was operating in Pembroke as early as 1808, perhaps the “old mill” belonging to John Lewis, who was using it for the manufacture of paper from junk between 1811 and 1814. He was making mostly wrappings in this establishment, which burned down in May 1816. A newspaper report of the fire states that the mill belonged to Lieutenant John Lewis and Captain Edward Fuller and that the losses amounted to $2,300 or $2,500, not counting the value of the stock. Another newspaper pegged the losses at $36,000, a scarcely credible figure given the remote location of Pembroke and the modest extent of Lewis’s other

New H a m p s h i r e  ::  243 business ventures. Lewis was also associated with one Pratt, probably Leonard Pratt, around 1813, when in a local newspaper they denounced the underhanded tactics of a Haverhill, Massachusetts, printer who had forcibly seized several reams of their wrappings on the pretext that they had violated a recently enacted law concerning the labeling of paper. References: McLane Report, 1:730–31; Lewis Papers; Newburyport Herald, 17 May 1816, 3; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 29 May 1816, 3; [Concord, N.H.] New Hampshire Patriot, 31 Aug. 1813, 4. Lewis began to rebuild the mill (or build a new one nearby) in August 1816 and a month later completed work on an edifice measuring 60 feet, 8 inches long and 31 feet, 4 inches wide. He started making wrappings there that November. Reference: Lewis Papers. 10.  Industry Mill. Near the junction of the Merrimack and Suncook Rivers. Formerly part of Rockingham County. As of October 1811 John Lewis assigned some of his employees to work in the “New Mill,” where they were making wrappings and writings in early 1814. It is difficult to determine the relationship between his two mills because his ledgers also refer to the building he erected in August 1816 as the “New Mill” and to yet another “New Papermill” completed in 1818, which he called the Industry. Construction was still under way in May 1817, when a wooden shaft broke out of its chains, fell down, and killed one workman and badly injured another. By July 1820 the Industry Mill was making mostly wrapping grades, and the “Old Mill” was making writing grades. Lewis owned two one-vat mills in 1823. I lose sight of him after 1829, when he made his last entries in the ledgers at MWA, but paper was still being made in Pembroke in 1832. Moses Grant II was Lewis’s agent in Boston in 1820, when Lewis put a single-vat mill up for sale, noting that boats passed by on their way to Boston almost every day of the year. References: Lewis Papers; Merrill 1817, 177–78; Kayser 1823, 123; [Amherst, N.H.] Farmers’ Cabinet, 7 May 1817, 3; Boston Gazette, 22 May 1820, 4.

11.  On Suncook Falls. Leonard Pratt owned a one-vat paper mill at this location in 1823, and the mill was still in operation in 1832. References: Kayser 1823, 123; McLane Report, 1:730–31. Leonard Pratt, B. G. Boardman, and John Lewis put up for sale in 1828 a Pembroke paper mill described as “almost new,” a two-story structure, measuring 30 by 90 feet. Reference: [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 21 July 1828, 4. 12.  On Suncook Falls. C. K. Williams owned a one-vat paper mill at this location in 1823, and the mill was still in operation in 1832. Without naming names, the McLane Report states that Pembroke was the site of four paper mills staffed by twelve men, four women, and four boys. Given the size of the workforce, these must have been one-vat mills. References: Kayser 1823, 123; McLane Report, 1:730–31.

Warner 13.  Waterloo. Daniel Bean, Henry Chase, and John Kimball built this mill in 1816 or 1817. References: Harriman 1879, 529; Hunter 1950, 255; McLane Report, 1:758–59. The Boston stationer William Parker bought out the original partners and then either sold or rented the mill to Gibbs & Greenleaf. Reference: Harriman 1879, 529. John Foley took over the establishment sometime before 1832, when an account of his operations was prepared for the McLane Report. At that time, he employed four men, three women, and a boy in the manufacture of paper worth $6,500 a year, including sales of wrappings valued at $4,000, printings at $2,000, and writings at $500. A third of his sales were in New Hampshire, the rest in Massachusetts. He may have started as early as 1828 if I am correct in attributing

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  244

Fig. 11.5. 1 Ream Pot, No. 1. Manufactured by John Foley. Warner, N. H. Letterpress ream wrapper, probably before 1828, wood engraving by Abel Bowen after a design by W. H. (William Hoogland?). Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Northfield Fig. 11.4. Pot. . . . No. 1. Manufactured by Gibbs & Greenlea[ f ]. Warner, N. H. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

the design of the wood engraving in his ream wrapper to William Hoogland, who left Boston in that year to work in New York, too far away to have done business with Foley. If this was a stock cut, however, the ream wrapper could have been printed after that date. References: Hunter 1950, 255; McLane Report, 1:758– 59; Groce & Wallace 1957, 324–25.

14.  Franklin Paper Mills. Just east of Franklin, New Hampshire. Established in 1821, this mill belonged to R. T. & I. Crane (also R. Y. & J. Crane) in 1832, when its workforce consisted of four men, eight women, and a boy making 3,300 reams a year worth $6,225. A third of the sales were in New Hampshire, the rest in Massachusetts. The firm was operating as R. P. Crane & Co. in 1834, when it was buying equipment or machinery from Phelps & Spafford. References: Kayser 1823, 123; McLane Report, 1:698, 750–51; Phelps & Spafford Ledger, 1829–1834.

New H a m p s h i r e  ::  245

Franklin 15.  Franklin Falls, on the Winnipiseogee River. Kendall O. Peabody and James L. Peabody built a mill here in 1827, probably a two-vat establishment because it consumed around 45 tons of rags a year. They employed six men and ten women in the manufacture of 7,500 reams a year, valued at $9,000. At one point they had on hand pot, foolscap, demy, blue demy, and wrapping paper amounting to 1,825 reams, which they would sell for “rags, cash or good notes,” although they warned that they could no longer afford to give credit on generous terms. Half of their sales were in Massachusetts, a quarter in New York, and a quarter in New Hampshire. References: http://www.rootsweb .ancestry.com/~nhcfrank/biodaniellw.htm (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); McLane Report, 1:752–53. The Peabodys’ “agent” was Jeremiah F. Daniell, who appears to have learned the papermaking trade in Mass. Mill 30 in Pepperell. In addition to his salary of $365 a year, he owned an interest in the firm and eventually purchased the share of James L. Peabody. In 1849 the firm of Peabody & Daniell employed thirteen men and six women in the manufacture of mostly printing grades worth $35,000 a year. By that time the firm had acquired a Fourdrinier machine from Phelps & Spafford. References: http://www.rootsweb.ances try.com/~nhcfrank/biodaniellw.htm (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 10 Aug. 1829, 3; McLane Report, 1:758–59; Pratt 1849, 88, 108.

Epsom 16.  On the Suncook River. Established in 1825, this one-vat mill belonged to Park & Kennison {Richard Park and Nehemiah R. Kennison} in 1832. They appear to have been operating on a part-time basis, for their workforce of five men and three women were making only 1,600 reams a year worth $5,317 (a figure so precise that it must have been based on the firm’s records of sales in a previ-

ous year). They were using only 12 tons of rags a year, about 60 percent of the usual amount for a one-vat mill. Park was the managing partner of Mass. Mill 73 and may have been involved in this venture only as a sideline. Kennison supervised manufacturing operations on the premises, as well as a grist mill across the river. He put both properties up for sale in 1832, either because business was slow or because his partner was in poor health and wished to retire. Park died in 1833. References: McLane Report, 1:700–701, 744–45; [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 26 Mar. 1832, 4. cc

Grafton County Ashland 17.  On the Pemigewasset River, formerly Holderness or New-Holderness. A one-vat, one-engine mill was operating in New-­ Holderness in 1810, when its annual output was appraised at $5,250. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 14. A paper mill in Holderness belonged to A. & J. Lovejoy, who also owned a distillery in Sanbornton, New Hampshire, a share in a saw mill in Maine, and other properties in New Hampshire and Vermont. They were renting out the paper mill for $400 a year in 1816, when their trustees announced that their partnership had been dissolved and put their real estate holdings up for sale. Reference: Boston Daily Advertiser, 28 June 1816, 1. By 1820 the mill belonged to Simon L. Gordon, who, however, had discontinued manufacturing operations because of declining sales. “Unless thare is restriction as to the importation of foreign Paper,” Gordon noted on his census form, “this Establishment must go down.” After that ominous remark, nothing more is heard of him. In better times he employed four men, two women, and a child in the manufacture of various types of paper worth $4,500 a year. References: Merrill 1817, 168–69; Census of 1820, reel 1, item 82.

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Sullivan County Claremont 18.  On the Sugar River, the south side of the third fall. Claremont was part of Cheshire County until Sullivan County was formed in 1842. Founded around 1810, a paper mill in Claremont belonging to Josiah Stevens burned down in 1814. References: [Burlington, Vt.] Northern Sentinel, 16 Dec. 1814, 2; Ide 1879, 6. In 1817 a New Hampshire gazetteer noted that two paper mills were operating in Cheshire County, one in Alstead (N.H. Mill 6) and the other in Claremont. Reference: Merrill 1817, 100. Josiah Stevens & Son were operating the mill in 1823. Reference: Kayser 1823, 123. Stevens & Blake occupied the mill in 1825, when it caught fire and suffered damages estimated at about $600. MWA has a ream wrapper issued by their successors, Blake & Fiske, who were still in business around 1833. References: [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 8 Aug. 1825, 2; Ide 1879, 3–4. 19.  Claremont Manufacturing Company. On the Sugar River, the south side of the fourth fall. Chartered in 1832, the Claremont Manufacturing Company was established for the manufacture of paper and satinette by a syndicate of local investors. They were authorized to raise capital of $100,000 and sold stock priced at $200 a share, but began to do business with a bare minimum of start-up funds, less than a tenth of what the charter allowed. They built a stone factory on 15 acres of land containing “four of the most valuable water falls in the village.” The printer Simeon Ide joined the firm in 1834 and replaced the textile machinery with his printing equipment, valued at $20,000. Some of the mill sites had to be sold off during the Panic of 1837, but the company remained in the paper business and expanded its printing and publishing op-

Fig. 11.6. One Ream. Hot Pressed Vellum Cap Writing, No. Manufactured by Blake & Fiske, Claremont, N. H. Letterpress ream wrapper. The American eagle is a stock cut also appearing in figs. 3.1 and 12.7. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

erations. In 1849 it was capitalized at $120,000 and had a workforce of eighteen men and twenty-two women engaged in paper manufacture and book production, their annual output valued at $40,000. Simeon Ide served as agent until 1858, and his successors were still making book paper and newsprint as late as 1879. References: Ide 1879, 11–14; http://www.crjc.org/ heritage/N07-26.htm (accessed 3 April 2011); Pratt 1849, 88, 108; The Boston Almanac and Business Directory. 1880, vol. 45 (Boston: Sampson, Davenport & Co., [1879]), 465.

New Ha m p s h i r e  ::  247 cc

Belknap County Gilford 20.  Meredith Bridge or Gilford, adjacent localities in a district formerly part of Strafford County. The Merrill 1817 gazetteer does not mention a paper mill in this area, but one was in operation by 1819, when a fire damaged it as well as other manufacturing facilities in Meredith Bridge, a village between Gilford and Meredith. Reference: New-York Columbian, 31 Dec. 1819, 2. Aaron Martin (also Mardin) was running a paper mill in Gilford in 1820, when the census authorities wrote up an account of his establishment. They de-

scribe it as a three-vat mill, although it was capitalized at only $1,000 and consumed only 15 tons of rags a year, an amount one would expect in a less active onevat mill. Martin employed five men, two women, two boys, and two girls in the manufacture of writings and wrappings worth $3,500 a year, figures also indicating that he was operating on a modest scale. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 1, item 20. Martin was still operating the mill in 1834, when it burned down in a blaze caused by a stove placed too close to paper hanging in the loft. At that time the mill belonged to a local bank, Martin perhaps having defaulted on his debts but having persuaded his creditors to let him stay in business. The bank’s losses were estimated at $3,000, of which the amount of $2,000 was covered by insurance. Reference: [Amherst, N.H.] Farmers’ Cabinet, 19 Dec. 1834, 3.

chapter 1 2

Vermont

Bennington County Bennington 1.  On the falls of the Walloomsac River in Paper Mill Village, formerly Bennington Falls. Anthony Haswell learned the printing trade as an apprentice to Isaiah Thomas in Worcester, Massachusetts, where he could have also gained some knowledge of papermaking techniques at Mass. Mill 35. He came to Bennington in 1783 and founded the Vermont Gazette in partnership with David Russell. In October 1783 Haswell & Russell petitioned the Vermont General Assembly for permission to hold a lottery with the intention of raising £200 to be used in building a paper mill. The assembly approved their plan for a lottery, although sales of tickets were so slow that Haswell & Russell had to devise more attractive terms for payment and deferred the drawing until after December 1784. In the meantime, they completed the construction of the mill and were able to advertise press papers in October 1784. References: DAB, 8:390; McCorison 1963, 504–5, 528: McCorison 1984, 3–5; [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 18 Oct. 1784, 1, and 13 Dec. 1784, 3. In November 1786 the mill dam was destroyed by a freshet. Perhaps unwilling to invest in the repairs, Haswell & Russell sold the mill at about this time to General Ebenezer Walbridge and Ensign Joseph Hinsdill, who was acting as manager of the mill in 1791. Hinsdill sold an eighth share in the business to his son Deacon

Joseph Hinsdill in 1797. Reference: McCorison 1984, 5, 38. In 1798 the younger Hinsdill sold a half interest in the firm to his partner and his partner’s fifth son Stebbins Walbridge, who became manager of the mill, operating as Ebenezer Walbridge & Company. References: McCorison 1984, 5–6; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 July 1798: royal and demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 Feb. 1807: double cap, watermarked SW. EW & Co [laid] — ms., Bennington, Vt., 1803 (AAS; reprod. in McCorison 1984, 9, and in Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 341). SW [laid] — ms., Chester, Mass., ca. 1810? (AAS; reprod. in McCorison 1984, 9); mss., n.p., 1810 and 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 890).

2.  On the falls of the Walloomsac River in Paper Mill Village, “a few rods” west of Vt. Mill 1. Gustavus Walbridge, elder brother of Stebbins Walbridge, bought a share in the family papermaking business and helped to finance the construction of a new building to replace Vt. Mill 1. The old mill building was converted to a carding factory engaged in the

::  248  ::

Ver m o n t  ::  249 “Clothing Business.” In 1817 he went up to his garret and hung himself in a “fit of insanity.” His quarter interest then passed to Stebbins Walbridge, and his father’s quarter interest, valued at $1,082.22, passed to his youngest brother Ebenezer William Walbridge of Lansingburg, New York, in 1820. Perhaps with that amount in mind, Stebbins Walbridge claimed that the mill was capitalized at $5,000 when he submitted his report to the Census of 1820. He employed four men, one woman, and three children in this establishment, which must have contained only a single vat since it consumed only 15 tons of rags a year. Formerly his business “was very good,” he noted, but sales had declined because of the recent depression and the glut of imported goods. He estimated that his annual output was now worth $4,300. References: McCorison 1984, 6–7; [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 10 Sept. 1816, 3; [Windsor, Vt.] Spooner’s Vermont Journal, 26 May 1817, 3; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 243. George Walbridge was running the mill in 1827, when he put it up for sale along with a three-quarters share in a grist mill, two dwelling houses, and a farm on 37 acres of land. Four years later he announced that he was making “all kinds” of fine papers as well as most of the printing grades to the amount of 900 pounds per week. At the same time, he was still trying to sell the establishment, which was “in good repair” and contained “a new and improved Machine,” probably a cylinder machine. If he failed to sell it, he would put it up for lease, and in the meantime he continued to deal in paper, blank books, schoolbooks, and paper hangings. In 1834 he was living in Albany, New York, and was still trying to sell the mill. References: AAD 1831, 149; [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 20 Feb. 1827, 3; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 28 July 1831, 3, and 18 Sept. 1834, 4. Walbridge leased the mill to Benton, Fuller & Co., who announced in 1832 that they were making all kinds of paper, including “Writing, Fancy and Plain Letter Paper.” They were trading under the name of Benton & Fuller in 1849. References: [Bennington, Vt.] Vermont Gazette, 29 May 1832, 4; Pratt 1849, 242.

3.  Hinsdillville? On the Walloomsac River or Paran Creek. Deacon Joseph Hinsdill, formerly a partner in Vt. Mill 1, went back into the papermaking business in 1812 (a propitious time for domestic manufactures) in partnership with Lucius N. Gibbs, operating as Hinsdill, Gibbs & Company. They built a one-vat, one-engine establishment in which they employed four men, two women, and two children in 1820. They noted in their 1820 census return that business had been declining since 1817 because of the scarcity of specie and the “quantity of foreign paper with which our market is glutted.” They complained that they could no longer sell writings for cash (perhaps because English imports were dominating the upper end of the market). In this predicament they seem to have had no choice but to cut back on production: they were buying only 10 tons of rags a year, about half the usual amount, and they declared that their annual output was worth only $2,979, which was low even for a one-vat mill. Nevertheless, they seem to have weathered the depression, and the mill was still in business in 1824. References: McCorison 1984, 31–32; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 239; Thompson 1824, 59–61. cc

Rutland County Fair Haven 4.  On the Castleton River. One of the Green Mountain Boys and an ardent republican, Colonel Matthew Lyon held several state offices and was twice elected to Congress, the second time while serving a prison term for violating the Sedition Act. He founded the town of Fair Haven, where he built several mills, including a paper mill that produced writings, printings, wrappings, and press papers. He could count on a constant demand for printings at the Rutland Farmer’s Library, edited by one

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  250 of his sons, James Lyon. An advertisement for rags in the Farmer’s Library, 23 April 1794, notes that he had completed the mill building, 70 feet long and 43 feet wide, and that he expected to be making paper there within six weeks. Another article in the Farmer’s Library, 28 October 1794, announces that that issue was printed on paper made from coarse rags and the bark of the basswood tree, a process later explained in convincing detail in Lyon’s Vermont Calendar for 1795 (Rutland, 1794). Photomicrographs of this paper confirm that about a third of the fiber content was derived from basswood bark. References: Lyon 1923, 11–12; McCorison 1963, 517–18; McCorison 1984, 7–14. In 1799 Lyon sold off his business ventures in Fair Haven. The paper mill was purchased for $1,500 by Josiah Norton of Castleton, Vermont. Reference: McCorison 1984, 14. Salmon Norton inherited the mill upon the death of his father Josiah Norton in 1803 and a year later sold it for $1,695 to Alexander Dunehue, who rented it to John Herring, Moses Colton, and Joel Beaman, professional papermakers from Millbury and Leominster, Massachusetts. After the mill burned down in 1806, Dunehue sold the property to his tenants for $800. They started again in a new two-story wooden building containing one vat and one engine. Reference: McCorison 1984, 14–15. In 1811 Herring and Colton purchased Beaman’s one-third share in the firm for $1,300; two years later Herring sold his share for $2,400 to Colton, who promptly sold it for the same amount to George Warren of Millbury, Massachusetts, to form the firm of Colton & Warren. In 1815 the firm was selling printings and writings to customers in Lansingburg, New York, Troy, New York, and Rutland, Vermont. Reference: McCorison 1984, 14–16. For $4,800 Colton sold his share in the business to Warren & Sproat {George Warren and David C. Sproat} in 1819. A year later the partners declared that they had a capital investment of $7,000 in this establishment, where they employed four men and nine children in the manufacture of paper worth $7,000 a year. Despite the current depression, they claimed that they “meet with steady sales and [that] the business

[is] yearly growing better.” References: McCorison 1984, 14; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 222. Warren retired sometime before 1831, and Sproat continued on his own, though still in a very small way, making “all kinds of paper” to the amount of 5,000 reams a year. He may have been associated with or succeeded by the firm of Wm. C. Kittredge & Co., which incurred uninsured losses of $6,000 when the mill burned down in 1831. References: Thompson 1824, 124–25; AAD 1831, 47; AAD 1832, 53; [Amherst, N.H.] Farmers’ Cabinet, 19 Feb. 1831, 3.

Rutland 5.  On Otter Creek at Gookin’s Falls, formerly Mead’s Falls. William Gookin and Richard Gookin built a mill here around 1824, possibly in conjunction with a woolen factory and other ventures drawing on the water power of Gookin’s Falls. References: Thompson 1824, 235– 37; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 267. GOOKIN & Co | RUTLAND | VT [wove] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 400); ms., n.p., 1830 (AAS).

In 1831 the mill belonged to William Gookin, who described himself as a “Manufacturer of all kinds of Printing Paper; also Letter and Foolscap Paper of every description, 6000 Reams per year.” References: AAD 1831, 128; AAD 1832, 245. cc

Addison County Weybridge 6.  On Otter Creek at Middlebury Falls, also known as Weybridge Upper Falls. In 1800 Stoughton Dickinson sold land and a water right on Otter Creek to Joshua Henshaw and Joel Easton, who built a paper mill on this site, operating as Henshaw, Easton & Co. Henshaw owned a half

Ver m o n t   ::  251 share of the firm, Dickinson and Easton each a quarter share. Their mill was probably in operation around September 1801, when they were advertising for rags in the Vermont Centinel. References: McCorison 1984, 17; [Burlington, Vt.] Vermont Centinel, 17 Sept. 1801, 3. When Easton died in 1802, Dickinson decided to quit the business and sold his share to Joshua Henshaw, who turned around and sold it immediately to Daniel Henshaw of Albany, New York. Daniel Henshaw became manager of the mill and acquired some or all of Easton’s share by 1807. The mill probably contained one vat in 1810 since its output for that year was only 2,060 reams. References: McCorison 1984, 17; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19. DH [wove] — ms., Middlebury, Vt., 1812 (McCorison 1984, 9); ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS). DH = eagle [laid] — mss., Middlebury, Vt., 1812, and New York, N.Y., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 301–2).

Sanderson & Gorton announced in 1814 that they were running the paper mill formerly occupied by Daniel Henshaw. They expected to have writings and wrappings constantly in stock and were prepared to fill orders for printings at short notice. The mill contained one vat and one engine in 1820, when they reported on its operations for the Census of Manufactures. They employed five men, three women, and one child in the manufacture of printings, writings, and wrappings worth $4,500 a year. Although their output had declined in value since 1810, they seem to have been working the mill at full capacity, since it consumed 18 tons of rags in 1820. They may have been renting the mill from Henshaw, who took out a mortgage on the property in 1821. References: [Middlebury, Vt.] Vermont Mirror, 24 Aug. 1814, 4; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 278; McCorison 1984, 18; Thompson 1824, 282–83; http://midddigital.middlebury.edu/SharingVT History/BooksPamphlets/HAC/chap36HAC.html (accessed 20 Feb. 2011). Nathaniel Gibson owned the mill and was renting it to Solomon Parker in 1830, when it burned down

with losses not specified in the one newspaper account I have seen, but it was said to be insured for $1,000. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 31 Aug. 1830, 2. cc

Windsor County Sharon 7.  On the White River. Abijah Burbank Jr. learned the papermaking trade in his father’s mill in Sutton, Massachusetts. After his father moved to Vermont, he purchased this mill site in 1800 for $100 and was far enough along to start advertising for rags in September 1801. Many of the first papermakers in Vermont worked in his establishment before going into business for themselves. The Census of 1810 noted that his annual output had amounted to 3,450 reams. His son Dana Burbank was managing the mill in 1820, when he reported to the census officials that it was in good repair even though it was twenty years old. At that time it contained only one vat and one engine, but they appear to have been working at full capacity, consuming 20 tons of rags a year. He employed, five men, three women, and two boys in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, printings, and bonnet paper, the annual output worth $5,310. Like many other respondents, Dana Burbank noted that sales of paper were dull and demand was low. Instead of cutting back on production, however, his father made business for him by commissioning a printer in Brattleboro to print a spelling book on his paper “by special contract.” How the Burbanks sold this spelling book, and how well it sold, is not recorded. The Sharon mill did not have a reputation for quality. The elder Burbank took legal action against a printer who had rejected a shipment of book paper on the grounds that it was good only for newsprint (and, after losing the suit, declared spitefully that Burbank’s newsprint was so limp that it was not even good for wrappers). Eventually Abijah took out a $6,000 mortgage on the

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  252 mill, perhaps to help pay the costs of rebuilding the mill dam, which was washed out three times by freshets. He went out of business after the third freshet in 1840. One of his ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. References: Sedgley 1928, 118; McCorison 1984, 18–21; McCorison 1963, 450; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 134; Thompson 1824, 242–43; Hunter 1950, 219. cc

Windham County Bellows Falls 8.  On Saxton’s River. Bellows Falls is one of the villages in the town of Rockingham. Elisha Kingsbery and Bill Blake were already involved in N.H. Mill 6 when they decided to build a second one in Vermont. For $1,000 they purchased a water privilege and land in 1802, and Blake moved to Vermont to supervise their new venture, which also included a bookstore on the premises. Like Abijah Burbank Jr., he invested in the publication of spelling books, one of them with an imprint stating that it could be had “wholesale and retail at the Paper Mill in Rockingham.” References: McCorison 1984, 21–22; McCorison 1963, 216. Kingsbery sold his half interest in the firm for $2,050 to John Atkinson in 1804. Munsell claimed that the mill was owned by Atkinson and James Casey (who may have been involved in Conn. Mill 36), but McCorison notes that the firm of Atkinson & Casey was pursuing other business interests at that time. In any event, Atkinson took care of marketing and sales as senior partner in the firm of John Atkinson & Son, which announced in 1809 that nearly 1,500 reams of writings had been “received from the Paper Mill” and were for sale at its store in Pearl Street, New York. In 1810 the mill was making 4,200 reams a year, probably at two vats. References: Munsell 1876, 60; McCorison 1984, 22; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19; New-York Gazette, 6 Dec. 1809, 4.

Fig. 12.1. One Ream. Pot No. Bellows Falls. Vt. Bill Blake & Co. Letterpress ream wrapper. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

BF | V [wove] — ms., n.p., 1808 (McCorison 1984, 11); ms., Bellows Falls, Vt., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 115); ms., n.p., 1818 (AAS). BF | V [laid] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1815 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 116).

The firm was operating as Bill Blake & Co. by 1812, when the mill burned down along with Blake’s house, an outbuilding for the sizing equipment, another outbuilding containing the loft and salle, two saw mills, two grist mills, and a new woolen factory—

Ver m o n t  ::  253

Fig. 12.2. Cutler & Company. Bellows Falls. V  ..t Letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Alonzo Hartwell. The main paper mill building can be identified by the louvers in the drying loft. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

nine ­buildings in all. The losses, estimated between $20,000 and $50,000, were especially hard on Atkinson, who must have still owned an interest in the mill or in the adjacent manufactories. Blake resumed business in a new three-story building measuring 140 by 32 feet. Around 1817 he was able to embark on a more ambitious publishing program with a newspaper and a number of books printed at Bellows Falls. References: McCorison 1984, 22; McCorison 1963, 478; [Brattleboro, Vt.] Reporter, 16 May 1812, 3.

The mill was operating at half capacity in 1820, when only one of its two vats and one of its two engines were in operation. Blake & Co. employed six men, three women, and one child after trimming their workforce, which had consisted of nine men, nine women, and two boys in the period 1812–1818. The decline in business was attributed to the influx of cheap foreign paper in the American market. In 1821 Atkinson’s share in the firm passed to Alexander Fleming, who sold a sixth share to James Iredell Cutler, as did

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  254

Fig. 12.3. Paper Mills, Bellows Falls, Vt. Postcard, ca. 1910. Collection of John Bidwell.

Bill Blake, so that each of the three partners had an equal interest in the firm (valued at $7,000), which operated as Blake, Cutler & Co. between 1821 and 1825. A freshet destroyed the mill in 1826, inflicting losses estimated at $5,000, a sum in keeping with the previous valuation of the firm and not so large as to put it out of business. References: McCorison 1984, 22–23; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 248; Thompson 1824, 230–31; [Keene, N.H.] New-Hampshire Sentinel, 31 Mar. 1825, 3; Hunter 1950, 223. Cutler took over after Bill Blake left the firm in 1825. Operating as James I. Cutler & Co., his firm employed fourteen men, twenty-six women, and two boys in the manufacture of printings and wrappings worth $25,000 a year in 1832. Half was sold locally, and the other was half shipped to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and elsewhere. Reference: McLane Report, 1:912. JIC & Co | BF Vt [wove] — Richard Henry Dana

Sr., Poems (Boston: Bowles and Dearborn, 1827; BAL 4422); mss., Boston, Mass., 1830, and Temple Hill, Ky., 1838 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 553). JIC & Co [wove] — ms., Shrewsbury, Mass., n.d. (AAS). CUTLER | BF [wove] = printed doc., N.H., dated in type 183_ and dated in ms. 1832 (AAS); ms., Wilmington, N.C., 1841 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 284).

Six paper mills were operating in Bellows Falls in 1873, one producing wood pulp and five making card middles, manila, and tissue manila. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 104–5.

Guilford 9.  Guilford Paper Mill. On the Green River in Green River Village. Jonah Cutting established this one-vat mill in 1810. A year later he formed the firm of Cutting & Gregory by

Ver m o n t  ::  255 taking a partner, William Gregory, who bought a onethird share in the concern for $1,300. Reference: McCorison 1984, 28. The firm Bracket & Cutting advertised in 1815 for an apprentice to work at the Guilford Paper Mill. Reference: [Brattleboro, Vt.] Reporter, 14 June 1815, 4. In 1816 Cutting sold a half interest to his son Samuel Cutting for $1,500 and a one-sixth share to Gregory for $400. In 1820 Cutting & Gregory employed five men, four women, and one child in the manufacture of printings, wrappings, and letter paper in the foolscap and pot sizes. References: McCorison 1984, 28; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 255; Thompson 1824, 138. In 1832 Samuel Cutting was the sole proprietor of the mill, where he employed six men and seven women, perhaps on a part-time basis. He did not state the value of his annual production and could not estimate his profits because he was running this concern in conjunction with a “large farm.” His employees might have worked in the fields or in the mill depending on the season and the state of the trade. His products were sold in New York, Boston, and elsewhere. He noted that prices had declined and that manufacturing costs had also gone down because of improved machinery, but he seems to have been speaking more about market conditions in general than his own situation. Reference: McLane Report, 1:924–25. In 1849 H. S. Cutting appears in a trade directory as a paper manufacturer in Guilford. Reference: Pratt 1849, 242.

Brattleboro 10.  Brattleboro’ Paper Mill. On Whetstone Brook. The printer William Fessenden was the senior partner in a firm that purchased a mill site from Samuel Dickinson for $1,000 in 1811. Dickinson retained an eighth share in the business. Other members of the firm were Fessenden’s brother Joseph Fessenden, local businessman Joseph Clark, farmer and businessman Francis Goodhue, and Caleb Leland Jr., previously the proprietor of Mass. Mill 39. William Fessenden bought out

his partners and was running the Brattleboro mill on his own in 1813. References: McCorison 1963, 497–98; McCorison 1984, 30; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 June 1813: wove post. When William Fessenden died in 1815, his property passed to his children and his wife, Patty Fessenden, who turned over his printing and papermaking business to her father, John Holbrook. He formed the firm of Holbrook & Fessenden in partnership with another son-in-law Joseph Fessenden. They must have rebuilt their manufacturing facilities, which burned down in the winter of 1816/17. In 1820 they were running a twovat mill with a workforce of six men, eight women, and three children making the usual writings, printings, and wrappings as well as some specialty goods: plate paper, hanging paper, bonnet paper, and binders’ board. Their printing firm consumed a good portion of their book papers, but they also sold their products in New York State and in Boston. They alluded to the dual nature of their business in a ream wrapper illustrated with a view of a shop interior containing a wet press on one side and a printing press on the other. In their 1820 census return they noted that their concern had been profitable but was currently unable to compete with cut-price imports insufficiently deterred by the present ad valorem duties. They did not estimate the value of their annual production, but a few years later a gazetteer noted that they were making paper worth $10,000 to $12,000 a year. In 1821 Elihu Hotchkiss announced that he had invented a “simple and strong” rag-cutting machine, which could be viewed constantly at work in the Brattleboro’ Paper Mill. One of the mill’s ream wrappers is at the Robert C. Williams Paper Museum, Atlanta, Georgia. References: McCorison 1984, 31; [Brattleboro, Vt.] Reporter, 14 Oct. 1817, 4; Census of 1820, reel 3, items 252 and 253; New-York Evening Post, 24 May 1821, 3; Thompson 1824, 68–70. H. & F. of B. [wove] — ms., Boston, Mass., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 411); printed doc., Brattleboro, Vt., 1836 (AAS). H & F of B Vt [wove] — ms., Concord, Mass., 1830 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 412).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  256 HFB [in script] | 1825 [laid] — ms., Northfield, Mass., 1830 (AAS).

In 1832 Joseph Fessenden was running the mill, where he employed ten men and twenty-five women. He did not state the value of his products in the return he submitted to the McLane Report, but he noted that technological improvements had brought down his manufacturing costs “for a few years past.” Commission agents sold his products in Boston, New York, and other cities, although some of his wares were shipped as far as South America and the Sandwich Islands. Reference: McLane Report, 1:913–14. Fessenden & Co. closed down the paper mill and printing works in 1834. Reference: [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 7 Apr. 1834, 1.

Putney 11.  On Sacketts Brook. Solomon Stimpson, Lawson H. Green, and Ebenezer W. Fairbanks built this mill in 1819, not the best time for a new venture in the paper trade. They mortgaged the mill and petitioned the Vermont General Assembly for protection against lawsuits by creditors until they could pay off their debts. They cited several reasons for their predicament, including the construction costs, which amounted to $6,442.60, whereas they had expected to pay only $4,000. Their petition was granted, and they stayed in business for a while, although the mill had passed into other hands by 1827. In 1820 they reported that they had invested $8,000 in this one-vat, one-engine establishment, where they employed four men, three women, and two children in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings worth $5,000 a year. Sales of paper were “very dull.” Stimpson was the managing partner and had sufficient practical experience that he could invent a method of making green paper, thought to be easier on the eyes. References: McCorison 1984, 33–34; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 247; Thompson 1824, 222–23; Munsell 1876, 72.

S. G. & F = star [wove] — ms., Wardsboro, Vt., 1822 (AAS); ms., Bellows Falls, Vt., 1824 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 867–68).

Contemporary newspapers note that the paper mill at Putney was destroyed by a freshet in 1828. Reference: Delaware Gazette, 23 Sept. 1828, 3. 12.  On Sacketts Brook? In 1832 Hall & Leavitt {Gardner C. Hall and Leavitt} were running a modest one-vat mill that had been built around 1826. They employed three men, six women, and two boys in the manufacture of printings, mostly, worth $9,000 a year. They claimed to be making a 15 percent profit on the sales they made in the vicinity and as far away as New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. Reference: McLane Report, 1:912–13. 13.  On Sacketts Brook. Perhaps the Stimpson mill was rebuilt after the freshet of 1828, for three mills were operating in Putney in 1831: one belonging to George Robertson, who was making 300 to 400 pounds of writings, wrappings, and printings a day; one owned by William Robertson, who was making 300 pounds of wrappings and printings a day; and one owned by Hall & Leavitt. In 1849 the first mill was making wrappings and hangings for the firm of G. & J. Robertson; the second one was still in the same hands and was making wrappings and pasteboard. References: AAD 1831, 117; AAD 1832, 242; Pratt 1849, 242. There were two mills in Putney in 1882, including the firm of William Robertson & Sons, which was making tissue manila on a 56-inch cylinder. Reference: Lockwood 1882, 107.

Westminster 14.  Forest Mill. Not located. Bill Blake left Vt. Mill 8 in 1825 and moved to the nearby town of Westminster, where he built the Forest

Ver m o n t  ::  257

Fig. 12.4. Forest Mill, Bill Blake, Westminster, Vt. Ream wrapper, engraved by Abel Bowen, hand colored. This item is reproduced by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  258 Mill sometime before 1829, the date of the earliest watermark assigned to this mill. Bill Blake & Co. of Westminster, Vermont, was selling writings to a stationer in Portland, Maine, in 1833. Judging from the ream wrapper reproduced here, the Forest Mill was a modest establishment of just one or two vats, too small or too remote to have been noticed in the McLane Report and the American Advertising Directory. It burned down in 1849, inflicting a loss of $7,000 on its proprietors, Wm. B. Blake & Co., who had insured it for $5,000. References: [Portland, Me.] Eastern Argus, 24 July 1833, 3; [New Bedford, Mass.] New-Bedford Mercury, 18 May 1849, 2. B BLAKE [wove] — mss., Hingham, Mass, 1829, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 153). BB & Co [wove] — ms., Long Island, N.Y., 1834 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 112); printed doc., N.Y., 1838 (AAS). cc

Washington County Montpelier 15.  On the Onion River, also known as the Winooski River. Silas Burbank moved to Vermont from Sutton, Massachusetts, where he learned the paper trade in his father’s mill while working with his brother Abijah Burbank Jr., who founded Vt. Mill 7. He bought land here and finished building his mill in 1806. It was probably one of the two paper mills in Caledonia County recorded in the Census of 1810, just before that portion of the county became part of Washington County. The mill burned down in 1818 but was soon rebuilt despite the loss of a large quantity of rags and 300 reams of unfinished paper. The Census of 1820 states that this one-vat, one-engine mill was furnished with two presses and six pairs of moulds, not a very impressive collection of equipment considering that the capital investment in the mill was supposed to amount to $7,200. Burbank employed three men and

five children in the manufacture of writings, printings, wrappings, and blue paper worth $8,000 a year. Soon after going into business in Montpelier, he advertised for the services of a bookbinder, perhaps with the intention of setting up a sideline in blank books. References: Sedgley 1928, 119; McCorison 1984, 23–24; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 91; [Montpelier, Vt.] Vermont Precursor, 29 June 1807, 1; [Dedham, Mass.] Dedham Gazette, 24 Apr. 1818, 3. In 1821 Burbank sold the mill to James H. Langdon, a local merchant, and Ezekiel Parker Walton, publisher of the Montpelier Watchman. The mill was operating as E. P. Walton & Sons in 1849. References: McCorison 1984, 23–24; McCorison 1963, 543–44; Thompson 1824, 188–89; Pratt 1849, 242.

Berlin 16.  On the Onion River, also known as the Winooski River. Samuel Goss sold his printing business in Montpelier in 1810, apparently with the intention of going into the papermaking trade, for his mill in Berlin seems to have been in operation by that time. It appears in the Census of 1810 along with the Burbank mill across the river noticed in the previous entry. References: Mc­ Corison 1963, 501–2; McCorison 1984, 25–26; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19. In 1820 Goss’s younger brother Mark Goss sold for $1,000 a half share in the mill to John Reed, son of the Vermont papermaker Stephen Reed. The Goss & Reed firm started out with the bare minimum of equipment in a one-engine, one-vat mill containing two presses and four pairs of moulds. The proprietors noted that their equipment was in disrepair, and they did not seem much inclined to fix it since demand for their products had declined and they had to pay for rags in cash. They employed four men, two women, and one child in the manufacture of writings, printings, and wrappings worth $4,000 a year. While the workers were having breakfast one day in 1828, the mill building caught fire and suffered damage to the amount of

Ver m o n t  ::  259 $3,000, part of which was covered by insurance. This is the last I hear of this establishment. References: McCorison 1963, 501; McCorison 1984, 26; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 93; Thompson 1824, 64; Munsell 1876, 83. cc

Chittenden County Milton 17.  On the Lamoille River, on the west side of Milton Upper Falls. Ira Fox built a one-vat, one-engine mill here in 1807 and put it in operation before 1810, when he sold it through an intermediary to Alfred Day, Nathaniel Dunham, and Noah Dunham. It is difficult to tell what dealings Fox might have had with J. Lyon, who announced that he, the Dunhams, “and others” were starting up a papermaking business in Milton “on Smith and Burrell’s Falls” and that they expected to begin operations in July 1808. In 1810 the annual output of the mill was valued at $2,881. Day and the Dunham brothers came to Milton from a town near Sharon, Vermont, where they probably learned the papermaking trade in the Burbank mill. The bookseller and merchant Zebulon Lyon also owned a share in the Milton mill but sold it to the Dunham brothers in 1814. References: McCorison 1984, 24–25, 32; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19; [St. Albans, Vt.] St Albans Adviser, 14 Apr. 1808, 4. In 1813 Alfred Day left to found his own mill in Burlington and sold his share to Zebulon Lyon and the Dunham brothers, who were doing business as N. & N. Dunham, booksellers as well as papermakers. They published a schoolbook in 1816. References: McCorison 1984, 24–25; McCorison 1963, 387, 491–92. In 1816 N. & N. Dunham sold the mill to another brother, Jesse Dunham Jr., who submitted a report on its operations to the Census of 1820. He employed five men, three women, and one child in the manufacture of writings, printings, wrappings, and hangings worth $5,354, a figure perhaps representing the total out-

put of the previous year. In his opinion the demand for paper had declined. References: McCorison 1984, 24–25; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 58. In 1821 Jesse Dunham Jr. sold a half interest in the business to Moses Ayres and Edmund Wellington. He sold the other half interest before 1829, when the mill was owned by Ayres and was being operated by Wellington & Hunting. In that year the mill burned down with a total loss estimated at $5,000, of which $2,800 was covered by insurance. References: McCorison 1984, 25; Thompson 1824, 184–85; Munsell 1876, 84.

