American Caste and the Negro College 9780231877756

Table of contents :
FOREWORD
PREFACE
CONTENTS
TABLES
FIGURES
I. NO ARMOR FOR HIS BACK
II. THE NATURE OF PREJUDICE
III. PREJUDICE AT WORK
IV. THE CASTESYSTEM
V. PATHOLOGICAL RESULTS OF CASTE
VI. DILEMMAS OF THE CAUCASIAN CASTE
VII. DILEMMAS OF THE NEGRO CASTE
VIII. ACHILLES HAD A HEEL
IX. DETOURS AND DEAD ENDS IN NEGRO EDUCATION
X. A CONCEPTION OF A FUNCTIONAL COLLEGE
XI. EDUCATIVE ADMINISTRATION
XII. TOWN AND GOWN: THE WIDER CAMPUS
XIII. TEACHING
XIV. PROPHETIC EDUCATION
APPENDIX A. COTTON AND LYNCHINGS
APPENDIX B. COMPARATIVE RACIAL INTELLIGENCE
APPENDIX C. TALLADEGA COLLEGE COUNCIL: A PROGRESS REPORT
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

Citation preview

AMERICAN CASTE AND THE NEGRO COLLEGE

AMERICAN CASTE AND T H E

NEGRO COLLEGE BY

B U E L L G. G A L L A G H E R WITH

WILLIAM

A FOREWORD

H.

BY

KILPATRICK

NEW Y O R K : M O R N I N G S I DE H E I G H T S

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 1938

PRESS

COPYRIGHT

1038

C O L U M B I A U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS, N E W Y O R K Foreign

agents:

House,

London,

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India;

Shanghai,

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS. Humphrey E.C.

4, England,

Miljord,

AND B. I. Building,

KWANC HSUEH PUBLISHING HOUSE. 140

China;

MARUZEN COMPANY, LTD.. 6

Tori-Sichome,

Tokyo,

.Xicol Peking

Sihonbashi,

Japan

M A N U F A C T U R E D I N T H E U N I T E D STATES O F AMERICA

Amen Road, Road,

To J. S. G. IN G R A T E F U L A N D A S T O N I S H E D LOVE

FOREWORD T H E a d j u s t m e n t of the N e g r o justly and s a t i s f a c t o r i l y into A m e r i c a n life r e m a i n s as yet a most serious p r o b l e m . But meanwhile certain of the conditions t h a t originally d e t e r m i n e d the p r o b l e m a r e n o w changing. M a n y individual N e g r o e s h a v e m a d e m o s t impressive use of the highest available culture, while t h e g r o u p as a w h o l e has, considering the circumstances, a d v a n c e d n o t a b l y . T h e crux of the p r o b l e m h a s p e r h a p s shifted, as the title a n d discussion of the b o o k b e f o r e us seem to indicate. W e m a y n o w f a i r l y ask n o t so much h o w t o solve the p r o b l e m in t e r m s of t h e original elements as why the p r o b lem is n o t n o w m o r e surely in process of solution. W h a t is it t h a t is h o l d i n g up the p r o c e s s ? It seems quite possible t h a t a principal f a c t o r h i n d e r i n g a solution of the p r o b l e m lies in the historic s e p a r a t i o n of und e r s t a n d i n g b e t w e e n the t w o p a r t i e s t o the p r o b l e m . F o r the solution to any p r o b l e m , if it is t o be s o u g h t and f o u n d , m u s t start f r o m the c o m m o n g r o u n d of u n d e r s t a n d i n g held by the opposing sides. T h e less of c o m m o n u n d e r s t a n d i n g between any two p a r t i e s t h e m o r e difficulty in g e n e r a l will they h a v e in finding a c o m m o n basis of a g r e e m e n t . T o this suggested e x p l a n a t i o n of difficulty some will immediately object. M a n y w h o live close to the p r o b l e m , a n d see it f r o m the v a n t a g e side, will assert t h a t it is the outsiders who create t r o u b l e and p r e v e n t a just and f r i e n d l y solution, and f u r t h e r t h a t t h o s e on the g r o u n d s , f r o m b o t h sides, a r e the only ones w h o really see things as they a r e . A n d they will go on to a d d t h a t the t w o g r o u p s as they live in historic continuity u t t e r l y deny the i n t i m a t i o n of lack of c o m m o n u n d e r s t a n d i n g ; on t h e c o n t r a r y , they m e e t daily in f r i e n d l y intercourse as they h a v e d o n e f o r g e n e r a t i o n s and u n d e r s t a n d each other as could no o t h e r s with less k n o w l e d g e of actual conditions.

VIII

FOREWORD

T h e writer of these lines is not a stranger to the conditions r e f e r r e d to in the preceding p a r a g r a p h . H e was reared under those v e r y conditions. H e has himself possibly as long a line of slaveholding ancestry as any w h o will read his w o r d s , and during his whole life he has known the f o r m e r slaves of his f a t h e r (until the last one died a f e w years a g o ) . H e understands what is meant by the trouble which ignorant outsiders can create. B u t f o r all these things, partly in spite of them, partly because of them, he reasserts the lack of a common understanding. T o be sure, many f r o m the two groups do meet every day, usually in o r about the home or the office of the dominant group, and these meetings are often, perhaps generally, on v e r y friendly terms, more friendly possibly than is common with master and servant the w o r l d o v e r . H o w ever, these meetings are not now in general, and never w e r e in the past, on such terms as furnish a meeting of minds on the matter at issue in the problem under consideration. It is astonishing how closcly t w o distinct groups may be associated and how much they may h a v e in common and yet f a i l to h a v e the necessary basis of common understanding as r e g a r d s the crucial elements of a problem that divides them. A n d it is the dominant g r o u p that will f a i l to understand how the other feels rather than the other w a y about. It appears practically certain that this matter just here und e r discussion is one of the most serious constituent difficulties in the g r e a t e r problem f a c e d by President G a l l a g h e r . W h e n the t w o peoples first met as masters and slaves respectively and on that basis of relationship f o r 2 0 0 years wrought bases of communication, the communication so effected was designed f r o m the point of view of the master class to carry f o r w a r d its concerns, not f o r the purpose of a f r e e exchange, back and f o r t h , of ideas and feelings as to how it felt to be master and still less as to how it felt to be slave. M e a n s of communication designed primarily to enable the master to m a k e his commands effectively known to a slave are not the means suitable f o r communicating with respect to a difficult problem of readjusted social relationships. N o r , as we shall in a

FOREWORD

ix

moment see, has the abolition of slavery yet resulted in the needed kind of communication. W e have thus f a r spoken of the lack of common bases of communication and understanding. It is possible to dig yet deeper. T h e master-slave relationship of the two centuries prior to i 8 6 0 entered characteristically into the very constitution of the personal selves of the constituent members of the two groups. N o one is ever born a self. S e l f h o o d has to be achieved, and it is achieved in the give-and-take of social relationships a n d — b e it noted—in terms of the cultural pattern. In the case at hand the self of the young master and the self of the young slave were f o r m e d respectively on two correlative patterns to fit the situation created by the demands of the dominating master class. F o r at that time this class could and did control the educative conditions of life in a manner and degree now almost incomprehensible. T h e one pattern of self or personality was built to rule as master and to demand and receive the docile obedience of the other, while the other pattern of self or personality was built, in intent and surprisingly so in fact, to accept subordination as right and proper. T h e most astonishing characteristic of man is his wide-range malleability. L e t the conditions, by custom or otherwise, seem inevitable, and the growing self will accept them as part and parcel of its own being. So in the early days of our country, under the domination of master-class purposes, master and slave each, in order to be as best it could under the available conditions, built its type of self or personality, each the correlative of the other as the master class wished it done. L e t no one begin to say that something in the innate nature of the two groups determined the respective patterns. T h e more we know of man, the less reason we find f o r believing in the existence of any such innate racial natures. Indeed the history of such matters belies and denies the theory. It would be false to suppose that these opposed master-slave mentalities or personalities were peculiar to American slavery. W h e r e v e r there has been hereditary slavery or any f o r m of s e r f d o m more

X

FOREWORD

o r less of the same thing has been found. Classical Greece is an excellent instance in point. T h e peculiar pattern of our own Southern slavery w a s l a r g e l y British in origin, more o r less of a transplanted pattern f r o m their hereditary master class controlling a h e r e d i t a r y servant class in G r e a t B r i t a i n — N o r d i c ruling N o r d i c , if one is interested in a discussion of race. S o deeply w a s this British prototype imbedded in British life that traces of it m a y easily be seen to this d a y . B u t the British cultural mind which came to A m e r i c a went also to India and later to China and A f r i c a . In every case w h e r e conditions permitted the British h a v e built the same master pattern in themselves even i f , as w a s true of most cases, they did not h a v e so f r e e a hand to mold their servants. One reason their descendants in A m e r i c a succeeded more definitely w a s that the N e g r o e s w e r e torn f r o m their own cultural connections and transplanted l a r g e l y as individuals in a strange land, knowing little or nothing of each other. U n d e r such conditions the old culture did not remain to supply a personality pattern a f t e r its kind. T h e y could t h e r e f o r e make no effectual resistance against the pattern supplied them. It w a s in this manner that the master culture had its effectual w a y in the old South. T h e abolition of s l a v e r y in 1 8 6 5 did not at once destroy the old personality patterns nor did it completely abolish the conditions that had originally m a d e the patterns. W h a t had been a master-slave relationship w a s continued in intent and l a r g e l y in f a c t as a master-servant relationship, using much of the f o r m e r patterns of respective personality attitudes and a g a i n at the wish of the continuing m a s t e r class. It is this f a c t still supported by differences of w e a l t h , control, and opportunity that constitutes l a r g e l y the present " r a c e p r o b l e m " in the U n i t e d States. T h e present culture of the country, more definitely in the South, somewhat less definitely so elsewhere, still upholds to a g r e a t e r o r less degree the historic relationship. A n d here comes the new phase of the problem. T h e old personality patterns could be built only on condition that the N e g r o w a s kept ignorantly thinking that his slave status w a s

FOREWORD

XI

both inevitable and proper. Difference o f skin proved useful in maintaining this belief and acceptance. U n d e r existing conditions no such belief can hold. M e a n s o f communication are too free and open. T h e best patterns that the world has to offer are available to the N e g r o , and he is increasingly building himself and even more his children on the world outlook. In this, by the use o f schools and literature as well as by the more popular radio and talking pictures, he finds the means o f communication that allow him to rise out o f his f o r m e r relative ignorance o f his situation and o f the dominant master mentality into an understanding o f it all and o f how and why it came into being. T h e members o f the continuing master class, curiously enough, have no such easy access to an understanding of how the o t h e r group feels. Particularly they can hardly learn how the others feel about their denial o f opportunity. Ordinary intercourse never even starts out in the direction o f an understanding on this point. N o t only is the topic taboo when members o f the two groups meet, but the ordinary member o f the dominant group feels committed in advance to a kind o f universal negative regarding the whole matter. T h e r e is literature available t h a t could help, but it is not o f the bestseller type and so is easily disregarded; while no radio or talking picture even begins to help open up the subject, r a t h e r the contrary. So the dominant group that lives in closest contact is most in danger o f not understanding what has come to constitute the modern phase o f the problem. A n d this leads us to President Gallagher's book. In its larger setting, it is an appeal to all concerned to see and understand present actual conditions. H e has here in masterly fashion seized upon the conception o f caste as the key element in his treatment o f the problem, key element to bring the needed common understanding, key element to the treatment o f his specific problem o f a proper educational program f o r a segregated cultural college. T o seize upon the conception o f caste as the key marks a firm grasp o f the realities o f the situation.

xii

F O R E W O R D

A f u r t h e r significance to the book lies in D r . Gallagher's modern understanding o f the educative process and the consequent promising p r o g r a m mapped out not only for his college, but f o r any college t h a t accepts a social mission, particularly f o r any N e g r o college in A m e r i c a . It is a pleasure to see how surely he has cut through accumulated tradition to the heart o f college education and has proposed a workable scheme f o r bringing into effective cooperation all the constituent factors in the college situation—trustees, administration, staff, and students. And he has not only proposed it, he has actually put it to w o r k . And it works. A s one who has f r o m his youth up lived more or less intimately with this most serious problem and has all the while been concerned to help improve relations between the groups, the writer takes this opportunity to testify that President G a l l a g h e r ' s discussion has brought to him a clearer view than ever he had b e f o r e o f what the problem now means, particularly what it means to those who live among us a life o f perpetual denial o f full life and opportunity. I f this book is sufficiently studied, it will do much good, good to those who f r o m the v a n t a g e side f e a r to lose what they ought not to wish, g o o d to those who on the other side yearn for the fuller life and have not known what road to take. N o t that the b o o k offers any panacea, f a r from i t ; but it does offer a p r o g r a m t h a t all men o f good will can study to advantage. T h e South and the nation must face this problem and face it more resolutely and more understandingly than has hitherto been true. W e must face it determined to give justice to every color, irrespective o f previous lack o f opportunity. Anything else o r less is wrong, and being wrong must result in multiplied evil. T h e path o f education is the path we must follow, education whether in school or out, an education to see more intelligently and to will more justly. WILLIAM H . New York City August, 1938

KILPATRICK

PREFACE N I N E T Y - N I N E years ago, intended slaves on the Amistad mutinied. T h e y killed the captain, t h r e w the crew in chains, and o r d e r e d the captive h e l m s m a n to steer f o r A f r i c a . T h r o u g h his ingenious navigation, the vessel a n c h o r e d in L o n g Island Sound. T h e A f r i c a n s were p r o m p t l y clapped in prison, c h a r g e d with mutiny and m u r d e r on the high seas. A f u n d w a s raised by p o p u l a r subscription; t h e case w a s successfully def e n d e d ; t h e A f r i c a n s were r e p a t r i a t e d . T h e d e f e n s e of t h e Amistad m u t i n e e r s led to the f o u n d i n g of the A m e r i c a n M i s sionary Association with its a v o w e d p u r p o s e of a t t a c k on " t h e sins of slave-holding, polygamy, a n d c a s t e . " T o d a y , slavery is gone. Since o u r m a r r i a g e and d i v o r c e laws p e r m i t only one legal spouse at a time, polygamy is p r o h i b i t e d except in serial f o r m . But caste is as firmly e n t r e n c h e d and as p o w e r f u l as it was a century a g o . O u r caste-controlled America, in the main, p r e s e n t s to t h e N e g r o t o d a y the same a l t e r n a t i v e s it held out to the illicit cargo of the Amistad—servitude o r mutiny. N o t yet has t h e N e g r o been g r a n t e d the option of n o r m a l , constructive citizenship. N o individual or g r o u p within either race can be c h a r g e d with the responsibility f o r this d e n i a l ; it rests with the continuance of t h e caste system. T h e critical p r o b l e m then becomes, h o w t o m o d i f y caste or t o m a k e it i r r e l e v a n t . C a s t e will n o t be modified o r m a d e i r r e l e v a n t unless t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n is preceded or a c c o m p a n i e d by a p r o f o u n d s h i f t in individual and g r o u p a t t i t u d e s . But these a t t i t u d e s a r e largely a reflex of the social p a t t e r n in which p e r s o n s live. T o learn new attitudes, people must h a v e new experiences. H o w can these experiences be o b t a i n e d in a caste-controlled society? O n e m e t h o d is t h a t of carving o u t some a r e a s of experience in which the code of caste does n o t control. T h e college campus, N e g r o o r white, can be such a center

XIV

PREFACE

o f emancipation. I n the widest and most inclusive sense o f the term, education is the best answer to the challenge o f caste. I f well-meaning persons can be induced to stop prattling about " t h e race p r o b l e m " and to set to work seriously to find what makes it impossible f o r N e g r o e s and whites to live constructively as fellow-citizens, the time may come when the N e g r o will find that the old alternative o f mutiny or subservience is replaced by the possibility o f citizenship. I t may be too much to expect this transition to be completed within the lifetime o f anyone now living. H i s t o r y will give its answer. In the meantime, the least which could be expected o f an allegedly Christian and democratic nation is a rigorous, determined, good-humored, and persistent effort to understand the nature o f the social forces which control it, and how these forces may be channeled in new directions. T h i s book is offered as a tool f o r use in this effort. T h e first eight chapters carry through an analysis o f caste and the social forces which work through the caste system. Chapters I X and X analyze the educational structure in the light o f its social task. T h e remaining chapters work out details of principle and practice f o r the college which seeks to discharge its social function. T h e r e is a sense in which a man's book is not his own. Only its deficiencies and e r r o r s a r e his. W h a t e v e r o f excellence there may be in this book I owe indirectly to the six or eight hundred men and women whose writings I have read in preparation f o r my own; and I acknowledge more direct specific indebtedness to a number o f counselors and aids. D r . W i l l i a m H . Kilpatrick has watched the study f r o m its inception, spending many hours in conference with me, and as the work began to take shape, criticizing it both in the large and in detail, never intruding his point of view, and jealously guarding his counsel with the intention o f helping me to discover better what I saw in the situation. H e has patiently worked with me through revisions of the manuscript. D r . D o n a l d P . Cottrell has not only read the entire manuscript

xv

P R E F A C E

( p o r t i o n s o f it t w i c e ) a n d o f f e r e d v a l u a b l e criticisms and sugg e s t i o n s , b u t he has also assisted in t h e e f f o r t to w o r k o u t the a p p l i c a t i o n o f some o f the principles e m e r g i n g f r o m the study in p r a c t i c a l f o r m on the c a m p u s o f T a l l a d e g a

College.

To

b o t h o f t h e s e men I a m indebted quite b e y o n d the possibility of adequate acknowledgment. D r . J o h n L . C h i l d s has been h e l p f u l l y critical at

several

p o i n t s o f e d u c a t i o n a l p h i l o s o p h y . D r . E d m u n d de S. B r u n n e r c o n t r i b u t e d t o the initial s t a g e s o f

the r e s e a r c h , but

leave

o f absence p r e v e n t e d his continuing p a r t i c i p a t i o n . D r .

Otto

K l i n e b e r g clarified m y t h i n k i n g a t c e r t a i n critical Dr.

Helen

M.

junctures.

W a l k e r has been o f i n v a l u a b l e help in the

s t a t i s t i c a l aspects o f the study a n d h a s r e v i e w e d t h a t p o r t i o n o f the w o r k . P r o f e s s o r M a b e l

C a r n e y has contributed

her

s t i m u l a t i n g counsel. D r . R . B r u c e R a u p h a s been p a r t i c u l a r l y h e l p f u l in t h e p r o b l e m s o f m e t h o d o l o g y . M r . W a l t e r

White

f u r n i s h e d i n f o r m a t i o n not o t h e r w i s e a v a i l a b l e , a d d i n g r e l i a b l e counsel

and

comment.

Dr.

Charles

S. J o h n s o n

and

Dean

H o r a c e M a n n B o n d h a v e r e a d t h e m a n u s c r i p t and m a d e suggestions. S e v e r a l c o - w o r k e r s in the A d v a n c e d S c h o o l o f

Education

o f T e a c h e r s C o l l e g e h a v e been o f s e r v i c e ; and in p a r t i c u l a r , M r . B e r n a r d C a r p h e l p e d w i t h his criticisms o f the d i a g r a m s in C h a p t e r I V , and M r . K e n n e t h B e n n e s t i m u l a t e d sections o f the discussion in C h a p t e r s X and X I . I a m i n d e b t e d to the A m e r i c a n M i s s i o n a r y A s s o c i a t i o n and to the T r u s t e e s o f T a l l a d e g a C o l l e g e f o r the l e a v e o f absence w h i c h e n a b l e d me to c o m p l e t e t h e w o r k .

In one sense

my

g r e a t e s t d e b t is to my c o l l e a g u e s w h o h a v e c a r r i e d on in m y a b s e n c e — e s p e c i a l l y D e a n J a m e s T . C a t e r on w h o m f e l l m u c h o f my a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l o a d . M i s s E l e a n o r T h o m p s o n has spent l o n g w e e k s a t the t y p e w r i t e r in p r e p a r a t i o n o f the m a n u s c r i p t . It w o u l d be g r a t u i t o u s to t h a n k m y l a d y f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n in w h a t is so i n t i m a t e l y her o w n s h a r e d a c h i e v e m e n t . BUELL G. Talladega, Alabama August, 1938

GALLAGHER

CONTENTS F O R E W O R D , BY WILLIAM H . KILPATRICK.

VII

PREFACE

XIII

I II

NO A R M O R FOR HIS BACK

I

T H E N A T U R E OF PREJUDICE

15

III

PREJUDICE AT WORK

51

IV

T H E CASTE SYSTEM

69

V VI VII VIII

PATHOLOGICAL RESULTS OF CASTE

103

DILEMMAS OF T H E CAUCASIAN CASTE

115

DILEMMAS OF T H E NEGRO CASTE

133

ACHILLES HAD A HEEL

159

IX

X

D E T O U R S A N D D E A D ENDS IN EDUCATION A CONCEPTION OF A COLLEGE

XI

NEGRO 169

FUNCTIONAL 215

EDUCATIVE ADMINISTRATION

261

TOWN AND GOWN: THE WIDER CAMPUS

309

XIII

TEACHING

339

XIV

PROPHETIC EDUCATION

375

XII

A P P E N D I X A.

COTTON AND LYNCHINGS

A P P E N D I X B. C O M P A R A T I V E INTELLIGENCE APPENDIX

C.

TALLADEGA

A PROGRESS REPORT

381

RACIAL

COLLEGE

399 COUNCIL: 407

BIBLIOGRAPHY

417

INDEX

445

TABLES 1 . Population Groups of Fifteen Southern States, Showing N u m ber and Percent of T o t a l Population of Whites, Slaves, and F r e e Negroes as Reported by the United States Census Bureau, i860

73

2. Distribution of Professional Services of Negroes Showing C o m parative Availability of Such Services in the Deep South and in T w o Northern States, as Reported in the 1 9 3 0 Census T a b u lations 100 3. P e r Capita Distribution of N e g r o Professional M e n , Showing Comparative Number of Such M e n per 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 of N e g r o Population in the Deep South and in T w o Northern States, as C o m puted from Tabulations of the 1 9 3 0 Census 102 4. I n f a n t M o r t a l i t y , Colored and W h i t e , in T e n Southern States, 1 9 2 8 - 3 4 . Death Rate under One Y e a r of A g e per 1 , 0 0 0 Births 124 5. Tabulation of Colleges and E n r o l l m e n t , According to Control (1932) 316 6. A n n u a l Deviations from N o r m a l T r e n d in the P e r Acre Income of the Cotton Producer in the H a l f Century E n d i n g 1 9 3 2 ( 1 9 1 7 - 1 8 Omitted) 388 7. A n n u a l Deviations from N o r m a l T r e n d in the P e r A c r e Income of the Cotton Producer, 1 9 1 0 - 3 2 , Corrected for Cost of L i v i n g and Production 390 8. A n n u a l Deviations from N o r m a l T r e n d in N u m b e r of L y n c h ings of Negroes by Whites in T e n Southern States, 1 8 8 9 - 1 9 3 2 393

FIGURES i . Location of the Institutions for the Higher Education of Negroes in the United States

11

2. Caste and Class in the Ante-Bellum South (ca. i 8 6 0 )

74

3. Caste and Class in the Reconstruction Period in the South 1870)

(ca.

4. Caste and Class in the American South of the 1930s 5. P e r Capita Distribution of Negro Professional M e n

81 87 101

6. I n f a n t M o r t a l i t y , Colored and White, in T e n Southern States, 1928-34 7. Cross-Currents of Controversy

125 207

8. T r e n d in per A c r e Income of Cotton G r o w e r s and Annual Fluctuations from the T r e n d ; T r e n d in Number of Lynchings of Negroes and A n n u a l Fluctuations from the T r e n d , 18881 9 3 2 ; and T r e n d in Purchasing Power of the Cotton G r o w e r s ' per A c r e Income with Annual Fluctuations, 1 9 1 0 - 3 2 394 9. Annual Deviations from T r e n d s in T w o Factors: P e r A c r e Income of Cotton Producers and Number of Negroes Lynched in Southern States, 1 8 9 1 - 1 9 3 0 395

I NO A R M O R FOR H I S BACK

But now in this Valley of Humiliation poor Christian was hard put to it. . . . Then did Christian begin to be afraid, and to cast in his mind whether to go back, or to stand his ground. But he considered again that he had no armor for his back . . . ; wherefore he resolved to venture, and to stand his ground. — J O H N BUNYAN, The

Pilgrim's

Progress

T H E American college, like Bunyan's Christian, faces a decision—whether, in the Valley of Humiliation, to stand its ground, or to r e t r e a t ? And, like Christian, the college may discover that it has no armor for its back, and (contrary to the a d a g e ) that valor is the better part of discretion. Especially is this the circumstance of the segregated college f o r N e g r o e s which feels all the stresses and strains of the society of which it is a part and f r o m which it sometimes vainly tries to keep apart. T h e problem of the races—often wrongly called "the N e g r o problem"—is as inescapable as the future, as tenacious as the past. Twelve millions of N e g r o e s and ten times that number of non-Negroes must live in the same land, making their livelihoods, rearing their children, finding their satisfactions in life. H o w they are to make a living, where they shall bring up their children, and what satisfactions they are to find, will depend in part upon whether the segregated college decides to retreat or to stand its ground. If the N e g r o college can discover its social opportunity, and if it can find or fashion means to meet that opportunity, the races in America may be aided in going f o r w a r d out of their Valley of Humiliation. Numerically not a large group, the slightly over one hundred institutions of higher learning f o r Negroes in the U n i t e d States are strategically important. Training the intellectual representatives of twelve million people, they are highly important centers for attack upon the internal problems of the N e g r o group—both the problems which are primarily engendered within the group and those which result principally f r o m external social pressures. I t is also thought by many that the segregated college may contribute, to a significant degree, to the disentanglement of the larger complex of problems which confront the two races as together they

4

NO A R M O R

FOR

HIS

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face the f u t u r e . I n facing A m e r i c a n society, n o t in r e t r e a t f r o m it, will the N e g r o college p r o b a b l y find its fulfillment. A m e r i c a n h i s t o r y chronicles few m o r e vividly interesting c h a p t e r s t h a n the s t o r y of the f o u n d i n g and g r o w t h of the colleges f o r N e g r o e s . 1 T h e w a y along which they have come f r o m the dubious days of the Reconstruction p e r i o d to the p r o m i s i n g days of the present, h a s not been an easy r o a d . M a r k e d with difficulty and d i s a p p o i n t m e n t , yet s t u d d e d with h o p e a n d inspiration, the s t o r y of the rise of higher education f o r N e g r o e s in A m e r i c a a p p r o a c h e s heroic p r o p o r t i o n s when set over against its historical b a c k g r o u n d . T h i s climactic d e v e l o p m e n t emphasizes the necessity f o r clear thinking and f e a r l e s s acting in the p r e s e n t decade, if the gains of the p a s t a r e to be conserved and the hopes of the present are to be justified. T H E ADMINISTRATOR'S PREDICAMENT

If the a d m i n i s t r a t o r in the N e g r o college is to be intelligent a b o u t his job, he must m a k e practical decisions now. H e must m a k e up his mind as best he c a n — f o r he must act n o w and t h e r e f o r e he must decide now. T h i s does n o t m e a n a d o g m a t i c a t t i t u d e or a closed mind. R a t h e r the c o n t r a r y . I t does m e a n t h a t he must t a k e into account all available inf o r m a t i o n and value j u d g m e n t s , and, in the light of such f r a g m e n t a r y knowledge as he can c o m m a n d , a t t e m p t t o construct a m o r e useful f r a m e of reference. I t is possible f o r the r e s e a r c h e r a r b i t r a r i l y to select one single aspect of the p r o b l e m of the N e g r o college in its social setting, and to isolate it f r o m its context f o r special study. T h i s is a l r e a d y being done, and it needs to be done with increasing effectiveness and intensity until the a r e a is systematically and adequately covered." But in the n a t u r e of the case, o u r k n o w l e d g e of a dynamic p h e n o m e n o n will always 1 D . O. W . Holmes, The Evolution of the Negro College, " T e a c h e r s College Contributions to E d u c a t i o n , " No. 609 ( 1 9 3 4 ) . 2 F o r s u m m a r i e s of current r e s e a r c h in the field of N e g r o education, see the Journal of Negro Education, A p r i l , 1 9 3 3 ; A p r i l , 1 9 3 4 ; A p r i l , 1 9 3 5 ; a n d October, 1936.

