Aleksanderia: Studies on Items, Ideas and History Dedicated to Professor Aleksander Bursche on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday 9783447115544, 9783447391382

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Pages
Table of Contents
Roksana Chowaniec & Renata Ciołek: Introduction. Plurimos Annos!
Claus von Carnap-Bornheim: Profesor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: laudacja dla Przyjaciela na 65-te urodziny
Jacek Andrzejowski: Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives
Anna Bitner-Wróblewska: The Phenomenon of East European Enameled Artefacts. Old Problem, New Questions
Jarosław Bodzek: 20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited. A Numismatist’s Perspective
Kevin Butcher: Eastern Imitations and the Beginning of the Antiochene SC Coinage
François de Callataÿ: Studies about Metal Composition of Greek Bronze Coinages. A Short Historiography and Why it Matters for the Historian
Adam Cieśliński: Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends
Renata Ciołek: Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus
Katarzyna Czarnecka: Head in a Chest. An Attempt to Reconstruct the Luxurious Casket from Princely Grave III in Wrocław-Zakrzów
Karsten Dahmen & Horst Kosanke: The 1764 Xanten Hoard of Roman Solidi. A Case of Severe Source Mis-interpretation
Tomasz Derda, Adam Łajtar & Tomasz Płóciennik: Latinitas at the Southernmost Peripheries of the Roman World. A Curious Latin Letter from Qasr Ibrim
Piotr Dyczek: How to Kill Two Birds with One Stone?
Arkadiusz Dymowski: Barbarian Copies of Roman Imperial Denarii
Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert: Celtic Drachms from Asia Minor
Cristian Găzdac: Hoard or Pay-day Money; Marcomannic Wars or Local Event? The Coin Deposit from the Auxiliary Fort Arcobadara in Roman Dacia
Haim Gitler & Oren Tal: Between the Borders. A Coin of Gaza Overstruck on an Edomite rb‘ sheqel (‘drachm’)
Giovani Gorini: Aspects of Aquileia’s Economic Life from the 2nd Century BC to the 1st Century AD in the Light of Numismatic Sources
Benjamin D. R. Hellings: A Linked Frontier? Denarius Finds within and beyond the Lower and Middle Rhine Frontier
Tomasz Herbich: Geophysical Methods in Surveying Roman Sites in Egypt
Helle W. Horsnæs & Mads Ravn: The Queen’s Gift. A Coin-like Pendant and a Gold Hoard from Hjarnø in a Comparative Perspectives
Antony Hostein: The Victoria Germanica on the Coinage of Trajan Decius
Fraser Hunter: Bronze medallions in Barbaricum and the Northern Provinces. A Medallion of Clodius Albinus from Scotland
Ireneusz Jakubczyk: Traces of the Przeworsk Culture Outside its Territory. Type A 158 Iron Brooches
Michel Kazanski: The Goths, the Cimmerian Bosporus, and the Roman Empire in the 4th Century AD
Andrzej Kokowski & Wieńczysław Niemirowski: ‘Eine Silbermünze …’ (‘A Silver Coin …’)—or on Coins in a Newspaper
Holger Komnick, Marjanko Pilekić & David Wigg-Wolf: The Stuttgart Coin Collector Ernst Unger and His Networks
Bartosz Kontny: Mysterious Zoomorphic Artefact from Międzyrzecz, in Western Poland
Maxim Levada, Magdalena Mączyńska & Stepan Stepanenko: The Hoard You Did Not and Could Not See
Henryk Machajewski & Bartłomiej Rogalski: The Dębczyno Group Settlement in Lubieszewo, Gryfice County, Site 2
Renata Madyda-Legutko: Among the Eastern, Central, and North European Barbaricum
Jiří Militký: Unusual Imitations with the Name of Alexander III of Macedonia
Lucian Munteanu: Pierced and/or Looped Roman Denarii from Western Moldavia (Romania)
Wojciech Nowakowski: Roman Coins from the Miętkie Cemetery. The Problem of Credibility of Old Records
Mariangela Puglisi: Outline of Coin Circulation in Roman Times in the Eastern Tyrrhenian Area of Sicily
Dieter Quast: A Comment on the Organisation of Social Power in the Sîntana-de-Mureş—Černâhov Culture
Andreas Rau (with assistance by Jan Schuster): Hanging in There! (Another) Note on Early Migration Period Scabbard Suspension in Northern, Central and Eastern Europa
Judyta Rodzińska-Nowak, Jan Bulas, Michał Kasiński & Magdalena Okońska: A Pelta-shaped Golden Pendant from the Przeworsk Culture Settlement in Rzemienowice, Site 1, Kazimierza Wielka County
Vladimír Salač: How Small was Maroboduus’ Kingdom?
Vladimir F. Stolba & Ulrike Peter: The Artemis Cult in the Troad. The Corpus Nummorum and the Study of Regional Religious History
Ute Wartenberg: A Hoard of Archaic Obols of Aegina (Coin Hoards VIII.20)
Bernhard Weisser: In a Networked World: the Berlin Münzkabinett and Poland
Nancy L. Wicker: New Investigations of Migration Period Scandinavian Gold Bracteates. Illuminate Old Finds, and Modern Technologies Reveal New Discoveries
Reinhard Wolters: The Serrati of Niederlangen and Tacitus’ Germania
Wojciech Wróblewski: Salt and Iron. An Archaeological-historical Essay
Anna Zapolska & Arkadiusz Dymowski: Roman Imperial Bronze Coins from the 1st–3rd Centuries AD on the Southern and Eastern Baltic Coast
Jerzy Żelazowski: The Prestige of Glass in Barbarian Contexts of the Princely Graves from Wrocław-Zakrzów
List of Credits

Citation preview

Renata Ciołek and Roksana Chowaniec (Eds.)

Aleksanderia Studies on Items, Ideas and History Dedicated to Professor Aleksander Bursche on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday

Harrassowitz

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Aleksanderia

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Aleksanderia Studies on Items, Ideas and History Dedicated to Professor Aleksander Bursche on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday Edited by Renata Ciołek and Roksana Chowaniec

2021 Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://dnb.de/ abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at https://dnb.de/.

For further information about our publishing program consult our website https://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de/ © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2021 This work, including all of its parts, is protected by copyright. Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. Printing and binding: Hubert & Co., Göttingen Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-447-11554-4 e-ISBN 978-3-447-39138-2

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Table of Contents

Roksana Chowaniec & Renata Ciołek

Introduction. Plurimos Annos! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

Claus Carnap-Bornheim

Professor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: Laudation for a Friend for his 65th Birthday (in Polish, English, and German). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jacek Andrzejowski

Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anna Bitner-Wróblewska

The Phenomenon of East European Enameled Artefacts. Old Problem, New Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5 17 25

Jarosław Bodzek

20 Years Later—the Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited. A Numismatist’s Perspective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kevin Butcher

Eastern Imitations and the Beginning of the Antiochene SC Coinage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

33 45

François de Callataÿ

Studies about Metal Composition of Greek Bronze Coinage. A Short Historiography and Why it Matters for the Historian. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

51

Adam Cieśliński

Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Renata Ciołek

Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

61 73

Katarzyna Czarnecka

Head in a Chest. An Attempt to Reconstruct the Luxurious Casket from Princely Grave III in Wrocław-Zakrzów. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Karsten Dahmen & Horst Kosanke

The 1764 Xanten Hoard of Roman Solidi. A Case of Severe Source Mis-interpretation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

81 87

Tomasz Derda, Adam Łajtar & Tomasz Płóciennik

Latinitas at the Southernmost Peripheries of the Roman World. A Curious Latin Letter from Qasr Ibrim. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Piotr Dyczek

How to Kill Two Birds with One Stone?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Arkadiusz Dymowski

Barbarian Copies of Roman Imperial Denarii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

93 101 111

VI

List of Contents

Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert

Celtic Drachms from Asia Minor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

117

Cristian Găzdac

Hoard or Pay-day Money. Marcomannic Wars or Local Event? The Coin Deposit from the Auxiliary Fort Arcobadara in Roman Dacia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Haim Gitler & Oren Tal

Between the Borders. A Coin of Gaza Overstruck on an Edomite rb‘ sheqel (‘drachm’). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

131 139

Giovanni Gorini

Aspects of Aquileia's Economic Life from the 2nd Century BC to the 1st Century AD in the Light of Numismatic Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Benjamin D. R. Hellings

A Linked Frontier? Denarius Finds within and beyond the Lower and Middle Rhine Frontier. . . . . . . . . Tomasz Herbich

Geophysical Methods in Surveying Roman Sites in Egypt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

143 151 157

Helle W. Horsnæs & Mads Ravn

The Queen’s Gift. A Coin-like Pendant and a Gold Hoard from Hjarnø in a Comparative Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antony Hostein

The Victoria Germanica on the Coinage of Trajan Decius. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

167 179

Fraser Hunter 

Bronze Medallions in Barbaricum and the Northern Provinces. A Medallion of Clodius Albinus from Scotland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ireneusz Jakubczyk

Traces of the Przeworsk Culture Outside its Territory. Type A 158 Iron Brooches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Michel Kazansky

The Goths, the Cimmerian Bosporus, and the Roman Empire in the 4th Century AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Andrzej Kokowski & Wieńczysław Niemirowski

‘Eine Silbermünze…’ (‘A Silver Coin…’)—or on Coins in a Newspaper. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Holger Komnick, Marjanko Pilekić & David Wigg-Wolf

The Stuttgart Coin Collector Ernst Unger and his Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bartosz Kontny

Mysterious Zoomorphic Artefact from Międzyrzecz, in Western Poland. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maxim Levada, Magdalena Mączyńska & Stepan Stepanenko

The Hoard You Did Not and Could Not See . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Henryk Machajewski & Bartłomiej Rogalski

The Dębczyno Group Settlement in Lubieszewo, Gryfice County, Site 2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Renata Madyda-Legutko

Among the Eastern, Central, and North European Barbaricum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

187 203 211 217 225 235 247 251 263

List of Contents

VII

Unusual imitations with the Name of Alexander III of Macedonia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

273

Jiří Militký

Lucian Munteanu

Pierced and/or Looped Roman Denarii from Western Moldavia (Romania). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wojciech Nowakowski

Roman Coins from the Miętkie Cemetery. The Problem of Credibility of Old Records. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mariangela Puglisi

Outline of Coin Circulation in Roman Times in the Eastern Tyrrhenian Area of Sicily. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dieter Quast

A Comment on the Organisation of Social Power in the Sîntana-de-Mureş—Černâhov Culture . . . . . . .

279 287 293 303

Andreas Rau

Hanging in there! (Another) Note on Early Migration Period Scabbard Suspension in Northern, Central and Eastern Europa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

325

Judyta Rodzińska-Nowak, Jan Bulas, Michał Kasiński & Magdalena Okońska

A Pelta-shaped Golden Pendant from the Przeworsk Culture Settlement in Rzemienowice, Site 1, Kazimierza Wielka County. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vladimír Salač

How Small was Maroboduus’ Kingdom?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

347 353

Vladimir F. Stolba & Ulrike Peter

The Artemis Cult in the Troad. The Corpus Nummorum and the Study of Regional Religious History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ute Wartenberg 

A Hoard of Archaic Obols of Aegina (Coin Hoards VIII.20) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bernhard Weisser

In a Networked World. The Berlin Münzkabinett and Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

363 379 393

Nancy L. Wicker

New Investigations of Migration Period Scandinavian Gold Bracteates Illuminate Old Finds, and Modern Technologies Reveal New Discoveries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reinhard Wolters

The Serrati of Niederlangen and Tacitus’ Germania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wojciech Wróblewski

Salt and Iron. An Archaeological-historical Essay. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

409 415 423

Anna Zapolska & Arkadiusz Dymowski

Roman Imperial Bronze Coins from the 1st–3rd Centuries AD on the Southern and Eastern Baltic Coast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Jerzy Żelazowski

429

The Prestige of Glass in Barbarian Contexts of the Princely Graves from Wrocław-Zakrzów. . . . . . . . . . .

435

List of Credits. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

443

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

© Joanna Żero

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Introduction Plurimos Annos!

by Roksana Chowaniec & Renata Ciołek It is our great honour and true pleasure to open this Jubilee Book offered to Professor Aleksander Bursche. A broad circle of his friends and close co-operators graced this tome with their diverse contributions. The present Jubilee Book was published to mark Jubilarian’s 65. birthday, on 11th February, 2021. The reasons for our little team of two’s decision to undertake the effort of compiling these texts and editing the volume were twofold. Firstly, we happen to have been the very first PhDs promoted by the Jubilarian, so we see it as our honourable duty, and secondly— and even more importantly—we take pride in being his students. This said, it bears emphasising here that the circle of his students is, of course, much broader and spans several generations of archaeologists and numismaticians. Professor Aleksander Bursche’s scholarly interests are very far-reaching, both within numismatics and archaeology. In his works he has discussed numismatic finds along with their archaeological contexts, their role as mirrors reflecting the past, and as parts of numismatic collections. He has also put great contributions to studies on the Roman and Migration Periods, as well as conservation science and popularisation of archaeology. Aleksander has always been an extraordinary, brisk personality, eager to cooperate within diverse areas of academic life at the University of Warsaw, Warsaw itself, Poland, and beyond. It is also worth mentioning, in the exact following order, that he is President of the Polish Council of DARIAH, Coordinator of the international project funded from the ‘Maestro’ grant of the Narodowe Centrum Nauki (National Science Centre) titled ‘Okres Wędrówek Ludów w dorzeczu Odry i Wisły’ (‘Migration Period in the Basin of the Odra and Vistula Rivers’) or another one, titled ‘Imagines Maiestatis: Monety barbarzyńskie, elity władzy i narodziny Europy’ (‘Imagines Maiestatis: Barbarian Coins, Ruling Elites and the Birth of Europe’) and realised within

the ‘Beethoven’ Programme. He is also a member of the Programme Council of the Copernicus Science Centre in Warsaw, the Archaeological Museum in Biskupin, or the International Numismatic Council. Professor Aleksander Bursche is also the main organiser of the prestigious International Numismatic Congress which is to be held in Warsaw in September 2022. In 2014, he was awarded by the President of Poland with the order of Polonia Restituta ‘for outstanding achievements in archaeological research and education as well as protection and promotion of Polish cultural heritage’. It would be impossible to compress the whole curriculum vitae of the Jubilarian into such a short text as this one. Hence, it is not the intended goal of our Introduction to this Jubilee Volume. Instead, this brief outline is, by necessity, focused only on the aforementioned select achievements of Professor Aleksander Bursche and aimed at justifying the thematic scope of the present book. The table of contents of this Jubilee Volume alone suffices to demonstrate the exceptional range of topics, perfectly reflecting the breadth of horizons of the Jubilarian. Particular contributors represent different generations of archaeologists and numismaticians, various scholarly traditions, and diverse fields of expertise within the numismatic-archaeological domain. The Jubilee Volume comprises 45 academic papers and ‘Laudatio for a Friend for his 65th Birthday’ penned by Claus von Carnap-Bornheim (Schleswig). The majority of the texts touch upon what was nearest and dearest to the Jubilarian in academic terms— namely numismatics (26 papers). When it comes to chronology, they discuss problems pertaining to numismatics of the Celts (W. Fischer-Bossert), Greeks (F. de Callataÿ, R. Ciołek, J. Militký, U. Wartenberg), and Romans (A. Hostein). Many papers are focus on finds of coins (J. Bodzek, K. Dahmen, H. Kosanke, A. Dymowski, C. Găzdac, B. D. R. Hellings, H.

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

2

Roksana Chowaniec & Renata Ciołek

Horsnaes, F. Hunter, A. Kokowski, H. Komnick, D. Wigg-Wolf, W. Nowakowski, N. L. Wicker, R. Wolters, and A. Zapolska/A. Dymowski). The ‘oldest’ contribution in the Jubilee Volume discusses a hoard of Archaic obols of Aegina dated to ca. 500 BC. The hoard is of exceptional importance, has been mentioned in the literature but hitherto remained unpublished. We are happy that Ute Wartenberg chose to publish it in the Jubilee Volume dedicated to Professor Aleksander Bursche. Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert examines a series of scyphate Alexander-type coins I and verifies the hypothesis about their Thracian provenance. History of research on chemical composition of Greek bronze coins has been, in turn, selected by François de Callataÿ as his main theme. Jiří Militký discusses imitations of coins while reporting an unusual discovery of four specimens bearing the name of Alexander III of Macedonia and trying to determine their origins. By presenting eastern imitations and the beginning of the Antiochene SC coinage, Kevin Butcher remains close to the discussion on imitations and circulation of Roman coins, but at the same time moves the spotlight beyond the limits of the central European Barbaricum. Giovani Gorini illustrates how numismatic finds, in his case coming from specific archaeological contexts in the ancient town of Aquileia, can shed muchneeded light on numerous aspects of the economic life of its inhabitants from the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD. Another paper, authored by Cristian Găzdac, deals with numismatic finds from the Roman province of Dacia, namely artefacts unearthed in the auxiliary fort of Arcobadara (today Ilișua, Romania). The discovery comes from a very well-described archaeological context. Finally, Lucian Munteanu focuses on pierced and/or looped Roman denarii from western Moldavia (Romania). Several other contributions explore the questions pertaining to elaboration of numismatic material in archaeological contexts—yet another area intensely studied by the Jubilarian. These include a paper by Jarosław Bodzek who once more offered an analysis of the numismatic material coming from a very wellknown Przeworsk Culture settlement in Jakuszowice, a small village in the Świętokrzyskie voivodship. Arkadiusz Dymowski presented his findings regarding imitations of Roman denarii—a problem which has ever been at the core of the research interests of the Jubilarian and his students. The same scholar co-authored with Anna Zapolska presented a summary of their research on Roman Imperial bronze coins from the 1st–3rd centuries AD on the southern and eastern Baltic coasts. In their paper, Helle Horsnæs and Mads Ravn also touch upon many subjects important for the Polish numismatic

school. A seemingly inconspicuous find of a coin-like pendant from Hjarnø proves to be a unique discovery when we add that the pendant is made of gold, with a portrait of Julius Nepos, related to bracteates, and was unearthed alongside a hoard of coins in 2019. Bracteates have been scrutinised also by Nancy L. Wicker who presents Scandinavian golden artefacts analysed with the use of the most advanced modern technologies and methods. Hoards of golden coins are also discussed in a joint paper by Karsten Dahmen and Horst Kosanke who have revisited a particularly valuable assemblage of solidi found in Xanten in 1764, ten years after a nearby discovery of another set of golden coins. The subject matter of the paper by Benjamin D. R. Hellings is equally close to the scholarly interests of Professor Aleksander Bursche, as it addresses several aspects of Roman denarii found along the western border of the central European Barbaricum, by the River Rhine. Another contribution, authored by Holger Komnick, Marjanko Pilekić, and David Wigg-Wolf, resulted from a tight scholarly cooperation with the Jubilarian and discusses a collection of Ernst Unger which included, among others, a unique imitation of a golden coin. Moreover, Andrzej Kokowski and Wieńczysław Niemirowski contributed what might be called an exercise in ‘archival’ numismatics— an interesting study on numismatic finds reported in the ‘Oder-Zeitung’ journal before the Second World War. Any archaeologist easily understands the value of ‘information on finds’ appearing in daily press—in the late 19th and early 20th century it would often be the only mention of such finds. The same kind of ‘discoveries’ is also central to the paper by Maxim Levada, Magdalena Mączyńska, and Stepan Stepanenko, as well as that of Wojciech Nowakowski on Roman coins from the Miętkie cemetery, western Masuria. The cooperation between Polish and German numismaticians received splendid and extensive treatment in a paper by Bernhard Weisser titled ‘In a Networked World: the Berlin Münzkabinett and Poland’. It has been indeed through the Münzka­bi­ nett of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin where paths and trajectories of many Polish numismaticians would often lead. Hence, this paper constitutes an extremely useful resource for Polish numismaticians-archaeologists by providing a wealth of information on the holdings of the Numismatic Cabinet in Berlin. Reinhard Wolters and Antony Hostein submitted what should probably be seen as articles fitting most seamlessly into Jubilarian’s main area of interest. Relics of the Republican coinage, including a very specific type, i.e. serrated coins (serrati), are confronted by Reinhard Wolters with information passed down by Tacitus in his ‘Germania’. Antony Hostein’s focus, on the other hand, is on the coinage

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Introduction. Plurimos Annos!

of the 3rd century AD, especially during the reign of Decius Trajan, studied in relation to the activity of the Gothic tribes in the Danubian provinces. Fraser Hunter presented a paper dedicated to bronze medallions in Barbaricum and the northern provinces, with the spotlight on a single interesting specimen: the medallion of Clodius Albinus from Scotland. An insightful take on iconography found on coins is proposed by Ulrike Peter and Vladimir F. Stolba who explore the change and continuity in the cult of Artemis in the Troad and its adjacent regions, as expressed in both the chronological and geographical distribution of the evidence, as well as in its typological variation. Coin circulation in the Roman times in the eastern Tyrrhenian area of Sicily, in turn, is discussed in a paper by Mariangela Puglisi. For a change, a ‘transborder’ article has been written by Haim Gitler and Oren Tal, as it revisits the Edomite coins through the lens of the so far unpublished coin from Gaza, dated to the Persian Period, which has recently resurfaced on the antiquities market. The remaining papers comprised in the Jubilee Volume do not deal with numismatics and instead highlight the archaeological side of Professor Aleksander Bursche’s scholarly profile. Jacek Andrzejowski dedicated his text to contributions made by the Jubilarian in the field of the archival archaeology. The phenomenon of east European enameled artefacts is investigated by Anna BitnerWróblewska. Jubilarian’s studies are also a point of reference for the paper by Adam Cieśliński on strapends as a manifestation of intercultural relations and Roman influence on the barbarian world. Analogous finds were obtained during Professor Aleksander Bursche’s excavations conducted in the years 1982– 1988 on a Wielbark Culture cemetery in Krosno, near Elbląg, northern Poland. Two papers are discussing one of the best-known ‘princely’ graves unearthed in Poland, namely the Wrocław-Zakrzów graves. These were contributed by Katarzyna Czarnecka (luxurious casket) and Jerzy Żelazowski (glassware). Jubilarian’s research interests are also reflected by articles dealing with one of the most-studied Roman Period settlements—in Lubieszewo, near Gryfice (Henryk Machajewski and Bartłomiej Rogalski)—as well as those discussing relics from the Migration Period, namely a scabbard suspension from northern-central and eastern Europe (Andreas Rau with contribution of Jan Schuster) and a mysterious zoomorphic artefact (Bartosz Kontny). In his contribution, Ireneusz Jakubczyk convincingly shows how a single type of artefact (iron fibula) may illustrate huge changes occurring within a given cultural circle and provide evidence for intercultural contacts. Such contacts are also investigated

3

by Michel Kazanski who elucidates how the Goths gained power over the Cimmerian Bosporus in the 4th century AD. Yet another comprehensive and important article authored by Dieter Quast discusses social power structures in the Sîntana-de-Mureş— Černâhov Culture and demonstrates how changes traced in archaeological material dated to the 3rd–4th centuries AD may provide information about military, ideological, economic, and political transformations (e.g. from different warrior communities of the Barbaricum to a stable society). Contacts between communities of the Sîntana-de-Mureş—Černâhov Culture are also investigated on the basis of archaeological finds from a Przeworsk Culture settlement by Judyta Rodzińska-Nowak in cooperation with Jan Bulas, Michał Kasiński, and Magdalena Okońska. The Černâhov Culture receives treatment also in a paper by Renata Madyda-Legutko who analyses indicators of social status on the basis of a highrank warrior burial. Professor Aleksander Bursche’s research interests are also shared by Vladimír Salač in a paper that attempts to verify our knowledge about the territorial range and role of the Maroboduus’ Kingdom. Of outstanding scholarly value is a joint article authored by Tomasz Derda, Adam Łajtar, and Tomasz Płóciennik which engages the question of Latinitas at the southernmost peripheries of the Roman world (letter from Qasr Ibrim). Piotr Dyczek crafted a paper smoothly combining an intriguing title (‘How to Kill Two Birds with One Stone’) and important insights with a valuable and concise summary of several decades of archaeological investigation in Novae, Bulgaria. Professor Aleksander Bursche has always keenly followed the latest advancements in technology and new methods in archaeology, therefore this Jubilee Book features an article on geophysical methods written by Tomasz Herbich. Last but not least, the Jubilee Volume is capstoned with ‘Salt and Iron’—an archaeological-historical essay presented by Wojciech Wróblewski. All the contributions mentioned above adhere to the utmost standards of academic assiduity and often introduce previously unpublished material as well as insights from the latest research endeavours of their Authors. Hence, we can rest assured that they are going to become important voices in the international scholarly discourse. Finally, we would like to express our deep gratitude to those whose support was instrumental in publishing this Jubilee Volume—particularly David Wigg-Wolff, who would gladly proofread texts whenever asked, Stephan Hassam and Andrew Rigsby for proofreading all the papers, and Joanna Żero for the cover design prepared especially for our Jubilarian.

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

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Roksana Chowaniec & Renata Ciołek

We would also like to thank the Pub­lishers,  Harrassowitz Verlag, for their kindness, exceptional collaboration, and patience. A separate mention has been well-deserved by Mr Stephan Specht and Mrs Ulrike Melzow. Let us conclude this introduction by expressing our best and heartfelt wishes to the Jubilarian on behalf of all the Authors who contributed to this publication. We also want to show our immense respect for the depth and breadth of Professor Aleksander Bursche’s impact on Polish archaeology in general, University of Warsaw and its newly-founded Faculty of Archaeology in particular, as well as, first and foremost, his contribution towards development and recognition of the Polish school of numismatics and archaeology.

For many of us, the Jubilarian is and has always been a true Authority in all things, academic and practical. If we were to list the main features distinguishing Professor Aleksander Bursche, it would certainly be his charisma, integrity, and determination in pursuing the common good. The present book have been published with support of the University of Warsaw (IDUB PSP 501 D115-200004314). Special thanks go to Prof. Alojzy Z. Nowak, Rector of the University of Warsaw, Prof. Zygmunt Lalak, Vice-Rector for Research, Prof. Bartosz Kontny, Dean of Faculty of Archaeology. Plurimos Annos, Professor!

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Profesor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: laudacja dla Przyjaciela na 65-te urodziny*

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Napisanie laudacji do Księgi Jubileuszowej jest zaszczytem, ale także wyzwaniem. Składają się na to trzy czynniki które nie ułatwiają niniejszego zadania. Do tego dodać należy także aspekty emocjonalne i empatyczne, gdyż zadaniem jest uczczenie naukowca, kolegi i przyjaciela. Podczas gdy osiągnięcia naukowca można ocenić na podstawie analizy wskaźników i punktacji jego dzieł—w oparciu o znane nam wszystkim procedury stosowane w międzynarodowych postępowaniach w zdobywaniu stopni i stanowisk naukowych—, to o wiele trudniej jest opisać Jubilata jako kolegę w tej samej dyscyplinie nauki. W tym przypadku bowiem niezwykle istotne jest, aby opisać zarówno Jego działania i wytrwałość, ale także, jeśli to konieczne, poddać je krytyce. Z całą pewnością będzie miało to miejsce w licznych artykułach zamieszczonych w ramach tej Księgi Jubileuszowej, chociaż już teraz możemy być pewni, że Jubilat zostanie tu przedstawiony jako znakomity i czołowy archeolog europejskiego formatu. Zapewne zatem zostanie zaprezentowany w taki sposób, w jaki On sam do tej pory raczej nie ośmielał się myśleć. Szczególnie trudne, ale też bardzo zaszczytne jest przedstawienie osoby Jubilata z trzeciej wspomnianej powyżej strony, czyli jako przyjaciela, ponieważ przy tworzeniu obiektywnego naukowego obrazu zawsze będą miały znaczenie wrażenia mające swe źródło w bardzo osobistych przeżyciach. Taka laudacja może, a nawet musi być subiektywna i po części także niesprawdzalna, gdyż odnosi się do tych lat, w ciągu których Jubilat i piszący te słowa związani są węzłami przyjaźni. W naszym przypadku jest to już ponad dwadzieścia pięć lat. Aleksander Bursche wzrastał na Starym Mieście, w sercu dostojnej, ale i tak bardzo wówczas umęczonej Warszawy. Jej zrekonstruowany i odbudowany Rynek Starego Miasta, Zamek Królewski i Uniwersytet były

*

dla niego filarami miasta, w którym rany zadane przez Drugą Wojnę Światową długo jeszcze nie miały się zabliźnić. Jego dom rodzinny był domem otwartym, a przez więzy pokrewieństwa od zawsze związany z Zachodem, a konkretnie z Belgią. Główną postacią tej protestanckiej rodziny był i jest biskup Juliusz Bursche, który w 1940 roku, najpierw uwięziony w obozie koncentracyjnym w Sachsenhausen, zginął w berlińskim więzieniu Moabit. Siła i pewność siebie Jubilata mają źródło w tej tradycji, którą uważa za zobowiązanie dla swej rodziny i dzieci, a także dla dzieci ich dzieci. W 1975 roku Aleksander poznał Katarzynę Ignatowską, pochodzącą jak on z protestanckiej poważanej, warszawskiej rodziny. Już wkrótce postanowili iść razem przez życie. Dla Aleksandra oznaczało to przeprowadzkę na wschodni (sarmacki) brzeg Wisły i rozpoczęcie w 1980 roku życia razem z rodziną Kasi na Saskiej Kępie. Ich syn Juliusz urodził się 30 stycznia 1986 roku, a córka Marta 13 grudnia 1987 roku. W połowie lat siedemdziesiątych Aleksander rozpoczął studia na kierunku Archeologia, na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, a niebawem głównym obszarem Jego zainteresowań stała się numizmatyka antyczna. Tytuł magistra uzyskał w 1980 roku, a jego promocja doktorska miała miejsce w 1988 roku. Te lata ukształtowały go nie tylko naukowo, ale także jako homo politicus, gdyż zaangażował się w tworzenie nielegalnej prasy, zdając sobie przy tym doskonale sprawę, jakie zagrożenia wynikają z tej działalności dla niego i dla całej Jego rodziny. Lata osiemdziesiąte były w Polsce okresem wszechobecnych braków i wyrzeczeń. Dlatego też nowy sposób życia w XXI wieku dla Aleksandra stoi do tego w znaczącym kontraście. Moim zdaniem Jego nadzwyczajne talenty w zakresie organizacji jedzenia i napojów w najtrudniejszych sytuacjach biorą się

Translated by M. Mączyńska.

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

6

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim

właśnie z doświadczeń owych czasów. Piszący te słowa wraz z ze swoją żoną mogą to wiarygodnie poświadczyć wspierając się własnymi doświadczeniami, zarówno na głębokiej polskiej prowincji, jak i na pustyni w Namibii. Jako kolega Jubilata nie jestem całkowicie pewny, czy Aleksander określa siebie mianem archeologa czy też numizmatyka. Wydaje się, że zmienia się to w zależności od dnia, albo raczej od archeologicznych lub numizmatycznych zadań, którym w danym momencie intensywnie się poświęca. Ważniejsza jest tu jednak naukowa naturalność, wynikająca z połączenia tych dwóch dyscyplin. Jubilat traktuje połączenie archeologii, numizmatyki i historii starożytnej jako logiczną konsekwencję i naukową konieczność, kiedy podejmuje się zagadnień związanych z całościowym opisem stosunków w europejskim Barbaricum pierwszych wieków n.e. i ich zależności od dynamiki zmian w czasie i historycznego rozwoju Imperium Romanum. W rozwoju naukowym mistrzami byli Mu jego nauczyciel akademicki, historyk starożytny i archeolog klasyczny Profesor Jerzy Kolendo (1933– 2014), jak i krakowski archeolog Profesor Kazimierz Godłowski (1933–1995). Aleksander wykorzystuje w swoich badaniach potencjał, jaki wyłania się z połączenia antycznych przekazów pisanych z dokładnymi danymi numizmatycznymi oraz ze źródłami archeologicznymi, rozwijając w ten sposób interdyscyplinarne scenariusze, które zmieniają zasadniczo nasze spojrzenie na Cesarstwo Rzymskie i Barbaricum. Dla swoich studentek i studentów Profesor Aleksander Bursche jest wskazującym kierunki i niezwykle wymagającym, choć przy tym nie nazbyt cierpliwym nauczycielem. Decydujące znaczenie mają dla Niego zaangażowanie w archeologię, wytrwałość we własnej pracy i radość z własnych postępów. Profesor Aleksander Bursche zawsze ma też na uwadze logikę wewnętrzną osobistych postępów naukowych swoich studentów. Jeżeli bez uzasadnionych powodów schodzą oni z właściwej drogi, to wówczas Aleksander zdecydowanie i niekiedy bardzo stanowczo udziela im rad. Podczas naszych wspólnych podróży mieliśmy okazję doświadczyć czegoś podobnego, czy to chodziło o wybór kawiarenki na poranne espresso, czy o tradycyjną halę targową z dobrym jedzeniem, czy o konieczne obejrzenie ważnego archeologicznego zabytku, czy wreszcie o obiecującą wyprawę do lasu na grzyby. Rzadko tylko akceptowane są zmiany wyznaczonego celu, a najczęściej jest on konsekwentnie realizowany. W latach 1992–1994 Aleksander był stypendystą Fundacji Humboldta, a w czasie jego pobytu we Frankfurcie nad Menem jego opiekunką naukową była Profesor Maria Alföldi. Do języków angielskiego i rosyjskiego doszło wtedy opanowanie niemieckiego, co pozwoliło na głębokie poznanie i dalsze

spożytkowanie kultury badawczej i naukowej także i w tym języku. Niewiele jest takich indywidualności badawczych w Europie, które w takim stopniu jak Aleksander są w stanie zrozumieć trzy różne obszary i mechanizmy badań—wschodnioeuropejski, niemiecki i anglosaski, wykorzystując przy tym ich mocne i słabe strony. Lepiej niż inni nasz Jubilat potrafi przeanalizować narzucone sobie ograniczenia w obrębie tych trzech obszarów badawczych, czy chodzi tu o nadmiar teoretycznych rozważań, zbytni regionalizm czy przesadne zamiłowanie do szczegółów w odniesieniu do materiału archeologicznego. Sam Aleksander mierzy swe archeologiczne badania najwyższą międzynarodową miarą, z której czerpie siłę innowacyjną, radość z eksperymentu, z której rodzi się jego oddziaływanie badawcze. Jego pobyty w Wolfson College i w Ashmolean Museum w Oksfordzie są tego jednocześnie wyrazem i owocem. Na tym opiera się także jego postawa polityczna, demokratyczna i otwarta na świat. Tym bardziej więc rani go rozwój wydarzeń w ostatnich latach, tak w Polsce, jak i w innych krajach europejskich, naznaczonych populizmem i wrogością do demokracji. Z racji swej silnie rozbudzonej świadomości politycznej i historycznej uważa je za dramatyczny powrót do stanu rzeczy w polskim społeczeństwie sprzed 1989 roku, choć w innym politycznym wydaniu. Na szczególne podkreślenie zasługuje gotowość Jubilata do wprowadzania innowacji. Z naukowego punktu widzenia można tu wymienić liczne przykłady, z których podkreślę szczególnie dwa. Zastosowanie wykrywaczy metali do znajdowania zabytków archeologicznych z różnych epok jest ogólnie znanym zjawiskiem. W krajach, gdzie przepisy prawne dotyczące wykorzystania wykrywaczy metali są wadliwe oraz występuje lekceważenie takiego prawa, prowadzi to do dramatycznych strat dziedzictwa archeologicznego i wiedzy naukowej. Z drugiej strony są kraje, gdzie dzięki odpowiednim przepisom prawnym kształtuje się ścisła współpraca pomiędzy amatorami i zawodowymi archeologami, prowadząc—tak jak w Danii—do przełomowych odkryć archeologicznych. Już w 1990 roku Aleksander podjął współpracę ze środowiskiem poszukiwaczy, mając pełną świadomość, że spowoduje to poważne konflikty z polskim środowiskiem naukowym. Dyskusja nad zagadnieniem wykrywaczy metali zarówno w Polsce, jak i w wielu europejskich krajach, daleka jest od zakończenia, ale dzięki działalności takich osób jak Aleksander debata ta będzie zmierzała w kierunku, w którym—z jednej strony można doprowadzić do zmiany stanowiska wszystkich zaangażowanych w nią stron, z drugiej—do konsekwentnego wypracowania nowych przepisów prawnych. Strony zaangażowane w tę dyskusję muszą zmierzyć się z

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Profesor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: laudacja dla Przyjaciela na 65-te urodziny

profesjonalną i publiczną krytyką, co może niekiedy doprowadzić do nieprzyjemnych sytuacji. Nie ulega jednak wątpliwości, że Jubilatowi udało się— zwłaszcza w ostatnich latach—poprzez skierowanie swych zainteresowań naukowych na liczne znaleziska detektorystyczne w Polsce i w południowej Ukrainie, znacząco powiększyć naszą wiedzę w zakresie archeologii okresu wpływów rzymskich i wędrówek ludów w Europie. Zupełnie różnej natury, ale równie ważne w jego nowatorskim podejściu, jest zaangażowanie Aleksandra w organizację Festiwalu Archeologicznego w Biskupinie. Przez wiele lat Jubilat współtworzył niezwykle atrakcyjną formułę festiwalu i przyczynił się do tego, że dziesiątki tysięcy odwiedzających poznało archeologię w zupełnie nowy sposób: swobodny i nieskomplikowany. Sama koncepcja festiwalu wymagała długotrwałych przygotowań, w trakcie których problemy organizacyjne muszą być rozwiązywane szybko i zdecydowanie. Alek podejmuje się takich zadań spontanicznie i z radością, ze świadomością jednak, co jest możliwe do zrobienia, a co nie. Największe znaczenie ma dla Niego poczucie, że nowatorska popularyzacja archeologii oznacza dużo więcej, niż tylko przekształcenie wiedzy fachowej w ogólną. Jubilat postrzega ten proces raczej jako impuls do określania tożsamości wszystkich grup w polskim społeczeństwie. Prezentowana Księga Jubileuszowa jest doskonałym świadectwem naukowej produktywności Jubilata zarówno w krajowym, jak i międzynarodowym zakresie. Bierze się ona z Jego bardzo rozległej wiedzy archeologicznej, doskonałego naukowego doświadczenia, obszernej prywatnej biblioteki, zamiłowania do poszukiwań w internecie i wreszcie ze szczególnego ‘miejsca, skąd czerpie siłę’. Miejsce to znajduje się w dużym ogrodzie letniego domu w Chyliczkach, a dokładniej pod wielką, dającą wiele cienia lipą. Wiele Jego koleżanek i kolegów zna jego maile i telefony, w których wspomina, że właśnie w tym miejscu pisze wniosek, artykuł lub książkę. Ci, którzy mogli je wraz z Alkiem odwiedzić, odczuwali bez wątpienia szczególny nastrój owego miejsca i na pewno przy lekturze publikacji Alka będą wspominać ten ogród. Jedną z cech, które zasługują na szczególne wyróżnienie, zarówno w prywatnej jak i zawodowej

7

dziedzinie, jest gotowość Aleksandra do przyjmowania na siebie odpowiedzialności. Tak się też działo przy wielkim projekcie badawczym dotyczącym okresu wędrówek ludów w dorzeczu Odry i Wisły, zainicjowanym i prowadzonym przez Niego od 2013 roku. W tym przypadku Jubilat świadomie zmierzył się z problemem naukowym, który co prawda nie może przynieść ostatecznych rozwiązań dawnych kwestii badawczych, za to pozwala na dogłębne wniknięcie w obszar archeologii i nauk przyrodniczych. Wyniki pracy w ramach tego projektu zostały opublikowane w dwutomowym dziele. Świadczy to o tym, że siła innowacji, poczucie odpowiedzialności i gotowość do podjęcia ryzyka prowadzą do wspaniałych rezultatów, gdy spiritus rector owego przedsięwzięcia gotów jest zainwestować w nie więcej niż zwykle. Taki sam związek pomiędzy inicjatywą, odpowiedzialnością i prezentowaniem zachodzi, moim zdaniem, w nienaukowym kunszcie śpiewaczym Jubilata, który przy różnych okazjach inicjuje chóralne śpiewy, czy to z okazji urodzin, jubileuszy, czy to w etiopskich restauracyjkach do trudno zrozumiałej miejscowej muzyki. Nie można nie wspomnieć, że Aleksander za swe zasługi został udekorowany polskimi i międzynarodowymi odznaczeniami. W 2014 roku z rąk Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej otrzymał order ‘Polonia restituta’, do czego walnie przyczynił się jego patriotyzm i miłość do ojczystego kraju. Dlatego właśnie obserwuje aktualne polityczne wydarzenia z wielką uwagą i świadomością osoby, zdecydowanie odrzucającej ograniczenia intelektualne i ideologiczne zaślepienie, a która przyszłość swojego kraju widzi tylko w demokratycznej i europejskiej Polsce. Ta Księga Jubileuszowa jest wyrazem szacunku i uznania koleżanek i kolegów Alka, Jego przyjaciół i długoletnich towarzyszy Jego drogi życiowej dla wspaniałego naukowca i kolegi. Wielu jej autorów może uważać się za przyjaciół Profesora Aleksandra Bursche. Piszący te słowa w ich imieniu składa Mu najserdeczniejsze życzenia: Ad multos annos!

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Professor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: Laudation for a Friend for his 65th Birthday*

by Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Writing a laudation for a Jubilee Book is as much an honour as a challenge. It combines three aspects which contribute to its difficulty; on top of that, emotions and empathy also play their part, since it is all about celebrating a scholar and a friend. While achievements of the scholar are reflected through his works—these are well-known from all his international qualification procedures for various academic positions—it is much more difficult to approach him as a colleague and fellow researcher. It calls for describing and, at the same time, presenting a critical evaluation of his contributions and perseverance. Certainly, this will be covered by the numerous articles collected in this jubilee book, but we can already be sure that the Jubilarian will be presented as an accomplished archaeologist and one of Europe’s leading scholars—thus in a manner undreamt of by him. It comes as particularly challenging, yet also as a privilege, to present the Jubilarian from the third of the aforementioned sides—as a friend. Crafting such an objective scholarly portrait will always remain influenced by impressions derived from very intimate, personal experiences. Such laudation may, and even has to be subjective and, as a result, also untestable, since it refers to the years when the Jubilarian and the humble author of these words have been bound by friendship. In our case, we are dealing with a period of more than 25 years. Aleksander Bursche grew up in Stare Miasto (‘Old Town’), right at the heart of a proud yet much tormented Warsaw. The reconstructed Market Square of the capital, the Royal Palace, and the University were to him the pillars of the city whose wounds inflicted during the Second World War were still far from healed. His family home was an open house whose residents cherished their blood ties with the West, and specifically,—Belgium. The main figure in

*

this protestant family was Bishop Juliusz Bursche who, after being held in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, died in the Berlin Moabit prison. The strength and self-confidence so visible in the Jubilarian stem from this tradition, which he considers an obligation for his family and children, as well as the children of their children. In 1975, Aleksander met Katarzyna Ignatowska, who comes from a respected protestant family from Warsaw just like him. Soon afterwards they decided to live their lives together. For Aleksander it meant relocating to the eastern (Sarmatian) bank of the Vistula River and, since 1980, moving in with Kasia’s family in Saska Kępa. Their son, Juliusz, was born on 30th January, 1986, and their daughter, Marta, on 13th December, 1987. In the mid-1970s, Aleksander started studying archaeology at the University of Warsaw and soon took up numismatics as his main area of interest. He obtained his master’s diploma in 1980, followed by a doctorate in 1988. These years formed him not only as a scholar, but also as an homo politicus, since he got involved in the underground press movement, despite being perfectly aware of the consequences this activity might have had for him and his family. The 1980s in Poland were a time of poignant scarcity, creating a stark contrast in Aleksander’s eyes with the new living conditions of the 21st century. His extraordinary talents regarding securing a stable supply of food and drinks in most difficult circumstances are directly, in my opinion, traceable to the harsh experiences of that time. As the author of the above remark, together with my wife, I can provide a testimony to it based on my own personal experiences—be it deep in the Polish countryside or in the Namibian desert.