Burlington 18.  On the Onion River above the lower falls. After selling his share in the Milton mill, above, Alfred Day started his own business in Burlington in 1813 in association with his brother Dan Day, who had worked as a journeyman in the Milton mill. Dan Day became a partner in the firm of Alfred & Dan Day sometime before 1815. Their mill was attached to a saw mill, an oil mill, and a carding factory (which burned down in 1819 without harming the adjacent structures). In 1820 their production facilities consisted of one vat, one engine, and two presses, which were said to be in good condition. They employed six men and four women in the manufacture of goods worth $4,600 a year, although currently there were “no sales.” In 1832 they employed four men and six women in the manufacture of printings and hangings for sale in New York and writings and wrappings for sale and barter in the vicinity. Rag consumption had gone up to 24 tons a year from 16 tons a year in 1820, but it is not possible to compare the value of their products because their 1832 figures also include the output of a linseed oil manufactory. References: McCorison 1984, 32–33; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 10; [Burlington, Vt.] Northern Sentinel, 23 July 1819, 3; Thompson 1824, 83–85; McLane Report, 1:904–5. A & DD [wove] — ms., Windsor, Vt., 1825 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 7); ms., Plattsburgh, N.Y., 1827 (AAS; reprod. in McCorison 1984, 11).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  260 After Alfred Day died in 1834, Dan Day carried on in association with James I. Cutler, who had previously been running the Bellows Falls mill (Vt. Mill 8). Reference: McCorison 1984, 32. cc

Orange County Bradford 19.  Union Mill. On the east side of the Waits River. The Census of 1810 calls for two mills in Orange County, probably the mills in Bradford and Wells River. However, there is no record of this mill until January 1811, when James and Stephen Billings contracted with William Trotter for water privileges and a lease on property where they wished to build facilities for siz-

Fig. 12.5. Superfine Vellum Pot. Union Mill. One Ream. Shaw & Low, Bradford, Vt. Detail of a letterpress ream wrapper, wood engraving by Abel Bowen, hand colored. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

Fig. 12.6. Old Paper Mill, Bradford, Vermont. Postcard, ca. 1900–1910. Collection of John Bidwell.

Ver m o n t  ::  261 ing and drying paper. Trotter would be paid in kind to the amount of five quires of good quality writing and foolscap paper per year. References: McCorison 1984, 26–27; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19. In 1812 Stephen Billings left the firm. James Billings formed a new partnership with Daniel Kimball and obtained a new lease on the same terms, except that Trotter doubled the quantity of paper he was to be paid in kind. Reference: McCorison 1984, 27. After Kimball died in 1817, James Billings sold his share in the mill to the Kimball estate for $1,200. In 1820 the administrator of the estate assigned the mill to a school that Kimball had founded in Plainfield, New Hampshire. The mill was still in operation at that time but was not running at full capacity. The school or its tenant employed four men, two women, and one child in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, and printings worth $2,000 a year. They consumed only 12 tons of rags a year, about half the usual amount for a one-vat mill. References: McCorison 1984, 27; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 106. Elisha Hammond purchased the mill from the school in 1822 for $950, a price reflecting the dubious prospects of this establishment. References: Mc­ Corison 1984, 27; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 July 1823 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1823: super royal vellum; Thompson 1824, 77–78. Hunter suggests that the mill passed into the hands of Asa Low in 1820 or 1822, but Hammond was still buying moulds for it in 1823. Low was definitely in charge by 1828, when a freshet destroyed the mill. Despite losses estimated at $3,000, he was able to rebuild, and in 1832 he employed four people in the manufacture of goods worth $2,100 a year. He was making book paper in 1849. One of his ream wrappers is reproduced in Hunter 1950. Another copy is at MWA along with a similarly illustrated Union Mill ream wrapper used by the firm Shaw & Low. References: McLane Report, 1:888–89; [Concord, N.H.] New-Hampshire Patriot, 15 Sept. 1828, 3; Pratt 1849, 242; Hunter 1950, 255, 259; Hunter 1952, 158. An Asa Low was running the Union Mill in 1873,

and it was still in operation in 1882, making manila and wrappings on a 44-inch double cylinder. References: Lockwood 1873, 105; Lockwood 1882, 106.

Wells River 20.  South side of Wells River, in Newbury. This is the second paper mill in Orange County recorded by the Census of 1810. While still occupied in the Rockingham concern (Vt. Mill 8), Bill Blake purchased property here in October 1810. He must have built his rudimentary one-vat, one-engine establishment promptly and must have hired someone to manage it in his absence, perhaps starting with Stephen Reed, who

Fig. 12.7. 1 Ream, Cap No. 1, Manufactured by Ira White, Wells River, Vt. Letterpress ream wrapper, before 1842. The American eagle is a stock cut also appearing in figs. 3.1 and 11.6. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  262 was identified as a papermaker when he died in Wells River in 1815. In 1814 Blake enlisted Alexander Henderson as the managing partner of Alexander Henderson & Co., which was dissolved a year later. Henderson sold his interest back to Blake in 1817. References: McCorison 1984, 28–29; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 19. While winding down the affairs of Alexander Henderson & Co., Blake leased the mill in 1815 to Ira White, previously one of his Rockingham employees. Like Blake and other Vermont papermakers, White occasionally published schoolbooks, perhaps needing to make business for his mill. In 1820 he employed four men and six children in the manufacture of paper priced at $0.75 to $3 a ream, producing 1,200 reams a year. He observed that the mill had been operating at a

loss for some time because of “the duties being so low upon imported paper.” References: McCorison 1984, 29; McCorison 1963, 545–46; Census of 1820, reel 3, item 107; Thompson 1824, 193–95. In 1827 White and L. Gale patented an improvement in finishing paper. Gale might have been a partner in the firm, but his name does not appear in the other sources I have seen or in the McLane Report, where White appears as the sole proprietor or tenant of the mill. At that time he employed nine people in the manufacture of goods worth $5,000 a year. References: Burke 1847, 85; McLane Report, 1:888–89. James Sawyer of Newbury took out a patent for a piston pulp-strainer in 1832. References: Burke 1847, 87; Munsell 1876, 94.

chapter 13

Delaware

New Castle County Wilmington 1.  Delaware Paper Manufactory; Brandywine Paper Mills; Brandywine Manufacturing Company. On Brandywine Creek, north of Wilmington, south of the Dupont gunpowder manufactory. The Philadelphia Quaker merchants Joshua Fisher and Thomas Gilpin owned land on Brandywine Creek, where they built a grist and snuff mill around 1765. Gilpin married Fisher’s daughter Lydia and joined with his brothers-in-law Thomas Fisher, Samuel Rowland Fisher, and Miers Fisher in several highly profitable trading ventures and in the management of extensive landholdings in Delaware, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. The firm Gilpin & Fisher dealt in flour and purchased wheat for mills in Maryland and Delaware. In the years preceding the Revolution they invested large sums in overseas trade, importing English manufactures on the one hand and exporting American provisions on the other, while also discounting notes and lending money on the side. They openly deplored the conflict with the mother country, where they had strong social connections, commercial interests, and political sympathies. Although more moderate in his views than the Fisher brothers, Gilpin was arrested along with them and other prominent Quaker loyalists and was sent into exile in Virginia, where he died in 1778. When trade resumed after the war, the Fisher brothers managed the business affairs of their sister Lydia Gilpin and her two sons Joshua Gilpin and

Thomas Gilpin, who joined with their uncles in commercial ventures overseas but were also involved in domestic manufactures. Miers Fisher took a leading role in establishing the Brandywine Paper Mill, regarding it more as a community service than as a financial investment and as a suitable occupation for his nephew Joshua, who was just starting out on his business career. The French political scientist Brissot de Warville visited the mill and obtained an account of its initial operations from Miers Fisher, who told him, “Our Expectations however are very moderate & as we did not enter into it much with a View to Profit as to employ a patrimonial Estate in a way that might be useful to the Community I hope we shall not be disappointed.” Joshua Gilpin transacted the affairs of the mill under the name of Joshua Gilpin & Company, although the business belonged to his mother and his uncles Miers and Thomas Fisher. They hired an Irish papermaker, James Given, to supervise the construction of the manufacturing facilities and to serve as foreman. Construction was completed by May 1787, when the proprietors began advertising for rags in local newspapers and in a broadside, Delaware Paper Manufactory (Wilmington: Printed by Jacob A. Killen, [1787]; DeU). Rags

::  263  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  264 could be delivered to Joshua Gilpin’s warehouse in Philadelphia, a store in Wilmington, or directly to the foreman at the mill. Joshua Gilpin & Company would have also bought large quantities of imported rags, needing higher quality stock to produce fine papers that could compete with foreign products at the upper end of the market. These aspirations Miers Fisher confided at an early date to Brissot de Warville, who reported that his informant “produces beautiful writing and printing paper equal to the finest made in France.” More watermarks can be attributed to the Brandywine Paper Mill than to any other American manufactory because its proprietors concentrated on writings and top-quality printings and advertised them so adroitly that their products are comparatively easy to locate and identify. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Nov. 1788: writing demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 May 1794: post, watermarked JG & Co. BRANDYWINE and posthorn; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Dec. 1798 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 Mar. 1799: double cap, watermarked JG & Co. 1799 and plow; Bidwell 1992, 17–42; Hancock & Wilkinson 1958. JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = fleur-de-lis [laid] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1784 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 524–25); Articles of the Hibernia Fire-Company in Philadelphia ([Philadelphia: s.n., ca. 1787]; PHi broadside); The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution (New York: Printed and Sold by J. and A. M’Lean, 1788; NN, Harlan Crow Library, Dallas, Tex.); H. Clarke, Quaedam ex colloquiis Corderii (Philadelphia: Printed by Benjamin Franklin Bache, 1789; PPL); David Humphreys, The Miscellaneous Works (New York: Printed by Hodge, Allen and Campbell, 1790; BL, John Bidwell). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = plow [laid] — ms., Kent County, Del., 1788 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 526– 27); Joseph Barnes, Philadelphia, September 21, 1789. As John Fitch Has Procured a Number of Handbills ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1789]; PHi broadside); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1789 (NYHS; lacks countermark). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = posthorn [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1789 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks

530–31); Pa. Governor (Mifflin), Pennsylvania, ss. By Thomas Mifflin, Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, A Proclamation [14 Nov. 1791] (Philadelphia: Printed by Hall and Sellers, 1791; PHi broadside). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE [laid] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., dated 1791 in ms. (NYHS; countermark only?); ms., n.p., 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 516–17; countermark only?). JG & Co = BRANDYWINE [laid] — mss., Newport, R.I., 1792, and Wilmington, Del., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 519–20); Samuel and Miers Fisher, Philadelphia, 11th Month, 18th, 1793. Respected Friend ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1793]; PPL); Society of Friends, London Yearly Meeting, The Epistle from the Yearly Meeting . . . from the 21st to the 29th of the Fifth Month, 1798 ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1798]; PPL). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = plow [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1780 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 515; countermark only?); Pa. General Assembly, An Act for Preventing Accidents That May Happen By Fire ([Philadelphia: s.n., 1790s?]; PHi, Miller 1974, B2); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1794 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 518; deteriorated, countermark only?); ms., n.p., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 528–29). BRANDYWINE = crown [laid] — New York State, The Ten Pound Act (Lansingburgh [N.Y.]: Printed . . . by Silvester Tiffany, 1795; MWiW-C). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = posthorn [wove] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1795 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 521; countermark only?); John Dickinson, The Letters of Fabius, in 1788, on the Federal Constitution (Wilming­ton: By W. C. Smyth, 1797; CSmH, PPL); Simon Berington, The Adventures of Signor Gaudentio di Lucca ([Wilmington and] Baltimore: Printed and sold by Bonsal & Niles, 1800; MWA); John Dickinson, The Political Writings (Wilmington and Baltimore: Printed and sold by Bonsal and Niles, 1801; PPL). JG & Co | BRANDYWINE = posthorn in shield [laid, turned chain lines] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1798 (Thomas Gilpin corresp., 1798, 1812, Fisher Family Papers, PHi); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1798, and Wilmington, Del., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 532–33);

Del awa r e  ::  265 ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1800 (Miers Fisher to William Cobbett, General Correspondence, Fisher Family Papers, PHi); ms., Wilmington, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 522; countermark only?); ms., Wil­ mington, Del., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 523; deteriorated, countermark only?). JG & Co [laid] — ms., Newport, R.I., 1800 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 513; countermark only?). Posthorn | JG & Co [laid] — ms., New Castle, Del., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 514). JG & Co | 1799 = plow [laid] — printed doc., Philadelphia, Pa., dated 18__ in type and 1813 in ms. (NYHS); ms., Schuylkill County, Pa., 1813 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 534–35). Note: The dates cited by Gravell & Miller for wmks 515 and 524–25 are either mistranscribed or misinterpreted because the mill was not founded until 1787.

In 1795 Joshua Gilpin took a leave of absence from the firm and departed on an extended tour of the British Isles and the Continent. While traveling abroad he took extensive notes on trading conditions and technological innovations such as the bleaching process and the steam engine. In a letter to Miers Fisher he explained what he hoped to learn in the heartland of the Industrial Revolution: “I did not fail however to make myself acquainted with every thing relative to the Paper trade & manufacture which can be learnt in the City together with the analogous business of printing. The improvements in both are wonderfully great. . . . I am the more convinced of the great opening which our country offers for their extention & the more solicitous while here to make myself compleatly master of them.” His travels diaries contain a long account of conversations with the preeminent papermaker of his day, James Whatman Jr., whose high standards and stylistic innovations he had been emulating at the Brandywine Mill. During this trip abroad Gilpin succeeded in recruiting a foreman to replace William Given, who had taken over the management of the mill after his father James Given retired in 1798 but left after only a year on the job. The new foreman, Lawrence

Greatrake, was the son of a paper-mill proprietor in Hertfordshire and was a master of the English techniques that Gilpin hoped to introduce in America. Just after Greatrake arrived in 1800, the firm was reorganized as Thomas Gilpin & Company, recognizing that Joshua’s brother Thomas had taken over the management of the mill, although Joshua still participated in other business ventures. Immediately implementing what Greatrake knew and what Joshua had learned of British methods, Thomas modernized the mill and announced to the trade that it was operating under new management in association with “a foreign artist of superior knowledge in the business.” By this time Lydia Gilpin had given or sold her half interest to her sons. Their uncle Miers Fisher held a third interest in the mill, and Thomas Fisher retained his share until 1808 or until his death in 1810, whereupon it must have been divided up somehow between the Gilpin and Fisher sides of the family. The Gilpins were the first American papermakers to experiment with methods of chlorine bleaching on a systematic basis, although the process had already been patented by Cyrus Austin (who merely copied the specifications in an English publication). They built a bleaching house adjacent to the mill in 1804 but soon discovered that this process was not suitable for the fine papers they were producing, not just writings, but also high-quality plate papers, drawings, and security papers. A collection of elaborately watermarked banknote papers made at the Brandywine Mill is at PHi. One of their ream wrappers is reproduced in Hancock 1955 and Wilkinson 1975. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Apr. 1801: writing medium laid, watermarked T GILPIN & Co with a device (a ship?) in an oval; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 May 1801: double cap laid, watermarked TG & Co. BRANDYWINE; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Mar. 1807: double cap English laid, watermarked Britannia with nine letters; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Mar. 1810: writing royal laid, watermarked T. Gilpin & Co 1810 and a device; Bidwell 1992, 43–83; Scott 1979, 254; Hancock 1959; Hancock & Wilkinson 1959; Edelstein 1964; Woolrich 1996a; Woolrich 1996b; Woolrich 1997a; Woolrich 1997b.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  266 TG & Co [wove] — blank sheet, annotated “American drawing Demy . . . 1802” (Gilpin Letter Book); plates in S. S. Moore & T. W. Jones, The Traveller’s Directory, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Printed for Mathew Carey, 1804; CSmH, NHi); ms., Providence, R.I., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 913); plates in Abraham Rees, The Cyclopaedia; or Universal Dictionary of Arts, Sciences and Literature (Philadelphia: Published by Samuel F. Bradford, etc., [1805–1825]; CSmH, MWA, Bodleian Library); The Little Teacher (Philadelphia: Published by Jacob Johnson, 1808; MWA); plates in William Russell Birch, The Country Seats of the United States of North America (Springland, near Bristol, Pa.: Designed and published by W. Birch, 1808; NNPM); mss., Cantwell Bridge, Del., 1819, and Bellefonte, Pa., 1821 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 914). TG & Co = ship in single oval surround [laid] — mss., Dover, Del., 1802, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 917–18, perhaps with the wrong countermark [see the next entry]). T GILPIN & Co = ship in single oval surround [laid] — Job Roberts, The Pennsylvania Farmer (Philadelphia: Published and sold by Jacob Johnson, etc., 1804; NHi, PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. 1809 ( Joshua Gilpin, Delaware Land Papers, DeHi). TG & Co | 1803 = crown shield posthorn | TG & Co [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., n.d., (Gilpin & Fisher accounts, PHi); ms., Wilmington, Del., or Philadelphia, Pa., 1804 (Dilworth corresp., vol. 56, PHi; water­ mark only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 919; countermark only); ms., New York, N.Y., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 916; water­mark only).

T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE = ship [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1806 (NYHS; watermark only); ms., Wilmington, Del., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 392–93). TG & Co | BRANDYWINE [laid] — blank sheet, annotated “Thin common fCap,” ca. 1808 (Gilpin Letter Book). T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE [wove] — ms., Mount Eagle, Va., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 387); plates in William Russell Birch, The Country Seats of the United States of North America (Springland, near Bristol, Pa.: Designed and published by W. Birch, 1808; NNPM). T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE [laid] — flyleaf in William Russell Birch, The Country Seats of the United States of North America (Springland, near Bristol, Pa.: Designed and published by W. Birch, 1808; NNPM; countermark only?); mss., New Castle County, Del., 1813, and n.p., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 388, 389; countermarks only?). T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE = crown shield fleur-de-lis | TG [in script] [laid] — blank sheets removed from a ledger made ca. 1808–1817 (included with special copies of Bidwell 1990, which contains reproductions of the watermarks on pp. 54–55); ms., Boston, Mass., 1818 (AAS); ms., New Castle, Del., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 390–91). T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE = Britannia [laid] — ms., Wilmington, Del., 1808 (Gilpin Letter Book); ms., Wilmington, Del., 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 394; watermark only, reprod. in reverse); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1812 (Thomas Gilpin corresp., 1798, 1812, Fisher Family Papers, PHi); blank sheet (AAS).

T GILPIN & Co | 1803 = crown shield fleur-de-lis [laid] — Mirror of the Times & General Advertiser, no. 427 (Wilmington: James Wilson, 4 Jan. 1804; DeHi).

T GILPIN & Co | 1810 [laid] — blank fragment (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 395; countermark only).

T GILPIN & Co | BRANDYWINE = crown shield posthorn | TG [in script] [laid] — ms., New York, N.Y., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 915; watermark only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1811 (Joshua Gilpin & family corresp., 1795–1802, PHi; watermark only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1812 (NYHS).

T GILPIN & Co BRANDYWINE [wove] — Map of the United States with the Contiguous British & Spanish Possessions (Philadelphia: Published by John Melish, 1818; NN); plate in William Barton, A Flora of North America, vol. 1 (Philadelphia: M. Carey & Sons, 1821; NN).

Del awa r e  ::  267

Fig. 13.1. Gilpin & C o. Brandywine. Detail of a ream wrapper, on orange tinted paper, engraved by Joseph Yeager. Courtesy, American Antiquarian Society.

T GILPIN & Co = fleur-de-lis | Strasbourg bend [laid] — blank sheet (AAS).

During the War of 1812 the Gilpins gradually closed down their trading business and invested an increasing proportion of their capital in manufacturing ventures, including a woolen mill on the Brandywine. Joshua Gilpin returned to England, where he visited his wife’s family in Lancaster and, as soon as it was safe to be seen in public, resumed his investigations of English papermaking technology, particularly the Fourdrinier papermaking machine and John Dickinson’s cylinder papermaking machine. He proposed to take out an American patent in partnership with Henry Fourdrinier, who refused, partly because he suspected Gilpin’s motives, but mostly because he was embroiled in rancorous bankruptcy proceedings and could not have sold the foreign rights to his machine even if he had wanted to. Likewise, Dickinson was not in a position to license his invention, having agreed with Fourdrinier’s assignees to use it only on his own premises and in the utmost secrecy, effectively suppressing it in return for the right to use the Fourdrinier on preferential terms. Realizing that industrialization was inevitable, less affluent British papermakers would have preferred to avoid the expense and complications of the Fourdrinier and start with a cylinder, which was

cheaper and easier to build. For the same reasons, Gilpin decided that cylinder technology would be easier to adopt in America and sought to skirt the legal and contractual obstacles by means of industrial espionage, not just on his part but also with the crucial assistance of Lawrence Greatrake, who was taking care of family business in England at that time and knew Dickinson well enough to call on him without raising suspicion. The hospitable inventor allowed Greatrake to inspect the cylinder in action and even to make some sketches if he so desired, although he was not permitted to see the concealed parts of the mechanism. On the basis of Greatrake’s observations and the technical data collected by Joshua Gilpin, Thomas Gilpin built the first American papermaking machine, which he patented in December 1816. Some improvements were required before he could make paper on a regular basis, and he was not able to start selling the products of the cylinder until around March 1818, when the Carey firm purchased machine-made 30-pound copperplate medium for use in Carey’s General Atlas (Philadelphia: Published by M. Carey and Son, 1818; MWA). He sold machine-made newsprint to Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser (PPL) in April 1818. His earliest customers extolled his innovative products in an advertising brochure, Certificates Respecting the Machine Paper Made at the Brandywine Paper Mills (Philadelphia: J. Maxwell, printer, 1818; PPL, PPAmP), which is, however, printed on handmade stock from another mill. Lawrence Greatrake died while the machine was being tested and was succeeded as foreman by his son George Greatrake. References: Bidwell 1992, 174–225, 233, 335–38; Burke 1847, 85; Hancock & Wilkinson 1957; Wilkinson 1963. The Gilpin brothers greatly expanded their manufacturing facilities to accommodate the cylinder machine. Instead of refitting the mill, they built a second mill nearby with a power train, drying loft, and finishing room specifically designed for ­mass-production papermaking. The cost of the new building and the repeated attempts to construct a viable cylinder amounted to $60,000, a capital expenditure unprecedented in the American paper trade but made possible

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  268

Fig. 13.2. Gilpin & C.o Brandywine. Fine Quarto Post Hot Pressed. Ream wrapper, engraved by James W. Steel. Courtesy of the Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, Delaware.

Del awa r e  ::  269 by the great wealth of the Gilpin and Fisher families. Miers Fisher retired from the firm in 1814 and sold his one-third share to the brothers for a bond of $10,000, essentially lending them the money to buy him out. They also mortgaged large tracts of land they had inherited and raised short-term capital by exchanging accommodation notes with the bookseller and publisher Benjamin Warner, who was a son-in-law of Miers Fisher. Overextended and overly confident of their family’s support, they stretched their credit resources so recklessly that they had to stop payment in November 1818 after losing large sums in a banking disaster in Wilmington and in the failure of a trading house in Philadelphia. Nevertheless, they managed to stay in business by coming to terms with their creditors on the basis of recent Pennsylvania legislation for the relief of defaulting debtors. Their major creditors were Fisher and Warner, whose loans were partially secured by a mortgage on the Brandywine estate. They also depended on credit provided by their major customer, Mathew Carey, who purchased large quantities of machine paper and paid for it in advance with notes they could discount for ready cash. Reference: Bidwell 1992, 226–73. In 1821 Thomas Gilpin submitted detailed reports on both mills for the Census of Manufactures. He estimated that the machine could make as much paper in a day as six vats and could produce in a year printing grades and other goods with a total wholesale value ranging between $35,000 and $50,000. To tend the machine, he employed eight men, two boys, and ten women in the finishing room and forty children in the rag loft. In the old mill they were making fine papers worth $30,000 to $40,000 per year at two vats, employing ten men, four boys, and ten women in the finishing room and twenty children in the rag loft. A flood in 1822 damaged the paper mills and destroyed a recently erected four-story cotton mill. After this setback the Gilpins needed to find a new source of credit to replace Warner, who died in 1821. Another member of their extended family, Thomas Fisher II, agreed to rent the mill with an option to buy and with the understanding that he would employ Thomas Gilpin

Fig. 13.3. Gilpin’s Paper Mills, Brandywine. Wood engraving by George Gilbert published in The Casket, or Flowers of Literature, Wit and Sentiment (1828), 3:125. Probably after a painting by Thomas Doughty, ca. 1822, now in the Brandywine River Museum, Chadds Ford, Pennsylvania.

as supervisor at $2,000 a year and Joshua Gilpin as a consultant at $1,000 a year. References: Bidwell 1992, 274–83; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 3. The vat mill burned down in 1825, inflicting losses of about $20,000 and inducing the less indulgent creditors to seize the personal property of the Gilpin brothers. Thomas Fisher joined with four Philadelphia merchants in a plan to develop the industrial potential of the mill property by forming a corporation to be called the Brandywine Manufacturing Company. His partners were John Hemphill, John B. Newman, Jacob B. Clement, and Nathan Bunker, also trading as Newman, Clement & Company after they bought Fisher out around 1833. At that time the Brandywine Manufacturing Company employed twenty men, ten boys, and fifty women to tend the machine and three engines, manufacturing fine writings and drawings worth $60,000 a year. However, the partners were less interested in the paper trade than in the valuable land and water rights they owned in Wilmington, which they hoped to turn into a manufacturing center like the mill towns in New Jersey and Massachusetts. They proposed to build a railroad, sell insurance, and start a bank. Thomas Gilpin wrote out for them petitions to the Delaware state authorities, who granted them a charter in 1836

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  270 authorizing them to employ capital of $1 million but also requiring them to raise a third of that sum (later reduced to $160,000) before they could begin business. The provisions of the charter are recounted in The Acts of the Legislature of Delaware, Incorporating the Brandywine Manufacturing and Banking Company (Wilmington: Printed by R. & J. B. Porter, 1836; DLC). Unfortunately, financial anxieties preceding the Panic of 1837 discouraged investors from buying stock in the concern. Dismayed by the failure of their stock offering and by the dismal state of the economy, Newman, Clement & Company closed down the mill in 1837 and abandoned it in 1839, when another flood damaged it beyond repair. Some of the partners had invested so heavily in the Brandywine Manufacturing Company that they became insolvent when it failed. While winding down its affairs, they acknowledged that they owed the estate of Miers Fisher $10,000, a debt assumed from the Gilpin brothers, who never repaid their uncle for the money they borrowed in 1814. Two contemporary views of the Brandywine Paper Mill are in Wilkinson 1975. References: Bidwell 1992, 283–91; McLane Report, 2:817–18.

Newark 2.  Milford Paper Mill (also Millford Paper Mill). On White Clay Creek, in Mill Creek Hundred. Thomas Meeteer lived in Chester County, Pennsylvania, before moving to Delaware and buying a tract of land on White Clay Creek. Besides running an extensive farm, he built a large paper mill on his property, perhaps encouraged by the increasing prosperity of the Chester County paper trade to try his luck in this part of the country. It is not known when he began production, but in 1789 he purchased moulds with a ­watermark that first appears in a document with that date. Instead of competing with the Gilpins in Philadelphia, he did most of his business in Baltimore, where he owned a bookstore that could serve as a retail outlet for writings and a distribution center for printings and other bulk commodities. Around 1796

he was associated with Thomas Elms, who owned a share in the mill, and with Joseph Webb, who left in 1798 to start his own establishment just across the Pennsylvania border at Pa. Mill 82. Previously trading as Thomas Meeteer & Company, he formed the firm of Thomas Meeteer & Sons with his sons Samuel and William Meeteer. References: Hancock 1955, 49–51; Silver 1953, 41; Cooper 1991, 6; Sellers Moulds Finished, 1 Jan. 1789: double foolscap, watermarked TM & Co; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 June 1798: double cap, watermarked with twelve letters. TM & Co [laid] — mss., Duck Creek, Del., 1789, and Philadelphia, Pa., 1791 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 930); ms., Cecil County, Md., 1792 (AAS); Md. General Assembly, House of Delegates, Committee on Alteration of the Constitution, The Constitution and Form of Government (Annapolis: Printed by Frederick Green, 1792; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1795 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 931); mss., Philadephia, Pa. 1795, and Wilmington, Del., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 932); ms., Baltimore, Md., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 933); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1797 (Carey Papers, 8:2879, 2880). T METEER | & SONS [laid] — n.p., ca. 1789–1790 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 711); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., ca. Dec. 1801 (Carey Papers, 16:6883). TM & SONS [laid] — mss., Camden, Del., 1799, and Newport, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 934).

In 1804 Thomas Meeteer sold his Delaware holdings for £2,650 to Samuel Meeteer, who ran the paper business in partnership with his brother-in-law John Armstrong. After certain unexplained setbacks, Armstrong left in disgrace sometime before November 1805, when Samuel Meeteer tried to sell his woodland, farmland, orchards, saw mill, and paper mill (noting that the latter was designed to contain three vats but was currently running only two). Finding no purchasers, Samuel Meeteer continued to manage the mill and announced that his partnership with Armstrong was dissolved in November 1806. Thomas Meeteer went bankrupt in 1807 but was able to buy back the Dela-

Del awa r e  ::  271 ware property plus an additional 100 acres for $15,000. Armstrong may have been responsible for the financial tribulations of his father-in-law, who left him a vindictive dollar in his will to prevent any further claims on his estate and threatened to disinherit his daughter if she had anything more to do with her scapegrace husband. References: Cooper 1991, 9–10; [Philadelphia, Pa.] Aurora, 15 Nov. 1805, 4; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 May 1804: several sizes ordered by John Armstrong and Samuel Meeteer; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 Apr. 1810: post vellum, watermarked MEETEER, purchased by Samuel Meeteer. After Thomas Meeteer died in 1812, his sons Samuel and William Meeteer formed a partnership to carry on the mill at Milford and the bookstore and paper warehouse in Baltimore. By 1820 they had all three vats in operation and were employing twenty-one men, twenty-eight women, and seven children in the manufacture of writing and printing grades worth $21,000 a year. They complained that demand for their products had declined since the Embargo of 1807 and that their credit risks had increased. Nonetheless, they were running the mill at full capacity and were in a strong enough position ten years later to purchase a cylinder machine. References: Silver 1953, 41; Hancock 1955, 51–52; “Valuation of Milford & Providence Paper Mills &c.,” 1837, AAS; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 27; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 June 1813: post vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Sept. 1824: post vellum, watermarked Meeteer; Sellers Letter Book, 2 Sept. 1830. MEETEER [laid] — ms., Hagerstown, Md., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 703); Drs. Thomas Wignell and Alexander Reinagle, Late Proprietors of the Baltimore Theatre . . . To Cash Advanced as a Loan . . . ([Baltimore: s.n., 1815], printed doc.; DLC broadside port. 29:11); ms., Hampshire County [W.Va.?], 1815 (AAS). MEETEER [wove] — mss., Georgetown, Del., 1814, and Washington, D.C., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 704); Catalogue of the Library of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Printed by Jonathan Elliot, 1815; NNPM).

Meeteer [wove, in script] — ms., Sussex County, Del., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 705); ms., Petersburg, Va., 1802 [i.e., 1820s?] (AAS).

Upon the retirement of Samuel Meeteer in 1832 his brother carried on the business as William Meeteer & Company, still based in Baltimore but now running one or two additional mills in Maryland (Md. Mills 23 and/or 24). He wrote an account of the Milford manufactory for the McLane Report, where he stated that he employed thirty-four people in the manufacture of goods worth $22,000 a year. He observed that output had increased by more than 25 percent within ten years, while prices had fallen by 20 percent. References: AAD 1832, 17; McLane Report, 2:818. William Meeteer died in 1833, and Samuel Meeteer died intestate in 1838, survived by his wife and eight children. By that time, two members of the trade had appraised the value of the mill at $12,000. The administrators of Samuel’s estate sold his property to several people in 1841. After some years of neglect, the Milford property was acquired by the Massachusetts papermakers George B. Curtis and Solomon M. Curtis, founders of the Curtis Paper Company, which continued to make paper on the premises until 1997, when its parent company closed the mill. References: “Valuation of Milford & Providence Paper Mills &c.,” 1837, AAS; Cooper 1991, 13; Hancock 1955, 52; Wilkinson 1975, 34; Oyvind Haugen, “The Curtis Paper Mill,” http://www.paperindustryweb.com/pjcurtisupdate09 1501.htm (accessed 18 Feb. 2011). 3.  On White Clay Creek, two miles northwest of Newark. In 1811 John Glenn and Thomas Glenn purchased 33 acres of land on White Clay Creek, where they converted an existing fulling mill to paper manufacture. Scharf notes that they were papermakers by trade; if so, they were probably journeymen of modest means who were trying to go into business for themselves. The mill had only one vat in 1816, when they put it up for sale along with two log dwelling houses and about

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  272 70 acres of land. References: Scharf 1888, 2:940; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 3 Feb. 1816, 4. At some point the Glenns sold out to James Falls, who bequeathed the mill to his son John Falls (also Fales). In the McLane Report John Falls claims that the mill was established in 1830, perhaps because he renovated, rebuilt, or inherited his manufacturing facilities in that year. He was still running only one vat and employed four men and a boy to produce about 2,000 reams a year, which he sold in Philadelphia or Baltimore for cash or in exchange for rags. In 1837 he put up for sale his estate of 85 acres, including 20 acres of woodland, an orchard, a farm, and a stone paper mill measuring 24 by 50 feet with one engine and a cylinder machine. References: Scharf 1888, 2:940; McLane Report, 2:717–18; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette and American Watchman, 20 Dec. 1836, 3.

Yorklyn 4.  On Red Clay Creek, Christiana Hundred, nine miles from Wilmington. Proprietor of a snuff mill at this location, John Garrett II also owned a grist mill nearby, which he tried to sell in October 1789 and then converted to paper manufacture sometime before 1795. His son John Garrett III managed the paper mill and acquired a half interest in the establishment. References: Weslager 1965, 28–29; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Apr. 1795: double wrapping and double cap watermarked JG SON & Co and eagle. JG SON & Co = American eagle [laid] — ms., n.p., 1794 (AAS); mss., Baltimore, Md., 1795, and Dover, Del., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 540–41); Md. General Assembly, House of Delegates, By the House of Delegates, January 1, 1799. Whereas it is highly expedient that every constitutional barrier should be opposed . . . ([Annapolis: Printed by Frederick Green, 1799]; DLC broadside port. 28:34). JG SON & Co [laid, turned chain lines] — mss., Peckatone, Va., 1797, and Turbutville, Va., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 538); ms., Greenburg, Pa., 1797

(Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 537; deteriorated mould); ms., Peckatone, Va., 1797 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 536; deteriorated mould). JG SON & C[o] = eagle [laid] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1799 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 542–43). JG SON & Co [wove] — ms., Baltimore, Md., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 539).

John Garrett III left the mill and moved to Ohio in 1804. His father then deeded half of the mill to his son Levi Garrett and the other half, along with 114 acres of land, to his son Horatio Gates Garrett, who took over the management of the establishment. Horatio may have joined the business as early as 1801, when a watermark appears with his initials in conjunction with his father’s. In any case, his business did not prosper, probably because he faced stiff competition from other local mills. As his losses mounted, he borrowed money from his brother, contracted other loans, and mortgaged the mill property as well as the farm. In 1808 he was working off a debt to Joshua and Thomas Gilpin, who sold to him the coarse rags they could not use and employed him to make printing grades for them to sell in their Philadelphia warehouse. “Wishing to decline business,” he put his farm and the mill up for sale in 1811 and 1812, noting that it had two vats and two engines. Apparently no one was willing to buy it on his terms, and it had to be sold by the sheriff in 1813. Then he too moved to Ohio, where he found a job as a foreman in a paper mill. References: Weslager 1965, 30–38; Hancock 1955, 54; Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 June 1804: super royal, purchased by Levi Garrett; Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 May 1810: double cap, watermarked HGG; Gilpin Letter Book; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 22 June 1811, 3, and 3 Oct. 1812, 3. J & HGG = eagle [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1801, and New Castle, Del., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 551–52). HGG = eagle [laid] — mss., n.p., 1803, and Wilmington, Del., 1805 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 415–16).

Del awa r e  ::  273 HG GARRETT = American eagle [laid] — mss., Wilmington, Del., 1805 and 1808 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 381–82); ms., Cecil County, Md., 1808 (AAS). HGG [laid] — ms., Christiana Hundred, Del., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 414).

Rockland 5.  Delaware Paper Mills. On Brandywine Creek, three miles north of the Brandywine Paper Mill. William Young emigrated from Scotland to Philadelphia, where he established a bookstore in 1785 and engaged in various printing and publishing ventures in partnership with other members of the trade. He was dealing in paper as early as 1792 and purchased wrapping moulds in 1794, although he may have been acting for one of his suppliers. He is said to have built this mill in 1795 and was certainly making paper by June of that year, when he sold to Mathew Carey 20 reams of foolscap no. 2 with his DELAWARE watermark. At first he rented the property and then purchased it in 1801, perhaps waiting until then to see if the business would turn a profit. A government contract may have encouraged him to make this investment, which would have been amply repaid by sales of official stationery amounting to $3,500 in the course of one three-month period. At about that time he began to sell his products in town at the Delaware Paper Mill Ware-House, which he ran in partnership with William Bonnell from 1803 to 1804. He then sold his bookstore, printing office, and paper warehouse and moved to Rockland. Wholly engaged in manufacturing pursuits, Young experimented with alternative raw materials and presented the Philadelphia Company of Booksellers with samples of paper made from the roots of the mulberry tree mixed with bark of the Guiana tree. His foreman was George Smith, who later managed his London Britain paper mill (Pa. Mill 84) as either a partner or a tenant. After the Rockland mill burned down in 1814, he salvaged what he could of his estab-

lishment and converted it to other manufacturing pursuits, such as a woolen mill, which was making kerseys, broadcloths, and merino shawls in 1820. During most of his career he was closely connected with the Philadelphia printer and bookseller William Wallis Woodward, who failed in 1825 and brought Young down as well. Hancock 1955 has a reproduction of a watercolor view of the Delaware Paper Mills, apparently executed in 1835 but depicting the manufactory as it was in 1814. References: Brown 1949, 390, 145 (part XI); Wilkinson 1975, 30–32; Hancock 1955, 44–48; Relfs Philadelphia Gazette, 17 Jan. 1805, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 27 Mar. 1794: double crown, wrapping; Sellers Moulds Finished, 11 Aug. 1800: writing demy watermarked WY & Co and fleur-de-lis, and post watermarked WY & Co and posthorn; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 June 1804: extra post, watermarked W YOUNG 1804; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 4 Jan. 1808: double cap, watermarked WY & Co; Carey Papers, 2:628; Carey Papers, 4:1335; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 26; Young Papers. DELAWARE [laid] — printed doc., a check drawn on a Philadelphia merchant in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1795 (NYHS; countermark only?); ms., Petersburg, Va., 1796 (Carey Papers, 8:2806; countermark only?); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 317; countermark only?); ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1802 (AAS; countermark only?). DELAWARE = American eagle [laid] — U.S. Laws, statutes, etc. (3rd Cong., 2nd sess.), An Act Making Appropriations for the Support of Government [2 Jan. 1795] (Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Childs, 1795; PPL); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., statement of William Young, ca. 1798 (Carey Papers, 13:4818); printed doc. issued by William Young, Philadelphia, Pa., dated in ms. 1801 (NYHS; lacks DELAWARE countermark). WY & Co | [indecipherable] = DELAWARE [wove] — Benjamin Smith Barton, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America (Philadelphia: Printed for the author by John Bioren, 1797; CSmH, NjP).

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  274 WY & Co = DELAWARE [wove] — Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting Certain Documents on the Subjects of the Insurrection in Pennsylvania [5 Dec. 1799] ([Philadelphia: Printed by William Ross?, 1799]; PPL); mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1799, and Wilmington, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1020; lacks DELAWARE watermark?); Minutes of the Proceedings of the Seventh Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies (Philadelphia: Printed by Zachariah Poulson, junior, 1801; CSmH; lacks WY & Co countermark?); ms., n.p., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 318; lacks WY & Co countermark?); ms., Wilmington, Del., 1804 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1023–24). WY & Co [laid] — ms., Philadelphia, Pa., 1801 (NYHS; half sheet only); ms., Philadelphia, Pa., statement of William Wallis Woodward, 1802 (Carey Papers, 16:6907); mss., Dover, Del., 1802, and Bridgeton, N.J., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1021). WY & Co = fleur-de-lis [laid?] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Hancock 1955, 48).

Beaver Valley 6.  Sunny Dale Paper Mill. On Buck Run or Beaver Valley Run, at the Pennsylvania-Delaware state line. John Farra operated a small saw mill at this location and a large woolen factory, which burned down around 1824 and had been partially rebuilt in 1826. He converted it to paper manufacture sometime before 1830, when it was being operated by William and John Gilmore (formerly foreman of the Ivy Mill [Pa. Mill 21]). Farra took over the business after they left about a year later (perhaps to run another mill in the vicinity; see the GILMOUR watermarks in Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 385, 386, 500). References: Pearson 1826, 24; Ashmead 1884, 318; McLane Report, 2:780. FARRA [wove] — mss., Chester County, Pa., 1813, and Burlington, N.J., 1831 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 365). Note: The 1813 date cited by Gravell & Miller for wmk 365 must have been either mistranscribed or misinterpreted because Farra did not go into the papermaking business until after 1826.

WY & Co = DELAWARE [edgemarked:] GEN STAMP OFFICE [wove] — ms., Morris County, N.J., 1801 (AAS; lacks WY & Co countermark); ms., Newport, Del., 1801 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1025; lacks portion of edgemark and DELAWARE watermark); ms., n.p., 1807 (NYHS).

After Farra died in 1832, the mill passed into the hands of his son Daniel Farra. References: Wilkinson 1975, 32; Sellers Order Book, 23 June 1836: repairing cap moulds.

W YOUNG | 1804 [wove] — mss. Philadelphia, Pa., 1805 and 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1054).

D FARRA [wove] — ms., Cecil County, Md., 1836 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 366).

W YOUNG = 1804 [laid] — ms., Natchez, Miss., 1806 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 1052–53); ms., n.p., 1807 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1051; lacks 1804 watermark?); blank sheet (AAS); blank sheet (Spawn).

When Daniel Farra died in 1860, his son-in-law Francis Tempest kept the business going as sole proprietor and sole employee, tending production, marketing, and sales completely on his own for more than forty years. A photograph of him at the controls of a ramshackle cylinder machine is in Wilkinson 1975. He ran his do-it-yourself cylinder during the day and a single engine day and night, six days a week, producing in that time 1,500 pounds of tissue manila said to be “the finest of its kind.” References: Weeks 1916, 165; Wilkinson 1975, 32–34; Snell 1927; Lockwood 1882, 29.

W YOUNG | 1804 [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., 1806, and Eleutherian [Mills], Del., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1055). WY & Co [wove, edgemarked] — ms., n.p., 1808 (NYHS); ms., n.p., 1812 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1022).