NO

ARMOR

FOR

HIS

5

BACK

be less c o m p l e t e than a picture o f a static w h o l e . A n d in the m e a n t i m e , t h e c o l l e g e g o e s on. L i k e it o r n o t , as f a r as his c o l l e g e and its social s e t t i n g are concerned, the a d m i n i s t r a t o r is f o r c e d t o t r y t o . . . g r a s p this s o r r y scheme of things entire, t o e x a m i n e the relationships, the w h o l e n e s s , the c o m p o s i t e comp l e x i t y , the t o t a l c o n f i g u r a t i o n o f w h i c h the c o l l e g e is a p a r t . T h i s p r e s e n t b o o k is w r i t t e n not so much with the h o p e o f m a k ing

a descriptive

inventory

of

collegiate

opportunities

for

N e g r o A m e r i c a n s , as w i t h the desire o f finding k e y m e a n i n g s w h i c h m a y be u s e f u l in m a k i n g the N e g r o colleges effective s e r v a n t s o f t h e g r o u p they are set a p a r t to serve. The

study

starts,

entanglement3

of

t h e r e f o r e , in the midst o f

historical,

logical,

educational,

ethical,

religious,

sociological,

anthropological,

and p h i l o s o p h i c a l

a

complex

economic,

biological, problems,

psychoaesthetic,

any

one

of

w h i c h , t a k e n b y itself, w o u l d r e a d i l y be c o n s i d e r e d as sufficient f o r s c o r e s o f a t o m i s t i c researches. B u t the interest h e r e is n o t so much in any o f these p r o b l e m s in and o f t h e m s e l v e s , as it is in the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of a multitude of f a c t o r s as t h e y functionally

and

organically

combine

in the

c o n f r o n t s the N e g r o c o l l e g e . T h e p r o b l e m o f

society finding

f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f such a c o l l e g e in A m e r i c a n

which insights society

is c o m p l e x , v a r i e d , h i g h l y c h a r g e d w i t h e m o t i o n a l o v e r t o n e s . T h e a p p r o a c h m u s t be as v a r i e d and as c o m p r e h e n s i v e as the p r o b l e m i t s e l f ; and the study must a t t e m p t to be as o b j e c t i v e as the l i m i t a t i o n s of h u m a n f r a i l t y p e r m i t . TREATING CONTROVERSIAL MATERIALS The

c o n t r o v e r s i a l n a t u r e o f the m a t e r i a l s sets a

special

p r o b l e m f o r t h e a u t h o r . T h e r e a p p e a r to be six options, bet w e e n w h i c h one m u s t choose in his t r e a t m e n t o f the h i g h l y v o l a t i l e questions w h i c h cluster a r o u n d the N e g r o c o l l e g e . * " W e must b e g i n w i t h t h i n g s in their complex e n t a n g l e m e n t s r a t h e r than w i t h simplifications m a d e f o r the purposes of e f f e c t i v e j u d g m e n t a n d a c t i o n ; w h e t h e r the p u r p o s e is economy or dialectical, esthetic or m o r a l . " John D e w e y , Experience and Nature, p. 32.

6

NO A R M O R

FOR

HIS

BACK

First, one might refuse to touch directly or indirectly upon the more dynamic aspects of the problem, choosing instead to concentrate on some more or less neutral (because arbitrarily insulated f r o m its context) problem. T h i s would mean that the discussion would be limited to matters of secondary and tertiary importance, and that even these could not be treated with candor. Secondly, one might select f o r emphasis certain of the less highly charged aspects of the problem, hoping in the discussion to touch obliquely upon critical and controversial issues, and trusting to indirection f o r ultimate outcomes. Both of these possibilities seem uninviting, if not c o w a r d l y ; and both of them would lead to something less than the inclusive pattern of thinking which we desire. E m b r a c i n g less than the whole, they would give results which were partial in both senses of the word—biased and f r a g m e n t a r y . A third possibility which would lead around the controversial aspects of the problem might be that of f r a n k l y assuming a stated attitude, and then proceeding with the discussion of less controversial matters. T h e r e are some pragmatic arguments which would appear to support this alternative. 4 I t would enable one quickly to come to grips with the so-called practical issues of college administration rather than delaying him with the seemingly more theoretical discussion of issues which are hidden in the subsoil of the field. It might l i f t the whole study out of the area of mundane and banal controversy and pitch it on a higher plain of intellectual objectivity. But one would pay a price f o r his serenity, a price in academic irrelevancy when the situation demands realism and functional relevancy; and even more in the threat of hidden danger in the subtle undermining of the entire structure of the study because the currents of subterranean controversy would con4 See, f o r e x a m p l e , R . B . V a n c e , Human Geography of the South, p. 4 6 3 : " I n a field w h e r e d o u b t s a b o u n d , let us m a k e one s w e e p i n g statement. I f b i o l o g i c a l i n f e r i o r i t y of the w h o l e N e g r o g r o u p w e r e a p r o v e d f a c t , it w o u l d , n e v e r t h e l e s s , be to the benefit of both w h i t e a n d black to b e h a v e a s t h o u g h it d i d not exist. O n l y in this w a y c a n the S e c t i o n be s u r e of s e c u r i n g , in the economic s p h e r e , the beat of w h i c h both r a c e s a r e c a p a b l e . "

NO ARMOR FOR HIS

BACK

7

tinue t o eat at the sands of uncertainty into which assumptions w e r e driven like bearing piles f o r false foundations. N o m a t t e r h o w p u r e one's motives might be, he would be accused by f r i e n d and f o e alike of side-stepping the main issues. If one does not dodge the underlying controversial issues, if he does not give them oblique t r e a t m e n t , and if he does not gloss t h e m o v e r with irenic assumptions, three possible courses remain. H e m a y ( f o u r t h l y ) include all the important relevant issues, m a k i n g the test one of relevance and importance r a t h e r t h a n of possible emotional overtones. H e may hew to the line a n d let the chips fall where they will. If this course is followed, controversial materials will need to be t r e a t e d in a noncontroversial spirit. F i f t h l y , one might make a study which included all m a t t e r s g e r m a n e to the problem, w h e t h e r controversial in context or not, but w i t h o u t publishing the results. A long-time p r o g r a m of development could then be p r o j e c t e d without exciting aggressive opposition. A college which wishes to serve the needs of a minority g r o u p in a hostile society may well avoid stirring up unnecessary opposition. But this procedure would still imply t h a t t h e r e was something which must be hidden f r o m public gaze, something which could not stand the light of day, something which was not quite open and aboveboard, not quite '.'safe"; and it is probable t h a t the vague uneasiness which might g r o w out of a whispered r e p o r t t h a t "something funny was going o n " would in the long run be more serious than possible opposition to an announced policy. M o r e o v e r , the whole idea of " p u t t i n g o v e r " some preconceived plan of action, of imposing some blue-printed U t o p i a upon a recalcitrant society, is completely foreign to the spirit and attitudes of the w r i t e r . F o r strategic, logical, and psychological reasons, this fifth course is rejected. T h e sixth possibility can be rejected merely by n a m i n g it. T h e r e a r e some who feel that, f a r f r o m avoiding the controversial issues, these issues ought to be the p r i m a r y subject of research, f o r the purpose of settling them once and f o r a l l — in the " r i g h t " way. S t a r t i n g with preconceived notions ( p r e j -

8

NO A R M O R

FOR

HIS

BACK

udices) a b o u t m a t t e r s of race, the research (if it could be called r e s e a r c h ) proceeds to b u t t r e s s the preconceptions. T h i s is the m e t h o d of the p r o p a g a n d i s t s of the L e f t and of the R i g h t . B o t h the social r e f o r m e r and the B o u r b o n use it. W i t h the sixth alternative, all m a t t e r s of m e t h o d , p r o c e d u r e , and results a r e dictated in advance by the preconceptions with which the r e s e a r c h e r sets o u t . N o t a little of the alleged research in the fields of N e g r o education and race relations h a s gone d o w n this blind alley of prejudice. T h e f o u r t h possibility t h e r e f o r e remains as the only serious bidder f o r p r e f e r e n c e . T h e w r i t e r feels t h a t he must hew to the line and let the chips fall w h e r e they may. H e feels t h a t he must t r y to include all significant and r e l e v a n t d a t a , without r e g a r d to w h e t h e r or n o t controversial o v e r t o n e s can be associated with these d a t a ; but he is also a w a r e t h a t he m u s t constantly be on g u a r d against inevitable tendencies of some personal bias of the r e s e a r c h e r to intrude itself into the investigation. T h e a p p r o a c h must be noncontroversial in tone and in fact. A t the same time, the research w o r k e r must m a k e every effort to be conscious of his own bias or " s l a n t , " and t o m a k e explicit provision f o r it. T h e r e a d e r has a r i g h t to k n o w the point of view of the w r i t e r , the p r o c e d u r e f o r setting f a c t s in o r d e r . " O b j e c t i v i t y , " as the t e r m is sometimes used in the humane sciences, is synonymous with omniscience; a n d as such it is beyond the reach of men. T h e r e are some w h o d a r e to think t h a t even the Omniscient is biased in f a v o r of t r u t h , goodness, and beauty, t h a t b r o a d m i n d e d n e s s is compatible with a belief in justice, equity, and b r o t h e r h o o d . P O I N T OF V I E W

T h e point of view of this book is indicated in t w o g r o u p s of facts, one h a v i n g to do with the life experience of the w r i t e r , and the o t h e r having to do with m o r e g e n e r a l considerations. T h e a u t o b i o g r a p h i c a l facts which influence the w r i t e r , and f o r which b o t h a u t h o r and r e a d e r s need constantly t o m a k e

NO A R M O R

FOR

HIS

BACK

9

implicit and explicit correction in findings of fact and in inference f r o m fact, g r o w out of the life of the w r i t e r : a son of the M i d d l e W e s t , of Caucasian ancestry, educated in the M i d d l e W e s t , the E a s t , and in E n g l a n d ; and during the period of study and writing of this book the president of a liberal arts college f o r N e g r o e s in the heart of the Deep South. T h r o u g h o u t the four and one-half years of study and writing which have gone into the making of this book, the author has rigorously attempted to make allowance f o r the particular autobiographical circumstances which might color his findings or bias his conclusions. E v e r y value judgment which has consciously entered into the discussion has been given empirical reference, in the conviction that it is better to state the value judgment openly, and to subject it to critical examination, than to permit an uncriticized preference to prejudge the issue. But no absolute claim to alleged " o b j e c t i v i t y " is made by the writer, any more than he can expect it in his readers. E a c h of us approaches the issues of life with the total equipment of experiences which l i f e has given him up to the moment; and it is f o r us rather to admit that we are what we are, and to make explicit provision f o r our personalities, than to f a l l back on the dangerous assumption that we can be completely objective. W e can strive t o w a r d objectivity; and one of the best means of reducing the error of our findings is to acknowledge our own limitations so that we may correct them or introduce counterbalancing factors in our research. T h e second group of influencing factors, which describe the general point of view of the writer, are stated in the following assumptions: 1 . T h a t all human beings are human beings, which means f r o m the actual figures that the majority of human beings in this w o r l d are " c o l o r e d " people; 2. T h a t a college which is set apart by law or custom or both, o f t e n largely against the will of the segregated group, has a primary obligation to see that the w e l f a r e of that group is not neglected in its efforts;

10

NO A R M O R

FOR

HIS

BACK

3. T h a t the fullest ethical consideration urges that the welfare of the segregated group is best served when the college works to integrate the narrower group purposes with the wider and larger service of human welfare; 4. T h a t the college must concern itself intelligently with the processes of social change, since if it does not thus exercise an intelligent concern, its activity (or inactivity) is likely to have an unintelligent and therefore undesirable effect upon the social process; 5. T h a t , in social evolution, it is possible for intelligent and conscious purpose to play a normative part, the contrary assumptions of both theistic and nontheistic determinists being rejected. 5 This last assumption does not postulate the independence of human purpose from the experiences which have been built into individual and group life. Rather the contrary. What is assumed is that it is possible for intelligent action to be projected on the basis of purposes and desires which in turn have grown out of a study of the situation, and that this action may conceivably have some influence upon the speed and the direction of social movement. T H E AREA TO BE COVERED

Geographically, the study is limited mainly to the Southern United States. A glance at the map shows that most of the segregated colleges are located in these Southern States. Historically, the particular set of attitudes which cluster about Negro-white relationships are a product principally of Southern culture. F o r this reason, the study deals mainly with the " A n e x a m p l e of theistic d e t e r m i n i s m : " M a n y g o v e r n m e n t s h a v e been f o u n d e d upon the p r i n c i p l e of e n s l a v e m e n t of c l a s s e s , but the c l a s s e s thus e n s l a v e d w e r e of the s a m e r a c e in v i o l a t i o n of the l a w s of n a t u r e . . . . T h e n e g r o b y n a t u r e or b y the c u r s e of C a n a a n is fitted f o r t h a t condition w h i c h he occupies in o u r s y s t e m . . . . T h e s u b s t r a t u m of o u r society is m a d e up of the m a t e r i a l fitted b y n a t u r e f o r it, a n d by e x p e r i e n c e w e k n o w that it is best not o n l y f o r the s u p e r i o r r a c e but f o r the i n f e r i o r r a c e that it should be so. It is i n d e e d in conf o r m i t y w i t h the o r d i n a n c e of the C r e a t o r . " F r o m the speech on the C o n s t i t u tion of the C o n f e d e r a t e States of A m e r i c a , d e l i v e r e d by the H o n o r a b l e A l e x a n d e r Stephens.

12

NO A R M O R

FOR HIS

BACK

S o u t h — t h a t is where the segregated colleges are, and that is where race relationships originally got their peculiar American formulation. T o concentrate upon this geographic area is not to point an accusing finger at the South. Neither directly nor indirectly is it suggested that the racial attitudes to be found in the South cannot be discovered elsewhere. If this were a study of the entire national pattern of race relationships, quite an interesting catalogue of culture conflicts in other sections of the country could be c o m p i l e d — n o t only involving whites and N e g r o e s , but several other minorities as well. But because the colleges f o r N e g r o Americans are mainly in the South, and because the racial attitudes which characterize the whole nation to a greater or lejser degree are found clearly delineated in the immediate environs of the N e g r o college in the South, this study is limited primarily to one geographic area. It is not an attempt to revive old sectional controversies or to pillory any section. It is merely an attempt at a clear-cut, s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d , and sympathetic study of the historical and contemporary processes which have dug this particular Valley of Humiliation. Institutionally, the study is limited to the social function of the N e g r o college. A companion study of what might be done through and by the white colleges would be useful," as would companion studies of the elementary and secondary institutions f o r N e g r o e s and whites, and of the adult educational movement f o r both races. T h i s study is arbitrarily limited to the colleges f o r N e g r o e s , merely to make it compassable. Functionally, the line is drawn even more narrowly. T h i s is not a general study of higher education, nor even a general study of higher education f o r Negroes. T h i s is a special study of those aspects of higher education f o r N e g r o e s which bear upon the central problems raised by the presence of the N e g r o college as a segregated institution in the midst of American " M a t e r i a l s on w h a t is a c t u a l l y b e i n g done in the w h i t e colleges of the South a r e a v a i l a b l e f r o m the S o u t h e r n I n t e r r a c i a l C o m m i s s i o n , 706 S t a n d a r d B u i l d ing, Atlanta, G e o r g i a .

NO ARMOR

FOR HIS

BACK

13

society. T h e r e a d e r who looks in these pages f o r a full and r o u n d e d discussion of the N e g r o college is f o r e w a r n e d : this is not a general discussion, but primarily a discussion of the particular problems of higher education f o r N e g r o e s which g r o w out of the relationship of the college to the social process. T H E PROCEDURE

T h e r e are three m a j o r stages to the study. Logically they follow one another in the o r d e r in which they are given; b u t actually the process of exploration has been one of constant alternation and movement f r o m one aspect to a n o t h e r as the study has progressed. Following the introductory chapter, C h a p t e r s I I to V I I I analyze the social setting of the s e g r e g a t e d college, uncovering the basic sociological f a c t o r s which are principally relevant to the college. A statement of the psychological processes in which the individual acquires race a t t i t u d e s d o m i n a n t in his society is given empirical reference b o t h historically and sociologically. H o w these race attitudes function as stereotypes, and how a social system is built up which expresses a n d n u r t u r e s these stereotypes and attitudes, is given as the social backg r o u n d in which the segregated college faces its dilemmas and must find its answers. C h a p t e r I X analyzes and rejects several notions of N e g r o education which a p p e a r not to be a d e q u a t e to the d e m a n d s of a socially functional college, and in the light of this negative analysis C h a p t e r X a t t e m p t s a positive s t a t e m e n t of the notion of a college which would be m o r e effective socially. A f t e r the idea of the functional college h a s thus been constructed in the light of the sociological analysis, C h a p t e r s X I to X I I I discuss in general outline three concrete areas of particular interest in the actual o p e r a t i o n of such a college. Certain materials which seem essential to the main argument of the book, but which could n o t be i n c o r p o r a t e d in the text without unduly slowing the discussion, are included in three Appendices.

II THE

NATURE

OF

PREJUDICE

The outside world does not know, neither can it appreciate, the struggle that is constantly going on in the hearts of both the Southern white people and their former slaves to free themselves from racial prejudice; and while both races are thus struggling they should have the sympathy, the support, and the forbearance of the rest of the world. BOOKER T . W A S H I N G T O N

T H E dominant difficulty confronting the N e g r o college graduate as he faces the world is symbolized in the phrase "race prejudice." M a n y of his problems within the racial group, and most of the extra burdens which society imposes upon him are expressions of race attitudes. T o be intelligent about the college f o r N e g r o students, we must begin with the question: W h a t is this thing called race prejudice? Any attempt to orient the N e g r o college in its social environment must begin with this question. Is race prejudice inborn? Is it innate and unchanging, immutable and unavoidable? O r does it arise out of circumstances, and is it therefore subject to change? And if it is subject to modification, how, and under what circumstances, do these modifications appear? W h a t determines race attitudes ? A prolific literature has grown up around this question of the nature of attitudes in general and of race prejudices in particular. M u c h of what is contained in this chapter, and in the three which follow it, has been said by scores of writers far abler than the present one (as the footnotes testify) ; and several of these writers have been particularly concerned with the bearing of the study upon educational problems and procedures. T h e reader who is well versed in the literature of racial attitudes and of the caste structure of American society may find the present discussion elementary. But it is precisely because it is elementary and therefore basic that it is included here. W i t h o u t any claim to originality either in materials or in the treatment of data, the present writer feels compelled to begin his study of the social task of the N e g r o college by depicting in brief the present state of knowledge about race attitudes in the American caste system. T h e educational importance of this excursion into psychology and sociology becomes

18

THE NATURE

OF

PREJUDICE

m o r e f u l l y a p p a r e n t as the study p r o c e e d s . W e begin, then, w i t h a n a i v e inquiry into the n a t u r e of r a c e prejudice. T H E GROWTH OF PSYCHOLOGICAL PATTERNS I t is " h u m a n n a t u r e " f o r a child to be h u n g r y ; but his society l a r g e l y d e t e r m i n e s the m e t h o d s he uses to s a t i s f y that h u n g e r . T h e r a n d o m m o v e m e n t , the kicking and crying of the i n f a n t , is g r a d u a l l y r e p l a c e d , under p a r e n t a l guidance, with the " S a y p l e a s e " p a t t e r n . A little l a t e r in l i f e he m a y l e a r n to find the cookie j a r f o r h i m s e l f . A s he comes into m a t u r i t y , he m a y l e a r n to r e s p o n d to the u r g e of hunger not by kicking a n d crying, not by s t e a l i n g cookies, but by l a y i n g aside a p a r t o f his m o n t h l y s a l a r y to be put at the disposal of the c o o k . T h i s is still h u m a n n a t u r e a t w o r k . L o o k i n g a h e a d , he m a y decide that if he w i s h e s to eat in his old a g e , he must s a v e . T h e n , w i d e n i n g his p e r s p e c t i v e , he m a y a d v o c a t e an o l d - a g e insurance p l a n in the b o a r d of directors of his comp a n y ; a n d l a t e r he m a y lend his s u p p o r t to the national security l e g i s l a t i o n , o r become i n t e r e s t e d in the p r o p o s a l f o r an e v e r n o r m a l g r a n a r y f o r s u p p l y i n g the needs o f the nation. T h i s is still h u m a n n a t u r e . L i k e any o t h e r adult p a t t e r n o f conduct, it i n v o l v e s the w h o l e c o m p l e x set of experiences and relationships which h a v e been built into the l i f e process o f the individual. T h e outcomes a r e the j o i n t p r o d u c t of the e v o l v i n g p e r s o n a l i t y and the social f a b r i c in t e r m s of which that p e r s o n a l i t y finds expression. L e t the societal p a t t e r n be d i f f e r e n t , a n d the d e v e l o p i n g i n f a n t w i l l l e a r n a quite d i f f e r e n t set of responses a n d habits. H e m a y b e g i n w i t h the s a m e r a n d o m c r y i n g and kicking to s a t i s f y his h u n g e r u r g e . I f , h o w e v e r , he g r o w s up a m o n g a tribe o f head-hunters and cannibals, his m e t h o d s of s a t i s f y i n g t h a t h u n g e r u r g e as an a d u l t w i l l d i f f e r s t r i k i n g l y f r o m the p r o c e d u r e s o f the c o r p o r a t i o n d i r e c t o r . A d i f f e r e n t social m a t r i x p r o v i d e s d i f f e r e n t p a t t e r n s f o r individual d e v e l o p m e n t into m a t u r e d attitudes. I n this process of individual g r o w t h , there is no point up

THE NATURE

OF

PREJUDICE

19

to which human nature is at w o r k , and beyond which something else takes o v e r the controls. N o r can it be maintained that there is a g r a d u a l diminution of the working of " n a t u r a l " ' f o r c e s and a gradual increase of some other kind of f o r c e or f a c t o r . On the contrary, there is an increasing use of intelligence, itself one of the native potentialities of humanity. T h e stuff of experience f r o m the cradle to the g r a v e is a single continuum. T h e nature of experience does change; but it cannot be said that it is human nature to seek more immediate and limited r a t h e r than more remote and more inclusive g o a l s . T r u e , the complexity of the action pattern may v a r y f r o m the simplest to the most elaborate. T h e ratio of effectiveness of the higher mental processes may increase; but if w e say that " h u m a n nature'' was at w o r k in the first instance, it is still human nature at w o r k in the last of a series of experiences in a l o n g development. T h r e e observations m a y be made. F i r s t , w h a t e v e r human nature m a y mean, it does not mean something fixed and immutable. W h a t individuals and groups do when c o n f r o n t e d by recurring situations is p r o f o u n d l y modified f r o m time to time. 1 Secondly, these modifications are carried through in terms of realized capacities, and they are largely determined by the matrix of c o n t e m p o r a r y social life in which they find themselves carried out. 2 T h i r d l y , the creative element, the thing which makes possible the fashioning of new goals and of implements f o r realizing these goals, is action in accordance with intelligently conceived plans. " H u m a n society is not controlled chiefly by ready-made reactions, but is largely a product of human experience, that is, of w h a t man has learned through 1

See E. F a r i s , " T h e Concept of Social Attitudes" in Social Attitudes, pp. 3-16. T h e basic stuff of human-nature-in-performance is not an irreducible set of instincts of " d r i v e s , " but rather, "acts and experiences are the determining antecedents beyond which it is not profitable or even possible to seek any stable elements or absolutes." Attitudes, therefore, are not inherited absolutes, but cultivated predispositions. A n attitude, however real, is inferential. T h e r e is no one-to-one correspondence of specific responses to specific stimuli. 2 III See M a x C. Otto, "Philosopher of a N e w A g e , " The Social Frontier, (June, 1 9 3 7 ) , 266. " M a n cannot be anything without incorporating his environment; and he cannot be human without vital interplay of his activities and ideals in super-personal endeavors."

20

THE NATURE

OF

PREJUDICE

the centuries by means of his intelligence. 3 T h i s does not mean that everything now included in society is intelligently conceived. It does, h o w e v e r , suggest that the contemporary social m a t r i x is a p a r t of a process of continuous interplay of individuals and groups, in which there may be basic motives at w o r k , but in which the reaction pattern varies widely. In his study of the g r o w t h of social norms, S h e r i f 4 shows that the basis of accepted reaction patterns which are social n o r m s — s u c h stereotypes and conduct-controls as fashions, conventions, customs, values, and attitudes t o w a r d t h e s e — i s the f o r m a t i o n of a common f r a m e of reference through the contact of individuals. Social attitudes, once f o r m e d in the individual, serve as f r a m e s of reference in the situations into which he enters, determining to an important degree the preferences, likes, and dislikes of the individual. T h e properties of any p a r t are determined by its relationship to the whole, its membership in the total functional experience. T h e setting up of a reaction p a t t e r n which is universally adopted within a group, and which t h e r e a f t e r enters into the experience of all members of that group as one of the important determining f a c t o r s in the experience of its members, is the process of building an attitude. One of these patterns of reaction is the social attitude called race prejudice. A s such, it is a f a i r l y sophisticated development including a complex of many interrelated f a c t o r s . I t is not always present w h e r e there are noticeable physical differences between groups of p e o p l e ; and, conversely, it sometimes a p p e a r s in spite of the f a c t that the alleged " r a c e s " cannot be sharply distinguished. T h e definite pattern of social attitudes which we, t o d a y , call race prejudice is of comparatively recent origin. L o r d B r y c e is responsible f o r the statement 5 that " d o w n to the d a y s of the French Revolution there had been v e r y little in any country at any time, of self-conscious racial f e e l i n g . " " C h a r l e s A . Ellwood, Psychology of Human Society, p. 310. * M . Sherif, The Psychology of Social Norms. ' S e e W . D. W e a t h e r f o r d and Charles S. Johnson, Race Relations,

Ch. I I I .