Translated by M. Talaga.

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

10

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim

As a colleague to the Jubilarian, I am not quite sure whether Aleksander thinks of himself as an archaeologist or a numismatician. It seems to change depending on the time of day—or even better—on the archaeological or numismatic work at hand. However, what seems really important, is the organic complementarity between these two scholarly disciplines. He sees a blend of archaeology, numismatics, and ancient history as a logical consequence and methodological necessity whenever a holistic investigation is the goal, especially regarding the European Barbaricum in the 1st centuries AD and its dependence on the dynamics of change and historical development of the Imperium Romanum. His masters on the path of science were his academic teacher—ancient historian and classical archaeologist, Prof. Jerzy Kolendo (1933–2014)—and an archaeologist from Cracow— Prof. Kazimierz Godłowski (1933–1995). In his scholarly practice, Aleksander makes use of the potential emerging from the combination of written accounts, precise numismatic data, and archaeological sources, thus developing interdisciplinary interpretative frameworks and significantly altering our perspective on the Empire and Barbaricum. For his students, Professor Bursche has always been an inspiring and demanding, albeit not too patient teacher. Of crucial importance to him are involvement in archaeology, perseverance in work, and joy drawn from one’s own progress. He is always attentive to the internal logic of personal development of his students. Whenever they deviate from the right path without legitimate reasons, Aleksander calls them to order and, often quite firmly, offers them advice. In the course of our common travels, we have had an opportunity to experience something similar—be it when choosing a café for our morning espresso, selecting a traditional market hall with good food, visiting important archaeological monuments or foraging for mushrooms in the forest. Only by way of exception are set goals allowed to change, and in most cases they are pursued with utmost consistency. Between 1992 and 1994, Aleksander held a scholarship from the Humboldt Foundation and over his stay in Frankfurt am Main his academic supervisor was Prof. Maria Alföldi. This allowed him to add the command of German to his English and Russian, which in turn enabled him to access and draw from the scholarly culture of the German-speaking academic community. Few scholars in Europe could match Aleksander’s understanding of the three distinct areas and research paradigms—Eastern-European, German, and Anglo-Saxon—with their strengths and shortcomings. This puts our Jubilarian in a unique position to evaluate these three cultural circles’ internal limitations, such as theoretical cluttering, excessive regionalism, or unnecessary focus on details

of the archaeological material. Aleksander himself measures his own archaeological studies against the best international practices, which drive his innovativeness—the joy he draws from experimental exploration, in turn, fosters his scholarly impact. His stays at the Wolfson College and the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford serve as proof and outcome of the above mindset. The said principles are also at the core of his political stance—democratic and open to the world. Hence, he finds the histories recently unfolding in Poland and other European countries, marked with populism and anti-democratic sentiments, deeply troubling. From his political and historical perspective, he sees these events as a dramatic return, but not direct repetition in political terms, of the situation experienced by Polish society prior to 1989. Worthy of particular note is our Jubilarian’s readiness and ability to introduce innovation. In regard to academic matters, many examples could be quoted, but here let me limit myself to just two. The use of metal detectors to locate archaeological relics from all periods is a generally well-known phenomenon. Where law enforcement is weak and legal regulations are routinely violated, it leads to dramatic loss in archaeological substance and its informative potential. At the same time, other regions or legislative environments may support tight cooperation between amateurs and professional archaeologists which, like in the case of Denmark, leads to ground-breaking archaeological discoveries. As early as 1990, Aleksander decided to introduce metal detectors to the Polish archaeological practice, expecting no less than severe backlash from the academic community. Debates over this question, in Poland as well as in other European countries, is still going on, but through the agency of such personalities as Aleksander it seems to be heading in a direction which, on the one hand, is going to alter the stances of all of its participants or, on the other, to result in developing consistent legal regulations. Main players in this discussion have to be open to professional and public critique, which may cause tensions at times. It is, however, beyond doubt that the Jubilarian managed, especially in recent years, to significantly expand our knowledge of the Roman and Migration Period in Europe and that he achieved that thanks to his interest in the numerous discoveries made by detectorists in Poland and southern Ukraine. Distinct in character, but of comparable innovative impact, has been Aleksander’s involvement in organisation of the Archaeological Festival in Biskupin. Over the years, he influenced its exceptionally attractive form and thus helped create an opportunity used by tens of thousands of visitors to experience archaeology in a light, accessible way. The concept of the festival requires long-term preparations, but the organisational problems have to be addressed

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Professor Aleksander Bursche: Laudation for a Friend for his 65th Birthday

quickly and firmly on an ad hoc basis. Aleksander tackles these challenges head-on and joyfully while keeping a realistic view on what is possible to achieve. It is most important for him to remember that innovative popularisation of archaeology means much more than just transforming professional insights into common knowledge. He sees this process rather as an identity-building impulse affecting all social groups in Poland. The present Jubilee volume is a perfect testimony to the Jubilarian’s scholarly productivity, both on the national and international levels. It is grounded in his extensive knowledge of archaeology, deep scholarly experience, rich personal library, love for Internetbased investigation, and finally—from his particular ‘power node’. It is located in the large garden of his summer house in Chyliczki, or to be more precise— under a grand shade-giving lime tree. Many of his colleagues know his e-mails or phone calls in which he mentions working on an application, article, or book in this very place. Those who had a chance to visit it with Aleksander undoubtedly felt its particular ambience and will recall this garden upon reading this publication. One of the traits of character deserving special mention, in private as well as professional contexts, is Aleksander’s readiness to take up responsibility. It has been visible throughout a huge research project dealing with the Migration Period in the basins of the Oder and Vistula rivers, initiated and directed by him since 2013. There, the Jubilarian was faced with a scholarly problem which, admittedly, is not going to provide definitive answers to all the longstanding research questions, but will certainly enable

11

deep insights regarding archaeology and natural sciences. Outcomes of this work are to be published as a two-volume study. This shows that the power of innovation, sense of responsibility, and openness to risk-taking lead to excellent results, provided that the spiritus rector of the given endeavour is ready to make extraordinary investments to it. I would wager that the same correlation between initiative, responsibility, and presentation is reflected in the art of singing displayed by our Jubilarian who is known to start choral songs in a variety of contexts—at birthday parties, jubilees, or in a restaurant in Ethiopia to the unfamiliar beats of local music. It cannot also be overlooked that Aleksander’s contributions have been recognised and earned him numerous Polish and international distinctions. In 2014, he received the ‘Polonia Restituta’ order, which reflected his patriotism for his beloved homeland. The same patriotism is also the reason behind him keeping a close eye on current political events, watching them as an open-minded observer rejecting any form of intellectual or ideological blindness and envisioning his country’s future only as a democratic and Europeoriented Poland. This book is a homage paid by colleagues and longterm life companions to Aleksander as an outstanding scholar and as a friend. And indeed, many of its contributors are happy to claim friendship with Professor Aleksander Bursche. And it is on their behalf that the author of these words would like to pass on the most heart-felt wishes: Ad multos annos!

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Professor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: Laudatio für einen Freund zum 65. Geburtstag

von Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Eine Laudatio im Rahmen einer Geburtstagsfestschrift schreiben zu dürfen, ist eine Ehre und Herausforderung zugleich. In unserem Fall überlagern sich dabei drei Aspekte, die die Aufgabe nicht leichter werden lassen, sie zudem aber mit einer emotionalen, von Empathie getragenen Komponente beladen, gilt es doch, einen Wissenschaftler, einen Kollegen und einen Freund zu ehren. Während die Leistung und Wirkung eines Wissenschaftlers im Grunde genommen durch eine Indikatoren gesteuerte Analyse erfolgen könnte – wir alle kennen diese Verfahren aus internationalen Antragstellungen –, so ist ein wissenschaftlicher Kollege weitaus schwieriger zu betrachten. In diesem Fall gilt es, Wirkungen und Nachhaltigkeiten zu beschreiben und gegebenenfalls kritisch zu evaluieren. Sicherlich wird dies im Rahmen dieser Festschrift in zahlreichen Beiträgen erfolgen, wobei wir uns schon jetzt sicher sein dürfen, dass der Jubilar hier als exzellenter und führender Archäologe von europäischem Zuschnitt erkennbar werden wird— dies vielleicht sogar mehr als er selbst bis zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt zu hoffen wagte. Besonders heikel, aber eben auch besonders ehrenhaft wird die Aufgabe, wenn die dritte der eingangs beschriebenen Ebenen zu bewältigen ist: Das Verfassen einer Laudatio auf einen Freund, denn das Bild der wissenschaftlichen Objektivität wird im Laufe des Verfassens immer wieder durch Eindrücke beherrscht, die aus ganz persönlichen Quellen und Erlebnissen schöpfen. Eine solche Laudatio kann, darf und wird somit subjektiv und in Teilen nicht überprüfbar sein und sie rückt jene Jahre in den Vordergrund, seit denen der Laureat und der Laudator freundschaftlich verbunden sind; in unserem Fall sind dies mehr als 25. Aleksander Bursche ist im Herzen Warschaus, in der Altstadt der ehrwürdigen, gequälten Stadt aufgewachsen. Der wieder aufgebaute Marktplatz, der Königspalast und die Universität waren für ihn Haltepunkte in einer Stadt, deren Wunden des 2. Weltkrieges noch lange nicht verheilt waren. Sein Elternhaus

war weltoffen und durch seine familiären Wurzeln auch nach Westen, konkret nach Belgien orientiert. Familienhistorischer Fixpunkt der protestantischen Familie war und ist Bischof Juliusz Bursche, der 1940, nachdem er im KZ Sachsenhausen gefangen gehalten wurde, sein Leben im Gefängnis Moabit in Berlin lassen musste. Die Standfestigkeit und das Selbstbewusstsein des Laureaten wurzeln in dieser Tradition; er betrachtet sie darüber hinaus als Verpflichtung seiner Familie und seinen Kindern und Kindeskindern gegenüber. Im Jahr 1975 lernte Aleksander Katarzyna Ignatowska kennen, die – ebenfalls aus einem protestantischen, ehrwürdigen Warschauer Elternhaus stammt. Beide beschlossen schon bald, ihren Lebensweg gemeinsam zu gehen. Für Aleksander bedeutete dies allerdings, auf die östliche (sarmatische) Seite der Weichsel zu wechseln und zusammen mit Kasias Familie ab 1980 auf Saska Kępa zu leben. Der Sohn Juliusz wurde am 30.01.1986 geboren, die Tochter Martha am 13.12.1987. Mitte der 1970er begann Aleksander das Studium der Archäologie an der Universität Warschau, wo er schon früh seinen Schwerpunkt auf die Numismatik setzte. Seinen Magister legte er 1980 ab, seine Promotion erfolgte 1988. Zweifellos sind diese Jahre für ihn nicht nur wissenschaftlich, sondern auch als homo politicus prägend, engagierte er sich doch für die illegale Presse und dies durchaus im Bewusstsein jener Gefährdungen, die für ihn und seine Familie daraus erwachsen könnten. Besonders die 1980er Jahre waren in Polen von Mangel und Verzicht geprägt. Die neuen Lebenswelten des 21. Jahrhunderts stehen daher für Aleksander in überdeutlichem Kontrast dazu. Meiner Meinung nach resultiert Aleksanders außerordentliche Fähigkeit, Essen und Getränke auch in den schwierigsten Situationen organisieren zu können aus dieser besonderen bibliografischen Erfahrung. Der Autor dieser Zeilen und seine Gattin können dies glaubhaft belegen, sei

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

14

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim

es aus eigenem Erleben sowohl in der polnischen Provinz als auch in der Wüste Namibias. Als Kollege des Laureaten bin ich mir nicht ganz sicher, ob sich Aleksander primär als Archäologe oder als Numismatiker bezeichnen würde. Seine Selbstwahrnehmung scheint tagesabhängig – oder besser – abhängig von jenen archäologischen bzw. numismatischen Aufgaben, denen er sich aktuell besonders intensiv widmet. Wichtiger ist jedoch das wissenschaftliche Selbstverständnis, das sich für ihn selbst aus dieser Konstellation ergibt. Er betrachtet die Kombination von Archäologie, Numismatik und Alter Geschichte als logische Konsequenz und wissenschaftliche Notwendigkeit sollen die Verhältnisse im europäischen Barbaricum der ersten Jahrhunderte n. Chr. in deren Abhängigkeit zur zeitlichen Dynamik und historischen Entwicklung des Imperium Romanum umfassend beschrieben werden. Sein akademischer Lehrer, der Althistoriker und Klassische Archäologe Prof. Jerzy Kolendo (1933–2014), spielt bei der Entwicklung dieses umfassenden wissenschaftlichen Ansatzes eine ebenso wichtige Rolle wie der Krakauer Archäologe Prof. Dr. Kazimierz Godłowski (1934–1995). Aleksander nutzt dabei jene Potentiale, die sich aus der Kombination der schriftlichen Überlieferung mit den exakten numismatischen Daten sowie den archäologischen Funden und Befunden ergeben und entwickelt so interdisziplinäre Szenarien, die unseren Blick auf das Imperium und Barbaricum grundlegend verändert haben. Für seine Studentinnen und Studenten ist Prof. Bursche ein wegweisender und fordernder, nicht aber über die Maßen geduldiger Lehrer. Für ihn sind das wissenschaftliche Engagement für die archäologische Sache, Ausdauer in der eigenen Forschungsarbeit und Freude am persönlichen Fortschritt die entscheidenden Faktoren. Dabei steht ihm die innere Logik der jeweils persönlichen Ausbildungsgänge seiner Studierenden deutlich vor Augen. Weichen sie von jenem Weg ohne nachvollziehbaren Grund ab, so kann Aleksander bestimmend und gelegentlich auch alternativlos in seinem Ratschlag werden. Auf unseren gemeinsamen privaten Reisen haben wir immer wieder Vergleichbares erlebt und zwar wenn es darum ging, ein kleines Café für den morgendlichen Espresso, eine traditionelle Markthalle mit gutem Essen, ein wichtiges archäologisches Denkmal oder einen ertragversprechenden Pilzwald anzusteuern. Ist das Ziel erst einmal ins Auge gefasst, so werden Alternativen allenfalls für wenige Momente akzeptiert, ansonsten aber der vorgezeichnete Weg konsequent abgeschritten. Zwischen 1992 und 1994 war Aleksander Stipendiat der Humboldt-Stiftung, während seines Aufenthaltes in Frankfurt a.M. war Prof. Maria Alföldi seine Mentorin. Neben seine englischen und russischen

Sprachkenntnisse trat nun das Deutsche, wodurch der Laureat eine weitere sprachlich gebundene Wissenschafts- und Forschungskultur im Detail kennen und nützen lernte. Nur wenige exzellente Forscherpersönlichkeiten Europas sind so wie Aleksander in der Lage, die drei so sehr unterschiedlichen akademischen Umfelder und Wirkungsmechanismen der ostmitteleuropäischen, der deutschen und der angelsächsischen Forschung überblickend zu verstehen und deren Stärken und Schwächen zu nutzen. Deutlicher als andere kann der Laureat daher die in diesen Umfeldern selbstgewählten, gelegentlich auch forschungsgeschichtlich bedingten Eigenbegrenzungen analysieren – sei es die theoretische Übertreibung, die regionale Eingeschränktheit oder die materialgebundene Detailverliebtheit. Aleksander selbst misst seine archäologische Forschung an den höchsten internationalen Maßstäben, woraus er Innovationskraft, Experimentierfreude und wissenschaftlichen Einfluss gewinnt. Seine Aufenthalte im Wolfson College und im Ashmolean Museum in Oxford sind Ausdruck und Lohn dieses Profils. In ihnen basiert aber auch seine politische Grundhaltung, die weltoffen und demokratisch ist. Umso mehr verletzen ihn jene Entwicklungen der letzten Jahre sowohl in Polen als auch in anderen europäischen Ländern, die von Populismus und Demokratiefeindlichkeit geprägt sind. Er betrachtet diese vor dem Hintergrund seines ausgeprägten politischen und historischen Bewusstseins als dramatische Rückschritte hin zu einem Szenario, das wesentliche Züge der polnischen Gesellschaft vor 1989 reproduziert, wenn nun auch mit anderer politischer Ausrichtung. Besonders ausgeprägt ist die Innovationsbereitschaft des Laureaten. Aus dem wissenschaftlichen Bereich ließen sich hierfür zahlreiche Beispiele anführen, von denen hier jedoch nur zwei hervorgehoben werden sollen. Der Einsatz von Metalldetektoren zur Auffindung archäologischer Gegenstände aller Zeitstellungen ist ein weltweites Phänomen. Dort, wo die gesetzlichen Bestimmungen und ein entsprechendes Unrechtsbewusstsein schwach ausgeprägt sind, führt dies zu dramatischen Verlusten von archäologischer Substanz und wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnis. In anderen Regionen bzw. anderen legislativen Umfeldern konstituieren sich dagegen enge Kooperationen zwischen Amateuren und Profis, die – so etwa in Dänemark – zu bahnbrechenden neuen archäologischen Erkenntnissen führen. Schon in den 1990er Jahren entschied sich Alek zur Kontaktaufnahme in die polnische Szene der Detektorgänger hinein und dies im vollen Bewusstsein dafür, dass sich daraus grundlegende Konflikte mit der Scientific Community in Polen selbst ergeben würden. Die Diskussion ist in Polen wie auch in anderen europäischen Ländern zu diesem Fragenkomplex noch lange nicht

© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Professor Dr. Aleksander Bursche: Laudatio für einen Freund zum 65. Geburtstag

abgeschlossen; sie wird aber nur durch solche Akteure wie Alek in jene Richtung gebracht werden können, die einerseits zu einer veränderten Haltung aller Beteiligten und damit andererseits auch konsequent zu einer neuen Gesetzgebung führen kann. Dafür müssen sich Protagonisten der fachöffentlichen und öffentlichen Diskussion stellen, was durchaus auch unangenehme Aspekte mit sich bringen kann. Es steht aber außer jedem Zweifel, dass dem Laureaten insbesondere in den letzten Jahren durch die Ausrichtung seines wissenschaftlichen Interesses auf die zahlreichen Detektorfunde sowohl in Polen als auch in der südlichen Ukraine entscheidende Erkenntnisgewinne bezüglich der europäischen Kaiserzeit- und Völkerwanderungszeitforschung gelungen sind. Inhaltlich weit davon entfernt, in seinem innovativen Ansatz aber in gleicher Weise bedeutend ist Aleks Engagement für das archäologische Festival in Biskupin. Über viele Jahre hin hat er dieses außergewöhnlich attraktive Format mitgeprägt und so ganz wesentlich dazu beigetragen, dass viele zehntausend Menschen Archäologie auf eine ganz neue, unkomplizierte und leichte Weise kennengelernt haben. Das inhaltliche Konzept bedarf dabei der langfristigen Vorbereitung und Struktur, organisatorisch müssen Probleme aber kurzfristig und schnell gelöst werden. Alek stellt sich diesen Aufgaben mit Spontanität und Freude, vermag aber auch sehr deutlich das Machbare vom Unmöglichen zu unterscheiden. Dabei steht für ihn allerdings im Vordergrund, dass die innovative Popularisierung von Archäologie weit mehr ist als nur die Transformation von Spezial- in Allgemeinwissen. Vielmehr versteht er diesen Prozess als identitätsstiftend für alle gesellschaftlichen Gruppen der polnischen Gesellschaft. Die vorliegende Festschrift gibt ein beeindruckendes Zeugnis von der wissenschaftlichen Produktivität des Laureaten und dies sowohl auf nationalem wie auch auf internationalem Niveau. Dabei schöpft er aus seinem überragenden archäologischen Wissen, seiner hervorragenden wissenschaftlichen Erfahrung, einer umfangreichen Privatbibliothek sowie seiner Affinität zur Recherche im Internet und aus einem besonderen ‘Ort der Kraft’. Dieser befindet sich im großen Garten des Sommerhauses in Chyliczki und genauer dort unter einer großen, schattenspendenden Linde. Viele seiner Kolleginnen und Kollegen kennen seine Mails und seine Telefonate, in denen er auf diesen Platz mit der Bemerkung hinweist, dass er dort gerade einen Antrag, einen Aufsatz oder ein Buch schreibe. Jene, die diesen Ort schon einmal zusammen mit Alek besuchen durften, können ohne Zweifel das besondere Karma dieses Ortes nachvollziehen

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und werden sich bei der Lektüre von Aleks Publikationen gerne an diesen Garten erinnern. Eine von seinem persönlichen wie fachlichen Umfeld ganz besonders geschätzte Eigenschaft ist Aleks Bereitschaft, Verantwortung gleich welcher Art zu übernehmen. So z.B. in Verbindung mit dem großen Forschungsprojekt zur Völkerwanderungszeit zwischen Oder und Weichsel, das seit 2013 von ihm federführend initiiert und durchgeführt wurde. Hierbei stellte sich der Laureat bewusst einem wissenschaftlichen Problem, das nur bedingt sichere Lösungen alter Forschungsfragen erwarten ließ, aber dennoch einer grundlegenden Durchdringung in archäologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht bedurfte. Die Ergebnisse dieser Forschungsarbeit wurden in einem zweibändigen Werk vorgelegt. Dies zeigt, dass Innovationskraft, Verantwortungsbewuss­tsein und Risikobereitschaft dann zu überragenden Ergebnissen führen können, wenn der Spiritus Rector des Unternehmens bereit ist, weit mehr als das Gewöhnliche zu investieren. In denselben Zu­sam­menhang von Initiative, Verantwortung und Präsentation gehört meiner Meinung nach auch die nicht­wissenschaftliche Sangeskunst des Laureaten, der im­mer wieder spontan Chöre anstimmt, sei es zu Geburtstagen, zu Jubiläen oder in äthiopischen Kneipen zu schwerverständlicher einheimischer Musik. Es konnte nicht ausbleiben, dass Alek für seine Verdienste nationale und internationale Auszeichnungen erhalten hat. Dass der Orden ‘Polonia restituta’; den er 2014 aus der Hand des Polnischen Präsidenten entgegennahm, dabei eine besondere Rolle spielt, ist seinem Patriotismus und seiner Liebe zu seinem Vaterland geschuldet. Gerade deswegen betrachtet Alek die aktuellen politischen Entwicklungen mit großer Aufmerksamkeit und dem Wissen einer Persönlichkeit, die intellektuelle Beschränkungen genauso wie ideologische Verbohrtheit grundsätzlich ablehnen und die eine Zukunftsperspektive nur in einem demokratischen und europäischen Polen erkennen kann. Mit dieser Festschrift drücken Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Freudinnen und Freunde sowie langjährige Weggefährten ihren Respekt und ihre Anerkennung für einen exzellenten Wissenschaftler und herausragenden Kollegen aus. Sicherlich werden sich viele, die zu diesem Festband beigetragen haben, als Freunde und Freundinnen von Prof. Dr. Aleksander Bursche bezeichnen dürfen. Der Autor dieser Zeilen möchte somit im Namen aller diese Glückwünsche ausbringen: Ad multos annos!

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© 2021, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11554-4 - ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-39138-2

Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives

by Jacek Andrzejowski The collection of the State Archaeological Museum (Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne, hereinafter: PMA) in Warsaw contains a small assemblage of Roman Period pottery from Urle on Liwiec in eastern Poland, 1 consisting of a fragment of an Early Roman Period cinerary urn of the Przeworsk Culture and a miniature vessel of the Wielbark Culture (fig. 1). Both vessels are a part of the gift donated in 1909 to the then Museum of Industry and Agriculture (Muzeum Przemysłu i Rolnictwa, hereinafter: MPR) in Warsaw by a priest—Father F. Gąsiorowski. 2 According to the MPR catalog card drawn up by M. Wawrzeniecki, 3 the assemblage from Urle also included: ‘bronze piece, length 0.075 cm, four pieces of bronze, three pieces of iron, one flint flake, five small, decorated sherds of pottery’ 4 (fig.  2). The bulk of F. Gąsiorowski’s gift, however, consisted of numerous artefacts from Łupice in the then Słupca county in eastern Greater Poland. When the PMA was officially established in 1928, it absorbed the MPR’s assembled archaeological materials, 5 only to see them share the fate of the museum’s collection, when it was robbed in the autumn of 1939 by the so-called Kommando Paulsen, a part 1

2

3

4 5

Urle, then Jadów commune, Radzymin county, Warsaw Governorate (cf.  Słownik… 1892, 818; Słownik… 1902, 674), presently Jadów commune, Wołomin county, Masovian voivodeship. ‘Kraj. Tygodnik Polityczno-Społeczny i Literacki Ilustrowany’ 1909/9 (6/19 March), 8; ‘Dzień. Bezpartyjna gazeta popołudniowa’ 1909/62, 2; later cf. Wawrzeniecki 1912, 37; Jakimowicz 1926, 52. Nota bene, ‘Dzień’ placed the note about Father F. Gąsiorowski’s gift next to a column bearing a fetching Polish title of ‘Z mętów społecznych’ (‘From the dregs of society’), which might, but does not have to, indicate the rank archaeology held among the interests of the public. M. Wawrzeniecki (1863–1943), a known painter and archaeologist, was the curator of the Department of Excavations of MPR in the years 1906–1918. Cf.  Jakimowicz 1926; Jakimowicz 1948; Wrońska 1986, 77–79; Wrońska 1987, 199–202. MPR 443–445. Jakimowicz 1935, 273; Jakimowicz 1936, 209.

of Department II of the Reich Main Security Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt). 6 The artefacts stolen from PMA were transported to Poznań, where they eventually ended up in the warehouses of the Landesamt für Vorgeschichte, founded in 1940. 7 Due to the obvious language problems of the German staff and inadequate housing conditions, the planned categorization and cataloging of the collection from PMA were never fully completed. 8 While at least some of the artefacts from Łupice, located within the boundaries of the Reich after it had incorporated the so-called Wartheland, 9 were recorded in the inventory log of the Landesamt für Vorgeschichte, 10 the artefacts from Urle are not listed there. It is possible that it was due not only to the lengthy cataloging work itself, but also to the fact that, at that time, Urle was situated within the borders of the General Government. The artefacts from Urle returned to Warsaw along with the remaining part of the PMA collection preserved in the warehouses of the former Landesamt für Vorgeschichte in Poznań in the autumn of 1945, and the contents of the recovered crates were recorded the following year. 11 Unfortunately, many artefacts lost their labels during the war and remain unidentified to this day. What is worse, other artefacts were provided with false documents—one of such cases will be tackled here. There is only one of the artefacts from Urle filed in the PMA records from that time—entry no.  26

6

Cf. e.g. Mężyński 1994, 18–21, 56–57 and 85–86; recently: Klein 2016, 318–325. 7 Cf. e.g. Kersten 1944, 26; Kaczmarek 1996, 140–143; Kaczmarek 2009, 257; Klein 2016, 325. 8 Cf. Kersten 1944, 26; Kaczmarek 1996, 145–149. 9 ‘Reichsgau Posen’ (1939), ‘Reichsgau Wartheland (Warthegau)’ since January, 1940. Cf. e.g. Broszat 1961, 34–35. 10 Archive of the Archaeological Museum in Poznań. 11 PMA Archive, fonds ‘Rewindykacje’ (‘Reclamations’); cf. also Sawicki 1948, 87–88.

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Jacek Andrzejowski

a

b Fig. 1: Roman Iron Age pottery from Urle on Liwiec: (a) Przeworsk Culture cinerary urn; (b) Wielbark Culture miniature vessel.

lists ‘Urle naczynie rzym. rozb.’, 12 which was packed in crate no. 6. 13 Crate four contained ‘Brązy i fragm. ceram.’, 14 however, they were to have come from the village of Urla, Kremenets (Krzemieniec) county, in Volhynia. 15 These artefacts were initially cataloged in 1958 and 1960, 16 respectively, and soon published by T. Liana 17 and, without illustrations,

12 ‘Roman Period vessel, broken’. For the convenience of the Reader, all foreign quotes have been translated into English and included in the notes. 13 In the makeshift PMA inventory log from 1953 or 1954, there is a note under no. 0256 reading ‘Urle/1 pud. ceramiki’ (‘1 box of pottery’). 14 ‘Bronzes and pottery sherds’. 15 In the above-mentioned inventory, under no. 2602, there is a temporary, pencil-written note ‘Urla’ (with no further information). 16 The so-called draft files, filled by hand, with up-to-date inventory numbers of the PMA collection: IV/213 (Urle) and IV/1740 (Urla). 17 Liana 1961, 218, pl.  IV: 15; cf.  Kempisty 1965, 55; Dąbrowska 1973, 239.

by T. Dąbrowska. 18 The small vessel of the Wielbark Culture appears in the museum documents only in 1971—in the sheets recording physical inventory of the Iron Age Department collections, 19 and in literature almost a quarter of a century later—R. Wołągiewicz mentioned it in his monograph on the pottery of the Wielbark Culture. 20 There is no mention of it in the article by T. Dąbrowska, completed in 1968 and published in 1973, 21 which indicates that this vessel had not been identified as originating from Urle until the late 1960s. The final return to the status quo ante bellum did not come until 2019. A. Juga-Szymańska, who was examining the archives of an Estonian archaeologist

18 Dąbrowska 1961, 219; Dąbrowska 1973, 240 (here as ‘Zabołotnyj’). 19 The Archive of the Iron Age Department of the PMA. The vessel was also added (when?) to the so-called draft file from 1960. 20 Wołągiewicz 1993, 118 (list 13A). 21 Dąbrowska 1973, 239.

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Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives

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Fig. 2–3: Urle on Liwiec: (2, above) MPR inventory card written by M. Wawrzeniecki, with a note made in ‘Landesamt für Vorgeschichte’ in Poznań. Scanned in 3:5; (3, below) File from M. Schmiedehelm’s archive, made in PMA (in 1926?). Scanned in 2:3.

M. Schmiedehelm, found an index card with a drawing of a strap-end and a short text: ‘445 Urla pow. Radzymin/Warsz. Ühe või kahe oksastatud sõle katkendit fatseteerit [ud] tüüp’ 22 (fig.  3). 23 The

22 ‘fragments of one or two facetted ‘crested’ fibulae’. 23 Personal files of M. Schmiedehelm in the Institute of History, Archaeology and Art History, Tallinn University (file no. 7_25_56_33). Most probably, M. Schmiedehelm drew up the card during the search of Warsaw museums in 1926 (cf. Juga, Nowakowski & Szymański 2000, 17–20; Juga, Ots  & Szymański 2003, 207). I offer my sincere

drawing on the card corresponds to the strap-end in the artefact assemblage cataloged in PMA (IV/1740) as originating from Urla (aka Zabolotnyj) in the former Kremenets county, 24 no. 445 corresponds to the MPR inv. no., and the length of the ‘bronze piece’ on the MPR catalog card corresponds to the size of the strap-end. The assemblage from Urla also includes fragments of one or two fibulae, mentioned by M. Schmiedehelm, a flint flake and two out of five decorated pottery sherds listed on the MPR card (fig. 4). Therefore, there is no doubt that all the artefacts from Urla (IV/1740) are actually the lost part of the assemblage from Urle (IV/213). While we know that the assemblage from Urle was split up at the Landesamt für Vorgeschichte in Poznań, how this happened remains unclear. It seems fairly probable that it was the incompetence of the German officials organizing the collections that was at fault. M. Wawrzeniecki wrote the name of the town on the MPR catalog card as ‘Urla’, which was probably the reason why in Poznań the card was annotated in pencil with ‘Wolhynien/pod Krzemieniec’ (crossed out at a later date—but when?). For a person who did not know the geography of Poland, the notation ‘nad Liwcem’ on the MPR card was insufficient—they had to refer to some list of localities of the pre-war Polish Republic, which would show that the only one called Urla was located in the commune of Bereźce, Krzemieniec county, Volhynian voivodeship. 25 The correct notation (‘Urle nad Liwcem/p. Radzymin’) thanks to A. Juga-Szymańska for drawing my attention to this index card and for making it available for publication. 24 No longer existing village (Урля; later Вірля/ Заболотний), now within village council Дунаїв, Кременецький район, Тернопільська область, western Ukraine (cf.  Słownik…, 1892, 817–818; Słownik…, 1902, 674; https://uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/Дунаїв_ (Кременецький район); accessed 15 September, 2019). 25 It could have been, for example, Skorowidz… 1933, 1781.

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Jacek Andrzejowski

d

a

e b

c

f

g

i

Fig. 4. Small finds from Urle on Liwiec: (a) copper alloy strap-end; (b–c) fragments of copper alloy brooches; (d–f) iron fittings; (g–h) two pieces of a clay urn; (i) flint flake. h

can be found on one of the two old labels, written by different people, preserved together with the fragment of the cinerary urn of the Przeworsk Culture (fig. 4). This, in turn, suggests that the pottery and metal artefacts from Urle were packed and transported to Poznań separately—the metal ones must have been accompanied by a label, but most likely without any administrative data. 26 The source of the error is therefore the name ‘Urla’ written on the MPR card, which is used only in this one case to refer to the collection of Father 26 More detailed information could have been included in the MPR inventory book, lost during the war (cf. Jakimowicz 1926, 51).

F. Gąsiorowski. It is possible that F. Gąsiorowski’s collection was given this form of the village name together with the artefacts—the alternate name is used by the villagers even today. It probably comes from the original topographic name, recorded in the 16th century as ‘u Orla’. 27 M. Wawrzeniecki knew the name ‘Urla’ before—he used it in 1906 on a photograph documenting his archaeological exploration in Urle. 28 27 Izbicki 2017, 24–26, 46. 28 ‘Kazimierz Stołyhwo i Maryan Wawrzeniecki w Urli przy rozkopywaniu kurhanów’ (‘Kazimierz Stołyhwo and Maryan Wawrzeniecki during excavation of barrows at Urla’) (cf.  http://mbc.cyfrowemazowsze.pl/dlibra/

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Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives

Fig. 5: Urle on Liwiec. Labels preserved with clay vessels, written by R. Jakimowicz (below) and by unknown person (above). Scanned ca. 2:3.

Unfortunately, there is no further information (if any ever existed) regarding the findspot and circumstances of the discovery of the artefacts from Urle, nor how they found their way to Father F. Gąsiorowski’s hands. F. Gąsiorowski (1876–1939) 29 lived and studied at a seminary in Warsaw. In 1906–1907, he presided over a Catholic parish in Dobra 30 near Zgierz, in central Poland. Beginning in 1908, he worked in several parishes and taught religion in middle schools in Warsaw, and he was a member of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in the years 1922–1933. 31 According to the mentions in the contemporary press, 32 F. Gąsiorowski was to have gathered his collection of archaeological artefacts during his stay in the countryside in 1905–1907, i.e., when he lived in Dobra. While there, he made painstaking efforts to reclaim the church occupied by the previous parish priest, who rebelled and, together with some of the faithful,

29 30

31 32

docmetadata?id=13390&from=publication; accessed 30th October, 2019). Cf. e.g. Dzwonkowski 1958; Gajewski 1994; profile on the page of the Sejm Library. Cf. Słownik… 1881, 65–66. In Father F. Gąsiorowski’s profiles, an incorrect name is used: Dobre, which is a village in the then Radzymin county, Warsaw Governorate (Słownik… 1881, 68–69). Smogorzewska 2000, 96–97. Cf. note 2.

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joined the Old Catholic Mariavite Church. 33 So how did he then manage to acquire the artefacts from Urle in eastern Mazovia and—much more numerous— from Łupice in central Greater Poland? It is possible that this happened in the course of sightseeing—yet another field of his activity of which we know very little. We find him, though only since 1912, on the list of active members of Polish Sightseeing Society. 34 The Society, founded in Warsaw in 1906, established its own museum in the first year of its existence. 35 It housed archaeological collections, although they never attained the same status as the collections of the Department of Excavations of the Museum of Industry and Agriculture. Therefore, the artefact assemblage from Urle consists of: 1. Profiled strap-end made of copper alloy, 36 type Madyda-Legutko I/6 (fig.  4: a); 2.  Fragment of a copper-alloy fibula, Almgren group V, series 8 (or 1?) (fig.  4: b); 3.  Fragment of a copper-alloy fibula, type Almgren 95/96 (fig.  4: c); 4.  Two small amorphous copper-alloy nuggets; 5.  Small rectangular iron fitting with rivet holes (fig.  4: f); 6.  Fitting made of a narrow iron strip, rectangular, with bent ends (fig. 4: d); 7. Staple made of a narrow iron strip, bent rectangularly (fig. 4: e); 8. Bottom part of a clay vessel (cinerary urn), carefully smoothed, shiny black (fig. 1: a); 9. Fragment of a broad ribbony handle and body fragment of a clay vessel, decorated with grooved lines and indentations; probably pieces of the cinerary urn above-mentioned (fig.  4: g–h); 10.  Miniature clay vessel, carefully smoothed, light brown, type Schindler/Wołągiewicz XIIIB (fig. 1: b); and 11. Flake of erratic flint (fig. 4: i). This ‘recovered’ assemblage of artefacts from Urle can be considered with a high dose of probability to have come from a cemetery of the Przeworsk and Wielbark Cultures. The strap-end, cinerary urn (probably a decorated vase with three handles) and both iron staples (fittings of a wooden box?) are artefacts of the Przeworsk Culture from phase B2; the small clay 33 Information courtesy of the current parish priest Father M. Grzegorczyk, cf.  https://www.archidiecezja.lodz. pl/parafia/swietego-jana-chrzciciela-i-swietej-doroty/; accessed 12 September, 2019. 34 ‘Rocznik Polskiego Towarzystwa Krajoznawczego’ VI, 1912, 20. 35 Cf. e.g. ‘Rocznik Polskiego Towarzystwa Krajoznawczego’ I, 1907, 38; II, 1908, 51; III, 1909, 30; IV, 1910, 39; cf. Szymański 1990, 39–42; Jędrzejczyk 2013, 62–63. 36 Macroscopic examination of this strap-end and its tomographic images taken at the National Centre for Nuclear Research in Świerk uncovered some astonishing morphological features. Similar features have been noted for several other strap-ends type I/6 from eastern Mazovia and are known to me from personal experience. Their interpretation requires further analysis, thus we will revisit the assemblage from Urle in the near future.

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vessel and fragments of fibulae belong to the Wielbark Culture horizon: phase B2/C1a (fibulae) or, in general, the older phase of the Late Roman Period (miniature vessel). The location of the cemetery is unknown, 37 but the Neolithic flint flake seems to indicate that it was (and still is?) located on a dune over the Liwiec River. The phenomenon of taking over the Early Roman Period cemeteries of the Przeworsk Culture by the Wielbark Culture newcomers, who used them from phase B2/C1a into the Late Roman Period, is well documented, also in the Liwiec River valley. 38 Another such cemetery is known from the immediate vicinity of Urle, from the village of Kaliska, Węgrów county, located on the other side of the river. 39 The presented example of the process of restoring information about archaeological collections lost or dispersed during the war shows once again how tedious the restoration of the status quo ante bellum can be. However, it also showcases the important role the archival sources and their systematic, critical study can play in this process. ***

In 1983, so almost forty years ago—and in a completely different world—at a conference in the Castle Museum in Malbork, Aleksander Bursche, now Professor, and I presented a copy of a report from the excavations conducted in 1932 at a cemetery of the Wielbark Culture at Wielbark (fmr.  Willenberg, Kr. Marienburg), presently a district of Malbork. Based on this document, discovered by accident in the PMA library, we also presented the first reliable location of this eponymous cemetery. 40 Thus, we took our first steps in the field of archival archeology—a field that has developed so remarkably over the years, thanks also to the political changes that took place in Europe after 1989. It is to these changes that I owe the possibility of recreating the artefact assemblage from Urle on Liwiec and writing this text…

Bibliography Almgren, O. 1923. Studien über nordeuropäische Fibel­ formen der ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhunderte mit Berücksichtigung der provinzialrömischen und süd­russischen Formen, Leipzig.

37 Cf. AZP 51–72/35 (Urle, site 4); archive of National Heritage Board of Poland. 38 Recently: Andrzejowski 2005, 239, fig.  9; Andrzejowski 2019, 228–233, figs. 4–8 (older literature quoted there). 39 Głosik 1993, 215, figs. 12, 13: a; Andrzejowski 2001, 102 and 109. 40 Cf. Andrzejowski & Bursche 1987, 255–277.

Andrzejowski, J. 2001. ‘Przemiany osadnicze i kulturowe na wschodnim Mazowszu i południowym Podlasiu u schyłku starożytności’, in: Bryńczak, B.  & Urbańczyk, P. (eds.), Najstarsze dzieje Podlasia w świetle źródeł archeologicznych, Siedlce: 95–136. Andrzejowski, J. 2005. ‘Liwiec river as axis of local settle­ment structures of the Przeworsk and Wiel­ bark Cultures’, in: von Carnap-Born­heim, C.  & Friesinger, H. (eds.), Wasserwege: Lebensadern— Trennungslinien, Neumünster: 231–252. Andrzejowski, J. 2019. ‘The Gothic migration through Eastern Poland—archaeological evidences’, in: Cieśliński, A.  & Kontny, B. (eds.), Interacting Barbarians. Contacts, Exchange and Migrations in the First Millennium AD, Warszawa– Braunschweig: 227–239. Andrzejowski, J.  & Bursche A., 1987. ‘Archeologia biblioteczna. Cmentarzyska kultury wielbarskiej w Krośnie, stanowisko 1 i w Wielbarku, woj. elbląskie’, in: Pawłowski, A. J. (ed.), Badania ar­cheo­logiczne w woj. elbląskim w latach 1980–83, Malbork: 233–277. Broszat, M. 1961. Nationalsozialistische Polenpolitik 1939–1945, Stuttgart. Dąbrowska, T. 1973. ‘Wschodnia granica kultury przeworskiej w późnym okresie lateńskim i wczesnym okresie rzymskim’, Materiały Starożytne i Wczesnośredniowieczne II: 127–248. Dzwonkowski, W. 1958. ‘s.v. Gąsiorowski Franciszek (1876–1939)’, in: Firlej, J., Girdwoyń, K., Ajdukiewicz, K.  & Konopczyński, W., Polski Słownik Biograficzny VII (1948–1958), Kraków: 348. Gajewski, S. 1994. ‘s.v. Gąsiorowski Franciszek (1876– 1939)’, in Bender, R., Słownik biograficzny katoli­ cyzmu społecznego I. A-J, Lublin: 140–141. Głosik, J. 1993. ‘Katalog Pogotowia Archeologicznego za lata 1977–1981’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne LII.2 (1991–1992): 209–234. Izbicki, T. 2017. Urle. Od URoczyska do LEtniska. Szyszkowie urlańscy, Warszawa–Sobolewo. Jakimowicz, R. 1926. ‘Dział Wykopalisk’, in: Pięćdziesięciolecie Muzeum Przemysłu i Rolnictwa w Warszawie 1875–1925, Warszawa: 51–52. Jakimowicz, R. 1935. ‘Sprawozdanie z działalności Państwowego Muzeum Archeologicznego za 1928 rok’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XIII: 232–278. Jakimowicz, R. 1936. ‘Państwowe Muzeum Archeologiczne, cele, organizacja i dotychczasowe dokonania’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XIV: 204–220. Jakimowicz, R. 1948. ‘Pamięci Mariana Wawrzenieckiego’, Przegląd Archeologiczny VIII.1: 136–137.