Chapter 14

Kentucky

Scott County Georgetown 1.  On Royal Spring Branch, a tributary of North Elkhorn Creek. The Reverend Elijah Craig, a Baptist minister, built this mill in partnership with James and Alexander Parker, who owned a store in Lexington. The Parkers probably looked after sales while Craig supervised production on site; he owned the land on which the building was constructed. He also built the first fulling mill in Kentucky as well as a celebrated distillery (which has given the preacher’s name to a brand of bourbon). In March 1793 Craig, Parkers & Company announced that they were “now actually making paper” and promised to produce all types of this article “provided we can get a sufficient supply of rags.” This is probably the first mill in the state, although the landowner Jacob Myers advertised in an August 1787 issue of the Kentucky Gazette a paper mill he was building on the Dix River in Lincoln County “above the grist mill.” He predicted that he would be ready for business by the first of November, but there is no evidence that he persevered with his manufacturing ambitions. References: Stedman 1959, xiv, 211–13; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 25 Aug. 1787, 2, 6 Dec. 1788, 2, and 8 June 1793, 4; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 July 1792: demy and foolscap; Staples 1939, 41; Collins 1874, 1:516. Elijah Craig’s son Joel Craig purchased moulds from the Sellers firm in 1795. He may have been a

member of the firm Elijah Craig & Son, which bought more moulds in 1797, and he probably ran the mill after his father died in 1808. References: Sellers Moulds Finished, 21 May 1795: demy and double cap; Sellers Moulds Finished, 12 May 1797: demy; Sellers Moulds Finished, 23 May 1797: double cap, watermarked with sixteen letters. EC & S [laid] — ms., Lexington, Ky., 1803 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 330). C & P = eagle [laid] — ms., Lancaster, Pa., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 241–42); mss., Ohio?, 1810 and 1811 (Hunter 1952, figs. 17, 18). C & P in heart [laid] — mss., Philadelphia, Pa., n.d. & Sussex County, Del., 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 240); ms., n.p., 1818 (Hunter 1952, fig. 16).

Brigadier General Richard M. Gano resided at the mill before he died in 1815. He purchased moulds with his watermark, sufficient evidence that he went into the papermaking business, if only briefly. References: Clift 1979, 14; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 8 May 1818, 3; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 June 1814: washer, medium vellum, royal laid, and double cap laid = Sellers Moulds Finished, 5 July 1814: double cap, watermarked GANO. In or before 1817 the mill passed into the hands of Dr. William H. Richardson, professor of obstetrics at Transylvania University. At first he proposed to rent the mill and then offered it for sale along with a tract of land, valuable water rights, a dwelling house, and carding machines. In 1818 he finally succeeded in renting it to Ebenezer Stedman (previously the foreman

::  275  ::

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  276 of Ky. Mill 9), who persuaded him to advance funds to start up the business and to install new machinery, including an overshot waterwheel, two engines, and a duster. At that time the mill house was a three-story structure measuring 100 by 40 feet, with the vats in the first story (which was made of stone), the engines, rag room, and salle in the second story, and the drying loft in the third story. References: [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 5 Aug. 1819, 3; Lexington Observer & Reporter, 17 Sept. 1845, 3; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 24 Feb. 1817, 3, and 8 May 1818, 3; Stedman 1959, 27, 35–37, 214. Stedman was not able to pay the rent or repay the loan he had received from Richardson, who replaced him in 1820 with a new tenant, Anthony Denormandie, previously involved in Pa. Mill 104. Denormandie hired Stedman to work as a journeyman alongside Stedman’s two sons, Leander and Ebenezer Hiram Stedman. Altogether he employed nine men, three boys, and three girls in the manufacture of paper valued at $3,271 per year (perhaps calculated on the basis of the output of the previous year). Among other products, he made currency paper for the state of Kentucky. References: Stedman 1959, 35, 70; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 2 Aug. 1820: three sizes; Sellers Moulds Finished, 28 Feb. 1822: three sizes; Census of 1820, reel 20, item 150. After Denormandie died in 1822, one of his halfbrothers rented the mill and continued to employ the Stedmans. Reference: Stedman 1959, 70. Willis Brag and Thomas Garret rented the mill in the winter of 1825, but left in the spring of 1826 or 1827. They briefly employed some members of the Stedman family. Reference: Stedman 1959, 97, 101. The mill had been abandoned for more than a year in the winter of 1829, when Richardson rented it to Thomas Piper, previously residing in Logan County, Kentucky. Once again the rent fell in arrears, and Richardson was obliged to evict Piper, “A Kind Sociable Fellow that loved Whiskey & Fun More than attending to Business.” Reference: Stedman 1959, 106. After Piper left, Richardson entrusted the mill to Ebenezer Hiram Stedman, allowing him the use of the facilities rent-free until he could pay his way or until

Richardson could dispose of it or find a paying tenant. In his reminiscences, Stedman describes how he started in business with capital amounting to $1.50: he jury-rigged the machinery, refaced a pair of moulds, and scrounged 50 pounds of rat-infested rags to make four reams of wrapping paper, which he traded for provisions, hemp tow, and rags. For some years he made a precarious living by manufacturing wrapping paper from tow procured by trading groceries with local slaves who worked in the hemp fields. With one engine still operational, he could produce five reams of wrapping paper a day but had to suspend operations during the summer dry season. He was able to make printing paper by 1833, when he acquired enough capital to purchase Ky. Mill 16. Reference: Stedman 1959, 106–13, 130–39, 148–57. The mill was probably abandoned after Stedman left in 1834, although one source claims that it was “in steady operation” until it burned down in 1836. References: Stedman 1959, 163, 222; Collins 1874, 1:23. 2.  Great Crossings, on North Elkhorn Creek. With his father, brother Richard M. Johnson, and other members of his family, James Johnson moved to Kentucky in 1779 and settled in Great Crossings, where he embarked on several business ventures, including a powder mill and a grist mill. In 1805 he announced that James Johnson & Company employed “two European master workers” in a paper mill that had already produced 200 reams of wrappings. The two workers were probably John Cross and Frederick Christian Warnick, who would go on to run other mills in the western states. Johnson owned a second mill, and both mills are described in the Census of 1820, which states that the total value of paper produced per year in these two establishments amounted to $20,000. He employed altogether fourteen men, sixteen boys, and ten girls. Four or five men worked in his other mill (Ky. Mill 5), so he may have employed nine or ten men here, perhaps enough to run two vats. References: Padgett 1937; Staples 1939, 217; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Mar. 1808: vellum post, watermarked JJ & Co; Sellers

Ken t u c k y  ::  277 Moulds Ordered, 28 Sept. 1814: five sizes, foolscap to super royal; Census of 1820, reel 20, item 150. JJ & Co [wove] — Richard M. Johnson, Transportation of the Mail on the Sabbath. In the Senate of the United States, January 19, 1829 ([Kentucky: s.n., 1829]; DLC broadside port. 21:64).

One of the mills at Great Crossings passed into the hands of a son or nephew of James Johnson, General William Johnson, who purchased a cylinder machine from the Sellers firm in 1831. His foreman was Daniel Vanderslice, who previously worked in Ky. Mill 4. I conjecture that the cylinder was installed in this mill because it was larger than the others and thus a better candidate for mass production. References: Gray 1905; Sellers Letter Book, 8 Dec. 1831 and 15 Feb. 1832; Stedman 1959, 220. Johnson’s mill stopped in 1834 and was converted into a bagging factory. Stedman 1959, 222. 3.  Eight miles from Georgetown, on North Elkhorn Creek. Around 1808 David Thomson built a paper mill on a tract of 160 acres that he purchased in partnership with his brother-in-law William Suggett. He sold the mill in or after 1811. References: http://homepages.roots web.ancestry.com/~bianco/Resources/david.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); Stedman 1959, 218; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 17 Aug. 1807: assortment of moulds, including two pairs watermarked T & S = Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 Sept. 1807. 4.  Longview, on North Elkhorn Creek. After having disposed of Ky. Mill 3, David Thomson acquired 120 acres on North Elkhorn Creek, for which he paid $11,000 in 1817. This land he used for several business ventures, including a farm, a grist mill, and a paper mill that was in “good” condition when he reported on its operations for the Census of 1820. At that time he employed five men, two boys, and two girls in the manufacture of goods worth $3,250 per year (per-

haps calculated on the basis of the output of the previous year). Demand was low and sales were “dull” in the opinion of the proprietor. He may have formed a partnership with Daniel Vanderslice, who had been an apprentice in Pa. Mill 83 and probably a journeyman in other mills before moving to Longview in 1825. If so, he did nothing to help the profitability of the mill, which closed down in 1828. References: http://home pages.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~bianco/Resources/da vid.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); Census of 1820, reel 20, item 150; Stedman 1959, 222; Gray 1905. 5.  Great Crossings, on North Elkhorn Creek. A powder mill belonging to James Johnson closed down a few years after the War of 1812. In his reminiscences Ebenezer Hiram Stedman described how he, his father Ebenezer Stedman, and his brother Leander Stedman converted the old mill to the manufacture of wrappings by removing the powder machinery and installing a single engine. Exactly when they began, he did not say; judging from the context, they might have started this modest one-vat mill around 1818. Certainly Ebenezer Stedman would have been looking for work at that time, as he had just lost his job as foreman in the paper division of the Lexington Manufacturing Company (Ky. Mill 9). He was probably renting the mill from Johnson rather than managing it for a salary, because he was running it almost entirely on his own, assisted only by his two sons, an elderly journeyman, and a third son who served as the cook. No doubt he hired a number of women and children to prepare the tow for the engine. As noted above, this was one of two paper mills owned by Johnson mentioned in the Census of 1820. The Stedmans abandoned the mill in 1826, when Leander Stedman went off to work in Ohio. References: Stedman 1959, 71–79; Census of 1820, reel 20, item 150. 6.  Great Crossings, on the opposite side of North Elkhorn Creek from Ky. Mill 5. After the Lexington Manufacturing Company went down in 1818, James Johnson salvaged the papermak-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  278 ing machinery and installed it in a grist mill he owned at Great Crossings. Reference: Stedman 1959, 101. Chronically short of cash, Johnson sold the establishment to his relatives William Suggett, John Suggett, David Suggett, and Andrew Johnson, who were running the mill in 1827, making some printings but mostly wrappings. Ebenezer Hiram Stedman was working there at that time with another journeyman, the only two whites in the establishment, the proprietors having decided that it was too expensive to employ a foreman. Stedman says they “let the Mill Run it Self, one of them Comming Down to the Mill Evry Day to se that it had Not Run of[f ].” Stedman quit in 1828, but when he tried to collect his pay, he was rebuffed by each of the partners, including Andrew Johnson, who claimed that he did not have any money and “wished the damd old Mill in hell.” Reference: Stedman 1959, 101–4. cc

Fayette County Lexington 7.  Town Fork (or Town Branch) of Elkhorn Creek, five or six miles from Lexington. Isaac Yarnall built the second mill in Kentucky sometime between 1800 and 1805. In 1810 he was making 700 reams a year valued at $2,100. According to Weeks, he was running two one-vat mills in this part of the state, but he reported to the Census of 1820 that he had only one “Manufacturing Establishment,” which contained two vats and two engines producing paper worth $5,000 a year. He employed eight men and four children as well as slaves, including one named Caesar who escaped in 1819. Yarnall’s census return states that demand was strong and that his business was “in a thriving condition,” no doubt abetted by the collapse of his competitors, the Fayette Paper Manufacturing Company and the Lexington Manufacturing ­Company (Ky. Mills 8 and 9). References: Clift 1979, 118; Weeks 1916, 169; Stedman 1959, xv; Census of 1820, reel 20,

item 68; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 125; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 31 Dec. 1819, 4. The mill stopped in 1836 or 1837. Reference: Stedman 1959, 222. 8.  Fayette Paper Manufacturing Company. On the Wolf Run branch of Elkhorn Creek, two and a half miles from Lexington. Sometime after 1809 Luther Stephens purchased a 24-horsepower steam engine from Oliver Evans for a flour mill in Lexington. He designed an improved steam-inlet valve, which so impressed the inventor that he assigned to Stephens a share of the patent and joined with him in forming the Pittsburgh Steam Engine Company to build high-pressure steam engines for the western market. Around 1813 Stephens installed a 40-horsepower engine in a paper mill, which he appears to have built for the purpose and to have operated under the name of Stephens, Dallam & Co. {Luther Stephens and William S. Dallam}. References: Lexington Observer & Reporter, 3 Sept. 1845, 3; Sellers 1965, 46–47; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 15 Jan. 1814, 3; [Baltimore, Md.] Niles’ Weekly Register, 15 June 1816, 369; Sellers Moulds ­Ordered, 15 May 1813: double cap laid and super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 6 June 1813: imperial; Ferguson 1980, 46–47. In 1816 the Kentucky legislature authorized the incorporation of the Fayette Paper Manufacturing Company, headed by several prominent citizens of Lexington, including Luther Stephens and Daniel Boone Bryan, nephew of the famous pioneer. Thomas January served as president and William S. Dallam as clerk of the company, which began selling paper and buying rags in 1818. Investors were willing to pay as much as $1,000 a share, no doubt joining in the speculative frenzy aroused by the Lexington Manufacturing Company (Ky. Mill 9). The Fayette Company’s assets were valued at $50,000. Besides running the paper mill, the company was supposed to exploit Stephens’s share in the Oliver Evans steam-engine patent, although Henry Clay maintained that the company’s claims to the pat-

Ken t u c k y   ::  279 ent were worthless. In any case, Bryan’s sons Daniel Bryan Jr. and Thomas Bryan appear to have run the mill, which at its peak employed fourteen men and sixteen children producing paper worth around $24,000 a year (an impressive figure, perhaps based on hearsay). The 1820 census statistics do not provide any reliable information about the mill’s capacity, but it must have had two or three vats to justify such a large workforce and such an extravagant investment in steam power. The mill closed down when the company collapsed in 1819, caught up in the financial panic of that year and in the scandalous revelations concerning the Kentucky Insurance Company. Some of the major stockholders were ruined, including Daniel Boone Bryan, who moved to Jessamine County, where his sons operated another paper mill (Ky. Mill 14). References: Clay Papers, 2:570–71; Stedman 1959, xv–xvi; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 20 Mar. 1818, 3, 12 Feb. 1819, 4, and 2 July 1819, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 3 June 1816: post vellum and cap vellum; Census of 1820, reel 20, item 42. 9.  Lexington Manufacturing Company. Town Fork (or Town Branch) of Elkhorn Creek, one mile from Lexington. James Prentiss began his business career as a merchant in Boston, where he dealt in London goods between 1803 and 1811. His trading house was so heavily involved in British imports that it became overextended and was not able to survive the Embargo of 1807. Effectively “ruined” by this turn of events, he moved west with his brother Thomas Green Prentiss and settled in Lexington, a promising locale for trading ventures and industrial development. With money borrowed from a local bank, he purchased a mill site in August 1813 and formed the Lexington Manufacturing Company, capitalized at $53,000 with fifty shares outstanding. He owned twenty shares, and the others belonged to nine investors, including James and David Maccoun, printers of the Kentucky Gazette, who would be helpful publicists and customers. Short of cash during a banking crisis in August 1814, Prentiss raised $10,000 by selling

five of his shares to James DeWolf Jr. and an additional $21,000 by selling ten shares to James DeWolf Sr., merchant, slave trader, and, later, U.S. Senator from Rhode Island. The senior DeWolf eventually lost confidence in Prentiss’s manufacturing schemes and sold back the fifteen shares in exchange for a five-year personal loan of $83,000 secured by a $163,000 mortgage on Prentiss’s personal property and the Lexington Manufacturing Company. With the funds fronted by DeWolf, Prentiss was able to pay back his bank loan, buy up most of the other shares in the company, and finance the construction of the factory, an imposing stone structure five stories high. On the bottom floor was a paper mill powered by a 40-horsepower steam engine, perhaps the same type used by the pioneer industrialist Luther Stephens. The upper floors contained machinery for the manufacture of various types of woolens and cottons. The Prentiss brothers hired a Massachusetts papermaker, Ebenezer Stedman, to set up the papermaking facilities and to serve as foreman. According to Stedman’s son, Ebenezer Hiram Stedman, this was the largest mill in the western states and the only one to make fine writing grades with different colors and finishes. In November 1815, the Prentisses published an appeal to the patriotic ladies of Lexington, urging them to save the “fine bleached Linen or Cotton Rags” the proprietors needed for the manufacture of fine papers. However, they did not begin production until August 1816, when they announced that they had completed the building, installed the machinery, and obtained the requisite supplies for making broadcloths, cashmeres, flannels, blankets, and other textiles, as well as writings, ledgers, printings, wrappings, pasteboards, fullers’ boards, sheathings, and other paper goods. References: Binney 1883, 125; Stedman 1959, xv, 14, 199, 218–19; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 13 Jan. 1817, 4, and 17 Mar. 1817, 4; Royalty 1975, 3–4. The Lexington Manufacturing Company was seemingly prosperous for a while, serving as “the life of the Town,” in the words of its president, John T. Mason. The textile division produced 150 yards of cloth a day, the raw materials furnished by huge flocks of full-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  280 blooded merino sheep owned by the Prentiss brothers. Two to three hundred people came to work in the establishment and found lodgings nearby in the Prentissville district, later known as Manchester or Irishtown. Ebenezer Stedman, the foreman, had an elegantly furnished house, a man servant, and sufficient extra income to run a grocery store, saloon, and billiard hall on the side. James Prentiss quietly bought a controlling interest in a private bank deceptively named the Kentucky Insurance Company. Using that bank as a springboard and stripping its assets, he invested heavily in other western banks in partnership with the brothers Colonel Richard M. Johnson and Colonel James Johnson (proprietor of paper mills on his family estate in Great Crossing), who fronted nearly $500,000 and served as figureheads for his financial schemes. The Johnson brothers could do no wrong in the Lexington community, where they were highly respected for their role in settling the state and for their heroic exploits in the War of 1812. Richard M. Johnson had a long, if somewhat spotty, political career as a congressman, senator, and vice-president under Martin Van Buren. References: Census of 1820, reel 20, item 43; Stedman 1959, 14–16, 25; Royalty 1975, 8–9; DAB, 10:114. It was later revealed that the Lexington Manufacturing Company never turned a profit. The Kentucky Insurance Company failed when the state bank refused to deal with it and advised other banks to beware of its devalued notes. After the company’s charter expired at the beginning of 1818, the depositors discovered that they had been swindled by the Prentiss brothers, who left town in a hurry and went on to devise other financial schemes. (They speculated in real estate in Indiana, where Thomas Prentiss died in 1820. James Prentiss then set up a New York brokerage house dealing in Texas land claims; when some of them were declared fraudulent, he went to Washington, D.C., to plead his case and died there of the mysterious “National Hotel disease.”) After he departed, James Prentiss deeded the factory to W. T. Barry, who put it up for sale at auction in May 1818. The paper mill was still in operation as late as February 1818, when its proprietors advertised

a line of security paper suitable for printing banknotes, a product much in demand at that time. The Johnson brothers purchased the property despite DeWolf ’s mortgage, which they claimed to be invalid because he had been charging a usurious rate of interest. DeWolf sued them and argued the case all the way up to the U.S. Supreme Court. In the meantime, the Johnson brothers closed down the paper mill and tried to rent out the woolen manufactory, which was “going to rack” and was not in a condition to compete against cheap imported goods. “Sic transit &c &c” was the concluding rueful remark in the Census of 1820 entry composed by John T. Mason, former president of the Lexington Manufacturing Company, who noted that he had just heard that the Johnsons’ tenant had relinquished his lease. References: [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Gazette, 14 Feb. 1818, 3, and 6 Mar. 1818, 3; Binney 1883, 125–26; DeWolf v. J. Johnson, R. M. Johnson, W. T. Barry, and J. Prentiss, 23 United States Reports (10 Wheaton) 367–95 (1825); Census of 1820, reel 20, item 43. cc

Barren County Glasgow 10.  On Beaver Creek, almost ten miles west of Glasgow. In the last months of 1806 James Burnett announced that he was building a paper mill on Beaver Creek, where he was prepared to buy linen and cotton rags at $60 a ton, payable in merchandise, schoolbooks, and writing paper. A few months later he advertised blank books, writing paper, and legal forms “for sale at his paper mill,” which might be evidence that it was in operation, but it is not clear whether these commodities were manufactured on site. References: [Russellville, Ky.] Mirror, 12 Dec. 1806, 2; Holt 1923, 95; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 125. John Morris reported on the operations and condition of this one-vat, one-engine establishment to the

Ken t u c k y   ::  281 census authorities in 1820. How or when it changed hands, I have not been able to ascertain. Morris declared that sales were “brisk” and that his facilities were in good working order. He employed three men and two boys in the manufacture of paper with an estimated value of $1,500 a year, such a small amount that they must have been working on a seasonal basis. The mill consumed only five tons of rags a year, about a quarter of the usual amount. Morris’s mill hands were probably also occupied with a fulling mill that he owned nearby. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 20, item 2. cc

Caldwell County

Jacob {Thomas Prather and John J. Jacob}, prominent merchants in Louisville. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 300; Sellers Moulds Finished, 18 Dec. 1815: post vellum, watermarked P & J. P & J [wove] — ms., St. Louis, Mo., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002 wmk, 761).

A mill on Beargrass Creek was being operated by one Brown when it closed down between 1825 and 1830. Reference: Stedman 1959, 222.

Addendum 13.  On Harrod’s Creek. A paper mill is said to have been operating at this location in 1828. Reference: Stedman 1959, xvii.

Princeton?

cc

11.  Not located. The Census of 1810 calls for one paper mill in Caldwell County but does not provide any information about its operations. If it had lasted for more than a year or two, it would have been noticed by Ebenezer Hiram Stedman and would have been mentioned in his reminiscences. Reference: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 125. cc

Jefferson County Louisville 12.  On Beargrass Creek. William F. Simrall started to build a paper mill at this location but died around 1811, before it could be completed. Reference: Stedman 1959, xvii. The mill then passed into the hands of Jacob & Hicks, who finished construction of the mill around 1812 and were selling newsprint to the Western Courier of Louisville in 1814. References: Weeks 1916, 169; Stedman 1959, xvii; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 Aug. 1812: double cap, watermarked J & H. Around 1815 the firm was reorganized as Prather &

Jessamine County Nicholasville 14.  On Jessamine Creek, five miles from Nicholasville. After the failure of the Fayette Paper Manufacturing Company (Ky. Mill 8) in 1819, the Bryan family moved to Jessamine County, where they started a new papermaking business. The Census of 1820 states that they owned a distillery and a mill on Jessamine Creek but does not specify what kind of mill. References: Census of 1820, reel 20, item 122; Stedman 1959, xvi. After Daniel Bryan Jr. died in 1822, the paper mill was operated by the firm Womack & Bryan, composed of his brother Thomas Bryan and his brother-in-law John Womack, previously a coachmaker in Lexington, Kentucky. Stedman admired the mill’s facilities and praised the quality of its products. References: Stedman 1959, xvi, 219; Census of 1820, reel 20, item 46. Stedman and the editors of his reminiscences give differing accounts of the end of this mill. He claimed that it stopped in 1840 and then “rotted down.” His editors state that Womack moved away in 1835 but that the mill remained in operation until around 1850,

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  282 when it was converted into a distillery. The Census of 1840 contains an account of one firm engaged in the paper trade in Jessamine County, an establishment capitalized at $3,000 and employing ten men in the manufacture of goods worth $4,000 a year. References: Stedman 1959, xvi, 222; Census of 1840. cc

Adair County Columbia 15.  Savannah. On the headwaters of Reynolds Creek. The Census of 1820 contains a return for a “paper Factory” in this county operated by Robert Traben, who employed five men and one child in the manufacture of writing, printing, and “Brown” papers worth $7,460 a year. Traben’s household contained three free white males, five free white females, and one male slave. Otherwise I have found no record of this one-vat mill or of its proprietor beyond an 1820 advertisement for real estate fourteen miles from Columbia and within five miles of a paper mill. References: Census of 1820, reel 20, item 1; [Lexington, Ky.] Kentucky Reporter, 19 Jan. 1820, 4; http://www.kykinfolk.com/adair/Census/ 1820census/1820census.htm (accessed 18 Feb. 2011). cc

appointed him to be the fourth auditor of the U.S. Treasury in 1829. When he left for Washington, he mortgaged the paper mill to his brother-in-law Thomas S. Page, who tried to rent it to various tenants, including Edward Finnel, Noel Johnson, and Thomas Piper. None of them ran the mill successfully, and Piper quit after a freshet washed out the mill dam. He had no reason to persevere, as “he did not Make money Enough to pay for the Whiskey he drank, Let alone paying anny other debts.” Reference: Stedman 1959, xi–xii, 159. The difficulties of shipping paper to Frankfort, the state capital, were so severe that the state printer, Albert G. Hodges, tried to revive the Franklin Mill. He persuaded the brothers Ebenezer Hiram Stedman and Samuel Stedman to take it over in 1833, although by that time most of the structure had rotted out and the drying loft had been used to store oats, corn, and hay. Page agreed to sell the dilapidated mill along with 50 acres of land for around $2,300, and Hodges advanced the funds the Stedman brothers needed to make the repairs and start production. They succeeded in running the mill profitably and were making 150,000 reams per year by 1850. Reference: Stedman 1959, xii–xiii, 149, 156–62. In 1873 Steadman’s Mill was making one ton a day of wrappings on a Fourdrinier machine. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 28. cc

Franklin County Frankfort 16.  Franklin Mill. On the main Elkhorn Creek, just east of Frankfort, in Stedmantown (also Steadman­ town or Steadmansville). Sometime between 1820 and 1823 Amos Kendall built or bought this one-vat paper mill, no doubt with the intention of obtaining a steady supply of newsprint for his newspaper, the Argus of Western America. References: Stedman 1959, xi, 151, 219; Weeks 1916, 169. His newspaper supported Andrew Jackson, who

Russell County Jamestown 17.  On Greasy Creek, one and a half miles southwest of Jamestown. Ebenezer Hiram Stedman states that he had “heard that thare was a mill on Greasy Creek some whare on the Cumberland River in Ky, But when Erected Cant say.” The editors of his reminiscences conjecture that this mill was built by Matthew Lyon, who moved to Eddyville, Kentucky, from Vermont, where he already

Ken t u c k y   ::  283 had some papermaking experience in Vt. Mill 4. He was briefly associated with the editor of the Louisville Farmer’s Library, who announced in 1807 that a paper mill would be erected on the mouth of the Cumberland River, presumably by Lyon. Beyond that, there is no evidence that he ever built the mill, and there is no Greasy Creek in that part of the country. But there is a Greasy Creek in Russell County not far from the Cumberland River, and there is a historical marker on this site, stating that a Joseph Crockett

built a paper mill there “about 1800.” This date I believe to be notional at best, but I have included his mill in this directory on the off chance that it might have been active in the early 1830s. Apparently it shipped large quantities of paper to Nashville, Tennessee, by riverboat steamer and remained in business until the Civil War. References: Stedman 1959, xvii, 218; http://migration.kentucky.gov/kyhs/hmdb/Marker Search.aspx?mode=County&county=104 (accessed 18 Feb. 2011).

Chapter 15

District of Columbia

Georgetown 1.  Columbia Paper Mill. On Rock Creek near the P Street bridge. Edgar Patterson, publisher of the Georgetown Independent American, purchased a mill and mill seat at this location in 1805 and bought some adjoining land in the following year. He seems to have started production almost immediately, since he obtained an assortment of moulds in 1805, including one with a watermark dated 1806. In 1810 he opened a “Paper Ware House,” where he proposed to buy rags and stock the products of his mill. References: Harrigan 1995, 20–22, 28; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 168; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 25 Apr. 1805: several sizes; Sellers Moulds Finished, 31 July 1805: double cap, watermarked E PATTERSON W CITY 1806; Sellers Moulds Finished, 19 July 1808: laid post, watermarked E PATTERSON W CITY 1808; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 July 1809: wove royal and super royal; [Georgetown, D.C.] Independent American, 27 Dec. 1810, 1.

In 1811 Patterson sold the mill for $20,000 to Elie Williams, Charles Carroll, and Daniel Carroll, the last an investor in several different ventures, including a turnpike, a canal, farming, banking, real estate, and a distillery. Charles Carroll was a silent partner and soon left Washington to deal in real estate in Missouri and western New York. Patterson went on to invest in real estate, a grist mill, and a wool factory. References: Harrigan 1995, 23–29; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 2 Mar. 1819, 2 Oct. 1819, and 7 Dec. 1819; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 22; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 29 Aug. 1812: three sizes for Williams & Carrolls; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 31 July 1813: post vellum and super royal, water­marked W & C; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Nov. 1815: super royal.

W CITY 1806 [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 1034; probably lacks E PATTERSON countermark on the other half sheet).

Elie Williams probably oversaw the day-to-day operations of the mill but left in disgrace around 1815 or 1817. The former date seems more likely because the firm of Williams & Carrolls was dissolved in that year “by mutual consent,” and the mill was put up for sale along with a distillery. At that time the mill contained two vats and two engines. Williams was succeeded by Joseph Gibson, not as a partner but as a tenant paying rent of $750 a year. Formerly a journeyman at Del. Mill 1, Gibson would not have had the means to buy a share

E PATTERSON [laid] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1810 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 793; probably lacks W CITY 1808 watermark on the other half sheet). E PATTERSON [wove] — ms., Washington, D.C., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 794; probably lacks watermark on the other half sheet).

W & C [wove] — ms., Georgetown, D.C., 1816 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 984).

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District o f C o lu m b i a  ::  285 in this business, and the Carrolls would not have been inclined to lend him the necessary funds after their unfortunate experience with Williams. Gibson ran a grocery store in Georgetown where he sold the products of the mill, mainly “first quality” foolscap and post writing papers but also printings and wrappings. References: Harrigan 1995, 25; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 14 Feb. 1815, 1; [Georgetown, D.C.] National Messanger, 30 Apr. 1819, 3. Perhaps pressed by the slump in the paper trade, Daniel Carroll advertised the mill for sale in 1819 and ended up selling a one-third share for $2,200 back to Patterson, who resumed an active role in the management of the firm. Gibson departed in 1820, when Patterson reported to the census officials that the mill was running only one of its two engines and only one of its two vats with a workforce of six men, twelve women, and two children. Optimistically, he estimated the establishment to be worth $30,000. Daniel Carroll and Patterson were still trying to sell the mill in 1822, when

they advertised it along with a flour mill, a woolen factory, a stone quarry, and land suitable for development as mill sites along the Potomac. If these properties failed to sell, they would entertain proposals to rent them. References: Harrigan 1995, 25; Census of 1820, reel 17, item 12; [Boston, Mass.] American Federalist Columbian Centinel, 2 Feb. 1822, 3. The last I hear of this mill is a newspaper piece composed by Patterson in 1826. Wishing to gratify the curiosity of naturalists, he wrote a letter to the editor reporting on a duel to the death between a snake and a spider in the vicinity of the Rock Creek Paper Mill. At that time the foreman was William Leish, and one of the journeymen was Edward Levis. No later account of the mill is known, and it is thought to have ceased operations when Patterson died in 1835. The Washington printer Andrew Way Jr. ordered moulds for ­Patterson and under his own name until 1826. References: [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 15 Sept. 1826, 2; Harrigan 1995, 28, 34; Sellers Letter Book, 9 Mar. 1826.

Chapter 16

South Carolina

Richland County Columbia 1.  At the “falls of the rivers” in the former town of Granby. In October 1806 George Waring of Columbia, South Carolina, purchased several pairs of moulds, a typical assortment of sizes one might obtain for a newly completed paper mill. In November he wrote to Richard Waring in Charleston, announcing that he had built the mill and proposing to buy rags from his correspondent, who could count on advance payment and a 10 percent profit on shipments to Columbia. Other letters between the two Warings mention the shipment to Charleston of large printing paper, worth $4.00 or $4.25, in 1809 and, in 1810, the possibility of buying cotton at one or two cents per pound for the manufacture of wrappings or coarse printings. References: Hunter 1952, 98–103; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 146; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Oct. 1806: royal, medium, and double cap. In 1810 James Patton Jr., “Engineer,” ordered moulds for Benjamin Waring, identified by one source as the father of George Waring and by another as his brother. It is possible that Patton was an employee and then a successor of George Waring, for other mould orders were sent to James Patton Jr. & Co. of Columbia, South Carolina, in 1810 and 1815. The mill was listed in Columbia business directories as late as 1816. References: Lander 1952, 220; Waring 1923, 92–93; Sellers

Moulds Ordered, 7 July 1810: super royal, medium, coarse washers; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 22 Sept. 1810: super royal vellum; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 Mar. 1815: double cap. 2.  On the Broad River, within two miles of Columbia. The printer Jacob J. Faust succeeded in making an “excellent” grade of newsprint in this mill, which started operations in January 1827. His foreman was Thomas J. Martin. References: Lander 1952, 220; Sellers Letter Book, 21 Nov. 1827. Faust, however, died before the year was out, and his establishment passed into the hands of the firm White, Bricknell & White { James J. B. White, William A. Bricknell, and John B. White}, which continued to employ Thomas J. Martin as foreman. The proprietors renovated the mill and hired “a number of ” journeymen to work alongside their slaves in the manufacture of newsprint and writing grades. It can be inferred that they made writings because they purchased indigo for use as a blueing agent to correct the natural cream tone of paper made from rags. In November 1831 they asked the Sellers firm to copy the STATE RIGHTS watermark of a Columbia newspaper in letters large enough

::  286  ::

South C a ro l i na  ::  287 so that their motto would be displayed “boldly and plainly” in the center of the printed page. But readers may not have had a chance to view their truculent water­mark because their mill burned down a few months later. Lacking insurance, the proprietors lost

$10,000, a sum so large as to discourage any further investment in the papermaking trade. References: Lander 1952, 220–21; Sellers Letter Book, 6 Oct. 1828, 6 July 1829, 3 Oct. 1829, and 23 Nov. 1829; James J. B. White to Coleman Sellers, 16 Nov. 1831, APS.

Chapter 17

Ohio

Columbiana County

CB & B = eagle | OHIO [wove] — ms., Crawford, Ohio, 1809 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 738; lacks countermark); ms., n.p., 1810 (Hunter 1950, 164–65; lacks countermark); ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1812 (NYHS).

East Liverpool 1.  Ohio Paper Mill. On Little Beaver Creek at St. Clair (later Fawcettstown, then East Liverpool). On 1 August 1806 John Coulter, John Bever, and Jacob Bowman formed the firm of Coulter, Bever & Bowman for the purpose of building a paper mill on Little Beaver Creek. They estimated that the start-up costs would be $6,000. Nothing much is known about Coulter except that he was a resident of Brooke County, West Virginia. A surveyor, Bever bought land in some of the counties he charted in the state of Ohio, including Columbiana County, where he must have perceived the potential for developing the water power of Little Beaver Creek; two grist mills and a saw mill were constructed near this establishment. Bowman was the proprietor of a nail factory and president of a bank in Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He ordered moulds from the Sellers firm in 1807, when the mill is thought to have started production. In 1810 the value of its annual output was estimated at $10,000. References: Hunter 1952, 106–8; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 16 May 1807: medium vellum; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 118.

CB & B = eagle | OHIO [laid] — ms., Pittsburgh, Pa., 1811 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 213–14); ms., n.p., ca. 1817 (AAS).

Coulter appears to have dropped out of the firm by 1820, when it was operating as John Bever & Co. At that time the mill contained two vats and two engines, producing paper worth $1,200 a year with a workforce of nine men, three women, and nine children. References: Census of 1820, reel 22, item 321; Jones 1826, 73. When Bever died in 1836, he left his three-quarters share of the paper mill and adjoining property to his daughter Mirtilla, who had married a member of the Bowman family. In his will, dated 1832, he noted that his share was worth about $9,000 and that the remaining share belonged to Jacob Bowman. The mill was probably still in operation when he composed his will, which mentions its “fixtures and tools” among other assets he wished to bequeath to his daughter. Hunter believed that it closed down before Bever died but has nothing else to say about the fate of this establishment

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O h i o  ::  289 except to conjecture that it could not compete against the new machine mills in the western territories. Reference: Hunter 1952, 109. 2.  Franklin Paper Mill. On Little Beaver Creek near Ohio Mill 1. In his 1820 census return J. Wilson, the “agent” of this mill, reported that it started production on 1 October 1813, a date so precise as to suggest that he was present on that occasion or that he had papers on hand concerning the beginnings of his business. The proprietors were Cramer, Spear & Eichbaum {Zadok (also Zadock) Cramer, John Spear, and William Eichbaum}, printers and booksellers in Pittsburgh. Eichbaum had dropped out of the firm by 1820, when it was operating as Cramer & Spear, with Spear taking over the management of the mill until his death in 1841. In 1820 the mill contained two vats and two engines consuming 31.2 tons of rags a year, somewhat less than the usual amount for a mill of this size. Nine men, three women, and nine children produced paper with an estimated value of $1,200 a year, a figure also lower than usual. In 1826 the annual output of the mill was estimated at $9,000. The firm of Cramer & Spear was doing business in 1832 as “Paper Manufacturers, Booksellers, Printers and Book-binders.” References: Hunter 1952, 118; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 May 1814: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, April 1822: post vellum, watermarked CRAMER; Census of 1820, reel 22, item 320; Jones 1826, 72–73; AAD 1832, 233.

Lisbon 3.  Near the town of Lisbon (formerly New Lisbon), probably on the middle fork of Little Beaver Creek. A state gazetteer notes that a paper mill was in operation in “the immediate vicinity” of New Lisbon in 1831. I have not been able to find any additional information about this establishment. Reference: Kilbourn 1831, 225.

cc

Warren County Lebanon 4.  Union Paper Mill. On the Little Miami River in Millgrove, part of Union Township, six and a quarter miles from Lebanon. Trained in England, John Cross worked as foreman in Ky. Mill 2 between 1805 and 1810, when he decided to start his own papermaking business in Ohio. He first inquired about a mill site near Chillicothe and then joined with Christopher Earenfight to establish this mill, possibly on land owned by Earenfight, who also made his living by cultivating tobacco in the vicinity. Cross & Earenfight advertised for rags and apprentices in the 12 December 1810 issue of the Cincinnati newspaper Liberty Hall. Production probably did not start any earlier in that year since their papermaking concern is not recorded in the Census of 1810. References: Hunter 1952, 115–16; Stedman 1959, 54; Dickoré 1947, 15, 20–21; http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/ ~ohwarren/Bogan/bogan169.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~ohwarren/ beers.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this firm C & E water­marks (wmks 217, 218–19), which, however, appear only in documents originating in the New York area, one of them dated before this mill was founded. The distinctive ampersand in wmk 217 can be seen in watermarks of other papermakers working near New York and probably patronizing the same local mouldmaker (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 124, 663, 680, 802). C & E are yet to be identified but are almost certainly not Cross & Earenfight.

Samuel J. Browne, one of the publishers of Liberty Hall, purchased John Cross’s share of the mill in 1813. Reference: Dickoré 1947, 21–22. Ledgers for the Millgrove mill for the years 1814, 1815, and 1817 are said to be in the Warren County Historical Society Museum. Reference: Sutton 1961, 16.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  290 In 1820 T. & E. Graham were operating a distillery, a grist mill, and a two-vat paper mill in Millgrove. They employed ten men, three women, and fourteen children in the manufacture of writings, wrappings, and “paper of all descriptions,” their annual receipts amounting to $15,876. Demand for these products was “vary Grate,” claimed the Grahams, who also reported that their machinery was “all in good repair.” Possibly they built a new mill in Union Township, but I think it is more likely that they acquired the building and machinery formerly owned by Cross & Earenfight. Reference: Census of 1820, reel 25, items 1316–18. James S. Duval ran a mill in Millgrove from 1826 until his death in 1833 at the age of thirty-one. Weeks or one of his sources either garbled his name or confused it with a relative in an account of a Joseph Duval, who is said to have had a mill on the Little Miami in 1815. In my opinion Joseph Duval’s name and date are suspect because they come from a source that gives a very inaccurate history of the Howell establishment in Lockport (Ohio Mill 5). References: Sutton 1961, 12, 320; Weeks 1916, 165; http://www.rootsweb.ancestry .com/~ohwarren/beers.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011). In 1835 Lewis Duval ordered an $800 cylinder machine for William Potter, an associate, tenant, or employee at Millgrove. Reference: Sellers Order Book, 6 May 1835. 5.  On the Little Miami River at Lockport near the Fort Ancient river crossing. Sometime around 1830 Francis Barber Howell converted a flour mill to a paper manufactory, producing wrappings, writings, and newsprint. He received a patent for a paper-cutting machine, and Stephen Vail discussed with him the terms for the purchase of “one or two” Fourdrinier machines. There is some confusion about the location of Lockport. Weeks stated that it was just outside of Cincinnati, but Hunter (who knew his Ohio history) thought it was at the other end of the state in Williams County. I believe that it was near Lebanon on the basis of an 1826 petition by Howell, who wanted a road to be built from Fort Ancient “to what was then called Lockport.” References: Weeks

1916, 165; Hunter 1952, 154; Vail Diaries, 21–23 May 1830; Burke 1847, 85; http://www.rootsweb.ancestry .com/~ohwarren/Newspapers/road_lg22dec1892.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011). cc

Hamilton County Symmes Township 6.  On the Little Miami River, formerly part of Sycamore Township. Christian Waldschmidt (also Waldsmith) was the leader of a group of German Pietists who settled in the Little Miami Valley in 1796. They purchased 1,140 acres of land, where they built an industrial and farming community that included a distillery, saw mill, fulling mill, grist mill, and manufactories producing woolens and linens. Completed in 1804 (and still standing), Waldschmidt’s two-story stone house served as a business office, counting house, and general store. Around 1809 he decided to build a paper mill to supply the growing printing trade in Cincinnati, which was then entirely dependent on mills in Kentucky and western Pennsylvania. To manage it, he hired John Smith, a papermaker from Maryland (where Smith learned the trade from his father, Johann Schmidt, a German papermaker who immigrated around 1780). The mill building was under construction in 1810, when Waldschmidt first advertised for rags, and the mill was in operation by January 1811, when it supplied newsprint for an issue of the Western Spy. References: Dickoré 1947; Hunter 1952, 110–14; Sutton 1961, 341; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Oct. 1809; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 18 June 1810: double cap, watermarked W & Co and MIAMI, along with three other pairs, a washer, and wire for a duster. MIAMI = W & Co [laid] — ms., Clermont County, Ohio, 1811 (Dickoré 1947, 7); blank sheet (AAS; reprod. in Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 976–77).