T H E

N A T U R E

O F

P R E J U D I C E

21

I t does not a p p e a r f r o m scientific study that racial antipathies are " i n s t i n c t i v e , " something to be charged to a mysterious, immutable " h u m a n n a t u r e . " 6 B r u n o L a s k e r ' s study of race attitudes in children finds no support f o r the notion that there is an instinctive reaction of a v e r s i o n or antipathy between members of differing g r o u p s . E a c h child has an experience of race feeling which is peculiar to him, built upon experience o r lack of experience with members of other groups, but " t h e nature of these contacts is l a r g e l y determined by a much l a r g e r and more inclusive influence: the adult-made environm e n t . " 7 A n d while reserving final decision until experimental evidence can be amassed, L a s k e r concludes tentatively that " t h e evidence makes it probable that the attitudes unconsciously transmitted are much m o r e effective than those deliberately t a u g h t . " 8 T h i s conclusion w a s much more strongly indicated than had been anticipated in advance of the study. F o r , although w e w e r e prepared for m u c h evidence concerning the pressure of adult attitudes upon those of children, the actual evidence of the staggering w e i g h t of prejudices w i t h w h i c h it burdens the rising generation is beyond all expectation. O n e m i g h t almost say that it makes no d i f ference w h e t h e r the child is born w i t h n a t u r a l aversions or n o t ; he is certain to h a v e his mind canalized, even before he starts going to school, into habitual acceptance of the p r e v a i l i n g attitudes of the g r o u p w i t h i n w h i c h he lives. P e r s o n a l experience, w h e n hedged around w i t h prohibitions and protective care, is no g a t e w a y to realism. T h e average child is ' " R a c e prejudice has often been asserted by popular writers to be instinctive or hereditary. W h i l e this is apparently a complete misstatement it is a very excusable one. T h e error arises from the normal tendency of unsophisticated people to confuse the customary with the natural. W h e n children g r o w up in a community, they take on the customs and attitudes p r e v a i l i n g . . . and when the attitudes h a v e become second nature they a r e often thought of as inherent or natural." E . F a r i s , "Natural History of Race Prejudice" in Ebony and Topaz, ed. C h a r l e s S. Johnson, pp. 1 0 7 - 1 0 . '"Bruno L a s k e r , Race Attitudes in Children, p. 3 7 1 . 'Ibid., p. 3 7 1 . So also R. E. P a r k , in his " H u m a n Nature, Attitudes, and the M o r e s " contributed to Social Attitudes. A n attitude is a tendency to act with reference to a g i v e n v a l u e ; it represents a tension within the individual while it is latent; it may differ in intensity with different individuals or at different times in the same individual. "Attitudes are rooted in experience, but it is this experience in all concreteness that finally determines the character of an attitude, both as to its direction and its intensity." (P. 32.) Attitudes are communicable, even contagious, and the slight subtleties of behavior are much more important than overt instruction in this process of contagion.

22

T H E

N A T U R E

OF

P R E J U D I C E

m a d e to accept o u t e r differences, and t o accept them as inner differences of value. H i s very c o n t a c t s a r e regulated for him, if not by precept, then by example. So it comes t h a t the c h i l d — s i n c e his experience is not the same in classroom and S u n d a y School, on the street and on the playg r o u n d , at home and in the social c e n t e r — a c q u i r e s a m i x t u r e of c o n t r a d i c t o r y attitudes t o w a r d s those of other races which he is quite unable to explain to himself or to o t h e r s . "

N o r does it a p p e a r t o m a k e much difference w h a t the temp e r a m e n t o f the p a r t i c u l a r psychic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s .

child is, o r his special

"Generally

speaking,

even

physicoin

those

r e a c t i o n s which seem m o s t closely bound up with the physiol o g i c a l equipment, t h e p a r t p l a y e d by the individual c h a r a c t e r in t h e f o r m a t i o n o f r a c i a l a t t i t u d e s is small, a p p a r e n t l y , comp a r e d with t h a t p l a y e d b y the w e i g h t o f surrounding

adult

opinion and its conscious a n d unconscious i n f l u e n c e . " 1 0 S o m e w r i t e r s on this question h a v e m a d e a g o o d deal

of

t h e f a c t t h a t children t e n d t o f e a r the intrusion o f

strange

and u n a c c u s t o m e d

face,

factors

in e x p e r i e n c e . A

strange

a

s t r a n g e noise, m a y call out a violent r e a c t i o n o f f e a r or aversion in the child. I n the y o u t h this m a y be c h a n g e d to disgust o r t o a m u s e m e n t . Such r e a c t i o n s , it is said by some, indicate an instinctive base f o r r a c e a t t i t u d e s . T h e point does not need argument. T h e

close and i n t i m a t e r e l a t i o n s h i p between

the

w h i t e i n f a n t and t h e N e g r o nurse, c o m m o n p r a c t i c e in thousands o f the best h o m e s t h r o u g h o u t the S o u t h , and the cem e n t i n g o f genuine l a s t i n g a t t i t u d e s which are a t least cordial on b o t h sides, indicates t h a t t h e a l l e g e d instinctive attitude o f a v e r s i o n is not o p e r a t i v e in these cases a t l e a s t .

Moreover,

it is c l e a r t h a t while the new o r the s t r a n g e m a y call out f e a r it m a y also evoke c u r i o s i t y . W h i c h o f the two attitudes will be called into p l a y depends upon a c o m p l e x o f f a c t o r s ,

not

l e a s t i m p o r t a n t o f which is the attitude o f adults and o l d e r children

present.

Initial

contacts,

plus

habituation,

a t t i t u d e ; and these c o n t a c t s depend upon the race—is

* Lasker, op. cit., p. 370. Ibid., p. 262.

reenforced

by

fear

the

adult-managed

social f r a m e w o r k . I f t h e first r e a c t i o n t o w a r d a of whatever

fix

stranger—

reactions

on

the

T H E N A T U R E OF P R E J U D I C E

23

p a r t of t h e m o t h e r , the feeling is e x a g g e r a t e d and the fixation of p r e j u d i c e has begun. If t h e m o t h e r is hesitant a b o u t c o n t a c t s only with certain k i n d s of s t r a n g e r s , such as the physician or street children, t h e child is imperceptibly but effectively pushed in the same direction. M u c h d e p e n d s upon the first f e w contacts with m e m b e r s of a n o t h e r g r o u p ; and the a d u l t a t t i t u d e determines w h e t h e r the child will build up habits of friendliness or of w i t h d r a w a l . Both a t t i t u d e s a r e possible as f a r as h u m a n n a t u r e is concerned. T h i s a p p e a r s to a p p l y to all races and to all situations. 1 1 T h r o u g h childhood and adolescence, then, the individual m i g h t d e v e l o p a t t i t u d e s of race friendliness or of a n t a g o n i s m . T h e d e g r e e t o which he develops either ( o r b o t h ) d e p e n d s upon the m a n n e r in which his experience combines the interacting f a c t o r s of his c o n t r a d i c t o r y e n v i r o n m e n t . " P u g n a c i t y a n d f e a r a r e no m o r e native t h a n pity and sympathy. T h e i m p o r t a n t t h i n g m o r a l l y is the w a y these native tendencies interact, f o r t h e i r interaction m a y give a chemical t r a n s f o r m a t i o n n o t a mechanical c o m b i n a t i o n . ' " 2 A s a child, the individual will p r o b a b l y not t a k e a consciously aggressive p a r t in deciding his course. A s he comes into a d u l t h o o d , it is likely t h a t he will still be relatively passive, his a t t i t u d e s having been f o r m e d in t e r m s of experience in the g r o u p of which he is a m e m b e r . H e follows t h e p a t h of negative race adj u s t m e n t r a t h e r t h a n the building of positive a t t i t u d e s because, a l t h o u g h either d e v e l o p m e n t w a s a potentiality of his n a t u r e , t h a t one won out which was m o s t heavily w e i g h t e d f o r p r e f e r e n c e , most consistently a n d effectively l e a r n e d t h r o u g h experience in his society. But it m a y be a s k e d : If race prejudice is not instinctive, then w h y is it p r e v a l e n t ? T h e first a n s w e r is t h a t a t t i t u d e s of a n t a g o n i s m or of discrimination b e t w e e n racial g r o u p s a r e not universally p r e v a l e n t . T h e F r e n c h , f o r example, d u r i n g the W o r l d W a r seemed t o s h o w little or no race p r e j u d i c e t o w a r d the N e g r o A m e r i c a n . "Ibid., pp. 34 f. " J o h n D e w e y , Human

Nature

and

Conduct,

p. H I .

24

T H E

N A T U R E

OF

P R E J U D I C E

A reasonable hypothesis f o r as much prevalence as we see in particular societies is that there are conflicts in society which, by their continuance, support attitudes of antipathy rather than of friendliness; and that these basic conflicts fasten themselves upon the individual members of the several groups, calling out the responses of antagonism and prejudice rather than of understanding and friendliness. " R a c e " then becomes important not as a biological description or ethnic classification, but primarily as a symbol of conflict between groups in the culture. A f t e r examining the inadequacies of attempts by biologists, anthropologists, psychologists, and others to agree on a s a t i s f a c t o r y classification of races, K r o u t concludes that the term " r a c e " has relatively little actual biological significance due to the acknowledged hybridization of races, and that racial differences turn out to be cultural differences, which leads him to the conclusion that " t h e real significance of the term 'race' lies in its employment as a culture symbol of g r o u p conflict and g r o u p o r g a n i z a t i o n . " 1 3 R a c e is not itself the cause of conflict; but men o r g a n i z e themselves f o r conflict according to observable lines of demarcation such as skin color and h a i r texture. H a v i n g so organized, they rationalize the division, call it " r a c i a l , " and use the symbol thus created as a device f o r f u r t h e r i n g covert ends. R a c i a l antagonisms are t h e r e f o r e not unlike other group antagonisms between classes or nations. T h e fundamental causes of racial dislike and hostility, where these exist, are similar to those which give rise to hostility within communities of the same race. T h e y are moral rather than racial. T h e r e is no necessity to postulate the existence of a specific and universal instinct of racial antipathy; while on the other hand there is strong, positive evidence that such an instinct does not exist. A n adequate explanation of racial antagonism can be found in impulses and motives that are independent of race. These impulses and motives, however, though not racial in their origins, may become racial through being connected in the mind with the thought of another race. W h e n " M a u r i c e H. Krout, " R a c e and C u l t u r e : A Study in Mobility, Segregation, and Selection," American Journal of Sociology, X X X V I I ( 1 9 3 1 - 3 2 ) , 175-89.

T H E

N A T U R E

OF

P R E J U D I C E

25

this association takes place the feelings may be aroused by contact w i t h any member of that race, and operate with all the force of an instinctive antipathy. 1 4

W h e n cultures which have marked surface differences come into contact, conflict is likely to result, because the habit patterns of the individual are formed in terms of his own particular group culture, and any effort at adaptation, implying loss of status on his part, is unwelcome. Or, within a given culture, groups with noticeable physical differences may come into sharp competition in the economic sphere, with resulting conflict and the organization of sentiments and emotions around the central fact of struggle f o r a livelihood and f o r comparative status on the economic ladder. "Race prejudice may be regarded as a phenomenon of status. Race prejudice is like class and caste prejudices—merely one variety of a species." 15 T h e focal point of race antagonisms is likely to be some threat to existing status. Every change in status, whether of an individual or of a group, involves a change in social organization. Prejudice—that is, caste, class and race prejudice—in its more naive and innocent manifestations, is merely resistance of the social order to change. Every effort of the Negro, for example, to move, to rise and improve his social status, rather than his condition, has invariably met with opposition, aroused prejudice and stimulated racial animosities. Race prejudice, so conceived, is merely an expression of conservatism. 1 6

" W h e r e there are social classes, there will inevitably be corresponding attitudes and sentiments. Racial distinctions, where they exist, will always be supported by racial prejudices." 17 T h e prejudice expresses itself in the acceptance by the individual of the stereotype or social norm which appears to fit the needs of his group in the conflict. If the basic pattern is that of the economic structure, then the lines of economic conflict determine the racial conflict, and the racial attitudes " J . H. Oldham, Christianity and the Race Problem, p. 43. " R . E . P a r k , " B a s e s of Race Prejudice," Annals of the A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y , C X L (November, 1928), 11-20. "Ibid., p. 1 3 . " Ibid., p. 14.

26

THE

NATURE

OF

PREJUDICE

c o n f o r m t o the e c o n o m i c p r o c e s s e s . " R a c i a l animosities supp l e m e n t g r o u p symbols, o r fictions, a n d m a k e possible n e c t e d g r o u p activities. G r o u p p r e j u d i c e s a r e by which

the

individual

maintains

con-

rationalizations

his s e l f - e s t e e m

and

ad-

vances his e c o n o m i c and o t h e r i n t e r e s t s . " 1 ' ' It is this line o f thought

which

leads

Herbert

A.

Miller

to

conclude,

"I

a m convinced t h a t p r a c t i c a l l y all r a c e c o n c e p t s a r e not race a t all, but

concepts

derived

from

economic

situations.

There

a r e certain e c o n o m i c a d v a n t a g e s t o be d e r i v e d f r o m having o n e g r o u p s u b o r d i n a t e d to a n o t h e r . " 1 0

F o l l o w i n g t h e same

o f t h o u g h t , R e u t e r s t a t e s the s a m e conclusion a little

line more

m o d e r a t e l y . " R a c e is m a d e the s y m b o l o f cultural status, a n d thus serves t o j u s t i f y the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f the w e a k e r

group

with the inevitable political and c u l t u r a l consequences.

Being

a symbol o f cultural status, it s e r v e s t o c l a s s i f y

individuals,

and so t o r e t a r d t h e i r advance by l i m i t i n g t h e i r f r e e d o m and d e t e r m i n i n g the cultural values to which t h e y h a v e a c c e s s . " 2 0 T h e notion t o which the discussion h a s b r o u g h t us, then, is t h a t when t w o g r o u p s o f p e o p l e

a r e e n g a g e d in a

conflict o f i n t e r e s t , l a r g e l y e c o n o m i c ,

centering

chronic

around

the

p r o b l e m s o f security and status, each g r o u p h a v i n g a h i g h d e g r e e o f visibility in skin c o l o r o r o t h e r g r o u p c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ; t h e r e is a conscious d r a w i n g o f r a c i a l lines o f

demarcation

and the use o f the concept o f r a c e as a t o o l in the s t r u g g l e . F e e l i n g , s t r o n g e m o t i o n , is c a l l e d i n t o play, and r a c e p r e j u dice results. I n this sense, r a c e p r e j u d i c e is a c o n v e n i e n t device f o r the e x p l o i t a t i o n o f one g r o u p b y a n o t h e r . B u t it is n o t enough t h a t this g e n e r a l notion o f t h e n a t u r e o f race prejudice

should

appear

plausible.

with sociological f a c t s as f a r as t h e s e A n d if the evidence in s o c i o l o g i c a l

It

must

facts are

d a t a is a t

square

obtainable. all c l e a r ,

it

ought t o be possible f o r p e r s o n s with quite diverse a t t i t u d e s on r a c e m a t t e r s to peruse the d a t a a n d see s u b s t a n t i a l l y the IS Daniel K a u and Kenneth B r a d y , " R a c i a l P r e j u d i c e and R a c i a l Stereotypes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XXX (July-September,

>935), 182.

" Q u o t e d in W e a t h e r f o r d and Johnson, op. ci/., p. 57. E. B. Reuter, American Race Problem, p. 34.

T H E N A T U R E OF P R E J U D I C E

27

s a m e conclusions, even t h o u g h o t h e r considerations, such as j u d g m e n t s of value, m a y lead each to d r a w his own inferences f r o m these conclusions. In the remaining section of this c h a p t e r , t w o sets of d a t a will be examined in an effort to give empirical r e f e r e n c e to the idea t h a t race a t t i t u d e s are bound up w i t h social processes, and particularly related to economic processes. First, the historic development of race a t t i t u d e s and economic processes in the South is to be studied to reveal possible connections o r lack of connections between economic processes and race a t t i t u d e s ; and, secondly, a study of fluctuations in economic conditions as r e l a t e d to fluctuations in race a t t i t u d e should r e v e a l the degree of sensitivity of response existing b e t w e e n t h e t w o f a c t o r s . HISTORICAL R E L A T I O N S H I P B E T W E E N ECONOMIC PROCESSES A N D RACE A T T I T U D E S

I. The problem defined.—When we m a k e the hypothesis t h a t t h e r e m a y be an i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p of economic processes and race attitudes, we d o not imply either the presence, o r the lack, of a causal nexus. A student of population a r e a s ( t o take an illustrative example f r o m a n o t h e r field) m a y be interested in t r a c i n g the high correlation between o v e r c r o w d ing and high m o r t a l i t y r a t e s . T h a t does not mean t h a t he concludes t h a t congestion of population is the cause of disease. I t does m a k e it possible f o r him to say t h a t , by a n d large, w h e r e t h e r e is o v e r c r o w d i n g , t h e r e is also a high d e a t h r a t e . T h e f a c t t h a t the two things go t o g e t h e r is of g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e ; f o r a l t h o u g h p o o r housing may not cause disease, the chances f o r infection and communication, with f a t a l results, a p p e a r to be much higher in certain congested areas. T h e basic o p e r a t i o n a l relationship between housing and disease t h e r e f o r e becomes highly i m p o r t a n t . In a s o m e w h a t a n a l o g o u s fashion, if it can be shown t h a t a basic relationship of interconnection exists between the n a t u r e of the economic process and the shaping of race attitudes, it is not necessary to a r g u e the point as to w h e t h e r there is a causal connection or not. Concomitance is signifi-

28

T H E N A T U R E OF

PREJUDICE

cant not necessarily of cause and effect but of interconnection in some f o r m . O f course, if it should appear that it is purely accidental that such a concomitance occurs, and that the apparent relationship is specious, the concomitance would be declared as of no significance. B u t a functional interrelationship discernible beneath the phenomenon of concomitance is highly significant f o r the analysis of social processes. T h e high correlation between the presence of a " C " on a faucet and the f a c t that cold w a t e r comes out of that faucet does not imply that the " C " is the cause of the water being cold. B u t it does imply that, usually, when everything is working normally, one m a y expect the w a t e r to come out cold when one turns a faucet m a r k e d " C . " H i g h correlation in this case is significant not of a causal nexus but of an operational or functional nexus. So, when we ask whether there is a basic relationship between economic processes and race attitudes w e are not asking w h e t h e r the economic interpretation of history is valid, nor a r e we asking w h e t h e r the economic f a c t o r is the only one which enters the picture. A common-sense, naive view of the m a t t e r immediately suggests that a l a r g e number of f a c t o r s — p h y s i c a l , geographical, climatic, religious, educational, etc. — d o affect race attitudes. I t is shown, f o r example, that there is a high degree of correspondence between the predominance of evangelical fundamentalism and the number of lynchings 2 1 in A m e r i c a . W e readily admit that a g r e a t many sociological and psychological forces are brought to bear in determining race attitudes. A l l that is implied in the question as to whether economic processes and race attitudes are basically related is the inquiry as to whether there is not a s t r o n g tendency f o r " r a c i a l " attitudes to be drawn and to be intensified in r a t h e r general correspondence with the patterns of economic conflict or cooperation as these economic patterns develop. I f the dominant psychological attitude developed under the aegis of the economic processes is an attitude of competition, and if there are easily recognized s u r f a c e differ" Walter White, Rope and Faggot, Ch. I l l and pp. 245-50.

T H E N A T U R E OF P R E J U D I C E

29

ences between large groups of persons engaged in this competitive struggle, the question is whether the process of drawing the lines of conflict on economic matters may not actually be the pragmatic process through which " r a c e s " are defined and race attitudes built up. In a world of conflict, men tend to take sides according to superficial and easily recognized differences if such differences exist; and when they cannot find such surface differences, they invent others, as in N a z i Germany today. A s T o d d points out, " I t makes not the slightest difference whether there is any such reality as race or not. I t is enough that people believe that there is." 2 2 When the struggle in the economic arena is the conflict which looms largest in men's minds (as it does during most of the peace-time years of modern l i f e ) , the lines of " r a c i a l " grouping tend to correspond to the lines of economic conflict, whether the former actually correspond to biological realities or not. T w o groups which are thrown together as economic competitors develop feelings of difference which are reinforced by skin color, hair texture, and other surface differences which make the distinctions between the two groups highly visible, and the correspondence between the economic matrix and racial categories is emphasized. Antagonisms and rivalries develop. Slogans and stereotypes are invented to facilitate the process of conflict. I f the struggle is long enough and bitter enough, very strong " r a c i a l " antagonisms develop, and the prejudice is established as a continuing part of the accepted mores. Then it is that we say that there is a basic relationship between the nature of the economic process and the nature of race attitudes. T h e n it is that we conclude that race prejudice has a basic relationship to economics. T h e question, then, is: Does this basic relationship actually exist in American l i f e ? 2 3 First, is there a historical correlation in "A. J . Todd, Theories of Social Progress, p. 224. Faris is of the opinion that "undoubtedly economic competition does occasion such sentiments, but it appears not to be everywhere the case." ("Natural History of Race Prejudice" in Ebony and Topaz, p. 90.) But the example he cites, of antagonism of Chinese students to foreign powers, is basically an economic conflict in which the students become involved through inclusion in the group attitude, allegiance to the stereotype, which in turn is closely related to the economic conflict. 23

30

T H E N A T U R E OF

PREJUDICE

development of the economic and " r a c i a l " lines of cleavage and conflict? Secondly, is there any sensitive index of concomitance of fluctuation in the two factors? 2. The data examined.—"Racial prejudice," says Reuter, "against the N e g r o in America is a heritage of slavery but it is very largely a development and characteristic of freedom." 2 4 T h e seeds were sown in the relatively peaceful and stable times before the Civil W a r ; the harrowing of war and Reconstruction plowed under any sentiments of conciliation or moderation; and having sown the wind, America reaped the whirlwind. T o understand the contemporary situation, two earlier phases of historical development of race attitudes must be considered; namely, the ante-bellum and the Reconstruction periods. Despite the persistence of the tradition of idyllic plantation days, 23 there was a noticeable growth of race prejudice during slave times, particularly as between the white worker and the slave. During the period of slavery, the poorer white occupied the marginal acreage and hated the N e g r o who lived on the good land owned by the master of the plantation. H e envied the slave who, while bound to the land, was not allowed to starve. " T h e poor white envied the slave's security and hated him for his material advantages, while the slave envied the white man's freedom and hated him f o r the advantages of his whiteness. Each group, in an effort to exalt itself, looked down on the other with all the contempt which the planter aristocracy showed f o r both." 2 0 T h e dominant pattern of economic processes was the plantation economy; and the lines of cleavage were sharply drawn between the white and black f a r m workers. T h e poorer white saw himself occupying a position in the agricultural economy which was, in many instances, worse than that of the slave. Crowded off the fertile " Reuter, op. cit., p. 1+7. C f . Ulrich B. Phillips, Life and Labor in the Old South; Francis P. Gaines, The Southern Plantation: A Study in the Development and Accuracy of a Tradition; and B . Schrieke, Alien Americans: A Study of Race Relations. " S. C. Spero and A b r a m H a r r i s , The Black Worker, p. +. I am indebted to this book f o r much of the data on the status of N e g r o labor before emancipation. 25

T H E

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l a n d s , l e f t to f e n d f o r himself w h i l e the s l a v e w a s

31 "looked

out f o r , " the p o o r e r w h i t e g r e w to hate the black slave, his c o m p e t i t o r f o r a position of security on the b o t t o m rung o f the e c o n o m i c l a d d e r . T h i s hatred was further aggravated by competition between black and white craftsmen in the towns. . . . T h e ablest and most promising slaves who were not assigned to service in the great house were trained in the skilled crafts. . . . T h e masters found it easier and cheaper to have their slaves trained in carpentry, masonry, blacksmithing and the other mechanical trades than to depend upon outside free white labor. 2 7 E x c e p t i o n a l l y fine s l a v e c r a f t s m e n w e r e not i n f r e q u e n t l y sent to the cities w h e r e t h e y w e r e h i r e d out to m a s t e r c r a f t s m e n o r s o m e t i m e s c o n t r a c t e d their l a b o r

directly to the

public.

T h e r e w e r e some m a s t e r s w h o p e r m i t t e d their skilled s l a v e s to hire t h e m s e l v e s out in their f r e e time in return f o r a

fixed

sum to the m a s t e r o r a certain p e r c e n t a g e of the s l a v e s ' e a r n ings. 2 8 T h e quality o f the w o r k t u r n e d out by the t w o g r o u p s of artisans w a s , g e n e r a l l y speaking, about equal in excellence, the w o r k of one g r o u p excelling on some occasions, a n d t h a t of the o t h e r g r o u p b e i n g s u p e r i o r at o t h e r times. Y e t ,

quite

aside f r o m the question of the q u a l i t y of the w o r k , the s l a v e g r o u p h a d a decided a d v a n t a g e o v e r the f r e e w h i t e s in c o m peting f o r contracts. T h e poor white artisan was not competing with the black slave artisan any more than the independent store keeper of the present is competing with the manager of the chain store in his territory. T h e white mechanic was competing with the slave owner whose cheap slave labor, financial resources, and political power gave him every advantage . . . " I am a w a r e , " said a citizen of Athens, Georgia, in an open letter to the local contractors, "that most of you have too strong antipathy to encourage masonry and carpentry trades of your poor white brothers, that your predilections for giving employment in your lines of business to ebony workers have either so cheapened the white man's labor, or expatriated hence with but a f e w exceptions all the white masons and carpenters of this town. . . . A s masters of the polls " Ibid., p. 5. See also, W . W . A l e x a n d e r , " N e g r o e s and the Economic Structure," Southern Workman, L X (June, 1 9 3 1 ) , 269-77. 28 Harris and Spero, op. cit., p. 6.