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Urle on Liwiec, or the Benefits of Researching the Archives

Jędrzejczyk, K. J. 2013. Tożsamość narodowa społec­ zeństwa polskiego po okresie zaborów Rozważania na przykładzie archeologii w Polskim Towarzystwie Krajoznawczym w latach 1906–1950, Włocławek. Juga, A., Ots, M.  & Szymański, P. 2003. ‘Über die Vorteile der Bildung einer ‘didaktischen Kolektion’’. Materialien der Bogaczewo-Kultur und Olsztyn-Gruppe in Ajaloo Instituut in Tallinn (Estland)’, in: Bursche, A.  & Ciołek, R. (eds.), Antyk i Barbarzyńcy. Księga dedykowana Profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendo w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, Warszawa: 205–243. Juga, A., Nowakowski, W.  & Szymański, P. 2000. ‘‘Galindzkie’ archiwalia archeologiczne w Tallinie. Spuścizna Marty Schmiedehelm’, Mrągowskie Studia Humanistyczne 2: 15–30. Kaczmarek, J. E. 1996. Organizacja badań i ochrony zabytków archeologicznych w Poznaniu (1720–1958), Poznań. Kaczmarek, J. 2009. ‘Archäologie in Westpolen und im Warthegau zwischen 1918 und 1945’, in: Schachtmann, J., Strobel, M. & Widera, T. (eds.), Politik und Wissenschaft in der prähistorischen Archäologie. Perspektiven aus Sachsen, Böhmen und Schlesien, Göttingen: 251–265. Kempisty, A. 1965. ‘Obrządek pogrzebowy w okresie rzymskim na Mazowszu’, Światowit XXVI: 5–162. Kersten, W. 1944. ‘Zur Geschichte der vorgeschichtlichen Sammlungen des Warthelandes’, Posener Jahrbuch für Vorgeschichte 1: 17–27. Klein, J. 2016. ‘Hans Schleif—Stationen der Biographie eines Bauforschers im Natio­nal­ sozia­lismus. Ergebnisse der Recherche zu der Theaterproduktion ‘Hans Schleif’ am Deut­schen Theater Berlin’, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archä­o­lo­ gischen Instituts 131: 273–421. Liana, T. 1961. ‘Znaleziska z okresu późnolateńskiego i rzymskiego z terenów między Wisłą a dolnym Bugiem’, Materiały Starożytne VII: 215–222. Madyda-Legutko, R. 2011. Studia nad zróżnicowa­ niem metalowych części pasów w kulturze przewor­ skiej. Okucia końca pasa, Kraków.

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Mężyński, A. 1994. Kommando Paulsen: październik­ grudzień 1939 r., Polskie Dziedzictwo Kulturalne, seria A: Straty Kultury Polskiej, Warszawa. Piętka-Dąbrowska, T. 1961. ‘Przyczynki do znajomości okresu od I do VI w. n.e. w międzyrzeczu Dniepru i Bugu’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XXVII.2: 217–238. Sawicki, L. 1948. ‘Działalność Wydziału Konserwacji i Badań Zabytków w Terenie w latach 1945–1947’, Sprawozdania P.M.A. I.1–4 (1945–1947): 85–144. Skorowidz… 1933. Skorowidz miejscowości Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z oznaczeniem terytorjalnie im właściwych władz i urzędów oraz urządzeń tele­ komunikacyjnych, Przemyśl–Warszawa. Słownik…1881. Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich II, Warszawa. Słownik…1892. Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich XII, Warszawa. Słownik…1902. Słownik geograficzny Królestwa Polskiego i innych krajów słowiańskich XV.2, Warszawa. Smogorzewska, M. 2000. Posłowie i senatorowie II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919–1939, vol. II: E-J, Warszawa. Szymański, S. 1990. Muzea Polskiego Towarzystwa Krajoznawczego 1906–1950, Warszawa. Wawrzeniecki, M. 1912. ‘Zbiory polskie IV. Dział wykopalisk przedhistorycznych w Muzeum Przemysłu i Rolnictwa w Warszawie’, Ziemia III.3: 36–37. Wołągiewicz, R. 1993.  Ceramika kultury wielbarskiej między Bałtykiem a Morzem Czarnym, Szczecin. Wrońska, J. 1986. Archeolodzy warszawscy na początku XX wieku, Wrocław. Wrońska, J. 1987. ‘Muzea prehistoryczne i zbiory prywatne w Warszawie (od przełomu XIX i XX w. do 1918 r.)’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XLVIII.2 (1983): 193–210.

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The Phenomenon of East European Enameled Artefacts Old Problem, New Questions

by Anna Bitner-Wróblewska The issues of barbarian symbols of prestige place an important role among the many interests of our Honouree. 1 Professor Aleksander Bursche underlined the role of gold as a marker of high status in the Germanic milieu in the Roman Period and pointed out the lack of gold in the Balts’ environment resulting in different social development. 2 However, the process of elite formation 3 in the latter area differed from the Germanic one, it does not mean that there are any local prestige goods. One of such status markers in the Roman Period could be regarded as the objects decorated with champlevé enamel widespread not only in the Balts’ lands, but generally in the east European Barbaricum (fig.  1). Local forms of enamelled finds are recorded in the huge area between the southeastern Baltic Sea region and the Black Sea, and from the Dnepr River basin up through the Volga River basin. There was a number of different categories of enamelled objects, mostly ornaments and dress accessories, but also elements of equestrian equipment and drinking horn chains. The gold hue of copper alloy used in making the object contrasted attractively with the red, orange, blue, green, yellow or white enamel (fig.  2). Often, one item was decorated with several different colours of enamel, sometimes a layer of tin was used to coat certain parts of the object giving an additional effect of a silvery shade. 4 The outstanding multi-coloured objects became the supra-regional status symbol in the broad regions of eastern Europe. The first finds of enamelled objects were recorded in 40s and 50s of the 19th centuries, including such a unique discovery as the deposit of belt sets in Krasnyj Bor, 5 northern Belarus, but only the finding 1 2 3 4 5

Cf. Bursche 1998. Bursche & Zapolska 2017. Banyté Rowell, Bitner-Wróblewska & Reich 2012. Bitner-Wróblewska & Bliujienė 2003. Krasnyj Bor, Minsk county, Belarus. Cf. Tyszkiewicz 1868, 61–62; Pobol 1972.

of the Moščino 6 hoard in 1888 brought attention to this category of artefacts. The splendid hoard with several dozen enamelled ornaments was discovered by N. I. Bulyčev in the pit under the wall of hill-fort at Moščino 7 (fig. 3). It was first presented in the exhibition organised during the 8th Archaeological Congress in Moscow in 1890 and published in the catalogue of that exhibition. 8 The extraordinary finds from the deep interior of Russia charmed the participant of the congress, French archaeologist baron Joseph de Baye so much that he described them and published them in Paris next year. 9 Since that time the phenomenon of eastern European enamelled artefacts has fascinated scholars and has been discussed in literature already for 130 years. 10 One of the first subjects of dispute remained the origin of the phenomenon in question and the first centre of production. There is no place here to present the history of research and changing opinions, but it is rather interesting to know the final conclusions—if there are any. All scholars argue that the rise of the barbarian enamel-decorated finds was inspired by influences from specialised provincial Roman workshops. 11 The long discussion concerning the first centre of the production—Mazury or the middle of the Dnepr River basin 12—is revealed to be useless and requires asking a new question. Who produced the eastern European enamelled artefacts? 6 7 8 9 10

Moščino, Kaluga county, Russia. Bulyčev 1899, 17–19. Cf. Korzuhina 1978, 14. de Baye 1891. Cf. i.a. Spicyn’’ 1903; Moora 1934; Tallgren 1937; Korzuhina 1978; Frolov 1980; Gorohovskij 1982; BitnerWróblewska 1993; Bitner-Wróblewska 2009; BitnerWróblewska 2019; Oblomskij  & Terpilovskij 2007; Michelbertas 2016; Rumânceva 2016. 11 Moora 1938, 109–110; Korzuhina 1978, 51–56; Rumȃnceva 2019. 12 Moora 1934; Korzuhina 1978; Gorohovskij 1982; BitnerWróblewska 1993; Bitner-Wróblewska 2009.

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Fig. 1: The main concentrations of east European enameled objects and distribution of dispersed finds.

Until now, in the huge area of distribution the enamelled finds, there is only one place where the ‘stationary’ workshop associated with local community was recorded, namely, the settlement at Abidnâ

(Adamenka) in northern Belarus. 13 This site yielded crucibles with traces of enamel, casting moulds, lunula pendants and plenty of red glass beads possibly used in

13 Abidnâ, Mohylev county, Belarus. Cf. Il’ûtnik 2016.

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The Phenomenon of East European Enameled Artefacts

Fig. 2: One of the triangular brooch from Brânsk/ Usuh hoard.

Fig. 3: Selected finds from Moščino hoard.

enamel production. Besides ‘stationary’ workshops, it might also be the other form of enamel production. In my opinion specialised itinerant craftsmen may have played an important role in manufacturing enamelled objects, showing a varying level of skill, however. 14 The existence of travelling enamellers could explain the marked differences shown by east European enamels produced, imaginably, to individual commission (two identical pieces are very rare), but also would give us a good explanation for the spread of new ideas, new stylistic inspirations between individual regions of occurrence of this category of finds or the presence of interregional forms.

14 Bitner-Wróblewska 2011.

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Recent technological studies of the Brȃnsk/Usuh 15 hoard done by O. Rumȃnceva allowed her to formulate the new hypothesis that the enamelled objects were produced by the highly skilled jewellers in provincial Roman workshops to order by the east barbarian elites. 16 An exceptionally high standard of execution of enamelled artefacts from this hoard supports such a hypothesis very well. There are also some other high-quality enamelled finds confirming this idea, e.g., the recently discovered drinking horn chain decorated with multi-coloured enamel from the princely grave at Kariv, in western Ukraine. 17 However, besides the sophisticated forms there are also more basic ones with careless execution recorded, consisting of the irregular arrangement of the enamelled areas. Sometimes the differences of the level of skill can be observed in one ornament, definitely done by two craftsmen. It can be observed in regards to the pectoral from grave S.1 in Szwajcaria, 18 north-eastern Poland. The chain was ended by two openwork discs differed not only in size and design, but also in their execution technique. 19 Imaginably, the damaged pectoral was repaired by the local craftsman who had had enough skill only to model, with varying success, a superior piece from a specialised workshop. Mentioned above, the unique hoard from Krasnyj Bor offers insight into the same observation. The hoard consists of fragments of at least five belts each composed of several elements, namely a pair of wide silver plates joined together to the bronze bands decorated with enamelled disc. The technological analysis of one of the discs and the band to which it was fixed revealed an interesting observation (fig. 4). 20 The level of execution of enamelled discs is in significant contrast with the careless execution of the band. All traces of working were removed from the disc, it was decorated with powder enamel in two colours and applied with utmost care. It seems that the particular elements of this fragment of the belt were manufactured by craftsmen of different skill-levels—a high class specialist who produced the disc and a less skilful, probably local jeweller doing the bronze band. The presence of local craftsmen manufacturing enamelled items could be confirmed by the finds from Paulaičiai, in western Lithuania. 21 In grave 1 there were discovered i.a. four Michelbertas 22 type VI bracelets with a semicircular cross-section, decorated with deep 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

Brȃnsk/Usuh, Brȃnsk county, Russia. Rumȃnceva 2018; Rumȃnceva 2019, 275–284. Kariv, Lviv county, Ukraine. Cf. Oniščuk 2018, 139. Szwajcaria, Suwałki district, Poland. Bitner-Wróblewska & Stawiarska 2009, 332, figs. 5, 14. Bitner-Wróblewska & Stawiarska 2009, 332, fig. 11: e–f. Paulaičiai, Šilutė district, Lithuania. Cf. Puzinas 1938, 226, fig. 39; Banytė-Rowell 2019, 221–222, figs. 85–86. 22 Michelbertas 1986.

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Fig. 4: Element of belt from Krasnyj Bor hoard.

Fig. 5: Enamelled bracelets and some other finds from grave 1 in Paulaičiai.

ribs and the motif of engraving oblique check. They represent typical local western Lithuanian forms dated to the Early Roman Period. Two of the bracelets from Paulaičiai have a unique additional decoration, namely iron inlays and red enamel (fig. 5). Using iron to ornament bracelets revealed influences from the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture 23 where such custom was very popular, while enamel decoration was connected with the eastern European enameling. To the contrary of the other Baltic lands, e.g., Mazury or central and eastern Lithuania, the western Lithuanian territory produced the single finds of barbarian enameled objects. The local craftsman from Paulaičiai was not very skillful in using enamel; he did not prepare the cells for the enamel during the casting stage or after, but placed the enamel in the engraved check. It looks like he somewhat imitated the east European style; however, he was able to use this complicated technique. Coming back to the above question—who produced the east European enamelled artefacts? How were they circulated in this big area? It seems that the reply is rather complicated and there are at least several possible answers. One of the appropriate tools to solve this problem seems to be technological and chemical analyses. Initial studies including the analyses of the production technique of the metal body, chemical composition of the metal, methods of obtaining vitreous enamel, and the analysis of its chemical composition have been done by Teresa Stawiarska and myself based on a sample of 19 items, consisting of both Roman imports decorated with enamel and barbarian objects. 24 Although the analysis did not help to resolve all of our questions, it brought some interesting observations, e.g., the lack of significant dissimilarities between Baltic and Dnepr enamels, varying levels of manufacturing, differences in enamel (powdered or made of broken glass, difference

in chemical composition). Recently a promising project ‘East European champlevé enamels: craftsmen and production centres (chemical and technological study)’ began in the Institute of Archaeology Russian Academy of Sciences lead by Olga Rumȃnceva. The samples are collected from enamelled objects originating from different regions in central and eastern Europe. Such broad comparative material may offer unexpected results. Another topic widely discussed in the literature remains the distribution of individual categories of enamelled artefacts, their stylistic analysis, and typological classification. 25 It was possible to observe some regionalisation and to indicate types distinct mainly for particular regions, e.g., the ‘baroque’ penannular brooches with the bow decorated with attractive projections recorded in eastern Lithuania, enamelled finger rings of Beckmann 26 type 26 concentrated in Mazury, or T-shaped brooches (derivatives of strongly profiled fibulae) known from the Dnepr River basin. The significant increase of the number of eastern European enamelled artefacts during the last several years has forced the repeated study of different categories of objects and asking new questions concerning their distribution and regionalisation. Paraphrasing the title of the exhibition organised by our Honouree 27—‘The Barbarian tsunami. The Migration Period between the Odra and the Vistula’—there is ‘a tsunami’ of new finds of barbarian enamel. In 1978 G. F. Korzuhina published a final comprehensive synthesis of eastern European enamelling in which she catalogued about 470 items; now we can speak about 3,000 items. 28 However, we must realise that most of the new discoveries are unpublished detector finds,

23 Chilińska-Früboes 2017, 131. 24 Bitner-Wróblewska & Stawiarska 2009.

25 Cf. Korzuhina 1978; Frolov 1980; Jabłońska 1992; Oblomskij & Terpilovskij 2007. 26 Beckmann 1969. 27 Bursche, Kowalski & Rogalski (eds.) 2017. 28 Oblomskij 2019, 126.

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Fig. 6: The distribution of wide bracelets with combs: (a) variant with enamel; (b) variant without enamel.

collected by so-called black archaeologists. Only a part of this information reached professional archaeologists, and a smaller part reached the museum collections; almost all finds are without archaeological context with only modest data about the findspot (usually concerning only administration data like district, very seldomly the name of locality, or an exceptionally detailed location). The question arises what to do with such a ‘tsunami’ of finds? Ignore them? How can one include them in the scientific discourse? The same problems touched our Honouree and His team when they were working on the project 29 ‘The Migration Period between Odra and Vistula’. The detector finds had to be included in the scientific analysis—with all reservations!—otherwise many important observations were lacking. The same concerns enamelled artefacts in eastern Europe. It is possible to give many examples of how the new loose finds have changed our knowledge about the phenomenon of eastern European enamelling. When Korzuhina collected her catalogue, she knew of only one spur decorated with enamel and it was treated as a unique category of finds. Now the works of Oleg

29 Bursche, Hines & Zapolska (eds.) 2020.

Radûš has revealed the scale of the distribution of this type of spurs with great concentrations in the Kiev Culture and dispersed finds in the Moščino Culture and Volga Finns regions. 30 Recently an enamelled spur discovered far-away from the cluster area, namely in the north-eastern Poland, in Janówek 31 near Augustów can be added to the list. The example of wide bracelets with combs 32 could also open the new perspective of far-flung connections while the number of known specimens has been increased almost three times and the distribution area has been enlarged up through Mazury and the Suwałki Region in the west and Mordva and Tatarstan (Volga Finns) in the east (fig. 6). In the earlier literature drinking horn chains with enamel were regarded as a typical Baltic category of enamelled objects. G. I. Korzuhina described eight such finds, and seven of them occurred in the Balts’ lands. According to new data there were above 20 items widespread in the whole area of distribution of east European enamelled objects—the majority of them in the Baltic Culture Circle and in the Kiev Culture, with singular finds in the Moščino Culture, 30 Radyush 2013. 31 Janówek, Augustów district, Poland. Cf. Kontny  & Lewoc 2018; Stawiarska 2018. 32 Bitner-Wróblewska 2017.

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northern Caucasus and in the Wielbark Culture. 33 We have to revise the former opinions about enamelled drinking horn chains; they should be treated rather as an interregional prestige symbol connected with the interregional eastern European warrior elite. Last, but not least the chronological problems need further studies and still create the new questions. Most of the enamel-decorated objects were recorded without any archaeological context as loose artefacts, some of them were found as single finds in the settlements and hill-forts, some in hoards without welldated elements. The enamelled objects occurred in close grave assemblages only in a few regions as the Baltic and Sarmatian lands, Crimea, Volga Finns territory as well as Wielbark and Przeworsk Cultures (where enamelled finds mostly remain imports from Kiev Culture). According to recent research 34 the earliest barbarian enamelled finds are dated to the mid-2nd century AD or a little earlier while the latest to the 5th century AD or even later. The question arises whether this chronological framework concerns the whole territory of eastern European enamelling or it depends on its spatial distribution and differs from the geographical distance from the main centres (e.g. comparing the middle Dnepr River basin and Volga River ones). There is a theory that the flourishing period 35 of the east European enamelling was relatively short and had finished in the end of 3rd century AD. Does it correspond with new data producing barbarian bow brooches decorated with enamel or should these brooches be regarded as derivatives of the phenomenon in question? Finally, another question appears—what connected so huge an area of eastern Europe to share the same status symbols? There were regions of different cultural and ethnic affiliation, with different local traditions both in aspects sacrum and profanum, so why did the elites settled there choose the multicoloured enamelled objects to show their position? Alexandra Pesch pointed out that the Animal Style became a common language of image allowing the identification of the Germanic peoples. 36 Maybe the eastern European inhabitants also needed a style of self-representation of their elites in the first half of the 1st millennium and shared enamelled objects as a ‘visual culture’ identification. Further studies on east European enameling as well as political and cultural relationship in the area in question may help to answer the question why the common image there was so important.

33 34 35 36

Radûš 2018, 142–145; Bitner-Wróblewska in print. Bitner-Wróblewska 2019. Oblomskij 2018. Pesch 2007, 382; Pesch 2020.

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The Phenomenon of East European Enameled Artefacts

dedykowana Profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendzie, Warszawa: 121–132. Bitner-Wróblewska, A.  & Stawiarska, T. 2009. ‘Badania technologiczne wschodnioeuropejskich zabytków zdobionych emalią’, in: BitnerWróblewska, A. & Iwanowska, G. (eds.), Bałtowie i ich sąsiedzi. Marian Kaczyński in memoriam, Seminarium Bałtyjskie II, Warszawa: 303–351. Bulyčev, N. I. 1899. Žurnal’ raskopok’ po časti vodorazdela verhnih pritokov Volgi i Dnepra, Moskva. Bursche, A. 1998. Złote medaliony rzymskie w Barbaricum. Symbolika prestiżu i władzy spo­łeczeństw barbarzyńskich u schyłku starożytności, Warszawa. Bursche, A., Hines, J. & Zapolska, A. (eds.) 2020. The Migraton Period between the Oder and the Vistula, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, Leiden–Boston. Bursche, A., Kowalski, K. & Rogalski, B. (eds.) 2017. Barbarzyńskie tsunami. Okres wędrówek ludów w dorzeczu Odry i Wisły. Barbarian tsunami. Migration Period between the Oder and the Vistula, Warszawa–Szczecin. Bursche, A.  & Zapolska, A. 2017. ‘All That Glitters Is Gold? The Scarcity of Gold Among the Balts’, in: Andrzejowski, J., von CarnapBornheim, C., Cieśliński, A. & Kontny, B. (eds.), Orbis Barbarorum. Studia ad archaeologiam Germanorum et Baltorum temporibus Imperii Romani pertinentia Adalberto Nowakowski dedicate, Warszawa–Schleswig: 113–122. Chilińska-Früboes, A. 2017. ‘Grób F z dawnego Kirpehnen—kolejny dowód powiązań ludności kultury Dolleim-Kovorovo z kręgiem germańskim’, in: Andrzejowski, J., von CarnapBornheim, C., Cieśliński, A. & Kontny, B. (eds.), Orbis Barbarorum. Studia ad archaeologiam Germanorum et Baltorum temporibus Imperii Romani pertinentia Adalberto Nowakowski dedicate, Warszawa–Schleswig: 123–139. Frolov, I. K. 1980. ‘Lunnicy c vyemčatoj èmal’û’, in: Mugurevič, È. (ed.), Iz drevnejšej istorii baltskih narodov (po dannym archeologii i antropologii), Riga: 111–124. Gorohovskij, E. L. 1982. ‘Hronologiâ ukrašenij s vyemčatoj èmal’û Srednego Podneprov’â’, in: Telegin, D. Â. (ed.), Materialy po hronologii arheologičeskih pamâtnikov Ukrainy, Kiev: 125–140. Il’ûtnik, A. V. 2016. ‘Abidnâ. Veŝevoj kompleks seliŝa i mogil’nika’, in: Levko, O. N.  & Belevec, V. G. (eds.), Slavâne na territorii Belarusi v dogosudarstvennyj perod. K 90-letiû so dnâ roždeniâ doktora istoričeskih nauk, professora Leonida Davydoviča Pobola, vol. I, Minsk: 198–247.

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Jabłońska, A. 1992. ‘Zapinki podkowiaste z emalią w Europie Północno-Wschodniej w okresie wpływów rzymskich’, Acta Baltico-Slavica 21: 116–165. Kontny, B.  & Lewoc, I. 2018. ‘Pierwsza ostroga zdobiona polami emalii z ziem polskich albo o radości płynącej z bycia archeologiem’, in: Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska, B., Łuczkiewicz, P., Sadowski, S., Stasiak-Cyran, M.  & Erdrich, M. (eds.), Studia Barbarica. Profesorowi Andrzejowi Kokowskiemu w 65. rocznicę urodzin. For Professor Andrzej Kokowski on His 65th Birthday, vol. I, Lublin: 332–353. Korzuhina, G. F. 1978. Predmety ubora s vyemčatymi èmalâmi V—pervoj poloviny VI v. n.è. v Srednem Podneprov’e, Svod Arheologičeskih Istočnikov E1–43, Leningrad. Michelbertas, M. 1986. Senasis geležies amžius Lietuvoje, Vilnius. Michelbertas, M. 2016. Romėniškojo laikotarpio emaliuoti dirbiniai Lietuvoje,Vilnius. Moora, H. 1934. ‘Die Frage nach der Herkunft des ostbaltischen emailverzierten Schmuck’, Suomen Muinaismuitoyhdistyksen Aikakauskirja. Finska Fornminnesföreningens Tidskrift XL: 75–90. Moora, H. 1938. Die Eisenzeit Lettlands bis etwa 500 n. Chr., vol. II, Tartu. Oblomskij, A. M. (ed.) 2018. Brânskij klad ukrašenij s vyemčatoj èmal’ û vostočnoevropejskogo stilâ (III v. n.è.), Moskva–Vologda. Oblomskij, A. M. 2019. ‘Vvedenie. Materialy meždunaarodnogo seminaria ‘Istoriko arheologičiskoe issledovanie Brânskogo klada kruga vostočnoevropejskih vyemčatyh èmalej (III v. n.è.)’’, Kratkije Soobŝeniâ Instituta Arheologii 254: 124–127. Oblomskij, A. M.  & Terpilovskij, R. V. 2007. ‘Predmety ubora s vyemčatymi èmalâmi na territorii lesostepnoj zony Vostočnoj Evropy (dopolnenie svodov G.F. Korzuhinoj, I.K. Frolova i E.L. Gorohovskogo)’, in: Oblomskij, A. M. (ed.), Pamâtniki kievskoj kul’tury v lesostepnoj zone Rossii (III—načaloV v.), Moskva: 113–141. Oniščuk, Â. I. 2018. Naselennâ zahìdnoï Volinì ta zahìdnogo Podìllâ uperšìj polovinì I tis. n.è.: kul’turno-ìstoričnij aspekt. Monografïâ, L’vìv. Pesch, A. 2007. Thema und Variation. Die Goldbrakteaten der Völkerwanderungszeit, Berlin–New York. Pesch, A. 2020. ‘Styles. Introduction’, in: Bursche, A., Hines, J. & Zapolska, A. (eds.), The Migraton Period between the Oder and the Vistula, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, Leiden–Boston: 225–228. Pobol, L. 1972. ‘Skarb metalowych pasów z okresu rzymskiego odkryty w miejscowości Krasnyj Bor

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(BSRR)’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XXXVII/2: 115–138. Puzinas, J. 1938. ‘Naujausių proistorinių tyrinėjimų duomenys (1918–1938 m. Lietuvos proistorinių tyrinėjimų apžvalga)’, Senovė IV: 173–304. Radyush, O. 2013. ‘The second and third century knob spurs (Knopfsporen) in the middle and upper Dnieper area’, in: Khrapunov, I.  & Stylegar, F.-A. (eds.), Inter Ambo Maria. Northern Barbarians from Scandinavia towards the Black Sea, Kristiansand–Simferopol: 317–334. Radûš, O. A. 2018. ‘Predmety družinnoj kul’tury sredy drevnostej kruga vostočnoevropejskih vyemčatyh èmalej’, in: Oblomskij, A. M. (ed.), Brânskij klad ukrašenij s vyemčatoj èmal’ û vostočnoevropejskogo stilâ (III v. n.è.), Moskva–Vologda: 139–145. Rumânceva, O. S. 2016. ‘Ukrašeniâ s polihromnymi èmalâmi iz Brânskogo klada: technika izgatovleniâ i ‘avtorstvo’’, Rossijskaâ Arheologiâ 4: 16–29. Rumânceva, O. S. 2018. ‘Obstoâtestva vozniknoveniâ, problema organizacji proizvodstva i vozmožnye pričiny upadka stilâ vostočnoevropejskih vyemčatyh èmalej (po itogam tehnologičeskovo analiza)’,

in: Oblomskij, A. M. (ed.), Brânskij klad ukrašenij s vyemčatoj èmal’ û vostočnoevropejskogo stilâ (III v. n.è.), Moskva–Vologda: 221–226. Rumânceva, O. S. 2019. ‘Vostočnoevropejskie vyemčatyje èmali: nezavisimoe razvitie ili svâz’ s provincial’no-rimskim èmalirovaniem?’, Kratkije Soobŝeniâ Instituta Arheologii 254: 270–284. Spicyn’’, A. A. 1903. Predmety s’ vyemčatoû èmal’ û (Zapiski Odĕleiâ Russkoj i Slavânskoj Arheologìi Imperatorskago Russkago Arheologičeskago Obŝestva V/1), St.-Petersburg. Stawiarska, T. 2018. ‘Badania technologiczne ostrogi emaliowanej z Janówka. Próba określenia pochodzenia’, in: Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska, B., Łuczkiewicz, P., Sadowski, S., Stasiak-Cyran, M.  & Erdrich, M. (eds.), Studia Barbarica. Profesorowi Andrzejowi Kokowskiemu w 65. rocznicę urodzin. For Professor Andrzej Kokowski on His 65th Birthday, vol. I, Lublin: 354–363. Tallgren, A. M. 1937. ‘Enamelled Ornaments in the Valley of the Desna’, Eurasia Septentronalis Antiqua XI: 147–156. Tyszkiewicz, K. 1868. O kurhanach na Litwie i Rusi Zachodniej. Studyum Archeologiczne, Berlin.

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited A Numismatist’s Perspective

by Jarosław Bodzek

Introduction Professor Aleksander Bursche, one of my closest friends, belongs to a fairly narrow circle of outstanding experts on the archaeology of the Roman and Migration Period, in particular issues such as Roman coinage and the question of its arrival into the central European Barbaricum, among other territories. One of the most noteworthy achievements of Professor Aleksander Bursche, among his many academic endeavours, has been an in-depth study of the Roman coin finds as recorded within the bounds of the settlement site of the Przeworsk Culture at the village of Jakuszowice (Kazimierza Wielka County). 1 In the present text, respectfully dedicated to our Dear Professor on His anniversary, I would like to refer to this particular subject.

Is the Settlement Site of Jakuszowice really so Exceptional? The multi-cultural settlement site of Jakuszowice (site  2), situated in the area of the so-called Nidzica Basin, on the left bank of the River Nidzica (a leftbank tributary of the Vistula), whose chronological extent spans from the Neolithic Period to the Middle Ages, has aroused much interest among archaeologists of many fields for almost 40 years (fig. 1). 2 Particular 1 2

Bursche 1997a; Bursche 1997b; Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000. Cf. Godłowski 1986a; Godłowski 1986b; Godłowski 1988; Godłowski 1990; Godłowski 1991; Godłowski 1992; Godłowski 1995a; Godłowski 1995b; Godłowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 1995; Górski 1990; Górski 1999a;

attention was given to the traces dated to the Roman and early phase of the Migration Period, recognized (practically since the beginning of the exploration in 1982) as one of the most important archaeological sites of the Przeworsk Culture of this type. 3 Such an appraisal was substantiated by the actual thickness of the unearthed culture-bound layers and the ample material contained there, including some singled out artefacts of interest. Also, not without significance to the evaluation of the settlement site of Jakuszowice was the early 20th century discovery of a richly furnished princely burial located nearby (Jakuszowice Site 1), dating from the period of the Hunnic ascendancy. 4 It was correctly observed at the time that this burial may have been linked with the settlement site in question. On many occasions, there have been attempts to link the settlement site of Jakuszowice with a position of particular significance in the field of the research over the arrival of Roman coinage into the territory of the central European Barbaricum. This has been primarily due to the very large number (in the context of the later decades of the 20th century) of Roman coins unearthed at this site. Suffice it to say that in the process of the exploration works conducted by the

3 4

Górski 1999b; Lityńska-Zając 1999; Makowicz-Poliszot 1999; Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000; Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2004; Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2008; Kaczanowski  & RodzińskaNowak 2010a; Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2010b; Rodzińska-Nowak 1992; Rodzińska-Nowak 1999; Rodzińska-Nowak 2001; Rodzińska-Nowak 2006a. Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2010b, 551. Cf. Żurowski 1921; Żurowski 1924–1925; Åberg 1936; László 1951; Harmatta 1951; Werner 1956; Nosek 1959; Godłowski 1995a; 1995b; Kaczanowski  & RodzińskaNowak 2013, 431–435.

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Jarosław Bodzek

Fig. 1: Jakuszowice, site 2, pow.KazimierzaWielka: (A–B) area excavated in 1982–1991; (1–4) area excavated in 1995–1997.

Institute of Archaeology (Jagiellonian University) in the years 1982–1991 and 1995–1997, a total number of 109 finds of this type had been recorded. 5 Moreover, in 2014, M. Rudnicki published another four coins which were found randomly at Jakuszowice after the year 1997. 6 Although those coins did not come as a result of regular archaeological exploration, they should be considered as credible finds, especially in the light of the above-mentioned officially recorded coin finds. In spite of the absence of any information about the actual coin finds location(s), there is no doubt about their association with site no. 2. 7 If another three coins (still pending publication) found during the excavation work in 2012 are to be included

5 6 7

Morawiecki 1984; Kunisz 1985, 262, no. 340, I–IX; 1996 41–44; Bursche 1997; Kaczanowski & Margos 2002, 72, no. 218. Rudnicki 2014, nos. 1–4. A. Romanowski and P. Dulęba have considered the association between the finds of those coins and settlement site as uncertain (2018, 73, note 35). However, in view of the information provided by M. Rudnicki on those pieces found at Jakuszowice, ‘south of the road from Kazimierza Wielka to the locality named Krzyż (site 2),’ it seems to be at least very likely; cf. e.g. the range of site 2 on the map according to Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2010b, 550, fig. 4.

here, 8 the overall number of finds of Roman coins reported for the settlement site of Jakuszowice would reach as many as 116 specimens. Not only has such a large amount of numismatic finds allowed Professor Aleksander Bursche to perform a detailed, effective, and impressive analysis of the obtained material, 9 but it has also led us to recognize the site of Jakuszowice as a sort of a reference point for any analyses of numismatic finds recovered from other settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture, at least as regards the territory of western Lesser Poland. 10 Nonetheless, in one of the publications on the coin finds of Jakuszowice, Aleksander Bursche and his colleagues (co-authors), they posed a vital question: to what extent this high number of (monetary—JB) finds, including the numerous instances of untypical specimens, might testify to the special role that this settlement would have played in the Later Roman Period, or to what extent could it be the outcome of the exceptionally thoroughly performed exploration work with the 8

Cf. Bodzek 2015, 117, note 6; Bodzek 2018, note 4 (a detailed publication of these particular coins is forthcoming). 9 Cf. Bursche 1997a; Bursche 1997b; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000. Aleksander Bursche had only known the material obtained in the years 1982–1992 and 1995–1997. 10 Cf. Bodzek 2014, 306–307; Bodzek 2015, 117; Rudnicki 2014, 278.

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Jakuszowice, Kazimierza Wlk County Boronice, Kazimierza Wlk County Nieprowice, Pińczów County Nowe Brzesko, Proszowice County Pełczyska, Pińczóa. County Aleksandrowice, Kraków County Czechy, Kraków County

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

35

Modlniczka, Kraków County Mysławczyce, Proszowice County Opatkowice, Proszowice County Zagórzyce, Kazimierza Wlk County Stanisławice, Bochnia County Brzezie, Wieliczka County Zagórze, Wieliczka County

Fig. 2: Map of sites listed in the text.

use of metal detectors on a consistent basis?’ 11 At the same time, they held a final answer dependent on the fulfilment of the proposition to carry out systematic exploration works with the use of metal detecting techniques on some other settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture. 12 With the perspective of 20 years following the publication by Aleksander Bursche, we would like to take a closer look at the question of the position of the Jakuszowice site in the context of the other settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture in western Lesser Poland. Over the last 20 years, we have witnessed a tremendous growth in the amount of information regarding finds of Roman coins in the territory of modern-day Poland, as evidenced clearly by the results of the project ‘Finds of Roman Coins in Poland and connected with PL’, implemented in the years 2013–2018 under the direction of Professor Aleksander Bursche and funded by the National Programme for the Development of Humanities of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. 13 The database created as part of this project has currently around 42,900 records, in11 Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 119. 12 Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 120. 13 Cf. Bursche 2013; Bursche 2014; cf.  Bodzek, Smagur  & Kopij 2017.

cluding as many as 9,381 records from the territory of Lesser Poland. 14 This steadily increasing volume of material has been caused, among other things, by the ever more popular use of metal detecting techniques (beginning from the 1990s) by archaeologists who employ this technique during their prospecting and excavation works as well as, unfortunately, by illegally operating prospectors. 15 It can be said then that Professor Aleksander Bursche’s proposition on the methodology of excavating activities has been taken into consideration, at least to a certain extent, among the archaeological community. In the light of this situation, the question asked by Professor Aleksander Bursche, referring to whether the Jakuszowice settlement site should be continued to be seen as something of a very special location from a numismatic viewpoint, becomes even more significant. In actual fact, we know of at least several settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture from the region of western Lesser Poland from which a relatively 14 As of 15 June 2019. Currently, this database is updated on a regular basis and available at: https://coindb-prod. ocean.icm.edu.pl/AFE_PL/ . 15 Cf. Rudnicki  & Trzeciecki 1994; Bursche 1996, 17–20; Bursche 1997a; Kolendo 1998, 204; Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 106, note 3.

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Jarosław Bodzek

high number of coin finds (currently, more than 20 pieces) have been recovered (fig.  2). 16 The settlement sites that deserve a particular mention here are those at Pełczyska, Pińczów county (with the sites 1–4, at least 22 coins), 17 Nieprowice, Pińczów county (33 published coins), 18 the settlement sites of Nowe Brzesko, Proszowice county (at least about 60 coin finds) 19 and Boronice, Kazimierza Wlk. county (at least 23 pieces), 20 and perhaps a few other locations as well. All of these settlement sites stand out among many other ones in the region. All of them, just as the site no. 2 of Jakuszowice, are multi-cultural, with considerable or even very significant shares of the Roman Period and the early stadium of the Migration Period represented in their chronological profile. In all of the instances we have mentioned, the settlement residues from those periods occupy a fairly large area: at Jakuszowice—at least 8–7 ha, 21 Pełczyska—about 10–12 ha, 22 Nieprowice— at least 6 ha, 23 and Nowe Brzesko—perhaps even up to 25–35 ha. 24 Likewise, in all these cases, the presence of Roman ‘imports’ (at times, quite numerous) has been well attested. Unfortunately, in the cases of Nieprowice and Nowe Brzesko, the exploration work has, to date, been limited to surface prospecting (with the use of metal detectors), with the reservation that in the latter case, we have obtained some of the information from the so-called detectorists. On the other hand, for the Boronice settlement site, we have relied completely on the data referring to random finds only. It is only for the sites of Jakuszowice and

16 The present classification (cf.  Bodzek 2018, 189) into settlement sites with large numbers of numismatic finds (20 and more), medium-range numbers of finds (from fiv up to 20 pieces), and smaller numbers of coins found (less than 5 pieces) is only preliminary and requires some possible support in the form of further detailed analysis. Likewise, it concerns exclusively the settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture as located in western Lesser Poland; see also further on in the text. 17 Rudnicki 2006, 107–108; also referring to some earlier literature with the enigmatic records on more discoveries of unfortunately unidentified Roman coins. 18 Romanowski & Dulęba 2018. 19 Dymowski 2011, 226–227, item Map 95, as ‘Vistula, by the riverside’; Dymowski 2013, 131, as ‘Nowe Brzesko’ and the unpublished material owned by the Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University. The publication of the latter material is currently being prepared by J. Bodzek and J. Bulas. 20 The author would like to thank J. Kliś and K.Tunia for this information. The publications of the numismatic finds from this particular site is pending. 21 Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2010, 550. 22 Rudnicki 2006, 96. 23 Romanowski & Dulęba 2018, 62. 24 As estimated based on the results of the surface exploration.

Pełczyska that some excavation works have been conducted alongside the surface prospecting. In the both cases, however, those were carried out on a limited scale only and covered a small portion of the total area of the settlements from the Roman Period and the early stadium of the Migration Period. 25 All the factors considered thus far do not allow us, nevertheless, to venture into a fully objective and thorough analysis of the chronology and the spatial structure of all the sites subject to exploration. Yet the undeniable fact is that they do stand out in terms of the actual numbers of coins found there, should we compare them with the other archaeological sites throughout the region. At the same time, we have identified a group of settlement sites from the Roman Period which are marked by medium numbers of coin finds reported, e.g., Opatkowice, Proszowice county (eleven pieces), 26 Aleksandrowice, Krakow county (nine coins found), 27 Modlniczka, Krakow county (eight coins), 28 Mysławczyce, Proszowice county (ten pieces), 29 Czechy, Krakow county (13 pieces), 30 and Zagórzyce, Kazimierza Wlk. county (at least twelve coin finds). 31 From the same region, we also have some sites with notably smaller numbers of coin finds, such as Stanisławice, Bochnia county (two coins), 32 Brzezie, Wieliczka county (five coin finds), 33 and Zagórze, Wieliczka county (one piece), 34 but also some sites with no recorded finds of this type at all. This enormous diversity in the quantities of coins found at the individual archaeological sites may have of course depended on various factors such as the overall area of the sites, a percentage of the area explored, the methodology used and the accuracy of the research activities, the nature of the finds themselves, and, eventually (or perhaps most of all), the chronology of the settlement sites. For instance, the spatially large and relatively well explored settlement 25 Cf. Rodzińska-Nowak 2006a, 12–13; Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2010, 240; cf.  Bodzek 2018, 190 (Jakuszowice); Rudnicki 2006, 96 (Pełczyska). 26 Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 1999; Bursche 1999; Kaczanowski  & Margos 2002, 227, no. 530; Rudnicki 2014, 278; Kaczanowski 2017, 43, no. 1. 27 Bodzek 2015; Kaczanowski 2017, 43, no. 1. 28 Byrska-Fudali & Przybyła 2012, 573; Kaczanowski 2017, 83–85, nos. 123.3.1, 123.6.1, 123.7.8., 123.8.1, 123.14.1. 29 Bodzek & Dobrzańska 2014; Kaczanowski 2017, 86, no. 128. 30 Dulęba & Wysocki 2016. 31 Grygiel, Pikulski  & Trojan 2009; Bodzek 2009; Bodzek et al. 2016. 32 Bodzek 2018. 33 Roczkalski  & Włodarczak 2011, 367–368, fig.  13: 2; Kaczanowski 2017, 48–49, no. 21.6. 5–9, tab. XXXVII: 24. 34 Cf. Bodzek 2018, 190; acknowledgements are also due to R. Naglik for this piece of information.

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited

37

Table 1: Simplified structure of coin finds from Jakuszowice and other selected sites of the Przeworsk Culture in Western Lesser Poland settlement site Republican denarii

Jakuszowice37

Nieprowice38

Nowe Brzesko39

Pełczyska40

Boronice

1

2

?

1 (mule)

–

denarii 1st–2nd century AD

76

23

60+?

15

21?

denarii 3rd century AD

3

–

?

–

1

27

4

?

4

?

imitation coins

–

3

?

–

?

antoniniani 1st half of the 3rd century AD

–

–

?

–

7

antoniniani second half of the 3rd century AD

2

1

?

–

–

Imperial bronze coins 1st–3rd centuries AD

2

–

2

1

1

provincial bronze coins

3

–

–

–

–

AES 4th century AD

2

–

–

1

–

116

33

62+

22

30

subaerati

total:

sites of Stanisławice and Zagórze, with two and one coin finds, respectively, had experienced their times of growth mostly during the pre-Roman and early Roman Period. 35 Alternatively, in the cases of the site locations with the large and medium-range numbers of numismatic finds (such as Aleksandrowice), a significant or sometimes predominant share is represented by the material dating from the Later Roman and Migration Period. Professor Aleksander Bursche has often referred to a connection between the Roman coins being discovered and the Later Roman Period, also in the context of the Jakuszowice site. 36 We should be also aware of the fact that we have not received, in all likelihood, complete information on all the random finds or those which would come up as a result of illegal prospecting. Nonetheless, it would seem that said diversity in the amounts of 35 For the chronology of the sites nos. 9 and 10 at Stanisławice, cf. Naglik & Rodak 2018, 175–176. 36 Cf. e.g. Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 117–118.

coin finds should at least reflect, to a great extent, a varied inflox and usage of Roman coinage into and by individual settlements. With all these considerations taken into account, 38 the 39 settlement 40 site of Jakuszowice, with its 116 coin finds, would still stand out due to the largest number of coins found there. Among the other mentioned sites with high numbers of coin finds (western Lesser Poland), the only one with a comparatively large number of recorded finds 37 The present data comprise the coins as published by A. Bursche and the co-authors (Bursche 1997; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000), M. Rudnicki (2014), and the unpublished finds from the rescue exploration work carried out in 2012. 38 The coins data as published by A. Romanowski and P. Dulęba (2018). 39 The coins data as published by A. Dymowski (2011, 20); the unpublished pieces by J. Bodzek and J. Bulas (in print) are also included. 40 The coins data as published by M. Rudnicki (2006). Coins identified as denarii, as known from some previous publications, have not been included; cf. Rudnicki 2006, 103.