Waldschmidt died in an influenza epidemic in 1814 and was succeeded by his son-in-law Matthias Kugler, who continued to employ John Smith as foreman. For a short

O h i o  ::  291 time the Kentucky papermaker Ebenezer Hiram Stedman worked as a journeyman for Kugler, a man of “no Edicuation,” Stedman recalled, “But he had the tallent to Drive all this large business & Watch the Corners.” Waldschmidt had announced in 1811 that he was about to install a second vat, but in 1820 the mill contained only a single vat and one engine consuming 25 tons a year of tow and rags. The number of employees and the value of the products cannot be ascertained because the census return gives only aggregate figures for the entire manufacturing complex, the paper mill along with the grist mill, fulling mill, saw mill, and distillery. References: Dickoré 1947, 19; Hunter 1952, 114–15; Sutton 1961, 328; Stedman 1959, 42; Census of 1820, reel 22, item 551. Around 1822 Kugler’s eldest son John joined the firm, which was then renamed M. Kugler & Son. The mill burned down in 1828 and was not rebuilt. Reference: Dickoré 1947, 23–24. M KUGLER & SON [wove] — ms., Louisville, Ky., 1822 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 638); ms., n.p., n.d. (Dickoré 1947, 23).

Cincinnati 7.  Cincinnati Steam Paper Mill. On the Ohio River in the western part of the city. The booksellers and publishers William Phillips and James H. Speer formed a partnership in 1817 and went into the papermaking business within a year or two. Sutton states that their mill did not go into production until July 1821, but they were ordering moulds as early as 1818. In 1820 they reported to the census that the “works are all new and in good order.” They employed four men, five women, and two children processing 20 tons of rags a year to run one vat and one engine, the annual output of the mill amounting to $7,800. At the outset Phillips & Speer borrowed large sums from the Carey firm of Philadelphia and were hard pressed to meet their obligations with western currency, which had depreciated by as much as 20 percent during the Panic of 1819. Instead of paying cash, they offered to work off their debts by printing books for Carey or by

selling him printing grades, presumably of their own manufacture. In June 1821 they predicted that they would soon greatly increase the productivity of their mill, having just acquired a steam engine. Although they did print at least two books for Carey & Lea on their own paper, these measures did not satisfy the Philadelphians, who threatened to sue and then renegotiated the agreement in 1822 with provisions for the debtors to start making cash payments and to ship to New Orleans paper that would be sold for their account. Phillips & Speer were associated with Charles Tatum, if not a partner in the firm then an employee of such high standing that he was entrusted with the delicate task of explaining their predicament to Carey & Lea. References: Sellers Moulds Ordered, 6 June 1818: medium vellum and royal; Sutton 1961, 12, 48–55; Weeks 1916, 167; Census of 1820, reel 22, item 481. The firm became Phillips & Loring in 1824, when David Loring bought out Speer; but Loring retired before the year was out, and the firm resumed its former name. One of the larger western mills, it employed forty hands and contained either four or six vats with sufficient steam power to run an equivalent number of engines. Its annual output was valued at $25,000 in 1830. References: Sutton 1961, 12–13, 57; [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 15 Apr. 1830, 3. John Tuck Drake joined the firm not long before he died in 1830. Two years later a trade directory listed the firm Phillips, Speare & Drake, “Booksellers, Stationers, and Paper Manufacturers,” an entry probably based on out-of-date information. Drake kept a shop at the Sign of the Ledger until 1829. William Phillips retired from the publishing business in 1852, but I have no information about the fate of the paper mill. References: AAD 1832, 46; Sutton 1961, 34, 320. 8.  Cincinnati Phoenix Steam Paper Mills. On the Ohio River in the western part of the city. James Graham & Co. appear in an 1823 directory as “paper manufacturers” and proprietors of a store in Cincinnati. How and where they got their start in the papermaking business is unclear. Their first attempt at

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  292 building a mill at this location ended in disaster when the newly completed structure burned down in December 1825. The proprietors bravely adopted the phoenix name for their concern and predicted that they would be back in business by June 1826. They raised on the ruins a new building, 132 by 36 feet (not counting the wings), large enough to accommodate either four or six vats and a steam engine. The value of their annual output was estimated at $36,000 in 1830. A year later J. & J. Graham { Joseph Graham & James Graham} were doing business at this mill, where they manufactured “all kinds of Paper.” They also made blank books at their warehouse in town. References: Sutton 1961, 12–13; Kayser 1823, 155; AAD 1831, 36; AAD 1832, 43; http://www.bottlebooks.com/ Butler/Butler Inks.htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011); [Pittsfield, Mass.] Pittsfield Sun, 15 Apr. 1830, 3. 9.  On the Great Miami River, eighteen miles from the city. By 1833 J. & J. Graham had moved to larger quarters at this location, where they installed a cylinder machine and a Fourdrinier. The firm may have been in business as late as 1851. References: Sutton 1961, 12–13, 324; Sellers Order Book, 12 June 1834: 32-inch and 28.5inch web wire. cc

Hocking County Good Hope Township 10.  Good Hope Mill. Possibly in present-day Marion Township. Originally from Switzerland, the brothers Abraham and Rudolph Pitcher emigrated to America in 1792 and eventually settled in Lancaster, Ohio. In March 1810 they advertised for rags to be used at the Good Hope Mill, which they were “erecting and will soon have completed.” Beyond this advertisement, there is no information about their papermaking activities. References: Strassburger 1934, 3:52–54; Murphy 1978, 4; Hunter 1952, 117.

Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill an AP water­mark (wmk 19) found in a Philadelphia document dated 1799. Even if Abraham Pitcher had gained the means to go into business for himself seven years after his arrival in America, he had certainly not reached Ohio by that date.

In a letter to Isaiah Thomas at MWA, 14 October 1817, George Nashee stated that a paper mill near Lancaster was no longer in operation “owing to the death of the owner”—presumably Rudolph Pitcher, who died in 1817. Perhaps for this reason the mill property passed into the hands of Davis & Shane {William Davis and Peter Shane} sometime before March 1819. The proprietors of the “Good Hope Paper Mills” advertised for apprentices in 1818. References: Murphy 1978, 4; James L. Murphy to John Bidwell, 18 Sept. 1978. In or around July 1819, O. W. Rigby bought out Shane to form the firm of Davis & Rigby, which operated a paper mill along with a grist mill and a saw mill. In 1820 the paper mill contained two presses, one vat, and one engine consuming 15 tons of rags a year. The proprietors employed four men, five women, and three boys in the manufacture of paper, bonnet boards, and binders’ boards worth about $10,000 a year. In their opinion demand was “good,” and their establishment was “in an improving Situation.” References: James L. Murphy to John Bidwell, 18 Sept. 1978; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 1 Oct. 1819: vellum cap, watermarked D & R; Census of 1820, reel 23, item 609. D & R [wove] — ms., Knox County, Ohio, 1822 (AAS).

In 1831 the state gazetteer noted that there were two paper mills in Good Hope Township; both appear a year later on a Hocking County tax list, which assessed the saw mill and paper mill of Davis & Rigby at $1,150. References: Kilbourn 1831, 171–72; James L. Murphy to John Bidwell, 18 Sept. 1978. 11.  Pine Grove Paper Mill. On Clear Creek, possibly in present-day Marion Township. Joseph A. Greene & Co. dealt extensively in paper at their store in Lancaster, Ohio, where they purchased

O h i o  ::  293 rags for the Good Hope Mill and perhaps other local manufactories. Greene ordered moulds for the proprietors of the Good Hope Mill in 1824. He and his partners started their own manufacturing concern around 1827, when GREENE watermarks begin to appear in Hocking County documents. In 1830 a Lancaster newspaper reported that the Pine Grove Paper Mill had burned down, with damages estimated at $1,500, including the loss of 300 reams of paper. The proprietors predicted that they would be back in business in three or four months. References: Murphy 1978, 4; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 11 Sept. 1824: royal vellum and demy. In 1831 the state gazetteer noted that there were two paper mills in Good Hope Township; both appear a year later on a Hocking County tax list, which assessed the saw mill and paper mill of Jacob A. Greene at $3,100. He may have installed a cylinder machine in or after 1833. His paper mill drops out of the tax lists in 1846, although he could have kept it in operation until his death in 1850. There is no mention of a papermaking establishment in Hocking County in the Census of 1840. References: Kilbourn 1831, 171–72; James L. Murphy to John Bidwell, 18 Sept. 1978; Sellers Letter Book, 31 Jan. 1833. GREENE [wove] — ms., Lancaster, Ohio, 1831 (Murphy 1978, 4); ms., Madison [Ohio?, Ind.?], 1833 (AAS); ms., Frankfort, Ky., 1833 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 403). cc

Ross County

ing for papermaking opportunities in the west after working in Pa. Mill 104 for their elder brother Samuel Delucenna Ingham. References: Hunter 1952, 117–18; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Sept. 1814: medium laid and demy laid. H & I = INGHAM [laid] — ms., Chillicothe, Ohio, 1814 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 502–3).

When their lease expired in 1819, the Ingham brothers moved to Union Township, where they started a flour mill. David Crouse took over the paper mill and ran it on his own account. After he died in 1837, one of his sons carried on the business. References: Census of 1820, reel 24, item 1186; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 27 Oct. 1819: laid medium; Sellers Letter Book, 22 Feb. 1822: cap, watermarked with seven letters, i.e., D CROUSE; Kilbourn 1831, 182; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 256. D CROUSE [wove] — mss., Columbus, Ohio, 1822, and Delaware, Ohio, 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 281).

Union Township 13.  Andersonville. In 1831 Hezekiah and Isaiah Ingham converted the flour mill mentioned in the previous entry to paper manufacture on a fairly large scale, with a papermaking machine or a number of engines requiring such a large amount of power that they decided to install a steam engine. Reference: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 276. cc

Green Township 12.  On Kinnikinnick Creek. David Crouse originally intended to use this establishment as a grist mill, but while it was under construction he changed his mind after learning about the potential of the paper trade in conversations with the brothers Hezekiah and Isaiah Ingham. In 1812 he agreed to rent the mill to the Ingham brothers, who had been look-

Jefferson County Mount Pleasant 14.  On Short Creek. In 1802 Nathan Updegraff settled on Short Creek, where he built the first mill in the township, apparently a grist mill, although he was also involved in the manu-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  294 facture of woolens. He formed a partnership with his son-in-law Lewis Walker to start a papermaking business, Updegraff & Walker, which began production in 1813. References: Caldwell 1880, 530–31; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 15 Feb. 1812: double cap writing laid, medium laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 June 1813: double cap and post vellum, both watermarked U & W OHIO; Census of 1820, reel 23, items 695 and 701. U & W = six-pointed star [wove] — ms., Lexington, Ky., 1818 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 955–56). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill a U watermark appearing in a Philadelphia document dated 1815 (wmk 954). More evidence is needed to show that this paper was not made locally and that this is not a deteriorated watermark, lacking the first initial.

Walker seems to have left the firm by 1818, when Nathan Updegraff was running the mill in partnership with a son Joseph or James Updegraff. An advertisement in a local newspaper refers to the firm as N. & J. Updegraff. Two years later he was doing business as Nathan Updegraff & Sons. He and his sons employed ten men, ten women, and five children in the manufacture of fine and coarse grades along with pasteboards, the aggregate annual output of their concern valued at $15,500. They had two vats and two engines consuming 40 tons of rags per year, the standard amount for a mill of this size. Sometime after 1831 they converted the papermaking facilities to a grist mill, which burned down in 1866 or 1867. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 313; Sellers Moulds Finished, 8 Aug. 1818: vellum cap; Census of 1820, reel 23, item 660; Jones 1826, 73; Kilbourn 1831, 218; Caldwell 1880, 530–31.

Steubenville 15.  Clinton Steam Paper Mill. Not located. The first of its kind in Ohio, the Clinton Steam Paper Mill was probably built on the model of the Pittsburgh Steam Paper Mill (Pa. Mill 121). Bayless & Scott { John C. Bayless and John Scott} began the construction of

the Clinton Mill in 1814, just after the Pittsburgh firm started production; they finished the building and were under way in the summer of 1815. They installed three vats and three engines powered by a 16-horsepower engine similar to the Pittsburgh machine. Scott may have departed by 1820, when Bayless filled out a census return implying that he was the sole proprietor. He employed thirteen men, nineteen women and girls, and four boys in the manufacture of wrappings, writings, and printings worth $20,000 a year. Connected to the paper mill was a small cotton factory with a staff of one man and nine children. Bayless confessed that he had paid top dollar for his innovative steam-­powered establishment, which was now “very much embarrassed for want of a market.” The current financial crisis was to blame, as well as cheap imports that afflicted the trade not only in the Atlantic states but also in the western part of the country. References: Census of 1820, reel 23, items 689 and 690; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Aug. 1815: double cap vellum, post vellum; George Nashee to Isaiah Thomas, 14 Oct. 1817, MWA. Bayless managed to stay in business until 1824 but seems to have turned over the firm to the Pittsburgh papermaking magnate Henry Holdship by 1826. An H & B watermark appearing in documents from Ohio and vicinity suggests that Bayless might have stayed on in some capacity. Either he or Holdship replaced the original steam engine with a 30-horsepower model and added a fourth vat, increasing production to 8,320 reams per year worth $24,960. If Holdship made this investment, he soon regretted it, for the firm of Henry Holdship & Son put the mill up for sale in 1829. Whether he succeeded in selling it, I cannot tell, but it is said to have changed hands frequently and to have suffered several catastrophes, including a tornado that blew off the top story of the building while the employees were still inside. References: Sellers Letter Book, 10 Mar. 1824; Jones 1826, 72; [Wilmington, Del.] Delaware Gazette, 25 Dec. 1829, 3; Kilbourn 1831, 273; Caldwell 1880, 493. H & B = fish [wove] — ms., Mooresville, Pa., 1829 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 408–9); ms., Knox

O h i o  ::  295 County, Ohio, 1829 (AAS); ms., Harpeth, Williamson County, Tenn., 1830 (AAS). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute this watermark to Huntington & Bushnell, proprietors of Conn. Mill 2, but Bushnell had dropped out of that firm by 1815.

The manager of the mill in 1829 was Thompson Hanna, who appears to have been a partner in the firm of Holdship & Hanna, which ordered a Fourdrinier machine from Stephen Vail in 1832 and a pulp dresser from the Sellers firm in 1834. At a later date the Steubenville bookbinder and bookseller James Turnbull owned an interest in the firm, which operated as Holdship, Hanna & Turnbull. References: Vail Diaries, 4 and 11 May 1832; Sellers Order Book, 21 June 1834; http:// www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~ohjeffer/1890bioindex/ jturnbull.html (accessed 19 Feb. 2011). Note: The H & H watermark I have attributed to Hines & Howard in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, might also be assigned to Holdship & Hanna.

In 1873 Clinton Mills belonged to the Pittsburg Paper Manufacturing Company, which was making rag and straw printings on a 72-inch cylinder and a 72-inch Fourdrinier. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 91. cc

Clark County Springfield 16.  On the eastern fork of the Mad River. Samuel Simonton (also Simington) was building this mill in 1817 and ordered moulds for it as a member of the firm Wallace & Simington in 1818. As yet, I have not been able to find any additional information about this establishment, although it was still in operation in 1831. References: George Nashee to Isaiah Thomas, 14 Oct. 1817, MWA; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 14 Apr. 1818: super royal laid; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 13 Feb. 1819: cap vellum and medium vellum; Kilbourn 1831, 270.

cc

Muskingum County Zanesville 17.  Steam Paper Mill. North of Zanesville. The Zanesville printer Ezekiel Taylor Cox installed a steam-powered cylinder machine in this mill in 1831. In correspondence concerning brass wire for a ruling machine, he refers to his firm as E. T. Cox & Co., which was apparently involved in the manufacture of blank books and other office supplies. J. L. Cox was a member of the firm. References: Sellers Letter Book, 18 Nov. 1831; Sellers Order Book, 24 Feb. 1835; Kilbourn 1831, 307; [Hartford, Conn.] Connecticut Courant, 14 Feb. 1832, 2; [Charleston, S.C.] Southern ­Patriot, 8 Feb. 1832, 2. cc

Cuyahoga County Brooklyn 18.  Not located. James Kellogg Jr. moved to Cleveland, Ohio, sometime after 1829, when he was involved in a papermaking concern near Lewistown, Pennsylvania (probably the Milford Paper Mill, Pa. Mill 123). In 1830 or 1831 he started his own business in Brooklyn with steampowered engines, which were then becoming standard practice in the Ohio paper trade. An investment on this scale seems to have been beyond his means. He ordered moulds in February 1831 but had trouble paying for them. He neglected to purchase insurance for his mill, which burned down in May 1831 with a loss estimated at $7,000. He then quit the paper trade and succeeded in leveraging credit elsewhere as a real ­estate developer in Cleveland. References: Sellers Letter Book, 13 Nov. 1829; Sellers Letter Book, 28 Feb. 1831; Munsell 1876, 92; Kilbourn 1831, 94; http:// www.heritagepursuit.com/Cuyahoga/Cleveland301. htm (accessed 19 Feb. 2011).

Chapter 18

Tennessee

Greene County Greeneville 1.  On the Nolichucky River. The first paper mill in Tennessee is so elusive that it has entirely escaped the notice of Dard Hunter and other paper historians. I believe that it was in operation as early as 1808, when the Jonesboro merchant David Deaderick ordered an assortment of moulds (often a sign of a new business) for George Gordon. Not long after the Revolutionary War, Gordon left his home in Virginia to settle in Greene County, where he was engaged in several business ventures. He may have been planning this one as early as 1805, when he obtained permission from the Tennessee General Assembly to build a dam and “complete the mills that he has begun on Nolichucky river.” He probably employed as his foreman Frederick Christian Warnick (also Warnack), who ordered moulds by way of David Deaderick in 1810. At that time the concern was producing goods worth $7,500 a year. Warnick left to start his own mill in Knoxville, Tennessee, before 1820, but Gordon hired another foreman, who was put in charge of a workforce comprising six men and three boys. Some of his employees must have been fairly skilled since they were making mostly writing grades, worth $8,000 a year. This was a one-vat establishment, consuming 18 tons of linen and cotton rags a year. Gordon was mainly interested in an iron furnace, which produced goods with a market value of $30,330 in 1820. He ap-

pears to have quit the paper trade around 1822, after the mill was “washed away” by a freshet, and to have moved to another part of Tennessee, where he made pig iron and household ironware. References: copy of a letter from James R. Cravens to Mary B. Anderson, 18 Mar. 1897, Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville; Tenn. General Assembly, Acts Passed at the First Session of the Sixth General Assembly (Knoxville: Printed by John B. Hood & Co., 1805), 15; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 Sept. 1808: assortment of moulds; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 18 Oct. 1810: printing royal; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 138; Census of 1820, reel 26, items 27 and 69; Lewis 1961, 204. A freshet in 1824 carried off the paper mill of one Cragmiles (also Craigmiles), whose house was on an island in the middle of the Nolichucky and almost collapsed during the storm while he and his family were trapped in the upper story. It is not clear (1) whether there were two paper mills on the Nolichucky, (2) whether one mill was demolished by a freshet dated differently in two of my sources, or (3) whether two freshets destroyed the same mill twice in two years. If there was only one mill, Cragmiles might have been Gordon’s foreman or tenant. Reference: [Edwardsville, Ill.] Edwardsville Spectator, 26 Oct. 1824, 2. 2.  On Baker’s Fork, a southern branch of the Nolichucky River. Andrew Patterson, clerk of the Greene County Court, 1810–1834, started out in the paper trade in a small way

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Tenn e s s e e  ::  297 with a one-vat mill that employed only four men and three boys in 1820. He reported to the census of that year that the mill had been out of repair but had been recently rebuilt. Demand was good, and sales were strong in his opinion, but he was making only 1,000 reams a year worth just over $4,000. Perhaps business picked up before 1834, when the “wealthy and persevering” Patterson moved to Greenville, South Carolina, where he established a paper manufactory. His mill in Greene County must have been still in operation when he left if it is the same as a mill on Baker’s Fork mentioned in the Tennessee Gazetteer for 1834. References: Goodspeed 1887, 890; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Feb. 1819: cap vellum, super royal vellum; Census of 1820, reel 26, item 62; Lander 1952, 221; Morris 1834, 4. cc

Sullivan County Blountville 3.  On Sinking Creek, in Paperville. George Burkhart established this mill sometime before 1810, when the census noted that it was producing goods worth $8,000 a year. He obtained moulds watermarked with his initials in 1812, not an easy task because they had to be shipped from Philadelphia by way of merchants in Baltimore to John McAllister, a merchant in Jonesboro, who probably helped with other long-distance transactions. Another pair of moulds was forwarded to Burkhart by merchants in Abingdon, Virginia. References: Coxe 1814, tables, p. 138; http:// newrivernotes.com/tn/good-sct.htm (accessed 20 Feb. 2011); Sellers Moulds Finished, 30 Oct. 1812: double cap, watermarked GB; Sellers Moulds Finished, 17 Dec. 1817: super royal laid. At a later date the firm was known as Marsh & Burkhart. Paperville got its name before 1834, when it contained a hundred inhabitants and little else in

the way of business besides this manufactory, a wagon maker, a blacksmith, two saddlers, and a tavern. References: Morris 1834, 130; http://newrivernotes.com/tn/ good-sct.htm (accessed 20 Feb. 2011). cc

Warren County McMinnville 4.  On Charles Creek. William Moore, publisher of the Carthage Gazette, announced in the 25 May 1809 issue of his newspaper that he was building a paper mill, which he proposed to finance by holding a lottery. One of the prizes would be 10 reams of writing paper, worth $5 a ream, payable four months after the drawing. He later published a list of lottery winners who would be awarded two quires of paper eight months after the drawing or one quire as soon as production was under way. In 1811 he published a rag advertisement, which noted that the mill was in operation, as well as a notice offering employment to “a good sober Paper Maker,” who could apply to James Lyon in Warren County. Son of Matthew Lyon, James Lyon acquired some knowledge of the paper trade at his father’s mill in Vermont (Vt. Mill 4). He also served as editor of the Carthage Gazette. The Lyon family genealogy claims that he owned property in Warren County, where he built a saw mill, a grist mill, and a cotton mill as well as the paper manufactory. In fact, he did try to establish a factory village at Lyonville (now Faulkner Springs), but decided that his prospects were not good in Tennessee and left in 1811 to seek better fortune in Mobile, Alabama. References: Hunter 1952, 125–29; Lyon 1923, 24; Jeannette Tillotson Acklen, Tennessee Records: Tombstone Inscriptions and Manuscripts, Historical and Biographical ([S.l.]: Clearfield Co., 1992), 417; Stanley F. Horn, “Thomas Jefferson on Lotteries and Education,” Tennessee Historical Quarterly 3 (1944): 273.

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  298 cc

Knox County Knoxville 5.  Eagle Paper Mill. Two or three miles from Knoxville. After working in the first Tennessee paper mill (Tenn. Mill 1), Frederick Christian Warnick moved to Knoxville, where he established the Eagle Paper Mill in partnership with Jacob Harmon sometime before 1820. In this modest one-vat establishment he employed three men and two boys in the manufacture of 400 reams a year worth $1,200. He retired from the firm in 1820 and died in 1821, leaving Harmon to advertise for a successor who could manage the business. Harmon mentioned that they had been shipping newsprint to Nashville. References: Census of 1820, reel 26, item 97; Rothrock 1946, 87; http://knoxcotn.org/old_site/qry_ list_archives/knoxcotn/2000/knoxcodigestv1_146.htm (accessed 20 Feb. 2011). In 1828 L. E. and H. D. Warnack advertised either the facilities or the products of the Eagle Paper Mill, three miles southwest of Knoxville. I have not been able to determine how they might have been related to Frederick Christian Warnick. Reference: Rothrock 1946, 87. Bearden & Hazen {Marcus D. Bearden and Gideon M. Hazen} owned a mill in Middlebrook near Third Creek, two and a half miles from town, in 1838. It is unclear whether they took over this mill or Tenn. Mill 6, or whether they built a new one in the same district. Reference: Rothrock 1946, 141, 378.

6.  Tennessee Repeating Paper Mill. On Middle Brook Creek, at Mill Grove, four miles from Knoxville. Whiteman & Lonas {William S. Whiteman and Henry Lonas (also Lohnes)} built a paper mill here in 1828 and were sufficiently encouraged by this venture to purchase a cylinder machine two years later. Whiteman learned the paper trade in the Philadelphia area and moved to Knoxville, possibly as early as 1806. The land was probably owned by Lonas, proprietor of a distillery nearby. They might have been associated in some kind of business as early as 1813, when Henry Lonas Jr. was accused of “assaulting and abusing a man slave, Henry, the property of William Whitsman.” After Whiteman died in 1840, the mill passed into other hands. References: Rothrock 1946, 64, 87; Halley 1904, 213–14; Sellers Letter Book, 2 Sept. 1830. cc

Grainger County Marshall’s Ferry 7.  Holston Paper Mill. On Spring Creek near the Holston River, three and a half miles north of Morristown (now under Cherokee Lake). David Shields and Milton Shields ran a general store in Marshall’s Ferry, as well as a paper mill constructed around 1825. Account books of the mill, dating from 1825 to 1836, are in the University of Tennessee Library, Knoxville, which also has correspondence concerning purchases of rags and sales of paper as late as 1848. The firm was operating as D. & M. Shields & Co. in 1835, when it purchased cylinder-machine wire facing from the Sellers firm. References: Walter C. Johnson, “Two Paper Mills Preceded Bowaters by More than 100 Years in East Tennessee,” [Knoxville, Tenn.] News-Sentinel, 30 May 1954; Sellers Order Book, 4 May 1835.

Chapter 19

West Virginia

Berkeley County Bunker Hill 1.  Phoenix Mill. On Mill Creek, nine miles from Charles Town. After working in the Baltimore area, Conrad Kownslar (also Councellor and Chancellor) moved to Mill Creek, where he bought land in 1807 and petitioned for the right to build a grist mill. In 1808 he was seeking apprentices willing to learn the papermaking trade. The 1810 census for Berkeley County notes a Conrad Comslow as the head of a family including seven free white males below the age of twenty-six, three white males between the ages of twenty-six and forty-five, six free white females, and three slaves. At that time he was making 2,000 reams a year with a total value of $5,000, figures indicating that he had a one-vat mill. He was close enough to Washington, D.C., to do business with Roger Chew Weightman and other government printers, who generally used coarse unwatermarked printings but needed a higher quality sheet for folding tables, where Kownslar’s watermark is often found. His mill burned down in 1818, but he was able to rebuild it on a more substantial basis despite losses estimated at $20,000. In 1820 he employed six men, one woman, and five children in an “Elegant Brick Mill,” which contained two engines and a glazing machine. Since it consumed 20 tons of rags a year, it probably contained only a single vat, although its annual output was valued at $50,000. That figure either indicates the profits to be made by dealing with the federal govern-

ment or perhaps includes sales of other products made by Kownslar’s extended family. During the 1820 slump in the paper trade, only one engine was in operation. References: Grove 1967, 26; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 281; [Charles Town, W.Va.] Farmer’s Repository, 5 Aug. 1808, 4; Coxe 1814, tables, p. 104; Sellers Moulds Finished, 22 Feb. 1800: double wrapping made for Conrad Chancellor in Baltimore; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 9 Oct. 1810: double cap; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 30 Oct. 1810: double cap, ordered by Weightman, with watermark RCW and Britannia; Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 May 1811: super royal and royal vellum, ordered by Weightman for Kownslar; Sellers Moulds Finished, 16 June 1817: wove double cap, watermarked CK; Sellers Letter Book, 19 July 1828; [Springfield, Mass.] Hampden Federalist, 26 Mar. 1818, 2; Census of 1820, reel 18, item 124.

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RCW [laid] — ms., n.p., n.d. (AAS; lacks half sheet, which might contain a Britannia watermark). C KOWNSLAR [wove] — ms., n.p., n.d. (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmk 636). CK = VA [wove] — Message from the President of the U. States, Transmitting a Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, in Compliance with the Resolution of the Seventh Instant [11 Feb. 1811] (Washington City: Printed by R. C. Weightman, 1811; PPL); ms., Del., 1817 (Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 232–33). Note: Gravell & Miller attribute to this mill a K & B = eagle watermark occurring in a Peckatone, Virginia, doc-

America n P a p e r M i l l s  ::  300 ument dated 1806. However, Kownslar acquired moulds with the K & B watermark before he moved to Mill Creek, perhaps for a previous papermaking venture in a partnership that has not yet been identified. References: Gravell & Miller 2002, wmks 612–13; Sellers Moulds Finished, 25 Feb. 1804: K & B and posthorn.

The mill may have stopped when Kownslar died in 1841. A few years later the Phoenix Mill was sold at a public sale but somehow remained in family hands, for Kownslar’s son Remington B. Kownslar revived the papermaking business in or after 1848. The mill burned down in 1852. References: Morrow & Morrow 1984, 12; Gravell & Miller 2002, p. 281 . cc

Ohio County Wheeling 2.  Virginia Mill. On the Ohio River in South ­Wheeling. In 1830 the Methodist preacher William Lambdin was manufacturing wrapping grades here in a mill managed

by his son Christopher Lambdin, who had learned the traditional techniques in Ohio Mill 13 and mechanized methods in a Massachusetts mill. The Lambdins were either installing or replacing a cylinder in 1831. Their establishment burned down in 1835 and was rebuilt. References: Weeks 1916, 208; Sellers Letter Book, 27 May 1831; AAD 1831, 144; AAD 1832, 260. The Virginia Mill was still in operation in 1873, making wrappings on two cylinder machines. Reference: Lockwood 1873, 109. 3.  Fulton. After working at an unidentified mill in Lower Merion, Pa., Frederick Treudley obtained the position of mill supervisor in the firm A. Fisher & Co. {Archibald Fisher, Alexander Armstrong, Joseph Morrison, and Frederick Treudley}, which built a mill equipped with a cylinder machine in 1832. The cylinder could produce 1,500 pounds of newsprint per day as well as fine papers, some of which were embossed with A. Fisher & Co.’s steamboat device. References: Weeks 1916, 208–9; Sellers Letter Book, 5 Dec. 1831; Sellers Order Book, 23 Dec. 1835; Nickell 1993, 203.

Chapter 20

Georgia

Greene County Greensboro 1.  At Scull Shoals on the Oconee River. In 1810 Zachariah Sims petitioned the Georgia General Assembly for a loan of $4,000, which would “enable him to complete the establishment of a paper manufactory in Greene County.” A select committee reported to the assembly that Sims had already invested a large sum in the construction of his mill and recommended a loan of $3,000, to be repaid within three years and to be secured by a mortgage on the property. No paper made by the mill has been identified, but it was probably in operation in or before 1813, when Sims purchased super royal moulds, a size indicating that he

was making or trying to make newsprint. Certainly, his papermaking business did not prosper. Even though his location was remote, it was probably not remote enough for him to compete against newsprint shipped from Pennsylvania. When the loan came due in 1814, he was not able to repay the state authorities, who foreclosed on the mortgage and ordered the mill to be sold at public auction. The new owners converted the building to more dependable trades: distilling liquor and ginning cotton. References: Hunter 1952, 120–24; Sellers Moulds Finished, 13 May 1813: two pairs of super royal.

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Chapter 2 1

Indiana

Jefferson County Madison 1.  On Big Creek, twelve miles north of Madison. Isaac Mooney worked in one of the mills on the Little Miami River in Ohio before coming to Indiana, where he established this two-vat manufactory in 1826. He was not able to make it pay and, beset by debts, committed suicide around 1828. Reference: Weeks 1916, 206. Alfred McDaniels, proprietor of a paper warehouse in Cincinnati, purchased the mill and shortly afterward sold it to Hezekiah Stout, who converted it to a grist mill. Stout was the administrator of Mooney’s estate, probably in the capacity of a local landowner or merchant. References: http://www.members.tripod .com/~RuthH/willslm.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); Weeks 1916, 206. 2.  On Indian Kentuck Creek, seven miles east of Madison. John Sheets built a two-vat mill near Madison in 1827 or 1830. If he started at the earlier date, he would have

been in direct competition with the unfortunate Isaac Mooney. He too had been living in the Little Miami region of Ohio before he came to Indiana, perhaps following his predecessor’s example. He appears to have been in partnership with William Sheets, later secretary of state for Indiana. By 1832 he was making air-dried binders’ board on a papermaking machine, probably a cylinder. He would have employed twenty men in the manufacture of goods worth $50,000 a year if his establishment was the single Jefferson County papermaking firm noticed in the Census of 1840. The mill closed down in 1849, and some of the machinery was transferred to a flour mill on the Indian Kentuck Creek. I have not detected any connection between the Sheets papermakers of Indiana and the Scheetz papermaking dynasty of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. References: http://myindianahome.net/gen/jeff/ records/history/milton.html (accessed 18 Feb. 2011); Weeks 1916, 206–7; Sellers Letter Book, 9 July 1831; Census of 1840.

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Ind i a na  ::  303 cc

Wayne County Richmond 3.  Not located. Leeds, Jones & Bissell built a one-vat mill in or near Richmond in 1831. It is not clear whether this was the

original or a later name of the firm, which was operating as Leeds, Jones & Co. in 1832 and as Leeds & Jones in 1835. The proprietors later enlarged their manufacturing facilities with a second vat, a second engine, “a wet-machine and a fire-dryer.” The business was incorporated in 1837 and stayed in operation until the 1850s. References: Weeks 1916, 207; Sellers Letter Book, 28 July 1832; Sellers Order Book, 22 May 1835: post, watermarked LEEDS & JONES.

Appendix Wholesale Stationers and Paper Merchants

Philadelphia William Allen, merchant, ca. 1731. During this year Allen sold imported paper to Franklin in lots as large as 183 reams. He inherited a large fortune from his father and traded extensively on his own, no doubt supplying the Philadelphia market with a wide range of manufactured goods. Certainly he would have never considered himself a member of the paper trade, but he is mentioned here as a prime example of a colonial merchant who dealt in bulk quantities of paper. He later became mayor of Philadelphia and chief justice of Pennsylvania.1 Benjamin Franklin, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1730–1748, in partnership with David Hall from 1748 to 1766, when Hall took over Franklin’s printing business. Franklin dealt in foreign and ­domestic paper, selling quantities as large as 50 reams to printers in Philadelphia, Boston, New York, Annapolis, Newport, New Bern, N.C., Charleston, S.C., and Jamaica.2 David Hall, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1748– 1772, in partnership with Benjamin Franklin, but issuing catalogues of imported stationery under his own name as early as 1756. He imported writings from at least two London firms. After he died in 1772, his son William Hall continued to deal in books and stationery, “wholesale and retail.”3 William Bradford III, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1742–1777. Invoices of imported books and stationery included quantities of paper as large as 184 reams.4 Thomas Dobson, bookseller and stationer, 1785–1818. He ordered moulds for papermakers, 1792–1810, and may have been exporting paper for the South American market.5 Thomas Hurley, paper store, 1786–1787 and 1805.6

Joshua Gilpin, paper store, 1787–1837. Gilpin inherited a storehouse at 149 South Front Street from his father and used it for various mercantile ventures until he went into the papermaking business at the Brandywine Paper Mill (Del. Mill 1) in 1787. In 1803 he and his brother Thomas Gilpin took out insurance of $1,500 on the building, a brick structure three stories high, 19 feet wide and 40 feet deep. They bought rags and sold paper there until the failure of their firm in the 1820s. They then rented the building to the new owners of the mill, who were still doing business at this location in 1838.7 William Young, Delaware Paper Mill Ware-House, ca. 1792–1805. Also active as a bookseller, printer, and proprietor of Del. Mill 5, 1795–1814, and Pa. Mill 84, ca. 1814–1829. He was collecting rags for local paper mills as early as 1786. He sold the Delaware Paper Mill Ware-House to William Bonnell and George Fulton in 1805. Members of the Fulton family were proprietors of Pa. Mill 73.8 Isaac L. Pearson, bookseller and stationer, ca. 1795– 1821, in partnership with a member of the Levis family, 1796–1798. Represented Pa. Mill 49.9 John Matthews, paper dealer, 1797–ca. 1823. Proprietor of Pa. Mill 27.10 George Christopher Helmbold, paper store, 1799– 1802. Proprietor of Pa. Mill 49, 1788–1798, and Pa. Mill 51, ca. 1798–1808.11 John G. Langstroth, paper warehouse, 1802–ca. 1823. Proprietor of Pa. Mill 55 and briefly a tenant of Pa. Mill 10.12 Caldcleugh & Thomas, stationers, 1805–1819. They owned a paper-hanging manufactory in Baltimore and a stationery store in Philadelphia, which they insured for $12,000. They sold two quires of imperial drawing paper to the Carey firm in 1815.13

::  305  ::

appendix: wh o l e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  306 Austin & Chardon {S. Austin and Anthony Chardon}, paper and stationery warehouse, 1806–1807.14 Bennet & Walton { Joseph Bennet, Titus Bennet, and Joseph Walton}, booksellers and stationers, 1806– 1836. Represented several mills in the Philadelphia vicinity, including Pa. Mill 113. They acquired a mill near the city sometime before 1823, and they bought N.J. Mill 39 in 1836.15 Levis & Weaver {Isaac Levis II and William Weaver}, stationers, 1809–1813. Probably distributed the products of one or more Levis mills in Delaware County, Pennsylvania. Weaver left in 1813, and Levis continued on his own until around 1823. He appears in Philadelphia directories as a papermaker and stationer, 1813–1820.16 Orth, Cook & Co. {Henry Orth and John Cook}, paper warehouse, 1810–1811. Henry Orth ordered moulds for the Chester County papermaker James Steele.17 John T. Sullivan, stationer, bookbinder, and proprietor of the Philadelphia Paper Warehouse, 1810–1821.18 James Y. Humphreys, manufacturer of playing cards and paper hangings, printer, and stationer, 1810– 1832. Ordered moulds for several papermakers in the Philadelphia area. Sold cards and printing paper to the Carey firm.19 Duane & Levis {William John Duane (also William Duane Jr.) and William Levis II}, paper warehouse, 1811. Probably distributed the products of one or more Levis mills in Delaware County, Pennsylvania. Duane was also active as a printer and bookseller. He ordered moulds from the Sellers firm, as did his father, William Duane, printer, publisher, stationer, and editor of the Philadelphia Aurora.20 Matthew McConnell Jr., bookseller and stationer, 1813–1814. Possibly partner in Pa. Mill 14, ca. 1809, and proprietor of Pa. Mill 15, ca. 1811.21 Samuel Eckstein, paper and rag warehouse, 1819– 1835. Proprietor of Pa. Mill 20, Pa. Mill 80, and Pa. Mill 26, which he leased out to various tenants. He sold rags to and bought paper from Pa. Mill 21. In

1831 he assigned to David Ames Jr. and John Ames his rights to a device he had invented for washing rags.22 Sheldon Potter, commission paper and rag warehouse, 1828–1832. Represented Pa. Mills 21 and 32.23 Charles Magarge, commission paper and rag warehouse, 1830–ca. 1880. Beginning in partnership with his brother William H. Magarge, Charles Magarge was a major supplier to the Carey firm in the 1830s. He dealt with mills as far away as N.J. Mill 46, but as his business grew, he obtained his own source of supply in 1844, when he converted a grist mill in Germantown to paper manufacture. The Magarge brothers are frequently confused with the Megargee brothers, who were also active in the Philadelphia paper trade.24 Dull & White {Charles Dull and White}, paper warehouse, 1832–1835, “for the sale of Writing, Printing and Colored Paper, also Binders, Box and Bonnet Boards.” Dealt with Pa. Mills 41, 49, and 82.25 Wilkinson & McCoy, wholesale paper and rag store, ca. 1832.26

Boston Daniel Henchman, merchant, bookbinder, and bookseller. Bought six cases of paper from the London wholesale stationer Stephen Theodore Janssen in 1736. This consignment included fine pott, foolscap, and post writings, 295 reams in all. Partner in Mass. Mill 1.27 Thomas Hancock, merchant and bookseller. Imported paper from London and Amsterdam, ca. 1737. Partner in Mass. Mill 1.28 Jeremiah Smith Boies, clerk of a committee convened in 1795 “to devise a Plan for the Deposit of paper in a Store from which any Paper Maker may take out part of its value in Cash upon allowing a certain Premium to Store keeper advancing the money.” Proprietor of Mass. Mill 3.29 John West, bookseller and stationer, ca. 1796–1820. Proprietor of Mass. Mill 73 in Taunton from 1809

appendix: whol e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  307 until 1820 and then, perhaps briefly, partner in that enterprise with Richard Park. While residing in Taunton, he managed the Boston bookstore in partnership with various individuals, including Lemuel Blake.30 William Parker, dealer in paper and manufacturer, ca. 1817–1831. Proprietor of or partner in Mass. Mills 6, 19, 23, 30, and 31 and N.H. Mill 13. Represented Conn. Mill 10. In 1817 and 1819 he published advertisements containing itemized accounts of his inventory, including writings, printings, wrappings, board, rags, felts, screws for presses, cotton yarn, goat skins, and sheep skins. At one point he had a total of 2,105 reams in stock.31 Grant & Daniell {Moses Grant II and Otis Daniell}, dealers in rags and paper, ca. 1830–1856. Proprietor of or partner in Mass. Mills 6 and 21, Grant was dealing in paper at his Union Street store as early as 1820, when he published an advertisement listing part of his inventory, including writings, printings, wrappings, hanging paper, rags, upholstery articles, and various types of board. He also represented N.H. Mill 10 at that time. In 1830 Otis Daniell joined the firm, which was doing business as Grant, Daniell & Co. by 1847. He retired in 1855 or 1856 and sold his share in the business to Samuel Dennis Warren, whereupon the firm was reorganized as Grant, Warren & Co. Reorganized again as S. D. Warren & Co., it operated mills in Massachusetts and Maine, two of them now part of the Sappi global conglomerate.32 Andrew J. Allen, paper store, ca. 1823. Proprietor of Mass. Mill 38.33 Lemuel Blake, paper warehouse, 1824–1832.34 Jesse P. Hurlbert, commission paper warehouse, 1832. In a printed circular addressed to members of the trade, Hurlbert announced that he had gone into business on 1 October 1832 and that he would be selling “American Manufactured Paper.” One copy was preserved by the proprietors of Mass. Mill 60. By 1839 he had left Boston and was running a paper store in New York City.35