32

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in a majority, carrying all before them, I am surprised the poor do not elect faithful members to the Legislature who will make it penal to prefer N e g r o mechanic labor to white men's." 2 9

In 1 8 4 5 , ^ e G e o r g i a legislature passed a law prohibiting slaves f r o m bargaining their services f o r hire as artisans and craftsmen and fining their owners f o r permitting slaves to enter the field of competition with white free workers in this fashion. But twelve years later the white artisans petitioned the city council to correct the difficulty which the law seemed ineffective in meeting, asking that N e g r o mechanics belonging to plantation owners f r o m outside Atlanta be prevented from competing in the Atlanta labor market. 3 0 White mechanics in Virginia petitioned the state legislature to prevent Negroes f r o m being apprenticed in any c r a f t or trade. In N o r t h Carolina, they protested against the use of slave artisans to underbid them in contracts and take away "business that belongs to white l a b o r e r s . " 3 1 A s an instance of the kind of race attitudes nurtured by this conflict, consider the case of one Andrew Rock, shipwright, who petitioned the South Carolina commons in 1 7 7 4 on behalf of himself and other shipwrights. H e complained that N e g r o slaves worked in Charleston and surrounding towns at the shipwright's trade, and "were chiefly employed in mending, repairing, and caulking of ships, other vessels, and b o a t s " ; that as a result white shipwrights had almost no opportunity to work, were therefore reduced to poverty and ultimately driven f r o m the colony. A bill to prohibit slaves f r o m being used in shipwright's work and another bill to prevent apprenticeship of slaves in "Mechanic's T r a d e s both in T o w n and in C o u n t r y " failed to pass the South Carolina Commons because of opposition of slave owners, despite urgent appeals f r o m nonslave-owning white craftsmen. 3 2 A "Ibid., p. 7. T h e letter was printed in 1838. " Ibid., p. 8. 51 Ibid., p. 9. " Marcus Jernegan, "Slavery and the Beginnings of Individualism in the American Colonies," 7 h e American Historical Review, X X V (January, 1920),

237-

T H E

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OF

P R E J U D I C E

33

by-law of the Trustees of G e o r g i a , in 1 7 5 0 , forbade any artificers, except coopers, to take N e g r o e s as apprentices, or planters to lend or to let out their slaves " t o be employed otherwise than in manuring and cultivating their Plantations in the Country." L a t e r , in 1 7 8 2 , Virginia forbade masters to hire out their slaves and to receive the pay. 8 3 F r o m colonial times right down to emancipation, the white and black workers had ample opportunity to develop attitudes of mutual hostility. Summing up his investigation of slave artisans in colonial and post-colonial times, J e r n e g a n s a y s : The

weight

of

evidence

shows

that

there

was

a

great

increase

numbers [of slave artisans] ; that they w e r e of much greater

in

[market]

value than untrained slaves; that they w e r e much sought a f t e r ; that they did compete w i t h free white labor, especially in the t o w n s ; finally, tation

and

that they w e r e the most important agency in the rise of planmanufactures.34

In addition to this sharp and widespread competition between the artisans of the two races in the towns, and the antipathies of the f a r m laborers of the two races in the country, there appears to have been an even more effective and drastic competition between the unskilled labor groups of the two races whenever construction work or industrial employment called f o r hands. T h e slave owner used his slave principally during the two relatively short periods of planting and chopping in the spring and early summer and picking in the fall. F o r the rest of the time, anything the owner could get f o r the slaves' services was clear profit to him. I t was not uncommon f o r contractors to time their enterprises to take advantage of this reservoir of ready, cheap labor rather than to use white workers. T h e rate f o r white workers was thus cut below the subsistence level. Once again, the white unskilled worker found himself competing not with the individual N e g r o but with the great plantation system which backed the black worker and put him on the labor market at a ridiculously low wage. M 31

Ibid., p. 238. Ibid., p. 239.

34

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N e g r o slaves were employed in foundries as foremen, blacksmiths and founders. T h e y were used to mine both coal and ore. T h e y worked along the water front as longshoremen. W i t h the exception of conductors, they worked on the railroads in every capacity including that of locomotive engineer, and they piloted the steamboats that plied on southern waters. T h e y were even used to some extent as hands in the textile mills and formed a large portion of the workers in the tobacco factories. In all these employments they came into competition with white workers. . . . A factory near Columbia, S. C., reported the average cost per annum of its slave operatives at a minimum of $ 1 0 6 . W h e t h e r the slave was rented or owned, slave labor was cheap and operated to depress the wages of white labor. 3 ''

It is understandable that this should have been the case. T h e m a s t e r class h a d l a r g e investments in slaves, and the seasonal nature of cotton g r o w i n g meant that they must use the slave l a b o r in the off-season to get a steady return on their investment. It also meant that the plantation economy paid the bill of supporting the slave l a b o r , while the industrial use of the slave w a s merely a m a r g i n a l device f o r increasing income and w a s t h e r e f o r e p e r f e c t l y calculated to undermine the w a g e levels of the f r e e white industrial w o r k e r s . T h e master class insisted on employing its slaves in whatever manner it found profitable. If they w e r e not needed on the plantations they were rented out to dig ditches. If they were too weak to stand the strain of working in the fields, they were sent to the cotton mills to "attend to the looms and spindles." T h e slave owner demanded a steady income on his investment. Furthermore, what there was of southern industry and enterprise was owned by the slaveholding class. 3 "

D u r i n g slave times, it w o u l d appear, the lines of economic c l e a v a g e between white and black w o r k e r s were clearly d r a w n and intensified by decades of irritation. In agriculture, in the c r a f t s and building t r a d e s , in industry, in transportation, and in the unskilled l a b o r m a r k e t , the slave w a s thrust by his o w n e r into sharp and d e v a s t a t i n g competition with the f r e e white. T h e l a t t e r , instead of marshaling his political p o w e r to strike back a g a i n s t the planter class, exhibited an increasing h a t r e d f o r the black man with whom he was in immediate °° Spero and H a r r i s , op. cit., p. 10. " Ibid., pp. 10 f.

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35

competition. ( T w o cats, their tails tied together, will scratch and fight each other in mutual recrimination.) Racial prejudice in America between working-class whites and blacks roots back in the competition of slavery with free labor. So, too, racial attitudes between the white aristocracy and the N e g r o have their beginnings in the master-slave pattern. Despite atrocity stories like Uncle Tom's Cabin which played their part in inflaming public opinion on both sides of the conflict which developed between the N o r t h and the South, the planters as a class do not appear to have been cast in the mold of Simon Legree. A good deal of sentimental building of dream pictures of ante-bellum days can be charged to wishful thinking; but it still remains that common sense would prompt an owner to treat his slaves at least as well as the money investment would demand. In addition, the house slaves occupied a peculiarly high position in the master's estimation. T h e house slave generally was thought of very much as another child. H e was treated as a child, perhaps a step-child, but nevertheless, part of the whole family. T h e master expected the slave to respond as a child (but one who would never achieve majority), and there developed a paternalistic attitude with its correlative dependency complex which was as firmly fixed between master and slave as was the bitter hatred between white and black worker. T h e r e grew up an elaborate system of etiquette which was at once the vehicle of expressing this master-slave relationship and of perpetuating it psychologically. 37 T h e slave was addressed by his first name, as a child always is. Indeed, he had only a first name. H e , in turn, treated all members of the master's family as worthy of the respect due adults, calling the children of the master " Y o u n g M a s t e r " and " Y o u n g M i s s y . " In a case of disagreement, the master was always right, and the slave escaped punishment by assuming the role of the childlike, smiling, simple-minded person who was not expected to know any better. H e pulled at his forelock, dropped 87 B e r t r a m W . Doyle, " T h e Etiquette of R a c e Relations—Past, Present, and F u t u r e , " Journal of Negro Education, V ( A p r i l , 1 9 3 6 ) , 191-208.

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his eyes and grinned. H e m i g h t be cuffed; he might even be chastised severely on occasion. But the attitude developed w a s one of paternalistic dominance by the master and of childish submission by the slave. T h e racial attitudes w e r e developed in accordance with the economic p a t t e r n of ownerslave. T h e r e w a s a third set of circumstances which was p a r t l y geographic and p a r t l y economic in nature, and which w a s responsible f o r a special kind of race antipathy, the antagonism of the white highlander w h o w a s at once anti-slavery and a n t i - N e g r o . T h r u s t i n g itself down f r o m the N o r t h in a long, sprawling series of ridges and v a l l e y s , the w e d g e of the mountains divides the b r o a d coastal plains f r o m the rich lands of the Mississippi and its tributaries. D o w n through its valleys, pushing s o u t h w e s t w a r d f r o m Pennsylvania and M a r y l a n d , the Scotch-Irish and G e r m a n pioneers of the eighteenth century injected into the South through the A p p a l a c h i a n w e d g e a culture which w a s m o r e P e n n s y l v a n i a n in character and contacts than C a r o l i n i a n or G e o r g i a n . Economically, politically, and socially, these pioneers in their mountain f a s t nesses w e r e cut off f r o m the s e a b o a r d l i f e . N o t only the f a l l s of the rivers, which m a r k e d the head of n a v i g a t i o n , but also a parallel strip of pine b a r r e n s , cut the mountains off f r o m the plain. I t w a s an a r e a which T u r n e r c a l l e d : The

first

distinctively

western

region,

non-slaveholding,

grain

and

cattle raising, a land of dissenting sects, of primitive democratic conditions, remote f r o m the coast, and finding the connection with more,

Philadelphia,

and

the

Pennsylvania

valley,

both

in

Balti-

spiritual

and economic life, more intimate than with the tide-waters of

Mary-

land,

whose

Virginia,

North

Carolina,

and

South

Carolina,

within

boundary lines it chiefly l a y . 3 8

W h a t contacts there w e r e between the mountaineers and the coastal-plain dwellers w e r e principally i r r i t a t i n g and contentious contacts. Politically, the t i d e w a t e r minority a r e a " " I s Sectionalism in America D y i n g A w a y ? " American Journal of Sociology, X I I I , 665, quoted in H. P. Douglass, Christian Reconstruction in the South, p. 67. I am indebted to Douglass f o r the accompanying insight into the attitudes of nineteenth-century mountaineers toward Negroes.

T H E

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OF

P R E J U D I C E

37

ruled the more populous upland interior counties " b y apportionment of the legislatures so as to secure the effective majority of representatives. Unjustly taxed, deprived of due participation in government, their rights neglected, they protested, vainly f o r the most p a r t . " 3 9 Economically, the clash of mountain and plain was even more irritating. Previous to 1 8 3 0 , the mountain people had begun to push on down into the Piedmont and out into the plains where (as in central N o r t h Carolina, and northern A l a b a m a , f o r example) they were the spear-thrust of a nonslaveholding agricultural economy. But with the invention of the cotton gin, plantation farming became a very lucrative business, and the plantation system rapidly pushed the intruders back into their mountains and gulleys and unwittingly caused a wave of migration which swept right over the ridges and into the broad valleys of the interior. Especially between 1 8 3 0 and 1840, the census figures show marked declines in the rate of increase of the white population of states like N o r t h Carolina. 4 0 U p in the hills and mountain retreats, the disgruntled farmers nursed their grudges, oiled their guns, and bided their time. T h e wealthy plantation owners, resting their power on the use of N e g r o slaves, had beaten them back — t e m p o r a r i l y ; but with the w a r , these highlanders in large numbers swelled the ranks of the Union A r m y . T h e mountains of Virginia tore themselves loose f r o m the mother state and became W e s t Virginia. A l l down the range of the Appalachians almost to the very heart of Alabama where the last red hills drop off to the black plains, there came many recruits to join the Northern army, singing as they joined: T o the flag we are pledged, all its foes we abhor, A n d we ain't for the nigger, but we are for the war. 4 1

H e r e were a great group of whites, living in the South but not of it, strongly opposing and often despising the landed aristocracy, and with equal heartiness disliking the N e g r o and " T u r n e r , op. cil., p. 666. Douglass, op. cit., p. 68. " W. E . B . DuBois, Black

K

Reconstruction,

p. 937)-

Association

" World. Almanac, 1936, p. 323, based on census estimates and reports of the Columbia and National Broadcasting Companies and the M c G r a w - H i l l Publishing Company. T h e figures do not include 780,000 automobile radios.

366

TEACHING

comprehensive study of w h a t college graduates actually d o in their w o r k i n g and leisure time, what their standards of value are, w h a t operational evidences can be found to support the contention that the classical curriculum g a v e the student the cultural h e r i t a g e — u n t i l such evidence is in, we question the assertion that the s t a n d a r d subject-matter curriculum really p e r f o r m e d the task claimed f o r it. N o t solely or prim a r i l y , but only secondarily in the colleges, is the cultural heritage transmitted. L i f e itself teaches the individual. T h e other side of the picture is our affirmation that, since actual experience educates, and since in experience the things which are genuinely learned are those things which are accepted as the basis f o r action, the effort to transmit the values of the cultural heritage must be closely associated with the student's conscious and constructive effort to realize his own genuinely felt desires. T h e r e is no final dichotomy between the transmission of the social heritage on the one hand and the g r o w t h of the individual on the o t h e r — p r o v i d e d the g r o w t h of the individual is seen in its social setting, and prov i d e d the transmission of the social heritage is seen in its operational nature. E d u c a t i o n then is seen to be the e f f o r t to aid the individual in a continuous process of g r o w t h , at each stage of which he appropriates the values, insights, and tools of the culture which are appropriate and necessary to his g r o w t h , and at all stages of which a conscious e f f o r t is made to insure well-rounded rather than one-sided development. 1 8 V i e w e d f r o m this perspective, the pedantic academician w h o is less concerned with the actual operational social significance of learning and culture and more occupied with the cloistered p r e s e r v a t i o n of the scholarship of the past and present, is parasitical. P e r h a p s it is socially permissible f o r a limited number of persons to occupy parasitical sanctuaries like those in which the lamp of learning and culture w a s kept alive through the D a r k A g e s — m o r e so in an age like the " See W i l l i a m H. Kilpatrick, "Education as L i v i n g f o r Better L i v i n g , " tional Method, X V I I ( J a n u a r y , 1938), 149-56.

Educa-

TEACHING

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present which appears to be cool in its appreciation of the liberal arts. Such a conception of an admitted immediate social irrelevancy of scholarly activity assumes that the world is to be abandoned to its fate. It is beyond redemption. All that can be done is to preserve cultural values inviolate so that if a better day dawns, the academician can safely come out of his retreat. But a nation, or a racial group, which is interested not in retrogression but in advance, can ill afford the doubtful luxury of permitting its more able and better trained members to retreat into academic irrelevancy. T h e preservation and transmission of the cultural heritage is organically linked with the advancement of the race. H e r e again is a point at which the traditional educational procedure missed the mark by using an erroneous theory of learning. I t often assumed that the cultural heritage was passed on merely by formal study about it. A truer insight insists that only those things are actually learned which are learned in and for use by the learner. T h e transmission of values demands that they be values for the persons to whom they are transmitted. If the cultural heritage is to be a vital and meaningful thing to the student, he must learn its vitality and meanings as he actually uses it in daily living. RACIAL CONTRIBUTION TO CULTURAL ADVANCE

A t this point we see a little more clearly wherein the N e g r o may contribute to American culture as he shares in it. T h e literature of this question is prolific, and much attention in curriculum planning is currently being directed toward it. 19 " W i l l i a m S. Braithwaite, Anthology of Magazine Verse and Yearbook of American Poetry; Benjamin Brawley, The Negro in Literature and Art in the United States and The Negro Genius; H a r r y T . Burleigh, Negro Spirituals and Old Songs Hymnal; Countee Cullen, Color, Copper Sun, Caroling Dusk, and The Black Christ; W . E. B. DuBois, Darkwater, The Gift of Black Folk, The Souls of Black Folk, and The Dark Princess; Paul Lawrence Dunbar, Complete Poems; Elizabeth L. Green, The Negro in Contemporary American Literature; Langston Hughes, Weary Blues and Fine Clothes to the Jev>; H. C. Lehman a n d Paul A. Witty, " T h e Negro Child's Interest in W r i t i n g P o e t r y " ; J a m e s Weldon Johnson, Autobiography of an Ex-colored Man, Book of American Negro Poetry, Book of American Negro Spirituals, God's Trombones, Along This Way, and St. Peter Relates an Incident; Blair Niles, Black

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Without presuming to dogmatize, we are here permitted to state certain inferences f o r functional education. I t is not yet proved, or disproved, that the N e g r o has special talents in particular lines. T h e stereotypes with which the caste system operates would lead us to believe that the N e g r o has certain artistic abilities and talents, especially in music and the plastic arts, not possessed to the same degree or in the same kind by Caucasians. 2 0 T o some extent this notion is a reflex of the fact that it is in the arts, particularly the spirituals and j a z z or swing music, that the N e g r o has attracted most f a v o r a b l e attention from the Caucasian. But it cannot be assumed that, merely because Caucasian ears have been pleased by the sorrow songs of slavery and by the hot rhythms of swing, the N e g r o has a peculiar talent f o r artistic creation along these lines. It might be argued with equal logic that the invention of gunpowder by the Chinese showed a peculiar talent f o r explosives, or that Gutenberg's press established the literary inventiveness of Germanic peoples. W h a t e v e r inferences are drawn must be established in the light of historical perspective, and must hold true when full consideration is given to all sociological and environing phenomena. T h e r e has been, f o r example, a general feeling among cultured persons that the German people had a peculiar musical genius. Although this notion has gone somewhat into eclipse in recent years, it was widely prevalent in the first quarter of the twentieth century. But if these same Germanic racial stocks are examined not at 1900 but at 600, what has become of the alleged musical ability? It takes a pre-Nazi Munich and N u r e m b e r g with centuries of cultural growth and development, to produce the soil out of which genius Haiti; H o w a r d W . Odum, Rainbovi round. My Shoulder, H'ings on My Fret, and Negro Workaday Songs; H. W . Odum and G u y B. Johnson, The Negro and His Songs; Dorothy Scarborough, On the Trail of Negro Folk-Songs; E d w i n W . Smith, Aggrey of Africa and The Golden Stool; H i l d e g a r d e H. S w i f t , Railroad to Freedom; T h o m a s W . T a l l e y , Negro Folk-Rhymes, Wise and Otherwise; J e a n T o o m e r , Cane; W a l t e r F. White, The Fire in the Flint a n d Flight. For bibliographical information concerning these books and articles see the B i b l i o g r a p h y . " See A p p e n d i x B .

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flowers. A n d the flowering of genius is in large part (how large a p a r t it is impossible to say, but certainly to a very significant degree) determined by the cultural chemistry of the social soil. N o Vienna, no Beethoven. M o z a r t , composing at six and playing f o r royalty b e f o r e ten, could logically be taken as an example of an alleged peculiar genius of the Germanic peoples f o r musical expression. But whatever explanation may be given to M o z a r t , that explanation cannot overlook the fact that he was born and nurtured in Salzburg, the Salzburg of the nineteenth—not the ninth—century. So, too, with the N e g r o ' s musical expression in America. I t began with the sorrow songs. I t has reached its current zenith in swing music. T h e spirituals and the seculars were born of slavery. Stephen Foster, white, took many of the plantation melodies, cast them in wording appropriate to the pattern of master-slave relationships, and gave them to America, an America which avidly welcomed these plaintive songs of sorrow that did not challenge the caste pattern. T h e F i s k Jubilee Singers with their superlative rendering of the songs of aspiration and longing, of sorrow and yearning, sang their way into the consciousness of two continents, and set the pattern still used by many N e g r o colleges in winning Caucasian approval and contributions. T h e birth of j a z z and the development of swing further testify to the manner in which Caucasian America welcomes the N e g r o as he contributes a cultural strain which is so frankly and openly "Negroid." I t is impossible to say whether the acceptance is based more on the intrinsic merit of the musical contribution or upon the fact that the marked difference between these musical forms and the established classical norms does not imply "musical equality." T h e r e is a degree to which the contribution of the N e g r o to American culture has been successful primarily because it either coincided with, or did not openly challenge, the dominant ideas of what was appropriate f o r a lower caste. On the other hand, the recognition accorded N e g r o artists on the basis of their work has an important

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b e a r i n g upon the self-respect of the g r o u p . T h e r e are those w h o feel, with some justification, t h a t any activity which ministers to the self-respect of the N e g r o is distinctly valuable; but o t h e r s will a r g u e t h a t self-respect which is b o u g h t at the price of c o n f o r m i t y to caste is t o o dearly purchased — t h a t self-respect ought to be a by-product of struggle against caste. T h e s e l a t t e r would sharply challenge the " r i g h t n e s s " of c o n f o r m i t y t o cultural and artistic stereotypes. T h e y would not necessarily rule out the possibility of using highly stylized m o d e s of expression which are p r e d o m i n a n t l y " N e g r o i d " in connotation, but they would object t o the use of such m o d e s if their use tended to p e r p e t u a t e invidious caste implications. T h e t a s k b e f o r e the curriculum-makers, then, is one of finding o u t h o w to teach racial self-respect without the necessity of buying t h a t self-respect at the price of caste-conformity; and a t the same time t o recover the values of a racial cultural h e r i t a g e w i t h o u t conjuring up the sociological p h e n o m e n a which a r e historically associated with the emergence of t h a t h e r i t a g e . H o w to e n j o y the spirituals and seculars as folk songs, w i t h o u t implying t h a t the singer is recalling with pleasure the days of slavery out of which they came; h o w to acknowledge the N e g r o ' s g i f t t o America without a d m i t t i n g a special " N e g r o i d " s t a t u s ; h o w t o achieve the values of cult u r a l richness a n d diversity t h r o u g h g r o u p differences without s u r r e n d e r i n g the values of f r e e d o m and e n j o y m e n t which can come only t h r o u g h i n t e g r a t i o n ; how to enable the N e g r o A m e r i c a n t o be b o t h a N e g r o and an A m e r i c a n — t h e s e are curricular p r o b l e m s b e f o r e the functional college. T h e p a r t i c u l a r pertinence of this racial-emphasis p r o b l e m t o the l a r g e r question of t r a n s m i t t i n g t h e social h e r i t a g e lies in the f a c t t h a t the answers to both questions must be discovered t o g e t h e r . T h e N e g r o student must see t h a t both his A f r i c a n and his Caucasian ancestry have s h a r e d in the m a k i n g of the cultural h e r i t a g e into which he as an individual is now introduced. H e must a p p r o p r i a t e the values of this inclusive h u m a n h e r i t a g e , with a cultivated ability to discriminate between the t r a n s i t o r y and the enduring, the trivial and the

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consequential, the ephemeral and the significant. And he must come to see t h a t as a N e g r o he is also an American, and that the proper phrase is " N e g r o American" not "American N e g r o . " A successful social orientation of the problem of transmission of cultures, both inherited and contemporary, would weigh all problems against the counterbalance of caste. T h e appropriation of the cultural heritage and the enrichment of contemporary culture will go hand in hand with the attempt to make caste irrelevant. A high appreciation of the cultural heritage of the N e g r o , both the A f r i c a n and the American background, will not necessarily rule out an equally high appreciation of the non-Negro heritage. T h e amalgam of civilization certainly is not Caucasoid. It is human. T h e N e g r o needs to have no feeling either of inferiority, or of resentment, or of superiority, as he enters into the fullest participation and appreciation of all that is his as an American citizen—as a world citizen. T h e ferris wheel of civilization brings different national and racial groups to the zenith at successive periods of history. Let not him whose car is temporarily at the top forget t h a t he ascended as others declined; and let not him who ascends think too long of the fact that others precede him. T h e teaching materials of the functional college will be selected because they enrich and ennoble life. T h e experiences which are planned and executed, the selections made f r o m the storehouse of history, the artistic and aesthetic materials utilized, the religious and ethical insights developed, the judgments made and the values accepted, the life attitudes formed and the habits built, will be calculated to enrich the life of the N e g r o student because they enable him to enrich the life of his fellow human beings, to enrich all and to impoverish none. STRUCTURAL VARIETY

T h e how and the what of teaching will not conform to one standardized p a t t e r n in all the institutions of higher learning f o r Negroes. W i t h i n the general f r a m e w o r k of the functional college, each institution pursues its own particular b e n t ;

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a n d t o the d e g r e e t h a t it successfully shares in the function of reconstructing society, each institution will enjoy l a r g e r f r e e d o m to w o r k out its own destiny. T h e r e is a close parallel between e n l a r g e d individual f r e e d o m and enhanced institutional l i b e r t y — b o t h come as by-products of the struggle f o r justice, equity, and decency in society. T h e functional l a n d - g r a n t college will t h e r e f o r e be a b e t t e r l a n d - g r a n t college because it is discharging its social function. T h e liberal a r t s college finds its l a r g e r release when it directly a t t a c k s the illiberal and inartistic caste structure. T e a c h ers colleges and p r o f e s s i o n a l schools enlarge their own opportunities f o r training and placing effective w o r k e r s when they a t t a c k the f o r t r e s s of their present difficulties in the racial b a r r i e r s . T h e p r i v a t e schools find their raisoti d'etre in intelligent r e f u s a l to c o n f o r m t o the m o r e s of caste. T h e statecontrolled institutions find t h a t their o w n f u t u r e and effectiveness a r e p e r m a n e n t l y enhanced not by short-sighted c o n f o r m i t y to legislators a n d politicians but by f a r - s i g h t e d and statesmanlike cultivation of state officials and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s in g r o w t h away f r o m the t y r a n n y of caste c o n f o r m i t y . T h e functional notion also heightens the meaning of o t h e r s t r u c t u r a l p a t t e r n s . T h e p r e s e n t f o u r - y e a r college m a y not be the p e r m a n e n t p a t t e r n of h i g h e r education in America. T h e junior college a n d the university m a y conceivably squeeze f r o m their respective ends, a n d largely eliminate the present u n d e r g r a d u a t e college. But if the u n d e r g r a d u a t e college goes, w h a t e v e r takes its places in the educational structure will be faced with the same weight of caste, and only as its whole educational philosophy and practice a r e oriented to the need of discharging its social function, will the new institution find its m o s t significant o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r service a n d g r o w t h . Similarly, the f u t u r e of t h e subject-matter p a t t e r n s in the liberal a r t s colleges a p p e a r s to be a m a t t e r of some conject u r e at the m o m e n t . T h e so-called " G e n e r a l E d u c a t i o n M o v e m e n t " which is coming over the h o r i z o n will probably have a m a r k e d influence u p o n the liberal colleges which survive the nutcracker p r e s s u r e s of junior college and university.