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(at least 60?) is the settlement site of Nowe Brzesko. It is notable that the Przeworsk Culture’s settlement site located there is most likely larger in area than the site of Jakuszowice, but questions of its possible significance, nature, spatial development, etc, could only be answered through further surface explorations and excavation work. In order to assess the question of a possibly extraordinary nature of the settlement site of Jakuszowice, one should also take into account yet another important factor, namely the structure of the coin finds reported for this specific area (table 1). Professor Aleksander Bursche has already addressed this issue in more detail. 41 The present text includes a recapitulation of his main points, but I shall also attempt to highlight certain aspects less evident in Professor’s studies [and other publications] and point to some new indications arising from our access to the body of the material on Jakuszowice and the other relevant sites, which were not available to Aleksander Bursche at the time. Of course, we should begin by saying that the aforementioned structure of the coin finds from Jakuszowice and the other sites is essentially determined by the overall numbers of the finds recorded. All the more so, the settlement site of Jakuszowice appears to be an out of the ordinary place, at least in this particular regard. The assemblage of coins recorded for this area contains, besides the definitely prevailing (in terms of quantity) Imperial denarii from the 1st–2nd centuries and subaerati (which constitute a certain standard among the numismatic finds from the central European Barbaricum, as Aleksander Bursche has been the first to notice, concerning the latter group, with reference to Jakuszowice), also a number of pieces that represent some less often reported types. 42 Currently, the assemblage of the 1st–2nd century AD denarii from Jakuszowice amounts to as many as 76 pieces in total (65.5 % of the coin finds total) and 27 pieces of subaerati (23.2 %). Among the less frequently recorded finds, we should mention a Republican-era denarius of Cornelius Lentulus from the year 88 BC and three Imperial denarii struck already in the first half of the 3rd century AD. 43 In view of the research results recently published by A. Dymowski, finds of Republican denarii over the area of the Przeworsk

41 Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000. 42 Cf. table 1, but also, e.g., Bodzek 2016; Bodzek 2018. 43 Respectively, Bursche 1997, no. 1; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV (Republic); Bursche 1997, 143–144, nos. 96, 99–100; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV (denarii of the 3rd century AD); a denarius in the name of Caracalla (209–210 AD) has also been added to this group.

Culture are not as rare as previously believed. 44 They are also relatively commonly found at settlement-related sites. In the region under consideration, they have been reported for such sites as Nieprowice and Pełczyska. 45 We also know of some settlement sites with relatively high numbers of recorded finds of Republican denarii. As an example from the region of western Lesser Poland, let us mention the settlement site of Zagórzyce, Kazimierza Wlk. county (sites 1 and 2) , located 3 km away from Jakuszowice, with five recorded finds of Republican denarii for a total number of 10 Roman coins found. 46 In this case, however, it is noteworthy that the discoveries were made within the segment of the settlement whose development coincided with the pre-Roman, Early and Younger Roman Periods, which may account for such a noticeable share of Republican denarii among the coin finds from that sector, but—on the other hand—would be indicative of their relatively early deposition (the end of the 1st century AD—the end of the 2nd century AD). 47 In this context, the site of Jakuszowice fits in with a certain standard of a small number of finds of Republican denarii recorded for the settlements whose growth would have likely fallen on the Later Roman Period, but it had actually begun in the Early Roman Period. Among the finds much less frequently reported for the settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture in western Lesser Poland, let us mention some Imperial denarii dating from the first half of the 3rd century AD or more exactly before 260 AD. 48 In general no less than 14 such coins have been registered in Lesser Poland and as was indicated by Aleksander Bursche most of them were found in settlement sites. 49 Apart from Boronice, where at least one denarius from the 3rd century AD (struck in the name of Alexander Severus) has been found no coins of this category have been, however, recorded for any

44 Cf. Dymowski 2016; cf. also comment in Romanowski & Dulęba 2018, 72. 45 Cf. Romanowski & Dulęba 2018, 84, nos. 1–2; Dymowski 2016, 202, no. 111: 1–2 (Nieprowice); Rudnicki 2006, 105, tab. 1, no. 1; Dymowski 2016, 235, no. 128 (Pełczyska). In the latter case the coin is an imitation. 46 Bodzek et al. 2016; Dymowski 2016, 300, no. 186: 1–5. 47 A less explored site no. 3 (Zagórzyce) corresponding with the Later Roman and early Migration Period phase (C1–D) of the settlement there has yielded finds of a Faustina the Elder denarius and an AE3 of Valentinian I (cf. Grygiel, Pikulski & Trojan 2009b, 284, pl. I: 3–4). 48 The problem of the arrival of 3rd century AD denarii and antoniniani into the territory of central European Barbaricum was researched by Professor Aleksander Bursche (1996; 2004); cf.  also Dymowski 2012, 95–100; Dymowski 2013. 49 Bursche 2004, 200, note 31.

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited

settlement site with high numbers of finds (table 1). 50 Still, such pieces have been known from very few western Lesser Poland sites with medium numbers of coin finds: Opatkowice (a denarius of Gordian III) 51 and Igołomia, Krakow county (another denarius of Gordian III). 52 As for Boronice, it is fair to add that the situation of this particular site is quite peculiar too because of the presence of 5 antoniniani dating from the first half of the 3rd century AD among the coins found there. Since coin finds of the latter category are almost hardly ever encountered at the settlement sites of western Lesser Poland, one can mention here a find of Gallienus’ antoninianus struck before 260 AD, 53 it would be reasonable to ask if a dispersed hoard could have been the case here. Unfortunately, the lack of details on how those coins were discovered makes it difficult to answer this question. In any event, the antoniniani from the first half of the 3rd century AD belong to a rare group of coins never recorded among the finds from the site of Jakuszowice. Similarly rarely found coins from the settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture are large senatorial bronze coins dating from the 1st–2nd centuries AD. For the area of the Jakuszowice site, we have records of two such coins, both of them asses from the Antoninian Period. 54 For a comparison, let us note that among the sites marked by larger amounts of finds, coins of this category have been reported for Pełczyska (a sestertius of Antoninus Pius), 55 Nowe Brzesko (sestertii of Trajan Decius? and some unidentified emperor), 56 and Boronice (as in the name of Trajan?—table 1). In turn, among the settlement sites with the medium-range numbers of coin finds, there are records of single finds of such pieces for the locations of Aleksandrowice (sestertius) and Opatkowice (as). 57 In consideration of this particular category of coin finds, also in terms of their frequency, the site of 50 In some cases, very general descriptions do not make it possible to determine if such pieces may have formed part of the body of coin finds (cf. e.g. Nowe Brzesko and the information on the discovery of 40 Roman (mostly silver) coins; cf. Dymowski 2011, 226, Mp 95. 51 Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 1999, 192, no. 6; Kaczanowski  & Margos 2002, 227, no. 530; Bursche 2004, 200, note 31; Kaczanowski 2017, 88, no. 140.1.1, pl. XXIV: 20. 52 Cf. Bursche 1996, 189, no. 48; Kaczanowski  & Margos 2002, 71–72, no. 208; Kaczanowski 2017, 57, no. 41.11.8, pl. XXXIII: 7. See therein for further literature. 53 Dulęba & Wysocki 2016, 316, cat. 13. 54 Bursche 1997a, 134, no. 51; 137, no. 63; Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV. 55 Rudnicki 2006, 105, tab. 1, no. 19. 56 Dymowski 2013, 131. 57 Cf. Bodzek 2015, 124, no. 8, fig.  2: 9 (Aleksandrowice); Kaczanowski & Margos 2002, 227, no. 530; Kaczanowski 2017, 88, no. 140.1.1, (Opatkowice).

39

Jakuszowice appears to fit in with a certain pattern. Provincial bronze coins also represent a less frequently encountered category of finds for the settlement sites of the Przeworsk Culture in western Lesser Poland. From the site of Jakuszowice, we currently have got records of three such finds: a large bronze coin in the name of Caracalla (struck at Cappadocian Caesarea), 58 a sestertius of Trebonianus Gallus (from Viminacium), 59 and a bronze coin in the name of Antoninus Pius (from the mint of Anchialus). 60 Although Professor Aleksander Bursche did take note of the significance of these last-mentioned coin finds, we believe it is fair to attempt a little more detailed (though brief) analysis here. Provincial coins have been recorded relatively rarely over the territory occupied by the Przeworsk Culture, and even more rarely across western Lesser Poland. 61 To date, coins of this category have not been recorded for any of the above-mentioned settlement sites with large numbers of finds, while single pieces of provincial coinage have been found at the sites of Opatkowice, Krakow county (a Macedonian coin dating from the year 242 or 246 AD), 62 and Brzezie, Wieliczka county (a sestertius of Philip the Arab, Provincia Dacia type). 63 In the case of Jakuszowice, however, the importance of such coin finds cannot be identified solely with the very fact of their discovery, but primarily with their quantity and the diverse nature of their provenance. As a matter of fact, the numismatic finds under consideration may be likely the proof of supra-regional relations maintained by the population of the settlement of Jakuszowice during the 3rd century AD. Two of the pieces found (struck at Viminacium and Anchialus) represent the group of coins from the Balkan mints, which are most commonly encountered in the territory of modern-day Lesser Poland. 64 On the other hand, a bronze coin from Caesarea in Cappadocia belongs to the much more infrequently recorded coins (considering the same area) from the northern 58 Bursche 1997a, 143, no. 98; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV; Kaczanowski  & Margos 2002, 72–73, no. 218; Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 62, tab. 2, no. 19, pl. 1: 15. 59 Bursche 1997a, 144, no. 104; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV; Kaczanowski  & Margos 2002; Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 56, tab. 2, no. 5, pl. 1: 4. 60 Rudnicki 2014, 277–278, no. 4, fig. 4; Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 55–56, tab. 2, no. 4, pl. 1: 3. 61 Cf. Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019. 62 Bursche 1999, 131; Bursche, Kaczanowski & RodzińskaNowak 2000, 119; Rudnicki 2014, 278; Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 56, tab. 2, no. 2. 63 Roczkalski  & Włodarczak 2011, 367–368, fig.  13: 2; Kaczanowski 2017, 48–49, no. 21.6. 5–9, tab. XXXVII: 24. 64 Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 55–56.

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Fig. 3: Constantius II (337–361), AE3, found at Jakuszowice 2012.

regions of Asia Minor. 65 Many years ago, Professor Aleksander Bursche referred to the political causes of the inflow of coins from Thrace, Lower Moesia, and northern Asia Minor into the Barbaricum, especially as a consequence of the Gothic Wars and the military service of Germanic warriors in the Roman Empire. 66 Yet we should also consider the possibility of the arrivals of such coinage as a result of the mutual relations between and among the populations of the Černâhov, Wielbark, and Przeworsk Cultures or the direct contact between the elements of the Barbarian peoples that inhabited the territories to the north and the south of the Carpathian Range. It is also worth recalling that the finds of provincial coinage of both groups have been recorded particularly often in the area occupied by the Černâhov Culture. 67 For this reason, it could be possible that they might have reached the settlement of Jakuszowice, at least in part, from the East. A group of not very numerous (but still sometimes found over the same area of interest) coin finds is also formed by devalued antoniniani dating from the third quarter of the 3rd century AD. We have records of two such pieces: in the names of Claudius II Gothicus and one of the Tetricii, respectively, for the site of Jakuszowice. 68 Among the previously mentioned sites marked by their high amounts of coin finds, only one antoninianus in the name of Aurelian has been reported from the locality of Nieprowice. 69 On the other hand, two pieces in the name of Claudius II were found at one of the sites with a medium number of coin finds (Mysławczyce). 70 As regards coins of Imperium Galliarum, one brockage antoninianus of 65 Bodzek, Jellonek & Zając 2019, 55–56. 66 Bursche 1986, 241–242; 1996, 118; Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 118. 67 Bodzek, Jellonek  & Zając 2019, 56–58; see therein for further literature. 68 Bursche 1997a, 144, no. 105; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV; (Claudius II); Bursche 1997a, 144, no. 106; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV; (Tetricus I or II). 69 Romanowski & Dulęba 2018, 94, no. 32. 70 Bodzek & Dobrzańska 2014, 313, nos. 9–10; cf. Bursche 1996, no. 119a.

Postumus was unearthed at Kraków-Bieżanów. 71 In fact, the situation for this group has changed little since Aleksander Bursche’s publication. In one of their publications concerned with Jakuszowice, Aleksander Bursche and the co-authors point to the fact that coins of the Constantinian dynasty, which are fairly well represented among the coin finds from southern Poland, are absent among the finds reported from this particular settlement. 72 We are now aware of the fact that this ‘gap’ has been filled, to some degree, by the find of an AE3 of Constantius II (of the FEL TEMP REPARATIO type with phoenix image), unearthed during the excavating work in 2012 (fig. 3). 73 It could be said that this was an expected find after all, and the previously mentioned absence of coins from this period was the result of the state of our research at the time. As the condition of the preservation of this coin is very poor, it is difficult to determine the details of its identification and mint attribution. The type represented by the coin found at Jakuszowice was struck at several mints in the years 348–351. 74 In his analysis of the arrival of coins of the Constantinian dynasty into the area of the Przeworsk Culture, Professsor Aleksander Bursche demonstrated that according to the issue dates, one of the peak periods would have coincided with the first half of the 350s. 75 The bronze coin in the name of Constantius II found at Jakuszowice should have arrived as part of this particular stream of inflow. The latest Roman coin recorded as found within the limits of the Jakuszowice settlement has been a 71 Cf. Bodzek 2003, 183, fig. 3. In general, for the subject of the inflow of the Imperium Galliarum’s coins into the area of the Przeworsk Culture, cf. Bursche 1996; Bodzek 2003; Dymowski  & Rudnicki 2012, 25–255; Dymowski 2013; Bodzek & Dobrzańska 2014, 307–309. 72 Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 119. For the finds that represent this coin category, cf. Kunisz 1969, 109; Idem 1985, 284–285; Bursche 1996, 284; Dymowski 2011, 78. 73 This coin will be published as part of a separate publication along with some other pieces found in the process of the aforementioned exploration work. 74 Cf. RIC VIII, according to the index; LRBC 41, and according to the index. 75 Bursche 1996, 98–99, 284.

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited

cententionalis in the name of Valens. 76 Bronze coins are not among the rarest of all. In the region under discussion, one AE3 of Valentinian I was found during the exploration of the Site no. 3 at Zagórzyce, 77 while some similar finds come from an unspecified location in the environs of Krakow 78 and from Skawina, Krakow county. 79 The topic of the inflow of coins minted during the second half of the 4th century AD has already been discussed elsewhere (in one of my previous publications) and no special commentary is necessary here. 80

Conclusions

41

somewhat diminished. The archaeological complex of Gąski-Wierzbiczny-Bąbolin in Kujavia (Gniewkowo Commune, Inowrocław county) 83 have brought us coin finds in quite larger quantities, with a diverse or even very diverse structure of the assemblage in the case of the latter conglomeration. The same can be said about the site Gródek on the Bug, Hrubieszów county, located outside the Przeworsk Culture area, on the territory of Masłomęcz Group. 84 In such a context, the settlement site of Jakuszowice presents itself as a significant, yet nonetheless regional, economic and political centre.

Abbreviations

The present recapitulation of the coin finds from the settlement site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice allows us to conclude that even after 20 years it continues to be the leading archaeological site in the region of modern-day western Lesser Poland in terms of its numismatic importance. Although since the time of the publication of the coin finds from Jakuszowice, at least several other sites, with significantly higher-than-average quantities of numismatic finds, have been identified across the same region mostly due to an increasingly frequent employment of metal detecting techniques, in none of the instances being considered are the numbers or structures of the relevant recorded discoveries anywhere near the values obtained at Jakuszowice. As a matter of fact, only one site (at least to date), which could resemble Jakuszowice in terms of the number and, to some extent, the structure of coin finds is the settlement of Nowe Brzesko, but this site would require further exploration, including regular archaeological research works. Therefore, in the specific context of the Jakuszowice site, we could still talk about a port of trade or a centrally localized settlement. 81 Nonetheless, in order to formulate a fully unbiased view of the position held by the Jakuszowice site during the Roman and Migration Periods, it is necessary to continue the comprehensive exploration work on the regional settlement network. 82 If we should look, however, at the site of Jakuszowice in a broader perspective, considering the entire space occupied by the Przeworsk Culture, its unique character becomes

Åberg, N. 1936. ‘Till belysande av det gotiska kulturinslaget i Mellaneuropa och Skandinavien’, Fornvännen 31 : 264–275. Bodzek, J. 2003. ‘Monety rzymskie znalezione w Krakowie Bieżanowie przy budowie autostrady’, Acta Archaeologica Carpathica XXXVIII: 179–190. Bodzek, J. 2009. ‘Remarks on the inflow of Roman Coins into Southern Poland in the second half of the 4th and in the 5th centuries A.D.’, in: Wołoszyn, M. (ed.), Byzantine Coins in Central Europe between the 5th and 10th Century, Kraków: 155–204. Bodzek, J., 2015. ‘Monety rzymskie znalezione w Aleksandrowicach (kompleks stanowisk 2 i 3), pow. krakowski, woj. Małopolskie’, in: Chochorowski, J. (ed.), Od epoki brązu do czasów nowożytnych wybrane odkrycia i znaleziska, (Via archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce), Kraków: 115–129.

76 Bursche 1997a, 144, no. 107; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 109, tab. IV. 77 Cf. Bodzek 2009, 164–166, cat. 35. 78 Bodzek 2009, cat. 11. 79 Bodzek 2009, cat. 26. 80 Bodzek 2009. 81 Cf. Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 558. 82 Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000.

83 On the basis of M. Rudnicki’s presentation titled ‘Roman Coins from the Vicinity of Gąski in Kujawy Region (central Poland),’ which was given at the conference titled ‘5th Joint Meeting of the ECFN and nomisma. org, Nieborów, Poland, 17th–19th April 2015.’ See also Dymowski  & Rudnicki 2012, 243–244; Dymowski  & Więcek 2018, 169. 84 Cf. Kaczanowski & Margos 2002, 63, no. 182, 64, no. 185; Bursche, Kaczanowski  & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 102, note 19.

RIC VIII—Kent, J. P. C., Roman Imperial Coinage Vol. VIII. The Family of Constantine I, London 1981. LRBC—Carson, R. A. C., Hill, P. V. & Kent, J. P. C., Late Roman Bronze Coinage, London 1989.

Bibliographie

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Bodzek, J., 2018. ‘Starożytne monety rzymskie znalezione w Stanisławicach, stan. 9, gm. Bochnia, woj. Małopolskie’, in: Rodak, J. (ed.), Stanisławice, stan 9 i 10, pow. bocheński. Osady z okresu wpływów rzymskich i czasów nowożytnych, (Via Archeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce), Kraków: 187–194. Bodzek, J., Bulas, J., Grygiel, M. & Pikulski, J. 2016. ‘Roman republican coins found at Zagórzyce, Kazimierza Wielka district, Świętokrzyskie Province’, Recherches Archéologiques NS 8 : 143–172. Bodzek, J. & Dobrzańska H. 2014. ‘Starożytne monety rzymskie znalezione w Mysławczycach’, in: Madyda-Legutko, R. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. (eds.), Honoratissimum Assensus Genus Est Armis Laudare. Studia dedykowane profesorowi Piotrowi Kaczanowskiemu z okazji siedemdziesiątej rocznicy urodzin, Kraków: 303–315. Bodzek, J., Jellonek, S. & Zając, B. 2019. ‘Finds of Roman Provincial Coins in Lesser Poland. An overview’, Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia 65: 51–82. https://doi.org/10.26485/AAL/2019/65/5 Bodzek, J., Smagur, E. & Kopij, K. 2017. ‘Finds of Roman Coins in Poland—Lesser Poland. Preliminary Report’, in: Caccamo-Caltabiano M. et  al. (eds.), XV International Numismatic Congress. Proceedings. Vol. I. Roma–Messina: 825–829. Bursche, A. 1986. ‘Stan i potrzeby badań nad źródłami numizmatycznymi do okresu rzymskiego w Polsce’, in: Godłowski, K. Madyda-Legutko, R. (eds.), Stan i potrzeby badań nad młodszym okresem przedrzymskim i okresem wpływów rzymskich w Polsce, Kraków: 395–407. Bursche, A. 1996. Later Roman—Barbarian contacts in Central Europe. Numismatic Evidence, Spätrömische Münzfunde aus Mitteleuropa. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Beziehungen zwischen Rom und den Barbaricum im 3. Und 4. Jh. N. Chr., Berlin. Bursche, A. 1997a. ‘Roman Coinage from Jakuszowice Settlement in North Małopolska’, Notae Numismaticae—Zapiski Numizmatyczne II : 119–157. Bursche, A. 1997b. ‘Denarii subaerati from the Jakuszowice settlement in North Małopolska’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne XL/1–2 (155–156), Polish Numismatic News VI, 1996: 31–42. Bursche, A. 1999. ‘Znane i nieznane znaleziska denarów rzymskich z ziem polskich’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne XLIII/ 1–2 (167–168): 115–135. Bursche, A. 2004. ‘Dalsze monety ze skarbu w Liwie, powiat Węgrów. Trzeciowieczne denary na terenach Barbaricum’, in: Kaczanowicz, W. (ed.) Studia z dziejów antyku. Pamięci Profesora Andrzeja Kunisza, Katowice: 192–205.

Bursche, A. 2013. ‘Recording the Roman Coin Finds from Poland, FRC PL 2013–2017’, Notae Numismaticae—Zapiski Numizmatyczne VIII: 281–283. Bursche, A. 2014. ‘Inwentarze znalezisk monet rzymskich z Polski (FMRPL) będą kontynuowane’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne LVIII/1–2 (197– 198): 347–349. Bursche, A., Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J., 2000. ‘Monety rzymskie z Jakuszowic’. in: Madyda-Legutko, R. & Bochnak, T. (eds.), Superiores barbari. Księga ku czci Profesora Kazimierza Godłowskiego, Kraków: 101–130. Byrska-Fudali, M. & Przybyła, M. M. 2012. ‘Badania ratownicze na stanowisku 2 w Modlniczce, gm. Wielka Wieś’, in: Kadrow, S. (ed.), Raport 2007– 2008, vol. 1, Warszawa: 509–553. https://www. academia.edu/7583455/Badania_ratownicze_ na_stanowisku_2_w_Modlniczce_gm._Wielka_ Wie%C5%9B Dulęba, P. & Wysocki, P. 2016. ‘New data regarding the question of interregional contacts in the Iron Age. Results of a Surface Survey in Czechy’, Sprawozdania Archeologiczne 68, 2018: 301–325. Dymowski, A. 2011. Znaleziska monet rzymskich rejestrowane w pierwszych latach XXI wieku. Aspekty źródłoznawcze, Zielona Góra. Dymowski, A. 2012. ‘A Roman Antoninianus of Egnatia Mariniana Found in the Kujavian Region. The Third Century Silver Coinage in the Territory of the Przeworsk Culture’, Notae Numismaticae—Zapiski Numizmatyczne VII: 93–104. Dymowski, A. 2013. ‘Chronologia napływu denarów rzymskich z I–III wieku na ziemie Polski w świetle analizy nowego materiału ze znalezisk drobnych’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne, LVII/1–2 (195–196): 93–150. Dymowski, A. 2016. Nummi serrati, bigati et alii. Coins of the Roman Republic in East-Central Europe north of the Sudetes and the Carpathians, Warszawa. Dymowski, A. & Rudnicki, M., ‘Kujawskie znaleziska monet antycznych. Nowe źródła do dziejów pieniądza na ziemiach polskich w starożytności’, Biuletyn Numizmatyczny 4 (368): 241–258. Dymowski, A. & Więcek, T. 2018. ‘Kolejne znaleziska monet antycznych z terenu Kujaw’, Biuletyn Numizmatyczny 3 (391): 161–187. Godłowski, K. 1986a. ‘Jakuszowice, eine Siedlung der Bandkeramik, Älteren Bronzezeit, jüngeren vorrömischen Eisenzeit, römischen Kaiserzeit und der frühen Völkerwanderungszeit in Südpolen’, Die Kunde N.F. 37: 103‑132. Godłowski, K. 1986b. ‘Jakuszowice, Woiwodschaft Kielce, Gemeinde Kazimierza Wielka (Siedlung

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20 Years Later: The Settlement Site of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice Revisited

der Bandkeramik, Trzciniec-Kultur, PrzeworskKultur und des Mittelalters)’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1984: 23–34. Godłowski, K. 1988. ‘Jakuszowice, Woiwodschaft Kielce, Gemeinde Kazimierza Wielka, Fundstelle 2 (Neolithikum, Trzciniec- und Lausitzer Kultur, Przeworsk-Kultur, Frühmittelalter, Mittelalter und Neuzeit)’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1986: 17–29. Godłowski, K. 1990. ‘Jakuszowice, Woiwodschaft Kielce, Gemeinde Kazimierza Wielka, Fundstelle 2 (Neolithikum, Trzciniec- und Lausitzer Kultur, Przeworsk-Kultur, Frühmittelalter und Neuzeit)’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1988: 15–34. Godłowski, K. 1991. ‘Jakuszowice—a multi-period settlement in southern Poland’, Antiquity 65, no. 248: 662–675. Godłowski, K. 1992. ‘Jakuszowice, Woiwodschaft Kielce, Gemeinde Kazimierza Wielka, Fundstelle 2 (Siedlung der Trzciniec- und Przeworsk-Kultur und des Mittelalters)’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1990: 36–54. Godłowski, K. 1995a. ‘Das ‘Fürstengrab’ des 5. Jhs. und der ‘Fürstensitz’ in Jakuszowice in Südpolen’, in: Vallet, F., Kazanski, M. (eds.), La noblesse romaine et les chefs barbares du IIIe au VIIe siécle, Mémoires A.F.A.M. 5, Condé-sur-Noireau: 155–180. Godłowski, K. 1995b. ‘Rzadki import rzymski z IV w. z Jakuszowic’, in: Bursche, A., Mielczarek, M. & Nowakowski, W. (eds.), „Nvnc de Svebis dicendvm est …’, Studia dedykowane profesorowi Jerzemu Kolendo w 60-lecie urodzin i 40-lecie pracy naukowej, Warszawa: 129–135. Godłowski, K. & Rodzińska-Nowak J. 1995. ‘Jakuszowice, Woiwodschaft Kielce, Gemeinde Kazimierza Wielka, Fundstelle 2’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1991 et 1992: 30–45. Górski, J. 1990. Osada kultury trzcinieckiej w Jakuszowicach. Badania Archeologiczne w Jakuszowicach 1. Kraków. Górski, J. 1999a. ‘Osadnictwo prahistoryczne i wczesnośredniowieczne w rejonie stanowiska 2 w Jakuszowicach’. in: Wasylikowa, K. (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ’97, Kraków: 139–152. Górski, 1999b. ‘Wybrane aspekty osadnictwa kultury trzcinieckiej w Jakuszowicach’, in: Wasylikowa, K. (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ’97, Kraków: 153–166. Grygiel, M., Pikulski, J. & Trojan, M. 2009. ‘Rescue excavations on the Late Roman period settlement on site 3 in Zagórzyce, com. and distr. Kazimierza Wielka, voiv. Świętokrzyskie’, Recherches Archéologiques NS 1: 277–294.

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Harmatta, J. 1951. ‘The Golden Bow of the Huns’, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 1: 107–151. Kaczanowski, P., with cooperation of Bodzek, J., Przychodni, A. & Zuch, K. 2017; Corpus der Romischen Funde im Europäischen Barbaricum– Polen. Kleinpolen, vol. II, Kraków. Kaczanowski, P. & Margos U. 2002. Tabula imperii Romani M 34. Kraków. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 1999. ‘Die römische Fundmünzen aus der Siedlung der Przeworsk-Kultur in Opatkowice (Gemeinde Proszowice, Woiwodschaft Krakow)’, Notae Numismaticae—Zapiski Numizmatyczne III/IV: 183–199. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2000a. ‘Provinzialrömische emaillierte Scheibenfibel aus der Siedlung der Przeworsk-Kultur in Jakuszowice’, Sborník Národního Muzea v Praze, Řada A—Historie 54/2000/ 1–4: 57–62. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2004 ‘Die Siedlung mehrerer Kulturen in Jakuszowice, Fst. 2, Gde. Kazimierza Wielka, Woiw. Świętokrzyskie’, Recherches Archéologiques de 1993–1998: 115–125. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2008. ‘Die späteste Phase der Siedlung der PrzeworskKultur in Jakuszowice, Fdst. 2, Kleinpolen’, in: Niezabitowska-Wiśniewska, B., Juściński, M., Łuczkiewicz, P., Sadowski, S. (eds.), The Turbulent Epoch. New materials from the Late Roman Period and the Migration Period I, Lublin: 179–188. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2010a. ‘Gospodarka mieszkańców osady kultury przeworskiej w Jakuszowicach’, in: Beljak, J., Březinová,  G. & Varsik, V. (ed.), Archeológia Barbarov 2009, Nitra: 239–246. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2010b. ‘Settlement of the Przeworsk Culture at Jakuszowice, site 2, pow. Kazimierza Wielka. Research outline’, in: Lund Hansen, U. & BitnerWróblewska, A. (eds.), Worlds apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age. Network Denmark–Poland 2005–2008, København— Warszawa: 547–561. Kaczanowski, P. & Rodzińska-Nowak, J., 2013. ‘The Huns on Polish lands—an attempt to summarise’, Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve 55: 431–450. Kolendo, J. 1998. ‘Izdebno, gm. Grodzisk Mazowiecki—skarb monet rzymskich czy monety z osady?’, in: Kolendo, J. (ed.), Nowe znaleziska importów rzymskich z ziem Polski. I Suplement do: Korpus znalezisk rzymskich z europejskiego Barbaricum, Warszawa: 201–205. Kunisz, A. 1969. Chronologia napływu pieniądza rzymskiego na ziemie Małopolski, Wrocław.

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Kunisz, A. 1985. Znaleziska monet rzymskich z Małopolski, Wrocław. Kunisz, A. 1996. ‘Stan badań nad problematyką pieniądza rzymskiego na ziemiach polskich’, in: Filipow, K. & Kuklik, B. (eds.), Białoruś, Litwa, Polska, Ukraina. Wspólne dzieje pieniądza. Materiały z I Międzynarodowej Konferencji Numizmatycznej w Supraślu, Polskie Towarzystwo Numizmatyczne, Warszawa: 39–50. László, G. 1951 ‘The Significance of the Hun Golden Bow’, Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Budapest I: 91–106. Lityńska-Zając, M. 1999. ‘Badania archeobotaniczne na stanowisku 2 w Jakuszowicach, gm. Kazimierza Wielka, woj. Świętokrzyskie’, in: Wasylikowa, K. (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ’97, Kraków: 183–195. Makowicz-Poliszot, D. 1999 ‘Szczątki kostne ze stanowiska archeologicznego w Jakuszowicach’, in: Wasylikowa, K. (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ’97, Kraków: 179–182. Morawiecki, L. 1984. ‘O niektórych znaleziskach monet antycznych na ziemiach polskich’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne XXVIII/1–2 (107– 108): 12–26. Naglik, R. & Rodak, J., 2018. ‘Chronologia i organizacja przestrzenna osad z okresu lateńskiego i wpływów rzymskich na stan. 9 i 10 w Stanisławicach, gm. Bochnia’, in: Rodak, J. (ed.), Stanisławice, stan. 9 i 10, pow. bocheński. Osady z okresu wpływów rzymskich i czasów nowożytnych (Via Archaeologica. Źródła z badań wykopaliskowych na trasie autostrady A4 w Małopolsce), Kraków: 175–186. Nosek, S. 1959. ‘Jakuszowice, distr. de Pińczów’, Inventaria Archaeologica. Pologne fasc. II. Roczkalski, B. & Włodarczak, P. 2011. ‘Badania wykopaliskowe przeprowadzone w latach 2005– 2006 na stanowisku 4 w Łysokaniach oraz na s. 33 w Brzeziu’, in: Kadrow, S., Raport: 2005–2006, Warszawa: 359–369. Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 1992. ‘Fragment eines spätkaiserzeitlichen Gefässes mit Inschrift aus der Siedlung in Jakuszowice, Gm. Kazimierza Wielka. Ein Deutungsversuch’, in: Godłowski, K. & Madyda-Legutko, R. (eds.), Probleme der realativen und absoluten Chronologie ab Latènzeit bis zum Frühmittelalter, Kraków: 207‑212.

Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 1999. ‘Osada kultury przeworskiej w Jakuszowicach, st. 2, gmina Kazimierza Wielka. Zarys problematyki badawczej’, in: Wasylikowa, K. (ed.), Rośliny w dawnej gospodarce człowieka. Warsztaty archeobotaniczne ’97, Kraków: 167–178. Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2001. ‘Transkarpatische Kontakte der Bevölkerung der Przeworsk-Kultur in der römischen Kaiserzeit am Beispiel der Funde aus der Siedlung in Jakuszowice, Gde. Kazimierza Wielka, Woiw. Świętokrzyskie’, in: Istvánovits, E. & Kulcsár, V. (eds.), International connections of the Barbarians of the Carpathian Basin in the 1st–5th centuries A. D., Aszód— Nyíregyháza: 311–324. Rodzińska-Nowak, J., 2006. Jakuszowice, stanowisko 2. Ceramika z osady kultury przeworskiej z młodszego i późnego okresu wpływów rzymskich i wczesnej fazy okresu wędrówek ludów, Kraków. Romanowski, A. & Dulęba, P. 2018. ‘Rzymskie monety z osady kultury przeworskiej w Nieprowicach, pow. pińczowski w świetle danych archeologicznych’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne LXII/1–2 (205–206): 61–99. Rudnicki, M. 2006 . ‘Importy rzymskie z Pełczysk’, in: Droberjar, E. (ed.), Archeologie barbarů, Sborník příspěvků z II. protohistorické konference, České Budějovice 21.–24. 11. 2006, (Archeologické výzkumy v Jižních Čechách, Supplementum 3/I), České Budĕjovice: 93–112. Rudnicki, M. 2014. ‘Jakuszowice, gm. Kazimierza Wielka, pow. Kazimierski’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne LVIII/1–2 (197–198): 276–278. Rudnicki, M. & Trzeciecki, M. 1994. ‘Badania powierzchniowe z wykrywaczem metali. Nowa dziedzina badań w polskiej archeologii’, Barbaricum 3: 149–162. Werner, J. 1956. Beiträge zur Archäologie des AttilaReiches, München. Żurowski, J. 1921. ‘IV. Sprawozdanie Urzędu Konserwatorskiego na okręg krakowski’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne VI: 169–180. Żurowski, J. 1924–1925. ‘Sprawozdanie z działalności Państwowego Konserwatora Zabytków Przedhistorycznych okręgu Zachodnio— Małopolskiego za 1923 r.’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne IX: 331–342.

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Eastern Imitations and the Beginning of the Antiochene SC Coinage

by Kevin Butcher The movement of, and imitation of, Roman coins beyond the boundaries of the Empire is a topic of interest to Aleksander Bursche, and he has shed a great deal of light on the presence of genuine Roman coins and their imitations, in Barbaricum. The northern frontiers are not the only place where these phenomena are encountered, although elsewhere the underlying mechanisms and motives may be substantially different. In Parthian-controlled Mesopotamia we find both genuine examples and imitative issues of an important coinage of the Roman east: the so-called ‘SC bronzes’ of Antioch. 1 While many of these imitations are sufficiently distinct from the originals to be easily identified through their crudely-engraved dies and blundered legends, there exists a class of irregular-looking coins that more closely resemble the genuine SC coins, and these have the potential to cause confusion if mistaken for the real thing. In particular, there are a group of coins with the portrait and titles of the emperor Augustus (27 BC–14 AD), the first ruler to issue the SC coins, which, while of competent style, are sufficiently different from issues certainly produced at Antioch to suggest that they could be irregular coinages made by unofficial mints, and perhaps in areas outside Roman control. 2 We tend to think of small change in the Parthian Empire as being composed of copper alloy coins of very small module, 3 but in northern Mesopotamia from the 1st to early 3rd centuries AD this impression would present a false picture of the monetary system there. The low-value denominations in circulation there comprised coins of similar size and weight to the coinages produced in Roman Syria. 4 The best-known of the imitations of Antiochene SC coins are the issues of Hatra; but there were also other groups of coins, some most likely associated with the city of Assur; and 1 2 3 4

Heidemann & Butcher 2017. Cf. for example, the Augustan SC type discussed in Butcher 2019. Cf. remark in Howgego 2005, 17. Butcher 2015; Heidemann & Butcher 2017.

yet other groupings for which an association has yet to be determined. 5 Those of Hatra and Assur are quite distinct, with an obverse depicting a deity rather than a Roman emperor, but some of the coins of uncertain origin are more closely modelled on Roman prototypes, having an emperor’s portrait and titles and closely copying the original reverse design. At the same time, genuine Roman provincial coins were imported and circulated with the imitations. In places like Assur they formed a significant proportion of the coins in circulation, alongside Mesopotamian imitations of SC coins. 6 It seems unlikely that the movement of the genuine pieces represents trade links, because the pattern of the overall assemblage of Syrian coins found in Mesopotamia is rather different from that in northern Syria, where the genuine items were produced. They may have arrived with troops during Roman invasions of Parthian Mesopotamia during the early 2nd century AD, but they are so numerous that the deliberate import of blocks of coin, to serve as a locally-circulating currency in northern Mesopotamia, ought to be considered as an alternative explanation for their presence. 7 This paper discusses a specific group of coins that I think are probably imitations of Roman issues— possibly, but not necessarily, of Mesopotamian origin, and should they prove to be ‘irregular’ (as I argue here), this could have some consequences for our understanding of the commencement of the SC series at Antioch under Augustus and the question of whether there was an attempt under Augustus to introduce a standardised currency in the eastern provinces. For the moment, what matters more than the question of where they were minted (either in Syria or Mesopotamia) is whether they are to be recognised as imitations or irregular issues, rather than genuine Roman issues. All of them bear the obverse portrait

5 6 7

Walker 1958; Slocum 1977; Heidemann & Butcher 2017. For what follows, cf. Heidemann & Butcher 2017. For parallels, cf. Stannard & Frey-Kupper 2008.

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Fig. 1: RPC I, 4246: specimen without visible obverse die deterioration.

Fig. 3: RPC I, 4246: specimen with no die deterioration at the back of the head but more deterioration across the bridge of the nose.

and titles of Augustus; but if they are imitations, they need not be contemporary with his reign. Central to this study is the bilingual type RPC I, 4246; CRS, 325, no. 44; McAlee 2007, 118, no. 205. – O bv: ΚΑΙΣΑΡΟΣ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥ. Laureate head of Augustus right; all within fillet border. – Rev: SC in circle, all within laurel wreath inside a dotted or linear border (figs. 1–3). Other SC bronzes have a Latin obverse legend reading either AVGVST TR POT or IMP AVGVST TR POT, which implies a date no earlier than 23 BC. 8 These Greek legend coins have been discussed several times, most notably by M. Grant in 1953, C. J. Howgego in 1982, the authors of RPC I in 1992, and by the author in 2004. Grant had argued that this type was the earliest official SC coinage, based on the fact that the portrait of Augustus on these coins resembled (to his eye) Asian cistophori, aurei and denarii dated 28–27 BC; and he dated RPC I, 4246 to slightly later, somewhere at the end of the 20s BC. 9 C. J. Howgego agreed with the Grant’s idea that the type was the first SC coin but pointed out a much more convincing stylistic parallel: the obverses of this bilingual SC type strongly resemble Antiochene silver tetradrachms and bronzes

8 9

RPC I, 603. Grant 1953, 123.

Fig. 2: RPC I, 4246: specimen with die deterioration in the field behind the head and some deterioration across the bridge of the nose.

Fig. 4: SC coin of regular style.

of ca. 5/4 BC minted at Antioch. 10 Furthermore, this particular Greek obverse legend, and the surrounding fillet border are distinct features of the tetradrachms. 11 C.  J.  Howgego therefore argued that the SC series began at this later date. The Greek-legend coin would thus represent a kind of experimental phase before the SC coinage settled into a convention of Latin-obverse legends. However, such a late date for the beginning of the SC series creates some problems: the style of certain SC and related coins looks earlier than 5/4 BC. All of these coins are distinguished by a bare portrait head of Augustus, rather than a laureate one. Apart from coins with SC reverses (fig.  4), this group includes those with the abbreviation CA instead of SC in a wreath, and an issue with AVGVSTVS in a wreath, and a large, sestertius-sized coin with the reverse legend OB CIVIS SERVATOS in a wreath (RPC I, 603, nos. 4100–4105). 12 These resemble similar coins issued in the province of Asia under Augustus that are normally dated to ca. 29–18 BC (RPC I, 380–1, nos. 2227–2235). Both Asian and Syrian coins have a Latin inscription or abbreviation contained within a laurel wreath as their reverse type, just like the regular SC

10 Howgego 1982, 8–9. Howgego (1982: 2–7) also made a case for the SC series being an innovation by P. Quinctilius Varus, who was legatus Augusti of Syria at the time. 11 The portrait type finds its closest parallel on Syrian tetradrachms dated Actian year 27 (5/4 BC) and later: CRS, 322. 12 Howgego 1982, 13–15, issues 4, 5.

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Eastern Imitations and the Beginning of the Antiochene SC Coinage

coins. Furthermore, the large sestertius- and dupondius-sized coins from Asia and Syria look markedly different from the mass of eastern provincial issues. 13 Taken together, the Asian and Syrian coins look like an attempt to introduce Roman denominations to the east; but if one belongs to the 20s BC and the other began in or after 5 BC the argument for the two being part of an integrated programme looks less strong. One solution would be to attribute RPC I, 4100–4105 to a mint other than Antioch, circumventing the problem of the Greek-legend RPC I, 4246, although alternative candidates for a mint are far from obvious. In CRS I separated them (CRS, 322–3, nos. 38–43) and listed them before the SC coinages beginning with the Greek legend issue, and RPC I did likewise, cataloguing RPC I, 4100–4105 under ‘Syria’, without proposing a mint, and tentatively describing them as a ‘precursor of the SC coinage, produced perhaps in the tens BC’. 14 These arrangements result in two series of Syrian SC coins: the ‘precursor’ one without a certain provenance, associated with CA, AVGVSTVS and OB CIVIS SERVATOS coins, that may or may not begin before 5/4 BC; and one attributed to Antioch, the latter beginning ca. 5/4 BC with the Greek-legend RPC I, 4246. 15 Such a fudge is clearly not very satisfactory, and better solution is desirable. In view of its importance, a closer look at the Greeklegend issue is warranted. In CRS I noted that the reverses of this issue were crudely engraved, much more so than the obverse, and raised doubts about whether it should be regarded as a regular coinage of Antioch. 16 I suggested it was perhaps an imitative issue. R. McAlee, while listing it under Antioch and dating it to ‘ca. 5 BC and later’, did not place it at the beginning of the SC series, and noted my doubts about its place among the Antiochene issues. 17 If it is not an official issue of the mint of Antioch, then it cannot be used to date the beginning of the SC series in the city. One argument in favour of it being an authentic Antiochene issue is that a specimen was found in the Princeton University excavations at Antioch. 18 But the Antioch finds are not devoid of other imitations of SC coins, and a single coin is not decisive proof of Antiochene mintage. 19 The specimens all appear to be from a single obverse die. Most, though not all, of the specimens examined 13 RPC I, nos. 2227–9, 2233, 4101 (sestertius-sized coins); 2230, 2234, 2235, 4102 (dupondius-sized coins). 14 RPC I, 603. 15 RPC I, 625. 16 CRS, 325. 17 McAlee 2007, 118 and note. 18 Howgego 1982, 8, pl. 2: 11 (reverse only). I am grateful to A. Stahl of the Firestone Library, Princeton, for allowing me to inspect the coin. 19 Other imitations, cf. Waage 1952, 68–69, no. 719 a–o.