New York City Hugh Gaine, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1752– 1799. He sold imported papers in various sizes “by the Ream, Quire or Sheet” and bought rags as early as 1764, probably for shipment to mills in the Philadelphia area. Partner in N.Y. Mill 7.36 Samuel Campbell, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1786–1834. Proprietor of N.J. Mill 9, ca. 1789–1834, after 1819 in partnership with his son John Campbell. He solicited rags and advertised the products of the mill in a catalogue of books for sale published in 1794. J. & S. Campbell closed down their bookstore around 1825 but remained in business as paper merchants. After John Campbell died in 1882, the firm was carried on by one of his partners, who supplied plate papers and printings to New York book and magazine publishers.37 William Durell, printer, bookseller, and stationer, 1786–1816, 1820–1822. He may have dealt in paper on a wholesale basis only while he was proprietor of N.Y. Mill 4, but he purchased moulds a year after that mill burned down.38 Naphtali Judah, auctioneer, bookbinder, bookseller, and stationer, ca. 1795–1815. He advertised for sale a one-vat paper mill eighteen miles from the city and announced that he could have paper made to order at Mass. Mill 22 or 23. The Sellers firm made for him a single mould watermarked with the name of a patent medicine, “Poudre d’Ailhaud.”39 Evert Duyckinck, bookseller and stationer, 1799–1833. Represented Conn. Mill 26.40 Benjamin Onderdonk, paper store, 1800. Proprietor of N.Y. Mill 7.41 Davis & Dunham {Matthew L. Davis and David Dunham}, paper warehouse, ca. 1800–1801. They were the proprietors of N.J. Mill 11, but they also claimed to stock the products of eight other mills.42 W. & C. Valentine {William Valentine and Caleb Valentine}, paper merchants, ca. 1805–1822, trading as W. Valentine & Sons from 1812 to 1822. Proprietors of N.Y. Mill 7.43

appendix: wh o l e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  308 James Eastburn, bookseller and stationer, ca. 1808–1828. In 1808 he contracted with the Gilpins to be the exclusive agent for the writing papers they made at Del. Mill 1. He also carried printings made at other mills, as well as a line of imported British papers.44 John Tiebout, printer, book and paper store, 1812–1816, 1822, and 1825. Trading as J. Tiebout & Sons or J. Tiebout & Son, 1817–1824.45 George Folliet Hopkins, paper warehouse, ca. 1814. Partner in N.J. Mill 28 and also active in New York as a printer, bookseller, publisher, and stationer, 1797–1842. He was probably dealing in paper as early as 1808, when he was operating the mill as a member of the firm Hopkins & Bayard, which had a bookstore in New York.46 Ichabod Hoit, commission paper warehouse, ca. 1818–1831. Originally the proprietor of a printers’ warehouse, he started a sideline in the paper trade “by the advice of the profession.” Represented N.Y. Mill 47 and advertised for sale a one-vat mill not far from the city. He sold papermakers’ supplies, such as indigo, twine, moulds, and felting.47 T. & J. Swords {Thomas and James Swords}, paper merchants, ca. 1818. Briefly represented N.J. Mill 28, at one point having in stock 500 reams of medium printing manufactured at that mill along with 20 reams of blotting medium, 20 reams of writing medium, and 20 reams of writing demy. Also active as printers and booksellers, 1790–1831.48 Rogers & Post, merchants?, ca. 1818. Represented Conn. Mill 43.49 Robert Donaldson, paper warehouse, 1819–1835. Proprietor of N.J. Mill 33.50 Jonathan Seymour, printer and commission paper warehouse, 1819–1842. Seymour started in the printing business in 1803 and seems to have done well in that trade, although he had to face increasingly stiff competition in his vicinity. At first a sideline, the paper warehouse was sufficiently successful that he closed down his printing office around 1831. He represented many of the mills serving the

New York market: Conn. Mills 8 and 10, Mass. Mills 47 and 58, N.J. Mill 28, N.Y. Mill 17, and Pa. Mill 21. The Berkshire papermaker Zenas Crane named a son after him as a mark of gratitude for their mutually rewarding business relationship. In 1820 he published an advertisement naming four of his suppliers and listing some of the goods he kept in stock, including medium and royal printings, demy and medium writings, copperplate papers, and super royal newsprint. His son Melancthon L. Seymour joined the business in 1833.51 Richard Taylor, paper warehouse, 1821–1832. Also active as a brewer and grocer.52 Nathaniel R. Phillips, paper store, ca. 1826. Partner in N.J. Mill 37, also active as a cabinetmaker 1821–1825 and 1832–1833.53 Joseph Smart, paper store, 1826–1830. Proprietor of N.Y. Mill 10. Also proprietor of a junk store, which might have supplied papermakers with raw materials for board manufacture.54 William Dunlap, paper dealer, 1831–1836.55 George Peacock, commission paper warehouse, 1831–1838. Active as a paper stainer, 1821–1825.56 Horatio Wilkes, dealer in paper, stationery, and printing materials on commission, ca. 1831–1832.57

Hartford Hudson & Goodwin {Barzillai Hudson and George Goodwin}, booksellers and stationers, 1779–1815. Proprietors of Conn. Mills 6 and 10. One of their bookstore catalogues contains a list of stationery.58 Nathaniel Patten, bookbinder, bookseller, and stationer, ca. 1781–1804. Proprietor of Mass. Mill 47. He advertised for rags, which could be delivered either to his mill or to his store in Hartford. He was selling cartridge paper in 1804.59

Providence Samuel Thurber Jr. & Sons {Samuel Thurber Jr., Martin Thurber, Edward Thurber, Samuel

appendix: whol e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  309 Thurber III}, paper dealers, 1785–1810. Proprietors of R.I. Mill 2.60 Christopher C. Olney, bookseller, stationer, paper warehouse, 1794–1809. Partner in R.I. Mill 1.61 Nathaniel G. Olney, paper warehouse, 1810–1811. Partner in R.I. Mill 1.62 Oliver Peirce, stationer, ca. 1815. Represented Conn. Mill 42.63 Richard Waterman, paper store, 1826–1856. Partner in R.I. Mill 1.64 Caleb Cushing, paper seller, ca. 1826 and ca. 1831 in Pawtucket. At that later date he formed the firm of Cushing & Ide in partnership with Hartford Ide.65 Thomas S. Mowry & Co., paper dealers, ca. 1830– 1831. Represented R.I. Mill 4, owned or formerly owned by the newspaper publisher Daniel Mowry III, who sold his “paper business on Canal St.” to Thomas S. Mowry & Co. in 1830.66

Baltimore John Hagerty, bookseller and stationer, 1800–1815, in partnership with his nephew George Hagerty, 1801–1804. Proprietor of Md. Mill 4, ca. 1799–1805; insolvent in 1812, although he continued to deal with papermakers until 1817. He bought moulds for W.Va. Mill 1, Va. Mill 7, and Md. Mills 15, 16, and 18.67 Warner & Hanna {William Warner and Andrew Hanna}, booksellers, stationers, and printers, 1800–1812. They represented Pa. Mill 59, ca. 1807–1817, and were advertising printing paper in 1808. After Hanna died in 1812, Warner continued on at the same address until his death in 1824.68 Thomas Meeteer, bookseller and stationer, 1801–1812, in various partnerships with his sons Samuel and William Meeteer. A farmer in Chester County, Pennsylvania, he apparently had no experience in the paper trade or the book trade before he established Del. Mill 2 around 1789. His son-in law John Armstrong and Samuel Meeteer were managing the store in 1804. After Thomas Meeteer died in

1812, Samuel and William continued to sell books and stationery, distributing the products of Del. Mill 2 and also Md. Mills 23 and 24. They bought rags at the warehouse and sold papermaking supplies as agents of the Sellers firm.69 Abner Neal, bookseller and stationer, 1804–1824. He obtained several pairs of moulds from the Sellers firm between 1817 and 1821, including one pair with the watermark of Md. Mill 19.70 Conrad, Lucas & Co. { John Conrad, Michael Conrad, and Fielding Lucas Jr.}, booksellers and stationers, 1807–1810. Proprietors of Md. Mill 4. After suffering setbacks in their Philadelphia publishing ventures, the Conrads dissolved their partnership with Lucas in 1810 and sold to him the Baltimore bookstore. In 1819 he was selling imported British writings made by Whatman, Green, and Fellows. He published maps, atlases, children’s books, and art books, including Lucas’ Progressive Drawing Book (1827), printed on paper from Pa. Mill 26. The store remained in his family after he died in 1854.71 Aaron R. Levering, paper warehouse, 1812–1817. Sales outlets at various addresses for Md. Mill 10.72 Joseph Cushing, bookseller and stationer, 1812–1828. Purchased several pairs of moulds for paper mills, including Pa. Mill 113. In 1817 he joined with Joseph Jewett to form the firm Cushing & Jewett.73 Lawrence Greatrake Jr., paper merchant, ca. 1819– 1822. Son of the foreman of Del. Mill 1, Greatrake was foreman of Md. Mill 10 for a few years before its owners failed in 1817. He then rented the mill and established a paper warehouse in partnership with A. R. Palmer, who quit in 1819, leaving Greatrake in charge of the business. Greatrake carried a complete line of wrappings, printings, and writings, including no. 1 vellum and laid foolscap, which he offered to sell at half the going price of British imports. Of his large and varied stock, only 79 reams and 4 bundles remained in 1822, when the Baltimore county sheriff seized his assets and put them up for sale to compensate his creditors.

appendix: wh o l e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  310 He then quit the paper trade and became a Baptist minister.74

constant supply” of newsprint, medium printings, printers’ supplies, and binders’ boards.79

New Haven

Cincinnati

Increase Cooke & Co., booksellers and stationers, ca. 1802–1814. Proprietors of or partners in Conn. Mill 26. Advertisements at the end of The Guide to Domestic Happiness (New Haven: From Sidney’s Press, for Increase Cooke & Co., 1804) state that they were selling “Stationary articles in common use, wholesale and retail, on the very lowest terms.”75 Walter, Austin & Co. { Joel Walter, Oliver Steele, and William W. Austin}, publishers, booksellers, paper warehouse, ca. 1810–1811. In 1810 they announced that they represented “several Paper Mills,” which could make to order writings and other types of paper.76

Kirby & Fosdick, paper dealers, 1818.80 Phillips & Speer, booksellers and paper dealers, ca. 1818–1832. Proprietors of Ohio Mill 7, also trading as Phillips, Speare & Drake, “Booksellers, Stationers, and Paper Manufacturers” in 1832.81 Dement, Graham & Co., paper dealers, 1820. Represented Ohio Mill 4. One of their advertisements lists a complete line of that mill’s products, including printings, writings, and wrappings in various sizes, as well as binders’ boards and bonnet boards.82 Sprigman & Yeatman, paper dealers, 1823. Represented Ohio Mill 7.83 James Graham & Co., paper dealers, ca. 1823. Proprietors of Ohio Mill 8.84 William Wilson & Co., paper dealers, 1827.85 Alfred McDaniels, paper warehouse, ca. 1828. Proprietor of Ind. Mill 1 and represented Ohio Mills 6 and 7.86 A. B. Roff, bookseller, stationer, blank book and paper warehouse, 1830–1831.87

Washington, D.C. Roger Chew Weightman, printer and stationer, ca. 1807–1816. He purchased moulds for W.Va. Mill 1 and used that mill’s products in at least one of his imprints. He ordered quantities of paper large enough that he had some of it watermarked with his initials. At one point he had in stock 1,100 reams of foolscap, 650 reams of quarto post, 90 reams of folio post, 320 reams of royal printing, 180 reams of medium printing, wrapping papers, cartridge papers, and an assortment of drawing papers. He had a full range of writings from imperial down to foolscap, several sizes available in both English and American varieties.77 U. Brown, stationer, ca. 1818. He announced in a newspaper advertisement that he had just received a shipment of English writing and drawing papers and that he expected “several hundred reams” of American writings to be delivered shortly.78 Garret Anderson, commission merchant, paper dealer, and stationer, ca. 1831–1832. In addition to blank books and other stationery products for use in government offices, Anderson kept in stock “a

Notes 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

6. 7.

Miller 1974, xxxviii; Eddy 1928, 1:31; Scharf & Westcott 1884, 2:1504–5. Miller 1974, xxxviii–xxxix; Bidwell 2000, 181; Eddy 1928, 1:18, 2:45, 52, 56, 64, 72, 94, 111. Miller 1974, xxxviii–xxxix; Winans 1981, nos. 28 and 91. Brown 1949, 295; John William Wallace, An Old Philadelphian, Colonel William Bradford (Philadelphia: Sherman & Co., printers, 1884), 94. Brown 1949, 392; Winans 1981, no. 122; Sellers Moulds Finished, 7 July 1792: medium; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 26 Sept. 1810: Spanish foolscap, watermarked ALVA. Brown 1949, 495. Joshua Gilpin to John Dilworth, 10 Mar. 1800, Joshua Gilpin correspondence, vol. 55, HSP; INA policy 2803, 19 Apr. 1803, fire blotter, vol. 3; Joshua Gilpin to Henry Dilworth Gilpin, 18 Feb. 1838, Gilpin Papers, HSP.

appendix: whol e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  311 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19.

20.

21. 22.

23. 24.

25. 26. 27.

28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

Relfs Philadelphia Gazette, 17 Jan. 1805, 4; Brown 1949, 390, 145 (part XI); Winans 1981, no. 112. Carey Papers, 8:2862 and 14:5273; Carey Papers, 34: 5 May 1820–14 Dec. 1821; Brown 1949, 29 (part IX). Brown 1949, 615; Kayser 1823, 180. Brown 1949, 456. Brown 1949, 564; Kayser 1823, 180. Brown 1949, 298; INA policy 3791, 16 July 1805, fire blotter, vol. 3; Carey Papers, 29:4334; Craig 1811, 163–64. Brown 1949, 222; Sellers Moulds Finished, 26 Nov. 1806: double cap. Brown 1949, 226; Sellers Letter Book, 3 Jan. 1828. Brown 1949, 566, 567; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 18 Mar. 1809: super royal; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 7 Aug. 1823: imperial wove. Brown 1949, 25 (part IX); Sellers Moulds Ordered, 16 June 1810: double cap. Brown 1949, 132 (part X); [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 15 Dec. 1810, 3; Carey Papers, 34: 25 Oct. 1821. Brown 1949, 494; Needles Day Book, 21 Sept. 1821, 8 Feb. 1822, and 19 Feb. 1822; Carey Papers, 34: 6 Dec. 1821; AAD 1832, 198. Brown 1949, 394; [Wilmington, Del.] American Watchman, 30 Nov. 1811, 3; Sellers Moulds Finished, 2 Sept. 1811: super royal; Sellers Moulds Finished, 14 Dec. 1813: super royal. Brown 1949, 569. Brown 1949, 396; AAD 1831, 66; AAD 1832, 74; Samuel Eckstein to James M. Willcox, 20 May and 15 Sept. 1834, Willcox Papers; Burke 1847, 87. AAD 1832, 214. AAD 1832, 207; Sellers Order Book, 17 Oct. 1834; Magee 1933; Carey Papers, 38: 27 Sept. 1833–20 April 1836. For the Megargee brothers, see John W. Jordan, ed., Encyclopedia of Pennsylvania Biography, vol. 13 (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1921), 210-12, and Lockwood 1873, 149. AAD 1832, 186; Barker 1926a, 11; Sellers Order Book, 31 Jan. 1834, 9 Oct. 1834, and 20 May 1835. AAD 1832, 230. Franklin 1980, 284–91; invoice, 28 July 1736, Henchman Papers, microfilm at AAS. Marcus McCorison very kindly brought this invoice to my attention. Franklin 1980, 273–76. McMurtrie 1929, 1. Silver 1951, 302; Silver 1949, 46–47. AAD 1831, 22; Smith 1949, 186; Boston Daily Advertiser, 22 Nov. 1817, 2; Boston Commercial Gazette, 29 Nov. 1819, 3. AAD 1831, 20; [Boston, Mass.] Columbian Centinel, 9 Sept. 1820, 4; Tryon & Charvat 1949, 106, 478; A History of S. D. Warren Company, 1854–1954 (Westbrook, Me.: S. D. Warren Company, 1955).

33. [Boston, Mass.] American Federalist Columbian Centinel, 15 Oct. 1823, 4. 34. Franklin 1980, 36; Silver 1951, 281. 35. Hurlbut Papers; Huttner 1993, 120. 36. McKay 1942, 29–30; Hunter 1952, 60; Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Journals of Hugh Gaine, Printer, 2 vols. (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1902), 1:189–206. 37. Snell 1934, 4–5; Winans 1981, nos. 114 and 184. 38. McKay 1942, 25; Huttner 1993, 78. 39. Gottesman 1954, 267–68; McKay 1942, 41; Robert Singerman, “Naphtali Judah, New York Bookseller and Stationer,” Printing History 14, no. 28 (1992): 23; Sellers Moulds Finished, 15 Mar. 1799. 40. McKay 1942, 25; Huttner 1993, 79. 41. McKay 1942, 56. 42. Gottesman 1965, 291. 43. McKay 1942, 73; Huttner 1993, 230. 44. McKay 1942, 26; Huttner 1993, 80; Gilpin Letter Book, 4 and 8 Jan. 1808. 45. McKay 1942, 71; Huttner 1993, 224. 46. McKay 1942, 36; Huttner 1993, 115–16; Gilpin Letter Book, 3 Jan. 1809. 47. Cornelius S. Van Winkle, The Printers’ Guide (New York: Printed and Published by C. S. Van Winkle, 1818), 228; The New-York Columbian, 12 Aug. 1820, 3; McKay 1942, 36; Huttner 1993, 114; AAD 1831, 85. 48. McKay 1942, 69–70; Huttner 1993, 220; [New York] Commercial Advertiser, 15 May 1818, 3. 49. Taintor Papers. This firm is not listed in McKay 1942. 50. Huttner, 1993, 74; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 21 Sept. 1819, 3. 51. McKay 1942, 65; Huttner 1993, 204; Jonathan Seymour to James M. Willcox, 20 Nov. 1826 and 14 Feb. 1827, Willcox Papers; McGaw 1987, 66, 73; [New York] American, 26 July 1820, 1. 52. Huttner 1993, 221. 53. Huttner 1993, 181. 54. Huttner 1993, 208. 55. Huttner 1993, 77. 56. Huttner 1993, 178. 57. AAD 1831, 93; AAD 1832, 164. 58. Winans 1981, no. 238. 59. Oak Knoll Books catalogue 32, item 280. 60. Brown 1958, 166–67. 61. Brown 1958, 119. 62. Brown 1958, 119–20. 63. I have not been able to verify this name in Brown 1958. 64. Brown 1958, 175; AAD 1831, 122; AAD 1832, 242; Pratt 1849, 267. 65. Brown 1958, 53.

appendix: wh o l e sa l e stat i o n e r s  ::  312 66. Brown 1958, 113; AAD 1831, 121. 67. Silver 1953, 31; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 3 Apr. 1802: double cap (Md. Mill 15); Sellers Moulds Ordered, May 1810: cap vellum (W.Va. Mill 1); Sellers Moulds Ordered, 28 Mar. 1814: cap (Md. Mill 18); Sellers Moulds Ordered, 24 Feb. 1812: double cap and medium vellum (Md. Mill 16); Sellers Moulds Ordered, Jan. 1817: vellum cap, vellum crown (Va. Mill 7). 68. Silver 1953, 54–55; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 5 May 1817: double cap vellum. 69. Silver 1953, 41; AAD 1832, 17; Sellers Letter Book, 16 Dec. 1825. 70. Silver 1953, 43; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 23 May 1817: wove super royal; Sellers Letter Book, 26 Sept. 1821. 71. Silver 1953, 23, 38; [Washington, D.C.] National Intelligencer, 11 Dec. 1819, 3; Foster 1955, 201. 72. Fry’s Baltimore Directory, for the Year 1812 (Baltimore: Printed by B. W. Sower & Co., for the Publisher, 1812), 47; The Baltimore Directory, for 1817–1818 (Baltimore: Printed by James Kennedy, 1817), 66. 73. Silver 1953, 24; Sellers Moulds Ordered, 10 Aug. 1816: medium vellum for Pa. Mill 113; Sellers Letter Book, 19 July 1828. 74. Samuel Jackson, comp., The Baltimore Directory, Corrected up to June, 1819 (Baltimore: Printed by Richard J. Matchett, 1819); Baltimore Patriot, 14 May 1819, 3, 18 Apr. 1821, 2,

and 3 Aug. 1822, 1; History of Baptist Churches in Maryland Connected with the Maryland Baptist Union Association (Baltimore: Printed and Published by J. F. Weishampel Jr., 1885), 60–61. 75. Sellers Moulds Ordered, 20 Nov. 1805 = Sellers Moulds Finished, 9 Jan. 1806: single double wrapping. 76. Walter, Austin & Co., Paper Warehouse (New Haven: Printed by Oliver Steele & Co., 1810); PAAS 93 (1983): 37. 77. [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 25 Dec. 1813, 1. 78. [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Intelligencer, 7 August 1818, 3. 79. AAD 1832, 257; [Washington, D.C.] Daily National Journal, 21 July 1831, 4. 80. Sutton 1961, 327. 81. Kayser 1823, 155; AAD 1832, 46. 82. [Frankfort, Ky.] Argus of Western America, 26 Oct. 1820, 5. I am very grateful to Vincent Golden for this reference. 83. Sutton 1961, 338. 84. Kayser 1823, 155. 85. Sutton 1961, 343. 86. Weeks 1916, 206. I have not been able to verify Weeks’s account in other sources. 87. AAD 1831, 40; Sutton 1961, 336.

Index of Papermakers

References are to page numbers in the introduction and the appendix, then to mill numbers in the directory. Mill numbers are preceded by abbreviations of states (e.g., Pa. Mill 1 appears here as Pa1). Individuals, firms, and mills mentioned in the “addenda” following the accounts of certain towns and counties are referenced by page numbers (e.g., p. 109 containing an addendum to the town of Millbury, Massachusetts, and pp. 57–58 containing addenda to Berks County, Pennsylvania). Casual variations in names of paper mills occur so frequently in contemporary records that it seemed best to regularize them in this index; so, for example, the Eagle Paper Mills, Eagle Paper Mill, Eagle Mills, and Eagle Mill are all grouped together in the same entry for Eagle Mill. This index also includes entries for paper merchants as well as printers and publishers known to have been regular customers of certain firms. A. & I. Wilkinson: RI1 A. & J. Calhoun: Pa93 A. & J. Lovejoy: NH17 A. Bradley & Sons: NY46 A. C. & W. Curtis: Mass6, 8, 17, 18 A. Fisher & Co.: WV3 A. H. Hubbard & Co.: Conn3 A. Seward & Co.: NY26 Aaron Mattson & Son: Pa31 Abbe, George: Conn43 Abbey, Jet: NY51 Abraham Parkhurst & Sons: NJ16 Acushnet Paper Mill: Mass74 Adam, John: Conn33 Adams. See also Forbes & Adams Adams, James Q.: NY36, 37 Adams, Peter: NY62 Adgate, Daniel: Conn2 Adgate, William: Conn2 Adie, Alexander: RI1 Adleheit, William: Pa7 Albrecht. See Albright

Albright, Jacob: Pa60 Alexander, W. H.: Pa119 Alexander Henderson & Co.: Vt20 Alfred & Dan Day: Vt18 Allen. See also Sturges, Phillips & Allen Allen, Andrew J.: xliv, lxvii, 40, 307; Mass38 Allen, William: 305 Allen & Co.: Mass38 Alline, Abel: Mass12 Allison, Robert: Pa77 Allison, Robert, M.D.: Pa92 Allison, Robert, Jr.: Pa77 Ames, David (1760–1847): xliv; Conn19; Mass47, 49; Pa96 Ames, David, Jr. (ca. 1791–1883): 306; Mass47, 49, 55–56 Ames, John (ca. 1800–1890): xlix–l, lxi, 306; Md18; Mass47, 49, 55–56, 58, 60; NJ40 Amies, John: Pa49 Amies, Joseph: Pa49 Amies, Richard: lxviii; Pa49 Amies, Thomas (d. 1839): xliv, lxix; Pa24, 49, 99 Amies, Wallover & Co.: Pa49 Amies, William: Pa24, 26, 49 Amos Lyon & Co.: 92; Mass6 Anchor Steam Paper Mill: xlv–xlvi; Pa122 Anderson, David (1767–1844): NC3 Anderson, Garret: 310 Anderson, William J.: NC3 Andover Mill: Md9 Andrews & Pratt: Mass20 Andros, Thomas: RI1 Andrus, Silas (ca. 1789–1861): NY53 Andrus, William: NY54 Angus, Jacob: Pa76 Annis, George W.: RI1 Annis, Thomas: Mass17, 25 Antes, Henry (1701–1755): Pa5 Armstrong, Alexander: WV3 Armstrong, John: 309; Del2 Asherd, William K.: NY38 Atkinson, John (1742–1823): Vt8 Atkinson, Thomas (1787?–1837): Pa125

::  313  ::

Atkinson & Casey: Vt8 Auburn Paper Mill: NY64 Austin. See also Walter, Austin & Co. Austin, Abner: NY30 Austin, Cyrus (b. 1764): xxxv; Del1; NJ39 Austin, Russell: NY30 Austin, S.: 305 Austin, Samuel: Conn24 Austin & Austin: NY30 Austin & Carr: NJ39 Austin & Chardon: 306 Austin family: NY30 Ayers. See also Ayres Ayers, Joshua: Mass1 Ayres. See also Denman & Ayres; Rice & Ayres Ayres, Moses: Vt17 Babcock, Elisha: Conn6 Babcock, James: Mass12 Babcock, John (1762–1843): Conn26; Mass47 Babcock, Samuel (ca. 1760–1790): Mass47 Badarague, Thomas: 12 Badger, Belah (b. 1768): Conn42 Badger, Edmund, Jr. (b. 1779): Conn43 Badger, Samuel (1786–1866): Conn43 Bahil, Samuel: Pa73, 85 Bailey, Francis: Pa78 Bailey, Jacob: Pa78 Bailey, Oliver E.: NJ9 Baker, Charles: Mass12 Baker, Edmund: Mass12 Baker, Walter: Mass12 Baldwin. See also Butler, Dodge, Baldwin & Co. Baldwin, C.: NJ30 Baldwin, Enoch: Mass11 Baldwin, Ichabod (1757–1839): NJ21 Baldwin, W.: NJ30 Baldwin & Pitt: NJ21 Ball & Bassett: Mass64 Ballou, Jonathan (d. 1770): RI1 Bannister, John Munro: Va4 Bannister & Co.: Va4 Barber. See also Barbour; Smith & Barber

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  314 Barber, McClure & Knox: Pa113 Barbour, William: 12; Pa69, 113 Barbour & Mullen: Pa113 Barclay, George: NY62 Barclay, Henry (d. 1851): NY62 Barge, John (d. 1755): Pa9 Barrett: Me7 Barry, W. T.: Ky9 Barstler. See Berstler Bartgis, Matthias (1759–1825): lxii; Md16 Bartlett & Foster: Mass19 Bassett, Samuel: Conn28 Bassett, Thomas: Mass64 Bastler. See Berstler Bates, William: Conn28 Battersea Paper Mill: Va4 Bayard: 308; NJ28 Bayless, John C.: Conn2; Oh15 Bayless & Scott: Oh15 Beach, Hommerken & Kearny: NY62 Beach, Lazarus: Conn30 Beach, Moses Yale (1800–1868): NY62 Beaman, Joel (1782–1846): Vt4 Bean, Daniel: NH13 Bearden, Marcus de Lafayette (1799– 1854): Tenn5 Bearden & Hazen: Tenn5 Bechtel, Jacob: Pa13 Bechtel, Peter (d. 1838): Pa12–13 Bechtel, Peter, II (d. 1842): Pa13 Bechtell, Samuel: Pa85 Bechtel & Robinson: Pa53 Beckley, George (1786–1853): Md6 Beckley & Sheetz: 29 Beckwith & Proud: Pa129 Beehive Mill: Pa27 Beers, Isaac: Conn24 Belaney. See Thompson & Belaney Belknap: Mass36 Bell, Patterson: Pa58 Bellamy, William: lvi Belland. See White & Belland Bemis, Charles (1789–1874): 92; Mass16 Bemis, David (1727–1790): Mass11, 15 Bemis, Isaac (1765–1794): Mass15 Bemis, Luke (1759–1845): Mass15 Bemis, Seth (1775–1851): Mass15 Bemis & Eddy: Mass15 Benjamin, Nathan: NY30 Benjamin Sharpless & Co.: Pa120 Bennet, Joseph: 12, 306; NJ39; Pa113 Bennet, Titus: 12, 306; NJ39; Pa113 Bennet & Walton: 12, 306; NJ39; Pa113

Benton, A.: Conn24 Benton, Caleb (d. 1866): Mass68 Benton, Fuller & Co.: Vt2 Benton & Fuller: Vt2 Benton & Garfield: Mass68 Berlet, Johann Conrad: 56 Berstler, David (d. 1858): Pa80 Berstler, Jacob: Pa57, 80 Berstler, John (d. 1823): Pa57, 80 Berstler, Philip: Pa80 Bertow, Jacob: 56 Bever, John: Oh1 Bicking, Frederick (ca. 1730–1809): lxxv; Pa6, 43, 48, 79 Bicking, Frederick, II: Pa48 Bicking, Frederick, III (d. 1842): Pa83 Bicking, J. C.: Pa79 Bicking, J. F.: Pa79 Bicking, John (d. 1820): Pa48, 79, 83 Bicking, John, Jr.: Pa79 Bicking, Joseph (d. 1838): Pa48, 79, 83 Bicking, Joseph A.: Pa80 Bicking, Richard: Pa48 Biddis, John: Pa105 Big Beaver Paper Mill: Pa124 Bigelow, David: Mass28 Bigelow, Dexter: Mass28 Bigelow, John: Mass28 Bigelow, Perkins: Mass28 Bigelow, Tyler: Mass6 Bilger, John: Pa44 Bill Blake & Co.: Vt8, 14 Billings, James: Vt19 Billings, Stephen: Vt19 Bird. See also Wilson & Bird Bird, Francis William: Mass10 Bird, George (1770–1855): 92; Mass2–3, 9–10 Bird, Hopkins & Bayard: NJ28 Bird, Hopkins & Whiting: NJ28–29 Birdsall, Benjamin: NY4, 11 Birdsall & Hunter: NY4 Bishop, John: NY17 Bissell. See also Leeds, Jones & Bissell Bissell, Asaph: Conn19 Bissell, Harvey: Conn18 Bissell, Pease & Carriel: Conn18 Bissell & Debit: lxix, Conn18 Bissell & Pease: Conn18 Black, William M.: Mass64 Black & Church: Mass64 Blake, Bill (1774–1856): NH6; Vt8, 14, 20

Blake, Cutler & Co.: Vt8 Blake, Edmund: NH6 Blake, Lemuel (1775–1861): 307 Blake, William B.: Vt14 Blake & Chandler: NH6 Blake & Fiske: NH18 Blakeslee, Levi (1778–1841): NY56 Blanchard, Abel (b. 1802): Mass50 Blanchard, Amos: Mass50 Bleything, Joseph: NJ32, 44 Bleything, William H.: NJ32 Bliss, John: Conn1 Blum, Christian: NC2 Boardman, B. G.: NH11 Boardman, Daniel: Mass57 Bodge, Joseph: Mass1 Boies, James (1702–1798): lxviii; Mass1–3 Boies, Jeremiah Smith (d. 1851): 306; Mass3, 13–14, 35–36 Boies, John: Mass22 Boies, Joseph M.: Mass66 Boies & Clarke: Mass1–2 Bonnel, Jonathan C.: NJ36 Bonnell, William: 305; Del5; Pa73 Boston Manufacturing Co.: Mass22 Bowden, Matthias: 147 Bowen, William C.: RI1 Bowers, John: lxi; NJ5; Pa21, 27 Bowles, Samuel: Mass47 Bowman, Benjamin (1732–1809): Pa57 Bowman, Benjamin, II (1784–1828): Pa57 Bowman, Christian (1755–1815): Pa57 Bowman, Jacob: Oh1 Bowman, John: Pa57 Bowman, Joseph (1789–1862): Pa57 Bowman, Margaret: Pa57 Bowman, Mirtilla (Bever): Oh1 Bowman, William: Mass49 Boy, John: 44 Boyce. See Boies Boyd, Copeland (1789–1864): Pa99 Boyd, Edward: Pa99 Boyd, Thomas: Pa99 Boyer: Md16 Boyer, Abraham: Pa127 Boyer, Samuel: Pa69, 116 Boyer, Solomon: Pa69 Boys, John: Va2 Bracher, Conrad: Pa57, 103. See also Brocky, Conrad Bracket & Cutting: Vt9 Bracy, Daniel: NY53 Bradford, Samuel F.: Md4

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  315 Bradford, William (1663–1752): liii, lxix, lxxx; NJ1; Pa1–2 Bradford, William, III (1719–1791): 305 Bradley, Chester: NY46 Bradley, Ebenezer: Mass19 Bradley, Javin: NY46 Bradley & Wadsworth: Conn34 Brag, Willis: Ky1 Brandywine Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; Del1 Brandywine Paper Mill: lxi; Del1; Md10; Va4 Brattleboro’ Paper Mill: Vt10 Bratton, Bishop: Pa82 Breath, John: NJ12 Brechbill, Michael: Pa128 Breiner, John: Pa64 Brewer, Chauncey: Mass49 Brewer, Daniel C.: Mass49 Brewster, Stephen (d. 1879): NY51 Brickbell. See Brechbill Bricknell, William A.: SC2 Briggs, Joshua: Mass63 Briner. See Breiner Brinton, George: Pa87 Broadrup, George: Md16 Brocky, Conrad: Pa57, 103. See also Bracher, Conrad Bronx Mill: NY40 Brooks, Peter Chardon: Mass50 Brower, George W.: NJ27 Brower family: NJ27 Brown. See also Church & Brown Brown, L. L.: Pa21 Brown, Philip: NH6 Brown, Samuel: Mass19–20 Brown, Thomas: Pa21 Brown, U.: 310 Brown & Co.: 82 Brown & Curtis: Mass60 Browne, Samuel J. (1786–1872): Oh4 Brown George Mill: RI1, 3 Bruce, Nathaniel: NY31 Bruce & Seeley: NY31 Bryan, Daniel, Jr.: Ky8, 14 Bryan, Daniel Boone (1758–1845): Ky8, 14 Bryan, Thomas: Ky8, 14 Buchanan, John: Pa112 Buchanan, William: Pa112 Buckingham, Henry: Pa119 Buckingham, Simms & Parker: lxxviii; Pa119 Buckman, David: NH6

Buel, David (1747–1836): NY19 Bullard & Emerson: Mass30 Bunce, Charles: Conn11; Mass50 Bunce, Charles, Jr.: Conn12 Bunce, Chauncey: Conn24 Bunce, David: Conn11, 24–25 Bunce, Edwin: Conn12 Bunce, George: Conn12, 15 Bunce, Heman: Conn12 Bunce, Lewis: Conn12, 27 Bunce, Walter: Conn12 Bunker, Nathan (d. 1837?): Del1 Burbank, Abijah (1736–1813): xlv; Mass35 Burbank, Abijah, Jr. (1766–1842): Mass35; Vt7, 8, 15 Burbank, Caleb (1761–1849): Mass35–36, 41; NH6 Burbank, Dana (b. 1796): Vt7 Burbank, Elijah (1762–1847): 109; Mass35, 36, 41 Burbank, Gardner (b. 1785): 109; Mass35, 36 Burbank, Gardner S. (1809–1888): Mass41 Burbank, Isaac (1784–1836): Mass36; NH6 Burbank, Leonard (1783–1836): 109; Mass41 Burbank, Silas (1769–1847): Mass41; Vt15 Burk, John Daly (d. 1808): Va4 Burkhart, George: Tenn3 Burkhart, Peter: Va2 Burling, Thomas (d. 1818): Va4 Burnett, James: Ky10 Burrows, Daniel, Jr.: Conn39 Bush, William H.: NY52 Bushnell, Ebenezer (1757–1800): Conn2–3; Oh15 Butler, Asa: Conn19 Butler, Bissell & Co.: Conn19 Butler, Daniel (d. 1812): Conn8 Butler, Daniel (d. 1849): Mass54 Butler, Dodge, Baldwin & Co.: NH8 Butler, John (1780–1847): Conn7–8 Butler, Simeon: Conn19 Butler, William (1763–1831): Mass54 Butler & Hudson: Conn8 Butler & Ward: Conn19 Butlers & Ward: Conn19 Buttrick: Mass30 Byrne, John: Conn42 Byrne & Smith: Conn42 C. & A. Conrad & Co.: Md4

C. & W. Leffingwell: Conn1 C. M. Pickering & Co. See Pickering, Charles M. Cadwallader, Charles: Pa114–15 Cadwallader, John (d. 1807): Pa114 Cadwallader, Joseph: Pa114 Cady, Eleazer: NY22 Caesar, of Ky.: Ky7 Caesar, of Mass.: Mass2 Caldcleugh & Thomas: 305 Calder, James: RI1 Caldwell, Fraser & Co.: NY57 Caldwell, James: NY57 Caldwell, William: NY57 Caldwell’s Mills: NY57 Calhoun, Alexander: Pa93, 97 Calhoun, John: Pa93 Callar. See Caller Caller, Enoch (d. 1810?): Pa63 Calvin Shepard & Son: Mass29 Campbell, David: Mass57 Campbell, John (d. 1882): 307; NJ9 Campbell, Samuel (1763?–1836): lxxviii, 307; NJ9; Pa14 Campbell, Thomas (1769–1848): NJ12; NY41, 50 Campbell, Wellington (1816–ca. 1894): NJ12 Campbell & Marr: NJ9 Campbell & Mitchell: NJ9 Campbell & Persse: NJ9 Canfield, Dayton I. (1794–1853): NJ37 Carew, Joseph: Mass55 Carey, firm, printers: xli, xlix, lxvii, 11–12, 305–6; Del1, 5; NJ39; Oh7; Pa10, 16, 21–22, 24, 28, 30–31, 34, 41–43, 45, 48, 51, 55, 66, 72–73, 76–78, 80–81, 99, 104, 121 Carey & Lea: Oh7 Carnes, John: lxxviii Carpenter, Samuel (d. 1714): Pa1–2 Carr. See also Magaw, Atkinson & Carr Carr, Isaac (d. 1814): NJ39 Carriel, George: Conn18 Carroll, Charles (d. 1832): DC1 Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton (1737– 1832): Md13 Carroll, Daniel (d. 1849): DC1 Carroll, George: Conn18 Carson, David (1783–1858): Mass57–59, 64 Carson, John: Pa80 Carter. See also Kendall & Carter

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  316 Carter, James: Va7 Carter, Jefferson: Pa107, 110 Carter, John: Va7 Carter, Joseph: Md22 Carter, Robert (b. 1778): Md22; Pa84 Carter, William: Md22 Carter & Sharpless: Pa107 Case, E. K.: NY51 Casey, James: Conn36; Vt8 Castle Mill: Mass64 Caswell, Gurdon (1783–1862): NY27, 36–38 Caswell, Henry: NY37 Cecil Paper Mills: Md22 Chahoon, George: Pa119 Chamberlain, Joseph: Conn7 Chamberlin, Henry: Mass59 Chamberlin, Joseph: Mass58–59 Chamberlin, Martin: Mass58 Chambers, Benjamin: Pa93 Chambers, William: Va2 Champion, Henry: Conn7 Chancellor. See Kownslar Chandler. See Blake & Chandler Chapman, Simeon: NY32 Chapman, Simon: NY32 Chardon, Anthony: 306 Charles Baker & Co.: Mass12 Charles Markle & Co.: Pa10 Charles Sturges & Co.: Mass70 Chase, Henry: NH13 Chelsea Manufacturing Co.: Conn4 Chelsea Paper Mill: Conn4 Cheshire County Paper Manufactory: NH6 Chester, Eason T. (b. 1807): NY28 Chicopee Manufacturing Co.: Mass49 Chittenden, George (1776–1845): NY20–21 Chittenden, George, Jr. (d. 1873): NY21 Christopher C. Olney & Co.: RI1 Christopher Olney & Co.: RI1 Christopher Olney & Son: RI1 Church, Daniel: Mass60 Church, Joseph: Mass63, 68 Church, Leonard: Mass63, 68 Church, Luman: Mass65, 68, 70 Church, Nathaniel: Conn33 Church, Samuel: Mass60, 63–64 Church & Brown: Mass70 Cincinnati Phoenix Steam Paper Mills: Oh8 Cincinnati Steam Paper Mill: Oh7

Clapp, Ralph: NY38 Clapp, Keeney & Co.: Conn8 Claremont Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; NH19 Clark. See also Clarke Clark, Henry W.: NY58–59 Clark, Jabez: Conn42 Clark, John: Mass6; NJ9–10, 12; NY35; Pa120 Clark, Joseph (1775–1870): Vt10 Clark, Othniel: NY42 Clark, Samuel: NJ9 Clark, William: Mass54 Clark & Carter: Pa110 Clark & Gray: Conn42 Clark & Sharpless: Pa120 Clarke. See also Clark Clarke, George: Mass2, 11 Clarke, Richard (d. 1777): lxi, lxxv; Mass1–2 Clarke, Richard, II (ca. 1767–1796): Mass11 Class, Simon: 43 Claus. See Class Clement, Jacob B. (d. 1856?): Del1 Clifton Mills: Pa26; Va3 Clinton Mill: NY41 Clinton Steam Paper Mill: Oh15; Pa122 Clipper Mill: Md1 Close. See Class Closs. See Class Codorus Paper Mill: Pa116 Coghlan, Daniel: NJ32, 33 Coladay. See Colliday Cole, Webster: NH6 Cole, William: Mass58 Coleman Sellers & Sons: lxxv–lxxvi, 309; Pa20 Coles, Abraham: NY7 Coles, William: Conn36 Coles & Wright: Conn36 Colhoun. See Calhoun Coller. See Caller Colliday, Jacob: Pa38 Collins. See also Wallover & Collins Collins, Isaac (1746–1817): NJ3, 5; Pa42, 48 Collins, Isaac (d. 1841): NJ24 Collins, John (1754–1806) NJ24 Collins & Shee: Pa77 Colton, Aaron (1758–1840): lxxix Colton, Moses: Vt4 Colton & Warren: Vt4 Columbia Mill: DC1; Mass67; NJ8