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S o m e colleges will h a v e a four-year logical sequence of courses, combining required and elective w o r k . Some will h a v e an entirely individualized curricular pattern, f o l l o w i n g implicitly the needs of the u n f o l d i n g experience of each student. Some will h a v e a 2-2 sequence, using the first half of the college course to lay b r o a d basic foundations and the second half to d i g deeply into one field of concentration. Some will w o r k on the principle of alternation between general and special, guiding the student f r o m one to the other in a ladder process of action and interaction f o r g r o w t h . Some will e v o l v e a 1 - 2 - 1 sequence, letting the first y e a r be b r o a d l y e x p l o r a t o r y and inf o r m a t i v e , aimed at acquaintance; the second and third y e a r s a p e r i o d of concentration and specialization; and the last y e a r one of integration and synthesis, again in b r o a d terms. Still others will g o onto a five-year basis leading directly to the M a s t e r ' s degree, and utilizing some combination or variant of the patterns just mentioned. It is to be hoped that educators will encourage variety and experimentation in educational structure and p r o g r a m as well as in technique and proc e d u r e — b u t it is also to be hoped that s e g r e g a t e d colleges will increasingly see that their ability to realize any educational objective is inextricably bound up with their effectiveness in unloosing the binding cords of caste. T h e future of the colleges with their staffs a n d students, the future of the N e g r o A m e r i c a n and the white A m e r i c a n , that future of peace and plenty and creativity in living, w a i t upon the success of all high-minded efforts to make the w a y straight and to level the mountains of difficulty.

XIV PROPHETIC

EDUCATION

Whatever else one may have learned, if he comes into the World from his Schooling and Masters, quite unacquainted with the Nature, Rank and Condition, of Mankind, and the Duties of human Life . . . he is not educated ; he is not prepared for the World; he is not qualified for Society. . . . The Way therefore to judge whether Education be on a right Footing or not, is to compare it with the END; or to consider what it does in order to accomplish Youth for choosing and behaving well in the various Conditions, Relations, and Incidents of Life.

GEORGE T U R N B U L L

(1742)

T W O H U N D R E D years ago, a chaplain to English royalty insisted that liberal education must be taken out o f the cloister and made to serve the needs o f society. H i s yardstick f o r measuring the value o f education (quoted in part at the opening of this c h a p t e r ) 1 was the degree to which the graduate was "qualified f o r Society," knowing well the " N a t u r e , Rank, and Condition o f M a n k i n d , " in o r d e r t h a t he might " b e h a v e well in the various Conditions, Relations, and Incidents o f L i f e . " T h e purpose o f the college was to train young men to fulfill satisfactorily the duties o f their particular social stations. H e r e was education to serve a certain type o f social n e e d — t h e need for conformity in a society which was thought to be static. A n opposite point o f view is demanded by the present American situation. Education is to serve the needs o f society — y e s . T h e student is to understand the nature, rank, and conditions o f mankind—yes. But the needs o f society are to be thought o f not in terms of servile c o n f o r m i t y but in terms o f prophetic attack in behalf o f enlargement o f life f o r all people, black and white, and (instrumental t o this end) release from the bonds o f caste. T h e understanding o f the stratification of men in classes and castes is to be expressed not in blind acceptance o f the status quo, but in a critical analysis o f it. H e r e is education to serve the needs o f a dynamic society by helping to make it possible f o r social evolution to move toward enlarged opportunities f o r optimum living for all. Turnbull would have had education come out o f its monastic cloister t o serve social need. S o far, he was right. B u t 1 From George Turnbull, Observations on Liberal Education, p. 175, quoted in Benjamin Franklin's Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania, p. 32.

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Turnbull interpreted social need in terms of conformity to an eighteenth-century aristocracy; and in this, while he may have been more or less right for his day, to follow his lead in a twentieth-century democracy would be anachronistic. T o the degree that the American college harks back to an eighteenthcentury English tradition f o r its social orientation, it is outmoded. But the authentic eighteenth-century American tradition demands that education be socially potent. Education f o r democracy can be neither cloistered nor servile; it must be prophetic. T o be effectively prophetic, the college needs the best obtainable f r a m e of reference f o r social orientation. T h i s book is an attempt to work toward supplying that need for one group of colleges. T h e writer claims neither omniscience nor infallibility, nor does he expect his writing to revolutionize American education. H e does dare to hope, however, that here and there a college may find in these pages some suggestions or insights which have meaning and value, some valid contributions to the social orientation of higher education. THREE GENERAL INFERENCES FOR EDUCATION

i. T h e data herein reviewed appear to lead to the inference that there need be no fundamental differences between the colleges best suited to Negroes and the colleges best suited to whites. T h e stuff of human nature is generally the same regardless of race. Individual differences do not follow racial p a t t e r n s ; all Americans increasingly share a common social and cultural heritage; and while the post-collegiate opportunities and experiences of whites and Negroes may not now be identical in American society, in the main they are similar; and the functional college anticipates the time when there will be no racial disparities in opportunities to make a living, to enjoy life, and to contribute to the welfare and happiness of mankind. T h e college designed to serve best the needs of N e g r o youth will therefore be very much like a college which might be designed to serve best the needs of American youth in general (though not necessarily like many colleges now existing).

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2. A contrary inference is also indicated by the data, an inference which qualifies the first. T h e r e are some points at which the segregated college will be different in emphasis or procedure f r o m the nonsegregated—not, however, f o r biological or racial reasons. T h e N e g r o college will be somewhat different f r o m the non-Negro college in certain respects because, American society being inequitable, the N e g r o needs to know more, to be better prepared and equipped, more finely sensitized in his social sympathies, and more completely developed in social intelligence and social maturity than his white brother, merely to win his way to normal happiness and constructive living in the face of the odds of caste, and simply to repay his social obligation in spite of the difficulties of American life. T h e N e g r o college needs to provide training f o r workers in a minority group working to improve its status and opportunities. T h i s it does in addition to the tasks it shares in common with the nonsegregated colleges. T h e differences are matters of addition, not of subtraction. 3. In so f a r as its methods are sound, its insights useful, and its procedures satisfactory, the segregated college which seriously sets itself to the discharge of its social function may possibly, as a by-product, render a wider service to higher education in general. T h e problem of building self-controlled, socially-minded, ethically sensitive, vigorous men and women who are habituated in the processes of social intelligence is not peculiar to the N e g r o college. Again, the implementing of democracy in collegiate procedure is of concern not solely to the segregated institution. T h e r e f o r e , the segregated college which builds sanely, soundly, and adventurously in the performance of its social function may find that its achievements shape the prototype of a T r o j a n horse by which American education can help to conquer the citadel of a professedly democratic, but essentially undemocratic and unethical society. One final word. T h e r e are those who inquire whether the N e g r o college can safely take the risks involved in the discharge of its social function. A t this early stage in its evolu-

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tion, when it is scarcely half a century old in full collegiate stature, is the segregated college well enough established to run the h a z a r d of eccentricity or of failure? A r e there enough first-rate standard colleges open to Negroes, so that the group can afford to have some of its institutions leave the beaten track, without jeopardizing the higher educational opportunities of N e g r o youth? These are questions to be weighed carefully. In reply, let another question be posed. Let it be asked whether the situation we face does not indicate that unless the N e g r o colleges are ready to abandon much that is in the mummery of the standardized college in order to become socially effective, they will actually work to miseducate, thwart, and misdirect N e g r o youth. T h e nonfunctional college is not merely irrelevant, it is miseducative and parasitical. In fact, the nonfunctional college f o r Negroes is traitorous. It acquiesces in the day-by-day defeat of the desires and aspirations of the Negro, and thereby miseducatively consents to the social stultification by which America is denied a contribution which might be made by one-tenth of its people. W e dare to hope that some colleges will wish to fulfill their social function, that they will wish to become prophetic rather than monastic or servile. H i g h e r education will become effectively prophetic when not only its f o r m a l instruction, but equally its structure and procedures are redirected by the best available group thinking, with the aim of employing all the strength of critical intelligence, all the stamina of the human spirit, all the resources of ethical religion in the prophetic venture. Both by precept and by practice the college then foreshadows the society it foresees.

APPENDIX COTTON AND

A

LYNCHINGS

In reality, lynchings come out of the state of mind of white people much more than out of the crimes committed by Negroes.

— A R T H U R RAPER

T H E purpose of this note is to examine the relationship between annual fluctuations in the per acre income of the cotton grower and annual fluctuations in the number of lynchings of Negroes by whites in cotton states. There are three levels of phenomena which can be distinguished: ( I ) the excuses given for lynchings ; ( 2 ) the actual occasions for lynchings; and ( 3 ) the underlying causes. T h e excuses usually have some relationship to the occasions, though not necessarily so; but usually neither excuses nor overt occasions are related directly to causes. It is necessary to drive back of excuses and occasions to underlying causes, to show the basic relationship of economic processes and race attitudes. I. The excuses given.—It is popularly believed that lynchings commonly occur in retaliation for rape. T h e facts are that less than 2 0 per cent of all Negroes lynched have even been accused of rape. More than four-fifths of the excuses given have been other matters. 1 Moreover, in the cases where rape is alleged, there is strong presumptive evidence pointing to the conclusion that the "proneness to hysteria evidenced among white women where Negroes are concerned is undoubtedly a prominent factor in starting the mob after 'a Negro.' " 2 Again, Johnson has shown 3 that there is scant justification for the myth that Negroes 1 " I t m a y be assumed with f u l l s a f e t y that in every case where there w a s the slightest intimation or suspicion of r a p e or attempted rape upon a w h i t e woman, n e w s p a p e r accounts would mention the fact. For the purpose of g i v i n g the lynchers e v e r y benefit of the doubt let us include the 237 Negroes ( 9 . 4 % ) lynched f o r 'attacks upon women' with the 477 lynched f o r alleged rape. T h e greatest possible total is therefore 7 1 4 Negroes who can be charged with rape, alleged rape, attempted rape, suspicion of rape, or of offenses of any nature h o w e v e r slight, against a white w o m a n , out of a total of 2522 lynched f o r all offenses (between 1889 and 1 9 1 8 ) . T h e m a x i m u m therefore would be 28.3 per cent, or less than one in three victims. I f w e confine ourselves to cases w h e r e Negroes w e r e specifically c h a r g e d with r a p e , the number of such accusations f a l l s to slightly less than one in f i v e . " W a l t e r White, Rope and Faggot, p. 253. 'Ibid., p. 58: " I n the g r e a t majority of cases where rape or attempted rape is alleged, the w o m e n can be d i v i d e d into f o u r classes: young girls r a n g i n g f r o m the ages of t w e l v e or thirteen to nineteen or twenty years of age, passing through the difficult period of adolescence; second (and this includes a considerable percentage of the a l l e g e d victims of attacks), women who range in a g e f r o m the middle forties u p w a r d s ; third, w o m e n who h a v e been m a r r i e d f o r many y e a r s and usually to rather unattractive husbands; and fourth, spinsters." • J a m e s W e l d o n Johnson, " T h e L y n c h i n g Shame," Current History, XIX ( J a n u a r y , 1 9 2 4 ) , 596-601.

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are irresponsible in sex attitudes and prone to rape the number of lynched Negroes accused of rape throughout the entire South is less than the actual of N e w Y o r k C i t y alone who were indicted for evidence submitted to the N e w Y o r k G r a n d J u r y .

white w o m e n ; f o r in a given period number of citizens first-degree rape on

W h i t e points out 4 that the Negro's alleged propensity for rape and sex crimes was unheard of in the United States prior to 1 8 3 0 although Negroes were first brought into the country in 1 6 1 9 , and numbered 1 , 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 in 1 8 2 0 . D u r i n g these two centuries of rapidly developing N e g r o population, charges of rape against Negroes were unknown, although there was ample opportunity for the commission of such crimes. T h e accusation of rape and sex crimes against the Negro appears suddenly with the sharply increased demand for cheap labor which came at a time when the invention of the cotton gin suddenly made the plantation system of growing cotton a highly lucrative enterprise—lucrative as long as labor costs could be kept at the slave level. A n d as the technique of mob violence came to be relied upon more and more as a means of intimidating and controlling the N e g r o population, justification of the lynchings was sought in a gargantuan build-up of the sex myth. Vehement condemnation of lynchings from Southern and Northern whites w h o disagreed with the practice brought more and more frequent charges of rape in defense of increasing mob brutality. It is this line of evidence which leads to the question whether the reasons for the dominance of sex as a factor in lynchings centers principally in one objective—the economic ascendancy of whites over Negro labor. W i l l i a m Pickens has described the rape-lynching myth as "simply the shrewdest battle cry of the forces seeking the economic domination of the N e g r o . . . . T h e average man, even the most brainless, may be moved by i t , " and thus sex is used as " a red herring . . . whenever one discusses the economic, political or civic advancement of the N e g r o . " 5 B u t even if the f u l l force of the alleged rape accusation were granted, it still remains true that about four-fifths of all the lynchings must be accounted f o r in some other manner. T h e list of excuses given for lynchings ranges from the preposterous through the absurd to the ridiculous. Perhaps an all-time high in obvious untruth is the case in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, where a helpless paralytic, confined to a wheel chair, was lynched " f o r rape." A N e g r o is lynched for refusing to give evidence; he is lynched for giving evidence. H e is lynched for " r u n n i n g " ; he is lynched for staying where he is and refusing to run. H e is lynched for being related to a criminal; he is lynched for " c o n j u r i n g . " H e is lynched f o r "introducing smallpox" and for "poisoning mules." T h e 4 White, op. cit., pp. 88 f. • Op. cit., p. 76.

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f o l l o w i n g c o m p i l a t i o n of t h e e x c u s e s — n o t c a u s e s — a l l e g e d f o r l y n c h i n g s o v e r the last h a l f c e n t u r y is m a d e f r o m the r e p o r t s of

the

National

A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the A d v a n c e m e n t of C o l o r e d P e o p l e , a n d in e v e r y c a s e this m e a n s s i m p l y a s t a t e m e n t of the e x c u s e w h i c h w a s r e p o r t e d in t h e press at the t i m e the m o b m u r d e r w a s c o m m i t t e d : R e f u s i n g to give evidence T e s t i f y i n g in c o u r t Poisoning mules Eloping with a g i r l J i l t i n g a girl U s i n g abusive language B a d reputation D i s o r d e r l y conduct T h r o w i n g stones Unpopularity Enticing a servant a w a y Disputing a white man's w o r d Slapping a child Disobeying f e r r y regulations Running Colonizing N e g r o e s Conjuring K i l l i n g a horse Violation of contract R e f u s a l to pay a note Introducing smallpox T e s t i f y i n g f o r one of his o w n race B e i n g troublesome Q u a r r e l over profit sharing (five lynched) E x p r e s s i n g sympathy w i t h the m u r der of a white man (five lynched) J u m p i n g labor contract N o t turning out of road f o r white boy in automobile E x p r e s s i n g himself too f r e e l y r e g a r d ing lynching of a N e g r o

P a s s i n g c o u n t e r f e i t money Slapping a white w o m a n F i g h t i n g w i t h a white man O r g a n i z i n g sharecroppers' union T o o prosperous C o m m u n i s t i c activities K i l l e d in search of another W r i t i n g insulting note T a l k i n g disrespectfully to a w h i t e man P l a n n i n g to sue a white man in c o u r t T h r e a t e n i n g a white man T e s t i f y i n g against a white man A c t i v i t y in politics B e i n g related to a m u r d e r e r In the neighborhood when a posse w e n t by F r i g h t e n i n g children R e m a i n i n g in t o w n w h e r e N e g r o e s w e r e not allowed Defending a N e g r o In 4th of J u l y celebration M i s t a k e n identity R e l a t i v e of man lynched Shot by posse in search of another Insanity F o r w r i t i n g note to white w o m a n Boastful remarks T a l k i n g of C h i c a g o R i o t T r o u b l e between white and colored cotton mill w o r k e r s

F o r the y e a r 1 9 3 7 , the e x c u s e s g i v e n f o r the e i g h t l y n c h i n g s

were:

r a p e , one ; c r i m e a g a i n s t n a t u r e a n d r o b b e r y , one ; m u r d e r , f o u r ; w o u n d i n g officer of the l a w , t w o . A l l these p e r s o n s w e r e

in the c u s t o d y

of

the l a w ; three w e r e t a k e n f r o m j a i l s a n d five f r o m officers outside t h e j a i l s . T w o w e r e t o r t u r e d w i t h b l o w t o r c h e s w h i l e c h a i n e d to trees, a n d then one w a s shot. T h e o t h e r s b u r n e d t o d e a t h . 6 2.

The

occasions.—The

best a n a l y s i s of

the excuses, occasions,

and

* Report of the Department of Records and Research of Tuskegee Institute, J a n u a r y 1, 1938.

386

C O T T O N

A N D

L Y N C H I N G S

causes of Iynchings which has yet come from the press is The Tragedy of Lynching, written by a white Southerner, 7 and published under the auspices of the Southern Commission on the Study of Lynchings. I t is a case study of the twenty-one lynchings in 1930, a painstaking, caseby-case analysis of the sociology of mob violence. T h e interested reader cannot do better than acquaint himself with the 480 pages of evidence. T h e principal occasions for lynchings may be grouped under four general headings: Negro crime, white crime, economic duress, and other socio-economic disturbances. T h e list of excuses makes it fairly clear that not all lynchings can be connected with Negro crime; yet, undoubtedly, many lynchings are perpetrated because it is believed that a Negro has committed some crime. B u t to a certain extent, Negro crime is chargeable to the white group, because of lack of proper penal and judicial procedures for Negroes, and lack of educational and cultural advantages generally. A n d as Dollard has pointed out, 8 a good deal of N e g r o crime is a reflex of the caste system. T o lynch Negroes for crimes which are properly chargeable to the fact of caste is a bit of social irony worth nothing. A n d while it does not appear that there is a high correlation between the number of lynchings and fluctuations in the amount of N e g r o crime, 9 on the other hand, lynching, which is one form of white crime, does occur in the areas where the white crime rate is highest. 10 But both Negro and white crime rates relate to numerous other sociological factors. " T h e highest crime rates among both Negroes and whites usually occur at the lowest economic levels. 1 1 T h e Southern Commission's study concludes: " M o b s and lynchings eventually can be eliminated if the irresponsive and irresponsible population elements can be raised into a more abundant economic and cultural life." 1 2 A t the bottom of the whole sorry display of mob violence lies the stark fact of poverty—impoverished life, lack of education, lack of cultural opportunities, lack of money income to buy the basic necessities of life, lack of any adequate means of enjoying life. A n d the close relationship which appears between the annual fluctuations in economic conditions and the annual fluctuations in the number of lynchings is, as we shall 6ee, a fairly sensitive index of a basic interaction of economic processes and race attitudes. T o be sure, other socio-economic circumstances, such as strikes or international war, have repercussions in the lynching curve. T h e num* A r t h u r F. Raper, of A g n e s Scott College. "John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern • R a p e r , op. cit., pp. 33 ff and passim. K Ibid., esp. p. 33 n. " Ibid., p. 34. "Ibid., p. 38.

Town,

Ch. X I I I and

XIV.

COTTON

AND

L Y N C H I N G S

387

ber of lynchings rose sharply in 1 9 1 7 - 1 9 . As a matter of fact, anything which strongly affects the emotional overtone of life for the white population is likely to be the occasion for an increased number of lynchings. It is such facts as this which, with other evidence, lead to the conclusion that the real occasion for lynchings is the state of mind of white people. 13 T h e occasion may be anything which touches off- the latent antagonism—powder explodes, whether touched off with flint and steel or with an electric spark. B u t beneath this occasion is the latent antagonism itself—the underlying cause. 3. The causes of lynchings.—Beneath the occasions for lynching, which it appears are to be found principally in the state of mind of the lynchers, are the causes of the lynching mind-set, imbedded deep in the social fabric. A significant illustration of the general fact that the basic causes of lynchings are these underlying social factors is the correlation of fluctuations in the purchasing power of cotton growers' per acre income and fluctuations in the number of lynchings of Negroes by whites in cotton states. Race antagonisms, historically developed along lines of economic competition between racial groups distinguished by high visibility, are constantly present in the undercurrents of the social process. T h e caste system, constructed along racial lines, in terms of economic processes, thus appears as the actual cause of lynchings; and the annual variations indicate the degree of sensitivity of economic and racial factors within the caste framework. When times get bad, the resentment of the white group finds its expression, as we shall see, along well-grooved channels of social antagonism. Bad cotton years are nearly always accompanied by a rise in lynchings; better cotton years tend to be followed by a decline in lynchings. T h e following considerations justify the use of the purchasing power of the cotton growers' per acre income as a rough index of fluctuations in economic conditions in the cotton states. T h e South is predominantly rural. Cotton is the principal cash crop, dominating everything else. 14 Annual fluctuations in cotton prices result in changes in farmers' incomes which subject rural populations to great vicissitudes. Not merely low incomes, but tragically irregular incomes, are the rule. " I n a typical farm, considering the income of each year as successively 100, the average deviation of each year as compared to the previous one was 82% over a period of sixteen years." 1 5 In this economic sea of high billows and deep troughs, the mariner rides with a tiny boat and no reserve supplies. Nearly one-fourth of the income of the average tenant farmer " See A r t h u r R a p e r , The Mob Still Rides, p. 23, quoted in part at the opening of this A p p e n d i x . 11 R . B . Vance, Human Geography of the South, pp. 177, 185, 186, zoo. u Ibid„ p. 195.

388

COTTON

AND

L Y N C H I N GS

TABLE

6

A N N U A L DEVIATIONS FROM N O R M A L T R E N D IN THE P E R A C R E INCOME OF THE COTTON PRODUCER IN THE H A L F C E N T U R Y

YEAR

1S85 1886 1887 1888 1889

(I)

I8QO

1891 1802 189J 1894 1895 1896 ««97

1898 «899 1900 lgoi igoi 1903 1904 «90S 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 191 z 1913 191J 1914 191s IGI6

1917 >918 «919 1920 >931 Z922 «923 «924 192s X926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 »932

PES ACRE PES ACSE PRODUCERS' INCOME OP PRODUCTION PUCE PES PRODUCES LB. AS OP OP COTTON (2) X (3) (AVERAGE) AUGUST IN IN CENTS IN LBS. DOLLARS

(2) 169 9 164 3 175 I 169 5 176 9 195 5 198 7 168.7 >75 3 219 0 172.2 175 2 209.0 223 I 18s 0 >94 7 163 2 184 7 169 9 213 7 182 3 202 3 172.9 203 8 • S6 S 176. 2 215.0 201.4 192 3 216.4 178.5 1656 167 4 164. z 165 9 186 7 >32 5 148 8 136 4 165 0 173 5 192 8 161.7 163 3 169. I 1570 211 5 173 3

(3) 8 39 8 06 8 55 8 50 8 55 8 59 7 24 8.34 7.00 4 59 7 62 6 66 6 68 5 73 6 98 9 IS 7 03 7 60 10 49 8.19 10 78 9 58 10 36 9.01 13 60 13 95 9.60 I I 49 12 50 7 36 I I . 22 17 34 24 12 28 93 35 41 15 92 17 01 22 03 28 69 22 91 19 59 12 47 20.19 17 99 16 79 9 46 S 66 6 52

U) 14 24 13 24 14 97 14 06 15 12 16 79 14 38 14 .06 12 37 10 05 13 u II 66 13 96 12 78 12 98 17 81 n i l 14 03 17 82 19 19 19 65 19 38 17.81 18 36 21 28 24 57 20.64 13 14 2403 IS 92 20 02 28.72 4S 40 47 47 58.7S 29 72

22.53 34 03 39 13 37 80 33 98 24 04 32 64 29 37 28.39 14 8s 11.97

11.29

ENDING 1 9 3 2 ( 1 9 1 7 - 1 8

APPROXIMATE TREND (PIVE-YEAS MOVING AVEBAGE)

"TBUE" TSEND (SMOOTH CUBVE)

(5)

(6)

>4 14 15 14 14

33 84 07 88 52

13 51

12 78 12 23 12. 21 12 31 12 90 13 04 13 87 13 »8 14 89 16 13 16 50 18 01 >8 79 18 90 19 32 20 30 20 55 21 60 22.73 21 66 22.69 22 77 26 82

14 15 15 14 14 13 12 12 12 12 12 12 13 14 15

46 22 29 88 46 37 9S 52 56 56 68 93 21 42 03 IS 82 16 79 17 75 18 58 19. 21 19 86 20.08 21.07 21 34 21.84 21 43 21.62 22 07 25 82

OMITTED)'

ANNUAL DEVIATIONS OP PES ACRE INCOME PBOM THE "TRUE" TSEND

(4) " (6)

+

-

(7)

(8)

• 40 . 10 I . SO

.60 I 50

. 10 05 4.60 2 00 2 40 1 90 .80 I.IO

3 SO I 30 3.50

•50 .40 1.00 3 go • 70

3.40 i .00

i 40 1 50 .70 5 70

2 90

3 OS

31 SI

48 07 42.01 40.73 38 . SO 36.81 32 64 33 49 33 80 33 5> 31 S7 29 63 25 86 23 44 19.17

41 75 38 72 37 03 35 93 34 73 34 20 33 98 32 94 30 54

28 27 26. 29 23 35 19 67

I7.OO

4 40 3 60 .00 2 10

9.00 14 SO I 90

8.90

1.10

2. IO

8.so 7 70

• B a s i c data from the United States Department of Agriculture Year Book, 1935.

COTTON

AND

L Y N C H I N G S

389

goes to support the credit superstructure which advances his eight months of supplies and rations while he waits for the crop. Any cut in his income is a serious matter. He feels it, and so do his neighbors. A decline in the cotton growers' income per acre is an acute index of his state of mind—that state of mind out of which comes the tendency to lynch. Table 6 gives the data for constructing the index of cotton growers' income. 16 T h e data of columns 2 and 3 are found in the Year Book of Agriculture, 1935 (United States Government Printing Office), pages 425-26. T h e approximate trend ( 5 ) is calculated by a computed five-year moving average centered to determine the trend point for the fourth year of each successive group. This method of determining the statistical trend is selected because placing the trend point opposite the third year of each group would have permitted the trend index to reach two years into the future, whereas the psychological fact calls for a trend which is primarily connected with the past. If the logic of this last statement were pressed, it would call for centering on the fifth year of the group; but this would act to vitiate the statistical result. Therefore the fourth year is used. T h e "true" trend, column 6, is estimated by plotting the data of columns 4 and 5, and running a smooth curve guided by the points of the approximate trend. Measuring the difference between the points determined by the figures of column 4 and the corresponding points on the smooth curve of the "true" trend gives the data of columns 7 and 8. In no case does the use of the " t r u e " trend rather than the approximate trend give the deviation of this index a position with reference to the lynchings index which is relatively different from what it would have been if the approximate trend had been used. T h e years 1 9 1 7 and 1 9 1 8 are omitted from the computations because the W o r l d W a r interfered with the normal relationship between the fluctuations in cotton income and lynchings, causing both factors to rise rapidly together, as is shown in Figure 8. Table 6 may be read as follows: Column 6, the "true" trend, fairly well represents the basic level on which the cotton grower is forced to subsist over a period of years. Any betterment of his condition is indicated by a deviation above the trend, in column 7 ; while the figures of column 8 point to the years in which he was forced to live below the level of income indicated by the trend. Thus, in 1888, the per acre income of the cotton grower was $.40 below the trend. In 1889 't bad gone up to only $ . 1 0 below the trend; in 1890 it rose to $ 1 . 5 0 above " A f t e r all work on this index, and its correlation with the lynching index, had been completed, The Tragedy of Lynching came into my hands, c a r r y i n g on p. 3 1 a brief analysis of the same facts, but without f u l l supporting data. I h a v e thought it worth while to give a somewhat fuller account of the matter, particularly because my results differ f r o m W o o f t e r ' s .