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exhibit deformations of the die, at the back of the head, and across the bridge of the nose, as if the die deteriorated over time and with prolonged use. This is perhaps not surprising, seeing that each surviving specimen appears to be struck using a different reverse die, hinting that the output of this obverse die may have been substantial. These observations naturally beg the question: was the obverse die one that was used for tetradrachms and then re-employed for the SC coinage? At the moment it is not possible to answer this question with any certainty, because no die link between these coins and the tetradrachms has been found. The absence of any hard evidence for the re-use of a tetradrachm die could favour the argument that it is a genuine Antiochene issue, representing an early, experimental phase right at the beginning of the Antiochene SC coinage, using a specially-engraved die that simply imitated the contemporary tetradrachm coinage. There are, however, a lot of tetradrachm obverse dies, and it may simply be the case that we have not yet found a link. In addition, there are some peculiarities about the pattern of deformations observed on the obverse die that could suggest that the die for the Greek-legend coins was not actually engraved (below). Before considering the obverse die any further, it is worth turning to the reverses. Apart from the use of Greek rather than Latin for the obverse legend, one feature that marks out this type as distinct from the regular Augustan SC reverses is the crude level of engraving of the reverses, mentioned above. This is by no means proof that the issue belongs elsewhere than Antioch, but the stylistic difference between the careful engraving of the obverse and the much rougher quality of the reverses is a distinctive feature of the issue. The linear border surrounding the letters SC is never entirely circular, as it is on other Antiochene issues (compare figs. 1–3 with fig. 4), and the letters SC are frequently poorly-centred and roughly formed. All of this, of course, could be envisaged in the very first stages of a regular coinage; although I think that the type sits rather oddly among the other SC bronzes and silver coins of Augustan Antioch. It fits well, however, with various imitative SC coinages, including a group that closely imitates the regular Latin-legend SC bronzes (figs. 5–6). 20 It is easier to make a case for these other Latinlegend SC coins of Augustus being irregular, particularly given that some of them have the SC retrograde (fig. 5). In this respect such coins resemble the issues of Hatra and Assur, on which the mis-representation of the letters (inverted, retrograde, and all other permutations except the ‘correct’ one) seems to have been 20 Cf. also Butcher 2019; Howgego 1982, pl. 4: 13 is another example.

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Kevin Butcher

Fig. 5: Imitation of SC coin of Augustus, with SC retrograde.

deliberate. Unlike the Hatra and Assur coins, some of these imitations have the letters the correct way round (fig. 6) and it is possible that our Greek legend issue is associated with these. The stylistic discrepancies between obverse and reverse might be explained if, for example, a genuine tetradrachm was hubbed into a piece of metal to make an obverse die. This technique is attested for several examples of surviving ancient forger’s dies, where it is clear that a coin was used to make a negative impression that would then serve as a die. 21 The reverses could then have been engraved separately. Some possible support for this comes from observations about the progress of deformation and deterioration of the obverse die, mentioned above. We might expect the damage at the back of the head and across the bridge of the nose to progress in a linear manner. The state of the surviving specimens makes the progress of deterioration rather hard to assess, but it would appear not to have been the case: some exhibit little or no damage at the back of the head but some across the nose and stretching to the lettering in front (fig. 3); and others exhibit considerable deformation at the back of the head and much less damage across the nose (fig. 2). A case might therefore be advanced for more than one hubbed die, using the same original coin, but this perhaps goes further than the evidence will allow. Without secure evidence of a die link between a tetradrachm and these coins, this explanation for the differences between obverse and reverse and the varying levels of obverse die deterioration must remain speculative; but the evidence presented above is suspicious and marks out this Greek legend issue as unusual, if it is supposed to be a regular issue of Antioch. The purpose of this rather lengthy discussion is to make a case for RPC I, 4246 being an irregular or imitative issue, and not the first SC coinage of the mint of Antioch. If so, there is no need to regard the SC series as beginning at Antioch in 5/4 BC, and the ‘precursor’ group can be placed at Antioch before 5/4 BC. The latter could be dated anywhere between

21 Crawford 1974, 561–562 (dies from Tilisca in Romania); Paunov 2014; cf. also Stribrny 2003, 62–66.

Fig. 6: Imitation of SC coin of Augustus, with normal SC.

23 and 5/4 BC, and its date would then parallel more closely the series from Asia. Removing the Greek legend coin from the corpus of Augustan coins minted at Antioch resolves a number of difficulties and allows for the possibility that the SC coinage began more or less in parallel with the AVGVSTVS and CA coinages of Asia. 22 If so, it would strengthen support for the idea that the Asian and Syrian issues were a concerted attempt to introduce some form of standardised coinage to the east. In Asia this ended in failure, but it survived in a simplified form in Syria through the continuation of the SC series under Augustus’ successors.

Bibliography Burnett, A. M., Amandry, M. & Ripollès, P. P. 1992. Roman Provincial Coinage, Volume I. From the Death of Caesar to the Death of Vitellius (44 BC— AD 69), London–Paris. Butcher, K. 2004. Coinage in Roman Syria. Northern Syria, 64 BC—AD 253, London. Butcher, K. 2015. ‘Coins from Sippar’, Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 47: 182–189. Butcher, K. 2019. ‘CRS Antioch 60 and the Coinage of Parthian Mesopotamia’, in: Schnizel, C. (ed.), Benedictum sit … Festschrift für Benedikt Zäch zum 60. Geburtstag, Winterthur: 45–48. Crawford, M. 1974. Roman Republican Coinage, Cambridge. Grant, M. 1953. The Six Main Aes Coinages of Augustus, Edinburgh. Heidemann, S. & Butcher, K. 2017. Regional History and the Coin Finds from Assur, Wiesbaden. Howgego, C. J. 1982. ‘Coinage and military finance: the imperial bronze coinage of the Augustan east’, Numismatic Chronicle 142: 1–20. Howgego, C.  J. 2005. ‘Coinage and identity in the Roman provinces’, in: Howgego, C. J., Heuchert, V.,  & Burnett, A. (eds.), Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces, Oxford: 1–17. 22 I am grateful to A. Burnett for a discussion about some of the issues of dating raised here.

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Eastern Imitations and the Beginning of the Antiochene SC Coinage

McAlee, R. 2007. The Coins of Roman Antioch, Lan­caster. Paunov, E. 2014. ‘Dies for striking Republican and early imperial coins from Moesia and Thrace: Ancient forgeries or something else?’ Journal of Ancient History and Archeology 1.1: 29–35. Slocum, J. J. 1977. ‘Another look at the coins of Hatra,’ American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 22: 37–47. Stannard, C. & Frey-Kupper, S. 2008. ‘‘Pseudomints’ and small change in Italy and Sicily in the Late

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Republic’, American Journal of Numismatics 20: 351–404. Stribrny, K. 2003. Funktionsanalyse barbarisierter, bar­barischer Denare mittels numismatischer und me­tallurgischer Methoden. Zur Erforschung der sarmatisch-germanischen Kontakte im 3. Jahr­hun­ dert n. Chr., Mainz. Waage, D. B. 1952. Antioch-on-the-Orontes IV. Part Two. Greek, Roman, Byzantine and Crusaders’ Coins, Princeton. Walker, J. 1958. ‘The Coins of Hatra’, Numismatic Chronicle (6th series) 18: 167–172.

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Studies about Metal Composition of Greek Bronze Coinages A Short Historiography and Why it Matters for the Historian

by François de Callataÿ There has always been an interest for coin metal composition, and for ancient bronze as illustrated by the 27 entries for ‘aes’, ‘aerei’ or ‘aeres’ documented in the index of the 1561 edition of the ‘De re metallica’ by Georgius Agricola (1494–1555). 1 What follows intends to give the broad outline of what has been achieved through time on the metal composition of ancient Greek bronze coins. 2 Although there are certainly other names to be quoted in between, it seems that the first name to be remembered for numismatics is a French physician of the 17th century, L. Savot (1570–1640), who in his ‘Discours sur les medalles antiques’ published in 1627, devoted a long chapter of about 80 pages to ‘De la matière des medalles antiques’. 3 While reminding and criticizing past works (some of them belonging to the vast alchemical literature), he dedicates substantial developments to pseudo-coins of lead, true orichalcum and the evanescent Corinthian bronze mentioned by ancient authors. 4 But one must wait for the second half of the 18th century before one finds reports of chemical analyses. To the best of my knowledge, the count of Caylus (1692–1765) appears to be the first to give the chemical content of a Greek bronze coin. Having asked the Monnaie de Paris, Caylus reports that the analyzed

1 2

3 4

Agricola 1561. The recipient of these ‘Festschriften’ is a Roman with a famed barbarian appetite for gold coins. This contribution is about Greek bronze coins, however, as a token of friendship and an illustration of our common interest for numismatic historiography. A first version of this paper was originally presented to the XXth International Congress on Ancient Bronzes hold at the University of Tübingen (17–21 April, 2018) for a panel I had the pleasure to co-organize with S. Krmnicek on ‘Striking Evidence. New Approaches to Ancient Coin Production’. Savot 1627, 43–120. On Savot, cf. Rambach 2005. On ‘Corinthian bronze’, cf. Jacobson & Weitzman 1992 (also Caley 1941).

Massalian bronze was made of copper with zinc and traces of tin. 5 We remain in France at the time of the Revolution when M.-J.-J. Dizé (1764–1852) published in 1790 in the ‘Journal de physique’ four pages entitled: ‘Analyse du cuivre avec lequel les Anciens fabriquoient leurs médailles’. 6 Having analyzed eight coins (five Roman, one Greek [Syracuse] and two Celtic), he concluded that the hardening of copper was unknown by the ancients while observing that Celtic issuers were more able than Greeks and Romans to calibrate a fixed proportion of tin. The same analyses were later presented at the Institut de France by A. Mongez (1743–1835), who produced a recapitulative table with the proportion of tin for each coins. 7 The next and most important step happened with M. H. Klaproth (1743–1817), the famous Prussian chemist and pharmacist who discovered uranium. 8 M. H. Klaproth published two memoirs on ancient coins. The first is entitled ‘Beitrag zur ältern numismatischen Dokimasie’. 9 Interestingly, he mentions that he found the same result for a Greek bronze coins after having abraded the surface in order to guard against a surface enrichment phenomenon. In 1815, he published new analyses, out of which six were for Greek coins struck in Sicily and south Italy. In all these six cases, he found more lead than tin. In 1842, another German pharmacist and chemist, K. Ch, Traugott Friedemann Goebel (1794–1851), published a full book about the metal composition of ancient artefacts. 10 For Greek coins, he makes a

5

Caylus 1762, 159–160. He also got results for some Celtic coins. 6 Dizé 1790. On Dizé, cf. Pillas, Balland & Balland 1906. 7 Mongez 1802. 8 On Klaproth as a pioneer, cf. Caley 1949. 9 Klaproth 1810. 10 Göbel 1842 (23–35: results for 36 Greek bronze coins, out of which 17 new analyses by Göbel).

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distinction between copper/tin alloys and copper/ tin/lead alloys. Republishing the results found by Dizé and Klaproth, he added some of his own three for Olbia, two for Philip II and two for the Ptolemies). Five years later, in 1847, O. L. Erdmann (1804–1869) was the first to wonder about zinc. 11 Noticing that zinc had been found in Roman coins, he was allowed by L. Ross, the famous archaeologist of Halle from Scottish extraction, to analyze some Greek bronze coins of his collection (typically of Athens and Alexander the Great), but found no trace of zinc. Except for Greek coins in Roman times, it turns out here that the proportion of lead is generally very low. In 1851, J. A. Phillips (1822–1887) innovated by being the first to pay attention to minor elements and, as underlined later by Caley, 12 was also the first to produce analyses of consecutive coins from 1 locality: three royal Macedonian bronzes. 13 Then, in 1869, came the monograph of ‘Die Bron­ zen- und Kupfer­legierungen der alten und ältesten Völker’. 14 A man of many skills, a kind of Bavarian Humboldt (he is described as a botanist, zoologist, metallurgist, chemist, geographer, travel writer, novelist, duellist, art collector and trailblazer), E. von Bibra (1806–1878) appears as the key figure of the 19th century (fig.  1). Out of 1250 analyses obtained for all kinds of objects and cultures (from America to China), he more than tripled the number of analyses of Greek bronzes (more than 110 now). More importantly, he systematically asked to look at 7 trace elements likely to not have been added intentionally: silver, iron, antimony, arsenic, nickel, cobalt and sulfur. And he produced quantified results for iron, antimony and nickel. In the same time, he did not find it necessary to give either a description or even the mint of the coins destroyed by chemical process. E. von Bibra stressed the fact that Greek bronze coins are real bronze with a copper/tin alloy, not almost pure copper as is the case with many Imperial Roman coins. A second difference concerns lead, which was not added in Greek coins before the Late Hellenistic Period (with values sometimes up to 20 %). A third is that zinc is always present in Greek coins in trace amounts only, not as an intentional added element as it was in Roman times. 15 For Macedonian coinage, E. von Bibra pinpoints the fact that it remained a copper/ tin alloy to the end of the Hellenistic Period. Despite brittle copper alloys rich in lead, Macedonian coins cannot be broken as easily as most of the Roman and 11 Erdmann 1847. 12 Caley 1939, 3. 13 Philips 1851 (other analyses include one for Athens, one for Ptolemies, one for Syracuse and one for Samosata). 14 Bibra 1869. 15 Bibra 1869, 90–91.

Fig. 1: Engraving of E. von Bibra (1806–1878) by A. Weger.

Greek coins. 16 E. von Bibra also extended the interest for peripheral Greek coinages such as those struck in modern Russia or Egypt. So, through the energetic developments of German chemistry, a lot had already been achieved at the end of the second third of the 19th century: more than 100 Greek bronzes were analyzed, most of them with trace elements (such as silver, iron, antimony, arsenic, nickel, cobalt and sulfur); the absence of zinc was established; the increase of lead, mostly substituting tin, was noticed for the Late Hellenistic Period; some regional peculiarities were also recognized, such as the poor use of lead in Macedonia until the end of the Hellenistic Period. In addition, it should be remembered that all these results were obtained by wet chemistry, which implies the destruction of coins on one hand but provides on the other highly reliable percentages. These brilliant achievements apparently exhausted possibilities of the time to go further and indeed almost put an end to them for 60 years, until the 1930s, when new analyses of Greek bronze coins emerged. 17

16 Bibra 1869, 92. 17 The literature is meager to the extreme for the period 1870–1930: cf.  Six 1875 (quotes more than 30 analyses published in Bibra 1869); Helm 1895 (one for Syracuse, one Ptolemaic); Reifenberg 1927 (eight Jewish with high values for lead); Shear 1931 (two for Corinth and one for Sicyon).

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Studies about Metal Composition of Greek Bronze Coinages

Fig. 2: Photograph of E. R. Caley (1900–1984).

With 1 exception: the substantial amount of Nickel (20 %) discovered in 1868 by the English mineralogist W. Flight (1841–1885) in a bronze coin of the Bactrian king Euthydemos, 18 a result confirmed by subsequent analyses done on other Bactrian coins provided by sir A. Cunningham (1814–1893). A fierce debate arose around the middle of the 20th century about the provenance of this nickel: did it come from China, as we know it could have, a hypothesis refuted on philological grounds but not insane on metallurgical ones? Did it come from somewhere in Afghanistan? Or, as it has been most unlikely conjectured, might it have a meteoritic provenance? 19 Interestingly enough, we still do not know where this nickel comes from but modern investigations have confirmed that nickel was used as a primary element in only three issues—thus quite exceptionally—in order to offer a white appearance and possibly a special value. 20 The man who dominated the 20th century for bronze metal analysis is E. R. Caley (1900–1984)

18 Flight 1868. 19 For the debate, cf.  Case 1934; Caley 1943; Moss 1950; Khan 1953; Buddhue 1953; Cheng  & Schwitter 1957; Camman 1958; Schwitter 1962; Cheng & Schwitter 1962; Camman 1962. 20 Cf. Cowell 1986; Barrandon  & Nicolet-Pierre 1989. There is nearly no nickel (0.18 %) in the die of Demetrios published by Blet-Lemarquand & Duval 2012.

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(fig.  2). Born, educated and deceased in Ohio, E. R. Caley got the archaeological virus first through friends in Princeton, then in Athens as a chemist collaborating with the Agora excavations. He devoted relentless efforts to enhance our metallurgical knowledge of any kind of archaeological bronze items, including publishing a book specifically about ancient Greek bronze coins. 21 Here his strategy was to make a special effort ‘to obtain long series of consecutive coins from important typical localities, rather than to obtain single coins from each of a large number of scattered mints’. 22 Combining ancient and modern analyses (done under his supervision mostly in Princeton) and starting with Macedonia (24 coins), E. R. Caley paid special attention to Athens (64), before turning to Sicyon (8), Corinth (27), various localities in Greece (13), Syracuse (10), other Sicilian mints (4), Olbia (7), 23 Asia Minor (10), Syria (10), and Egypt (20)—all in all nearly 200 bronze coins. Such an intensive coverage allowed him to confirm for most areas the major phenomenon of the increase of lead through time, with lead supplanting tin during the first half of the 2nd century BC. 24 By the way E. R. Caley generally observes more differences through time than through space with the underlying idea that technology was commonly shared and evolved at approximately the same rhythm in various areas. For those who are dealing with the ancient economy and thinking in terms of market integration, this is clearly an important point still waiting to be included in the discussion. Another important historical point argued by E. R. Caley is the pivotal role played by Carthage in the tin trade. He argues that this trade was disrupted after the second Punic War, creating a scarcity with two consequences: tin was increasingly replaced by lead, and new bronze coins were increasingly produced by reworking ancient ones. 25 E. R. Caley later added to analyses of Parthian bronze coins in another numismatic book observing here again an increase of lead through time. 26 He also determined the metal composition of the bronze blanks found in the so-called mint at the Athenian Agora, dating them to the end of the 1st century BC 21 Caley 1939 (for reviews, cf. H. Mattingly in Numismatic Chronicle 5.19, 1939, 293; A. H. Moser, in The Classical Weekly 33.19, 1940, 226; A. R. Bellinger in American Journal of Archaeology 47.3, 1943, 348–360; G. Daux in Revue Archéologique 6.21, 1944, 73–74). Some results were reproduced: Caley 1964, 119–122. 22 Caley 1964, 5. 23 For analyses about coins of Tauric Chersonesos, cf. Grandmezon 1977. 24 Grandmezon 1977, 124–125. 25 Grandmezon 1977, 190–191. 26 Caley 1955 (reviewed by C. M. Kraay in Classical Review 6.3–4, 1956, 314–315). Cf. already Caley 1950, 115–117.

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because of their percentage of lead (‘a first attempt to date ancient coin blanks from internal evidence’). 27 Looking at E. R. Caley’s achievements, it turns out that he was less innovative from a metallurgical point of view (the tools at his disposal were after all more or less the same as in the 19th century and he had no better advantage of studying trace elements) than from a historical one. To take the full picture into account and putting it in historical perspective was truly his distinctive achievement. The conclusive pages of his monograph about ancient Greek bronzes remain today as the best starting point to quickly grasp the general frame of the topic with its main issues and historical hypotheses. 28 Yet we have entered in a different world since his work. Destructive analyzes were from now onwards considered to be avoided. 29 New methods had to be found and, in short, such methods as XRF or even PIXE have proved to be too sensitive to surface enrichment to be reliable. 30 The number of publications has exploded 31 but it is only in the mid-1980s that methods based on atomic activation became fully operational. 32 For Greek bronzes, the IRAMAT in Orléans proved to be by far the most active center. M. Blet-Lemarquand had summed up some years ago in a specific paper the main achievements of the center. More than 1000 Greek bronze coins were analyzed by the IRAMAT-CEB (to compare with the ca. 200 achieved at the time of E. R. Caley), out of which nearly 500 were from Massalia in southern France. 33 Other big samples include Thasos (150), Sicily (134) and Ptolemaic Egypt (128), followed by Amphipolis (60), Miletus (53), Elis (30), Messene (25), and Boeotia (10). 34 It is not my point to repeat what has been clearly expressed by Maryse and I urge everybody interested 27 Caley & Deebel 1955. 28 Caley 1939, 186–192. 29 For a late case of wet chemistry on four ancient Greek bronze coins, cf. Grunau 1967. 30 Cf. Carter 1967. For Greek bronze coins, cf.  Ingo 1994 (Punic bronze coins); Ingo et  al. 1997 (Punic bronze coins); Ingo et al. 2002; Mousser et al. 2011 (two Numi­ dian bronze coins). For Pixe, cf.  Demortier, Bodart  & Hackens 1981. 31 Cf. Amandry 1999. For Athens, cf.  Thompson 1941 (229–230: three new analyses by E. R. Caley); Thompson 1961 638–642. 32 For copper, cf.  Beauchesne 1986; Beauchesne  & Barrandon 1986; Beauchesne et al. 1988. More generally, cf. Gordus 1967. 33 Barrandon & Picard 2006. Cf. also Brenot & Nony 1987 (127: analyses by neutronic activation for nos. 65, 67 and 74); Brenot & Barrandon 1988 (111–113: neutronic activation on 78 heavy bronzes Bull/Tripod). 34 Cf. Beauchesne 1986; Guerra  & Picard 1999 (Thasos, Amphipolis and Maroneia); Frey-Kupper  & Barrandon 2003 (Sicily); Faucher  & Lorber 2010; Faucher 2013 (Egypt); Barrandon  & Marcellesi 2005 (Miletus);

to read her paper, arguably the most important reading on the topic since E. R. Caley in 1939. What follows are some general remarks about what has been achieved in the last two decades. Generally speaking, E. R. Caley’s main scenario is confirmed. It includes three phases: 1. Greek mints first started to strike true bronze (copper/tin alloys); 2. At a certain point, they opt for a ternary alloy (copper/lead/tin) replacing tin with lead which is more common, hence less expensive and available, but also less demanding in terms of consumables; 3. Later on, they continue to increase the percentage of lead but this time to the detriment of copper. Recent research has pointed to some exceptional cases of early lead bronze experiences such as Thasos or Massalia. 35 An important point has been made in between: the addition of lead is by nature heterogeneous. 36 So it naturally produces very different percentages for coins of the same issue. It is thus largely illusory to date 1 specific coin by its percentage of lead. 37 Most of the research performed at the IRAMAT continues to focus on primary elements but there are significant cases where minor or trace elements are taken into account in the discussion. For Massalia, higher values of silver and antimony are observed at the end of the sequence and look typical of ‘white copper’, implying a different supply. 38 For the Ptolemies, T. Faucher offers what possibly constitutes the best development about trace elements to date. 39 He first firmly establishes that fluctuations of trace elements are not dependent of tin or lead but of copper. He then demonstrates how the last Ptolemaic bronzes issued under Cleopatra are characterized by high ratios of silver and antimony again (and nickel in addition), and how these changes imply a different source for copper, possibly provided by the Romans. The same increase of antimony is observed in western Sicily for bronze coins in the names of a Roman official called Naso (ca. 200–140 BC). 40 One can only express the wish to know more about this ‘Roman white copper’ in the future.

35 36 37 38 39 40

Grandjean 2003 (Messene); Wojan 2011 (Elis); Grandjean 1995. Beauchesne 1986; Guerra & Picard 1999. Deraisme  & Barrandon 2003; Deraisme  & Barrandon 2005. Cf. also Griesser et al. 2012; Griesser et al. 2016. The very high percentage of lead found for a bronze of Tigranes (49 %) is likely to be explained by such heterogeneity (Saryan 1995). Barrandon & Picard 2007, 41–46; Guerra & Picard 1999, 206. Faucher 2013, 81–86. Frey-Kupper & Barrandon 2003, 514.

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Studies about Metal Composition of Greek Bronze Coinages

So the IRAMAT took the lion’s share of recent research about ancient Greek bronze coins. But analyses were performed elsewhere too and I will end my lecture with a short presentation of the most significant results. An astonishing and so far unique case of arsenical copper (with up to ca. 30 % of arsenic) has been detected for some coins issued during the Lybian War (241–238 BC) with types ‘Head of Tanit/ Plough’. 41 It is hard to understand why such an experiment was made for only a part of the coins of the same issue but it greatly differs from Carthaginian practices and must therefore be assigned to their enemies. Another established fact is the use of zinc, before the Romans, in some coins of Asia Minor issued at the end of the Hellenistic Period under the reign of the Pontic King Mithradates Eupator. 42 Whether it implies sophisticated metallurgical knowledge or is more dependent to the access of some favourable ore deposits (furthermore rich in selenium) remains unclear. 43 Spanish colleagues have been very active in determining metal composition of Iberian and Punic coinages, largely resorting to XRF. 44 In Greece, N. Kallithrakas-Kontos provided useful PIXE analyses for a while, especially about Epirus at the demand of M. Oikonomidou, 45 while L. Torrisi from Messina recently paid some attention to Egyptian coins using Laser Ablation and Mass Quadrupole Spectrometry (LAMQS). 46 Jewish bronze coins have also been recently analyzed in a couple of contributions instigated by D. Hendin and performed by N. Bower from Colorado College. 47 One of them includes lead isotopes analyses with three fascinating maps: 1) one for the location of the main copper ores in the area (Cyprus, Turkey, Dead Sea rift), 2) a second showing how lead isotopes from these ores are well defined, and 3) a last one to point 41 Carradice & LaNiece 1988. For a rare case of bronze jewellery made in a copper/arsenic alloy, cf. Meliksetian 2011. 42 Craddock 1978; Craddock et  al. 1980; Burnett, Craddock & Preston 1982; Smekalova 2009; Šmit 2015. 43 Šmit 2015, 257. Brass is found in the Near East from the middle of the 2nd millennium onwards (Thornton  & Ehlers 2003). 44 Chaves 1979; Olcina  & Ripollès 1987–1988; Sanmartin Solano 1988; Chaves 1989; Ripollés 1992; Parrado Cuesta 1994; Ripollès  & Abascal 1995; Abascal, Ripollès  & Gozalbes 1996; Ripollès  & Abascal 1998; Llorens Forcada & Ripollès 1998; Chaves & Gomez-Tubio 1999; Fernandez-Uriel 2004; Garcia-Bellido 2006; For Sardinia, see Burragato  & Guidi 1973 and, most importantly, Attanasio, Bultrini & Ingo 2001. 45 Kallithrakas-Kontos et al. 1993; 1996; Oeconomides et al. 1989. 46 Torrisi et al. 2010a; Torrisi et al. 2010b; Torrisi et al. 2014. 47 Hendin & Bower 2011; Hendin et al. 2011; Bower et al. 2013.

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out the results for the coins. It is very satisfying to see that late Cypriot Ptolemaic bronzes were indeed struck with Cypriot bronze and interesting to learn that this was also the case for bronzes of Alexander Jannaeus. 48 Lead isotopes analyses have been much less pursued for bronze than for silver. Lead isotopes for bronze coins were however well discussed by R. Brill and W. Shields in their fundamental paper of 1972. The evidence for the clusters they hesitantly recognized has been multiplied by several orders of magnitude due to the efforts of N. Gale (1931–2014) and his team in Oxford. The OXALID database (Oxford Archaeological Lead Isotope Database from the Isotrace Laboratory) now allows building well supported graphs of lead isotopes for copper. 49 But considerable progress was also made for tin isotopes for which E. Pernicka also got an ERC advanced grant some years ago. We are now able to produce much more accurate maps of the provenances for monetary metals. 50 For Greek bronze coins, isotopes are currently the most promising path to enrich our historical knowledge.

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48 Bower et  al. 2013; On lead isotopes for copper ores in Cyprus, cf. Stos-Gale et al. 1997. 49 Cf. e.g. Klein et  al. 2004; Klein et  al. 2009. Cf. also for bronze artefacts Kuleff et al. 2006. 50 Cf. e.g. Ling et al. 2015; Baron & Coustures 2015.

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends*

by Adam Cieśliński

Introduction In 1986, during the excavations at the Wielbark Culture cemetery in Krosno, Elbląg county, a team led by Aleksander Bursche, presently Professor, discovered a very interesting bronze strap-end 1 (fig. 1: 3). The object was found in inhumation grave 129 (formerly 317/1986) in which the remains of an adult individual had been deposited—due to the poor condition of the bone material, it was not possible to determine the sex of the deceased. The contents of the grave also included a bronze brooch type Almgren 170, a bronze buckle type D17 and a fragment of an eight-shaped amber pendant (fig. 1: 1–2, 4). The strap-end from Krosno has an approximately lenticular shaft, terminating in a small spherical knob, and a trapezoidal attachment-end pierced by a single rivet with a circular head; a cylindrical ring is placed at the junction between the shaft and the attachment-end. The object is 5.5 cm long and 1.3 cm wide. It represents a relatively small group of artefacts which does not find equivalents in the previous classifications of strap-ends from European Barbaricum. 2 The artefacts in question occur in a relatively limited area, with their main concentrations located in the Lower Vistula region-within the range of the Wielbark Culture—and in the western part of Masuria, occupied by the Bogaczewo Culture (fig. 2). The Wielbark Culture assemblages containing such strap-ends were *

1 2

I would like to offer my heartfelt thanks to my Colleagues, who provided me with access to unpublished sources on the subject of the Wólka-type strap-ends: A. Juga-Szymańska (Sulejówek), Ü. Tamla (Tallinn), I.  Szter (Głubczyce), M. Natuniewicz-Sekuła (Warsaw), G.  Stasiełowicz (Elbląg) and K. Myzgin (Warsaw). Translated by K. Brzezińska. Jarzec 2018, 71, pl. CXI/129: 3. Cf. Raddatz 1957; Madyda-Legutko 2011.

discovered mainly in the area of the ancient Vistula delta, on the border of Żuławy Wiślane with the Elbląg Upland, Warmia Plain and Dzierzgoń-Morąg Lakeland 3 (7 specimens); a few artefacts are known also from the Kashubian Lakeland and Lubawa Hump. In the case of the Bogaczewo Culture, the strap-ends, as seen on the map, are grouped in the Masurian Plain and at the southern edge of the Mrągowo Lakeland (5  specimens), with only one artefact found about 50  km north of this cluster. Additionally, a single strap-end comes from the south-western edge of the territory of the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture, i.e., its borderland with the Wielbark Culture. One specimen was registered in the north-western part of Ukraine, far away from the main zone of occurrence of this type of artefact. This particular find should be associated with the migration of the Wielbark Culture population from northern Poland towards the Black Sea. 4 In light of the above, it needs to be stated that the strap-ends analogous to the specimen from Krosno present a very peculiar distribution model. An analysis of this category of artefacts seems then to be an interesting contribution to the study on the intercultural relations of the barbarian societies in the southern Baltic coastal zone. The origin of these particular strap-ends is also an intriguing subject, as they are not a local form, and the inspiration that led to their emergence should be searched for in more distant areas.

3 4

According to the newest physico-geographical division of Poland (Solon et al. 2018). Cf. Kokowski 1999.

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2 1

4

Fig. 1: Contents of feature 129 from Krosno.

Morphology and Raw Material The stylistic distinctiveness of the strap-ends similar in form to the specimen from Krosno was first noticed by M. Schmiedehelm, who mentioned it in her doctoral dissertation, written in 1944 but published a few dozen years later. 5 Preliminary remarks on the chronology of this category of artefacts were presented by P. Szymański in the discussion on the stray find from the cemetery in Wyszembork 6 (fig. 3: 6) in Masuria. In the study on the settlement and cultural transformations in the basin of the Łyna, Pasłęka and Upper Drwęca Rivers, where two such artefacts were registered, I  proposed to denote this type of strap-end as the Wólka type. 7 The name is derived from the cemetery of the Bogaczewo 5 6 7

Schmiedehelm 2011, 141. Szymański 2005, 36–38, pl. VII: 10. Cieśliński 2010, 73–74. The name has already been adopted by other researchers (cf. Natuniewicz-Sekuła & Okulicz-Kozaryn 2011, 118; Jarzec 2018, 71). J. Kleemann, when publishing the find from Malbork-Wielbark, feature 12/2008, referred to such strap-ends as variant Połowite-Wielbark type JIV (Kleemann 2010, 363) and, in another article, as variant Połowite-Wielbark type JII (Kleemann & Münster 2011, 391). No detailed characterization of this category of artefacts is provided in either of these texts.

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1–4

Culture in Wólka (former Dietrichswalde, Sensburg county), where the strap-end that was the first one to be published and presented to the public—in 1880 at the Ausstellung Prähistorischer und Anthropologischer Funde Deutschlands in Berlin—was found. 8 The individual Wólka-type strap-ends, despite forming a morphologically distinct artefact group, differ in size, proportions, stylistic details and material (fig. 3: 1–15; list 1). 9 This is visible, among other things, in the shape of the shaft, which may be lenticular (fig. 3: 1, 8–9, 12) or close to diamond-shaped (fig. 3: 2, 5, 10, 13), in the form of an elongated, hexagonal plate. Regardless of the shape of the shaft, a distinction can also be made between wider strap-ends (fig. 3: 2, 5–6), some even squat (fig. 3: 3, 9), and narrower ones, characterized by slender proportions (fig. 3: 4, 8, 10–11, 13). The knobs at the shaft terminals can be larger or smaller, sometimes profiled (fig. 3: 4, 6) or separated from the shaft with an applied band (fig.  3: 8, 10). The shaft is separated from the attachment-end by an approximately rectangular field, which usually protrudes slightly above the shaft and attachment-end 8 9

Tischler 1879, 259–260, pl. IV: 28; Günther & Voss 1880, pl. 12: 487. Cf. the lists of finds at the end of the article including administrative location of the sites and references to the literature.

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Babięta Elanovka Elbląg-Pole Nowomiejskie Gierzwałd Krosno Malbork-Wielbark Mściszewice

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Nowy Targ Spychówko Stare Kiejkuty Vinnicâ Weklice Wólka Wyszembork

A. B. C. I. II.

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Malbork-Wielbark Ruska Wieś Weklice Ciepłe Połowite

Fig. 2: Distribution of strap-ends: Wólka type (1‒13) from the territory of the Wielbark (points), Bogaczewo (triangles) and Dollkeim-Kovrovo (square) Cultures, finds of ambiguous typological classification (A‒C; diamonds) and specimens morphologically similar to the Wólka type (I‒II; crosses). (Green) copper alloy specimens, (black) iron specimens, (empty signatures) raw material unknown.

on the front side and is level with them on the back. The only documented exception to this rule is the specimen from Krosno, equipped with a massive cylindrical ring, protruding on both sides. The fields separating the shaft from the attachment-end are

sometimes decorated with a metope (fig.  3: 2, 5, 13), transverse mouldings (fig. 3: 9), or bordered by incised wires or an imitation thereof, this last feature has been observed in the specimen from Babięta, grave

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1

2

5

10

6

11

16

12

17

3

7

4a

8

13

18

4b

9

14 15

19

20

Fig. 3: (1‒15) Wólka-type strap-ends, (16‒18) artefacts of ambiguous typological classification, (19‒20) specimens morpholo­ gically similar to the Wólka type. (1‒3, 5‒6, 8‒9, 18, 20) copper alloy; 10‒15 iron, remaining—material unknown.

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends

69 (fig. 3: 15), known only from an archival drawing. 10 The upper edge of the attachment-end can be straight (fig. 3: 1, 3), arched (fig. 3: 2, 5–6, 9) or wedge-shaped (fig. 3: 8, 10). The strap-ends attach to a strap with one (fig.  3: 1–2, 8–10), two (fig.  3: 3, 6, 13) or, very rarely, three rivets (fig. 3: 7), with both small (fig. 3: 5–6, 8) and large heads (fig. 3: 1–2). The artefacts in question measure from 5.5 to 8.2 cm, 11 with the majority of specimens falling within the range of 6–7.5 cm. The Wólka-type strap-ends are most often made of copper alloy. Despite the fact that specialist analyses of their chemical composition have not been conducted for the majority of specimens, they are referred to as ‘bronze’ in the literature. 12 Five specimens are made of iron, while in the case of the strap-end from Spychówko, known only from archival sources, the material used is unknown. Despite the diversity within the group of the Wólkatype strap-ends, a more detailed typological division is difficult to undertake. This is due to the small size of the assemblage and the fact that the information about some of the artefacts in the pre-war publications and archives can be imprecise or questionable. In spite of these research limitations, it is worthwhile to present the more noticeable regularities, especially with regard to the size of the artefacts and the material from which they were produced. An analysis of available sources indicates that strap-ends made of copper alloy are smaller (5.5–7.4 cm in length) than iron ones (7.5–8.2 cm in length). Iron strap-ends are more often slender; however, artefacts of similar proportions were also made of copper alloy, albeit less frequently (fig. 3: 4, 8). All the Wólka-type strap-ends found at the sites of the Wielbark Culture were made of copper alloy, while only one specimen made of this material was recorded at the cemetery of the Bogaczewo Culture in Wyszembork (fig. 3: 9). Specimens made of iron are the most typical of the Balt Cultures of Bogaczewo and Dollkeim-Kovrovo. 10 In the archival sketch of the strap-end from Spychówko by M. Schmiedehelm, there are circular and roughly ovoid fields as well as two transverse lines visible on the shaft. It is difficult to determine if they mark some type of decoration or indicate, for example, the state of preservation of the artefact. 11 The strap-end from Babięta, grave 69, is known only from a drawing in one of the inventory books of the former Prussia-Museum in Königsberg. The sketched length of the partially preserved artefact is 8 cm. If the artefact had been drawn in 1:1 scale, in accordance with the rules concerning drawing up records in the inventory books of the Prussia-Museum, then it can be assumed that the original length of the strap-end was 9.5 cm. 12 There has been only one analysis conducted for a strap-end similar to the Wólka type, found outside an archaeological context at the cemetery in Weklice, which showed that the alloy used in the production was brass.

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There are three more specimens from the zone of occurrence of the Wólka-type strap-ends that should perhaps be identified with this type (list 2). Two of them, from Malbork-Wielbark, grave 1126 (fig.  3: 16) and Ruska Wieś, grave 5 (fig. 3: 17), are known only from archival sketches by C. A. Moberg and H. Jankuhn. They show strap-ends with roughly diamond-shaped shafts, but without the characteristic knobs at the terminals. The strap-end from Ruska Wieś was made of iron and measured 6.7 cm in length; no information is provided about the raw material and the size of the specimen from Malbork-Wielbark. In both cases, it is difficult to decide whether we are dealing with a form that should be described as a variant of the Wólka type, without a knob at the end of the shaft, or whether the lack of the knobs can be ascribed either to the damage sustained by the artefacts or to the schematic character of the drawings. In 2011, another strap-end, corresponding morphologically to the Wólka type but without a knob at the end of the shaft (fig.  3: 18), was found in the arable layer at the cemetery in Weklice. The artefact is made of brass and is about 5.6 cm long. As before, it was not possible to clearly determine whether the strap-end was originally fitted with a knob. 13 Two more strap-ends resembling the specimens of the Wólka type were found in the area of the ancient Vistula delta (list 3). The first of them, from the village of Ciepłe, is known only from a drawing in Marta Schmiedehelm’s archive (fig.  3: 19). It has a roughly teardrop-shaped shaft, a trapezoidal attachment-end with two rivet holes, and a profiled plate with two ribs at the junction between the attachment-end and the shaft. A special feature of this strap-end is a flat, discshaped terminal with a hole in the middle. According to the notes accompanying the drawing, the artefact was to be kept in the collection of the Westpreußisches Provinzialmuseum, Danzig (inv. no. 17056). The same record card also shows a buckle and a belt plate; all these items had allegedly been found in a box grave and were to be brought to the museum through ‘Dr. Rossband’ in 1920. 14 The strap-end was to be made of bronze. Assuming that the drawing was made in 1:1  scale, the artefact could originally measure about 6.7 cm. The objects documented by M. Schmiedehelm came from the extensive cemetery of the Wielbark Culture in Ciepłe, known already since the second

13 By analyzing the specimen from Weklice, one more interpretation can be put forward, i.e., that the lack of the knob might have been caused by a technological error during casting. I would like to thank M. NatuniewiczSekuła (Warsaw) for the suggestion. 14 ‘Aus den Urnen eines Steinkiestengrabes in Warmhof. Von Dr. Rossband 1920’ (Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.25/41.8).

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1

2

3

Fig. 4: Plan and partial contents of inhumation grave 478 from Weklice.

half of the 19th century. Box graves of the Pomeranian Culture have also been registered at that site. 15 The second specimen similar to the Wólka type comes from grave 21 at the cemetery of the Wielbark Culture in Połowite (fig. 3: 20). Judging by the state of preservation of the items comprising the contents of the grave—which did not bear traces of any fire activity—it was probably an inhumation burial. The artefact itself was lost during Second World War, and its shape is known from the photographs of the collections of the former Prussia-Museum in Königsberg (today Kaliningrad). According to archival information, the strap-end was made of bronze. It is small (approx. 4.7 cm long) and at the same time appears bulky. The shaft is in the form of a clearly defined, hexagonal plate. The terminal is shaped differently

15 Schmidt 1902; Bebel 2008.

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5

than in the Wólka type. It is formed by a solid pin topped with a roughly crescent-shaped plate. 16 16 The artefact from Sterławki Małe, Giżycko county (former Klein Stürlack, Lötzen county), grave 418 (Jahn  & Szter 2018, 326, fig.  11: 2) constitutes a more distant parallel to the Wólka-type strap-ends. It has a teardrop-shaped shaft, and the terminal is in the shape of a large, flat plate. It is made of bronze and measures 9.2 cm in length. Other artefacts that are stylistically related to the Wólka-type strap-ends are the openwork specimens with the central part of the body in the shape of an elongated diamond, known, for example, from Machary, Mrągowo county (former  Macharren, Sensburg county, cf.  Gaerte 1929, fig.  175: e) and Mojtyny, Mrągowo county, grave 5 (former Moythienen, Sensburg county, cf. Hollack &  Peiser 1904, 43, pl. I: 5e), which, according to R.  Banytė-Rowell, are in turn related to openwork strap-ends from Gotland and western Lithuania (BanytėRowell 2007). In older literature, the bronze strap-end from the barrow cemetery in Szurpiły, Suwałki county,

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends

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Fig. 5: Set of iron belt fittings from grave 1 in Wólka.

Belt-sets and Gender Attributes The Wólka-type strap-ends formed belt-sets mainly with buckles. In the assemblages of the Wielbark Culture, bronze strap-ends were always accompanied by bronze buckles: type D17 (list 1: 3, 6, 8; figs.  1, 4) after R. Madyda-Legutko 17 in three cases, as well as type D20 (list 1: 3C) and D1 (list 1: 5). The belt-sets from the area of the Bogaczewo Culture consisted of iron strap-ends of the Wólka type and iron buckles: type D17 (list 1: 9B, 12) in two cases and D20 (list 1: 9A) in one. Some of the buckles accompanying the Wólka-type strap-ends were lost during Second World War and are known only from their descriptions. According to the notes from M.  Schmiedehelm’s archive, the buckles from Spychówko, grave 202 (list 1: 10) and Stare Kiejkuty, grave 62 (list 1: 11), were made of iron and had semicircular frames with buckle plates, i.e., they were identical or similar to the other specimens found together with the Wólka-type strap-ends. In one case only, in grave 1 at the site in Wólka, a series of rectangular iron belt mounts occurred in addition to the buckle and strap-end (list 1: 12; fig. 5). 18 The analysis of grave assemblages indicates that belts fitted with the Wólka-type strap-ends were worn by both men and women. Archaeological data can very rarely be compared with the results of anthropological analyses. We have only two assemblages at our disposal: inhumation grave 478 in Weklice (list 1: 8), where a woman who died at adultus age was site II, barrow XV, feature B.3 (Żurowski 1961, 61, pl. XIII: 7; cf. Szymański 2005, 37; Cieśliński 2010, 74) had also been associated with the Wólka type. The body of this artefact is made out of a thin double-folded plate, joined at the attachment-end with two rivets. It is decorated with small incisions along the edges. Presently, it seems more probable that this specimen comes from the Migration Period, as previously stated by R.  MadydaLegutko (Madyda-Legutko 1987b, 32, fig. 3: d). 17 Madyda-Legutko 1987a. 18 According to the publication on the subject, a total of 32 rectangular belt mounts were found in the cremation grave no. 1 (Tischler 1879, 260). O. Tischler assumed that the D17 buckle and nineteenth mounts, measuring from 3.4 to 3.7 cm and decorated with grooved lines along the shorter edges, formed a belt-set with the strap-end. The remaining 13 fittings were to belong to another belt, as they were larger (4.1 cm) and decorated in a different manner-with grooved lines along the longer edges.

buried, and grave 331 in Nowy Targ (list 1: 6), where the remains of an adult, whose sex could not be determined, were deposited in a cinerary urn. Glass beads and a barbarian distaff terminal were found in the latter, most likely indicating a female burial. 19 Other assemblages from the area of the Bogaczewo Culture also contained glass beads, allowing them to be attributed to women (list 1: 11–12). Spurs, on the other hand, indicate male burials. They were found in graves associated with the populations of both the Wielbark (list 1: 2, 5) and Bogaczewo (list 1:9B) Cultures.