Columbian Mill: NJ8; NY46 Comslow, Conrad: WV1 Comstock, Daniel: Conn30 Comstock, Seth: Conn30 Condit, Israel Dodd (1802–1897): NJ13–14 Condit, Joseph, Jr.: NJ20 Cone: NY32 Conkling, Richard: NY11 Connor, Patrick: Mass11 Conrad, John (ca. 1776–1851): 309; Md4; Pa14–15 Conrad, Michael: 309; Md4 Conrad, Lucas & Co.: 309; Md4 Conrad & McConnell: Pa14 Cook, John: Conn26 Cooke, Increase (1773–1814): 310; Conn26 Coolidge, William: 108 Cooper, William (d. 1829): Pa57 Cooper & Davis: Pa76 Copeland, Isaac: 54 Couch, Daniel: Mass60 Coulter, Bever & Bowman: Oh1 Coulter, John: Oh1 Cox: Mass53 Cox, Benjamin: Mass49 Cox, Ezekiel Taylor: Oh17 Cox, George: Me4–6 Cox, Henry: Me4; Mass2–3, 12, 17 Cox, J. L.: Oh17 Cox, Jesse: NJ39 Cox, John: NJ39 Cox, Lemuel: Mass49 Cox & Sons: NJ39 Cox & Thomas: NJ39 Cox & Thorp: Mass12 Coxe, Daniel W.: 139 Cragmiles: Tenn1 Craig, Elijah (1743–1808): Ky1 Craig, Hector (1775–1842): NY16 Craig, James: Mass57; NY16–17 Craig, Joel: Ky1 Craig, John: NY16 Craig, Parkers & Co.: Ky1 Craigmiles. See Cragmiles Cramer, Spear & Eichbaum: Oh2 Cramer, Zadok (1773–1813): Oh2 Cramer & Spear: Oh2 Crane. See also Vose, Lewis & Crane Crane, Henry: Mass1 Crane, I.: NH14 Crane, Israel: NJ40 Crane, J.: NH14 Crane, James Brewer (1817–1891): Mass58

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  317 Crane, Luther: Mass52 Crane, Nathaniel: Mass11 Crane, R.: NH14 Crane, R. P.: NH14 Crane, Stephen (1734–1778): Mass1 Crane, Stephen, Jr. (1766–1820): Mass5, 57 Crane, T.: NH14 Crane, Y.: NH14 Crane, Zenas (1777–1845): xlix, 308; Mass57–58, 64, 69 Crane, Zenas Marshall (1815–1887): Mass52, 58 Crane & Chamberlin: Mass58 Cree, David: NJ10 Crehore, Benjamin F. (d. 1828): Mass3 Crehore, Edward: Mass37 Crehore, Lemuel (1791–1868): Mass8, 16, 21 Creswell, Patrick: Pa114 Crocker, Alvah (1801–1874): Mass37, 41–42 Crocker, Burbank & Co.: Mass41 Crocker, Samuel (1774–1856): Mass37, 41 Crocker & Co.: Mass42 Crocker & Gardner: Mass41 Crockett, Joseph: Ky17 Crosby, Darius: NY5–6 Cross, John: Ky2; Oh4 Cross & Earenfight: Oh4 Crosswell, James: NY31 Crosswell, William: NY31 Crouse, David: Oh12 Crow. See Kroh Crow Hollow Mill: Mass67 Crukshank, Joseph (1746?–1836): lxii, Pa11, 27 Culbertson, S. D.: Pa97 Cummings, Benjamin: NY47 Curtis. See also Brown & Curtis Curtis, Allen C. (1789–1871): Mass6, 8, 17–19 Curtis, David: RI5 Curtis, E. & W.: Mass30 Curtis, Edward: NJ43; Mass30 Curtis, George B. (1810–1859): Del2 Curtis, Melville: NJ28, 43 Curtis, Solomon (1766–1818): 92; Mass6, 17–18, 57 Curtis, Solomon N. (1818–1904): Del2 Curtis, Warren: NJ28, 43 Curtis, William (1794–1880): Mass6, 8, 17–18, 30

Curtis Mills: Mass17, 18 Curtis Paper Co.: Del2 Cushing, Caleb: 309 Cushing, Henry (1777–1860): RI5 Cushing, Joseph (1781–1852): 309 Cushing & Ide: 309 Cushing & Jewett: 309 Cutler, James Iredell (b. 1792): Vt8, 18 Cutting, H. S.: Vt9 Cutting, Jonah (1762–1842): Vt9 Cutting, Samuel: Vt9 Cutting & Gregory: Vt9 D. & J. Ames: Mass47, 49, 55–56 D. & M. Shields & Co.: Tenn7 D. Bigelow & Co.: Mass28 Dall, James: Md10 Dallam, William S.: Ky8 Daniell, Jeremiah F.: NH15 Daniell, Otis: 307; Mass21 Daniels, Jeremiah Fisher: Mass12 Daniel Sawn & Co.: 11 David Bemis & Co.: Mass15 David Buel & Son: NY19 Davidson. See Davisson Davis, Matthew L.: 307; NJ11 Davis, Thomas: Pa76 Davis, William: Oh10 Davis & Dunham: 307; NJ11 Davis & Rigby: Oh10 Davis & Shane: Oh10 Davisson, John G. (1808–1888): NJ6 Day, Alfred (1786–1834): Vt17–18 Day, Benjamin: NY62 Day, Dan (1791–1842): Vt18 Day, Josiah F.: Me7 Deaderick, David: Tenn1 Debit, William: Conn7, 18 Defiance Mill: Mass59 De Forest & Hodge: Conn27 Dehl, Christopher: Pa67 Delaware Paper Manufactory: Del1 Delaware Paper Mills: Del5 Dement, Graham & Co.: 310 Deming, Julius (1755–1838): Conn30, 34 Denman, Aaron: 68–69 Denman, Daniel N.: 69; NJ19 Denman, Matthias (1751–1841): 69; NJ10 Denman & Ayres: NJ19 Denormandie, Anthony (d. 1822): Ky1; Pa104 Dering, Henry: Mass1 Derrickson. See Gaunt & Derrickson Devries, Christian: lxi; Md13, 19–20

Devries, John B. (1802–1888): Md19–20 Devries & Son: Md19 Dewar, A. H.: NY41 Dewees, Garrett: Pa5, 8 Dewees, Henry, I (1716–1801): Pa8, 40 Dewees, Henry, II (1757–1802): Pa8 Dewees, Jacob (b. ca. 1757): Pa40 Dewees, William (1677–1745): xxxii; Pa3–6, 8 Dewees, William, II (1712 or 1714–1777): Pa6 Dewing, Paul: Mass20 DeWolf, James, Jr.: Ky9 DeWolf, James, Sr.: Ky9 Diamond Mill: NJ16 Dickey, Joseph: Pa89 Dickey & Wilder: NY22 Dickinson, John: Del1 Dickinson, Samuel: Vt10 Dickinson, Stoughton: Vt6 Dickinson & Goulding: Mass43 Dickinson & Merrick: Mass46 Dingman, Henry: NY30 Dobson, Thomas (1751–1823): 305 Dodd, Job S.: NJ22 Dodd, John: Mass8 Dodge. See Butler, Dodge, Baldwin & Co. Donaldson, Robert: 308; NJ33 Donaldson, Robert, Jr.: NJ33 Donkin, Bryan: NY62 Donnaldson, John: Pa47 Dorlan, James M. (b. 1807): Pa76 Dorsett, James: Md1; NJ3 Douglass, Asa: NY25 Dove Mill: Mass38; Pa49, 81 Downing, James M.: Pa76 Downing, Joseph M.: Pa76 Drake, John Tuck (1794–1830): 310; Oh7 Drum, Simon, Jr.: Pa118 Duane, William (1760–1835): 306 Duane, William John (1780–1865): 306 Duane & Levis: 306 Ducket & Hall: Pa84 Duckett, John B.: Pa32, 33 Duckett, William C.: 145; Pa111–12 Dull, Charles: 306 Dull & White: 306 Dunehue, Alexander: Vt4 Dunham, David: 307; NJ11 Dunham, Jesse, Jr. (1794–1859): Vt17 Dunham, Nathaniel (1780–1848): Vt17 Dunham, Noah (1784–1853): Vt17 Dunham & Randolph: NJ11

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  318 Dunlap, William: 308 Dunnell, Abijah Legge (1795–1872): lxxviii; NJ31 Durant, Adolphus: Mass7, 51 Durant, William: Mass7 Durell, William (1766?–1845): 307; NY4 Duval, James S. (ca. 1802–1833): Oh4 Duval, Joseph: Oh4 Duval, Lewis: Oh4 DuVal, Philip: Va4 Duyckinck, Evert: 307; Conn26 Dwight, William H.: Conn19 Dwinnell, Solomon, Jr.: Mass41 E. & R. Roberts: Mass53 E. & S. Hollister: Conn20–22 E. & W. Curtis: Mass30 E. P. Walton & Sons: Vt15 E. Peck & Co.: NY53 E. T. Cox & Co.: Oh17 Eagle Mill: Conn19; Mass54, 63; NY45; Pa76, 129; Tenn5 Eagle Mills Co.: Conn19 Eaglesfield, Woolebridge (d. 1858): NJ13 Eaglesfield & Lyon: NJ13 Earenfight, Christopher (ca. 1779–1850): Oh4 Eastburn, James (d. 1829): 308 Eastman, J. S.: NY16 Easton, Joel (d. 1802): Vt6 Ebenezer Walbridge & Co.: Vt1 Eckerling, Israel (b. 1705): Pa56 Eckerling, Samuel (d. 1781): Pa56 Eckstein, Samuel: 306; Pa20, 26, 80 Eddy. See also Wheaton & Eddy Eddy, Caleb: Mass15 Eddy, J. M.: Mass76 Eddy, M.: Mass76 Eddy, Otis: NY54 Eden Vale Mill: Mass22 Edes & Gill: Mass1 Edgarton, John: Mass33 Edgarton, Joseph: Mass33–34 Edgarton, Whitcomb & Co.: Mass34 Edmonds, Samuel: NY20 Edwards, C. P.: NJ36 Ehrhart, Jacob: Pa117 Eichbaum, William (1787–1866): Oh2 Elijah Craig & Son: Ky1 Elliott, Simon: 92; Mass17–18 Elliott & Curtis: 92; Mass17–18 Ellis, Jonathan: 92 Ellis, Rufus: Mass6, 8, 17 Elms, Thomas, of Del.: Del2

Elms, Thomas, of N.Y.: NY7 Emerson. See Bullard & Emerson Emerson, Andrew: Mass30 Endress, Christian (d. 1827): NY43 Enos Sperry & Co.: 188 Ensign, Perley: NY18 Enterprise Mill: Mass65 Ephrata: lvi, lxiv, lxxv; Pa56–57 Evans, Jeremiah: Md18 Evans, John: NJ42 Evans, Oliver (1755–1819): Ky8; Pa121 Exeter Mills: NH1 F. Peabody & Co.: Mass52 F. W. Bird, Hollingsworth & Co.: Mass10 Fager, Daniel: 58 Fairbanks, Ebenezer W.: Vt11 Fairchild, Daniel: Conn32 Fairchild, Eben (1784–1865): Conn32 Fairchild, Reuben (1782–1855): Conn32 Fairchild, Thomas: NJ40 Fairchild Paper Mill: Conn32 Fales. See Falls Fall Creek Paper Mill: NY54 Falls, Henry (d. 1843): Pa86 Falls, James (d. 1830): Del3; Pa73, 86 Falls, John: Del3 Faneuil, Benjamin (1701–1785): Mass1 Faneuil, Peter: Mass1 Farr, Thomas (b. ca. 1774): Va4 Farra, Daniel (d. 1860): Del6 Farra, John (d. 1832): Del6 Faulkner, James: NY43 Faust, Jacob J. (ca. 1780–1827): SC2 Fayette Paper Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; Ky8 Featherman, Michael: Pa83, 87 Fegar, Samuel: 58 Feger, Christopher: Pa63–65 Feger, Conrad: 57 Feger, Dewalt: Pa64 Feger, Henry: Pa63 Feger, Paul (d. 1790): Pa63–65 Fenno, Jarvis: Mass3 Fessenden, Joseph (1777–1835): NY36–37; Vt10 Fessenden, Patty: Vt10 Fessenden, William (1779–1815): Vt10 Fessenden & Co.: Vt10 Few, Joseph: Pa11 Field, Matthew: Mass67 Field & Stone: NY19 Fields. See Ticknor & Fields Finnel, Edward: Ky16

Fischer, John: Pa72 Fisher, Archibald: WV3 Fisher, Ebenezer: Conn27 Fisher, John. See Fischer, John Fisher, Joshua (1707–1783): Del1 Fisher, Miers (1748–1819): lxxv; Del1 Fisher, Philip: Pa76 Fisher, Samuel Rowland (1745–1834): Del1 Fisher, Thomas, I (1741–1810): Del1 Fisher, Thomas, II (1801–1856): Del1 Fiske. See Blake & Fiske Fitch, Jeremiah: Conn38 Flagg, Isaac: NH1 Flagg & Brothers: NH1 Fleming, Alexander (1790–1867): Vt8 Fletcher. See also Geyer & Fletcher Fletcher, Louis A.: NH8 Flinn, Patrick: 44 Flinn & Treudley: 44 Foley, John: xl; NH13 Follansbee, Leonard: Me7 Forbes, A.: NY29 Forbes & Adams: Conn33 Forest Mill: Mass68; Vt14 Fosdick. See Kirby & Fosdick Foster, James: Mass19 Foster, Joseph (d. 1853): Mass19–20 Foster, Joseph, II: Mass19 Foster, Joseph H.: Mass19 Foster, Peregrine Pynchon (1793–1834): RI5 Foster, Steele & Co.: NY34 Foster, Theodore Adelphidus (1778– 1825): RI5 Foster’s Mills: Mass19–20 Fourdrinier, Henry: Del1 Fowle, Samuel: Me3 Fox, George: Pa68 Fox, Ira: Vt17 Frame, William: NJ25–26 Franklin, Benjamin (1706–1790): liv, 305; Pa6, 21, 42, 61; Va1 Franklin Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; Md10 Franklin Mill: Conn18; Ky16; Md10; NH14; Oh2 Fraser, William: NY57 Freeman, Peter (1792–1854): NJ37 Freeman, Samuel: Me3 French, Thomas: Mass41 Friend, Christian: Pa38 Friend, Henry: Pa38 Fritz, Philip: 44 Frost, J. A. H.: li; Conn3, 37, 43

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  319 Frost, Joshua: Mass49 Frost & Pickering: li; Conn3, 37, 43 Fry, Richard (d. 1745?): Me1 Fuller. See also Benton, Fuller & Co.; Benton & Fuller Fuller, Amasa (d. 1826): Mass3, 19 Fuller, Edward: NH9 Fuller, Richardson: Mass3 Fulton, George: 305; Pa73 Fulton, James: Pa73, 85, 88 Fulton, James, Jr.: Pa73 Fulton, James C.: Pa73 Fulton, James Jefferson: Pa73, 88 Fulton, John (d. 1796): Pa73 Fulton, John, II (d. 1854): Pa73, 85 Fulton, Joseph: Pa73 Fulton, Miller: Pa73, 87–88 Funk, Jacob (b. 1725): Pa57 Funk, Samuel (b. 1719): Pa57 G. & J. Robertson: Vt13 Gable. See Gevel Gage. See Johnson & Gage Gaine, Hugh (1726/7–1807): lxix, 307; NY7 Gale, L.: Vt20 Gales, Joseph (1761-1841): NC4 Gamble, Robert: Va2 Gano, Richard M.: Ky1 Gardiner, Robert Hallowell (b. ca. 1781–1782): Me5 Gardner. See Crocker & Gardner Garfield, Harrison (b. 1810): Mass68 Garret, Thomas: Ky1 Garrett, Horatio Gates (d. 1832): Del4 Garrett, John, II: Del4 Garrett, John, III: Del4 Garrett, Levi: Del4 Gaunt & Derrickson: NJ32–33 Geatier, Stephen: Pa83 Gebhart, Herman: Pa108 Gebhart, Norton & Kurtz: Pa108 George Cox & Co.: Me6 George Goodwin & Sons: Conn10 George Hooker & Co.: Mass76 George Spafford & Son: Conn42 Gevel, Lewis: Pa76 Geyer & Fletcher: Mass22 Gibbons, James M.: Pa80 Gibbs, John M.: Me7; Mass24, 30 Gibbs, Lucius N.: Vt3 Gibbs & Greenleaf: NH13 Gibson, Joseph: DC1 Gibson, Nathaniel: Vt6

Gideon Hollister & Sons: Conn37 Gilbert, Daniel: Mass57 Gilbert, David H.: Mass4 Gilbert, Joel: Conn24 Gilbert, Solomon: Conn38 Gill. See Edes & Gill Gilman, Harvey: NY53 Gilman & Sibley: NY53 Gilmore, John: lxi; Del6; Pa21 Gilmore, Moses: Pa22 Gilmore, Robert: Pa22 Gilmore, William: Del6; Pa21 Gilpin, Joshua (1765–1841): xxxi, xxxv, xli, xliv, xlvii–l, lviii–lix, lxiv–lxv, lxvii, lxix, lxxiv, lxxix, 305, 308; Del1–2, 4 Gilpin, Lydia (Fisher): Del1 Gilpin, Thomas, I (1727–1778): Del1 Gilpin, Thomas, II (1776–1853): xxxi, xli, xliv, xlvi–l, lviii–lix, lxvii, lxxiv, lxxix, 305, 308; Del1–2, 4; Mass47; NJ40; Pa17 Gilpin & Fisher: Del1 Gist. See also Kroh & Gist Gist, George, Jr.: Md3 Gist, John: Md3 Given, James (d. 1802): Del1 Given, William: Del1 Glazier, Masters & Co.: Me6 Glen, Hugh: Pa79 Glenn, John: Del3 Glenn, Thomas: Del3 Glenwood Mills: Pa24 Goddard, Sarah: RI1 Goddard, William (1740–1817): lxii; RI1 Goes, Casparus C.: NY20 Goes, Richard I.: NY20 Good Hope Mill: Oh10 Goodhue, Francis (1767–1839): Vt10 Goodwin, Charles (1791–1877): Conn10 Goodwin, Edward (1800–1883): Conn10 Goodwin, George (1757–1844): 308; Conn6, 9–11, 13–14; Mass54 Goodwin, George, Jr. (1786–1878): Conn10 Goodwin, Henry (1793–1884): Conn10 Goodwin, Richard E. (1782–1838): Conn10 Goodwin & Co.: Conn7, 10 Goodwin family: Conn13 Gookin, Richard: Vt5 Gookin, William: Vt5 Gookin & Co.: Vt5 Gordon, George: Tenn1

Gordon, Simon L.: NH17 Gore: Md9 Gore, Christopher (1758–1827): Mass23 Gorgas, Benjamin (1747–1821): Pa12, 56 Gorgas, Jacob: Pa56 Gorgas, John: Pa3, 4 Gorgas, John, II (1740–1823): Pa12, 56 Gorgas, Mary: Pa56 Gorton. See Sanderson & Gorton Goss, Mark (b. 1789): Vt16 Goss, Samuel (1776–1866): Vt16 Goss & Reed: Vt16 Goucher. See also Myers & Goucher Goucher, Francis: 11; Pa34 Goucher, Thomas: Pa34 Goucher, William: 11–12; Pa34 Gould, Daniel: NY35 Goulding. See Dickinson & Goulding Graham. See also Dement, Graham & Co. Graham, E.: Oh4 Graham, James: 310; Oh8–9 Graham, Joseph: Oh8–9 Graham, T.: Oh4 Grant, Moses: Mass21 Grant, Moses, II: 307; Mass6, 21; NH10 Grant & Daniell: Mass21 Grant, Warren & Co.: 307 Grattan, Robert: Va2 Gray, Edward: Md4 Gray, Jacob: NJ32 Gray, Samuel: Conn42 Greatrake, George: lxi; Del1 Greatrake, Lawrence (ca. 1758–1817): xxxiv, xxxix–xl, xlvii–xlviii, lxi; Del1; Va4 Greatrake, Lawrence, Jr.: 309–10; Md10 Green: Md12 Green, Lawson H.: Vt11 Green, Samuel, of New Haven (1743– 1799): Conn24 Green, Samuel, of New London: Conn5 Green, Thomas (1735–1812): Conn24 Greene, Jacob A.: Oh11 Greene, Joseph: Mass5 Greene, Joseph A.: Oh11 Greenleaf. See also Gibbs & Greenleaf Greenleaf & Taylor: Mass47 Greenville Paper Mill: RI5 Gregory, William: Vt9 Griswold, Roger (1765–1823): Conn9 Griswold, Shubael (d. 1812): Conn9 Gross & Ritter: NY3 Guie, James: Pa76, 79

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  320 Guilford Paper Mill: Vt9 Gunpowder Mill: Md2 Gwinn: NJ25–26 H. & E. Goodwin: Conn10 H. Humes & Son: Pa129 Haak. See Hawks Haga. See Hagey Hagerty, George (1780?–1804): 309; Md4 Hagerty, John (1746?–1823): 309; Md4, 15; Va7 Hagey, Daniel (1760–1810): Pa42 Hagey, Jacob (1721–1792): lxiii; Pa6, 39, 42, 46, 48 Hagey, Johannes: Pa42 Hagey, William (1758–1834): lxxvi; Pa25, 42, 46 Hagy, Hannah Levis Robeson: Pa53 Hagy, Jacob (1780–1841): Pa46, 53 Hagy, Joseph (1785–1817): Pa46 Hale, Eliphalet: NH1 Hale, William: NH1 Hall. See also Ducket & Hall Hall, David (1714–1772): liv, 305 Hall, Eliphalet: NJ20 Hall, Gardner C.: Vt12–13 Hall, William (1752–1834): 305 Hall & Leavitt: Vt12–13 Hall & Meade: NJ20 Hamilton & Wright: NY23 Hammond, Elisha: Vt19 Hammond, William: Md13 Hammond & Pringle: Md13 Hampton Paper Mills: Md17 Hancock, Thomas (1703–1764): 306; Mass1 Hank, John: Pa104 Hanna, Andrew (d. 1812): 309; Pa59 Hanna, Thompson: Oh15 Harding, Richard C.: NJ36 Harmon, Jacob: Tenn5 Harpst, Andrew: Pa115 Harris & Cox: Me4 Harvey, Job: Pa107 Hasselbach, Nicholas: Pa6, 43 Haswell, Anthony (1756–1816): Vt1 Haswell & Russell: Vt1 Hawes, Joseph: Mass12 Hawes, William: Mass12 Hawks, Christopher: Pa66 Hawley, Alpheus: NY39 Hawley, Amos: NY39 Hawley, Seth (1781–1869): NY39 Hays, N. W. S.: Md18 Hays, Thomas Archer (1780–1861): Md18

Hazen, Gideon M. (1810–1880): Tenn5 Hazleton, John: Mass1 Hedges. See White & Hedges Hege. See Hagey Heilman, John Adam, II (1745–1827): Pa106 Helm, Bernon: RI1, 3 Helmbold, Andrew: Pa51 Helmbold, Elizabeth: Pa51 Helmbold, Frederick: Pa16 Helmbold, George (1778?–1821): Pa16–17, 51 Helmbold, George Christopher (d. 1808): 305; Pa16, 49, 51 Helmbold, Henry: Pa51 Hemphill, John: Del1 Henchman, Daniel (1689–1761): 306; Mass1 Henderson, Alexander (1779–ca. 1853): Vt20 Henderson, James: lxxvii–lxxix; Pa119 Henry Holdship & Son: Oh15; Pa122 Henry W. Starin & Co.: NY41 Henshaw, Daniel: Vt6 Henshaw, Easton & Co.: Vt6 Henshaw, Joshua: Vt6 Henvis, William (b. 1778): Pa42 Herbst, Conrad: Pa67 Herring, John: NY32; Vt4 Herst, Daniel: Pa66 Hicks. See Jacob & Hicks; Mills & Hicks Higby, Asahel: NY26 Hill, Peter: Pa32 Hines & Howard: 82; Oh15 Hinsdill, Gibbs & Co.: Vt3 Hinsdill, Joseph, “Deacon” (1773–1822): Vt1, 3 Hinsdill, Joseph, “Ensign” (1747–1800): Vt1 Hirst, G.: Pa121 Hockley Mills: Md13 Hodgdon, Samuel: Pa41 Hodge. See also De Forest & Hodge Hodge, Robert (d. 1813): NJ8 Hodges, Albert G.: Ky16 Hoffman, Christian (1773–1833): Md1 Hoffman, Henry (1776–1815): Md2 Hoffman, Peter (1779–1864): Md2 Hoffman, Peter Benton: Md1, 8 Hoffman, William (1740–1811): lxiii, lxxv; Md1–2; Pa45, 57, 66 Hoffman, William Henkle (1810–1886): Md2, 12

Hogan. See Hulgan Hoit, Ichabod: 308; NY47 Holbrook, John (1761–1838): NY36–37; Vt10 Holbrook & Fessenden: lxii; NY36–37; Vt10 Holdship, George W.: Pa122 Holdship, Hanna & Turnbull: Oh15 Holdship, Henry: xlv–xlvii, lxvii; Conn2; Oh15; Pa121–22 Holdship & Bayless: Conn2; Oh15 Holdship & Hanna: Oh15 Holgate, Jacob: Pa14 Hollenback, Matthias (1752 or 1753– 1829): Pa119 Hollingsworth: Mass10 Hollingsworth, Amos: Mass2 Hollingsworth, Mark (1777–1855): Mass2–3, 11–14 Hollister, Edwin M. (1800–1870): Conn20–22 Hollister, Gideon (1776–1864): Conn37–39 Hollister, Samuel O. (b. 1801): Conn20–22 Hollywell Mill: Pa96 Holmes, Elijah (1764–1839): Me7 Holmes, Elizabeth Leiper: Pa36 Holmes, John: Pa36 Holmes, Joseph B.: Pa126 Holmes, Joseph E.: Pa126 Holmes & Follansbee: Me7 Holston Paper Mill: Tenn7 Hommerken, George: NY62 Hoogland, Daniel (1768–1830): NY7 Hoogs, Francis: Mass19 Hoogs, William (ca. 1741–1802): Mass5 Hoogs, William, II (b. 1777): Mass5, 19–20 Hoogs & Brown: Mass19 Hooker, George: Mass6, 17, 25, 76 Hooker & Warren: Mass76 Hope Mill: NY30 Hope Valley Paper Mill: Conn41 Hopkins. See also Patterson & Hopkins Hopkins, George Folliet (1769–1848): 308; NJ28–29 Hopkins & Bayard: 308; NJ28 Horton, Elisha: Conn34 Hoskins, Ebenezer: NY64 Hotchkiss, Elihu: Vt10 Hotchkiss, S.: Conn24 Houghton, Thomas, Jr. (d. 1797): Mass50

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  321 Houghton, Thomas, Sr.: Mass50 Housatonic Mill: Mass66 House, Elijah: Conn37 Houston, Churchill (d. ca. 1845): NJ6 Houston & Davisson: NJ6 Howard. See also Hines & Howard Howard, Charles: Mass55–56 Howard & Lathrop: Mass55–56 Howe, Henry P.: Mass34 Howell, Francis Barber (1796–1887): Oh5 Howland, John: NY19 Howland, Thomas: NY19 Hubbard, Amos Hallam (b. 1791): li; Conn1, 3 Hubbard, Russell (1785–1857): li; Conn1–3 Hubbard, Thomas (1758–1808): Conn1–2 Hubbard family: Conn4 Huddle Mill: Mass65 Hudson. See also Worrull & Hudson Hudson, Barzillai (1741–1823): 308; Conn6, 8–11, 13–14; Mass54 Hudson, Henry (1780–1843): xliv, lxv; Conn10, 14, 16 Hudson, Melancthon: Conn16 Hudson, Philip W.: Conn16 Hudson, R.: Conn16 Hudson, William: Conn16 Hudson & Co.: Conn14, 16 Hudson & Goodwin: 308; Conn6, 9–11, 13–14; Mass54 Hudson family: Conn9 Hufnal, Adam: Pa84 Hughes, Jonathan: NJ44 Hugh McLean & Co.: Mass3 Hulgan, John (ca. 1745–1810): lvi; NC1 Hull, Henry: NY49 Hull, John Franklin: NY49 Humes, H.: Pa129 Humes & Proud: Pa129 Humphreys, Ann Frances: Conn27 Humphreys, David (1752–1818): lxii–lxiii; Conn27 Humphreys, Edward D.: Pa34 Humphreys, James Y. (1783?–1850): 306 Humphreys, John, Jr.: Conn27 Humphreysville Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; Conn27 Hunter, Elijah: NY4 Hunter, John: Md12 Hunter, William: Va1 Hunting. See also Wellington & Hunting Hunting, John: Mass25; NH1

Huntington, Andrew (1745–1824): Conn2–3; Oh15 Huntington, Thomas M.: Conn2 Huntington & Bushnell: Conn2–3; Oh15 Hurd, William: 92; Mass6, 8, 16, 21 Hurd & Bemis: 92 Hurd & Crehore: Mass8, 16 Hurlbert, Jesse P.: 307 Hurlbut, Thomas (1794–1861): Conn19; Mass60–62 Hurlbut Paper Co.: Mass60 Hurley, Thomas: 305 Ide, Hartford: 309 Ide, Simeon (1794–1889): NH19 Idler, William: lxxvi, 58; Pa63 Increase Cooke & Co.: 310; Conn26 Industry Mill: NH10 Ingersoll, Jared: Mass68-71 Ingersoll, Milton: Mass63, 71 Ingersoll & Benton: Mass68 Ingersoll & Platner: Mass71 Ingham, Hezekiah: Oh12–13; Pa104 Ingham, Isaiah: Oh12–13; Pa104 Ingham, Samuel Delucenna (1779–1860): lxi; Oh12; Pa104 Ingham & Denormandie: Pa104 Ingham & Langstroth: Pa104 Ingham & Lewis: Pa104 Inskeep, John, Jr.: Md4 Isaac Carr & Co.: NJ39 Isaac Riley & Co.: NY7 Isbell. See Olmstead & Isbell Ives, Isaac C.: Mass64 Ives, Sturges & Co.: 128–29 Ivy Mill: xxxvi, lvii, lxi, lxiii, lxxx; Pa21 J. & J. Graham: Oh8–9 J. & S. Campbell: 307; NJ8 J. H. Walsh & Sons: NY17 J. Kendall & Sons: Mass37, 40 J. Patterson & Co.: Pa121 J. Starr & Co.: Pa95 J. Symonds & Co.: NY51 J. Tiebout & Sons: 308 Jackson, Betsy Sharpless: Pa107 Jackson, Charles: Mass16 Jackson, Edward (b. 1755): Mass5 Jackson, Ephraim, I: Mass5 Jackson, Ephraim, II (b. 1759): Mass6, 17 Jackson, Jesse: Pa107 Jackson, Joseph: Mass6 Jackson, Samuel (d. 1817): Pa107 Jackson & Nichols: Pa107 Jackson & Sharpless: Pa107

Jackson & Wright: Mass5 Jackson Paper Mill: Mass17 Jacob, John J. (d. 1852): Ky12 Jacob & Hicks: Ky12 Jacob Ulrich & Co.: Pa68 James & William Lysle: Pa91 James Graham & Co.: 310 James Guie & Sons: Pa76 James I. Cutler & Co.: Vt8 James Johnson & Co.: lxviii; Ky2 James Norton & Co.: Pa74, 123 James Patton, Jr., & Co.: SC1 James Q. Adams & Co.: NY36–37 James Snowden & Co.: NY14 James Steele & Son: Pa78 James White & Son: NJ35 James Whiton & Son: Mass65, 68 January, Thomas: Ky8 Jarvis, Caleb: Mass12 Jarvis, Chester: NY34 Jefferson Paper Mill: NY30 Jeffords, P.: NY53 Jervis, Asahel H.: NY54 Jesse Cox & Sons: NJ39 Jessop, Charles: Md12 Jessop, Joshua: Md12 Jewett, Joseph. See Cushing & Jewett Jewett & Read: Me4 John Atkinson & Son: Vt8 John Bever & Co.: Oh1 John Boies & Co.: Mass22 John Cadwallader & Co.: Pa114 John Campbell & Co.: NJ8 John Clark & Co.: NY35 John Cook & Co.: Conn26 John G. Davisson & Co.: NJ6 John M. Gibbs & Co.: Mass30 John Nye, Jr., & Co.: Mass64 John Obermeyer & Co.: Md17 Johns, Thomas: Pa96 Johns & Shryock: Pa96 John Savels & Co.: Me5 John Scott & Co.: Pa94 John Shryock & Co.: Pa96 Johnson, Andrew: Ky6 Johnson, James (1774–1826): Ky2, 5–6, 9 Johnson, John: Pa6 Johnson, Noel: Ky16 Johnson, Richard Mentor (1780 or 1781–1850): Ky2, 9 Johnson, Samuel: Pa85 Johnson, William: Ky2 Johnson & Dodd: NJ22

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  322 Johnson & Gage: NY60 Johnston, Samuel Reed (1797–1854): Pa124 Johnston & Stockton: Pa124 John West & Co.: Mass73 Jones. See also Leeds, Jones & Bissell; Leeds, Jones & Co.; Leeds & Jones; Wallover & Jones Jones, Daniel: Conn7 Jones, Evan: Pa47 Jones, Lloyd (d. 1852): Pa50 Jones, Paul: Pa50, 51 Jones, Richard L. (1767–1852): Conn7 Jones, Robert A.: NC4 Jordan, Richard: Mass9; NH1, 6 Joseph A. Greene & Co.: Oh11 Joseph Edgarton & Co.: Mass33 Joseph Trevor & Co.: Pa109 Joshua Gilpin & Co.: Del1 Jotham Townsend & Co.: NY11 Judah, Naphtali (1773?–1855): 307 Judd, Asa: Mass71 Kaltz. See Katz Kammerer, Henry (d. 1798): Pa49, 66 Kates. See Katz Katz, Andrew: Pa43 Katz, Conrad: Pa43 Katz, Henry (1725–1794): lxiii, lxxvi; Pa42–43, 46, 48 Katz, Henry, II (d. 1834): Pa43 Katz, Jacob: Pa43 Katz, John: Pa43 Katz, William (1800–1855): Pa43 Kearny: NY62 Keating, John (d. 1790): NY1–2 Keeney, Timothy, I: Conn8 Keeney, Timothy, II: Conn8 Keller, Abraham: lxxvi; Pa63, 65 Keller, Jacob: Pa59, 65 Kellogg, Leonard: NY26 Kellogg, James, Jr.: Oh18 Kelty, Anthony: lxix; Pa80, 104 Kendall, Amos: Ky16 Kendall, J. G.: Mass37 Kendall, J. H.: Mass37 Kendall, Jonas: Mass37–38, 40 Kendall & Carter: Mass37 Kennan, William: NJ8 Kennedy, Jonathan: Pa112 Kennison, Nehemiah R.: NH16 Kentucky Insurance Co.: Ky9 Kershner, Jacob: 58 Kershner, John: 57–58

Kimball, Daniel (1753–1817): Vt19 Kimball, John: NH13 King, Adam: Pa116 King, George (d. 1860): Pa116 King, Henry: 183 King, Philip Jacob (d. 1829): Pa116 Kingsbery, Elisha (1770–1805): NH6; Vt8 Kingsbery, Ephraim (1775–1855): NH6 Kingsbery, James: NH6 Kingsland. See also Morris & Kingsland Kingsland, Joseph (1792–1878): NJ29 Kingsland, Joseph, II: NJ28–29 Kingsland, Richard: NJ28–29 King’s Paper Mill: Pa116 Kingston Paper Mill: Pa119 Kinsey, Charles (1773–1849): NJ20, 40–41, 45 Kinsey, Crane & Fairchild: NJ40 Kinsey & Fairchild: 155; NJ40 Kirby & Fosdick: 310 Kirchner. See Kershner Kirk, Ann: NY9 Kirk, Jacob: Pa87 Kirk, Josiah: Pa74, 87 Kirk, Lewis: Pa74, 87 Kirk, Richard: NY9 Kirk, Roger: NY9; Pa74 Kirk, Silas: NY9 Kirk, Timothy: Pa74 Kirk, William: NY9; Pa123 Kirk & Featherman: Pa87 Kittredge, William C.: Vt4 Klatfelter, Joseph: Md7 Kline. See also Klyne Kline, George: Pa111 Klyne, John: NJ3 Kneeland, John: Mass1 Knight, William: NJ37 Knight & Phillips: NJ37 Knowlton, Willard (1795–1886): NY36–37 Knowlton & Rice: NY36–37 Knowlton family: NY45 Knox, D. S.: Pa108 Knox, Joseph: Pa113 Koch, Peter (ca. 1702–1749): Pa6 Kock. See Koch Koller. See Caller Kollock, Shepard (1751–1839): NJ8 Kollock & Hodge: NJ8 Koplin. See Copeland Kownslar, Conrad (d. 1841): Md13; WV1 Kownslar, Remington B.: WV1 Kroh, Philip A.: Md7

Kroh & Gist: Md7 Krout, Jacob: Md7 Kugler, John: Oh6 Kugler, Matthias (1783–1854): lxiv; Oh6 Kupps & Carter: Pa110 Kurtz, Josiah: Pa108 Kyle, David: Va6 Kyle, Hazlett (ca. 1793–1833): Va5 Kyle, Robert (b. ca. 1790): Va5 Kyle, William (d. 1832): Va5 L. & B. Todd: NY33 L. L. Brown Paper Co.: Pa21 Laflin: Pa96 Laflin, Cutler: lix; Mass66–67 Laflin, Walter: lix; Mass66–67 Laflin, Winthrop: lix; Mass66–67 Laflin & Field: Mass67 La Forge, Henry: Conn27 Laing. See Purvis, Wilson & Laing Lamb Mill: Pa26 Lambdin, Christopher: WV2 Lambdin, Jonathan Harrison (1798– 1825): Pa121 Lambdin, William: WV2 Lamborn, Daniel (1776–1850): Md18 Lammot, Abraham: lxxix Lampson, Stephen: NH1 Lamson. See also Lampson Lamson, Gideon: NH1 Lang, John: NJ12 Langdon, James H.: Vt15 Langle, Isaac (d. ca. 1744): lxxv; Pa56 Langstroth: 32; Pa55 Langstroth, Edmund: NJ35; Pa104 Langstroth, George: Pa55 Langstroth, Huson (d. 1794): Pa55 Langstroth, Isaac T.: 12 Langstroth, John G.: xliv, 32, 305; Pa10, 55 Langstroth, Piscator: 12 Langstroth, Thomas: lxviii, 12, 44; Pa10, 29, 55, 104 Lardner, Lynford (d. 1774): Pa38 Lathrop, Wells: Mass55, 56 Lathrop & Willard: Mass48 Laurel Mills: Md10, 18 Laurel Spring Paper Mill: Pa114–15 Lawrence, Benjamin: Mass30 Lawrence, Edward: RI1 Lea. See also Carey & Lea Lea, John: Pa108 Leatherman, Conrad: 57–58 Leavitt. See Hall & Leavitt

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  323 Ledyard, Austin: Conn6 Ledyard, Sarah: Conn6 Leeds, Jones & Bissell: Ind3 Leeds, Jones & Co.: Ind3 Leeds, Samuel: Mass12 Leeds & Jones: Ind3 Lefever, David: Pa89 Leffingwell, Christopher (ca. 1734–1810): lvi; Conn1 Leffingwell, Elisha: Conn1 Leffingwell, Elisha, II: Conn1 Leffingwell, William: Conn1 Leffingwell & Pierpont: Conn1 Leiper, George Gray: Pa36 Leiper, Samuel M.: Pa36 Leiper, Thomas: Pa36 Leiper, William J.: Pa36 Leish, William: DC1 Leland, Caleb, Jr.: Mass39; Vt10 Le Messurier, John: Va4 Lemist, John: Mass9 Lemuel Willard & Brother: Mass33 Lenni Mills: Pa32 Leonard Whitney & Son: Mass25 Levan, Abraham (1748–1823): Pa100 Levan, Abraham, Jr.: Pa100 Levan, Daniel: Pa100 Levan, Isaac (d. 1847): Pa100 Levan, Isaac, Jr.: Pa100 Levan, Peter (1780–1836): Pa100 Levering, Aaron: Md10 Levering, Aaron Righter (1784–1852): lxiv, 309; Md10 Levering, John (1775–1820): Md10 Levering, Nathan (1771–1834): Md10 Levering & Co.: Md10 Levis. See also Pearson & Levis Levis, Edward: 26; DC1; Pa29 Levis, Isaac, I (d. 1794): Pa28 Levis, Isaac, II: 26, 306 Levis, John, I: Pa23, 29 Levis, John, Jr.: 26 Levis, Oborn, I: Pa24 Levis, Oborn, II: Pa24, 26, 29 Levis, Oborn, III: Pa26 Levis, Samuel, I (d. 1734): Pa24 Levis, Samuel, II: Pa24 Levis, Samuel, III (d. 1793): lxiii; Pa24-26 Levis, Samuel, IV [also, Samuel Levis Jr.] (d. 1813): Pa24, 26 Levis, Samuel, V: Pa24 Levis, Samuel F.: NJ39 Levis, Seth (d. ca. 1825): Pa28