C O T T O N

390

A N D

L Y N C H I N G S

the trend, only to f a l l sharply to $ . 5 0 below the trend in 1 8 9 1 — a n d so on. T h e figures of columns 7 and 8 may be read as a rough index of the fluctuations of the per acre income of the cotton grower above and below the normal trend. I t is possible to make one further refinement of the data for the period beginning 1 9 1 0 . T h e United States Department of Agriculture 1 7 furnishes the index value of the American farmers' dollar in terms of his annual cost of living and production since 1 9 1 0 . T a b l e 7 shows the results of translating the per acre income of the cotton grower into T A B L E

7

A N N U A L D E V I A T I O N S FROM N O R M A L T R E N D IN T H E P E R A C R E I N C O M E OF T H E C O T T O N PRODUCER,

1910-32,

CORRECTED

FOR C O S T OF L I V I N G

AND

PRODUCTION

ANNUAL PER YEAR

ACRE

INCOME

OF

PRODUCER

INDEX

OF

PURCHASING P O W E R "

PURCHASING OF

FIVE-YEAR

VALUE INCOME

MOVING AVERAGE

DEVIATION6 SMOOTH

(IN DOLLARS)

CURVE

+ (I) 1910

(3)

¿24-57

98

(4) $25-55

1911

20.64

101

1912

23.14

IOO

23.I4

24-03

101

15.92

IOO

23.91 15.92

1915

19 97

105

1916

28.50

1917 1918

1913 1914

(5)

(6)

-

(8)

(7)

20.54 ¿22.21

¿21.91

20.59

21.42

2 .00

19.48

21.31

21 .98

124

24.08

23.48

.60

4S-30

23-47

149

33

98

24.17

47.40

176

29-39

26.71 2.90

5-50 2.50

1919

58.60

202

28.72

26.00

25.82

1920

29.72

201

14.86

24.93

24.86

1921

"•53

16.68

23.03

23 .

1922

34.03

26.52

23.17

23.42

3.10

1923

39-13

28.96

25.04

24.51

4-45

1924

37.80

28.18

24.96

25.08

3 .10

1925

33 9 8 24.04

24-47 17-55

25.14

10.00

1927

32.64

1928

29-37

1929 1930

28.39 14.85

152 149 152 152 157 155 153 155 «53 145

11.69

17-77

17.69

6.00

1931

11.97

124

10.54

15.11

I5.O4

4.50

1932

11

107

10.84

as reported

in t h e W o r l d

1926

' United

29

States

Department

24.16

23.16

25.17 24-55 23 . 2 6

21.45

21.73

21 .50

21.01

19.17

I9.81

of Agriculture,

1 9 3 6 , p. 3 6 5 . b

W a r years omitted.

" World Almanac

L8

(1936), p. 365.

24.66

6.50

•70 7.00 .90

•OS i . 20

Almanac,

C O T T O N

A N D

L Y N C H I N G S

391

purchasing power in accordance with this index. I t is unfortunate f o r the present study that comparable indices of the farmers' cost of living and production are not available for the period from 1 8 9 0 to 1 9 1 0 because, as we shall see, the statistical significance of the correlation of our two factors is markedly higher when the per acre income is corrected in terms of purchasing power. I n spite of the roughness of the data and the simplicity of the mathematical methods used, the result is a suggestive picture of the import of the annual fluctuations in terms of the position of the cotton g r o w e r above or below the long-term trend. T h e deviations f r o m the longterm trend are therefore a useful rough index of the special state of mind of the cotton grower in any particular year, as to whether he feels pinched and resentful, or whether he feels a measure of enlargement of his narrowing w o r l d — a bit of psychological elbow room. T h e index of overt race tension is constructed in a manner not dissimilar to the foregoing process. First of all, there appears to be no reason f o r believing that in normal times factors other than the economic situation fluctuate annually in accompaniment to annual fluctuations in the number of lynchings. T h e period of the W o r l d W a r was marked by a striking increase in the number of lynchings at the same time that cotton prices soared on a war-boom market (see F i g u r e 8 ) ; but these abnormal years of race hysteria, in which, f o r example, Negroes were sometimes lynched for returning home in the uniform of the United States army, illustrate the fact that such extraneous factors do not normally fluctuate in accompaniment to the changed number of lynchings. W h i t e , 1 8 in his excellent book on lynchings studies a number of factors, mainly geographical in context and not connected with a timescquence. H e reports a correlation of lynchings and evangelical fundamentalism; but none of the factors he studies fluctuate annually to the accompaniment of annual variations in the number of lynchings. If these and other noneconomic factors influence lynchings, it is a longterm, more or less continuous pressure which is absorbed in the minimum continuing mass of lynchings below the trend line in our index. O n the other hand, certain factors give strong presumptive reason for looking for a significant correlation of the cotton income and lynching factors. F i r s t , lynchings are typically a rural phenomenon. T h u s , in 1 9 3 5 , for example, not one N e g r o was lynched in a large city, or from a large city. Six lynchings occurred in counties in which w e r e located towns of eight to fourteen thousand population; but in every instance the lynching took place in the smaller towns or in the open country. T h e largest urban community involved was O x f o r d , Mississippi, w i t h a total population of 3,890. T h e other lynchings all took 19

White, op. cit.

392

C O T T O N

A N D

L Y N C H I N G S

place in counties in which the largest town was 2 , 5 0 0 or less. In the seventy counties where occurred eighty-four lynchings in a five-year period, the only cities appearing were Vicksburg, Jackson, Birmingham, and St. J o s e p h . 1 9 T h i s fact means that fluctuations in the income of cotton growers and fluctuations in lynchings in the cotton belt are in the same social context. Both are predominantly rural phenomena. Secondly, the counties in which lynchings occur are relatively the poorer counties of their states, indicating that the whites as well as the Negroes in lynching counties live very close to the poverty line, probably below it. In 1 9 3 5 the per capita value of products from farm and factory combined w a s below the respective state averages in four-fifths of the lynching counties, and in nearly four-fifths of them the per capita value of taxable property w a s below the state average. T h e per capita bank deposits and revenue receipts were below the state averages in ninetenths of the counties in which lynchings occurred. T h e per capita retail trade was below the state averages in over four-fifths. Three-fourths of the counties had relatively fewer automobiles than their states, fourfifths had f e w e r electric subscribers, five-sixths had fewer income tax returns and f e w e r telephones. 20 T h u s , a drop in returns to cotton growers thrusts thousands of farmers below the poverty line on which they have precariously h u n g ; and this happens in the rural areas where the lynchings also occur. If there is a rough correspondence in fluctuations of per acre income of cotton growers and the number of lynchings of Negroes (as w e shall see that there is), this correspondence may well be indicative of a significant relationship between economic conditions and race attitudes. Reliable statistics on lynchings are available beginning with the year 1 8 8 9 . 2 1 T a b l e 8 shows the manner of computing the index for annual deviations in the number of lynchings. T h e fact that the Federal F a r m B o a r d activities destroyed the validity of the market prices of cotton as an index of f a r m e r s ' cash income for 1 9 3 1 and succeeding years, terminates the study with the year 1 9 3 0 . T h e interrelationship of the two indexes is shown graphically in F i g u r e 8. A study of the two curves, which show the trends and the annual fluctuations, suggests the hypothesis that in the period before the W o r l d W a r , where there was a sharp decline in cotton prices in a given year, there w a s an immediate increase in lynchings (as in 1 9 0 1 ) ; 19

A r t h u r R a p e r , The Mob Still Rides, p. 1 5 . Ibid., p. 1 5 . 11 T h e National Association for the Advancement of Colored People has made the most exhaustive search f o r statistics on lynchings. A n y bias this organization may show is a constant, h a v i n g nothing to do with the relationship of the figures to cotton prices. T h e N . A . A . C . P . has merely listed all the lynchings reported in the press. 20

COTTON

AND TABLE

ANNUAL

DEVIATIONS NEGROES

YEAR

FROM

NORMAL

BY W H I T E S

NUMBER OF NEGROES LYNCHED IM TEN SOUTHERN STATES

LYNCHINGS 8

TREND

IN

NUMBER

IN T E N S O U T H E R N S T A T E S ,

APPROXIMATE TREND (FIVEYEAR MOVING AVERAGE)

"TRUE1 TREND (SMOOTH CURVE)

OF

(2) 76 68 91 H7 83 98 82 62 104 82 74 66 83 56 71 64 52 53 52 76 59 46 46 53 4° 36 4'

4' 39 59 65 36 51 5Ä 17 8 11 17 16 0 5 22 7 5

(3)

89 93 96 90 85 8s 80 77 81 72 70 68 65 59 58 59 58 57 55 56 48 44 43 42 39 43 49 48 50 53 45 33 28 23 13 12 II 13 11 9

0 4 2 4 8 6 8 6 6 2 0 0 2 2 4 4 4 2 8 0 8 2 4 4 6 4 2 O 0 4 0 6 6 8 8 2 6 8 8 6

(5)

90 O 93 2 95 0 91 O 88 O 85 O 82 O 79 0 76 O 74 0 70 8 67 0 65 0 62 0 59 6 58 2 58 0 57 0 56 8 54 0 48.5 45 5 43 0 40 5 40 0 42 8

37 0

0 5 5 0 5 5 5 0 0 0 0 2

or

ANNUAL DEVIATION OF NUMBER OF LYNCHINGS PROM THE "TRUE" TREND 12) - 141

(4)

SI 47 45 36 28 20 IS 12 12 12 II 9

LYNCHINGS

1889-1932*

+ (I) 1889 1890 189I L8«> 1893 «894 189S 1896 1897 1898 1899 igoo I (JO I 1902 1903 1904 190s 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 191a 1913 1914 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1930 1931 1932

393

30

-

(6)

10. 2 90 26.0

19.0 .0 50 10.0 90 14 8 4.0 1.0 10.0 6 6 61 18 0 2.0 10 8 8.0 4 S 5 5 70 I-5 1.0 3 8

15 0 3 5 10.5 19.0 20. S 9 S IS 4.0 30 7 0 I I .0 2.2

• Basic d a t a f r o m t h e r e p o r t s of t h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n for t h e A d v a n c e m e n t of Colored People.

ronON "

GROWERS' PER ACRE INCOME

ANNUAL

WfMD

fLUClUAHONi

PURCHASING POWER OF COTTON GROWERS' PER ACRE INCOME ANNUAL

ftUCnjATIONS

(if NO LYNCHINGS Of NEGROES BV WHTES _—ANNUM IKND

iiuauAiiONS

FIGURE 8 T R E N D IN PER ACRE INCOME OF COTTON GROWERS AND ANNUAL FLUCTUATIONS FROM T H E T R E N D ; T R E N D IN NUMBER OF LYNCHINGS OF NEGROES AND ANNUAL F L U C T U A T I O N S FROM T H E TREND, 1888-1932; AND T R E N D IN P U R C H A S I N G POWER OF T H E COTTON GROWERS' PER A C R E INCOME W I T H ANNUAL FLUCTUATIONS, 1910-32

NCOMI DEVIATIONS HOOOA8S

A N N U A L DEVIATIONS IN PEP ACRE I N C O M E GROWER A N D NUMBER LYNCHED 8Y WHITES.

F R O M TREND Of COTTON O f NEGROES U9M9J0

COTTON PROOUCERS INCOME COMPUTED O N BASIS O f PRICES A S O f AUGUST IN THE YEAR INDICATED LYNCHWGS ARE FOR THE SUBSEQUENT CALENDAR YEAR

A N N U A L DEVIATIONS IN PURCHASING POWER INCOME Of COTTON NUM8ER O f NEGROES WHITES, «91 J-JO

DEVIATIONS FROM TRfNO

F R O M TREND O f PER ACRE GROWER A N D LYNCHED BY

COTTON

THE YEAR INDICATED IS THE YEAR IN WHICH THE COTTON C«OP W A S HARVESTED THE ANNUAL LYNCHJNGS ARE THOSE OF THE SUBSEOUENT CALENDAR YEAR IN GENERAL, W H E N ONE FACTOR 5 BELOW TR£ND THE OTHER TENDS TO BE A B O V E

PURCHASING POWER O f COTTON PROOUCER S INCOME COMPUTED O N BASIS Of COTTON PRICES A S O f AUGUST N THE YEAR INDICATED CORRECTED IN TERMS O f THE AVERAGE COST Of LIVING A M ) PRODUCTION FOR THAT YEAR LYNCHtNGS ARE FOR THE SUBSEOUENT W < > a r y w

FIGURE 9 A N N U A L D E V I A T I O N S FROM T R E N D S IN T W O F A C T O R S : PER A C R E INCOME OF C O T T O N PRODUCERS A N D NUMBER OF N E G R O E S L Y N C H E D IN SOUTHERN S T A T E S , 1891-1930

396

COTTON

AND

L Y N C H I N G S

that where the decline was not as sharp, there was a one-year lag in the decrease in lynchings (as in 1 9 0 7 ) ; that where there was a moderate decline which followed a single year of good prices which was preceded by a number of lean years (as in 1 8 9 1 ) , the increase in lynchings lagged one year; and that when a still further decline followed in 1894, the reserves of the farmers being completely exhausted, the curve of lynchings returned sharply and at once. It would appear from a cursory examination of the sections of the two curves for the pre-war period that, except in 1893 and 1896, a drop in the cotton index was followed by an increase in lynchings, principally within the twelve months of the following year. I f , now, the indexes of variation are brought together in graphic form, the meaning of the relationship becomes clearer. Figure 9 shows the deviations from trend in the two factors: (a) per acre income of cotton producers and (b) number of Negroes lynched by whites in the ten cotton states for the period 1 8 9 0 1 9 3 0 (World W a r years omitted). For comparative purposes, the figure also shows the deviations from trend of index (a) when corrected for purchasing power of the farmers' dollar for the period beginning 1 9 1 3 . T h e cotton production figures are computed on the basis of the price as of August in each calendar year, when the ginning begins. Lynchings are for the calendar year, January to December. T h e lynchings of each calendar year are therefore paired with the cotton income data of the preceding calendar year. T h e uniform pairing of the indexes for this one-year lag in Figure 9 does not recognize the actual situation, however, for in three cases (as comparison with Figure 8 makes clear) it has the effect of intruding sharp increases of lynchings back upon comparatively prosperous cotton years rather than of correlating these increases with the depression years which were so marked as to have an immediate influence upon the lynching curve, taking effect before the close of the calendar years. Thus, the sharp increases in lynchings in the years 1894, 1 9 0 1 , and 1930 are directly associated with drops in cotton income of these same calendar years; but the uniform allowances of a one-year lag does not recognize these exceptions. Statistical uniformity violates an important sociological fact. Aside from these three years in which a sudden decline in cotton was accompanied by an immediate rise in lynchings, Figure 9, in general, appears to reveal a negative relationship between the cotton income of a given year and the number of lynchings of the ensuing year. When the purchasing power of the cotton growers' per acre income is above its trend, the number of Negroes lynched by whites in cotton states tends to be below its trend; and when cotton drops below trend, lynchings tend to rise. T h e data of this study do not give startling statistical results. T h e number of cases is too small—although we can hardly be expected to

COTTON

AND

LYNCHINGS

397

produce more cases than e x i s t ! T h e index value of the farmers' d o l l a r is not available earlier than 1 9 1 0 . T h e computation of a

five-year

mov-

ing average makes it necessary f o r us t o drop the first three and the final

years of even this short period, so that w e have f u l l y

data for only

sixteen years.

There

is probably

a closer

adequate

correlation

between the t w o factors than o u r inadequate index reveals, because the closer w e get to adequate indexes, the more nearly significant does the coefficient of correlation

become.

T h e coefficient of correlation according to the Spearman rank-difference method f o r the entire period f r o m 1891 to 1 9 3 0 ( l v n c h i n g s

1892

to 1 9 3 1 ) , o m i t t i n g the t w o years of the w a r hysteria, is — . 4 6 3 .

This

relationship m a y not be taken as indicating a correlation

sufficiently

high for purposes of prediction. I t is certain, h o w e v e r , that w h a t e v e r relationship does exist b e t w e e n the t w o factors is due to the economic, not the racial factor. A n increase in lynchings can hardly be said affect the price of cotton in the preceding t w e l v e m o n t h s !

to

Whatever

causal relationship there m a y be supports the hypothesis that there is a genuine interrelationship b e t w e e n changes in economic conditions and the intensity of race attitudes. W h i l e this correlation is not high e n o u g h to suggest anything like an i m m u t a b l e causal connection, the study does tend to support the belief

t h a t there is a f u n c t i o n a l nexus

between

economic processes and o v e r t race tension. F o r the period in w h i c h w e have adequate data, the results are more nearly conclusive. T h e Pearson product-moment method of

computing

the coefficient of correlation between cotton g r o w e r s ' per acre income and lynchings yields a result of — . 6 1 for the period 1 9 1 3 - 3 0 inclusive, w a r years omitted. W h e n the coefficient of correlation is computed by the same method for the same period, using not the per acre income of the cotton producer, but the purchasing p o w e r of that income as corrected by the index v a l u e of the farmers' dollar, the result is — . 6 8 5 1 , placing it definitely in the area of statistical significance. L e t it be remembered, h o w e v e r , that all that is given in this A p p e n d i x is a rough indication of the f a c t that, in general, w h e n the economic situation g r o w s more desperate (as indicated by a f a l l in the income of the cotton producer, and p a r t i c u l a r l y , a f a l l in the purchasing

power

or that i n c o m e ) , the deeply grooved habits of social antagonism

find

overt expression in an increased number of lynchings. F i g u r e 9 s h o w s that, w h e n per acre income is corrected in terms of purchasing p o w e r of the farmers' dollar, the entire period f r o m 1902 to 1928, inclusive ( w a r years o m i t t e d ) , finds the cotton and lynchings indexes on opposite sides of the trend line, w i t h o u t exception. W e

are permitted

to

conclude that there is in this study of cotton and lynchings some solid, specific corroboration of the general thesis that economic conditions and rice attitudes have been, and are, interrelated in the A m e r i c a n

South.

APPENDIX B COMPARATIVE RACIAL INTELLIGENCE

. . . there is no adequate proof of fundamental race differences in mentality, and . . . those differences which are found are in all probability due to culture and the social

environment.

—OTTO KLINEBERG

W I T H O U T entering into the devious and inconclusive arguments as to w h a t constitutes a "race," it is assumed for the purposes of this note that a " N e g r o " is any person who is legally classified as a N e g r o in the Southern states. These are they who come to the segregated college. A n d the question before us is whether there is any scientifically valid or conclusive reason for holding that either Negroes or Caucasians (by this definition) are superior to the other group in intelligence. I t ought not to be necessary to discuss this question at all; but the persistence of a notion of the superiority of one of the two racial groups, and the frequency with which that notion is encountered in the A m e r ican scene, demand that something more than summary dismissal be given the matter. Perhaps the two most adequate statements of the present state of knowledge in this matter are the books by G a r t h and Klineberg. 1 I t would have been possible merely to refer the reader to these (and other) sources; but to round out the materials for this present study, a little more than a passing reference seems demanded of the writer. W H A T IS

INTELLIGENCE?

W h e t h e r it is assumed that intelligence is a composite of a number of unitary abilities, or whether it is assumed that intelligence is itself a unitary phenomenon, in either case, it must be admitted that the actual functioning of mental processes at any given stage of an individual's development is not merely a matter of innate ability but also a matter of actual experience. Intelligence, the actual performance of intellectual processes, to an important degree is a function of the experience of the individual. And that experience is gained in terms of the society in which the individual lives. Intelligence, by which we mean the individual's "ability to learn and to utilize in new situations knowledge or skill acquired by learning" and "his selective adaptation through acquired knowledge," 2 is actually built up through the day-to-day experiences of the individual. T o be sure, psychological experimentation and study have established the fact that individuals (without reference to racial groupings) do vary greatly in their innate capacities, that is, R. Garth, Race Psychology and Otto Klineberg, Race Differences. ' Committee of the American Psychological Association, quoted by G a r t h , op. cit., p. 70.

402

COMPARATIVE

RACIAL

I N T E L L I G E N C E

that the potentialities of development are significantly different as between individuals at birth. B u t this is not a racial m a t t e r ; and, f u r t h e r , scientific study has also shown that the actual development of the individual toward the limits of his own potentialities is significantly affected by the social milieu in which he grows up. T h e actual intellectual performance of any individual at a given stage of his growth is obviously a direct product of that individual's experience. Potentialities are, to an important degree, fixed by heredity; but the actual pattern of intellectual processes which is intelligence in operation (the only intelligence we know at the present t i m e ) , is, to an important degree, affected by the experiences of the m a t u r i n g individual. T h e r e are, then, t w o points at which differences between racial groups in intelligence may be looked f o r : one, the inherited biologically determined potentialities, and the other, the social milieu in terms of which the individuals in a racial group develop. It is the verdict of such scientific knowledge as we now possess that whatever differences may appear between white and Negro in America are to be understood in terms of the second of these factors, not the first. G a r t h puts it this way: Differences so far found in the intelligence of races can be easily explained by the influence of nurture and of selection.' T h e conclusion which must be drawn in the light of such scientific investigations as have been made is that there are no sure evidences of real racial differences in mental traits. While heredity operates according to laws, qualitatively considered, mental traits are distributed among all races, for all possess these human traits. Such a trait as intelligence, though really a racial possibility in all races, has been isolated and emphasized in some more than in others. But this is not saying that it could not be so emphasized in the unfortunate race.' Much of the difference found in the results of studies of racial differences in mental traits is due to racial mobility, so that the one race has a temporary advantage over the other. . . . Removal of the barriers causing the eddies causes the emphasis to dissolve in the common racial stream. 6 Klineberg's conclusion is quoted in part at the head of this Appendix. I t agrees with G a r t h ' s statements in maintaining that, as f a r as any scientific information n o w available is concerned, there is no evidence to support the belief that biological inheritance gives one race a superiority over the o t h e r ; and both men agree that the weight of the evidence suggests that such differences as now appear between racial groups * Ibid., p. 84. ' Ibid., p. 2 i x . ' Ibid., p. 221.

C O M P A R A T I V E

R A C I A L

I N T E L L I G E N C E

403

can be accounted f o r readily by the c u m u l a t i v e effect of differential opportunities and experiences. T h e c o n v e r g i n g lines of evidence may be s u m m a r i z e d for our purposes somewhat as f o l l o w s . WHAT

IS T H E

VERDICT OF COMPARATIVE

MEASUREMENT?

I t w a s long alleged that one or another racial or national stock w a s superior to o t h e r s ; but the allegation rested on assertion and

protest

rather than upon validated scientific evidence. M o r e

anthro-

recently,

pology entered the field, and f o l l o w i n g a period of disagreement

and

controversy, a clear opinion has emerged that, as far as anthropology is concerned, there is no basis for assuming that any racial group is innately superior to another in intellectual abilities. A s f a r as anthropological and physiological data are concerned, the case for racial inequality is not p r o v e d a n d as Boas puts it, " T h e differences between races are so small that they lie within

the narrow

which

well."'1

all forms

may function

equally

range in the limits

of

Believers in alleged racial

differences in intellectual capacity find no support in the data of

an-

thropology. T h e conclusions of intelligence testing support the same point, but for slightly different reasons. W h e r e a s anthropology

tells us that

all

races share the relatively n a r r o w range w i t h i n w h i c h excellence of performance may be e x p e c t e d ; psychological testing starts w i t h the fact of k n o w n wide variations between individuals f r o m moron to genius, and goes on to suggest that w h i l e actual a g g r e g a t e differences between racial groups in intellectual performance are n o w indicated by much

intelli-

gence testing, these differences in performance do not point to innate or racial disparities. T h e y probably are indexes of social and environmental differences w h i c h are subject to modification w i t h changes in the culture. T h i s is to be expected both f r o m the nature of intelligence

testing

and the nature of intelligence itself. C o n s i d e r first the nature of intelligence

testing.

As

Boas 8

and

Pintner0

summarize

the

conclusions,

intelligence tests do not measure, and probably never w i l l measure, innate intellectual capacities and abilities apart from the actual development of these abilities and capacities in terms of experience.

Pintner

says bluntly, " W e shall never be able to make an intelligence test absolutely independent of environmental

f a c t o r s . " In other words,

when

an attempt is made to compare one racial group w i t h another, in terms of their performance on intelligence tests, there is legitimate reason to " K l i n e b e r g , op. cit., pp. I - I I I . T F r a n z B o a s , Anthropology and Modern • ¡bid., p. 5«• R u d o l p h P i n t n e r , Intelligence Testing,

Life, p. 97.

p. 41. I t a l i c s

added.