Chronology The Wólka-type strap-ends appeared in graves together with artefacts that, in the chronology of the Wielbark and Bogaczewo Cultures, are associated with the older phase of the Younger Roman Period. Among the more precise chronological markers accompanying the strap-ends were mainly the fibulae of Almgren groups VI and VII: brooches type A 167 (list 1: 8; fig. 4), a brooch type A 161–162 with a kneeshaped bow (list 1: 9B), a brooch type A 170 (list 1: 1; fig. 1), and a brooch with a high catch-plate of the so-called Sarmatian type (list 1: 5). 20 In one case only, the Wólka-type strap-ends were found together with two brooches exhibiting the stylistic traditions characteristic of the Early Roman Period, i.e., triple-crest brooches of the Masurian variant (list 1: 12). These forms constitute the latest stage of development of triple-crest brooches and may represent a slightly later chronological horizon than the most popular examples of this series, i.e., type A.96 from phase B2/C1. 21 Buckles type D17, co-occurring with the Wólka-type strap-ends, are usually dated to phases B2/C1–C1a and C1b. They are also found in phases C2 and C3–D, but with a visibly diminished frequency. 22 The assemblages with spurs Ginalski type E5 and G1 23 from Mściszewice, barrow VII (list 1: 5) and Gierzwałd,

19 Cf. Schuster 2010, 763. 20 For the chronology of the fibulae of these types, cf. Cieśliński 2010, 61–64, 66–67, 132, fig. 34. 21 Cf. Szymański 2009, 468. 22 Cf. Cieśliński 2010, 69. 23 Ginalski 1991.

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grave 1 (list 1: 2) also fall within the chronological range outlined above (phase C1). 24 In light of the above remarks, it should be concluded that the chronology of the Wólka-type strap-ends falls within phase C1. The rare co-occurrence with the artefacts exhibiting the stylistic traditions of the Early Roman Period as well as the fact that the assemblages of the Wielbark Culture do not contain brooches of the first series of Almgren group VII, which were very popular at the very beginning of the Younger Roman Period, 25 may indicate that the strap-ends in question appeared during the earlier horizon of phase C1a and remained in use until phase C1b. The only artefact with an unequivocally earlier chronology is the deriva­tive of the Wólka type found in Połowite, grave 21 (list 3: 2), which was dated to phase C2, based on the accompanying brooches type A 168. 26

The Origin of the Form and Intercultural Relations in Barbaricum The Wólka-type strap ends appeared at the end of the 2nd century AD and gained popularity in the first half of the 3rd century AD. Their limited territorial range and regional preferences in the choice of raw material indicate that they were produced in the areas to the east of the Lower Vistula and in western Masuria. Neither there nor in the neighboring areas of Barbaricum are there any elements of the belt that could point to a local origin of the Wólka type. The inspiration for this type of strap-ends should therefore be sought further away, in the provinces of the Roman Empire. A strong resemblance to the morphology of the specimens from northern Poland can be seen in some variants of the so-called teardrop strap-terminals (‘Zungen- und lanzettförmige Riemenanhänger mit Öse’) type H.1/type Klosterneuburg (fig.  6), constituting a part of equipment of Roman legionaries. 27 They have a flat or slightly profiled body, lenticular or diamond-shaped shaft, often terminated with a knob, less frequently with a profiled field at the junction between the shaft and the attachment-end. They differ from the Wólka type in the shape and construction of the attachment-end, which, in a Roman way, has a rectangular or semi-ovoid hole through which an extension attached to the strap can be passed. According to S. Hoss, 28 strap-terminals type H.1 appeared in the provinces in the last quarter of the 2nd century AD and remained in use until the 24 25 26 27 28

Cf. Cieśliński 2010, 96–97. Cf. Cieśliński 2010, 65. Cf. Cieśliński 2010, 63–64. Hoss 2014, 259–260, cat. 262–274, pls. 76–79. Hoss 2014, 259–260.

1

4

2

5

6

3

7

Fig. 6: Examples of Roman provincial strap-terminals from the Roman frontier fort of Burgenae, (1‒3) present-day Serbia and (4‒7) areas north of the Middle Danube.

first half of the 4th century AD. They can be found over a vast territory: from Britain through the Rhine to the Danube provinces. Only a few specimens were found in the territory of Barbaricum. Said artefacts are concentrated in the areas north of the Middle Danube (fig.  6: 4–7), and their presence in both the Roman and barbarian contexts is primarily associated with the horizon of the Marcomannic Wars. 29 The similar morphology and period of occurrence of the Wólka-type and H.1-type strap-ends allow for the hypothesize that the barbarian artefacts might have emerged as a result of an adoption and local modification of a design from Roman provinces. To this day, no Roman teardrop strap-terminals have been found in northern Poland, but it cannot be ruled out that even a single import from the Empire could have provided inspiration for the short series of the Wólkatype strap-ends. The influence of the Roman provincial style on the material culture of the barbarians of that time is confirmed by the studies on the development of other metal belt elements worn outside the borders of the Empire. 30 Moreover, it is worth noting that it was the beginning of the Younger Roman Period that was the time of the most intense inflow of Roman imports into the areas of the Bogaczewo and Wielbark Cultures settlement zone to the east of 29 Hüssen & Reitar 1994, 220; Tejral 1994, 49, note 64; von Carnap-Bornheim 2002, 222–223; Madyda-Legutko 2016, 608–609, figs. 17–19. 30 Cf. Madyda-Legutko 1987a, 88; Przybyła 2010, 165–169.

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends

the Lower Vistula. 31 This is also visible in the influx of numerous Roman coins, as indicated by the results of the research conducted by the Honorable Jubilarian. 32 The Wólka-type strap-ends are also a representation of the intercultural relations within the barbarian world. Inspired by the Roman provincial strap-terminals, the form was adopted in a relatively limited territory of two distinctly different archaeological units, inhabited by ethnically different populations: Germanic (Wielbark Culture) and Balt (Bogaczewo Culture). 33 Both these populations remained in close contact, which lasted throughout the entire Roman Period and occurred with the greatest intensity from the younger part of the Early Roman Period (phase B2) to the Younger Roman Period (phase C). 34 These relations were reflected, for example, in the common style of some metal elements of the dress. For the Younger Roman Period, the best example of such relations can be seen in the development of the decoration of crossbow brooches with returned foot with rings of incised wire. 35 In the area of the Wielbark Culture, in accordance with local raw material preferences, said brooches were produced mainly from copper and silver alloys, while the Bogaczewo Culture population used iron, in addition to non-ferrous metals. 36 Regarding the Wólka-type strap-ends and the raw material used, there is an even greater disparity between the Wielbark and Bogaczewo Cultures, despite the form itself being morphologically similar in both. Let us recall that Wielbark Culture artefacts were produced exclusively from copper alloy, while the Bogaczewo Culture specimens, with only one exception, are made of iron. The same raw material preferences are also visible in other metal belt elements found within the range of the cultural units in question, for example, in the buckles type D17 37 and the buckles with rectangular frame and fork- or H-shaped tongue. 38 The Wólka-type strap-ends are yet another example of the connections between the people of the Wielbark and Bogaczewo Cultures at the beginning of the Younger Roman Period. They should be considered as a very unique source for studies on intercultural relations. Due to their unusual form and limited range of occurrence, their analysis allows for a more precise delineation of the borders of contact zones 31 Cf. Nowakowski 2001, 26–27; Cieśliński 2010, 125–127. 32 Cf. Bursche 1992, 238–239, fig. 1; Bursche 2004, 196–198; Bursche 2005, 203–205. 33 For the possibilities of interpreting ethnicity in this part of the barbarian world, cf. Cieśliński 2017, 221–222 (with further literature). 34 Andrzejowski & Cieśliński 2007, 281–306. 35 Andrzejowski & Cieśliński 2007, 305–306, fig. 27. 36 Cf. Schmiedehelm 2011, 111–113. 37 Schmiedehelm 2011, 142–143. 38 Andrzejowski & Madyda-Legutko 2013, 8, fig. 1.

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than in the case of other categories of artefacts, and in the case of Wólka strap-ends, they encapsulate the areas located on the eastern and southern border of Żuławy Wiślane and in the western part of Masuria.

List 1: Wólka-type Strap-ends Wielbark Culture 1. Elbląg-Pole Nowomiejskie, Elbląg county (former Elbing Neustädter Feld, Kr. Elbing). Single find (Gaerte 1929, fig. 175: b); 2. Gierzwałd, Ostróda county (former Geierswalde, Kr.  Osterode). Grave 2, burial rite unknown (Nowakowski 1994, 166, pl.  III: 3–4; Cieśliński 2010, 237, pl. 38/B: 2); 3. Krosno, Elbląg county. Feature 129, inhumation grave (Jarzec 2018, 71, pl. CXI/129: 3); 4. Malbork-Wielbark, Malbork county (former Willenberg-Braunswalde, Kr. Stuhm). A. single find (Tischler 1879, 231); B. grave 346, inhumation grave (Andrzejowski & Martens 1996, 26, pl. X: 346; Kleemann 2017, 67, pl. 19/346: 10); C. feature 12/2008, inhumation grave (Kleemann 2010, 363, fig. 10: 5; Kleemann & Münster 2011, 391, fig. 4: 5); 5. Mściszewice, Kartuzy county (former Mischi­ schewitz, Kr. Karthaus). Barrow VII, inhumation grave (La Baume 1934, 130, fig. 63; Müller-Kuales 1940, 1152; pl.  476: 9; Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.25/33.9); 6. Nowy Targ, Sztum county. Grave 331, urn grave (Fudzińska & Fudziński 2013, 92, pl. LI/331: 2); 7. Vinnicâ (Вінниця), Vinnicâ province, Ukraine (Wielbark or Černâhov Culture?). Single find. Unpublished (source: Myzgin 2019); 8. Weklice, Elbląg county. Grave 478 (inhumation grave) (Natuniewicz-Sekuła & Okulicz-Kozaryn 2011, 118, pls. CCXI/478: 5, CCXXXIX: 3). Bogaczewo Culture 9. Babięta I, Mrągowo county (former Babienten I, Kr. Sensburg). A. grave 17, urn grave (BitnerWróblewska 2008, pl.  LXII; Schmiedehelm 2011, 141; Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.13e/182); B. grave 69, urn grave? (Bitner-Wróblewska 2008, pl.  LXXVI; Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.13e/91.121.185); 10. Spychówko, Szczytno county (former Klein Puppen, Kr. Ortelsburg). Grave 202, burial rite unknown (Schmiedehelm 2011, 141; Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.13e/151); 11. Stare Kiejkuty, Szczytno county (former Alt Keykuth II). Grave 62, burial rite unknown (Schmiedehelm 2011, 141; Schmiedehelm’s

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Archive 7.13e/61; http://www.smb-digital.de/ eMuseumPlus?service=ExternalInterface&module=collection&objectId=2446152&viewType=detailView, accessed 23 November, 2019); 12. Wólka, Pisz county (former Dietrichswalde, Kr. Sensburg). Grave 1, pit cremation grave (Tischler 1879, 259–260, pl. IV: 28; Günther & Voss 1880, pl. 12: 487); 13. Wyszembork, Mrągowo county. Single find (Szymański 2005, 36, pl. VII: 10). Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture 14. Elanovka, Kaliningrad province, Russia (former Wackern, Kr. Preußisch Eylau). Grave 26, burial rite unknown (Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.13d/266; http://www.smb-digital.de/ eMuseumPlus?service=ExternalInterface&module=collection&objectId=2444700&viewType=detailView, accessed 23 November, 2019).

List 2: Wólka-type Strap-ends. Finds of Ambiguous Classification 1. Malbork-Wielbark, Sztum county. Grave 1126, inhumation grave (Andrzejowski  &  Martens 1996, 27, pl.  XXIV/1126; Kleemann 2017, 146, pl. 74/1126: 3); 2. Ruska Wieś, Węgorzewo county (former Reussen, Kr. Angerburg). Grave 5, burial rite unknown (Nowakowski 2013, 40, pl. 39: 4); 3. Weklice, Elbląg county. Single find from 2011. Un­published (source: excavations of M. Natu­nie­wicz-Sekuła)

List 3: Forms Morphologically Similar to Wólka-type Strap-ends 1. Ciepłe, Tczew county (former Warmhof, Kreis Marienwerder). Single find (Schmiedehelm’s Archive 7.25/41.8); 2. Połowite, Ostróda county (former Pollwitten, Kr.  Mohrungen). Grave 21, inhumation grave? (Eggers 1966, 158, pl.  18: 1; Cieśliński 2010, 272, pl. 28/21: 4).

Archival Sources Schmiedehelm’s Archive—Archive of Marta Schmiedehelm kept in Tallinn University

(Tallinna Ülikooli Arheoloogiline Teaduskogu, Arhiiv).

Bibliography Almgren, O. 1923. Studien über nordeuropäische Fi­belformen der ersten nachchristlichen Jahr­hun­ derte mit Berücksichtigung der provinzialrömischen und südrussischen Formen, Leipzig. Andrzejowski, J.  & Cieśliński, A. 2007. ‘Germanie i Bałtowie u schyłku starożytności. Przyjazne związki czy wrogie sąsiedztwo?’, in: BitnerWróblewska, A. (ed.), Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, Seminarium Bałtyjskie I, Warszawa: 279–319. Andrzejowski, J.  & Madyda-Legutko, R. 2013. ‘Bronze Belt Buckles with Doubled Tongue between Scandinavia and the Black Sea. In Search of Local and Inter-Regional Connections during the Roman Periods’, in: in: Khrapunov, I.  & Stylegar, F.-A. (eds.), Inter Ambo Maria. Contacts between Scandinavia and the Crimea in the Roman Period, Kristiansand-Simferopol: 6–23. Andrzejowski, J.  & Martens, J. 1996. ‘The Wielbark Cementery. Information on Unpublished Material from the Personal Files of Carl-Axel Moberg’, in: Kokowski, A. (ed.), Studia Gothica I. In memoriam Ryszard Wołągiewicz, Lublin: 19–72. Banytė-Rowell, R. 2007. ‘Ażurowe okucia końca pasa—wędrówka wzoru między Gotlandią, Mazurami a Litwą zachodnią’, in: BitnerWróblewska, A. (ed.), Kultura bogaczewska w 20 lat później. Materiały z konferencji, Warszawa, 26–27 marca 2003, Seminarium Bałtyjskie I, Warszawa: 329–337. Bebel, J. 2008. ‘Die Rekonstruktion des Gräberfeldes der Wielbark-Kultur in Warmhof bei Mewe/Ciepłe, Kr. Tczew’, Archäologisches Nachrichtenblatt 13.1: 65–72. Bitner-Wróblewska, A. (ed.) 2008. Archeologiczne księgi inwentarzowe dawnego Prussia Museum/Die archäologischen Inventarbücher aus dem ehema­ ligen Prussia Museum/Arheologičeskie inventarnye knigi byvšego muzeâ ‘Prussiâ’, Olsztyn. Bursche, A. 1992. ‘Roman coinage in the Westbalt Circle’, Barbaricum 2: 231–244. Bursche, A. 2004. ‘Dalsze monety ze skarbu w Liwie, powiat Węgrów. Trzeciowieczne denary na terenach Barbaricum’, in: Kaczanowicz, W. (ed.), Studia z dziejów antyku pamięci profesora Andrzeja Kunisza, Katowice: 192–205. Bursche, A. 2005. ‘Rola źródeł numizmatycznych w studiach nad sytuacją osadniczą i kulturową

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Intercultural Relations and Roman Influence on the Barbarian World in Light of the Wólka-type Strap-ends

na ziemiach polskich u schyłku starożytności’, in: Kaczanowski, P.  &  Parczewski, M. (eds.), Archeologia o początkach Słowian, Kraków: 203–214. von Carnap-Bornheim, C. 2002. ‘Der Tracht­ schmuck, die Gürtel und das Gürtelzubehör’, in: Peška, J.  & Tejral, J. (eds.), Das germanische Kö­nigs­grab von Mušov in Mähren, Teil. 1, Mainz: 189–305. Cieśliński, A. 2010. Kulturelle Veränderungen und Besiedlungsabläufe im Gebiet der Wielbark-Kultur an Łyna, Pasłęka, und oberer Drwęca, Berlin. Cieśliński, A. 2017. ‘A Cultural and Ethnic Border during the Roman and Early Migration Periods in North-East Poland’, in: Semple, S., Orsini, C. & Mui, S. (eds.), Life on the Edge: Social, Political and Religious Frontiers in Early Medieval Europe, Wendeburg: 211–224. Eggers, H. J. 1966. ‘Das kaiserzeitliche Gräberfeld von Pollwitten, Kreis Mohrungen, Ostpreussen’, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentral­mu­ se­ums 11: 154–175. Fudzińska, E.  & Fudziński, P. 2013. Wielokulturowe cmentarzysko w Nowym Targu stan 6, gm. Stary Targ, Malbork. Gaerte, W. 1929. Urgeschichte Ostpreußens, Königsberg. Ginalski, J. 1991. ‘Ostrogi kabłąkowe kultury przeworskiej. Klasyfikacja typologiczna’, Przegląd Archeologiczny 38: 53–84. Günther, C. & Voss, A. 1880. Photographisches Album der Ausstellung Prähistorischer und Anthropologi­ scher Funde Deutschlands, Section I: Ost- und Westpreußen, Berlin. Hollack, E.  & Peiser, F. E. 1904. Das Gräberfeld bei Moythienen, Königsberg. Hoss, S. 2014. ‘Cingulum Militare: Studien zum römischen Soldatengürtel des 1. bis 3. Jh. n. Chr.’, Leiden University Repository, https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/23627, accessed 23 November, 2019. Hüssen, C.-M. & Rajtár, J. 1994. ‘Zur Frage archäologischer Zeugnisse der Markomannenkriege in der Slowakei’, in: Friesinger, H., Tejral, J. & Stuppner, A. (eds.), Markomannenkriege. Ursachen und Wirkungen, Brno: 217–232. Jahn, Ch. & Szter, I. 2018. ‘Archaeological research in former Kreis Lötzen (pow. Giżycko) before 1945: the finds from the Prussia collection in Berlin and Kaliningrad’, in: Wadyl, S., Karczewski, M.  & Hoffmann, M. (eds.), Materiały do archeologii Warmii i Mazur 2, Warszawa–Białystok– Olsztyn: 301–341. Jarzec, A. 2018. Krosno stan. 1. Nekropola kultury wielbarskiej z obszaru starożytnej delty Wisły. Materiały z badań w latach 1980–2010, Warszawa.

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Kleemann, J. 2010. ‘Mehr als ein Mythos—Bemerkungen zum Gräberfeld von Malbork-Wielbark’, in: Theune, C., Biermann, F., Struwe, R. & Jeute, G. H. (eds.), Zwischen Fjorden und Steppe. Festschrift für Johan Callmer zum 65. Geburtstag, Rahden/ Westfalen: 355–373. Kleemann, J. 2017. Die Ausgrabungen des Städtischen Museums Marienburg im Gräberfeld MalborkWielbark Fundstelle 1 in den Jahren 1927–1932, 1934 und 1936, Lublin. Kleemann, J. & Münster, J. 2011. ‘Neue Ausgrabungen in Malbork-Wielbark, Fundstelle 1 in den Jahren 2008 und 2009’, in: Fudziński, M.  & Paner, H. (eds.), XVII Sesja Pomorzoznawcza I: Od epoki kamienia do wczesnego średniowiecza, Gdańsk: 391–408. Kokowski, A. 1999. ‘Vorschlag zur relativen Chronologie der südöstlichen Kulturen des ‘Gotenkreises’ (Die Forschungsergebnisse zur MasłomęczGruppe in Polen)’, in: Gomolka-Fuchs, G. (ed.), Die Sîntana de Mureş-Černjachov-Kultur. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums in Caputh vom 20. bis 24. Oktober 1995, Bonn: 179–209. La Baume, W. 1934. Urgeschichte der Ostgermanen, Danzig. Madyda-Legutko, R. 1987a. Die Gürtelschnallen der Römischen Kaiserzeit und der frühen Völkerwanderungszeit im mitteleuropäischen Barbaricum, Oxford. Madyda-Legutko, R. 1987b. ‘Metalowe części pasów na obszarze kultury zachodniobałtyjskiej w okresie wpływów rzymskich’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XLVIII.1: 21–35. Madyda-Legutko, R. 2011. Studia nad zróżnicowaniem metalowych części pasów w kulturze przeworskiej. Okucia końca pasa, Kraków. Madyda-Legutko, R. 2016. ‘Römische Gürtelteile im mitteleuropäischen Barbaricum—Vom cingulum militiae zum spätrömischen Militärgürtel’, in: Voss, H.-U.  & Baumann, N. (eds.), Archäologie zwischen Römern und Barbaren. Zur Datierung und Verbreitung römischer Metallarbeiten des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im Reich und im Barbaricum—ausgewählte Beispiele (Gefäße, Fibeln, Bestandteile militärischer Ausrüstung, Kleingerät, Münzen), Bonn: 603–623. Müller-Kuales, G. 1940. ‘Die Goten’, in: Reinerth, H. (ed.), Vorgeschichte der deutschen Stämme. Germanische Tat und Kultur auf deutschem Boden 3. Ostgermanen und Nordgermanen, Leipzig–Berlin: 1149–1274. Myzgin, K. 2019. Early phase of Chernyakhiv culture and finds of ancient coins. Problems of Archaeology of Late Roman Period—Early Great Migration Period in Central and Eastern Europe (Kharkiv, Vladymirivka, Viytenky, 12th–15th September 2019).

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Natuniewicz-Sekuła, M. & Okulicz-Kozaryn, J. 2011. Weklice. A Cemetery of the Wielbark Culture on Eastern Margin of Vistula Delta (Excavation 1984– 2004), Warszawa. Nowakowski, W. 1994. ‘Kultura wielbarska na wschód od dolnej Wisły. Materiały z dawnych badań i przypadkowych odkryć w zbiorach berlińskich i norymberskich’, Barbaricum 3: 163–181. Nowakowski, W. 2001. Corpus der römischen Funde im europäischem Barbaricum. Polen 1: Masuren, Warszawa. Nowakowski, W. 2013. Masuren in der Römischen Kaiserzeit. Auswertung der Archivalien aus dem Nachlass von Herbert Jankuhn, Neumünster. Przybyła, M. J. 2010. ‘Bemerkungen zu einigen lokalen Formen der Schwertgürtelschließen vom Balteus-Typ aus dem Barbaricum’, Recherches Archéologiques Nouvelle Serie 2: 93–184. Raddatz, K. 1957. Der Thorsberger Moorfund, Gürtelteile und Körperschmuck, Neumünster. Schmidt, A. 1902. ‘Das Gräberfeld von Warmhof bei Mewe, Reg.-Bez. Marienwerder (W.-Pr.)’, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie XXXIV: 97–153. Schmiedehelm, M. 2011. Das Gräberfeld am Jaskowska-See in Masuren. Studien zur westmasu­ rischen Kultur der römischen Kaiserzeit, Warszawa. Schuster, J. 2010. ‘Germanische Spinnrocken im nördlichen Mitteleuropa’, in: Urbaniak, A., Prochowicz, R., Jakubczyk, I., Levada, M.  & Schuster, J. (eds.), TERRA BARBARICA. Studia ofiarowane Magdalenie Mączyńskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, Łódź–Warszawa: 755–765. Solon J., Borzyszkowski, J, Bidłasik, M., Richling, A., Badora, K., Balon, J., Brzezińska-Wójcik, T.,

Chabudziński, Ł., Dobrowolski, R., Grzegorczyk, I., Jodłowski, M., Kistowski, M., Kot, R., Krąż, P., Lechnio, J., Macias, A., Majchrowska, A., Malinowska, E., Migoń, P., Myga-Piątek, U., Nita, J., Papińska, E., Rodzik, J., Strzyż, M., Terpiłowski, S.  & Ziaja, W. 2018. ‘Physicogeographical mesoregions of Poland: Verification and adjustment of boundaries on the basis of contemporary spatial data’, Geographia Polonica 91.2: 143–170. Szymański, P. 2005. Mikroregion osadniczy z okresu wpływów rzymskich w rejonie jeziora Salęt na Pojezierzu Mazurskim, Warszawa. Szymański, P. 2009. ‘Grób 1 z Nowej Boćwinki. Kilka uwag i dygresji na temat niektórych cech późnorzymskich zapinek Bałtyjskach, in: BitnerWróblewska, A. & Iwanowska, G. (eds.), Bałtowie i ich sąsiedzi. Marian Kaczyński in memoriam, Warszawa: 463–478. Tejral, J. 1994. ‘Römische und germanische Mili­tär­ ausrüstungen der antoninischen Periode im Licht norddonaubischer Funde’, in: von Carnap-Bornheim, C. (ed.), Beiträge zu römischer und barbarischer Bewaffnung in den ersten vier nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten, Akten des 2. Internationalen Kolloquiums in Marburg a. D. Lahn, 20. bis 24. Februar 1994, Lublin–Marburg: 27–60. Tischler, O. 1879. ‘Ostpreussische Gräberfelder III’, Schriften der Physikalisch-Ökonomischen Gesellschaft zu Königsberg XIX: 159–268. Żurowski, T. 1961. ‘Cmentarzysko ciałopalne na stanowisku 2 we wsi Szurpiły, pow. Suwałki’, Wiadomości Archeologiczne XXVII: 58–81.

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Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus

by Renata Ciołek Ballaeus is described as the Illyrian king because of the title documented on the coins with his name. 1 His name and function have been preserved only on one kind of source, namely on coins in the form of the legend ΒAΣIΛΕΩΣ/BAΛΛAIOϒ. These copies create a very intense concentration of finds in Risan. In addition, Ballaeus’ emissions occur on the island of Faros and have only the legend with the name BAΛΛAIOY, without the title of king. Ballaeus minted silver and silver-plated coins in small quantities, whose legends always include the king’s name along with the royal title. Silver and silver-plated coins were issued only in Rizhon, not on Faros. Rhizon certainly served as the capital of the Kingdom of Ballaeus. The main mint of Ballaeus as king operated from there. In the light of the latest research carried out by the Antiquity of Southeaster Europe Research Centre of the University of Warsaw (hereinafter referred to as OBA UW), this mint operated very dynamically and released huge quantities of coins into local circulation, as per Illyrian conditions. The great typological diversity of the Ballaeus issue, the great number of coins found, and the diversity of the denomination (bigger and smaller denomination) indicate that he was not an ephemeral ruler. Analysing the information provided by the coins and their findings, it can be added that Ballaeus was an important figure on Faros and then king in Rhizon. His kingdom, or rather the area he ruled, was in its heyday and was independent, as evidenced by the findings of Ballaeus’ coins on the opposite bank of the Adriatic in Italy. 2 Considering the specificity of this area during the Illyrian Period, it should be considered that Ballaeus was probably the ruler of only certain tribes in the area around Risan. The hypothesis of 1

2

The article is a result of research conducted as part of a project funded by the National Science Centre, no. DEC 2016/21/B/HS3/00021. Project title: The monetary circulation in Moesia and Illyria. Casus finds from Novae (Bulgaria) and Risan (Montenegro). It was also pointed out by Gorini 1984, 45.

the existence of a synchronous Illyrian dynasty and mighty rulers called ‘king’ was put forward, who had financial, commercial and economic independence, combining the right to mint coins in their own name. 3 The finds of Ballaeus coins play an extremely important role in reconstructing the history of his kingdom. Their concentrations may show us the approximate area of the king’s reign. Generally speaking, the focus of the emissions in question is mainly on Faros and Risan, and their immediate surroundings. 4 In Risan, in the 1870s A. Evans and H. Richli 5 in the late 1870s conducted some kind of research. Before Second World War, in 1930, the ancient Risinium was dealt with by D. Vuksan, 6 and then in 1968 excavations were carried out there but the results were not published. 7 The next stage of research took place between 1988 and 1989. 8 The wider-scale research, carried out on a regular and planned basis, has only been taking place since 2001 and is conducted by OBAE UW. 9 The key site when it comes to finding Ballaeus’; coins is Risan in the bay of Kotor. The coins that are discussed here are found there in huge quantities, both in the hoards and, above all, as loose finds. 10 For now, six coin sets containing only the king’s coins are known from Risan, and one containing other issues alongside the king’s coins. Several other deposits consisting solely of Ballaeus coins were discovered, but outside Risan and outside the bay of Kotor (fig. 1). The Ballaeus coin sets from Risan, discovered during the work carried out until the end of the 20th century on this site, contained only a small number of coins. The largest deposit was about 100 copies, 3 4

Ujes 1993b, 144; Ciołek 2011. Gorini 1989, 28–29; Gorini 1990, 319–320; Ujes 1993a, 7–8. 5 Evans 1880; Richli 1898, 145–147. 6 Vuksan 1931, 201–202. 7 Dyczek 2004; Dyczek 2009, 8. 8 Ujes & Kovačević 1992; Ujes 1993b. 9 Dyczek 2004; Dyczek 2009. 10 In Risan it is possible find Ballaeus’ coins practically everywhere on the surface.

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1. 2. 3. 4.

Shkodër (Scodra), Shkodër district Avtovac, area Gacko, Serbian Republic Hvar, komitat Splitsko-dalmatinski; Hvar (Lesina), komitat Splitsko-dalmatinski;

5. Pasičina, komitat Dubrovačko-neretvanski; 6. I.-V. Risan, Kotor, Cetinje (south Dalmatia); 7. Risan area (or Budva).

Fig. 1: Finds of treasures of Ballaeus coins.

and for an Illyrian cpntext, it was quite large. One set contained 52 ‘bronzes’ including 42 copies of the Ballaeus emission. The coins are described as a set and are included in the treasure inventory. 11 Apart from the Ballaeus coins, the treasure contained 10 copies of the Rhizon Autonomous Mint (type PIΣONITAN). 12 This indicates that autonomous coins of the type PIΣONITAN that were issued by Rhizon immediately before or after the King’s rule. G. Gorini believes that these are not deposited savings, but rather consist of circulating sets connected with military operations. 13 A larger set was also discovered in Risan, which, however, did not contain Ballaeus emissions or those produced in the Rhizon Mint (IGCH 391), 14 but is important for our analysis for another reason. The

11 12 13 14

Coin Hoards, London, 1, 1975, 28, no. 88. Gorini 1991, 28–29. Gorini 1991, 30. Thompson, Mørkholm & Kraay 1973.

finding was made in 1927 in Carine, in the middle of Risan, within the defensive walls dating back to the 4th century BC. 15 The deposit consisted of 300 silver coins. Among them were about 200 tetradrachms of the city of Damastion and other Illyrian—paionian cities, as well as about 100 Corinthian staters. 16 The established emission period for these coins is the last decades of the 4th century BC and therefore the time 15 Horvat 1936, 26–29; May 1939, 8, 11, 37, 126; Thompson, Mørkholm  & Kraay 1973, 199–202. (fig.  31: coins); Mirnik 1981, 34 f, no. 9; Ujes 1999. 16 The treasure contained coins of the following mints: Corinth (stater from the 5th century BC, tetra­ drachm from 457–415 BC, tetradrachm 415–387 BC, eight tetradrachm from 386–307 BC); Dyrrhachium (two tetradrachms from 4th century BC); Corinth or Dyrrhachium (two tetradrachms from 386–307 BC); Korkyra (tetradrachm 6th century BC); Anactorion (three tetradrachm 4th century BC); Leucas (five tetradrachm from 4th century BC); Ambratia (tetradrachm 238–168 BC); Corinth and colonies (Dyrrhachium, Leucas, Anactorium, Paeonia—about 74 tetradrachm); Damastion (about 100 tetradrachm from 4th century BC); Daparria (three coins from 4th century BC) and Pelagia (one coin from 4th century BC).

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Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus

1. Aquileia, reg. Friuli Venezia Giulia, prov. Udine 2. Brindisi, reg. Apulia, prov. Brindisi 3. Canosa di Puglia—area, reg. Apulia, prov. Bari 4. L’Aquila—area, reg. Abruzzo, prov. L’Aquila 5. Leuca, reg. Apulia, prov. Lecce 6. Locri, reg. Calabria, prov. Reggio di Calabria 7. Lucera—area, reg. Apulia, prov. Foggia 8. Manfredonia, reg. Apulia, prov. Foggia 9. Monte Vairano, reg. Molise, prov. Campobasso

10. Norba, reg. Lazio, prov. Latina 11. Ordona, reg. Puglia, prov. Foggia 12. Puglia—area, reg. Apulia, prov. Bari 13. Sant Domino (Tremiti), reg. Apulia, prov. Foggia 14. Sant Paolo di Civitate (Teanum Apulum), reg. Apulia, prov. Foggia 15. Tharros, reg. Sardinia, prov. Oristano 16. Toscana area 17. Tremiti, reg. Apulia, prov. Foggia

Fig. 2: Finds of Ballaeus coins in Italy.

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of its deposit was assumed to be around 330 BC. 17 No Ballaeus coins were found in the treasure. In other words, the theory that Ballaeus lived in the 4th century BC 18 must be firmly rejected. Planned excavations were carried out in Risan between 1988 and 1989. 19 At that time 135 Ballaeus coins were explored, which were analysed by D. Ujes. 20 One coin was provided with a hole and according to the report’s author’s suggestion was interpreted as an amulet. 21 Among the artefacts acquired from the rooms of the two buildings, 135 Ballaeus coins, fibulas, pottery, and metal objects dated from the second half of the 4th to 2nd century BC were registered. D. Ujes adopted a very cautious dating of the artefacts from these excavations, 4th–2nd century BC. 22 Among the large number of artefacts such as architectural elements, quern, terracotta, small objects made of bone, marble, numerous but poorly preserved metal objects, including nails, and, above all, a huge number of ceramic fragments, there are artefacts that can give some indication as to the dating of the studied objects. The first such artefact is a charnidre-type fibula, relatively widespread in the Balkans in the late classical and Hellenistic Period. The fibula variant belongs to a group known in the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. 23 Ballaeus coins were rarely found outside of Faros island and Montenegro, limited to Risan and its immediate vicinity. Most of the finds come from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Italy. In addition, finds were registered at one site in Greece in Kassope 24 and in Albania in Shkodra. 25 One Ballaeus coin was also found in the Czech Republic in Němčice, Moravia. 26 The most numerous finds of Ballaeus coins, apart from the ‘native’ zone of their circulation, occurred in the area located on the western side of the Adriatic Sea. In Italy, 22 coins were registered at 16 sites. Their concentration can be seen on the exact opposite side of the Adriatic at the height of the bay of Kotor (fig. 2). 17 Horvat (1936) assumed the deposit time around 330 BC, May (1939) years after 330 BC, and D. Ujes (1999, 112) 350–325 BC. 18 The National Museum in Belgrade (MN Beograd) and Dr Baric’s private collection in Belgrade hold 50 coins from this treasure, another 50 coins are kept in another private collection in Belgrade and 20 copies in the private collection of S. Hrcica and 5 in the collection B. Horvata in Zagreb. Some coins are missing. 19 Ujes & Kovačević 1992, 9. For the report of these studies see also Kovačević 1998, 103–104. 20 Ujes & Kovačević 1992; Ujes 1993b, 140. 21 Ujes 1993b, 141. There are known cases of Illyrian perforated coins: cf. also Stipčević 1978, 34–36. 22 Ujes 1993b, 143. 23 Vasić 1985, 121–128; Ujes 1993b, 142. 24 Oikonomidou-Karamesini 1994, 172–173, fig. 13. 25 Ujes 2001, 341. 26 Čižmář & Kolníková 2006.

Ballaeus coins are very rarely found in sets together with coins of other mints. 27 It would be important that it would give a clue to their chronology. Such a set was discovered near Canosa di Puglia in the province of Bari. 28 It contained the following eleven bronze coins: Thessalonians union, Etolian League, Arpi (Apulia), Celia (Apulia), Heraclea (Lucania) from 278–250 BC, and two emissions of Ballaeus with walking Artemis, probably Rhizon type. Based on Thessalonian and Etolian coins G. Gorini dated the treasure to around 125 BC. 29 However, it seems that the suggested dating for these is too late. Most of the coins come from the 3rd century BC, and the two coins were dated over a wide period of time from the 3rd to the middle of the 2nd century BC (coins of the Etolian union). However, the dating issue is the Thessaly bronze from 196–146 BC, the terminus post quem for depositing the set should be established anyway. It seems that nothing else is possible to say about it. All indications are that the existence of coins, which are considered to be issued in the 3rd century BC, is of great importance here. Taking into account that all the coins were bronze which generally means a relatively short period of use, it should be assumed that the time of completion of the the hoarding of the Canosa treasure is closer to the upper date of issue of the coins of Thessaly, namely 196. Numerous attempts have been made to explain the phenomenon of Ballaeus coins in the Apennine Peninsula. M. Crawford put forward a thesis that Illyrian coins, including Ballaeus coins, that were issued between 250–50 BC entered the Apennine Peninsula as the spoils of Roman war campaigns, including, above all, being carried by soldiers who participated in the events of 156 BC. 30 It excludes coins as evidence of trade between the two banks of the Adriatic. 31 G. Gorini links the inflow of these coins into Italy with Livy’s writings about the first aid given by the Romans to Tarent and Brindisi in 181 BC in defence against Illyrian pirates raids. 32 The Italian scientist also suggests other explanations. These coins may indicate trade contacts outside the Issa’s sphere of

27 Gorini 1990, 319. 28 The coins are currently stored in the Archaeological Museum in Bari. Cf. also Šašel-Kos 2007, 130. 29 Gorini 1999, 103. 30 Crawford (1978) suggested that all hoards containing Greek coins from the period 250–50 BC, deposited on the Apennine Peninsula are the spoils of Roman war campaigns, and most of the treasures containing the Roman coin deposited in the western Balkans during this period can be associated with Roman military operations. Cf. also Visona 1985, 117; Gorini 1999, 104; Papageorgiadou 1993, 253. 31 Crawford 1978. 32 Gorini 1989, 31.

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Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus

influence 33 and visits by pilgrims or seafarers to places of worship. 34 P. Visona, on the other hand, considers that the Illyrian coins in Italy are evidence of purely commercial contacts. In his opinion, the spread of Ballaeus emissions would suggest that during the political and probably also economic isolation of the Greek poleis in Illyria, the local population benefited from trade routes. 35 We rarely have data on the archaeological contexts in which Ballaeus coins were found. In known cases, the coins are taken from votive or funerary contexts. The Canos hoard could have been, according to G. Gorini, a part of a gift for a field temple. 36 However, the spread of coins along the western Adriatic coast and in Apulia can be explained by economic contacts. Findings of other Greek Hellenic imports (finds from Campochiaro and Monte Vairano) suggest that trade and travel in the 3rd century BC between Italy and the western Balkans could not be controlled by Issa, as there are no Issa, Faros, Ilyrian Heraclea coins in Italy. The participation of Ballaeus coins in this phenomenon, on the other hand, suggests the spread of finds in Italy in the area opposite of the circulation area of these emissions. 37 Ballaeus coins are found in areas outside of their emission. There are known complexes from Shkoder Lake (Shkodra), in south-eastern Bosnia (Avtovac) and at the mouth of the Neretva River (Orolik). 38 On the basis of the material collected by M. Daniel, Dyrrhachium’s dominance among the coins at the turn of the 4th/3rd century BC was found. 39 Coins of this city appeared in the greatest number of treasures and had the widest range of circulation. The emission of Apollonian coins at that time was not very impressive. Ballaeus was recognized for the most dynamic minting activity in the 3rd century BC. The number of copies found so far with the legend BAΣIΛEΩΣ/ BAΛΛAIOY is nearly 7000, while the second in order Dyrrhachium in the 4th and 3rd century BC hoards represents over 461 pieces. 40 Such a disproportion between the above mentioned issuers probably results from the different state of research on their minting. In the area outside Risan, six hoards were recorded to contain Ballaeus emissions: in the Shkoder treasure there were 14 ‘bronze’ coins fig.  1). Sets containing 33 There are no findings of Issa coins in Italy. 34 Crawford 1978, 1–76; Gorini 1989, 31. 35 Visona 1985, 121, lt. also Papageorgiadou 1993, 253; Gorini 2003, 51. 36 Gorini 1999a, 104. 37 Visona 1985, 121. 38 Information about the treasures of Illyrian-Greek coins was collected by Daniel 2017, Master’s thesis, Archive of the Archaeology Institute library. 39 Daniel 2017, 54. 40 Daniel 2017, 150–151.

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only Ballaeus emissions are rather small. The exception is the deposit from Risan discovered in 2010, which looks even more impressive with its 4656 coins compared to other sets. 41 In Greek Illyria, hoards are generally not very common. They are usually small, rarely exceeding 100 copies. 42 Moreover, there are very few hoards containing, besides local coins, Greek coins from mints coming from outside Illyrian territory. This indicates that in Illyria the circulation was closed, restricted to the Dalmatian area at least in the last years of the 4th and 3rd century BC. 43 The production of local mints therefore had to satisfy the demand for money. The second most important area in terms of circulation of Ballaeus coins is the island of Hvar, ancient Faros. The finds of Ballaeus coins are scattered all over the island. Coin finds have recently been re-collected and published. 44 One silver coin was found on an island in Stari Grad (AM Zagreb, no. 2679). 45 Only one sure hoard was actually discovered on the island. It contained 65 pieces issued on the island. Excluding another small set, 45 coins remain. In Starý Grad, in the Dominican monastery, there is a relatively large collection of antique coins, 37 of which were issued by Ballaeus, one of which is silver. 46 According to the documentation, the coins come from finds in Dalmatia. The exact location of where they were found is not possible to determine, but it can be assumed that Faros coins were found on the island. There are 14 coins 47 of this type in the Dominican collection. Thus, at least 195 Ballaeus coins were found on the island. They must have come mostly from individual finds. As for the treasure containing the Ballaeus Faros coins with the status of a certain find, only one can be considered so far, with a closer unspecified location of the finding. Since 2001, systematic excavations have been carried out by Antiquity of South-eastern Europe Research Centre (University of Warsaw). 48 By 2018, 1666 Ballaeus coins were registered, including 1649 of ‘bronze’ and 17 silver/silver-plated coins. The largest number of copies, 1061, were minted in the Rhizon type, 236 in the ‘Illyrian’ type, 42 copies are Faros issues and four represent the ‘transitional’ type. In addition, 248 coins are defined as the lower nomination of Ballaeus coins. In many cases, it was

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

Ciołek & Dyczek 2021 in print. Daniel 2020, 29–35. Gorini 2003, 42. Jeličić Radonić, Göricke-Lukić & Mirnik 2017. Rendić-Miočević 1973, 261–262. Dukat & Mirnik 1979, 6–9. Dukat & Mirnik 1979, 10, no. 151–152; Marović 1988, 82. www.novae.uw.edu.pl

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impossible to determine whether it was a Ballaeus emission. There are 378 of them. They are extremely badly preserved. Interestingly, 19 autonomous coins of type PIΣO were also noted. In addition to loose and set finds, we have a large hoard, consisting almost exclusively of coins of King Ballaeus, which was discovered in 2010. It contains 4656 pieces and weighs nearly 15 kg. 49 Consdiering the history of Rhizon and also Illyria, it is a unique find in every aspect. It indicates several facts. First of all, the hoard is the most numerous of known sets of Illyrian coins. It shows that the volume of Ballaeus monetary production exceeded by far the volume of emission of other pre-Roman centres that emitted coins in the western Balkans. The coins were found in situ in a clay pot of local production under the floor plate of a room undistinguished from the others by the size or wealth of the finds. There is a layer of burning above the floor, which suggests disturbing events in Rhizon while hiding the treasure. Its deposition under the floor slab was certainly forced by events unknown to us, which hit the settlement and its inhabitants hard. The 4656-coin set consists almost exclusively of copies minted in Rhizon, with the exception of one stray coin probably from Dyrrhachium. The vast majority are Rhizon-type emissions; all have a portrait of the king on the obverse facing only to the left, and on the reverse a subtype with a walking Artemis. One subtype (subtype R. IV. 2) 50 definitely prevails in the treasure. What’s more, it was possible to distinguish previously unknown Rhizon variants. The so-called ‘Illyrian’ type, also aired in the Rhizon mint, forms a group of only just over 3 % of the total set. Among the coins there was the already mentioned coin, which does not fit the set at all. Surely there were no more of these, just this one. It was a type of Greek coin with the representation of the head of Heracles in the scalp of a lion to the left and a Pegasus flying to the right on the reverse with the letters […] ΣO[…]. This coin was issued by Dyrrhachium between 300–229 BC. The second treasure found in Risan is conventionally described as ‘small’, found in 2012. It contained 83 whole coins and 19 fragments. Among the coin set, 37 pieces can be described as Ballaeus coins of the Rhizon type. There were many fragments of coins, and six of them looked as if they were intentionally halved. Interestingly and worthy of note, 23 coins were stamped with the same stamp. However, this only applies to the reverse side. This would be the first time that coins bearing the same stamp could be observed. Analyses of the obverse stamps gave a negative result. Their state of preservation does not allow for this, and the visible elements of the representation 49 The monograph of the treasure is in print. 50 Ciołek 2020, chapter XI in print.

on the obverse indicated that it is not possible to speak of stamping with the same stamp. During the excavations several sets consisting of Ballaeus emissions were discovered. They contained from several copies to several dozen. 51 In one case, the Ballaeus coin appeared together with the Rhizon autonomous coin. 52 They may consist of a lost purse. Relatively frequent in Risan are sets of tiny ‘bronze’ coins. They appear mainly as a loose finds, but also in sets. Sometimes these coins with a small diameter of a few millimetres are found with Ballaeus coins. We know a few sets of these small ‘bronzes’ e.g. one had six pieces, the other twelve and another four. 53 There are also several cases where these coins appear in a set of two. One of these tiny coins is stuck to an amphora cork. 54 This indicates that these coins were in ‘circulation’ during the period of use of the amphora. They weigh between 0.22 and 0.78 g and have a diameter between 7- and 10-mm thick maximum. Judging by their appearance, it was difficult to determine, or even roughly determine where they might come from. None of them have any preserved representation, and it is hard to determine if there was a representation at all. One can guess that on such a small coin it was difficult to make a specific drawing for the inaccessible or poorly skilled engravers. They do not resemble Roman coins from the late 4th and 5th century AD, when such tiny ‘bronzes’ were in emission. In total, Risan has recorded 248 of them. There are many indications that the small ‘bronze’ coins were the smaller nomination of the coins known as Ballaeus and both types of coins were in common circulation within the city. All coins with the portrait of the king on the obverse and Artemis on the reverse had to have the same value. It is not possible to separate smaller and larger nominations here. It is to be expected that in a small town with such an active mint, where the community knew how to use coins as money, there could have been a smaller denomination on the condition that it was easily distinguished from a larger coin. Numismatic finds are found in all layers. The inventories of find indicate that the coins are scattered over the area of inhabited houses. Among them there are good giving elements, e.g., fibulas, which belong to the group used in the 4th and 3rd century BC. 55 More chronologically significant material consists of ceramics, which date back to the mid 4th to 2nd

51 Lt. Catalogue in the book Ciołek 2020 in print. 52 Ciołek 2011, Annex I: no. 251–252. 53 Ciołek 2011, Annex I: 69–71, 159–160, 304–305, 370–371, 414–415, 440–441. 54 Ciołek 2011, Annex I: no. 783. The coin is from the Džamija I/VII survey. It is a place close to Carine, where surveys were conducted. 55 Vasić 1985, 121–122; Ujes 1993b, 142.