Levis, Thomas, I: lxviii; Pa29 Levis, Thomas, II: Pa29 Levis, William, I (d. 1818): Pa23, 25–26, 84 Levis, William, II: Pa26 Levis, William, III: Pa24 Levis & Lewis: NY11; Pa28 Levis & Weaver: 26, 306 Lewis. See also Ingham & Lewis; Scudder, Lewis & Co.; Towesend & Lewis; Vose, Lewis & Crane Lewis, Edward: Pa28 Lewis, Elizabeth: Pa35 Lewis, George: Pa30 Lewis, John, Jr.: Pa30 Lewis, John, of N.H.: lxxix; NH9, 10 Lewis, John, of Pa.: Pa35 Lexington Manufacturing Co.: lxiii; Ky9 Liberty Paper Mill: Mass1 Lincoln, Caleb M.: Mass73 Lincoln, Lorenzo: Mass73 Lisle. See Lysle Logan, John: NJ35 Lohnes. See Lonas Lonas, Henry, Jr. (1794–1865): Tenn6 London Britain Paper Mill: Pa84 Long, Frederick: NJ5 Long, Joseph: Me3 Longstrath. See Langstroth Longstreth. See Langstroth Longworth, David: NY4 Loomis, Erastus: NY27, 37 Loomis, Nathaniel: NY27 Loomis, Peck & Co.: NY27 Loosley, Charles: NY7 Lore, M.: Pa108 Loring, David: Oh7 Lothrop. See Thornton & Lothrop Loudon, Samuel: NY2 Lovejoy, A.: NH17 Lovejoy, J.: NH17 Low, Asa (b. 1796): Vt19 Lower Mill: Pa45 Lucas, Fielding, Jr. (1781–1854): 309; Md4 Lund, Jonathan P.: Mass74 Lungren, Charles: Pa32 Lungren, John (d. 1816): Pa23, 32 Lungren, William: Pa32 Lydig, David: NY40 Lydig & Mesier: NY40 Lyman, William: Mass53 Lyon. See also Eaglesfield & Lyon

Lyon, Amos (1788–1861): 92; Mass6, 12 Lyon, J.: Vt17 Lyon, James (1776–1824): Tenn4; Vt4 Lyon, Jesse (1790–1864): Mass12 Lyon, Joseph W.: Mass20 Lyon, Matthew (1746–1822): Ky17; Tenn4; Vt4 Lyon, Peter (1776–1863): Mass7, 17, 19–20 Lyon, Samuel (1780–1851): NY25 Lyon, Zebulon (1750–1822): Vt17 Lysle, George: Pa91 Lysle, James: Pa89, 91 Lysle, Robert: Pa91 Lysle, William: Pa89, 91 Lysle, Wilson: Pa91 M. & J. M. Eddy: Mass76 M. Kugler & Son: Oh6 Maccoun, David: Ky9 Maccoun, James: Ky9 Macdonald, Alexander: Pa96 Macdonald & Ridgely: Pa96 Mack, Ebenezer (1791–1849): NY54 Mack & Andrus: NY54 Mack & Morgan: NY54 Madison Paper Mill: NJ29 Magarge, Charles (1804–1883): 306 Magarge, William H.: 306 Magaw, Atkinson & Carr: Pa125 Magaw, William: xxxv, lxv; Pa96–97, 125–26 Maher, William: NJ32 Mammoth Mill: xxxvii; Mass66; Pa97 Manchester Mill: Pa23 Mann, Herman (1771–1833): Mass9 Manning, Calvin: Conn38–39 Manning, Royal: Conn38–39 Manser, John: Mass72 Marble Vale Paper Mill: Md12 Mardin. See Martin Maris, Matthias (d. 1746): Pa6, 48 Marker, John: Pa25 Marker, Jonathan: Pa25 Markle, Charles: Pa10 Markle, Cyrus P. (b. 1810): Pa118 Markle, Gaspard: Pa118 Markle, George: Pa15 Markle, Jacob: Pa10 Markle, Joseph (1777–1867): Pa118 Markle, Shepard B.: Pa118 Marland, Abraham: Mass50 Marland, John: Mass50 Marr, Charles: NJ8, 32 Marr, Thomas (d. 1791): NJ8

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  324 Marsh, Henry: Mass57 Marsh & Burkhart: Tenn3 Marshall, Jonas, Jr.: Mass41 Marston, John: Mass16 Martin, Aaron: NH20 Martin, Thomas J.: SC2 Martin, Walter (1764–1834): NY35 Martin, William, Jr. (1797–1862): Pa32–33 Martin & Smith: Pa32 Mason, John T.: Ky9 Massey, George: Me1 Masters. See Glazier, Masters & Co. Mathewson. See Matthewson, Thomas S.; Waterman & Mathewson Mathewson & Walbridge: NY54 Matthews, Charles: Pa82 Matthews, George: Pa10 Matthews, John: 305; Pa27 Matthews, Matthew: Pa27 Matthews, William: Pa10 Matthewson, Thomas S.: NY54 Mattson, Aaron: Pa31 Mattson, John: Pa31 Maurer, Christian: 54 Maxon, Samuel C.: Conn7 May: Mass26 May, William: Mass26, 31 McAllister, John: Tenn3 McAlpine, William: Mass1 McCahan, John: Pa115 McCarney, Michael (d. 1804 or 1805): Mass3, 12, 15 McChesney, John: lxxviii McClenachan, George (d. 1833): Pa47 McClure, John: Pa113 McClure & Calhoun: Pa93 McConnell, Matthew, Jr. (1786–1846): 306; Pa14–15 McCoy. See Wilkinson & McCoy McDaniels, Alfred: 310; Ind1 McDonald, John: Pa121 McDougall, John D.: Mass15 McDowell, Joseph (b. 1791): Pa19, 55 McHenry, John E.: Pa92 McHenry, Moses: Pa92 McKean, Thomas: Pa100 McKissick, James: Pa73 McKissick’s Paper and Saw Mill: Pa73 McLean, Agnes: Mass2, 14 McLean, Charles: Conn38 McLean, Hugh (ca. 1724–1798 or 1799): Mass2–3 McLean, John: Mass2

M’Coun, Townsend: NY18 Meade, Jacob K.: NJ20 Meeteer, Hannah: Md23–24 Meeteer, Samuel (d. 1838): 309; Del2; Md23–24; Pa113 Meeteer, Thomas (1739–1812): 309; Del2; Md23 Meeteer, William (d. 1833): 309; Del2; Md23–24; Pa113 Megargee: 306; Pa81, 92 Melville Paper Mill: NJ32 Mendenhall, Thomas: Md4; Pa81 Merrick. See Dickinson & Merrick Merseilles & Sibley: NJ46 Mesier, Peter A. (1772?–1847): NY40 Meuris. See Maris Michael McCarney & Co.: Mass12 Milford Paper Mill: Del2; Pa123 Miller, Amariah (ca. 1760–1818): Conn9 Miller, E.: NJ32 Miller, George (b. ca. 1778): Va4 Miller, George, of Md.: Md14 Miller, Hezekiah R.: Mass17 Miller, Matthias: Md14 Miller, Peter: 12; Md14 Miller, Samuel: NJ19 Miller, William: NY53 Mill Perseverance: RI4 Mills & Hicks: Mass1 Mill Ville Paper Mill: NY19 Ming, Alexander: 145 Mitchell, Edward: NJ8 Mitchell, Philip: Pa102 Mitchell, William: Mass75 Mock, John: Pa54 Mode, Alexander: Pa77, 80–81 Mode, Alexander, II: Pa81 Mode, William, I: Pa81 Mode, William, II (d. 1839): Pa80–81 Mode, William, III: Pa81 Mode Paper Mill: Pa81 Mooney, Isaac: Ind1–2 Moore, Eben: Me5 Moore, L.: NJ38 Moore, Springer & Co.: Me5 Moore, Uriah: Mass23 Moore, William: Tenn4 Morgan, Charles W.: Mass74 Morgan, Chauncey: NY54 Morgan, Ephraim (d. 1826): NY19 Morgan, Gideon: Va2 Morgan, Jacob, Jr.: Pa11 Morris, John: Ky10

Morris & Kingsland: NJ28 Morrison, Joseph: WV3 Morris Paper Mill: NJ37 Morton & Taylor: 68 Moses Grant & Son: Mass21 Moshier, John S.: Conn28 Mowatt, James W.: NY3 Mowry, Daniel, III (1750–1839): 309; RI4 Mowry, Thomas S.: 309; RI4 M’Thorndike, John: Me7 Mullen, Sampson S.: Pa113 Murphy, William: Pa57 Museck, Peter: NJ3 Myers, Jacob (d. 1827): Ky1 Myers & Goucher: 12 N. & J. Updegraff: Oh14 N. & N. Dunham: Vt17 Nashua River Paper Mill: Mass34 Nathan Kellogg & Co.: NY26 Nathan Updegraff & Sons: Oh14 Neal, Abner (1763?–1824): 309; Md19 Neal, Benjamin: Mass16 Needles, John: lxxvi, lxxix Needles, Joseph A.: lxxvi, lxxix Needles, Joseph A., Jr.: lxxvi Nehoiden Mill: Mass5 Newburgh Paper Mill: NY17 New England Mill: Mass70 New-England Paper Manufactory: RI1 Newhouse, Anthony: Pa6, 38, 42 Newhouse, Jacob: 32 Newman, Clement & Co.: Del1 Newman, John B.: Del1 New Mill: Mass18; RI2 Newton & Tufts: NH6 New-York Mill: NJ11 New-York Paper Manufactory: NY1 Nichols. See also Sherer & Nichols Nichols, Ellis: Pa107 Nichols, Israel: Mass37 Nichols, John (d. 1831): Mass6, 8, 17, 25 Nichols, William: Mass37–38 Nichols & Hooker: Mass17, 25 Nichols & Kendall: Mass37–38 Nicklin, Phillip H.: Pa15 Niles, John M.: Conn23 Norfolk Manufacturing Co.: Mass9 North, Chauncey: NY55 North Paper Mill: RI3 Norton, James: Pa74, 123 Norton, Josiah: Vt4 Norton, L. L.: Pa108 Norton, Salmon: Vt4

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  325 Norton & Selheimer: Pa123 Nye, John, Jr.: Mass64 Oak Dale Mill: Mass52 Obermeyer, John: Md17 Oblinger, Christian (b. ca. 1779): 44 Ogden, Andrew: NJ40 Ohio Paper Mill: Oh1 Old Berkshire Mill: Mass57 Old Red Mill: Mass58 Olive Branch Mill: NJ46 Olmstead, Walter: NY28 Olmstead & Isbell: NY28 Olney, Christopher (1745–1809): RI1, 3 Olney, Christopher C. (1773–1809): 309; RI1 Olney, Jonathan (1709–1787): RI1 Olney, Nathaniel G. (1780–1819): 309; RI1, 3 Olney & Helme: RI1, 3 Olney & Waterman: RI1 Onderdonk, Andrew (1756–1797): NY7 Onderdonk, Benjamin (1776–1834): 307; NY7 Onderdonk, Hendrick (1724–1809): lxix; NY7 Onderdonk, William (1767–1855): NY7 Orange County Paper Mill: NY17 Orth, Cook & Co.: 306 Orth, Henry: 306 Owen, Charles M. (1794–1870): Mass60–62 Owen, John: NY5 Owen & Hurlbut: lxvii, lxxviii; Mass60–62 P. Valentine & Co.: Conn19 Page. See also Read & Page Page, Thomas S.: Ky16 Page & Priest: NY65 Palmer, A. R.: 309 Palmer, William: Pa25 Palmer & Marker: Pa25 Pancoast, John: Pa35 Pancoast, Stephen: Pa29 Pancrast. See Pancoast Pansler, John: Pa41, 63 Pansler, Ludwig: Pa41, 63 Paper Mill Perseverance Co.: RI4 Park, Edwin: Mass73 Park, Lincoln & Park: Mass73 Park, Richard (d. 1833): 307; Mass73; NH16 Park & Kennison: NH16 Parker: Mass26

Parker, Adam: Pa119 Parker, Alexander: Ky1 Parker, Horace: Pa119 Parker, James: Ky1 Parker, Jonas: Mass33 Parker, Solomon: Vt6 Parker, T. L.: Mass30 Parker, Thomas: Mass23, 33 Parker, William: 307; Mass6, 19, 23, 30–31; NH13 Parker, William T.: Mass31, 39 Parker & Townsend: Mass31 Parkhurst, Abraham (d. ca. 1853): NJ16 Parkhurst, Jonathan (d. 1863 or 1864): NJ16 Parkhurst, Samuel (d. ca. 1831): NJ15 Parks, William (d. 1750): liv; Pa45; Va1 Parson, Joseph C.: Conn19 Parsons, Stephen: NY31 Parsons, Thomas C.: Pa129 Partridge & Tower: Me3 Patten, Nathaniel (ca. 1752–1834): 308; Mass15, 47 Patterson, Andrew: Tenn2 Patterson, Edgar (d. 1835): DC1 Patterson, Joseph: Pa121 Patterson, Robert (1773–1854): Pa121 Patterson & Co.: Pa121 Patterson & Hopkins: Pa121 Patton, James, Jr.: SC1 Paul, Joseph, III: Pa6 Payson, Henry: Md10 Peabody, Francis (1801–1867): Mass52 Peabody, James L.: NH15 Peabody, Kendall O.: NH15 Peabody & Daniell: NH15 Peacock, George: 308 Pearson, Isaac: 26, 305; Pa49, 99 Pearson & Levis: 26 Pease, Henry: Conn18 Peck. See also Loomis, Peck & Co. Peck, Everard (1791–1854): NY53 Peirce, Oliver: 309; Conn42 Pelton, R.: Pa130 Perkins, Thomas H.: Mass17 Persse, Dudley: NJ8 Peter Hoffman & Son: Md2 Petry, Peter: 54 Pettebone & Thomas: Pa119 Phelps, George H.: Mass67 Phelps, James. See Phelps & Spafford Phelps & Spafford: li, liii; Conn3–4, 14, 16, 20, 37, 43; Mass6, 9, 11, 16, 18,

21, 31, 36–37, 42, 51–52; NH14–15; NJ28–29; Pa116; RI1 Phenix. See Phoenix Mill Philadelphia Paper Warehouse: 306 Phillips. See also Sturges, Phillips & Allen Phillips, Gillam (1695–1770): Mass1 Phillips, John (d. 1820): Mass50 Phillips, Nathaniel R.: 308; NJ37 Phillips, Samuel (1752–1802): Mass50, 66 Phillips, Speare & Drake: 310; Oh7 Phillips, William: Oh7 Phillips & Loring: Oh7 Phillips & Speer: 310; Oh7 Phinney, Elihu (1755–1813): NY33 Phinney, Elihu, Jr. (1785–1863): NY33 Phinney, Henry (1782–1850): NY33 Phoenix Mill: Mass61; NJ33; WV1 Pickering, Charles M.: li–lii; Conn43; Mass11, 16, 18, 31; NJ29, 38 Pickering, Joseph: li; Conn3, 37, 43 Piercy, William: NY17 Pierpont. See Leffingwell & Pierpont Pike, George: NY16 Pine Grove Paper Mill: Oh11 Pioneer Mill: NY36 Piper, Thomas: Ky1, 16 Pitcher, Abraham: Oh10 Pitcher, Rudolph (d. 1817): Oh10 Pitkin, Elisha: NY20 Pitkin, George: Conn10 Pitkin, William: Conn10 Pitkin & Edmonds: NY20 Pitt, Samuel: NJ21, 24; Pa41 Pittsburg Paper Manufacturing Co.: Oh15 Pittsburgh Steam Engine Co.: Ky8 Pittsburgh Steam Paper Mill: Pa121 Platner, George (d. 1855): Mass59, 63–65, 71 Platner & Smith: Mass59, 63–65, 71 Pleasant Dale Paper Mill: Md16 Plowman, Joseph: lxxviii Poor, Daniel: Mass9, 50 Poor & Blanchard: Mass50 Poor & Mann: Mass9 Porter, Albert H.: NY59 Porter, Alexander: NJ8 Porter, Andrew: NY44–45 Porter, William: NY44 Porter & Clark: NY59 Post. See Rogers & Post Potter, Sheldon: 306; Pa21, 32 Potter, William: Oh4

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  326 Potts, Stacy: NJ3, 5 Potts & Reynolds: NJ5 Prather, Thomas (d. 1823): Ky12 Prather & Jacob: Ky12 Pratt. See also Andrews & Pratt Pratt, Leonard: NH9, 11 Prentiss. See also Stedman & Prentiss Prentiss, James (1782–1857): Ky9 Prentiss, Thomas Green (1788–1820): Ky9 Priest. See Page & Priest Pringle. See Hammond & Pringle Proud. See also Beckwith & Proud; Humes & Proud Proud & Parsons: Pa129 Providence Paper Manufactory: RI1 Providence Paper Mills: Md23 Pulaski Paper Manufacturing Co.: NY66 Purvis, John: NJ23 Purvis, Wilson & Laing: NJ23 Quincy, Abigail: Mass11 Quinsigamond Paper Co.: Mass36 R. & A. H. Hubbard: Conn3 R. & E. Fairchild: Conn32 R. P. Crane & Co.: NH14 R. Park & Co.: Mass73 R. Patterson & Lambdin: Pa121 R. T. & I. Crane: NH14 R. Y & J. Crane: NH14 Rahn, Adam (1762–1842): Pa67 Rail Road Mill: Mass29 Ramer. See Roemmer Rand, William: Me4 Rand & Stockbridge: Me4 Randall, Charles, Jr.: RI1 Randall, Harris I.: RI1 Randall, Isaac: NH6; RI1 Randall, Isaac C., Jr.: RI1 Randall, Josiah: Mass2; RI1 Randall, Nathan: NY66 Randall, William: RI1 Randolph. See Dunham & Randolph Rapp. See Robins Read. See also Jewett & Read Read, Samuel: Conn1 Read & Page: 188 Reader, John (d. 1798): xxxvi; Pa21, 52 Red Bud Paper Mill: Va7 Reddington. See Wood & Reddington Redstone Paper Mill: Pa107 Reed, John: Vt16 Reed, Stephen: Vt16, 20 Reeves, David: NJ46

Reid, George: Conn31; NY17, 48 Reid, Walsh & Co.: NY17 Remer. See Roemmer Remsen, Henry: NY7 Reynolds, John: NJ5 Rhoads. See Rhodes Rhodes, Daniel: Pa62 Rhodes, Daniel, Jr.: Pa62 Rhodes, Jacob, Jr.: Pa62 Rice, Charles: Mass5 Rice, Clark: NY36, 37 Rice, John L.: Mass7 Rice, Thomas, I: 102; Mass7 Rice, Thomas, II (d. 1873): 102; Mass19 Rice & Ayres: Mass32 Richard Sanger & Co.: NY25 Richardson, William H. (d. 1845): Ky1 Riche, George: NJ5 Ridgely, Nicholas G. (1771–1829): Pa96 Ridge Road Mill: Pa20 Rigby, O. W.: Oh10 Righter, John (d. 1824): Pa52–53 Riley, Isaac: NY7 Rimer. See Roemmer Rising Sun Cotton Mill: RI1 Rising Sun Paper Mill: RI1, 3 Ritchie, Thomas (1778–1854): Va4 Ritchie, Trueheart & DuVal: Va4 Rittenhouse, Abraham (b. 1728): Pa2 Rittenhouse, Catharine: Pa10 Rittenhouse, Claus (1666–1734): liii, lxiv; Pa1–3, 10 Rittenhouse, Enoch: Pa2, 10 Rittenhouse, Garret: Pa1 Rittenhouse, Isaac: Pa10 Rittenhouse, Jacob (d. 1811): Pa2, 10 Rittenhouse, Mary: Pa2 Rittenhouse, Matthias (b. 1702 or 1703): Pa2 Rittenhouse, Nicholas. See Rittenhouse, Claus Rittenhouse, Nicholas: Pa10, 15 Rittenhouse, Nicholas, II: Pa2 Rittenhouse, Psyche: Pa3 Rittenhouse, Samuel (d. 1855): Pa2, 10 Rittenhouse, Wilhelmina Dewees: Pa3 Rittenhouse, William (1644–1708): xxxii, liii, lxiii–lxiv, lxix, lxxiv–lxxv, lxxx; Pa1–2 Rittenhouse, William, II (1691–1774): Pa2, 6, 10 Rittenhouse, William, III: Pa2 Rittenhouse family: xxxii, lxiii; Pa15

Ritter. See Gross & Ritter Rittinghausen. See Rittenhouse Rittinghuysen. See Rittenhouse Roberts, Ephraim (1769–1853): Mass53 Roberts, James: NJ1 Roberts, John, of Mass. (b. 1802): Mass24 Roberts, John, of Pa. (ca. 1721–1778): Pa47 Roberts, Manning: Mass53 Roberts, Reuben (1775–1864): Mass53 Roberts, S.: Mass53 Roberts, Stephen (d. 1845): Mass24 Roberts, W. L.: Mass53 Roberts, William: Mass53 Robertson, George: Vt13 Robertson, J.: Vt13 Robertson, William: Vt13 Robeson, Hannah Levis: Pa53 Robeson, Jonathan: Pa13, 46, 53 Robeson, Joseph: xl; Pa26, 45, 53 Robins, Christopher: Pa46 Robinson. See also Robeson; Bechtel & Robinson Robinson, James: Pa75 Rochester, Nathaniel (1752–1831): NY43 Rock Creek Paper Mill: DC1 Rockville Paper Mills: Md24 Roemmer, Friedrich: NJ2 Roff, A. B.: 310 Rogers, Daniel: Pa108 Rogers, Henry: Conn17 Rogers, Joseph: Pa108 Rogers, Peter (d. 1841): Conn7, 17 Rogers & Post: 308; Conn43 Rogers & Woolsey: Conn30 Rose Valley Mills: Pa37 Rothermel, Daniel: Pa67 Rowe: Mass53 Rufus Sturtevant & Co.: NY39 Russell: NY62 Russell, David (ca. 1758–1843): Vt1 Russell, Ezekiel: Mass1 Rutter. See Gross & Ritter Rymer. See Roemmer S. & A. Butler: Conn19 S. & A. Hawley & Co.: NY39 S. D. Ingham & Sons: Pa104 S. D. Warren & Co.: 307 S. Roberts & Co.: Mass53 Salisbury Paper Mill: NY65 Samuel & William Levis: Pa26 Samuel Campbell & Son: NJ8 Samuel Thurber, Jr. & Sons: 308–9; RI2 Samuel Whiting & Co.: Conn1; NJ28

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  327 Sanderson, Isaac: Mass1, 4 Sanderson & Gorton: Vt6 Sanger, Jedediah (1751–1829): NY25 Sanger, Richard: NY25 Saunderson. See Sanderson Saur. See Sower Savels, Cox & Co.: Me5 Savels, John (1775–1824): Me5; Mass2 Savels, William: Me5 Sawn: Pa60 Sawn, Daniel (1772–1825): lxi, lxxvi– lxxvii, 11; NJ28, 40; Pa10 Sawyer, James: Vt20 Sayles, Thomas: NY26 Schaeffer. See Shaffer Schamberger. See Shamberger Schauck. See also Shauck Schauck, Peter: Md8 Scheetz. See also Beckley & Sheetz Scheetz, Barbara: Pa45 Scheetz, Benjamin: Pa45, 49 Scheetz, Catherine: Pa45, 49, 66 Scheetz, Conrad (1707 or 1717–1771): lxxv; Pa45, 49; Va1 Scheetz, Francis: Pa45 Scheetz, Frederick (d. 1798): Pa45, 49 Scheetz, George: Pa41 Scheetz, Gerhard Heinrich (d. 1793): Pa7, 38, 41, 45, 63 Scheetz, Henry. See Scheetz, Gerhard Heinrich Scheetz, Henry (1764–1848): Pa41 Scheetz, Henry, II: Pa41 Scheetz, Jacob: Pa41 Scheetz, John (d. 1768): Pa39 Scheetz, Justice: Pa38 Schenectady Paper Mill: NY47 Schlatter, Michael (1716–1790): Pa39 Schmidt, Johann: Oh6 Schmink, Lewis: Pa64 Schober, Emmanuel (b. 1789): NC2 Schober, Gottlieb (1756–1838): NC2 Schütz. See Scheetz Scott, John: Oh15; Pa94–95, 108 Scudder, Lewis & Co.: NY15 Seely, Hiram: NY31 Selheimer. See also Norton & Selheimer Selheimer & Kirk: Pa123 Sellers, Charles (1806–1898): lxxv–lxxvi Sellers, Coleman (1781–1834): xxxi, l, lxxv–lxxvi, 309; Pa20 Sellers, David (1757–1813): xxxi, lxxv Sellers, George Escol (1808–1899): lxxv

Sellers, Nathan (1751–1830): xxx–xxxi, lvii, lxxv–lxxvii; Pa24, 32, 61, 82 Sellers & Co.: lxxix Server, Frederick: Pa25 Seward, Asahel (1781–1835): NY26 Seward, Nathan (d. 1815): NY26 Sewickley Paper Mill: Pa118 Seymour, Ashbel: NY18 Seymour, Jonathan: (1778–1841): 308; Conn10; NJ28; NY17 Seymour, Melancthon L.: 308 Shaffer, John: Pa41 Shaffer, William: Conn1; NJ3 Shamberger, John: Md5 Shane, Peter: Oh10 Sharpless, Benjamin (1764–1857): Pa107, 120 Sharpless, Jonathan (ca. 1768–1860): Pa107 Sharpless, Samuel: Pa107 Sharpless, William (1797–1881): Pa107 Sharpless & Co.: Pa107 Sharpless & Harvey: Pa107 Shauck, Jarrett: Md7 Shaw & Low: Vt19 Shay. See Shee Shee. See also Collins & Shee Shee, Park: Pa37, 77 Shee & Mode: Pa77 Sheets. See also Scheetz Sheets, John: Ind2 Sheets, William: Ind2 Sheetz. See Beckley & Sheetz Shepard, A., Jr.: Mass29 Shepard, Calvin: Mass27, 29 Shepard, Calvin, Jr.: Mass29 Sherer, Robert M.: Pa92 Sherer, William (d. 1828): Pa92 Sherer, William, Jr.: Pa91, 92 Sherer & Nichols: Pa92 Shields, David: Tenn7 Shields, Milton: Tenn7 Short Hills Paper Mill: NJ12 Shryock, George A.: Pa96–97 Shryock, John: Pa95, 96 Sibley, Derick (d. 1875): NY53 Sibley, John: NJ46 Silas Kirk & Co.: NY9 Simington. See Simonton Simmons, Edward: Mass39, 41 Simms, Asa: Pa119 Simonds, Abbey & Case: NY51 Simonds, Case & Co.: NY51

Simon Elliott & Co.: lxviii; Mass17 Simonton, Samuel: Oh16 Simrall, William F.: Ky12 Sims, Zachariah: Ga1 Skinner, Daniel: NY18 Skinner, Elisha: NY18 Skinner, George C.: NY64 Skinner, Hezekiah: NY18 Skinner, Thomas M. (1791–1880): NY64 Skinners & Hoskins: NY64 Small, Abraham: Pa31 Smart, Joseph: 308; NY10 Sminkins, Lewis: Pa64 Smith. See also Byrne & Smith; Zimmerman & Smith Smith, Abijah (d. 1790): Mass1 Smith, Elijah: NJ13 Smith, Elizur (1812–1889): Mass59, 63–65, 71 Smith, George: Del5; Pa84 Smith, Jeffrey: 201 Smith, Jeremiah (1705–1790): Mass1 Smith, Jeremiah, of N.H.: NH7 Smith, John: Oh6 Smith, John M.: NY7 Smith, John W. (d. ca. 1881): NJ18 Smith, Joseph P. (d. ca. 1851): NJ18 Smith, Joseph W.: Pa32 Smith, Nathaniel: NY14 Smith, Samuel H.: NH7 Smith, Sylvester: Conn28 Smith, William C. (d. ca. 1874): NJ18 Smith & Barber: Va7 Smith & Bassett: Conn28 Smith & Winchester Manufacturing Co.: li–lii; NJ30 Snowden, James: NY14 Snowden, John: NY13 Snyder, Henry: Pa101 Snyder, John (1793–1850): Pa101 Snyder, Simon (b. ca. 1759): Pa101 Snyder, William (1803–1864): Pa42 Snyder & Zourne: Pa101 Society for Establishing Useful Manufactures: NJ40 South Paper Mill: RI1, 3 Sowden, John: Va3 Sowden, Samuel: Va3 Sower, Christopher, I (1693–1758): lxii; Pa7 Sower, Christopher, II (1721–1784): lvi, lxii; Pa7, 11 Sower, Daniel: Pa11

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  328 Spafford, George (1799–1855): Conn42. See also Phelps & Spafford Spaulding, Calvin: Me6 Spear, John (d. 1841): Oh2 Speer, James H.: 310; Oh7 Sperry, Enos: 188 Sprague, Andrew: NY63 Sprague, Nicholas A.: NY63 Sprigman & Yeatman: 310 Springer, Moses (1796–1870?): Me5 Spring Lawn Paper Mill: Pa92 Sproat, David C. (1794–1869): Vt4 Spruce Mill: Pa9 Stacy. See Whitcombe & Stacy Stair, Henry (1769–1858): Va5, 6 Staniar, William: lxxx Starbuck, Nathaniel: Mass65 Starbuck & Co.: Mass65 Starin, Henry W.: NY41 Starr, Henry. See Stair, Henry Starr, J.: Pa95 Starr, Jehosaphat, Jr. (1759–1814): Conn36 Stauber, Christian: NC2; Pa57 St. Clair, Alexander: Va2 Steam Paper Mill: Oh17 Steddikorn, Simon: Pa49 Stedman, Ebenezer (b. 1776): Ky1, 5, 9; Mass2, 50 Stedman, Ebenezer Hiram (1808–1885): l, lxii; Ky1, 5–6, 9, 11, 14, 16–17; Oh6 Stedman, Leander (b. 1802): Ky1, 5 Stedman, Samuel: Ky16 Stedman & Prentiss: Mass50 Steel, George: NY17 Steele. See also Foster, Steele & Co. Steele, James: 306; Pa78 Steele, John: Pa38, 78, 95 Steitzel, John: Pa69 Steitzel, Ludwig: Pa69 Stephens, Dallam & Co.: Ky8 Stephens, Luther (d. 1845): Ky8, 9 Stephen Thatcher & Co.: Mass69 Stetekorn. See Steddikorn Stevens, Isaac: Mass6 Stevens, Josiah: NH18 Stevens & Blake: NH18 Stewart, Thomas: Pa114 Stimpson, Green & Fairbanks: lxviii; Vt11 Stimpson, Solomon: Vt11 Stites, Abner: NJ19 Stites, William: NJ19 Stockbridge, Calvin: Me4

Stockton, Robert Clark: Pa124 Stoehr. See Stair Stoetzel. See Steitzel Stone, D. H.: NY19 Stone, Heber: Conn34 Stone, John: Me5 Stone, Reuben: Conn34 Stouffer: Md1 Stout, Hezekiah: Ind1 Stowe, Joseph Daniel: Conn18 Streeper, Leonard: Pa43 Streeper, William: Pa3, 5 Stubbs, Daniel: Pa74 Sturges. See also Ives, Sturges & Co. Sturges, Charles: Mass70 Sturges, Phillips & Allen: Mass70 Sturgis, Russell: Mass5 Sturtevant, Rufus: Conn5; NY39 Suggett, David: Ky6 Suggett, John: Ky6 Suggett, William: Ky3, 6 Sullivan, John: Mass1 Sullivan, John T.: 306 Sumner, Edward (d. 1836): Mass11 Sumner, Enos: Mass15 Sumner, William (d. 1836): Mass2, 11 Sumner, William, II: Mass11 Sunny Dale Paper Mill: Del6 Swan, Walter (d. 1825): Conn31; NY12, 48 Swansey Paper Manufacturing Co.: Mass75 Swedesborough Paper Mills: Pa32 Sweet, Riley: Mass71 Sweet & Judd: Mass71 Sweetland, Samuel (d. 1824): NY42 Sweetland, William: NY42 Sweetland, Zadock: NY42 Swift: Conn2 Swift, Zephaniah: Conn2, 37 Swords, James: 308; NJ28 Swords, Thomas: 308; NJ28 Symonds, Charles H.: NY59 Symonds, J.: NY51 Symonds, Jesse: NY58 T. & E. Graham: Oh4 T. & J. Swords: 308; NJ28 Taber, Pardon: Mass74, 77 Taber, Stephen: Mass74 Taft, Frederick A.: Mass9 Taintor, Abbe & Badger: lxvii; Conn43 Taintor, Charles: Conn43 Taintor, John (d. ca. 1823): Conn43 Tait, Andrew (1799–1891): Conn32

Talbot, Benjamin: RI1 Talpy: Me6 Tapscot, William: 139 Tatum, Charles: Oh7 Taylor. See also Greenleaf & Taylor; Morton & Taylor Taylor, Mahlon: NY18 Taylor, Richard: 308 Taylor, Robert: Md4 Tempest, Francis (d. 1901): Del6 Tennessee Repeating Paper Mill: Tenn6 Terlinden & Kelty: Pa80 Thatcher, George: Mass69 Thatcher, Stephen (1781–1880): Mass69, 70 Thatcher & Ingersoll: Mass69 Thatcher & Son: Mass69 Thayer. See Whitcomb, Thayer & Wales Third River Paper Mill: NJ28 Thistle Paper Mill: NJ8 Thomas. See also Pettebone & Thomas Thomas, Edward: NJ39 Thomas, Isaiah (1749–1831): xxvii–xxviii, xlvi, lvii, lxix, lxxiv; Mass1, 35–36; NH6; Oh10, 15, 16; Pa10; Vt1 Thomas, William: lxxvi Thomas & Kelty: Pa80 Thomas Amies & Son: Pa24 Thomas Gilpin & Co.: Del1 Thomas Leiper & Sons: Pa36 Thomas Meeteer & Co.: Del2 Thomas Meeteer & Sons: Del2 Thomas S. Mowry & Co.: 309; RI4 Thompson & Belaney: NJ14 Thomson, David: Ky3, 4 Thornton, Gideon: RI3 Thornton & Lothrop: RI4 Thorp, Eliab: Mass12, 44 Thorp, Eliphalet: Mass44 Thurber, Dexter: RI2 Thurber, Edward: 308–9; RI2 Thurber, Martin (d. 1783): 308–9; RI2 Thurber, Samuel, III: 308–9; RI1–2 Thurber, Samuel, Jr. (d. 1807): 308–9; RI2 Ticknor & Fields: Mass11, 17 Tiebout, John (1772?–1826): 308 Tileston, Edmund (d. 1834): Mass2–3, 11–14 Tileston, Edmund P.: Mass2 Tileston & Hollingsworth: Mass2–3, 11–14 Todd, Bethel (1792–1864): NY33

Index of P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  329 Todd, Ira: NY33 Todd, Jehiel (1761–1843): NY33 Todd, Lemuel (d. 1851): NY33 Tower. See also Partridge & Tower Tower, Joseph: Me3 Towesend & Lewis: NY11; Pa28 Townsend. See also: Parker & Townsend Townsend, George: NY11 Townsend, John: NY11 Townsend, Jotham (1746–1815): NY11 Traben, Robert: Ky15 Trench, James: NY54 Trench, Thomas (1806–1897): NY54 Trenton Paper Mills: NJ6 Tresse, Thomas: Pa1 Treudley, Frederick: 44; WV3 Trevor, Joseph: lxiii; Pa109 Trimble, William, Jr.: Pa22 Trotter, Nathan: lxxviii Trotter, William: Vt19 Troy Paper Hanging Manufactory: NY19 Troy Paper Mill: NY19 Trueheart, Daniel: Va4 Truman, Evan: Pa27 Truman, Morris (d. 1830): lxii, lxxv; NJ5; Pa11, 27 Truman, Richard: Pa27, 55 Truman & Crukshank: Pa11, 27 Truman & Langstroth: Pa55 Trumans & Co.: Pa27 Tschudy, Samuel: Md11 Tufts, Walter: NH6 Tunis, Abraham: Pa3 Turkey Mill: Mass71 Turnbull, James (1795–1887): Oh15 Turner, Robert (d. 1700): Pa1 Tuscarora Mill: Md16; Pa25 Tuthill. See Tuttle Tuttle, Henry: Pa119 Tuttle, James S.: NY13–14 Tuttle, Joseph: Pa119 Twombly, Alexander H.: Mass8 Tyler, Samuel: NJ11 Ulrich. See Ulrick Ulrick, Jacob: Pa68, 85 Ulrick, Michael: Pa66, 68 Ulrick, Peter: Pa57, 66, 68 Underwood, Joseph: NY62 Union Mill: 12; Mass63; NH8; Oh4; Pa94, 113; Vt19 Unkley, George: Pa98 Updegraff, James: Oh14 Updegraff, Joseph: Oh14

Updegraff, Nathan: Oh14 Updegraff & Walker: Oh14 Upham, Amos: Mass24 Upham, Nathan: Mass24 Upper Bank Mill: Pa23 Upper Mill: Md8; Mass2; Pa49, 63 Vail, Alfred: NJ19 Vail, Henry: NY18 Vail, Stephen: xxxi, lii–liii; NJ8, 12–13, 15–16, 19, 29–35, 37–38, 42; NY31; Oh5 Valentine, Caleb: 307; Conn19; NY7–8 Valentine, Myers: NY7 Valentine, Philip: Conn19 Valentine, William: 307; Conn19; NY7–8 Valley Mill: Md7, 19; Pa90 Van Bergan, William: Mass69 Van Cortlandt, Pierre: NY3 Vanderslice, Daniel (1799–1889): Ky2, 4; Pa83 Van Houten, Cornelius: lxxx Van Reed, Charles, I (b. 1807): 57; Pa71 Van Reed, Charles, II: Pa71 Van Reed, Henry, I (1780–1826): Pa71 Van Reed, Henry, II: Pa70 Van Reed, Henry Z. (1828–1879): Pa71 Van Reed, James H.: 58 Van Reed, John, I (ca. 1747–1820): Pa71 Van Reed, John, II (ca. 1785–1823): Pa66, 70–71 Van Reed, John, III: Pa70 Virginia Mill: WV2 Volz, Johann: NC2 Voorhees, Cornelius: NJ32 Vose, Daniel (1741–1807): Mass1 Vose, Jesse (1783–1834): lxxviii–lxxix Vose, Lewis & Crane: Mass1 Vose, Ralph (1785–1818): lxxviii W. & A. Mode: Pa81 W. & C. Baldwin: NJ30 W. & C. Valentine: 307; Conn19; NY7–8 W. & E. Bunce & Co.: Conn12 W. & W. & C. Laflin: Mass66–67 W. H. Alexander & Co.: Pa119 W. Valentine & Sons: NY7 Wable. See Waybill Wade, Jonas: NJ14 Wade, Oliver (d. 1822 or 1823): NJ14 Wadsworth. See Bradley & Wadsworth Walbridge, Chester: NY33, 54 Walbridge, Ebenezer (1738–1819): Vt1 Walbridge, Ebenezer William: Vt2 Walbridge, George: Vt2

Walbridge, Gustavus (d. 1817): Vt2 Walbridge, Stebbins (1770–1850): Vt1–2 Walcott & Willis: Mass8 Waldo, Samuel (1695–1759): Me1 Waldschmidt, Christian (1755–1814): lxiv; Oh6 Waldsmith. See Waldschmidt Wales. See also Whitcomb, Thayer & Wales Wales, Jonathan: NY28 Wales & Olmstead: NY28 Walker, Lewis: Oh14 Walker, Zadoc: Pa108 Wall, Garret D. (1783–1850): NJ6 Wallace, John: Pa107 Wallace, Michael: Pa115 Wallace & Simington: Oh16 Wallingford Mills: Pa30 Wallover, Peter: 11; NJ23; Pa10, 47, 49, 51 Wallover & Collins: Pa10 Wallover & Jones: Pa47 Wallover & Sawn: Pa10 Walsh, Hugh (d. 1817): NY17 Walsh, John DeWitt (d. 1893): NY17 Walsh, John H. (1784-1853): NY17 Walsh & Piercy: NY17 Walter, Joel: 310 Walter, Austin & Co.: 310 Walton, Ezekiel Parker (1789–1855): Vt15 Walton, Joseph: 12, 306; NJ39; Pa113 Wampler, Ludwig: Md21 Ward: Conn30 Ward, Andrew: Conn19 Ward, Isaac: NJ27 Ward, William: Conn19 Ware, John (1753–1833): Mass16 Waring, Benjamin: SC1 Waring, George: SC1 Waring, Richard: SC1 Warnack, H. D.: Tenn5 Warnack, L. E.: Tenn5 Warner, Benjamin (d. 1821): Del1 Warner, William (d. 1824): 309; Pa59 Warner & Hanna: 309; Pa59 Warnick, Frederick Christian: Ky2; Tenn1, 5 Warren. See also Hooker & Warren Warren, George: Vt4 Warren, Oliver W. L.: NY53 Warren, Samuel Dennis (1817–1888): 307 Warren & Co.: NY53 Warren & Jeffords: NY53

Index o f P a p e r m a k e r s  ::  330 Warren & Sproat: Vt4 Washburn, Edmund: Conn30 Washburn, Ephraim: Conn30 Washington, Reade: Pa97 Waterman, John (ca. 1728–1777): lxii; RI1 Waterman, John Olney (b. 1758): RI1 Waterman, Richard: 309; RI1 Waterman, Rufus: RI1 Waterman & Mathewson: RI1 Watertown Mill: Mass15, 25 Watson, Ebenezer (1744–1777): Conn6 Watson, Hannah: Conn6 Waverly Mill: Mass70 Way, Andrew, Jr.: DC1 Waybill, Adam: Md13 Weaver, William: 26, 306 Webb, James: lxxv; Pa82 Webb, Joseph: Del2; Pa82 Webster, Charles Richard (1762–1834): NY18 Webster, George (1762–1823): NY18 Webster Cole & Co.: NH6 Websters & Skinners: NY18 Weightman, Roger Chew (1787–1876): 310; WV1 Welles, John: Mass20 Wellington, Edmund: Vt17 Wellington & Hunting: Vt17 Wells, William H.: NY52 West, Alvin: NY51 West, John (1770–1827): 306; Mass73 Westbrook, Thomas (d. 1744): Me1–2 Wethered, Charles E.: Md11 Wethered, Lewin: Md10 Whatman, James, Jr.: Del1; Mass71 Wheaton, Joseph: RI1 Wheaton & Adie: RI1 Wheaton & Eddy: RI1 Wheeler, John C.: Conn28 Whipple, Anson: NH6 Whitcomb. See also Edgarton, Whitcomb & Co. Whitcomb, Thayer & Wales: NY61 Whitcombe & Stacy: Mass45 White. See also Dull & White White, Bricknell & White: SC2 White, Daniel: Conn28 White, Ira (1789–1886): Vt20 White, James: NJ13–14, 17, 35 White, James J. B.: SC2 White, John: NJ13, 15, 17 White, John B.: SC2 White & Belland: NJ17