404

COMPARATIVE

RACIAL

I N T E L L I G E N C E

infer that the differences measured may actually be differences in the respective environments of the t w o groups. T h i s last point is of particular importance when we consider it along with the nature of the process by which intelligence is built. T h e actual fabric for thinking, the thing called intelligence, is not substantially some mysterious "given" factor or faculty; it is in large measure a developed pattern of action. T h e plying shuttle of native equipment carries the thread of individual experience through the w a r p furnished by the surrounding culture, and the resultant pattern of action which an individual uses as he approaches any situation ( t h a t is, as he thinks about it, studies it, uses his intelligence) is patently affected by the social process in which the individual has grown up. If the social w a r p f o r an individual has been one which afforded limited opportunities, his patterns of performance will be relatively simple; just as a more rich and varied milieu would tend to develop richness and variety and fineness of functioning. I f , then, social usage made sharp and consistent distinctions between the societal patterns afforded to a large group of individuals, it is not impossible t h a t the achievement of the group w o u l d reflect the distinction. T h u s , w i t h the known fact of astounding racial disparities under the American caste system, the marvel is that the patterns of intellectual activity for the t w o castes are not actually separated by a wide gulf. Psychological measurement to date has indicated a very large degree of overlapping, and a practical identity of range. T h e present difference in distribution, which is all that the most fanatical advocate of white superiority can possibly claim, may merely m i r r o r the disparities of caste rather than an alleged immutable biological inheritance. M u c h larger differences between the two groups might have been expected merely because of the confining influence of caste and its accompanying practices. Furthermore, the known influence of environment upon changes or variations in I.Q., while not conclusive in and of itself, furnishes another significant strand of corroborative evidence. Kilpatrick has summarized the data t h u s : T h e psychological researches into the "problem of heredity and environment" show that with identical twins, admittedly equal at the start, environmental differences have brought about a difference in measured I.Q. as much as twenty-four points. Many studies of siblings, as well as the comparison of children found in "good" as compared with "poor" or "bad" homes corroborate these effects of environment on "general ability." T h e evidence seems conclusive that the kind of intelligence measured by the intelligence tests may and perhaps generally does improve when the environmental conditions are culturally improved.10 u W i l l i a m H. Kilpatrick, "Intelligence, Individual Differences, a n d racy," unpublished MSS.

Democ-

C O M P A R A T I V E

RACIAL

I N T E L L I G E N C E

405

TTiese converging lines of evidence afford a key to alleged racial differences in intelligence, and a key to better educational procedures. Since disparities in the culture now are reflected in disparities in intellectual performance, the task of an educational system which is concerned with the ethical demands of the situation—and indeed, the task of American society if it is to give effect to its democratic profession— is to work to correct the social iniquities which cause the present intellectual inequities. When the cultural opportunities for all Negroes become substantially equivalent to the similar opportunities for all whites, it will then be appropriate to measure the comparative levels of achievement and draw inferences regarding the biologically inherited abilities of the two racial groups.

APPENDIX C TALLADEGA COLLEGE COUNCIL: A PROGRESS REPORT

Democracy must be born anew every generation, and education is the midwife. — J O H N DEWEY

E V E R Y embodiment of a high ideal falls short of the goals it seeks to reach; and the individuals concerned with the creation and operation of the College Council at Talladega College are first to disavow any claims to perfection in their venture. T h e value of the effort is to be found in the fact that it gives concrete evidence to support the belief that something significant along this line can be done. T h e reader is urged to appraise this particular enterprise with rigor and with candor, but to appraise it in terms of its own historical setting. It is believed that the administrative departures outlined in this Appendix are a distinct step forward for this particular college. O n e other word of qualification—even if this plan were perfect for Talladega, it would not necessarily fit elsewhere. Democracy in operation involves as a basic essential the possibility of variability in structure and in operation. Democracy courts the creative deviant, for therein lies the possibility of progress. THE

BACKGROUND

Talladega College is one of the colleges founded and nurtured by the American Missionary Association. While at least one member of the board of trustees of the college has always been elected from the citizenry of the town of Talladega, the growth of campus autonomy has been a slow, healthy process, marked by a gradual transference of the center of gravity of control from the parent body to the trustees of the college, and from them to the campus. T h e campus, in its turn, has included the trustees and the Association in its purview, in order not merely to maintain the values of historic connections, but also to insure the widest and most inclusive thinking on all matters of fundamental concern. For many years, the authoritative body on the campus was the administrative committee, composed of the president, dean, treasurer and two elected faculty members. Subject to the board of trustees, this committee was charged with major and minor decisions on the campus, and with carrying out the decisions made by the Association and the trustees. T h e Association, whose executive secretaries commonly sat on the board of trustees as well, contributed its stimulating guidance through supervision of financial matters and visitation by the Association's field representatives. It was an administrative procedure with dual external

4io

TALLADEGA

COLLEGE

COUNCIL

control and committee local control which had more justification in the logic of operational evolution than in formal logic; but it worked, and worked well. 1° !933. the Association and the trustees jointly desired to take advantage of the transition period which usually accompanies a change of campus administration, to develop a larger degree of campus autonomy. Accordingly, they charged the president with increased responsibilities, giving him commensurate authority, and promising to stand by with critical friendliness as new campus procedures were worked out. T H E EXPLORATORY

STAGES

N o attempt was made to d r a w up a blueprint or to launch a scheme, in advance of a study of the needs and the possibilities of the local situation. B u t the exploratory study was launched with a controlling idea, namely, that democracy in administrative procedures demands that the freedom of action and decision be passed right on down the line f r o m narrowest to broadest—president to faculty to students to society. If the flow of authority and responsibility is dammed up at any point along the line, it backs up and swamps the whole enterprise. A second idea, not clearly formulated at the beginning, but which emerged with peculiar forcefulness in the course of the study, was that whatever was to be done must be genuine—there must be no pulling of puppet strings, no going through the motions of democracy without the essential spirit of the thing as well. A f t e r several faculty discussions and some student discussions t w o commissions were appointed. O n e , composed exclusively of faculty members, was asked to study the relationship of the faculty to the administration and the trustees. T h e second, which included an equal number of students and instructors, was asked to study all areas of student life and to bring in recommendations. A f t e r five months of study the t w o commissions reported, giving not merely general summaries of the areas they had been asked to explore, but also making specific recommendations for action. N o n e of the specific recommendations for action were carried out at once. Instead, the whole body of data was taken under advisement by the president, the administrative committee, and the faculty. It soon appeared that the crux of the whole matter lay in the question of how to implement the democratic idea, so that all persons on the campus might have some share in making significant decisions. As a means of studying the commissions' reports, mass meetings were tried. T h e y proved unwieldy, but of some value. An essay contest w a s announced, open to all students, asking for essays on one of t w o subjects: "If I W e r e President of T a l l a d e g a " or " A Proposal for Student Participation in the G o v e r n m e n t of T a l l a d e g a College." T h e essays proved to be of little value, since they were, for the most part, merely

T A L L A D E G A

C O L L E G E

C O U N C I L

411

patterned a f t e r student g o v e r n m e n t projects w h i c h students had

known

in s o m e h i g h s c h o o l s ; a n d the T a l l a d e g a s t u d e n t s h a d a l r e a d y m a d e

it

a m p l y clear t h a t they agreed w i t h the administration

to

in p r e f e r r i n g

h a v e n o t h i n g a t a l l r a t h e r t h a n a p u p p e t s h o w in w h i c h the

adminis-

t r a t i o n a n d f a c u l t y m a d e t h e d e c i s i o n s a n d the s t u d e n t s g o v e r n e d selves

accordingly.

getting

the

There

was

administration,

the

a

desire

faculty, and

t h e g o v e r n i n g p r o c e s s on an e q u a l As

genuine

some

the s t u d e n t s

them-

means

of

to share

in

footing.

the study proceeded, some progress w a s

t i o n of f o u r

for

registered

in the

rejec-

possibilities:

1. S t u d e n t s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t in w h i c h a d e f i n i t e a r e a of c o l l e g e l i f e is d e l i m i t e d , a n d w i t h i n t h a t a r e a t h e s t u d e n t s are p l a c e d in n o m i n a l c o n trol, a l w a y s

subject

to the

rules

and

supervision

of

the f a c u l t y

and

administration. 2. F a c u l t y

government

of

t h e c o l l e g e , in w h i c h

the w h o l e

faculty,

c o r p o r a t e l y , o r d e l e g a t e d persons in the f a c u l t y as a c o m m i t t e e o r

gov-

e r n i n g b o d y , b e c o m e the seat of c o n t r o l f o r the c o l l e g e . 3 . A d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l , in w h i c h t h e P r e s i d e n t o r the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e C o m m i t t e e w h i c h is d o m i n a t e d by ex officiis

a d m i n i s t r a t i v e officers,

d i r e c t t h e l i f e of t h e c o l l e g e . 4 . S t u d e n t g o v e r n m e n t not m e r e l y of t h e m s e l v e s b u t of t h e

college,

w h i c h w o u l d r e s u l t f r o m a n y a l l e g e d d e m o c r a t i c process w h i c h a d m i t t e d s t u d e n t s o n a p a r w i t h o t h e r m e m b e r s of the c o l l e g e f a m i l y , a n d

then

a r r i v e d at d e c i s i o n s b y m a j o r i t y v o t e . A s o n e o r a n o t h e r of these possibilities w a s r e j e c t e d , t h a t served to correct

a corresponding

misapprehension

of

rejection

the m e a n i n g

d e m o c r a c y . A t o n e t i m e o r a n o t h e r , e a c h of these ideas w a s

by s o m e p a r t i s a n , n o t a l w a y s a p e r s o n w h o w o u l d benefit d i r e c t l y the a d o p t i o n of t h e p r o p o s a l . T h r o u g h o u t

of

advanced from

the discussion, the f e a r

that

" t h e o t h e r g r o u p " m i g h t o u t v o t e , o r o u t t a l k " t h e rest of u s " l a y b e h i n d a p a n i c k y insistence that " m y g r o u p "

m u s t h a v e a t least a

o v e r a n y p r o p o s a l . T h i s led t o t w o m o r e

final

veto

insights:

5. M a j o r i t y v o t e s , w h i c h a r e s o m e t i m e s i n s t r u m e n t s f o r popular wishes, are frequently devices for overriding

discovering

minorities.

6 . T h e p r o c e s s of d e m o c r a t i c a l l y d i s c o v e r i n g t h e best m o d e of

action

in a g i v e n s i t u a t i o n m u s t t h e r e f o r e i n c l u d e t h e c r i t i c a l t h i n k i n g of

all

p e r s o n s a n d g r o u p s c o n c e r n e d in t h e m a t t e r ; a n d if possible, n o d e c i s i o n s h o u l d be a c c e p t e d w h e n a s i g n i f i c a n t m i n o r i t y opposes it in t h e

name

of t h e g e n e r a l w e l f a r e .

L A U N C H I N G T H E COUNCIL A s t h e s e c o n d y e a r of s t u d y a n d discussion d r e w t o w a r d its c l o s e , a proposal

from

the c a m p u s w a s

brought

b e f o r e t h e b o a r d of

trustees,

412

T A L L A D E G A

C O L L E G E

COUNCIL

whose members had continually been apprised of the progress of campus discussions and were intelligently sympathetic with the attempt to meet the problem. A s approved by the Trustees in legislative action which chartered the College Council (not "Student Council"), the policyforming body on the campus is made up as follows: Six administrative officers (president, dean, comptroller, superintendent of buildings and grounds, men's counselor, women's counselor) who serve ex officiis; six faculty members, elected by the teaching faculty; and six students, one man and one woman elected by student vote from each of the three upper classes. These eighteen persons meet whenever called, and they are called whenever any Council member is informed by any campus resident that there is a felt need. They may meet four successive evenings, and not meet again for six weeks. If the Council were to decide questions by voting, it is clear that the students are badly outweighed; or that either of the other two groups is badly outweighed if the students and one of the remaining groups should make common cause. But from the start, it was felt that instead of pushing things through by voting, the Council would think and discuss matters until a clear consensus of opinion emerged, not unlike the feeling of a "concern" in a Quaker meeting. In practice and in theory, that meant that one member—any member—of the Council could veto a proposal. One student, or one instructor, or one administrator, as long as he has conscientious scruples or logically defensible reasons for rejecting a proposal, can refuse to approve it. In the two and one-half years of operation of the College Council, no vote has ever been taken. Discussion clears the issues and reveals the trend of opinion. As the group mind begins to emerge, an attempt is made to formulate the thinking in a form acceptable to all. As long as there are objections, the matter is not settled; but when objections have been met, the secretary records agreement on the issue. Consensus is a satisfactory answer to the fears of groups which might be outvoted; it is a good way to meet the deficiencies of the majority-voting process. A further safeguard lies in the fact that the meetings of the Council are open. There is never an "executive session." All discussions are carried on and all decisions made in full view and hearing of all who wish to come. T h e agenda of each meeting are posted in advance on six bulletin boards on different parts of the campus; and all interested persons are free to attend the meetings. Moreover, there is full opportunity and encouragement for persons from the floor to join in the discussion and to make their contributions at any point in a discussion. T h e attendance of students, faculty, and staff as participants in the meeting from the floor, has varied from a low of half a dozen to a high of about 90 percent of the campus population. T h e consensus of

T A L L A D E G A

C O L L E G E

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the eighteen Council members around the table must be arrived at in the light of the whole discussion, and in the presence of interested parties. T H E COUNCIL I N OPERATION A s actually functioning in these two and one-half years of its life, the Council has never met a stalemate. Not infrequently an evening of discussion w i l l fail to uncover a consensus; but the educational process goes on in the dormitories and homes and the adjourned meetings which hold forth at a street corner or over the coca-cola bottles at the College Inn, and when the discussion is resumed the next evening, new insights are available. A particularly knotty problem once engaged the Council for f o u r successive evenings. Simpler questions have been settled in as little as five minutes. T h e range of subjects discussed covers the entire gamut of academic life and the wider campus—everything from athletic policies and fraternity life to use of the library, the systems of marking and promotion, and relationships of college and town. Nothing of general interest is ruled out. If a matter is of limited interest, it is usually referred to some smaller group for decision, unless the decision will affect a general policy or the program of a larger group, and the larger interest is thus involved. O n occasion, a matter is taken to a student-faculty-staff mass meeting, where it may be presented through a panel discussion or a series of speakers. A t other times, a general policy may be enunciated by the Council and the matter referred to the appropriate committee with power to act. O r the Council may arrive at a decision and refer the execution of the policy to an administrative officer. O r again, the Council may uncover a consensus of opinion regarding fraternities and sororities, and refer its thinking to the organizations concerned with a recommendation f o r their consideration. A distinction is drawn between the making of policies and the administering of the same. T h e College Council is not an administrative body; it is a deliberative body. It formulates policies. A l l policies formulated on the campus are formulated by the College Council or under its surveillance. T h e machinery for carrying out the policies is made as simple as possible. T h e regular administrative officers—president, dean, comptroller, registrar, men's and women's counselors, superintendent of buildings and grounds, et al.—carry through their routine tasks in accordance with the objectives indicated by the Council. T h e manner of carrying out the objectives is sometimes suggested by the Council, but usually left to the administrative officer. T h e same freedom of choice of tools and procedures is given to the several committees. F o r the most part, if a committee's operation touches directly upon

4H

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student life, students are members of the committee in at least as large numbers as faculty or staff persons. E v e r y attempt is made to insure that the administrative machinery will be as inclusive and as considerate of all persons in its functioning as the Council is in its deliberations. B y this distinction between the determination of policies and their execution, the college also saves much valuable time and energy. F o r example, the Council is not asked to decide administrative matters that f a l l within the province of the social committee; but the social committee may wish to ask the Council to settle matters of policy f o r it from time to time. T h e Athletic Council makes up its schedules and carries through its season's program of intercollegiate and intramural sports, relieving the College Council entirely of all administrative detail and responsibility; but the policies determined upon by the College Council in the presence of and with the concurrence of the Athletic Council, are the guide for all administrative decisions of the Athletic Council. T h u s , at the college, ¿he College Council makes the decisions in the clear light of f u l l campus opinion and thinking and in the presence of interested parties. T h e policies are then executed by the administrative officers and committees specifically charged with responsibility for seeing that the particular policy is carried into action. T h e relation to the trustees is an interesting one. A s long as the legal responsibility for the w e l f a r e of the institution rests with the trustees, it is clearly unwise for them to abrogate their prerogatives of control. Accordingly, wherever there is now in operation a specific action by the trustees affecting a matter of policy, the Council may discuss and subsequently make recommendations to the trustees, action being taken only in the light of the trustees' resultant decision. T h i s sometimes means delaying decisions on important matters for as much as six months. It is conceivable that some urgent crisis might make quicker action imperative; but in such an emergency, the college is just as well off with its Council as without it, for in either case, the same consultation with an off-campus group is necessary. E v e r y effort is made to include the trustees in the process of campus thinking. T h e f u l l minutes of Council meetings, which are posted on the campus after each meeting, are also mailed to the trustees so that they are at all times aware of discussions and decisions. Actions of the board of trustees with reference to the College Council have included four varieties: ( 1 ) specific action upon a specific request from the College C o u n c i l ; ( 2 ) enunciation of a policy with the request that the Council implement i t ; ( 3 ) delegation to the Council of f u l l authority to determine and execute policies in a given m a t t e r ; ( 4 ) joint conference with the Council in a concerted effort to discover a joint consensus.

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T h e president has not abrogated his right to make decisions and to guide the college; but he has refused to bear the burden exclusively or limit the opportunity f o r such deciding and guiding. H e has shared both opportunity and responsibility. H e has insisted that he cannot morally act to guide or direct the college except as a participant in an inclusive democratic process. H e is one member of the Council, and one member of the board of trustees. T h e idea is only four years old on T a l l a d e g a ' s campus, and in its particular embodiment, at the time of this w r i t i n g it has had only two and one-half years of life and growth. B u t it is a relatively effective tool of democratic administrative procedure. F e w will doubt that it is superior to the machinery it replaced. Increasingly it appears to j u s t i f y itself as an administrative device in line w i t h the educational objectives outlined in Chapter X I .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY S E C T I O N I lists alphabetically all references to w o r k s quoted or cited in this book. Section I I gives a brief bibliography of principal w o r k s in nine areas. I n a v e r y f e w instances, certain w o r k s are cited twice in this Bibliography, but usually a book o r article is cited under the heading to w h i c h it principally belongs. SECTION

I. W O R K S

QUOTED

OR

CITED

IN

THIS

BOOK

A l l e n , J a m e s S., T h e N e g r o Q u e s t i o n in the United S t a t e s ( N e w Y o r k : I n t e r n a t i o n a l P u b l i s h e r s , 1936). 224 pp. A r l i t t , A d a H a r t , " O n N e e d of C a u t i o n in E s t a b l i s h i n g R a c e N o r m s , " Journal of Applied Psychology, V ( 1 9 2 1 ) , 179-83. B a g l e y , W . C., " T h e A r m y T e s t s and the P r o - N o r d i c P r o p a g a n d a , " Educational Revievi, L X V I I ( A p r i l , 1 9 2 4 ) , 179-87. B a k e r , F r a n k E., " H a s E d u c a t i o n F a i l e d ? " Social Frontier, III (April, 1937), 199-201. B a k e r , P a u l E., N e g r o - w h i t e A d j u s t m e n t ( N e w Y o r k : A s s o c i a t i o n Press, 1 9 3 4 ) . 266 pp. B e a r d , A u g u s t u s F i e l d , C r u s a d e of B r o t h e r h o o d ( B o s t o n : P i l g r i m Press, 1909). B e c k h a m , A l b e r t S i d n e y , " A S t u d y of R a c e A t t i t u d e s in N e g r o C h i l d r e n of A d o l e s c e n t A g e , " Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, XXIX ( A p r i l - J u n e , 1 9 3 4 ) , 18-29. Bennett, C h a r l e s A . , H i s t o r y of M a n u a l and I n d u s t r i a l E d u c a t i o n up to 1870 ( P e o r i a : M a n u a l A r t s Press, 1926). B e r n a r d , L . L., " A t t i t u d e s and the R e d i r e c t i o n of B e h a v i o u r , " in Social A t titudes, ed. b y K . Y o u n g ( N e w Y o r k : H e n r y Holt & Co., 1 9 3 1 ) . B o a s , F r a n z , A n t h r o p o l o g y and M o d e r n L i f e ( N e w Y o r k : W . W . Norton & C o . , 1928). 246 pp. Bode, B o y d H., D e m o c r a c y as a W a y of L i f e ( N e w Y o r k : T h e M a c m i l l a n C o . , 1937). " K a p p a Delta Pi Lecture Series." B o n d , H o r a c e M a n n , T h e E d u c a t i o n of the N e g r o in the A m e r i c a n Social O r d e r ( N e w Y o r k : P r e n t i c e H a l l , 1 9 3 4 ) . 501 pp. " T h e C u r r i c u l u m and the N e g r o C h i l d , " Journal of Negro Education, ( A p r i l , 1 9 3 5 ) , 159-68. " T h e Influence of P e r s o n a l i t i e s on the Public E d u c a t i o n of N e g r o e s in A l a b a m a , " Journal of Negro Education, V I ( A p r i l , 1937). IV

"The

Liberal

Arts College

for Negroes: A

Social

F o r c e , " an

address

at the U n i v e r s i t y of L o u i s v i l l e M u n i c i p a l C o l l e g e C e n t e n n i a l C e l e b r a t i o n , A p r i l 30, 1937. Bonser, F r e d e r i c k G . , F u n d a m e n t a l V a l u e s in I n d u s t r i a l E d u c a t i o n ( N e w Y o r k : T e a c h e r s College, Columbia University, 1914). "Technical Education B u l letin," N o . 10.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

420

Bowen, T r e v o r , Divine W h i t e Right ( N e w Y o r k : H a r p e r & Brother], 1934). 310 pp. Brooks, W i l l i a m E., Lee of V i r g i n i a ( I n d i a n a p o l i s : B o b b s - M e r r i l l Co., 1 9 3 2 ) . B r y a n t , O r a B., Jr., " N e w s Items about N e g r o e s in W h i t e U r b a n and R u r a l N e w s p a p e r s , " Journal of Negro Education, I V ( A p r i l , 1935), 169-78. B u r k s , R . S., " R e l a t i v e Influence of N a t u r e and N u r t u r e upon M e n t a l D e v e l o p m e n t : A C o m p a r a t i v e S t u d y of F o s t e r - P a r e n t s - F o s t e r - C h i l d R e s e m b l a n c e a n d T r u e - P a r e n t s - T r u e - C h i l d R e s e m b l a n c e , " Twenty-seventh Yearbook of the N a t i o n a l Society f o r the Study of E d u c a t i o n ( B l o o m i n g t o n , I l l i n o i s : P u b l i c School P u b l i s h i n g C o . , 1928), pp. 103-218. C a d e , John B., " T h e C o l l e g e : O b l i g a t i o n s and R e l a t i o n s to the C o m m u n i t y , " Quarterly Review of Higher Education among Negroes, IV (April, 1936), 91-96. C a l i v e r , A m b r o s e , A P e r s o n n e l Study of N e g r o C o l l e g e Students ( N e w Y o r k : Teachers College, Columbia University, 1931). C a n b y , H e n r y S., A l m a M a t e r ( N e w Y o r k : F a r r a r and R i n e h a r t , 1 9 3 6 ) . 259 pp. C a p e n , S. P., " O b l i g a t i o n of the U n i v e r s i t y to A m e r i c a n D e m o c r a c y , " School and Society, X L I ( J u n e 22, 1 9 3 5 ) , 817-22. C a t e r , J a m e s T . ( e d . ) , T h e C o l l e g e and the Social P r o c e s s ( T a l l a d e g a , A l a b a m a : T a l l a d e g a C o l l e g e Press, 1934). C h i c a g o C o m m i s s i o n on R a c e Relations, N e g r o in C h i c a g o : A Study of R a c e R e l a t i o n s and a R a c e R i o t ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 2 2 ) . 6 7 2 PP. C h i l d s , John L., E d u c a t i o n and the P h i l o s o p h y of E x p e r i m e n t a l i s m ( N e w Y o r k : C e n t u r y Co., 1 9 3 1 ) . 225 pp. C o f f m a n , Lotus D., " P r o v i n c e of H i g h e r E d u c a t i o n , " Elementary School Journal, X X X V I I (February, 1937), 411-14. Cools, V i c t o r G . , " W h y N e g r o E d u c a t i o n H a s F a i l e d , " Educational Review, L X V I I I ( D e c e m b e r , 1924), 254-59. " N e g r o E d u c a t i o n and L o w L i v i n g S t a n d a r d s , " Educational Review, L X X I I ( S e p t e m b e r , 1926), 102-7. C r a w f o r d , G e o r g e W . , T a l l a d e g a M a n u a l of V o c a t i o n a l G u i d a n c e ( T a l l a d e g a , A l a b a m a : T a l l a d e g a C o l l e g e P r e s s , 1936). 146 pp. C u r t i , M e r l e , " S o c i a l I d e a l s of A m e r i c a n E d u c a t o r s , " R e p o r t of the C o m m i s s i o n on the Social Studies, A m e r i c a n H i s t o r i c a l A s s o c i a t i o n ( N e w Y o r k : C h a r l e s Scribner's Sons, 1935), P a r t X . 613 pp. D a n i e l , W . A . , T h e E d u c a t i o n of N e g r o M i n i s t e r s

( N e w Y o r k : D o r a n & Co.,

«9*5)D a s h i e l d , J. F., " R a c i a l D i f f e r e n c e s a s M e a s u r e d by the D o w n e y W i l l - T e m p e r a m e n t T e s t , " Journal of Applied Psychology, V I I ( 1 9 2 3 ) , 30-53. D a v i s , John W . , " P r o b l e m s in the C o l l e g i a t e E d u c a t i o n of N e g r o e s , " W e s t V i r g i n i a State C o l l e g e Bulletin, June, 1937. D a v i s , M i c h a e l M . , " P r o b l e m s of H e a l t h S e r v i c e f o r N e g r o e s , " Journal of Negro Education, V I ( J u l y , 1 9 3 7 ) , 436-44. D a v i s , T h o m a s E., " S o m e R a c i a l A t t i t u d e s of N e g r o C o l l e g e and G r a d e School Students," Journal of Negro Education, V I ( A p r i l , 1 9 3 7 ) , 157-65. Dession, G . H., " M a k i n g a R a d i c a l , " Saturday Review of Literature, XV ( A p r i l 3, 1 9 3 7 ) , 11. D e w e y , John, H u m a n N a t u r e and C o n d u c t ( N e w Y o r k : H e n r y Holt Sc Co., 1922). • E x p e r i e n c e and N a t u r e ( C h i c a g o : O p e n C o u r t P u b l i s h i n g Co., 1 9 2 5 ) . I n d i v i d u a l i s m , O l d and N e w ( N e w Y o r k , 1930).