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Finds of Coins of the Illyrian King Ballaeus

century BC. The dominant repertoire consists of gnathia ceramics, whose chronology of home use does not go beyond the end of the 3rd century BC. The importance of the finds that accompany the Ballaeus coins should be stressed. These findings are closely related to purely Greek and Hellenistic characters. 56 To sum up, in Risan, during excavations carried out between 2001 and 2018, 1661 Ballaeus coins were found loose or in sets, and two hoards, one with 4655 coins and another with 102 coins. In total, we have 6423 Ballaeus coins at our disposal, bearing in mind that these are only those whose state of preservation permit determination.

Bibliography Ciołek, R. 2011. Emisje króla Ballaiosa. Początki mennictwa w Ilirii, Warszawa. Ciołek, R. 2020 in print. Rhizon/Risinium II. The monetary system in the state of Ballaios, Warsaw. Ciołek, R. & Dyczek, P. 2021 in print. ‘Great’ hoard of coins of king Ballaios from Rhizon, Warszawa. Čižmář, M.  & Kolníková, E. 2006. ‘Němčice— obchodní a industriálni centrum doby laténské na Moravě’, Archeologické rozhledy LVIII: 261–283. Crawford, M. 1978. ‘Trade and movement of coinage across the Adriatic in the Hellenistic period’, in: Carson, R.A.G. & Colin M. Kraay (eds.), Scripta Nummaria Romana. Essays presented to Humphrey Sutherland, London, 1–11. Daniel, M. 2017. Illyrian coin hoards from the territory of Greek Illyria. An attempt to reconstruct monetary circulation, Warsaw 2017, Master’s thesis, Archive of the Archaeology Institute library. Daniel, M. 2020. ‘Finds of Illyrian coin hoards from the territories of Greek Illyria. An attempt to reconstruct the circulation of coinage based on the range of particular emissions’, Światowit: LVII, 129–141. Dukat, Z.  & Mirnik, I. 1979. ‘Numizmatička zbirka dominikanskog samostana u Starom Gradu na Hvaru’, Vijesti muzealaca i konzervatora Hrvatske XXVIII/3: 5–15. Dyczek, P. 2004. ‘Preliminary report on the excavations of the center for Archaeological Research – Novae, Warsaw University’, Archeologia LV: 101–118. Dyczek, P. 2009. ‘Rhizon/Risinium. Od iliryjskiej osady do rzymskiego municipium’, Xenia Posnaniensia, series altera 35, Poznań. Evans, A. 1880. ‚On some recent discoveries of Illyrian coins’, The Numismatic Chronicle NS 13: 269–302.

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Gorini, G. 1984. ‘Re Ballaios: una proposta cronologica’, Il Crinale d’Europa. L’area illirico-dan­ ubiana nei suoi rapporti con il mondo classico. Biblioteca Internazionale di Cultura 13: 43–49. Gorini, G. 1989. ‘Una moneta di Ballaios da San Domino (Isole Tremiti)’, Rivista Italiana di Numismatica 27–32. Gorini, G. 1990. ‘Ancora monete di Ballaios Dalla Pudlia’, Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 319–323. Gorini, G. 1991. ‘The Ballaeus hoard from Rizan in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford’, Schweizer Münzblӓtter 41/162: 25–30. Gorini, G. 1999. ‘Nuova Documantazione su Ballaios’, in: Cabanes, P. (ed.), L;Illyrie méridi­ onale et l’Épire dans l’Antiquité—III. Actes du IIIe colloque international de Chantilly (16–19 Octobre 1996), Paris: 99–105. Gorini, G. 2003. ‘Comunita Greche di Dalmazia. Le emissioni Monetali’, Hesperia 17, Studi Sulla Grecita di Occidente a cura di Lorenzo Braccesi: 42–54. Horvat, B. 1936. ‘Tetradrachme ‘grada’ Damastiona iz nalaza u Risnu (Rhizon)’, Numizmatika (Zagreb) 2–4 (1934–1936): 26–64. Jeličić Radonić, J., Göricke-Lukić, H. & Mirnik,  I. 2017. Faros. Grčki, grčko-ilirski i rimski novac, in collaboration with Damir Doračić, Ivana Zamboni and Maja Bonačić-Mandinić, Split. Kovačević, V. 1998. ‘Rezultati istraživanja arheološkog lokaliteta‚ Carine’ u Risnu’, Glasnik Serpskog arhe­ ološkog društva 14: 103–118. Marović, I. 1988. ‘Novac ilirskog dinasta Baleja u Arheoloskom Muzeju u Splitu’, Vjesnik za arhe­ ologiju i historiju dalmatinsku: Bulletin d’archéol­ ogie et d’histoire dalmate 81: 81–146. May, J.M.F. 1939. The coinage of Damastion and the lesser coinages of the Illyro-Paeonian region, Lon­don. Mirnik, I. 1981. Coin Hoards in Yugoslavia, Oxford. Oikonomidou-Karamesini, M. 1994. ‘Die Münzen der Ausgrabungen von Kassope’, in: Hoepfner W.  & Schwandner E.-L (eds.), Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland. Wohnen in der klas­ sischen Polis I, München. Papageorgiadou, Ch. 1993. ‘Contribution a L’Étude de la circulation des monnaies de L’Illyrie’, in: Cabanes P. (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et L’Épire dans l’Antiquité—II. Actes du IIe Colloque inter­ national de Clermont-Ferrand (25–27 Octobre 1990), Paris: 251–253. Rendić-Miočević, D. 1973. ‘Ilirski vladarski novci u Arheološkom Muzeju u Zagrebu’, Vjesnik Arheološkog Muzeja u Zagrebu, Zagreb VI–VII [1972–1973]: 253–267. Richli, H. 1898. ‘Archäologische Funde aus dem Bocche di Cattaro’, Mitteilungen der Central

56 Ujes 1993b, 145; Šašel-Kos 2007, 130.

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Commission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst und historischer Denkmale, N. F. 24: 145–152. Šašel-Kos, M. 2007. ‘The Illyrian King Ballaeus— some historical aspects’, in: Berranger-Auserve D. (ed.), EPIRE, ILLYRIE, MACEDOINE … Melanges offerts au Professeur Pierre Cabanes, Collection ERGA Recherches sur l’Antiquite 10, Clermont-Ferrand: 125–138. Stipčević, A. 1978. ‘Novac kao amulet u Ilira’, Numismatika 6: 34–36. Thompson M., Mørkholm, O. & Kraay, C. M. (eds.) 1973. An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards, New York. Ujes, D. 1993a. ‘Новац ‘краља’ Балајоса и рисанске ковнице из Народног Музеја у Београду’, Numizmatičar 16, 5–36. Ujes, D. 1993b. ‘Nuovi ritrovamenti numismatici di Risan (Bocche di Cattaro, Montenegro, Jugoslavia)’, ACTES du XIe Congres International de Numismatique, Louvain-la-Neuve: 139–145.

Ujes, D. 1999. ‘Le tresor monetaire de Risan (IGCH) – une contribution a l’etude de l’histoire economique de l’Illyrie du sud’, in: Cabanes, P. (ed.), L’Illyrie meridionale et l’Epire dans l’Antiquite— III. Actes du IIIe colloque international de Chantilly (16–19 Octobre 1996) Paris: 107–114. Ujes, D. 2001. ‘Greek hoards from the Western Balkans’, Coin Hoards 161: 341–347. Ujes, D.  & Kovačević, V. 1992. ‘Нoвaц ‘кpaљa’ Бaлajoca ca иcкopavaњa y Picny (1988)’, Numizmatičar 15: 9–24. Vasić, R. 1985. ‘Prilog proućavanju Sarnirskih fi bula u Jugoslaviji’, Godiśnjak Centra za balkanoloska ispitivanja XX–21: 121–151. Visona, P. 1985. ‘Coins of Ballaios found in Italy’, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku: Bulletin d’archéologie et d’histoire dalmate 78: 117–121. Vuksan, D. 1931. ‘Rimski mozaik’, AlmanahŠematizam zetske banovine 1: 201–205. www. novae.uw.edu.pl

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Head in a Chest An Attempt to Reconstruct the Luxurious Casket from Princely Grave III in Wrocław-Zakrzów

by Katarzyna Czarnecka Professor Aleksander Bursche’s interest in coins of goes beyond their purely numismatic significance. In his works Aleksander Bursche indicated that coins— the artifacts themselves—could have played an important symbolic and magical role in the communities of the Late Antiquity in Barbaricum. The thesis is well evidenced and illustrated with most spectacular analogies—like the idea of treating the gold medallions from late Roman Empire by Germanic people in the same way as American Indian or African Chiefs treated president’s gifts of medals. 1 I would like to draw attention to another interesting example of the unique use of coins, namely the wooden box decorated with Roman denarii and an imprint, from the princely grave no. III from WrocławZakrzów (former Sackrau), dolnośląskie voivodeship. The unusually richly furnished burial, later known as princely tomb no. I, was accidentally found in April 1886, and practically destroyed by unprofessional digging. 2 The next year, the other two graves were excavated (princely graves nos. II and III), unfortunately also without proper care and methodical documentation. Due to the unprofessional exploration a lot of information, and probably also artefacts, were irretrievably lost, but the grave no. III was documented in the best way. 3 There is even a sketched plan of the place of the grave goods in a chamber. A unique item decorated with coins was found in this grave. Grave no. III was, most probably, an inhumation grave, but there is no skeleton left. Among the grave inventory was an aureus of Claudius II Gothicus, a beautiful millefiori glass bowl, fragments of bronze vessels, silver rim of wooden vessel, silver and golden 1 2 3

Bursche 1998, 177; Bursche  & Okulicz-Kozaryn 1999, 153, fig. 14; Bursche 2008, 407. Gremplar 1888a, 5–6; Quast 2009, 7–8. Grempler 1888b, 5 and 15; Quast 2009, 8.

fittings of splendid parade belts (some of them decorated in niello technique), three richly decorated silver brooches covered with gold, and two simple golden brooches, two golden bucket shaped berlocks, amber beads, glass gaming pieces, silver spoon, knife and scissors, a simple golden necklace, a bracelet type ‘Kolbenarmringe’, and a finger ring. These last pieces of jewelry had symbolic function—as stirps regia, indicators of a most noble, ‘royal’ family. In this grave was also found fragmentary preserved wooden artefact (ca. 6 × 6 cm), 4 most probably a fragment of box or casket, decorated in a unique way—on one site of the piece of oak wood a silver plate with rounded corners was fixed with high sandglass-shaped rivets. On the other side four silver coins and a pressed imprint of the fifth 5 (fig. 1). The coins are denarii of Marcus Aurelius and Hadrianus, the third one is badly damaged and there is a trace on the wood of the fourth, which most probably was also a denarius. The imprint of aureus of Septimius Severus was placed in the middle. The coins were attached in such a way that obverses with emperors’ heads were visible. 6 The question remains whether the wooden object was just a box, a wooden container without any lock, or was a locked casket. The answer is not easy. In the assemblage of the grave no. III was found a part of a lock of type Wetzendorf, 7 namely a small (3.5 × 1.8 cm) silver cover of the lock plate 8 (fig. 2: a). This lock type 4

5 6 7 8

It is now impossible to reconstruct the thickness of the wooden piece, because finds from Wrocław-Zakrzów were lost during Second World War, and in the original publication no side view or cross section was presented, cf. Grempler 1888b, pl. VII: 7. Grempler 1888b, pl. VII: 7a. The one of them in fact is reverse with Minerva head— but it was head what matters. Schuster 1999; Czarnecka 2010, 18. Grempler 1888b, 10, pl. V: 11.

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consisted of a bolt made of a metal band (most often iron, rarely bronze; silver only in princely graves), the band is equipped with a barb, soldered or riveted. The loose end of the barb forms a spring. The upper end of a bolt is provided with a loop to make it easier to operate. 9 The bolt was vertically slipped in by a small opening in a lid while the loose barb blocked the possibility to move the lid and the casket was closed (fig. 3). To open it required a key, i.e. a twice bent rod made of iron, bronze, or more rarely, silver. The operating end was inserted into a small opening in a plate put on the side of the casket and pressing the barb to the bolt allowed removing the bolt and opening the casket. Access would be too easy, which is why the plate with the opening was covered by another plate with convex cover in the centre riveted above it. The key bent twice in a special way managed to get under the covering plate and reach the opening. Such an element is so characteristic that even an accidental find of such a plate allows one to recognize without a doubt the lock of Wetzendorf type. In grave no. III was found only an upper plate covering s lock opening, with no key or bolt, but a silver bolt matching the cover in size was among the finds described as furniture of grave no. II 10 (fig. 2: b). The bolt is 8 cm long, made of folded silver tape decorated along the edges with engraved lines. The upper part is finished with a closed loop decorated on the edge with a cut ornament. According to W. Grempler it is a ‘Schieber’, 11 soldered, not riveted. This observation is not supported by specialist analysis but is quite probable. The soldering technique was known in the Late Roman Period in the Barbaricum. 12 A bolt from a casket found in the princely grave in Gommern, Jerichow province, Saxony-Anhalt, was most probably soldered, 13 but it seems that use of soldering in this case was not necessary. The vast majority of bolts were created by simply folding a metal band. The original artefact does not exist, so it is impossible to decide whether it was soldered or not. Based on the drawing 14 it can be assumed that the object was originally longer and the end was broken off. It is highly probable that these two artefacts were originally parts of one lock. Some accidental mixing up between the furniture of two graves is possible, especially since the excavation was not very careful, but there is still a question as to which grave assemblage they originally belonged? In my opinion it is

9 10 11 12 13 14

Suggestion of J. Schuster that it can block the lid seems less convincing. Grempler 1888b, pl. II: 16. Grempler 1888b, 7. Carnap-Bornheim & Ilkjær 1996, 379. Schuster 2010, 123. Grempler 1888b, pl. II: 16.

Fig. 1: A piece of wooden box with attached decoration.

a

b

c

Fig. 2: Silver fittings and lock elements of the wooden casket: (a) lock plate cover; (b) bolt; (c) handle.

Fig. 3: Lock type Wetzendorf, the way it operate on an example of the casket from grave III Wrocław–Zakrzów.

more probable that they belong to grave no. III. There are already two caskets in grave no. II: one with a type Kietrz/Lauffen iron lock, with loose bolt and forked key, 15 and one with bronze lock type Wetzendorf (above-mentioned). A third casket in one grave would be an unusual thing. Two caskets in one grave is a rare phenomenon, but three caskets in one grave has not yet been observed. One more find from grave no. III, a silver ring on a splint pin, could also be a part of a casket—serving as a handle 16 (fig. 3: c). Regarding the reconstruction of the casket, the question of where exactly this unusual decoration of attached coins was placed can only be hypothetical and various possibilities were suggested. According to W. Grempler the silver plate was fixed to the bottom and that protruding studs served as feet. 17 However, it seems highly improbable that such a decorative 15 Czarnecka 2010, 19. 16 Grempler 1888b, pl. VI: 4. 17 Grempler 1888b, 12.

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Head in a Chest

a

c

b Fig. 4: Reconstruction of the casket from grave III Wrocław–Zakrzów.

silver plate was put on the place where it was not seen. I. Kramarkowa suggested that the silver plate was placed on the inner side of the lid, and served as a mirror, like something in modern toiletry boxes. 18 The hypothesis is not very convincing, however, because to allow looking in such mirror the lid should have been lifted on hinges, and no traces of hinges were found. Another possibility is suggested by analogies from the Roman Empire. From Vindonissa (today Windisch, Aargau province) is known a casket with similar silver plate with high decorative rivets and additional decoration of a swimming duck. The plate was put on the upper side of the lid. 19 In my opinion another reconstruction is possible. The silver plate was put on the side opposite of the lock. The lock mount type Wetzendorf, consisting of plate with an opening for a key covered with a convex mount must have been placed, for technical reasons, on the front side of the chest. 20 In the grave no. III of Zakrzów the lower plate, set beneath the preserved piece, is missing. The missing plate could have been formed in a way similar to the silver plate with decorative studs, so it could be a sort of symmetrical decoration (fig. 4). Sliding the lid by opening it would have revealed coins on the wall. The coins could have had some 18 Kramarkowa 1990, 144. 19 Riha 2001, figs. 90–91. 20 Schuster 2010, fig. 5.

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decorative function, but, as they were attached on the other side of the shiny silver plate with decorative studs, most likely than being purely ornamental is that they held magic or symbolic (or combination of both) meaning, especially because of the presented heads. An image of human head often has inscribed importance. D. Quast drew attention to the special meaning of coin imprints with images of heads. 21 Also Aleksander Bursche stressed the non-economical, but mostly ideological function of the Roman coins among Barbarians, especially the ‘mysterious and fascinating’ imperial portraits. 22 There are analogies to such use of the coins known from the Barbaricum. Roman coin imprints were sometimes used as pendants—like finds from Haram, Sunnmøre in Norway or from an unknown site in Wittemberg, Germany. 23 An imprint of the coin of Marcus Aurelius (an Emperor’s head) was fixed to the strap end of a highly decorative parade belt from the bog find in Ejsbøl, Sønderjylland. 24 More interesting are shield grips with such decoration. One is known from the princely grave from Gommern, 25 another from a parade shield from Illerup, Midtjylland, a bog find. 26 In both cases they are placed on the inner side, not seen from outside, only ‘for eyes of the user’, which strongly suggests their special function—personal amulets? symbolic signs? There are no known finds fixed to a wooden item, except for Wrocław-Zakrzów, grave no. III, but if my reconstruction of the object is correct, they were placed somehow in a similar way— hidden from outside, visible only after opening. The finds are dated to phase C2, the same chronology has grave no. III from Zakrzów. 27 All of them were found in context pointing to the military elites. The analysis of grave furniture of all three graves from Wrocław-Zakrzów allow one to suggest that grave I was a burial of an adult man, because of the golden necklace, ‘Kolbenarmringe’ and a parade belt in the grave furniture. In grave no. II, furnished with golden lunula pendants was buried an adult woman, and in grave no. III a boy, because the golden bracelet type ‘Kolbenarmringe’ found in this grave was quite small. 28 Another piece of equipment found in this 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

Quast 2005, 382, 383. Bursche 2008, 400. Quast 2005, figs. 2, 6. von Carnap-Bornheim 2002, 17, coloured pl. 1. Becker 2010, 437, pls. 15: 10, 64: 4. von Carnap-Bornheim & Ilkjær 1996, pls. 237–238. Madyda-Legutko  & Przybyła 2019, 222. The coins are dated earlier. D. Quast suggests that using of old coins could have some special, ‘magic’ meaning, cf. Quast 2005, 283. 28 Werner 1980, 20; Przybyła 2005, 111. M. Przybyła pointed out that the golden necklaces and ‘Kolbenarmringe’ bracelets were found also in graves of women, so can’t

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grave, usually considered the feature of a male burial, is a splendid parade belt. 29 Locked caskets are generally attributed to female burials and in fact they are found almost exclusively in women’s graves. 30 Princely tombs form an exception—a complete casket was found in the Gommern grave. 31 It is also possible that a boy from WrocławZakrzów was equipped, among many other luxurious items, with a splendid, luxurious casket with silver mountings, inside which were deposited a golden brooch, amber beads and, just like in Gommern, a parade belt. 32 It seems possible that the set of ‘magic’ images, used also in military contexts, made this casket more fit for a young noble. It is not possible to unequivocally determine the sex of the deceased placed in grave no. III, but, paradoxically the casket decorated with coins and coin imprints could be more likely attributable to a male than a female.

Bibliography Becker, M. 2010. ‘Der Schild’, in: Becker, M. (ed.), Das Fürstengrab von Gommern, Ldkr. Jerichower Land, Halle (Saale): 105–115. Bursche, A. 1998. Złote medaliony rzymskie w Bar­baricum. Symbolika prestiżu i władzy społec­ zeństw barbarzyńskich u schyłku starożytności, War­szawa. Bursche, A. 2008. ‘Function of Roman coins in Barbaricum of Later Antiquity. An anthropological essay’, in: Bursche, A., Ciołek, R. & Wolters, R. (eds.), Roman Coins Outside the Empire: Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Wetteren: 395–416. Bursche, A.  & Okulicz-Kozaryn, J. 1999. ‘Groby z monetami rzymskimi na cmentarzysku kultury wielbarskiej w Weklicach koło Elbląga’, in: Andrzejowski, J. & Czarnecka, K. (eds.), Comhlan. Studia z archeologii okresu przedrzymsk­ iego i rzymskiego w Europie Środkowej dedykowane

29

30 31 32

be treated as an undisputable indicator of male burials, cf. Przybyła 2005, 111. Przybyła 2005, 116; Madyda-Legutko  & Przybyła 2019, 220. Exception from the rule can be indicated—e.g. the ceremonial Roman ‘military’ belt was found in a slightly later dated women’s grave from Schleitheim Hebsack, cf. Ruckstuhl 1988, 24, figs. 7–10. It was not an additional gift, because the buckle and fittings were on the skeleton at the height of the waist—the deceased was wearing it, cf. Ruckstuhl 1988, fig. 5. Czarnecka 2010, 17. Schuster 2010, 123. Przybyła 2005, 109; Madyda-Legutko  & Przybyła 2019, 227.

Teresie Dąbrowskiej w 65. rocznicę urodzin, Warszawa: 141–63. von Carnap-Bornheim, C. 2002. ‘Zu den Pracht­­ gürteln aus Neudorf-Bornstein (Kr. Rends­­burgEckernförde) Grab 3 und Grab 7’, in: Pind, J., Nør­gård Jørgensen, A.  & Jørgensen, L. (eds.), Drik—og du vil leve skønt. Festschrift til Ulla LundHan­sen på 60-årsdagen 18. august 2002, Copenhagen: 15–25. von Carnap-Bornheim, C.  & Ilkjær, J. 1996a. Die Prachtausrüstungen, Illerup Ådal 5, Århus. von Carnap-Bornheim, C.  & Ilkjær, J. 1996b. Die Prachtausrüstungen, Illerup Ådal 7, Århus. Czarnecka, K. 2010. ‘Klucze w grobach kobiecych w okresie wpływów rzymskich. Atrybut pozycji społecznej czy wyraz magicznych zabiegów’, in: Skóra, K. & Kurasiński, T. (eds.) Wymiary inności. Nietypowe zjawiska w obrzędowości pogrzebowej od pradziejów po czasy nowożytne, Łodź: 17–26. Grempler, W. 1888a. Der Fund von Sackrau, Breslau. Grempler, W. 1888b. Der II und III Fund von Sackrau, Breslau. Kramarkowa, I. 1990. ‘Groby książęce z III/IV w. n.e. we Wrocławiu-Zakrzowie. W stulecie odkryć’, Silesia Antiqua 32: 61–174. Madyda-Legutko, R. & Przybyła, M. J. 2019. ‘Paradny pas ze złotymi okuciami z grobu III z WrocławiaZakrzowa’, in: Jakubiak, K. (ed.), Donum cordis. Studia poświęcone pamięci Profesora Jerzego Kolendo, Warszawa: 220–238. Przybyła, M. 2005. ‘Ein Prachtgürtel aus dem Grab I von Wrocław-Zakrzów (Sackrau). Ein Rekonstruktionsversuch’, Archäologisches Korres­ pondenzblatt 35.1: 105–122. Quast, D. 2005. ‘Münzabschläge der jüngeren römischen Kaiserzeit im mittel- und nordeuropäischen Barbarikum’, in: Łuczkiewicz, P., GładyszJuścińska, M., Juściński, M., Niezabitowska, B. & Sadowski, S. (eds.), Europa Barbarica. Ćwierć wieku archeologii w Masłomęczu, Lublin: 375–385. Quast, D. 2009. Wanderer zwischen der Welten. Die germanischen Prunkgräber von Stráže und Zakrzów, Mosaiksteine, Mainz. Riha, E. 2001. Kästchen, Truhen, Tische—Möbelteile aus Augusta Raurica, Augst. Ruckstuhl, B. 1988. ‘Ein reiches frühalamannisches Frauengrab im Reihengräberfeld von SchleitheimHebsack SH’, Archäologie der Schweiz 1: 15–31. Schuster, J. 1999. ‘Bemerkungen zu einigen Schlössern und Schlüsseln von Kästchen in der späten römischen Kaiserzeit. Schlossbestandteile des Typs Wetzendorf’, Ethnographisch-Archäologische Zeitschrift 40.4: 555–575. Schuster, J. 2010. ‘Der Kasten (Schlüssel, Riegel, Abdeckbleche, Holzreste)’, in: Becker, M. (ed.),

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Das Fürstengrab von Gommern, Ldkr. Jerichower Land, Halle (Salle): 121–151. Werner, J. 1980. ‘Der goldene Armring des Franken­ königs Childerich und die germanischen Hand­­

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gelenkringe der jüngeren Kaiserzeit’, Früh­mit­tel­ alterliche Studien 14: 1–41.

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The 1764 Xanten Hoard of Roman Solidi* A Case of Severe Source Mis-interpretation

by Karsten Dahmen & Horst Kosanke The surroundings of the Roman colonia Ulpia Traiana and the fortress at Vetera witnessed the rare case of the discovery of two huge hoards of lateRoman gold coins within one decade during the 18th century. In both cases, today hardly any actual coins can be attributed to these finds, but detailed records exist in the Hauptstaatsarchiv in Düsseldorf (Nordrhein-Westfalen). The 1754 hoard from Menzelen (Gemeinde Alpen, Kreis Wesel) represents a prime example of how numismatics can profit from the examination of relevant sources in archives—even when the physical objects themselves were lost centuries ago, and its publication 1984 is a shining example of how to do things right. 1 Unearthed as a pot hoard on 20 April 1754 a few kilometres southeast of Vetera, it contained at least 200 solidi, a Republican aureus, two denarii (one of Galba and one of Vitelius), and five unidentified coins. 2 The hoard was presumably deposited around 412/413 AD. 3 One day short of 10 years later, on 19 April 1764, another pot hoard of gold coins—this time at least double the number of solidi—was discovered in a field at Kloster Hagenbusch directly south of the modern city of Xanten. 4 Its fate was identical to that *

1

2 3 4

The authors are grateful to Dr M. Früh of the Haupstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf for digitizing the documents in question and his advice on the person of Kammerdirektor Meyen. H. Kosanke provided the transcript of the original texts. Kaiser-Raiß & Klüßendorf 1984, 1–51 (with full references). Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Dep. Rheinsberg, Stadt, B IV, Nr. 7. The authors are grateful to D. WiggWolf for his advice. Any errors are their own responsibility. Cf. 31. List ibid. 43–51, nos. 1–208. For the find spot see 26–27, figs. 7–8. Cf. 42. Cf. 24–25 and fig. 9 with a map. Houben & Fiedler 1839, 7 (‘Witkamps-Hof auf dem Schürkamp’). Records again are kept in the Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Archivsignatur AA 0060 Kleve, Kammer, Berlin, no. 672. We should not forget that this hoard was found only 14 months after the

of the hoard found in 1754, and its contents were immediately dispersed and sold. 5 But once again, contemporary bureaucracy produced extensive records providing valuable pieces of information on the numbers and character of these coins. However, in contrast to the Menzelen hoard, the 1764 Xanten find was not published in the same exemplary way three centuries later; instead it was decided to do this separately at a later time. 6 The 1764 Xanten hoard was sporadically referred to in numismatic and archaeological literature, 7 and featured prominently in recent publications dedicated to Roman (gold) coin hoards in Germany. But unfortunately, the fact that the Düsseldorf records were never either properly examined or published as a whole did create some serious consequences regarding its interpretation. It appears that the records in Düsseldorf became known only as late as the early 1950s, as in 1951 we have the first reference to it in numismatic literature. 8 Besides a reference to the source itself, Petrikovits provides a list of the emperors represented on the ca.  400 solidi listed, ranging from Constantine I to Valentinian III and Eudoxia, dating the hoard’s disposal to between 424 and 455 AD. Nearly identical

5 6 7

8

end of the Seven Years War, which had severe financial effects on the Prussian State and its western provinces. Houben & Fiedler (1839) 7 (all except two of Constantine and Valens in Houben’s possession were already melted down). Kaiser-Raiß & Klüßendorf 1984, 25, no. 87. Houben & Fiedler 1839, 7 (1,200 coins from Augustus to Arcadius and Honorius), 70 (4,000 not 1,200 coins); Blanchet 1900, 276–277, no. 738 (1,200 coins from Augustus to Arcadius and Honorius); Lederer 1928, 69; Lederer 1928, 69 (raises doubts about Blanchet’s and Houben’s reports that the earliest coins are of Augustus). Petrikovits 1951, 42, no. 49: ‘Herrn Prof. W. Bader verdankt das Landesmuseum Bonn die Kenntnis einer Akte im Staatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Bestand Berlin Nr. 672, …’

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words are used in a brief note by W. Hagen in the Bonner Jahrbücher of the same year. 9 When in 1987 J. Iluk 10 published his article on the 1764 Xanten hoard, the effect on research unwittingly proved to be double edged: by using a photocopy of only a part of the Düsseldorf records of the Xanten find (fol. 86 recto to 91 recto), he produced a coin list providing an RIC [vol. IX] based list of some 210 solidi, and eight related silver and 13 bronze coins (of a total of 400–1,200 coins that are thought to have been found originally). This publication thus provided for the first time a detailed description of a part of the Xanten hoard and allowed reliable research on it. This new information quickly drew renewed attention to the Xanten hoard, which resulted in its brief descriptions based in part on Iluk’s article in both RIC 11 and the Dumbarton Oaks 12 series. Only recently, the three above mentioned publications provided the basis for the hoard’s analysis within the framework of precious metals coin hoards in Gaul and the Germanies in the 5th century AD by M. Martin. 13 With hindsight, Grierson’s statement of authority that any earlier publications regarding the Xanten hoard are now superseded by Iluk’s, also appears somewhat ‘dangerous’ in its consequences. 14 With the Xanten hoard now seemingly set as a postValentinian I find, it makes sense to look more closely into the archival records and elaborate on the double edged character of the 1987 article. The crucial point here is the decision (whether knowingly or not) to rely on only a small section of the Düsseldorf records, which provide a very promising and detailed list of coins sent to Berlin and fittingly given the title ‘Beschreibung derer von Einem hochlöbl. General Directorio/den 17ten Januarii 1765, durch das Königl: Würkl:/Geheimen Staatsund Krieges Ministri/Herrn von Münchhausen 15 Excellenz/zum Königl. Müntz Cabinet eingesandten/ Xantischen Münzen/als 210 Stück goldene und einige

9 Hagen 1951, 250–251, s. v. Xanten. 10 Iluk 1987, 76–87 (the latest coins are from 426 to 450 AD). 11 RIC X p. CXVI (ca. 400–1,200 coins of ca. 440 AD, lists emperors from Valentinian I to III). 12 Grierson & Mays 1992, 295: more than 400 solidi, ca.  425/430 AD, ranges from Valentinian I to III and Theodosius II, earlier publication are now superseded by Iluk’s. 13 Martin 2010, 44 no. A 16: 400–1,200 coins from Valentinian I to III, terminus post quem 425 AD. 14 Grierson & Mays 1992, 295. 15 E. Friedemann von Münchhausen (1724–1784), appointed Minister of the State and Justice (‘Geheimer Etats und Justizminister’) on 19 September 1763. Amongst his other duties was the supervision of the Royal art chamber and the coin cabinet. Cf. Straubel II 2009, 669.

silberne und/kupferne davon jene 1450 rt und diese 3 rt geschätzet worden …’. Unfortunately this elaborate list—its value for research as describing a part of the hoard remains beyond question—was used without any context, and here lie the reasons for some fundamental misinterpretations of both the date range and the fate of the coins presented. The Düsseldorf records actually begin already with fol. 56 recto and close with fol. 91 recto, the coin list from fol. 86 recto pp being only the very last section. They bear testimony to a month-long exchange of letters, discussions, and decision-making between the local authorities and the Prussian minister and court in Berlin who were involved. This is not the place to provide a full transcription of all records, but several key issues do need to be mentioned here: Firstly, the document fol. 86–91 on which the 1987 article and all later research is based, represents a selection of some 210 gold coins (plus a few related ones in bronze and silver) forwarded to the Berlin Münzkabinett on 17 January 1765. 16 Secondly, fol.  57 recto and verso (not part of the 1987 article) represent a report of 27 September 1764 (written after Berlin had requested a detailed description following an earlier Kleve report of the find): it gives a plain list of Roman emperors represented on those coins [see Appendix 1]: 1. Constantine the Great, 2. Constantius [II], 3. Constantine II, 4. Iovinus, 5. Valens, 6. Valentinian [no differentiation offered], 7. Theodosius I, 8. Theodosius II, 9. Valentinian III (‘Placidio Valentiniano’), 10. Galla Placidia, 11. Eudoxia [cannot be identified properly], 12. Arcadius, 13. Honorius, 14. Johannes. 17 Quite clearly this list is evidence of the presence of coins of emperors earlier than Valentinian I in the Xanten hoard (namely the family of Constantine and Iovinus), and it also adds Iohannes (reigned 423–425 AD) to those of the early 5th century AD. Thirdly, and most importantly, the famous list of coins ‘sent to Berlin’ (fol.  86–91) does not represent a ‘purchase document’ of the Berlin Münzkabinett. 18

16 Coins were originally sent from Kleve, where the Kriegs- und Domänenkammer overseeing the province was located, in December 1764 by Kammerdirektor J. Christian Meyen (1712–1779) to the Minister von Hagen in Berlin on 11 (fol.  74 recto and verso). On Meyen, cf. Straubel II 2009, 640. 17 Fol.  56 recto and verso represent a similar list, which writes for 2) ‘Constantino’. Neither report mentions any numbers for the coins found, but they state that the farmers present during the find either ran away with those coi or immediately sold them to others. The number of 1,200 coins clearly originates from Houben & Fiedler 1839, 7. 18 Iluk 1987, 73.

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The 1764 Xanten Hoard of Roman Solidi. A Case of Severe Source Mis-interpretation

Of importance, too, is the timeline of events regarding this parcel: – 2 8th August and 18th September 1764: A royal order to provide a documentation of the coins found is mentioned in a Kleve report of 27 September 1764, which is forwarded in a letter of 2nd October 1764, fol. 56 and 57 recto. These are the lists with the names of Roman emperors represented in the hoard, the number of coins found is stated as unknown [appendix 1] – 9th September 1764: (probably) Kammerdirektor Meyen sends six gold coins (presumably) to Minister von Hagen, 19 mentioned only indirectly in fol.  85 verso of 5 February 1765, when 9 Talers and one Gute Groschen are paid for them. Fol. 75 recto of 3rd December mentions these coins in a letter by von Hagen to Prince Heinrich, the king’s brother. 20 Hagen also writes that he did ask Meyen earlier to send coins on the Prince’s request. – 11nd December 1764: Meyen sends 210 coins to Minister von Hagen and requests reimbursement of 1,453 Talers paid, he himself referring to orders given on 18 September 1764, fol. 74 recto and verso – 31st December 1764: in his letter to Prince Heinrich (mentioned above under 9 September) a rather embarrassed von Hagen informs the Prince that Mayen had sent another 210 coins without direct order, now to be forwarded to the Prince, fol. 75 recto. Meyen’s list of 11 December was already sent by von Hagen to the Prince on 29 December. Fol. 74 recto. – 4th January 1765: Prince Heinrich returns the unopened parcel of coins to von Hagen, saying that the (six) coins he saw earlier were enough to satisfy his curiosity, fol. 79 recto. – 8th January 1765: von Hagen inquires with his colleague von Münchhausen what to do with these coins (sent unrequested) and if they were of any interest for the Royal Coin Cabinet, fol. 80 and 81 recto. – 17th January 1765 the parcel is forwarded by von Münchhausen to F. W. Stosch 21 at the Münzkabinett, fol. 86 recto. 19 Freiherr L. Ph. von Hagen (1724–1771), as of 1764 minister of the State, War and coordinating minister with the general directorium (‘Wirklicher Geheimer Etats-, Kriegs- und dirigierender Minister beim Generaldirektorium’), cf. Straubel I 2009, 373–374. 20 Prince Heinrich von Preußen (1726–1802), the second youngest brother of Friedrich II (reigned 1740–1786). 21 F. W. Stosch (1727 (?)–Dec. 1794), Royal Librarian in 1756, since 1761 in charge of the Kunst- und Naturalienkabinett, appointed overseer of the Antiquitäten- und Medaillenkabinett on 24 July 1765, cf. Kluge 2005, 102.

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– 19th January 1765: Stosch sends his report to von Münchhausen and returns the parcel, fol. 86 recto to 91 recto. – 24th January 1765: von Münchhausen sends the parcel, Stosch’s report and a letter to the Generaloberdirektorium, saying that the coins are of no value for the cabinet as it already has these types in its collection, 22 fol. 85 recto and verso – 5th February, an official at the Generalober­direk­ torium, Finanzrat Heinrich Wilhelm Reichardt (1720–1783) 23 writes a note saying that the report and the coins are to be returned for obvious reasons to Kammerdirektor Meyen with the Generaloberdirektorium’s sincere regrets, fol. 85 recto and verso. Thus this admittingly simplified list 24 proves without any doubts that the now famous 210 coins and the parcel sent to Berlin had been returned after evaluation, and never formed a part of the Münzkabinett’s holdings. The preserved records show in detail how the Prussian provincial and State administration dealt with the events regarding the Xanten hoard. 25 There is one consolatory fact, however, besides the rich documentation of due contemporary administrative process: The six gold solidi (figs. 1–6), mentioned in the records and paid for by the administration, but never in anybody’s focus, are actually still preserved in the Münzkabinett today. Julius Friedlaender (1813– 1884) 26 the Münzkabinett’s first director in 1868 (when the cabinet became a museum in its own right) left as part of notes on coin finds a list of five such coins from the Xanten hoard. But our coin tickets with his own handwritten notes (‘gefunden in Xanten 1764’) identify all six of them. A list of these solidi is given below: 27 1. Valens, Antiochia, 4.39 g, 21 mm, 6 h, object no. 18268132 (fig. 1) 28

22 This refers to obverse and reverse types, not mint and officina variations. 23 Straubel II 2009, 787. Reichardt had been working in Kleve between 1751 and 1764 as Kriegs- und Domänenrat. 24 A substantial part of the records is dedicated to the process of obtaining a juristic expertise on coin finds: fol. 63 recto to 72 verso. 25 They also shed a light on the quarrel between the Domänenkammer Kleve and Berlin, which might have had some effects on the future downgrading of the former’s powers. 26 Kluge 2005, 103. 27 This coin also proves that one of the Constantines referr­ed to in the Düsseldorf records (possibly Constantine II) cannot be differentiated from Constantine III. 28 Cf. ikmk.smb.museum for individual coin entries and images.

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Fig. 1: Valens, Antiochia, 4.39 g, 21 mm, 6 h, object no. 18268132.

Fig. 2: Valentinian II, Thessalonica, 4.46 g, 21 mm, 12 h, RIC IX 55 a, 18268588.

Fig. 3: Arcadius, Milan, 4.38 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIC X 1205, 18268613.

Fig. 4: Honorius, Milan, 4.51 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIC X 1206, 18268638

Fig. 5: Visigoth pseudo-imperial copy of Theodosius II., 4.3 g, 21 mm, 12 h, RIC X 3710, 18268637

Fig. 6: Constantine III, Trier, 4.47 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIX 1514, 18202563.

2. Valentinian II, Thessalonica, 4.46 g, 21 mm, 12 h, RIC IX 55 a, 18268588 (fig. 2) 3. Arcadius, Milan, 4.38 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIC X 1205, 18268613 (fig. 3) 4. Honorius, Milan, 4.51 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIC X 1206, 18268638 (fig. 4) 5. Visigoth pseudo-imperial copy of Theodosius II., 4.3 g, 21 mm, 12 h, RIC X 3710, 18268637 (fig. 5) 29

around 425 AD, with some later coins of Valentinian III added. It was then buried around 440/450 AD, only to be unearthed hidden in a bronze vessel by an unnamed woman ploughing the field at Kloster Hagenbusch with a spade (‘rajolen’), accompanied by others, at 1:30 pm on Thursday, 19 April 1764.

Evidence from coin ticket only: 6. Constantine III, Trier, 4.47 g, 21 mm, 6 h, RIX 1514, 18202563 (fig. 6). As regards the date of the hoard’s deposition, the Visigothic imitation no. 5 above (dated according to RIC X to 423–425 AD) does support the established view that the Xanten find was assembled until

29 Identified as Theodosius I in the 1764 records and by Friedlander.

Appendix 1 fol. 57 recto Zum Clevischen Cammer-Bericht/vom 2t Octobe 1764 Allerdurchlauchtigster Großmächtigster Allgnädigster König und Herr!