White & Hedges: NY13 Whiteman, William S. (d. 1840): Tenn6 Whiteman & Lonas: Tenn6 Whiting, Samuel: Conn1; NJ28–29 Whitney, Francis: Mass25 Whitney, Leonard: Mass25 Whiton, James: Mass65, 68 Wickersham, Isaac: lxxviii Wicks, Jonas: NY12 Wilcox, W.: Pa18 Wilder. See also Dickey & Wilder Wilder, Gardner, II: Mass28 Wilder, J. A.: Mass30 Wilkes, Horatio: 308 Wilkinson, A.: RI1 Wilkinson, I.: RI1 Wilkinson & McCoy: 306 Willard. See also Lathrop & Willard Willard, John: Mass57 Willard, Lemuel: Mass33 Willcox, James (d. 1769): Pa23 Willcox, James M. (1791–1854): lxxx; Pa21, 92 Willcox, John (1789–1826): Pa21, 82 Willcox, Joseph (1787–1815): Pa21 Willcox, Mark (1744–1827): lxxv; Pa21 Willcox, Prudence: Pa23 Willcox, Thomas (1689–1779): lxxv, lxxx; Pa21, 45 Willcox, Thomas, II (b. 1758): Pa21, 23 William Amies & Co.: Pa24, 26, 49 William B. Blake & Co.: Vt14 William C. Kittredge & Co.: Vt4 William Coles & Son: Conn36 William Curtis Lumber Co.: Mass3 William Duckett & Son: Pa111 William May & Co.: Mass31 William Meeteer & Co.: Del2 William Parker & Co.: Mass30 William Robertson & Sons: Vt13 William Wilson & Co.: 310 Williams, Benjamin: 29 Williams, C. K.: NH12 Williams, Elie: DC1 Williams, Nathaniel: Md10 Williams, Solomon: Conn20 Williams & Carrolls: DC1 Williams & Hollisters: Conn20, 22 Willis. See Walcott & Willis Willson, John: 155 Wilson, Alexander: NJ23 Wilson, Charles: Pa73 Wilson, Isaac: Md10

Wilson, J.: Oh2 Wilson, Matthew: Pa73 Wilson, William: 310 Wilson & Bird: NY19 Winchester. See Smith & Winchester Manufacturing Co. Wissahiccon Paper Mill: 12 Wiswall, Enoch: Mass23; NH1 Wiswall, Flagg & Co.: NH1 Wiswall, Thomas (1775–1836): NH1 Wiswall & Flagg: NH1 Wiswell, Henry: Mass57–58 Wollen, Joseph, Jr.: Pa5 Womack, John: Ky14 Womack & Bryan: Ky14 Womelsdorf, Daniel (1703–1759): lxviii; Pa21, 61 Womelsdorf, Daniel, Jr. (d. 1804): Pa61; Va2 Womelsdorf, Elizabeth: 54; Pa61 Wood & Reddington: NY41 Woodman, Henry: Mass1 Woodward, William Wallis: Del5 Wooley, Abraham: NJ12 Woolsey. See Rogers & Woolsey Wooster, Lewis: Pa126 Wooster & Holmes: Pa126 Worrell, Charles: Conn27 Worrull & Hudson: Conn27 Worthington, Edward: Md8 Worthington, John T.: Md1 Wright. See also Coles & Wright; Hamilton & Wright Wright: NY24 Wright, Eleazer: Mass47 Wright, Francis: Mass5 Wright, John: 12; Pa20 Yarnall, Isaac (ca. 1777–1838): Ky7 Yates, Henry, Jr.: NY47 Yeatman. See Sprigman & Yeatman Yoder, Isaac C.: Pa54 York, Thomas: Pa6 York Paper Mill: Pa116 Yough Paper Mill: Pa108 Young, William (1755–1829): xli, 305; Del5; NC2; Pa31, 48, 55, 73, 84 Zenas Crane & Sons: Mass58 Zimmerman, Nicholas: lxviii; Md15 Zimmerman & Smith: Md15 Zinn, George: lxviii; Pa57 Zourne, Jacob: Pa101

Index of Watermarks Words and Initials

References are in the same style as in the Index of Papermakers. Preliminary initials have been transposed (thus an R AMIES watermark appears here as AMIES, R), but otherwise names and initials are interfiled. If there is text in a watermark and an associated countermark (e.g., AMIES = PHILADELPHIA | dove), both texts are indexed in separate entries. This index also includes watermarks described in the Sellers ledgers and other sources even though actual examples have yet to be found. 1794: Mass36 1797: NJ9, 11 1798: NJ11 1799: Del1 1800: NJ39, NY7 1802: NY7 1803: Del1; Mass35, 36 1804: Del5; Mass35, 36 1805: NJ9; Pa47, 55 1806: DC1 1810: Del1 1811: Pa10 1814: Md13 1815: Mass47 1818: Conn19 1822: Conn1 1825: Vt10 1829: Pa49 1834: Pa69 1835: NJ33; Pa49 1836: Pa27 1852: Mass67 4 | FR: NJ2 4 | RF: NJ2; Pa57 A: Pa49 A & C: NJ39 A & DD: Vt18 ADAM, I & Co: Conn33 ADAM, J & Co: Conn33 AHM: Pa106 AK: Pa43, 65, 80 AL: Pa100

ALLEN: Mass38 ALVA: Md10 AM: Pa31 AMES, D: Mass47 AMIES: Pa49 AMIES, R & Co: Pa49 AMIES, W & Co: Pa26 AMIES, W & J: Pa49 AMIES, WM & JOS: Pa49 AMIES & Co: Pa49 AMIES | S & Co: Pa49 AMIES W & Co: Pa49 ANDOVER: Mass50 AO: NY7 AO & Co: NY7 AP: Oh10 AR: Pa67 AUSTIN: NJ39 AUSTIN, C: NJ39 B: Pa48, 79 B & Co | PTRSBG: Va4 B & Co PETERSBG: Va4 B & M: Pa113 B & P: Conn18 B & S: 29; Conn42 B & W: 12; Conn19 BAKER, C & Co: Mass12 BALTo: Md4 BARBOUR & MULLEN: Pa113 BARBOUR & MULLIN: Pa113 BB: Pa82 BB & Co: Pa82; Vt14 BC: Conn24 BECHTEL, P: Pa13 BECKLEY: Md6 BELL: Pa58 BELL, P: Pa58 BEMIS, D & Co: Mass15 BEMIS, L: Mass15 BEMIS, L & J: Mass15 BEMIS & EDDY: Mass15 BF: Pa45, 48 BF | V: Vt8 BH & B: NJ28 BH & W: NJ28 BICKING, I: Pa79

::  331  ::

BICKING, J: Pa79 BIGELOW, D & Co: Mass28 BISSELL & DEBIT: Conn18 BISSELL & PEASE: Conn18 BLAKE, B: Vt14 BOIES, J: Mass22 BOIES, J & Co: Mass22 BOYER, S: Pa69 BP & C: Conn18 BRADLEYSVILLE: Conn34 BRANDYWINE: Del1 BRATTON: Pa82 BS & Co: Pa120 BS & P: Pa119 BTSA: Va4 BUEL, D: NY19 BUNCE, C: Conn24 BURBANK: Mass35 BURBANK, C: Mass35 BURBANK, C & E: Mass35 BURBANK, E: Mass35, 36 BUTLER: Conn8 BUTLER, D | NH: Mass54 BUTLER, J: Conn8 BUTLER, S & A: Conn19 BUTLER, S & A | US: Conn19 BUTLER, S & A, & W WARD: Conn19 BUTLER & WARD: Conn19 BUTLERS & WARD: Conn19 BW: 29 C: NJ9; Pa114, 115 C & C: Mass5 C & E: Oh4 C & EB: Mass35 C & G: Conn42 C & IB: Pa57 C & M: NJ9 C & McC: Pa14, 115 C & P: Ky1 C & S: Pa77, 107, 120 C & T: NJ39 C & WL: Conn1 CALEB BURBANK: Mass35 CAMPBELL & MARR: NJ9 CAMPBELL N YORK: NJ9 CANFIELD, DI: NJ37

Index of W at e r m a r k s : wo r d s  ::  332 CARSON, D: Mass57 CB: Conn24; Pa57, 103 CB & B: Oh1 CC monogram: Pa63 CCO: RI1 CDV: Md19 CEB: Mass35 CF: 57 CH: Pa67 CHITTENDEN: NY21 CHURCH, J & L: Mass63 CK: WVa1 CL: Conn1 CL & Co: Md4 CL | NORWICH: Conn1 CLARK: Mass11 CLARK, J: NJ12 CLARKE: Mass11 CLARKE & Co: Mass11 CM: NJ32 CM Co: NJ32 CO: RI1 CONGRESS US: Pa49 COX: NJ39 COX, B: Mass49 COX, H: Mass12 COX, J: NJ39 CR & GW: NY18 CRA: Pa46 CRAIG, H: NY16 CRAIG, I: NY16 CRAIG, J: NY16 CRAMER: Oh2 CRANE, Z: Mass58 CROUSE, D: Oh12 CS: Pa11, 45 CURTIS, AC & W: Mass18 CUTLER | BF: Vt8 D: Va3 D & D: NJ11 D & JR & W: Pa108 D & R: Oh10 DB & Co: Mass15 DB | NH: Mass54 DC: Mass57 DEBIT, W: Conn7 DELAWARE: Del5 DEVRIES, C: Md19 DEVRIES & SON: Md19 DH: NY7; Pa42; Vt6 DJ: Conn7 DJR & W: Pa108

DL: Md18 DONALDSON, R: NJ33 DOVE MILL: Pa49 DR: Pa62, 67 DS & Co: 11 DV: Mass1 DWD: Pa61 E & C: Mass17 EC & S: Ky1 EF: Pa56–57 EFRATA: Pa56 EFT: Pa56 EHRHART: Pa117 EN DAT VIRGINIA QUARTAM: Pa45; Va1 ER & Co: NH7 EW & Co: Vt1 F & JB: Pa48 FARRA: Del6 FARRA, D: Del6 FB: Pa48, 57 FG: Pa34 FG & Co: Pa34 FM Co: Md10 FOR RECORDS: Conn14 FR: NJ2 FREIND, C: Pa38 FS: Pa45 FT: 44 G & Co: Conn10 GABLE, L: Pa76 GANO: Ky1 GARDINER: Me5 GARRETT, HG: Del4 GAS & Co: Pa96 GB: Tenn3 GC: NY21 GEN STAMP OFFICE: Del5 GEORGE WASHINGTON: Pa41 GEVEL, L: Pa76 GG: Conn10 GG & S: Conn10 GH: Pa49, 51 GHS: Pa38 GILMOUR: Del6 GILPIN, T & Co: Del1 GK: Pa116 GOODWIN: Conn10 GOODWIN & Co: Conn10 GOODWIN & SON: Conn10 GOODWINS: Conn10 GOOKIN & Co | RUTLAND | VT: Vt5

GR: NY48 GREENE: Oh11 GREENVILLE | Co RJ: RI5 GT SPRING: Pa104 GU: Pa98 H: Conn27; Md2; Pa43, 122 H & B: Conn2; Oh15 H & D: NJ6 H. & F. of B.: Vt10 H & F of B Vt: Vt10 H & G: Conn10 H & H: 82; Oh15 H & I: Oh12 H & M: NJ20 H & P: Md13 H & W | THIRD DRIVER: NJ28 HAMSTEAD H: NY7 HARTFORD: Conn6 HFB | 1825: Vt10 HGG: Del4 HH: Pa51 HJ: Md4 HK: Pa43 HM: Mass2 HOLDSHIP: Pa122 HOOGLAND, D: NY7 HOUSE, E: Conn37 HS: Pa41 HUBBARD, AH: Conn1 HUBBARD, R: Conn2 HUDSON: Conn14 HUDSON & Co: Conn14 HUDSON | BATH: Conn14 HUMPHREYS: Conn27 HURD, W: Mass16 HY: NY47 I & B: Mass68 I & L: Pa104 IACOB: 32 IB: Mass2; Pa79, 83 IB | B: Mass2 IC: 54 IF: Pa73 IG: Pa3 IH: Pa42 IK: Pa59 ILG: Pa23 INGHAM: Oh12 IR: Pa10 IS & Co: 129 IT: Mass36 IV: Mass2

Index of Wat e r m a r k s : wo r d s  ::  333 J & HGG: Del4 J & LC: Mass63 J & S: Pa96, 107, 124 J & SS: Va3 J | & | W: Mass5 J & WB: Pa112 JB: Pa48, 83 JB & Co: Pa83 JC: NJ12 JF: Pa73 JG & Co: Del1 JG & Co | BRANDYWINE: Del1 JGL: Pa10, 55 JG SON & Co: Del4 JH: Md4 JH & Co: Md4 JIC & Co: Vt8 JIC & Co | BF Vt: Vt8 JJ & Co: Ky2 JK: 58; Pa59 JL: Pa23, 30 J LE M: Va4 JLG: Pa23, 32 JM: Pa27 JMG: Pa80 JOHN BUTLER: Conn8 JP: Pa121 JR: Pa62 JS: 201; Me5; Pa38, 78 JS & Co: Pa95 JSB: Mass3 JU: Pa68 JU & Co: Pa68 JVR: Pa66 JW: NJ14; Pa23, 82 JW & Co: Mass73; NY18 JW & SON: Mass65 JZ: Pa101 K & B: WVa1 K & R: NY36, 37 KATZ, H: Pa43 KELLER, A: Pa65 KELTY, A: Pa80 KENDALL: Mass37 KING: Pa116 KIRK, R: NY9 KIRK, R & SONS: NY9 KOWNSLAR, C: WVa1 KR: Pa2 KROH, P: Md7 KUGLER, M & SON: Oh6 L: Mass67; Pa55

L & Co: Md10 L & IB: Mass15 L & L: Pa28 L & W: Mass48 LAFLIN, W: Mass67 LAFLIN’S | 1852: Mass67 LAFLINS’ | NEW YORK: Mass67 LATHROP & WILLARD: Mass48 LAW PAPER: Pa49 LC: Conn1 LC | NORWICH: Conn1 LEEDS & JONES: Ind3 LEVAN: Pa100 LEVERING & Co: Md10 LEVIS, T: Pa29 LG: Pa76 LIBERTY & PRUDENCE: NY7 LITCHFIELD: Conn34 LP: Pa63 LS: Pa64 LW: Md21 LYDIG & MESIER: NY40 M: Md4; Mass35; NJ9; Pa81; Va4 M & D: Pa118 M & ET: Pa27 M & K N YORK: NJ28 MARKLE, J: Pa118 MARTIN, W: Pa32 MATTHEWS: Pa27 MATTHEWS, J: Pa27 MD: NJ10 MD & Co: NJ32 MEETEER: Del2 MENDENHALL: Md4 MESIER, PA: NY40 MESIER, PETER A: NY40 METEER, T & SONS: Del2 MF: Pa87 MH: Pa119 MIAMI: Oh6 MILL: NJ33 MMcC & Co: Mass12 MODE: Pa81 MODE, A: Pa81 MORGAN, E | TROY: NY19 M PLEASANT: NY4 MW: Pa21 N & K: Mass37 NB & Co: NY31 NC: NC2 NEEDHAM: Mass5 NEWBURGH: NY17

NEWHOUSE: 32 NEWTON: Mass16, 17 NH: Pa6 NH | DB: Mass54 No 2: Pa49 No 2 S.E: Pa26 NR: Pa1 NRP & Co: NJ37 NY MILL: NJ11 O & H: Mass60 OGR: NY7 OH: Mass60 OHIO: Oh1 OLEY: Pa69 OLNEY, C: RI1 OLNEY, CC: RI1 ONDERDONK, A: NY7 OTSEGO: NY33 OWEN & HURLBUT: Mass60 P & C: NY59 P & J: Ky12 P & S: Mass63 PARK, R & Co: Mass73 PARK, R & Co | TAUNTON: Mass73 PARKER, W: Mass23 PATTEN, N: Mass47 PATTERSON & Co: Pa121 PATTERSON, E: DC1 PATTERSON, J & Co: Pa121 PB: Pa13, 53 PB Jr: Pa13 PEACE & UNITY: NJ5 PECK, E. & Co.: NY53 PENNA: Pa55 PENSILVANIA: Pa1 PF: Pa63 PH: Md2 PH & S: Md2 PHENIX MILL: NJ33 PHILADA: Pa21, 49 PHILADELPHIA: Pa21, 49 PHINNEYS & TODDS: NY33 PIK: Pa116 PIKE, G | 1805: NY16 PITT: NJ24 PITT & Co: NJ24 PJK: Pa116 PL: Mass7 PLATNER & SMITH | LEE MASS: Mass63 PORTER & CLARK: NY59 POTTS: NJ5

Index of W at e r m a r k s : wo r d s  ::  334 POTTS & REYNOLDS: NJ5 PPD: Pa11 PROVIDENCE: RI1 PU: Pa66 PV & Co | SUFFIELD: Conn19 PW: Pa47 PW & L: NJ23 R: NY48 R & MT: Pa27 RAHN, A: Pa67 RCW: WVa1 RD: NJ33 RD JR | PM | 1835: NJ33 REDSTONE: Pa107 REID, G: NY48 RF: NJ2, Pa57 RG: Pa22 RIMMON FALLS: Conn27 RJ: NH1 ROBESON | PHILA: Pa26 ROBESON, J | PHILA: Pa26 ROCKVILLE: Md24 R.P. & L.: Pa121 RS & Co: NY25 S: NC2; Pa7, 11 S & AB: Conn19 S & B | NH: Conn28 S & Co: Pa96, 107 S & JL: Pa24 S & WL: Pa26 SANDYRUN: Pa41 SAUNDERSON, I: Mass1 SAVE RAGS: Mass5 S.B.: Pa69 SC: 43; NJ9 SC & Co: Mass5 SCHENECTADY: NY47 SCHOHARIE: NY41 SC YORK: NJ9 SE & CO: Mass17 SEWARD, A: NY26 SEWARD, A & Co | UTICA: NY26 S.G. & F: Vt11

SHERER: Pa92 SI: Pa104 SK: NJ8 SL: Pa24 SL & Co: NY18 SNYDER: Pa101 SOWDEN, J: Va3 SPRING HILL | Co CORK: 26 SS: NC2 S.S.M.: Pa113 ST & Co: RI2 S.T. & Co: Mass69 STARR & CO: Pa95 STATE RIGHTS: SC2 SW: Vt1 SW & Co N YORK: NJ28 SWAN, W: Conn31 SWL: Pa26 T & C: Pa27 T & Co Pa27 T & JL: Pa55 T & L: NY11 T & S: Ky3 TA & B: Conn43 TG: Del1 TG & Co: Del1 THIRD RIVER: NJ28 TK: 58 TL: Pa29, 55 TM & Co: Del2 TM & SONS: Del2 TMW: Pa21 TRUMAN’S & Co: Pa27 TURKEY MILL: Mass71 U & W: Oh14 ULRICK, P: Pa66 UNKLEY, G: Pa98 US ARMY: Conn14 USN: Conn14 US NAVY: Conn14 VA: WVa1 VALENTINE & Co: Conn19 VALENTINE, P & Co: Conn19

VALENTINE, P & Co | SUFFIELD CONN: Conn19 W: Pa21, 47, 61; Va2 W & BO: NY7 W & C: DC1 W & Co: Oh6 W & CV: NY7 W & J: Pa47 W & L: Conn6 W & S: Pa10 WADE, J: NJ14 WALLOVER, P: Pa47 WALSH: NY17 WALSH & PIERCY: NY17 WB: Pa69, 113 WB & Co: Pa113 WC & Co: NY17 W CITY 1806: DC1 WD: NY4 WE & S: NY18 WEBB, J: Pa82 WG: 12 WH: Md1, 2; Pa46, 57 WHITON, J & SON: Mass65 WI: Pa63 WILLCOX: Pa21 WILLCOX, JM: Pa21 WL: Pa26 WM: Pa32 WORK & BE RICH: Pa11 WP: Pa45; Va1 WR: Pa1, 2 WS: Conn31 WT: Pa22 WY & Co: Del5 YATES, H: NY47 YOUGH: Pa108 YOUNG, W: Del5 Z: Md15 ZC: Mass58 ZION: Pa56

Index of Watermarks Figures

References are in the same style as in the Index of Papermakers. This index includes watermarks described in the Sellers ledgers and other sources even though actual examples have yet to be found. anchor: lxvii; Pa49, 77, 122; RI1, 2 angel: Conn14 anvil: Pa107 arms of Connecticut | NH: Conn24 arms of England: NJ9; Pa45 arms of Massachusetts: Mass35, 36 arms of New York: NJ9 arms of Pennsylvania: Pa45 arms of the Treasury Department: Conn14 arms of Virginia: Pa45; Va1 arrows: Mass35 beaver: lxvii; Pa124 beehive: Pa27 bell: Conn6; Mass15; Pa13, 48, 79 bird: Conn1; NJ11; Pa43. See also dove; eagle; messenger pigeon; phoenix Britannia: lxxvi; Conn8, 14, 24; Del1; Mass2, 60; NJ5, 9; NY11, 16, 40; Pa27, 41, 48, 78, 82; WVa1 Britannia | bell: Pa26 camp scene: Conn14 capitol building: Conn14 cat: Pa43 cherub: Mass67

clover: Pa1, 2, 7, 11, 41, 42, 116 compass | square: Mass65; Pa55 crate: Pa49 cross: Pa56 crown: 43; Conn24; Del1; Mass47; NJ32; Pa10, 26, 42, 45, 48, 55, 56, 57, 63; Va1 crown | bell: Pa26 crown | GR: Mass2; Pa48 crown | IR: Pa10 crown shield clover: Pa1 crown shield fleur-de-lis: Del1; Md2; Mass1; NY40; Pa1, 2, 3, 45, 55, 66, 82 crown shield harp: Va1 crown shield posthorn: Del1; Mass57 deer: 43 dove: lxvii, 129; Mass12, 28, 38, 47; NJ28; Pa21, 26, 49, 81, 107 eagle: lxvii, lxxvi; Conn14; Del4, 5; Ky1; Md4, 21; Mass18, 22, 63, 71, 73; NJ11, 14, 33; NY7, 9, 47; Oh1; Pa26, 46, 47, 55; Vt6; WVa1 fish: Conn2; Mass2; Oh15 flag: Conn14; Mass67, 71 fleur-de-lis: 54, 57–58; Conn31; Del1, 5; Md1, 2; Mass1, 2, 15; NJ9, 12, 39; NY40; Pa1, 2, 3, 21, 23, 26, 38, 41, 43, 45, 48, 49, 55, 61, 66, 76, 82 flower: Conn1; Mass3; Pa56. See also tulip foolscap: Pa2 hammers: Pa46

::  335  ::

harp: 54; Pa45, 61; Va1 heart: Ky1; Pa56, 57 horse’s head: NJ32 Indian: Me5; Mass15 ivy: Pa21 keys: Pa56 lamb: Pa26, 49 liberty pole: NJ11 lion: Pa43 mermaid: 57 messenger pigeon: Pa80 phoenix: NJ33 plow: Del1; Mass15, 47; NJ5, 32; Pa11, 27, 41, 45, 55, 67, 69, 113 posthorn: 155; Conn24; Del1, 5; Md13; Mass3, 57; NJ23; Pa13, 21, 22, 26, 34, 41, 48, 53, 57, 66, 79, 94, 116; WVa1 ring: Mass12 serpent: Pa45 shield: Pa57 ship: Conn8, 14; Del1; Mass8; Pa49 star: 43; Conn1; Mass60, 68, 71; Oh14; Pa6, 45, 55, 63, 65, 96; Vt11 Strasbourg bend: Del1; Pa21 sun: Pa45 tobacco leaves: Va4 tulip: Pa43, 65 unicorn: Pa45 Washington, George: Conn14 wheat sheaf: Pa27 wreath: Pa45, 67

Subject Index

References are in the same style as in the Index of Papermakers. This index includes entries for historical and technical topics mentioned in the introduction, appendix, and the directory, as well as names of individuals not associated with the paper trade. almanac paper: xliii, liv; Md16 American Advertising Directory: xxix American Revolution: lvi–lvii America’s Historical Newspapers: xxx Anderson, Alexander: xl, 160, 214 Anderson, James L.: xxxii arson: Conn6, 30; Pa55 Articles of the Hibernia Fire-Company in Philadelphia: lxix asbestos: Conn30 Atlantic Souvenir: xlix Atlas of Early American History: lvii bagging: lx bandboxes: 12; Mass4 banknote paper. See currency paper bankruptcies and insolvencies: xxviii, xlix, li, lviii–lix, lxiv, lxxix, 309; Conn37; Del1–2, 5; Ky8–9; Me1; Md4, 10–11; Mass5, 19, 25, 35, 47, 50, 57, 67; NJ22, 37, 40; NY36–37, 52, 64; Pa14, 84, 111, 121, 129; Vt11. See also sheriff ’s sales Barlow, Joel, Columbiad: lxxiii barter: xxvi, xli; Md14; Pa107, 115, 119–20, 125; Vt18 Barton, Henry: lii Barton, William P. C., Flora of North America: lxix Baskerville, John: lxxiv beach grass: Mass4 beaters. See engines Bible paper: Pa7, 11, 45, 48 binders’ board: xxvi, xlv, lix, 306, 310; Conn17; Ind2; Md22; Mass19, 21; NJ14–16, 18–19; Oh10; Pa32, 50, 74, 96, 107, 126; Vt10 blank books: lvii, 310; Ky10; NY66; Oh8, 17; Vt2, 15 bleaching supplies and techniques: xxxv,

lx, lxvi; Conn15; Del1; Mass37; NJ23, 39; Pa100 blotting paper: 308; Mass38; NC2 blue paper: NH15; NJ2; Vt15 bogus: Md1 bonnet board: xxvi, xlii, 310; Conn12, 34; Mass3, 15–16, 18, 63–65; NY30; Oh10; Pa30; RI2; Vt7, 10 book paper: xxvi; Conn7, 28; Del1; NY56; Md6; Mass11, 17; NH19; Oh7; Vt10, 19 Boston: xli, lx, lxvi Bowen, Abel: xl, 100, 106, 111, 244, 257, 260 box board: 12, 306; Md22; Mass4; Pa74 Brandywine, battle of: lvi Brissot de Warville, Jacques-Pierre: lxxv broke: xl brown paper: xlii–xliii; Ky15; Mass1, 3, 24, 54; NC1; Pa6, 113 calendaring and glazing machines: xxxvi, 108; Md17; Mass10, 17, 53; NJ12, 16; NY17, 54; Pa21; WV1 candle paper: Mass15, 76 card paper: 306; Conn12; Mass11; NJ12; Pa56; Vt8 cartridge paper: xxxix, lvi, 308, 310; Md1; Mass1, 38, 47; NJ9; Pa116 census records: xxviii–xxix centermarks: Pa45 Centinel of Freedom: xxx Clay, Henry: xlvi, 278 Coleman, D.C.: xxvi colored paper: xliv, 12, 188, 306; Conn3, 27; Ky9; Mass3, 65; NJ33; Pa30; Vt11 commission sales: xli Connecticut, Act for Forming and Conducting the Military Force of This State: lxix Connecticut Courant: xxx, lvii Continental Congress: lvi copperplate paper. See plate paper copying paper: Pa41 cornermarks: Pa13 corn husks: NY63 cotton waste: lx; Mass32; SC1

::  337  ::

coucher: xxxviii counterfeit watermarks: NY16; Pa49 Coxe, Tench: xxix, xlvi; Statement of the Arts and Manufactures of the United States of America for the Year 1810, xxviii credit terms: xli Crompton, Thomas Bonsor: li currency paper: xxvi, xliii, lvi–lvii, lxvii, lxix; Conn16; Del1; Ky1, 9; Mass57; NY21; Pa11, 21, 42, 49, 55 customer complaints: Mass47, 50; NJ3; Pa42; Vt7 Cutbush, James, American Artist’s Manual: xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxviii–xxxix cutting and trimming machines: xxxvi; Conn10, 16; Mass11, 18, 41–42, 47; NJ28; NY17, 47, 55; Oh5; Pa77; RI1 cylinders: xxxi, xlvi–l, lx–lxi, lxv–lxvi, lxxix–lxxx, 12, 58; Conn18–20, 32; Del1–3, 6; Ind2; Ky2; Me5; Md1, 6, 9–10, 18, 22–23; Mass1, 4, 10, 16, 24, 35–37, 41, 44, 47, 49, 53, 55–56, 58, 60, 66, 71, 76; NC2; NH1; NJ7, 9, 12–13, 19, 31–33, 40, 42, 46; NY7, 23–24, 30–31, 45–46, 60, 66; Oh5, 9, 11, 15, 17; Pa13, 20–21, 25, 30, 37, 48, 71, 78–79, 96–97, 104, 110, 116–18, 124–25; Tenn6–7; Vt2, 13, 19; WV2–3 dandy-roll watermarks. See machinemade watermarks Dearden, Robert Rowland, Jr.: lxviii Declaration of Independence: xxvi Defensive War: lvi deteriorated watermarks: Conn20; Del1, 4; Mass5, 35; NJ9; NY7, 11, 17, 53; Pa21, 24, 26, 43, 57, 76, 78–79, 95 Dickinson, John (1732–1808), Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania: liv Dickinson, John (1782–1869): xlvii, xlix Digest of Accounts of Manufacturing Establishments: xxviii Donkin, Bryan: l–li; NY62 double-faced moulds: Pa27 double moulds. See two-sheet moulds

subj e c t I n d e x  ::  338 double paper: RI1 drawing paper: xxvi, xxxix, lix, lxxx, 305, 310; Conn16; Del1; Mass38; Pa55 drying loft: xxxix drying machines: Conn3, 14, 16, 37; Ind3; Mass11, 18, 31, 34, 41–42, 52; NJ13, 28, 38; NY62; Pa37, 117 dusters. See rag dusters edgemarks: lxviii; Conn8; Del5; NJ33; NY16 Edwards, Frances: xxxi, lxviii Edwards, Jacob: lii Embargo (1807): lviii embossed paper: NJ33 embossed trademarks: Conn3, 8, 10, 16; Mass49, 54–55, 60, 63, 65, 67; NJ33; NY17; Pa49; WV3 engines: xxxvi; Conn15; Mass17; Pa6, 34 engine size. See internal sizing envelope paper: NJ32 Evans, Oliver: 278 Everts & Peck: xxxi exports: xli, xlvi, 305; Ma47; NY11; Pa21, 122; Vt10 factory villages: xlv, lxii– lxiii Fairchild, Louis: xl, 178, 180 Federalist: xxvi filter paper: Mass38 fine paper: xxx, xliii–xliv; Conn14, 19; Del1; Ky9; Mass38, 47, 64, 70–71, 73; NH1; NJ28, 33; NY5; Pa49, 55; Vt2; WV3 finishing room. See salle forgeries: lvii; Conn34 Fourdrinier, Henry: xlvii Fourdrinier, Sealy: xlvii Fourdriniers: xlvi–xlvii, l–liii, lx, lxvi, lxxx, 12; Conn3–4, 7, 9, 14, 16, 18, 20, 32, 37, 43; Del1; Ky16; Md2, 19, 23; Mass11, 16–18, 21, 24, 30–31, 37, 42, 51–52, 59; NH15; NJ9, 28–30, 32–33, 37–39, 42; NY17, 21, 31, 59, 62; Oh5, 9, 15; Pa81, 92, 104 Frame, Richard, Short Description of Pennsilvania: lxxx fullers’ board: Ky9 Gravell, Thomas L., and George Miller, American Watermarks, 1690–1835: lxvii–lxxiv Guide to Domestic Happiness: 310

half sheets: lxix Hamilton, Alexander, Report on Manufactures: lvii–lviii Hamilton, S. J.: lxxx hardware paper: Conn18; NJ31 hogs. See pulp stirring devices Hollanders. See engines hot pressing: Mass47, 49, 73; NJ28; NY4, 47, 65 Humphreys, David, Poem on Industry: lxiii Hunter, Dard: xxvii, lvii, lxxv, 139; NJ9, 32; Tenn1; Papermaking by Hand in America, xxvii; NJ28; Papermaking in Pioneer America, xxvii Illig, Moritz Friedrich: xl imported moulds: lxxiv–lxxv, lxxviii; Pa79 imported paper: xxvi, liii–liv, lvii–lix, lxv, 304, 310 indigo: xliii, 308; SC2 industrial espionage: xlvii–xlix internal sizing: xl inventories: Conn14; NY30, 47; Pa6, 21, 84 ironmongers’ paper: Pa34 James, Arthur E.: xxvii joint-stock companies: lxiii Jones, Horatio Gates: lxxx junk: xxxv, lx, 308; Mass50; NH9; NJ15; NY10; Pa104 laid paper: lxxiv Lavoisne, C. V.: xlix, lxvii law paper: Pa49 leather: NJ20 ledger paper: Conn36; Ky9; Mass59, 68 linters. See cotton waste littress: xxxix; Pa10, 31 Lockwood’s Directory: xxix log-book paper: Mass38 lotteries: lvii; Conn6; Mass3; NY2; Tenn4; Va2; Vt1 Lucas’ Progressive Drawing Book: 309 machine-made watermarks: lxxix–lxxx; Mass63, 67, 71 machinery. See calendaring and glazing machines; cutting and trimming machines; cylinders; drying machines; engines; Fourdriniers; power train; pulp dressers; pulp stirring devices;

rag dusters; stamping machines; steam power Magee, James F., Jr.: xxxi–xxxii manila: 104; Conn18; Del6; Md2, 6, 19; Pa76; Vt8, 13, 19 map paper: 309; Del1; Pa22, 48 marbled paper: Md16; Mass9 Massachusetts Spy: lvii McCorison, Marcus A.: xxviii McGaw, Judith A.: xxviii McLane Report: xxix, lx, lxv merino sheep: lxii; Conn27; Md10; Ky9 Miller, C. William: lxix Miller, George: lxvii–lxxiv millwrights: xxxvi, li, lxxix; Mass17, 35; Pa21, 32, 52, 107 Monmouth, battle of: lvi monograms in watermarks: Pa55, 63, 116 monopolies: lvi; Mass1; NJ1 mortgages: lxii mouldmades: lxxx mouldmakers: xxx–xxxi, lxi, lxxv–lxxix, 11; Oh4; Pa10, 56, 61, 63, 103, 119 moulds: xxxviii, lxvi–lxxx mummy wrappings: Conn4 music paper: xxxix, 43, 58; NJ9, 39 Navigation Act: xxv Neal’s Patent Machine: Me4 newspapers: xxix–xxx newsprint: liv, lvi–lvii, lix–lx, 308, 310; Conn1, 3, 6, 18, 26–27, 42; Del1; Ga1; Ky12, 16; Md22–23; Mass16–17, 29, 47, 54, 66; NC4; NH19; NJ8–9, 13, 33; NY18, 47, 53, 59, 62; Oh5–6; Pa16, 24, 81, 93, 106–7; RI1; SC2; Tenn5; Va4, 6; Vt7; WV3 New York City: xli, lix–lx, lxvi– lxvii Non-Importation Acts: lviii Non-Intercourse Act: lviii Oakwood Press: lxxx Panic of 1819: lviii, lxvi Panic of 1837: lx, lxxix paper hangings: lv, lvii–lviii, lx–lxi, lxxviii, 11–12, 305–7; Conn18; Mass1, 64, 67, 76; NJ27; NY31, 35, 55; Pa30, 96; Vt2, 10, 13, 17–18 Paper Maker: xxxii paper mill dimensions: xlv; Conn15, 43; Del3; Ky1; Md2, 4, 10; Mass50, 66;

subjec t I n d e x  ::  339 NH9, 11; NJ2, 29; NY30, 62; Oh8; Pa12, 27, 55, 84, 97; Va3–4; Vt8 paper prices: xlii–xliv, xlix; Conn5, 14, 31, 37–39; Del2; Me7; Mass47; NJ28, 39; NY14, 19, 34; Pa43, 119, 122; SC1; Tenn4; Vt20 partnerships: lxii pasteboard: xlii, lvii, lix–lx, 92, 307; Ky9; Md1–2, 15, 17, 21; Mass1, 4, 9, 19; NJ2, 14, 27, 36; Oh14; Pa21, 25, 77, 105, 107–8, 119; Vt13. See also: binders’ board; press board patent disputes: xlvii; Mass47, 55, 60; Pa126 Philadelphia: liii, lix–lx, lxvi Phipps, Christoper: lxxix Phipps, John: lxxix plate paper: xxvi, xxxix, xliii, xlix, lix, 188, 307–8; Del1; NJ9; Pa10, 27, 49, 55; Vt10 potato vines: Mass22 power train: lii; Conn4, 15; Del1; NJ4; NY4; Pa10–11 press board: xxvi, xlii; Conn11–12, 17, 27, 34; Mass3–4, 15–16, 18–19, 60; NY30; Pa2, 19, 21, 50, 57; RI2; Vt1, 4 presses: xxxviii products. See bandboxes; Bible paper; binders’ board; blotting paper; blue paper; bogus; bonnet board; book paper; box board; brown paper; candle paper; card paper; cartridge paper; colored paper; copying paper; currency paper; drawing paper; envelope paper; filter paper; fine paper; fullers’ board; hardware paper; ironmongers’ paper; law paper; ledger paper; littress; log-book paper; map paper; music paper; newsprint; paper hangings; pasteboard; plate paper; press board; sand paper; scented paper; sheathing paper; straw board; tea paper; tissue paper profits: lxv Providence Gazette: lxii pulp dressers: 12; NJ28, 30, 42; Oh15 pulp stirring devices: 12, 58; Conn32 pulp strainers: Vt20 quotas: xxxviii– xxxix rag collectors: xxxiv, lvi, 305, 307; Me1; Mass1, 3, 47; NH1; NY17; Pa79, 109

rag cutting machines: Mass35; NY16, 62; Vt10 rag dusters: xxxv–xxxvi; Ky1; Md17, 19–20; NY16–17, 47, 55; Oh6; Pa70, 101, 118 rags: xxxiv–xxxv, 306; Conn18, 42; Ky10; Mass47, 49 rag shortages: xxxv; 139; Me1; Mass1 rag warehouses: 305–6, 308–9; Mass21, 50; Pa17, 20 raw materials. See asbestos; bagging; beach grass; corn husks; cotton waste; junk; leather; manila; mummy wrappings; potato vines; rags; recycled paper; sawdust; seaweed; straw; tow; wood; woolen rags ream wrappers: xl recycled paper: Conn8, 20 Repertory of Arts, Manufactures, and Agriculture: xlviii–xlix; NJ39 retree: xl Revere, Paul: lxvii rope. See junk rosin size: xl ruling machine: Oh17 Ruthven press: xlix salle: xlvi; Del1; Ky1; Mass50; NY20, 62; Pa71; Vt8 sand paper: Pa92 sawdust: Pa105 scented paper: NJ33 Scott, Walter, Quentin Durward: xlix seaweed: Conn5 security paper. See currency paper sheathing paper: Ky9; Me3–4; Mass9, 17, 19, 24, 76; NH1; NY7; Pa50 sheriff ’s sales: lix, 54, 145, 309; Del4; Md10, 18; Mass8–9, 36; NJ32; Pa6, 9, 11, 31–32, 47, 55, 73–74, 76, 82, 85, 87, 90, 100, 111. See also bankruptcies and insolvencies Shorter, Alfred H.: xxxii sizing techniques: xxxix–xl; Mass47, 50; NH6; Vt8 slave labor: Ky6–7, 15; Mass2; NC3; SC2; Tenn6; WV1 smalts: xliii Smith, Charlotte, Elegiac Sonnets, and Other Poems: lxxiv Smith, Winchester & Company: li Snell, Ralph M.: xxxii

Stamp Act: liv stamping machines: xxxv–xxxvi; Md1; Mass60; Pa1, 21 steam power: xxxvii, xlv, lviii, lx, lxiii, lxvi; Del1; Ky8–9; Md10; Mass37, 50; NJ25–26; Oh7–8, 13, 15, 17–18; Pa71, 96, 110, 118, 121–22 Steel, James W.: xl, 40, 268 Stevenson, Allan, Catalogue of Botanical Books in the Collection of Rachel McMasters Miller Hunt: lxxiii stitching marks of the cylinder machine: xlviii–l; NY66 straw: lxv, 68; Conn28; Md5, 9, 18; NY7, 23; Oh15; Pa96–97, 125 straw board: Mass53; NY61; Pa74, 96 subsidies: lvi Superior Facts: xxxii tariffs: lvii–lix, lxv tea paper: Pa77 Tighe, Benjamin: lxviii tissue paper: Conn27; Del6; Vt8, 13 tow: xxxv; Ky1, 5; Oh6; Pa119, 121 Townshend Acts: liv transposed initials in watermarks: lxix; Conn1, 24; Md4; NJ2; Pa48, 57 turned chain lines: lxxiv; Conn1, 14; Del1, 4 two-sheet moulds: lxxiii–lxxiv; Conn14 vatman: xxxviii vats, heating devices: Pa53 wages: lxi; NH15; NJ37; NY1 wallpaper. See paper hangings Walsh, Elizabeth A.: lxviii War of 1812: lviii washers: lxxix; Pa45, 101,118; Md1–2; SC1 Washington, George: 28–29, 198 waterleaf: xxxix watermarked guidelines for writing: Mass36 watermarks: lxvi–lxxx. See also centermarks; cornermarks; counterfeit watermarks; deteriorated watermarks; edgemarks; forgeries; imported moulds; machine-made watermarks; monograms; transposed initials; turned chain lines; two-sheet

subj e c t I n d e x  ::  340 moulds; watermarked guidelines for writing water power: xxxvi–xxxvii, 201; Conn24, 42; Ky1; Mass2, 17, 22; NY1, 62; Pa10, 38, 82 water quality: xxvii; Mass22, 49, 71; NJ23; NY52, 62; Pa80; Va3

water rights: xxxvii, lxii; Conn24; Del1; Ky1; Mass1, 3, 9, 11–12, 17, 19, 38, 49; NY29; Pa11, 57; RI6; Vt19 waterwheels: xxxvi, xliv, 12; Ky1; Mass4, 18, 27, 35; NY3; Pa2, 32, 42, 82 web printing press: NY54 Weeks, Lyman Horace: xxvi– xxvii

Whatman, James, Jr.: lxiv, lxxiv Whatman, James, Sr.: lxxiv wood: lx; Del5; Pa126; Vt4, 8 woolen rags: Mass32, 74 workplace accidents: Conn42; Mass17; NH10; NY9; Pa49, 101 wove paper: lxxiv; Mass36