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INDEX

INDEX Ability, differences in, 277; see also Intelligence Achievement, measure of level of, 346», 357. 40J Acting, an established social pattern, 107 Administration, see Colleges; Colleges, functional ; T a l l a d e g a College Council Admission to college, 350; selective, f o r training leaders, 351 Adulthood, denied to student, 218-22; obligation of college to develop, 293 ; growth into, through democratic method, 303 Agrarian movement, radical aspirations defeated, 4$ ; temporary flurry, 86 Agriculture, Negro shunted into, 43 ; competition between Negro and white man, 83» Alabama, free Negroes and slaves in, 76; professional Negroes, 99 Alabama, Department of Education, quoted, 187 Amateur performances, college-community, 329 American Missionary Association, founded, xiii ; educational work, 2081 0 ; Talladega College founded and nurtured by, 209, 409 American Negro, phrase, 371 A mi st ad mutineers, xiii Ancestry, African and Caucasian, 370 Antagonisms, racial, not unlike other group antagonisms, 24; social devices which function to perpetuate, 55 ; ready to respond to an incident, 6 1 ; see also Prejudice Antipathy, racial, see Prejudice Antisocial attitudes, cause of, 252 " A n y white man is better than every Negro," 96 Apprentice system, pressure to eliminate Negro from opportunities of, 32, 42 ; helped to consolidate white artisan's position, 83»

Aristocracy, racial attitudes between Negro and, 35; in Reconstruction period, 40; fear rising tide of black political power, 4$ ; at top of social strata, 73 ; see also Slave owners Arlitt, A . H., 166 Army, Confederate, disaffection of lower-class whites in, 39 Army, Union, mountaineers swell ranks of, 37 ; slaves join, 39 Army Alpha tests, study of, 176 Artisans, white, competing with slave owners, 31 ff. ; replace colored, 4 3 ; see also Whites, lower class Artistic programs, college-community, 328 Arts, problem of self-expression, 143 ; extent of Negro talent, 368 ; recognition accorded Negro artists, 369 Askew, Sarah, 327» Athletics and sports, 330-33; objections to commercial, 3 3 1 ; rationalizing of policy, 332 Atlanta, slaves prohibited from competing in labor market, 32 Atlanta Compromise, 86, 200, 204 Attitudes, nature of racial, 17-50; modifications of social, under recurring situations, 1 9 ; pressure of adult attitudes upon those of children, 2 1 ; rooted in experience, 2 i n ; historical relationship between economic processes and race attitudes, 27-47, ! during Reconstruction period, 40; new potpourri of, 42; index of sensitivity of relationship between economic processes and racial, 47-50; tenacity, 54; shape social patterns, 55 ; accompanying social stratification, 78 ; characteristic interclass, in ante-bellum days, 78 ff. ; tabulation of interclass, 78 ff., 84 f., 89 f. ; pattern of social, in Reconstruction days, 84; interclass, of the 1930s, 89 ; casteclass complex of psychological, 92 ; defense rationalizations, 93 ; conflicting welter of, nurtured by caste-class

448

I N D E X

Attitudes—(Continued) system, 1 0 5 ; developed as escape mechanism, 1 0 6 ; which characterize each of two castes, 1 1 3 ; of conflict, 1 5 3 ; objectivity of, about one's own life and efforts, 1 5 7 ; in relation to social redirection, 1 6 1 - 6 7 ; of higher education toward social process, 2 3 9 ; cause of antisocial, 2 5 2 ; how aim at social? 2 5 2 - 5 4 ; selection of social, f o r cultivation, 254-59; conflicts resulting f r o m alteration of a collective attitude, 306; importance of, in the educative process, 341, 344; relationship of economic processes to racial, as shown by lynchings, 383, 386, 387, 392, 397; see also Prejudice, race Authority, problem of, in democratic procedure, 2 7 9 - 8 1 ; of expert and masses, 281-83 Autocratic administrative procedure, 263-65 Automobiles and trucks in U. S., 365 Autonomy and freedom played against isolation and insularity, 139 B a g l e y , W i l l i a m C., 177 B a i l e y , T h o m a s P., quoted, 70, 192 f . B e a r d , Augustus Field, quoted, 2 1 0 Benevolence cultivates dependence, 91 Benne, Kenneth, x v B e r e a College, 1 5 m , 244, 318 Birth, caste determined by, 72 Bizzell, W . B., quoted, 240»» Black Codes, 86 Black economy, meaning of, 145 Black Reconstruction ( D u B o i s ) , 246 B o a r d , governing, legal responsibility o f , 289; cooperation in democratic method, 290; white Southerners on, 3 1 8 ; relation of College Council to, 414 B o a r d i n g schools under Northern auspices, 3 1 4 Boas, F r a n z , quoted, 403 Bode, Boyd H., 272n Bond, Horace Mann, x v , 3 4 3 » ; on social function of segregated college, 250 Bonser, Frederick G., quoted, 2 3 : Book collections made available by college, 327

B r i g h a m , A Study of American Intelligence, 176 British master-servant pattern, x Brunner, E d m u n d de S., x v B r y a n t , Ora B., J r . , quoted, 60 Bryce, J a m e s , quoted, 20 B u n y a n , John, quoted, 2 Burks, R. S., 166 C a n b y , Henry S., 3 4 1 ; quoted, 239», 340, 3 6 3 « ; analysis of the New England college, 3 1 7 Capitalization of " N e g r o , " 59 Carney, Mabel, x v Carp, Bernard, xv C a r p e t b a g g e r s , 80 C a s e work, f a m i l y , teaching of, 337 Caste system, class and caste in A m e r i can society, 7 1 - 1 0 2 ; determined by birth, may not change, 7 2 ; socioeconomic classes within each, 7 3 ; ante-bellum stratification within Negro caste, 7 5 ; leaves lasting impression, 7 7 ; change in basic configuration, 80; dominance of white, threatened, 80; united white, demands social superiority over all Negros, 86; Booker T . Washington's Atlanta Exposition speech, 86, 200; perpetuated by paternalism, 9 1 ; literature rationalizes alleged racial d i f f e r ences, 9 3 ; Negro's progress interpreted a9 improvement in condition, not in status, 94; pragmatic axioms of, 94 f f . ; importance of etiquette in preserving, 9 5 ; defines " h i s " place f o r Negro, 9 7 ; baffling to whites, 97, 1 1 8 ; maldistribution of professional services a function of, 98 f f . ; pathological results of, 1 0 5 - 1 4 ; personality maladjustments nourished by, 1 0 9 ; Negroes passing into white caste, 1 1 2 ; third caste created to enforce racial integrity l a w s , 1 1 2 ; transformation of, probably inevitable, 1 1 8 ; profits of, 1 1 9 - 2 3 ; perpetuated by financial pressure urging segregation, 1 2 0 ; equalization would lower level f o r whites, 1 2 0 ; costs of, 1 2 3 - 3 1 ; cultural costs of, 1 2 7 ; dilemmas of the N e g r o caste, 1 3 5 - 5 8 ; relation to dilemmas of white caste, 1 3 5 ; segregation, 1 3 5 - 5 0 ; psychogenic hazards,

INDEX >47> 155; dilemmas in the segregated college, 150-53; transforming and transcending, 153-58, 238, 305, 326; social redirection, where and how? 161-67; considered desirable, 163; undertone of, in debate on vocational education, 198 ff.; undermined by education, 204; effect of imitative character of education upon, 2 1 2 ; perpetuated by collegiate inadequacies, 220, 224; modification of, a social function of the college, 233, 235, 238; instrumentalist approach, to problem of social change, 244, 246; dogmatism the backbone of, 245; consensus of functional college with its culture, 298; will the college unfit the student for conformity? 304; platforms on which the castes may have mutually respecting contacts, 322; interracial agencies and forces now challenging, 322«, 323; responsibility for crime, 386; as cause of lynchings, 387; see also Attitudes; Class-caste system; Prejudice; Segregation; Status Cater, James T., xv Catharsis, n o Caucasian caste, dilemmas of, 1 1 7 - 3 1 ; see also Caste system; Whites Census reports, United States, do not recognize classes, 72 Ceremonial segregation, 137 Certification, 355-59 Change, resistance of social order to, 25 Characteristics, racial, 181, 182; the product of experience, 64; influence of changing environment upon, 65; caste determined by, 7 1 ; of submerged group, 109 Character traits, teaching of, 183 Charitable institutions, costs, 123 Charity takes place of justice, 92 Checks and balances in democratic method, 290 Children, pressure of adult attitudes upon those of, 21, 23; fear unaccustomed factors in experience, 22 Childs, John L., xv Chinese, use of consensus, 299» Churches, segration in, 1 4 1 ; as social compensation of the segregated, 148;

449

ante-bellum subjection to white control, 193; colleges under control of, 316; challenge caste system, 32211, 3*3 Civilization, cultivation of the graces of, 184; tangible expressions of heritage of, 365 Civil W a r , begun in interests of slavery on both sides, 38 ; "rich man's war and poor man's fight," 39, 80 Class, determined by family, may change, 72 ; change in basic configuration, 80 Class-caste system, in American society, 71-102; stratification in antebellum South, 75, 77; in Reconstruction period, 8 1 ; in American South of the i93o's, 87; conflicting welter of attitudes nurtured by, 105 Class warfare, 323-25 Clergymen, Negro, 98 ff. Clowning, 106; a definite social pattern used by Negroes, 107, 108 Coal mines, cooperation between white and colored workers in, 44 Colleges, practices of typical American, 217, 218; deny students opportunity to mature as social beings, 218, 224, 225; European system, 218, 227; discourage idealism, 222; student absorption in trivialities, 224; misleading irrelevancy of side issues, 225; irrelevancy of liberal arts courses, 226; subject-matter content of education, 226, 342, 359, 364-67, 372 ; announced and real objectives, 227; defense of liberal arts courses, 229 ; controversy over technical and vocational training, 2 3 1 ; really important thing9 about courses of study, 233 ; difference between functional and nonfunctional, 251 ; autocratic method, 263; administrative policies, procedures, and practices, 263 ff. ; laisser-aller, 265; paternalism the usual compromise, 267 ; similarity between English and American, 270; democracy as policy, 2 7 1 ; advantage of segregated, over white, in understanding of efficiency, 288; standard curricular practices, 343; percentage of Negroes in, 351 ; difference in degree-granting processes

450

INDEX

Colleges— ( Continued) of functional and graduate school, 358; transmission of the cultural heritage the organizing principle of, 364; changing patterns, 372; three inferences as to differences between segregated and nonsegregated, 378-80 functional, conceptions of, 2 1 7 59; specialized aspects of social function, 233; modifications of ca9te system a function of, 233, 235, 238; sociological approach to educational problems, 234, 240; social reconstruction the task of, 236; principal attitudes toward social process, 239; instrumentalist approach to social change, 241, 246; functional concept and tasks to be undertaken, 242; delimiting field of endeavor, 242 ; guarding against crystallization, 249; aims to be normative and keep abreast of times, 249; two best formulations of its social function, 250; difference between functional and nonfunctional, 2 s i ; how aim at social attitudes? 252; procedure for setting up notion of, 253 ; selection of attitudes to be cultivated, 254; method of defining objectives, 256, 259; administrative policies, procedures, and practices, 263-307; democracy as policy, 271 ; democracy as method, 274, 276; problem of authority, 279, 2 8 1 ; of leadership, 283; of efficiency, 285; what prescriptive limitations of democracy? 289; problems of contentiousness and contumacy, 29s ; how inclusive a consensus is necessary? 298; implementing the democratic idea, 301 ; educative effects of democratic administration, 302; will the college unfit the student for life? 304; only appropriate method brings permanent results, 306; the wider campus, 3 1 9 ; educational principles to be observed in the relationship, 3 1 9 ; avoidance of institutional aggrandizement, 320; possibilities of resolving class struggle, 325; types of procedure appropriate to the wider campus program, 327; extension of library facilities, 327 ; cultural programs,

328; race recognition as objective of community service, 328; athletics and sports, 330; institutional activities, 333; student participation in community-wide program, 334; wider campus program not mere social uplift, 336; administrative procedures as curricular materials, 346; need of united front in matter of guidance and matriculation, 3 5 1 ; primary aim, 357; difference in degree-granting processes of functional and graduate school, 358; structural variety, 371-73; Talladega College Council, 409-1$ segregated, social task, 3 ff.; center for attack upon group problems, 3 ; administrator's predicament, 4-5; point of view, 8-10; must integrate group purposes with service of human welfare, 1 0 ; area covered limited to Southern States, 1 0 ; location, 1 1 ; social function, 1 2 ; problems raised by segregation, 1 2 ; major stages to study of, 1 3 ; task to make clear the difficulties confronting Negro, ; o ; literature which circumscribes "social space" of upper- and middle-class Negro has bearing upon plight of, 94; function and aim, 1 1 8 ; one of greatest services to aid in shaking off shackles of caste, 1 3 1 ; dilemmas of Negro caste, i50-$3; problems of the college itself, 1 5 1 ; a present necessity, 1 5 2 ; responsibility, for transforming caste, 1 5 3 ; for transcending it, 1 5 4 ; imitative character of Negro education, 208-13; gentlemen's, for Negroes, 220; discourage idealism, 222; student absorption in trivialities, 224; specialized aspects of social function, 2 3 3 ; really important things about courses of study, 233; two best formulations of its social function, 250; advantage of segregated over white, in understanding of efficiency, 288; relations with community, 3 1 1 - 3 7 ; double difficulty of Negro college, 3 1 1 ; in relations with white community, 3 1 2 ; with Negro community, 3 1 3 ; wide variety but four constant elements in the relationship,

INDEX 3 1 $ ; tabulation of colleges according to control, 3 1 6 ; estranged offcampus groups, 3 1 7 ; temptations to maintain aloofness, 3 1 9 ; percentage of Negroes in college, 3 5 1 ; testing its own aims and procedures, 3 5 8 ; r a c i a l emphasis in teaching, 359-64; three inferences as to differences between segregated and nonsegregated, 378-80; whether segregated can take risks involved in discharge of its social function, 379 Colleges and schools, see also E d u c a tion; T a l l a d e g a C o l l e g e ; T e a c h i n g " C o l o r e d " people, majority of human beings are, 9 Commercial sports, 330 ff. Communication and understanding, lack of common bases of, v i i i Communists, efforts to bring black and white workers together, 324 Community, segregated as ground f o r personal life, 148 Community-college relationships, 3 1 1 3 7 ; w i d e v a r i e t y but four constant elements in the relationship, 3 1 5 ; the w i d e r campus, 3 1 9 ; educational principles to be observed, 3 1 9 ; types of procedure appropriate to the prog r a m , 3 2 7 ; student participation, 3 3 4 ; p r o g r a m not mere social uplift, 336 Companionship of teacher and student, 354 Compensation patterns, 1 1 0 Competition, economic, see Economic processes Compulsion an aspect of segregation, 137 C o n f e d e r a t e A r m y , see A r m y Conflicts, social, support attitudes of antipathy, 2 4 ; race not itself the cause of, 2 4 ; physical differences cause, 2 5 ; economic, determine racial, 2 5 ; f o r accommodation on a higher level, 153 C o n f o r m i t y the aim of academic education, 270 Connelly, M a r c , 1 4 3 Consensus, reliance upon, a method of democracy, 2 7 6 ; as authority, 2 8 0 ; inclusive, v. majority vote, 290; avoidance of stalemate in f a c e of

crisis, 2 9 1 ; a curb to ruthlessness of dominant groups, 2 9 7 ; of functional college with its culture, 298, 300; inclusiveness of, 2 9 8 - 3 0 1 ; of groups within the college, 299; method used by T a l l a d e g a Council, 412 Contagion, a corollary of poor housing, 124 Contentiousness, problem of, 295-98 Controversial materials, treatment of, 5-8 Contumacy, problem of, 295-98 Cools, Victor G., 1 8 4 ; quoted, 201 Cooperation between white and colored workers in coal mines and cotton belt, 44 Corrective institutions, costs, 1 2 3 Cotton cultivation, cooperation between whites and Negroes, 44; variations in lynchings follow deviations in income f r o m , 48, 383, 387-97; effect upon individual, 64; cost o f , 1 2 2 ; system has made mental slaves of an entire region, 1 2 2 ; will it leave the Southeast? 12211 Cotton gin, effect of invention of, 37, 384 Cotton markets depressed to level of s l a v e economy, 1 2 1 Cottrell, Donald P., x i v County-wide library services, 327» C r a f t s m e n , Negroes trained as, 3 1 ; fight against slaves as, 32 C r a f t unionism, rise of, 83« C r a w f o r d , Samuel W . , 45/» C r e a t i v e element, 19 Creativity, cultural, 142 ff. Crimes, committed by whites against Negroes, caused by f e a r - h a t e complex, 6 1 ; correlation between lynchings and fluctuations in, 386 Cultural programs of college m a d e a v a i l a b l e to community, 328 Cultural segregation, 136, 142 Cultural status, race the symbol o f , 26, 54 Culture, self-expression and creativity v . eccentricity and sterility, 142 ff.; N e g r o i d themes and modes of expression, 1 4 3 ; importance to N e g r o , 2 0 3 ; transmission of heritage, 264, 364-67; tangible expressions of the

452

I N D E X

Culture—(Continued) h e r i t a g e o f , 3 6 s ; s u r r o u n d i n g s , as educational medium, 3 6 s ; r a c i a l contribution to cultural a d v a n c e , 3 6 7 - 7 1 C u l t u r e pattern in the South, 7 1 - 1 0 2 C u r r i c u l u m , defined, 342 ; rejected conceptions, 342-44; of functional college, 344-46, 360-62 ; subject-matter content, 364, 3 6 6 ; r a c i a l c u l t u r a l h e r i t a g e objective, 367, 3 7 0 ; r a c i a l self-respect the task b e f o r e m a k e r s o f , 370 C u r t i , M e r l e , on W a s h i n g t o n ' s social philosophy, 236 D a v i s , J o h n W . , 3 5 3 ; problems of N e g r o education, 36471 D e c i s i o n - m a k i n g , participation in, 292 D e e p South, N e g r o population, p r o f e s s i o n a l men, 98 ff. D e f e a t i s m , a culture pattern f o u n d a m o n g s h a r e c r o p p e r s , 107 f . D e f e n s e rationalizations, see R a t i o n a l i zations D e g r e e - g r a n t i n g processes, 356 D e m o c r a c y , stultified by caste, 1 2 8 ; as a d m i n i s t r a t i v e policy, 2 7 1 - 7 6 ; as a w a y of life, 2 7 2 ; as a structural f r a m e w o r k , 273 ; as method, 274, 276 (see also T a l l a d e g a C o l l e g e C o u n cil) ; the problem of authority, 279, 2 8 1 ; of leadership, 2 8 3 ; of efficiency, 2 8 ; ; denial o f , and effect upon the individual, 286; operating division of labor, 288, 2 9 0 ; w h a t prescription limitations? 2 8 9 ; a n s w e r s to questions i m p l y i n g lack of f a i t h in, 289 ; process of m a k i n g and p r o c e d u r e f o r a d m i n i s t e r i n g policies, 291, 2 9 3 ; participation in decision-making, 292 ; problems of contentiousness and contumacy, 2 9 s ; how inclusive a consensus is n e c e s s a r y ? 2 9 8 ; implementi n g the i d e a , 301 ; effects, 302, 304, 306 D e m o c r a t i c p a r t y , solid South d e l i v ered to, 1 2 9 Dentists, N e g r o , 98, 1 0 0 Dependence, cultivated by benevolence, 91 ; c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of N e g r o caste, 1 1 4 D e p e n d e n c y complex, m o v e a w a y f r o m , 255-57 D e w e y , J o h n , quoted, 2 1 6 , 249, 408

Dictatorial administrative procedure, 263-65 D i s e a s e , relation of h o u s i n g to, 1 2 4 Dissent, minority methods o f , 295-98 D o g m a t i c c h a r a c t e r of education, 2 4 1 , 242 ff. Dogmatism, characteristic o f ; popular a p p e a l , 245 D o l l a r d , J o h n , Caste and Class in a Southern

Totxn,

72n, 386

Domestic service, N e g r o shunted into, 43 Dominance, characteristic of white caste, 1 1 4 D o u g l a s , F r e d e r i c k , 38 D o y l e , B e r t r a m W . , quoted, 76 D r a m a , college-community p a r t i c i p a tion, 3 2 9 ; " N e g r o " productions of classical plays, 3 2 9 1 D r i l l as mental d e v e l o p m e n t , 345, 354 D u a l l i v e s of N e g r o e s p a s s i n g f o r whites, 1 1 2 Du B o i s , W . E . B . , 146, 204», 2 3 7 ; quoted, 42, 1 5 2 ; on social function of s e g r e g a t e d college, 2 5 0 Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 143 E a t i n g taboos, whites r e f u s e to sit at table w i t h N e g r o e s , 96 E c c e n t r i c i t y , c u l t u r a l , 142, 144, 1 5 0 Economic opportunity in relation to s e g r e g a t i o n , 145 E c o n o m i c processes, historical relationship b e t w e e n r a c e attitudes and, 27-47, 8 2 « ; competitive s t r u g g l e , 2 8 ; i n d e x of sensitivity of relationship b e t w e e n r a c e attitudes a n d , 4 7 - 5 0 ; p r o v i d e tools f o r r e n e w a l of race p r e j u d i c e , 5 5 ; s h i f t in economic pattern h a s not altered social pattern, 8 8 ; a n d r a c e attitudes, b a s i c relationship s h o w n by l y n c h i n g s , 383, 386, 387, 392, 397 E c o n o m i c status, c l a s s l a r g e l y determined by, 7 1 , 8 8 ; n e w , w o n by N e g r o e s , 98 E c o n o m i c system, education designed to steer N e g r o into l o w e r - i n c o m e brackets, 196-208 E d u c a t i o n , institutions of h i g h e r , f o r N e g r o e s , 3 ; r e s e a r c h in field of, 4 ; methods of a p p r o a c h , 5 ff. ; a f a c t o r

INDEX in determining cla99, 7 1 ; struggle f o r opportunities at g r a d u a t e level, 9 5 ; money s a v e d through s e g r e g a tion in schooling, 1 1 9 ; on college level would profit by m e r g i n g of two sets, 1 2 0 ; per capita school expenditures, 1 2 1 , 1 9 0 ; detours and dead ends, 1 7 1 - 2 1 3 ; opposition to education of women, 1 7 1 - 7 $ ; p a r a l lels opposition to education of N e groes, 1 7 5 - 7 9 ; segregated, postulated on assumed intellectual inferiority, 1 7 6 ; discrepancies between white and colored groups, 177, 188 f f . ; moral, advocated f o r Negroes, 1 7 9 ; teaching of character traits, 1 8 3 ; an instrument of white dominance, 1 8 7 ; adoption of f r e e public systems, 188 ; public expenditures inequitably apportioned between races, 188, 1 9 0 ; Y a n k e e schools and teachers, 193, 208-9, 3 1 2 1 4 ; debate between classical and vocational, 196-208, 2 2 5 - 3 4 ; purposes, 203, 2 3 3 ; uplifting effect upon Negro, 204; imitative character of N e g r o education, 208; w o r k of American Missionary Association, 208; lack of balance in early days, 2 1 0 ; sociological approach to problems of, 234, 240; social reconstruction the task of the higher, 236-46; instrumentalist approach to social change, 241, 246; social functions f r o m standpoint of the individual, 2 5 1 ; threefold hierarchy of aims, 3 4 1 ; guidance, 3 5 0 - 5 3 ; content o f , f o r Negroes, 3 5 9 ; racial emphasis, 359-64; T u r n b u l l ' s measurement of v a l u e of, 3 7 7 ; prophetic, to s e r v e social evolution, 377-80; three general inferences f o r , 378; see also Colleges; Teaching Efficiency, problem o f , in democratic procedure, 285-88; the only kind worth having, 287 E f f o r t quotient, dynamic, 356 Emancipation, triple objective, 3 9 ; put f a r m e r s and mechanics in class with Negroes, 83« Emerson, Ralph W a l d o , quoted, 354 E n g l a n d , master-servant pattern, x ; aim of academic education, 270 English society, f r a t e r n a l spirit, 269

453

Environment, influence upon mental development, 402, 404 Equality of consideration, 276-79; v . natural equality, 276 Escape mechanism, 106, 1 1 0 Etiquette, system of, f o r slaves, 3 5 ; importance in p r e s e r v i n g caste system, 9 5 ; conditions Negro to attitude of inferiority, 1 1 4 E v a l u a t i n g and testing programs, 35559; sane objectives, 356 E v a n g e l i c a l fundamentalism and lynchings, 28, 391 Experience, nature of, 1 9 ; attitudes rooted in, 2 1 ; f e a r of unaccustomed factors in, 2 2 ; as part of curriculum, 342 ; intelligence acquired by, 4 0 1 , 404 Experimentalist approach to social change, 241 ff., 258 Experts, government by, 2 8 1 - 8 3 ; employed f o r socially desired ends, 283 Faculty, see T e a c h e r s F a m i l y , a factor in determining class, 7 1 , 72 ; study of, 337 F a r i s , E., quoted, 63 F a r m e r s , effect of invention of cotton gin upon, 3 7 ; put in class with Negroes, 83» Fear-hate complex at base of crimes committed against Negroes, 61 F e a r of N e g r o in South, 105 Federal T h e a t r e Project, 329» Feldman, Herman, quoted, 44 Field hand, separated f r o m house s e r v ant, 77 Filibustering, 295 F i r e protection f o r Negroes ineffective, 120 Fisk Jubilee Singers, 369 Florida, l a w g o v e r n i n g teachers, 194 Folklore and tradition, culture preserved in, 365 Football, 330 ff. Forney, W i l l i a m H., quoted, 45/1 Foster, Stephen, 143, 369 F r a t e r n a l spirit, 269 Freedmen, condition of, 40; shackled with new chains, 4 1 ; poverty, 41 ; pushed out of c r a f t s into unskilled labor, 43 ; democratic hopes defeated, 4 5 ; forced to i n v a d e occupations of

454

INDEX

Freedmen—(Continued) lower-class whites, 8 3 ; see also Negroes Freedmen's Bureau, 45B, 3 1 2 Freedom, intensified racial antagonisms, 39; social upheaval, 40 Freeman, Frank, et al., 166 French, the, show little prejudice tow a r d Negro, 23 Freud, Sigmund, 266 Frost, W i l l i a m G., 318 Frustration, limitations of caste develop feelings of, n o Functional segregation, 136 Fundamentalism and lynchings, 28, 391 G a r t h , T . R., study of race differences, 4 0 1 ; quoted, 402 General Education Movement, 372 Genius, environment and social soil, 368 Geographic segregation, 136, 1 4 1 G e o r g i a , law prohibiting competition of slave artisans with white workers, 3 2 ; free Negroes and slaves in, 7 6 ; education, 189, 190 G e r m a n pioneers, 36 Germans, musical genius, 368 G i r l Scouts, 94 Gone •with the Wind (Mitchell), 3 1 2 « Goodsell, Willystine, 1 7 m G o v e r n i n g board, see B o a r d G r a d u a t e schools, in segregated state institutions of higher learning, 9 ; ; degree-granting processes, 358; see also Colleges Green Pastures, The (Connelly), 143 G r o u p conflicts, see Conflicts Guidance program, 350-53; pre-admission, 3 5 0 ; in-college, 352 Habit patterns, emergence of,