König;/

Xanten, d 27.ten Sept. 1764. Der Krieges Rath Gruseman/und Kreyß Einnehmer Kühlenthal/berichten alleruthst, wegen der bey/ Xanten gefundenen goldenen/Müntzen.

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The 1764 Xanten Hoard of Roman Solidi. A Case of Severe Source Mis-interpretation

Nachdem Eur Königl Majeste per/Rescrp: Clem: de 28.ten Aug. und 18.ten Sept a curr: allergndst/befohlen, ein Verzeichnis derer in hiesiger Gegend gefundenen / Goldenen Müntzen einzusenden; So haben wir diesem allergdst/Befehl zufolge nicht ermangelt daran so fort alle mögliche/Kundschaft einzuziehen, und erfahren daß am grünen Donner-/stage d 19ten Aprl Nachmittags um halb 2 Uhr in einem/Ehernen Topfe von einem Rayolenden Weibe, in/Gegenwart viele Käthers vom Hochbruch Amts Xanten/auf einem Acker so unter dem, dem Kloster Hagenbarch/ zuständigen [?ils?amps Hos? Sortirend], ein Topf golden./ Müntzen gefunden worden, die Anzahl derselben läßt/sich nicht bestimmen, weilen die Käther so sich derselben/Meister gemacht, Teils mit denen Müntzen davon gegan-/gen, Teils gleich an Fremde übersetzet, so viel weiß man,/daß es lauter goldenen Müntzen von Kaysern aus dem/4ten Seculo und zwar von nachfolgenden Kayser/und Kayserinnen. 1. Constantino Magno. 2. Constantio. 3. Constantino dem zweyten. 4. Jovino. 5. Valente. 6. Valentiniano. 7. Theodosio dem Alten. 8. Theodosio dem Jüngern. 9. Placidio Galentiniano fol. 57 verso 10. der Galla Placidia. 11. der Eudoxia. 12. Arcadio. 13. Honorio. 14. Johanne. Ob mehrere Sorten unter denen gefundenen Müntzen gewe-/sen, haben wir nicht verfolgen können, und auch von diesen/sind uns die wenigsten zu Gesichte gekommen, da wie/vorhin erwehnet diese Müntzen so fort durch vielerley/Hände gegangen, und solche zu recherchiren fast unmö-/lich ist.

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Die wir in tiefster Submission beharren/Eur Königl. Majest./Alleruntgst treu Gehorsamb-/ster Diener/A. Gruseman.

Bibliography Blanchet, A. 1900. Les trésors de monnaies romaines et les invasions gérmaniques en Gaule, Paris. Grierson, P.  & Mays, M. 1992. Catalogue of Late Roman coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, Washington. Hagen, W. 1950. ‘Jahresbericht 1950’, Bonner Jahrbücher 151, 1951: 250–251. Houben, Ph. & Fiedler, F. 1839. Denkmäler von Castra vetera und Colonia Traiana, Xanten. Iluk, J. 1987. ‘Skarb solidów znalezionych w 1764 r. w Xanten (RFN)’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne XXI: 76–87. Kaiser-Raiß, M. R.  & Klüßendorf, N. 1984. ‘Der spätantike Goldmünzschatz von Menzelen aus dem Jahre 1754. Ein Beispiel archivalischer Fundüberlieferung vom unteren Niederrhein’, in: Studien zu den Fundmünzen der Antike II, Berlin: 1–51. Kluge, B. 2005. Das Münzkabinett. Museum und Wissenschaftsinstitut. Das Kabinett 9, Berlin. Martin, M. 2010. ‘Edelmetallhorte und -münzen des 5. Jahrhunderts in Nordgallien und beiderseits des Niederrheins als Zeugnisse der frühfränkischen Geschichte’, Xantener Berichte 15. Lederer, Ph. 1928. ‘Lederer, Beiträge zur römischen Münzkunde III’, Zeitschrift für Numismatik 38: 68–69. Von Petrikovits, H. 1951. ‘Birten’, Niederrheinisches Jahrbuch 3: 37–46. RIC X: Kent, J. P. C., The Roman Imperial Coinage X (1994). Straubel, R. 2009. Biographisches Handbuch der preußischen Verwaltungs- und Justizbeamten 1740– 1806/15, Teil 2 (M–Z), München.

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Latinitas at the Southernmost Peripheries of the Roman World A Curious Latin Letter from Qasr Ibrim

by Tomasz Derda, Adam Łajtar & Tomasz Płóciennik Alexandro, rebus in peripheriis orbis Romani gestis diligentissime studenti, ‘saluten’ In 30 BC, after the incorporation of Egypt, the Roman Empire became a neighbour of the Meroitic Kingdom, whereby the border between the two political organisms was placed on the First Cataract of the Nile. Several years later, in 25–24 BC, during a short but violent military conflict between Rome and Meroe, Romans under the command of the prefect of Egypt, Petronius, entered deep into the Meroitic territory and established a military post in Primis/Πρίμις (today Qasr Ibrim), an old occupational site on the Nile east bank ca. 200 km south of the First Cataract. 1 The post, whose size can be estimated on the basis of information provided by Strabo (XVII.1.54) 2 at more than 400 soldiers, was withdrawn in 21 BC in consequence of the so-called Samos treaty concluded between Augustus and the envoys of the Meroitic queen. By the power of the treaty the border between the Roman Empire and the Meroitic Kingdom was set at Hiera Sykaminos (today Maharraqa), ca. 70 km south of the First Cataract, where it remained for the next 300 years. The short-lived Roman presence in Qasr Ibrim left relatively few traces in the architecture. 3 Obviously, Romans were satisfied with the use of buildings that existed earlier on the spot. On the other hand, we have

1

2

3

For the Roman-Meroitic conflict of 25–24 BC, cf.  Jameson 1968, 71–84; Burstein 1979, 95–105; Demicheli 1976, 41–65; Locher 2002, 73–133; Török 1989–1990, 171–190. According to Strabo, Petronius left 400 soldiers in Primis with provisions for two years. The garrison was later enlarged in expectation of a Meroitic attack but the volume of this enlargement is unknown. For Roman presence in Qasr Ibrim, cf. in general: Adams 1983, 93–104; Adams 1985, 9–17.

a rich collection of artefacts dating from the time of the Roman occupation that came to light during the archaeological work carried out by a mission of the Egypt Exploration Society between 1964 and 2008. It includes elements of artillery equipment, 4 footwear, 5 leather equipment, textiles, 6 coins, lamps, and sherds of numerous wine amphorae. Perhaps the most important find connected with the Roman presence in Qasr Ibrim made by the EES mission was a series of ca. 200 papyri and fragments of papyri with texts in Greek and Latin. The papyri occurred almost exclusively in a refuse dump that accumulated in the so-called South Rampart Street, a small, elongated space between the outer face of the South Bastion and the inner face of the girdle wall of the Qasr Ibrim citadel. 7 The papyrus finds were made mainly during three consecutive seasons of work, namely 1974, 1978, and 1980; isolated items came to light also in 1982 and 1984. Only the finds of the 1974 season were published in full. 8 Finds of the later seasons remained unpublished until quite recently except for two particularly interesting Latin papyri: fragment of a roll with elegiacs probably by Cornelius Gallus, a soldier, statesman and poet, the first prefect of the Roman province of Egypt, 9 and 4 5

6 7 8 9

Wilkins, Barnard  & Rose 2006, 64–78; Adams, Alexander & Allen 1983, 58; James & Taylor 1983, 93–98. The publication of the Roman footwear from Qasr Ibrim is being prepared by A. J. Veldmeijer. A nice example of a caliga found in Qasr Ibrim is illustrated in www.wikiwand.com/en/Caligae (accessed 22 January, 2020). For the textiles, cf.  Adams  & Crowfoot 2001, 30–37; Adams 2013, 65–66; Wild & Wild 2014, 74–75. For this deposit, cf. Rowley-Conwy 1994, 25–32. Weinstein & Turner 1976, 115–130. Editio princeps: Anderson, Parsons  & Nisbet 1979, 125–155. The publication of this papyrus caused a sensation and provoked a lively academic dispute, which did not exclude opinions questioning its authenticity. An overview of this discussion is offered in the volume M. Capasso, with contribution of P. Radiciotti, cf.  Capasso  & Radiciotti 2004; and a bibliography for

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a fragmentary private letter. 10 In 2009, the present writers were granted the permission from the EES to publish the rest of the material. Our work resulted in several publications of individual papyri. 11 The final publication is expected soon. The overwhelming majority of the Qasr Ibrim papyri are private letters to the soldiers of the Roman post there sent by their colleagues that remained garrisoned in Egypt, most probably mainly in Koptos. 12 In addition, there is a number of lists and registers (of soldiers and supplies), as well as literary and paraliterary texts including the so-called school exercises. Here we would like to present an interesting item representing the category of letters. What is at stake are six fragments of a papyrus sheet (A, B, C, D, E + a non-registered scrap with only one letter) found in the 1980 season of work of the Egypt Exploration Society mission. The find-spot of the fragments is not indicated in the inventory card. Most probably it was the south Rampart Street as in the case of most of the Greek and Latin papyri discovered in Qasr Ibrim. The fragments were registered as: Exc. no. 80.1.26/6; Reg. no. 80/6; Inv. of inscriptions: LI/11. Their photographic documentation includes: Neg. 80F91_034 (Fr. A); 80F91_035 (Frs. B, D, E); 80F91_036 (Fr. A, left-hand side); 80F91_037 (Fr. A. right-hand side). At present, the fragments are in the possession of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, JdE 95210, where they were seen by W. E. H. Cockle in the frame of the photographic mission of the International Society of Papyrologists in January–February 1984. 13 It should be stressed that our work on the papyrus based exclusively on the field documentation kept in the Qasr Ibrim Archive in the British Museum and put at our disposal by its keeper J. Anderson. The papyrus as seen on the attached photo (fig. 1) is the result of our digital reconstruction. Unfortunately, we had no chance to check the correctness of this reconstruction on the original. For the same reason we are not aware if the papyrus had a text, e.g. an address, on the other side (verso). Judging by the fact that the documentation of the papyrus does not contain a photo of the verso, one may conclude that the verso was empty or

10 11

12

13

subsequent years collected by P. Gagliardi, cf.  Gagliardi 2011–2012, 217–243. P. Rein. Cent. 164 (P. Parsons). Derda  & Łajtar 2012a, 183–186; Derda  & Łajtar 2012b, 75–78; Derda  & Łajtar 2013, 105–110; Derda, Łajtar  & Płóciennik 2014–2015, 99–105; Derda, Łajtar  & Płóciennik 2015, 47–57. For a historical evaluation of these documents, cf. Speidel 2018, 179–200. For Koptos as a possible seat of the third Augustan legion in Egypt, cf. Derda, Łajtar & Płóciennik 2014–2015, 99–105. Cf. van Rengen & Bülow-Jacobsen 1984, 139–140.

that the address was placed on the part of the papyrus which is now lost. The fragments have following dimensions: A: 10.1 × 15.5 cm; B: 1.2 × 6 cm; C: 1.2 × 5 cm; D: 1.5 × 6.2 cm; E: 1.2 × 2.6 cm. The large fragment A has the bottom right-hand corner preserved. The identification of the orientation of the papyrus is possible thanks to the kollesis, which runs parallel to the right edge in the distance of 8.3 cm from it. Four fragments (three elongated pieces B, C, D and the one-letter scrap) join together to form a bigger fragment. 14 It preserves the lower left-hand corner and should be placed to the left of fragment A, probably directly joining it. The fifth fragment (E) cannot be placed with certainty, even if one can venture a hypothesis (see below, our transcription with commentary to a.2). If fragment A and the collection of fragments B, C, D + the one-letter scrap really join directly one another, the papyrus sheet was 21.2 cm wide. Its height, most probably equal with the height of the roll, must have amounted at ca. 30 cm to fit the standards of papyrus sheets, unless one assumes that the sheet had a non-standard form resembling a square. The text is arranged in two parts, (a) and (b), the latter being written perpendicular to the former. Part (a) is written across the fibres and at the right angles to the kollesis, which shows that it came into existence as the first. For further thoughts about the layout of the text, cf. below, general commentary. The writing is of high quality, confirming the author’s proficiency, diligence and care about aesthetics. The script can generally be described as vertical majuscules, with some minuscule and cursive traits. Individual letters have following forms: A without a cross-bar, of two movements; left stroke, joining the right one in its upper part, more or less prolonged downwards. B (the only occurrence in a.2) probably of two movements, with two loops realised with one movement, of which the upper one is smaller. C of one or two movement(s), narrow in most occurrences, three times (in a.4, a.6, and b.8) wide and round. D of three movements, with vertical stroke and lower horizontal one almost perpendicular; the third one closing a loop sometimes very slightly incurved, but generally almost straight; thus, the whole letter resembles a triangle. E of three or four movements: when three, the vertical stroke is incurved rightwards at the bottom; very narrow. F of three movements, very narrow, with vertical stroke prolonged downwards. G of two movements, with a rounded open 14 Fragments B, C, and D are very similar in shape: elongated bands of more or less similar height. This suggests that papyrus, as expected, was folded and decomposed along lines of folding. Interestingly (and surprisingly), fragment A shows no traces of folding.

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Fig. 1: Qasr Ibrim, Exc. no. 80.1.26/6: fragments of a Latin letter.

curved part and a long vertical descending stroke joining it at its end. H of three movements, with the left vertical stroke longer than the right one, being incurved to the right at the bottom and, possibly, also at the top. I in most occurrences slightly incurved to the right at the bottom, sometimes also with an apex at the top. L of two movements, capital, or of one movement (thus probably in b.6), with the rounded angle. M of three movements, with an oblique left stroke prolonged downwards, joining the middle one, curve, at its top or in its upper part, and the right one oblique, slightly incurved to the right at the bottom, strongly exceeding upwards at the point of junction. N of three movements, with vertical left stroke slightly prolonged downwards, joining the middle one, sometimes slightly curved, in its upper part or at its top. O round or slightly narrowed. P of two movements, with vertical stroke curved to the right at the bottom and an oblique one joining it at the top. R of three movements, narrow; left stroke vertical or very slightly inclined, strongly prolonged downwards and very slightly curved to the left at the bottom; small closed loop at the top continuing downwards to the right with a short oblique stroke. S of one movement (possibly sometimes of two), narrow, consisting of a wavy prolonged line. T of two movements, with vertical stroke incurved to the right at the bottom and a horizontal one perpendicular. V of two movements; the left stroke oblique and rounded at the bottom, the right one—vertical or slightly oblique, sometimes incurved rightwards at the top. X (the only occurrence in b.5) probably consisting of a long straight stroke oblique to the right and a shorter one, perpendicular, slightly incurved. Words are separated, although inconsequently, by free spaces. No punctuation is

detectable which is worth stressing as it is attested in most Latin papyri from Qasr Ibrim, but very seldom used in a regular and consequent way. Text Qasr Ibrim 21.2 cm × 15.5 cm late 20s BC Exc. no. 80.1.26/6; reg. no. 80/6; Inv. of incriptions: LI/11 a

b

4 8

] . e piget nos ] puto tẹ [s]cribere de tuis ] . . agas reli ] . esiun col ]me omnia ] . n[.] esse, sicod op. us fuerit, cu[m . .] . . . ria, gratun meihei est. fac ṣaepiṛẹ, f̣ ịḷị, scr[iba]s.

4 8

de uacato ṛẹṣ[ site me ualde a[ memor sis Cotte us[ recte cunegiun ae[ plex ud milites ed[ crun fecisti cui alli[ nun ego refeci ed ca . [ saluten te dicunt a[

a: 4. ] . esiun: ] . esium || 6. sicod: sicut || 7–8. gratun: gratum || 8. meihei: mihi b: 3. Cotte: Cottae || 4. cunegiun: coniciunt? cunegium? || 5. ud: ut || 6. ]crun: ]crum || 7. nun ego: nun eg corr. ex nunc r | ed: et || 8. saluten: salutem

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Commentary a.2. s]cribere de tuis: One can hypothetically connect this with puto tẹ from the non-joining fragment E (so in the reading text above). The hypothesis of putting the fragment in this place and reading te on it is due to syntactical circumstances (accusative with infinitive puto te scribere) and semantic coincidences (te … de tuis) of the reconstructed text.

however, the movement of the hand resembles r rather than another letters.

a.4. ] . esiun = ] . esium looks like a noun or an adjective in -esius in accusative singular. Words ending in -esius are frequently names (e.g. Caesius) and ethnics (e.g. Milesius), and this might have been the case here too. It is interesting to observe that Caesius, a trumpeter, is the addressee of a letter found in Qasr Ibrim, which shows that he was a member of the Roman garrison in Qasr Ibrim. 15 If ] . esiun = ] . esium refers to a man (a soldier of the Roman military post in Qasr Ibrim), the following col|[ may tentatively be supplemented col|[legan (= col|[legam).

b.1. The ink is badly preserved throughout the line, obviously because this line was written on the kollesis. At the beginning of the line, one can read de vacato followed by traces of three (?) letters. These are: the lower part of the vertical, elongated hasta probably belonging to r; three (or two) dots placed one above the other, which could be interpreted as endings of horizontal strokes of e; and a curve at the top of the script line, apparently a remnant of s. Provided the letters were identified correctly, one is tempted to read here  ṛẹṣ[umo calamum]. Interestingly, this expression, common in the Latin epistolography of modern times, was not widespread in antiquity. It does not occur in the preserved corpus of the letters by Cicero, which has one example of the similar  calamum sumere  instead (Att. VI 8: Cum instituissem ad te scribere calamumque sumpsissem …).

a.5–6. omnia | [  ] . n[.] esse: omnia … esse (accusative with infinitive) is the subject for the predicate gra|tun meihei est in lines 7–8 below. Before esse, one could expect a participle of perfect passive  (e.g. ordinata, etc.). The supposed participle must have ended with -ta (or -sa, e.g. nisa); however, the available space allows for only one letter to be reconstructed between n and esse. Considering that, one can hypothesise that | [  ]. n[.]  was rather an adjective in -na functioning as attribute to omnia.

b.3. The cognomen Cotta was especially common among (Marci) Aurelii, 16 but was also borne by members of other gentes, which prevents us from identifying the man mentioned in this line as (Marcus) Aurelius too. One notes the absence of any other elements of personal presentation. One observes the spelling Cotte instaed of Cottae (monophthongisation of the diphthong ae), but compare ṣaepiṛẹ (a.8) and cunegiun ae[ (b.4). Obviously, the writer of the text was not consistent in his spelling.

a.7. Considering the preserved traces of letters and the historical context of the papyrus, one is tempted to read cu[m vi]c̣ ṭọria. Unfortunately, the expression cum victoria, common in post-classical Latin, is not attested in the times of Caesar and Augustus. a.8. meihei: This must be a form of mihi. The form is very curious. Mihi, i.e. dative of the personal pronoun ego, can have both of its syllables short ([mĭhĭ]) or the first short, the second long ([mĭhī]). Inscriptions attest occasionally to the form mihei (CIL IV 1856 [p. 213]; CIL X 5019  = CIL I 1572 [p. 1007]; CIL VI 30266  = CIL VI 30267 [p. 4050]), parallel to the second person tibei (CIL VI 877 = CIL VI 32323 = CIL VI 32324; CIL IX 4672 = CIL I 632; CIL I 2188), which can be interpreted as archaising spellings. On the other hand, one never comes across the spellings teibei and meihei, as in the papyrus here discussed. Here we are most probably dealing with a hypercorrection. The reading ṣaepiṛẹ is not entirely certain. The letter r has a different form than normally in this papyrus;

b.4. cunegiun: The form is mysterious. Perchance, based on the knowledge of all possible mistakes occurring in inscriptions as a result of syncretisation of sounds, it could be interpreted as a corrupted notation of  coniciunt  (‘they conclude’, ‘they guess’, etc.; interchange of [ŏ] : [ŭ], [ĭ] : [ĕ], and [k] : [g], loss of t in auslaut). For this interpretation seems to speak the preceding adverb recte (‘correctly’). Against it is that, first, the analogous form dicunt (b.8) has t in the final position preserved, and second and foremost, that the accumulation of as many as four orthographic oddities would have been highly unusual, even for a text like this one, dotted with unorthodox notations. Another possibility is to understand  cunegiun as a Latin transcript of the Greek (τὸ)  κυνήγιον (‘hunt’). One wonders, however, why it was used here instead of the Latin venatio. The use of a Greek loanword would have been more understandable if we were dealing with a nomen agentis (ὁ) κυνήγιος (‘hunter’), in accusative—unfortunately, such a word is not attested in Greek. We know of the Greek name Κυνήγιος, attested

15 Derda, Łajtar & Płóciennik 2014–2015, 99–105.

16 Cf. Kajanto 1965, 106.

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also in the Latin transcript Cynegius, 17 however, it does not occur before Late Antiquity.

soldiers [ - - - ] you made [ - - - ] now I have restored and [ - - - friends?] salute you.

b.5. -plex: Possibly end of an adjective like simplex, duplex, triplex, etc.

Analysis and Conclusion The papyrus is obviously a letter. This is indicated by the forms of the first and second persons of verbs (refeci, sis, fac, fecisti), forms of personal pronouns of the same persons (meihei [= mihi], me, te), the vocative fili, wishes to keep correspondence (scr[iba]s), and the final greetings (saluten te dicunt). The character of the letter is difficult to precise, however. If the reading fili (a.9) holds true, one can think about the private letter of father to son. The letter’s private character is manifested also through its uncommon layout, which is discussed further below. However, it is difficult to reconcile the private character of the letter with the sentence fac saepire (‘order to fence’), containing, as it seems, a recommendation or order regarding how to deal with an external threat, such as, for example, an attack of the Meroitic troops. This sentence would perfectly match an official letter written to the garrison commander in Primis by his superior from Egypt. Unfortunately, we do not know whom he was subject to; we can only suspect that this was the commander of the legion stationed in Upper Egypt, most probably in Koptos. The supreme superior of the officer from Primis was of course the prefect of Egypt, however, it would be too far-fetched to suppose that we are dealing here with a letter from him. The official character of the letter is suggested also by a very nice and careful script, betraying the hand of a professional scribe, accustomed to draft official documents in Latin, such as one expects in a Roman office. A professional scribe could have certainly acted by the order and dictation of a private person. All this leads to the conclusion that the question of the character of the letter and its authorship must remain unsettled. The layout of our letter presents some problems. Completely preserved in width, text (a) constitutes the bottom part of a column. There is a space clearly visible above the first line, wider than the interlinear space in the preserved part of the column. However, it is difficult to assume that it would be the top margin, not only because of the alleged original height of the card, as we have already discussed. If it were the top margin, then text (b) (written at an angle of 90°) would be almost complete from the right. We would then have to assume that there is very little text missing, no more than 3–5 letters in each line. The text (b) as we read, however, does not allow connecting any of the subsequent lines. This clearly indicates that much more text is missing here, and this in turn makes us see in text (a) only the bottom part of the column. We are unable to determine why the line spacing above line a.1 was clearly wider. Perhaps the line of text preceding

b.6. -crun: Most probably end of a noun like sacrum, simulacrum, sepulcrum, etc. It looks as if the first possibility were the most probable one, irrespective of who was the author and who was the addressee of the letter. alli[ : Words beginning in this way are extremely rare in Latin. Since the author does not speak about garlic (alium/allium) here, one has to assume that we are dealing with a form of a verb beginning with alli- (adli-), for example allicio (‘attract, encourage, induce’), allido (‘crush against, bruise, ruin, damage’), alligo (‘attach’), allino (‘smear, spread’), or nomina derived from these verbs. b.7. The author of the letter wrote initially nunc and a long, vertical hasta of the letter r, obviously in the aim to have nunc refeci. After doing this, he decided to add the subject ego, whenceforth he reworked the already existent c into e adding the middle stroke to it, and the vertical hasta of r into g. Because of self-corrections, the two letters e and g have rather unusual forms: e is more rounded than the remaining e preserved in the text and g is rather clumsy. In result, the papyrus has nun ego refeci instead of the originally intended nunc refeci, whereby the writer was obviously not bothered by the fact that nunc assumed the form nun. refeci connected with fecisti from the preceding line. b.8. te in place of the expected tibi. At the end of the preserved text perhaps a[mici. Translation 18 Text a. [ - - - ] we are displeased [ - - - ] I think you are writing about your [ - - - ] . . . esius col[lega? - - - ]. The fact that all [ - - - ] are as they should be, with [victory? success?], is welcome to me. Order to fence, my son. Keep writing (to me). Text b. Because of free space [I am taking up a calamus?] [ - - - ] remember Cotta [ - - - ] rightly [they conclude? - - - ]

17 For example, Maternus Cynegius, a praetorian prefect of the East and consul at the end of the 4th century AD; for other persons, cf.  Jones, Martindale  & Morris 1971. Another Cynegius, ‘iuvenis’, died ca. 420 AD; Paulinus bishop of Nola granted permission to his mother to bury her son in the basilica of Nola which provoked Augustine’s treatise De cura pro mortuis gerenda. 18 In the translation below we included in square brackets suggestions discussed in the commentary above.

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the present line a.1 was shorter than other lines or the text was arranged in blocks in this part. Text (a) ends with the author’s order ( fac ṣaepiṛẹ) given to the addressee named here son (if our reading is correct), followed by scribas, expressing wishes of keeping correspondence (‘keep writing’). The text ends in the middle of the line, which may suggest that the letter ended here in its original form. Text (b) begins with the phrase: de vacato ṛẹṣ[umo calamum?], which seems unusual for ancient letters. We think that in this way the author clearly communicated that he undertook writing, using free space. We do not know why the author, while writing the text (a), left such a wide margin, which he then filled up with text (b). Perhaps his original intention was to compose a letter in two columns, and due to the lack of proper care, the space intended for the second column turned out to be not wide enough; hence his decision to reverse the card and add the text in such an unusual way. Let us add that text (b) in the last line contains the formula of greetings which we expect at the end of the letter. Given the size of its preserved fragments, the letter contains extremely numerous interesting, and sometimes even unusual, spelling peculiarities:

The phenomena described in points 3, 3a, and 4 do not seem to be anything exceptional as from both papyri and, especially, inscriptions we know many examples of this type of non-standard notations, the reasons for which are usually seen in the syncretism of sounds. 19 In turn, the phenomena 1 and 2 have no (or

extremely few) analogies, which makes us think more deeply about their causes. It seems that especially the notation of mihi as meihei cannot be interpreted as an expression of a phonetic notation (cf.  commentary)—this case should be seen as a kind of hypercorrect, bizarre archaizing. It is possible that the same key should be used to understand forms containing the letter n in a place corresponding to the final nasal sonant, traditionally recorded as m. 20 It seems that we are dealing here with an orthographic convention of marking the nasalisation of a final vowel rather than a notation of a real phoneme, but the scribe’s (author’s) decision is worth noting. There remains a possibility of interpreting this as Greek influence, although the handwriting of the scribe/author does not point to his dependence on Greek cultural habits. The above observations about the linguistic side of the letter together with earlier observations about the exceptionality of the letter’s handwriting, make us wonder about the person whose hand this letter came from. If he was a professional scribe (secretary), he certainly belonged to the elite of his profession, which of course tells us something about a Roman official employing such a person and dictating him the letter. And if the words came from the pen of the sender himself, then he was a well-educated man, and our opinion is not altered even by inaccuracies in the language, which are mostly a testimony of an era that did not strictly follow spelling norms. The main interest of the papyrus lays in its date. The archaeological and historical context of the papyri found in Qasr Ibrim precisely defines the date of their creation. According to literary sources, the garrison was established by Petronius in late autumn/winter of 25/24 BC, fortified upon the orders of Petronius in the wake of the Meroitic attack in 22/21 BC, and evacuated in accordance with the Samian treaty (cf. above). Eleven papyri, ten in Greek and one in Latin, provide dates, all from the rather narrow time span, from 10 Pachon of year 8 of Augustus (5 May, 22 BC) to 28 Pharmouthi of year 9 (23 April, 21 BC). Of course, there could be later texts in the set of documents, but we do not think that their dates of creation far exceeded spring/summer 21 BC. Therefore, undated documents from our set can be safely dated to the late 20s BC. Such a date is of great importance not only, obviously, for the historians of Roman Egypt, but also, as we think, for the history of Latin script, as our documents are among the oldest known examples of Latin handwriting.

19 Cf. above all Adams 1977.

20 Concerning the interchange of final -m and -n, cf. Skok 1924, 225–227, § 12: ‘M et n finaux’ (with numerous examples from inscriptions); cf. also, e.g. Lindsay & Nohl 1897, 78–80, § 65.

1. consistent noting of the final nasal sonant, traditionally rendered as m, with the letter n:    ] . esiun (a.4); gratun (a.7–8); cunegiun? (b.4); ]crun (b.6); saluten (b.8); 2. noting the pronoun mihi in the form of meihei; 3. noting the final [t] with d: in the conjunctions ud (ut), ed (et), and sicod (sicut); 3a. recording the sound [k] with the letter g (voicing of a middle consonant) in the word cunegiun could be considered a similar phenomenon, if cunegiun stands in our document for coniciunt (see commentary); 4. noting the vowel [ŭ] with the letter o in the conjunction sicod (sicut) (a similar phenomenon could be writing the vowel [ŏ] with the letter u and the vowel [ĭ] with the letter e in the word cunegiun—if cunegiun stands for coniciunt).

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Latinitas at the Southernmost Peripheries of the Roman World

Bibliography Adams, J. N. 1977. The Vulgar Latin of the Letters of Claudius Terentianus (P.Mich. VIII, 467–472), Manchester. Adams, N. K. 2013. ‘Influences from abroad: The evidence from the textiles’, in: Hagen, J. & van der Vliet, J. (eds.), Qasr Ibrim, between Egypt and Africa. Studies in Cultural Exchange (NINO Symposium, Leiden, 11–12 December 2009), Leuven: 65–81. Adams, N. K. & Crowfoot, E. 2001. ‘Varia Romana: Textiles from a Roman army dump’, in: Walton Rogers, P., Bender Jorgensen, L.  & Rast-Eicher, A. (eds.), The Roman Textile Industry and Its Influence: A Birthday Tribute to John Peter Wild, Oxford: 30–37. Adams, W. Y. 1983. ‘Primis and the ‘Aethiopian’ frontier’, Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 20: 93–104. Adams, W. Y. 1985. ‘Ptolemaic and Roman occupation at Qasr Ibrim’, in: Gues, F. & Thill, F. (eds.), Mélanges offerts à Jean Vercoutter, Paris: 9–17. Adams, W. Y., Alexander, J. A.  & Allen, R. 1983. ‘Qasr Ibrim 1980 and 1982’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 69: 43–60. Anderson, R. D., Parsons, P. J. & Nisbet, G. M. 1979. ‘Elegiacs by Gallus from Qaṣr Ibrim’, Journal of Roman Studies 69: 125–155. Burstein, S. 1979. ‘The Nubian campaigns of C. Petronius and George Reisner’s Second Meroitic Kingdom of Napata’, Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 106: 95–105. Capasso, M.  & Radiciotti, P. 2004. Il ritorno di Cornelio Gallo—Il papiro di Qaṣr Ibrim venticinque anni dopo, Lecce. Demicheli, A. M. 1976. Rapporti di pace e di guerra dell’ Egitto romano con le populazioni dei deserti africani, Milan. Derda, T. & Łajtar, A. 2012a. ‘Greek and Latin papyri from the Egypt Exploration Society excavations at Qasr Ibrim: A testimony to the Roman army in Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia in the first years of Augustus’, in: Schubert, P. (ed.), Actes du 26e Congrès international de papyrologie, Genève, 16–21 août 2010, Geneva: 183–186. Derda, T.  & Łajtar, A. 2012b. ‘P.Qasr Ibrim inv. 80/11: A testimony to the Zenodotos’ edition of the Iliad?’, in: Ast, R., Cuvigny, H.  & Hickey, T. (eds.), Papyrological Texts in Honor of Roger S. Bagnall, Durham: 75–78. Derda, T.  & Łajtar, A. 2013. ‘Roman occupation of Qasr Ibrim as reflected in Greek papyri from the site’, in: Hagen, J.  & van der Vliet, J. (eds.), Qasr Ibrim, between Egypt and Africa. Studies in Cultural Exchange (NINO Symposium, Leiden, 11–12 December 2009), Leuven: 105–110.

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Derda, T., Łajtar, A.  & Płóciennik, T. 2014–2015. ‘Where did the third legion of Augustan Egypt have its base?’, Palamedes 9–10: 99–105. Derda, T., Łajtar, A. & Płóciennik, T. 2015. ‘Three lists of soldiers on papyrus found in Qasr Ibrim’, in: Tomas, A. (ed.), Ad fines imperii Romani. Studia Thaddaeo Sarnowski septuagenario ab amicis, collegis discipulisque dedicata, Warsaw: 47–57. Gagliardi, P. 2011–2012. ‘Rassegna bibliographica sul papiro di Gallo (2004–2012)’, Papyrologia Lupiensia 20–21: 217–243. James, S. T.  & Taylor, J. H. 1983. ‘Parts of artillery projectiles from Qasr Ibrim, Egypt’, Saalburg Jahrbuch 47: 93–98. Jameson, S. 1968. ‘Chronology of the campaigns of Aelius Gallus and C. Petronius’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 58: 71–84. Jones, A. H. M., Martindale, J. R. & Morris, J. 1971. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Volume 1, AD 260–395, Cambridge. Kajanto, J. 1965. The Latin Cognomina, Helsinki. Lindsay, W. M.  & Nohl, H. 1897. Die Lateinische Sprache: Ihre Laute, Stämme und Flexionen in sprachgeschichtlicher Darstellung, Leipzig. Locher, J. 2002. ‘Die Anfänge der römischen Herrschaft in Nubien und der Konflikt zwischen Rom und Meroe’, Ancient Society 32: 73–133. van Rengen, W.  & Bülow-Jacobsen, A. 1984. ‘The International Photographic Archive. Report on the 1984 mission’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 56: 139–140. Rowley-Conwy, P. 1994. ‘Dung, dirt and deposits: Site formation under conditions of near-perfect preservation at Qasr Ibrim, Egyptian Nubia’, in: Luff, R.  & Rowley-Conwy, P. (eds.), Whither Environmental Archaeology?, Oxford: 25–32. Skok, P. 1924. ‘Notes d’étymologie romane’, Romania 50: 195–232. Speidel, M. A. 2018. ‘Soldiers and documents: Insights from Nubia. The significance of written documents in Roman soldiers’ everyday lives’, in: Kolb, A. (ed.), Literacy in Ancient Everyday Life, Berlin– Boston: 179–200. Török, L. 1989–1990. ‘Augustus and Meroe’, Orien­ talia Suecana 38–39: 171–190. Weinstein, M. E.  & Turner, E. G. 1976. ‘Greek and Latin papyri from Qasr Ibrim’, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 62: 115–130. Wild, J. P. & Wild, F. 2014. ‘Qasr Ibrim: New perspectives on the changing textile cultures of Lower Nubia’, in: O’Connell, E. R. (ed.), Egypt in the First Millennium AD. Perspectives from New Fieldwork, Leuven–Paris–Walpole, MA: 71–80. Wilkins, A., Barnard, H.  & Rose, P. 2006. ‘Roman artillery balls from Qasr Ibrim’, Sudan & Nubia 10: 64–78.

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How to Kill Two Birds with One Stone?

by Piotr Dyczek The saying quoted in the title reflects the dream of every archaeologist. When trying to solve various research problems during the excavations we always want to discover an artefact which, without necessarily possessing high aesthetic or monetary value, will allow us to give a clear answer to a pertinent question or substantially complete our knowledge of history. This is why we take up field research at all. Each excavated site inspires a series of research questions, and each has its ‘blank spots’. Obviously, these rules concern also Novae, (closed to the modern town of Svishtov, Veliko Târnovo province) one of the key sites in the Roman limes in northern Bulgaria, the base of two Roman legions: legio VIII Augusta 1 and legio I Italica (fig.  1). It is of crucial importance for the archaeology of the limes. During the 60 seasons of excavations conducted in collaboration with the specialists from the Institute of Archaeology at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, the Polish archaeologists from Warsaw, Poznań, and Wrocław made important discoveries and established important facts. These concern not only the period during which the Roman legions were stationed in Novae (fig. 2) but also the later periods: Late Antiquity (fig.  3), the Byzantine Period, and the Middle Ages, when successive towns functioned on the ruins of the castrum. Both, Bulgarian and Polish archaeologists made many important discoveries: the defensive walls and moat systems were uncovered as well as the main gates, the courses of the main streets were determined; the seats of the tribunes: the scamnum tribunorum, as well as the military headquarters, the principia, were excavated. The house of the legionary legate was also discovered. 2 The civilian period is represented by the baths, the large basilica with the episcopal residence, and the burial grounds. 3 1 2 3

Ciołek & Dyczek, 2011, 9–10; Dyczek 2019, 115–126. Čičikova 1987, 185–192; Čičikova 1992, 235–241. Biernacki 2016.

The catalogue of the finds made by various research teams was completed by the discoveries made by the archaeologists from the Research Centre of the Antiquity of South-eastern Europe at the University of Warsaw. Theses include the large legionary baths from the 1st century AD, 4 a unique army hospital: valetudinarium, which is the best preserved structure of this kind known from the whole Roman Empire (fig. 4) 5 wooden barracks of the First Cohort of legio VIII Augusta (fig. 5), 6 and, as it seems, the House of the Centurion from the First Cohort of legio I Italica (fig. 6). 7 It is the excavations conducted at the area of the hospital of legio I Italica (sector IV) and the army barracks (sector XII) that posed two important problems. The first one concerns the damnatio memeoriae of legio I Italica, or the disbandment and reconstitution of the legion, and the second one is related to the question: who were the inhabitants of Novae who turned the old fortress into a town and what happened to the soldiers from legio I Italica? The first problem occurred quite innocently in 1992. In that year a fragment of a marble head was discovered among the stone slabs paving a street from the beginning of the civilian phase, crossing the former military hospital along the east-west axis. The street, covered with the old stelae and architectural details from various legionary structures, was also interesting because it was the first known structure of the new Novae and thus determined the time when the first civilian structures appeared in the ruins of the military camp. As a large number of the inscriptions was discovered in its pavement, we called it. 8 The fragment of the marble head was one of the important artefacts that determined the terminus 4 5 6 7 8

Dyczek 2009, 1477–1485. Dyczek 2008, 31–70. Dyczek 2018. Dyczek in print. Dyczek 1988, 17–29.

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Fig. 1: The province of Moesia Interior.

Fig. 2: Novae in the legionary period.

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These discoveries gave rise to the question of why the emperor’s head was broken. The answer seemed trivial: it was due to his damnatio memeoriae (memoria damnata). 12 However, another discovery made also in 2005 near the second fragment of the emperor’s head complicated the issue. Close to the sculpture, fragments of a marble slab, used secondarily as a lining of the wall of the hypocaustum, with a clearly visible inscription, were found. The inscription was only partially preserved; namely, there were only two incomplete lines (fig. 8): [leg] I• Itali[ca] [Max]i[m]inia[na]

Fig. 3: Novae in the civilian period.

post quem for the road. The analysis of the incomplete head led to the assumption that it was part of a statue of emperor Maximinus Thrax (Gaius Iulius Verus Maximinus). 9 This attribution, albeit hypothetical at the then stage of investigations, was not controversial as the emperor most probably came from Novae. 10 He joined the army in the times of Septimius Severus and was soon promoted to the rank of a praefectus gentium—probably praesidens Trebellicae. He took part in the rebellion of 235 AD in Moguntiacum and at that time was probably elected an emperor by the troops. The senate in Rome was not eager to approve of this change. It was difficult for the senators to accept at the imperial throne a shepherd of violent character coming from a Latinised barbarian family. However, Maximinus enjoyed the support not only of the army but also of the ordinary citizens of the Empire. Some appreciated the construction of roads and military structures and his bravery in combat, others enjoyed the games he organised. 11 It is not surprising that he was also respected by the soldiers from legio I Italica stationed in the emperor’s birthplace. When a complementary head fragment was discovered in 2002, 50 m away from the place where the first part of the emperor’s head was found, the question of attribution was answered unequivocally (fig. 7). 9

Dyczek 1988, 27, figs. 5, 3; Dyczek 1996, 60, pl. XXVI: 2; Dyczek 1997, 87–93; Dyczek 1999, 44–50. 10 Kähler 1960, 342–343; Kienast 1990, 183. 11 Poulsen 1974, 54.

The archaeological context indicates that both the head fragments and those of the inscription were parts of the emperor’s statue. From the historical point of view, it is not surprising that the emperor’s titles were hammered out. Not only were they removed, but the name of the legion was also removed, which seems to indicate that the damnatio embraced not only the emperor but also the legion which was faithful to him. 13 The event must have taken place at the beginning of Gordian III’s reign, i.e., in 238 AD, the turning year during which as many as six emperors had ruled (Maximinus with his son, Gordian I and II, Pupienus and Balbinus). Till then only one similar case was known. It concerned legio III Augusta which, led by the governor of Numidia, Capellianus, crushed the usurpation of the African Gordians, remaining faithful to Maximinus Thrax. Like in the case of legio I Italica, abolitio nominis 14 took place in 238 AD. 15 So, both legio III Augusta and legio I Italica suffered the same fate in the same year. This brutal but rational treatment in the contemporary political context of two well-known brave legions may be almost certainly assigned to Gaius Furius Sabinus Aquila Tymesiteus, an experienced functionary who supported the underage emperor. The fate of legio III Augusta changed in 253 AD when it was reformed. 16 But what happened to legio I Italica? The unstable political situation on the lower Danube made that area the key part of the Empire. The increasing pressure of the Barbarians forced a change of the earlier decision. Legio I Italica was brought back. It was our task to determine when it happened. 12 13 14 15 16

Vamer 2004, 2. Bohec 1989, 453; Dyczek & Kolendo 2017, 461–465. Mrozewicz 2016, 13. Bohec 1989, 453. Bohec 1989, 463–464.

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A partial answer to this question was provided by the artefacts which are very rarely used as chronological determinants, namely, the stamps imprinted on architectural ceramics. Sometimes they included the name of the consul, which allow for precise dating. Usually, however, the stamps give the abbreviated name of the legion, which provides a very imprecise chronology. 17 However, in Novae a short series of stamps, often welldated by coins, was collected, which, besides the name of the legion, contain also abbreviations of the sobriquet related to the name of the emperor. The sobriquet ‘Gordiana’ was found in one of the inscriptions discovered in Montana, 18 but also in an inscription discovered in the villa of a legionary legate in Novae 19 and thus of the same emperor during whose reign the legion was disbanded. This inspires the question about the date of reforming the legion. It also leads to the conclusion that these two events occurred in a very short time span, as the emperor’s reign ended in spring, 244 AD. In 2011 excavations in a new sector (XII) were begun. They embraced the area of Novae to the east of the principia where we expected to find the remains of the barracks of the first cohort. 20 Indeed wooden barrack structures of the first cohort of legio VIII Augusta 21 were uncovered in that spot, and, above them, a large building with a peristyle, which most probably functioned as the Centurion’s House related to the barracks of the first cohort of legio I Italica. It was a large structure with a central courtyard surrounded by a portico, pools, and cisterns, richly equipped and decorated with wall paintings. The structure was abandoned and a new, civilian one, was erected in its place. We relate the abandoning of the Centurion’s House to the above-mentioned damnatio memeoriae of legio I Italica. The structure gradually collapsed due to the forces of nature, which is indicated by the arrangement and contents of the archaeological layers, namely the layers of naturally strewn plaster, naturally inblown loess, layers of stones which fell off in some sections of the walls as a result of erosion, and unevenly arranged heaps of roof tiles. Soon afterwards in the ruins of the structure a new building was erected. In the profile it is visible as a thin construction layer. The new structure only partially used the walls of the Centurion’s House, almost completely re-arranging the whole layout (fig. 9) and preserving only the central courtyard in its former shape. The baths in the southern wing were 17 Sarnowski 1983, 17–61; Duch 2011, 73–85, 99–119. 18 Matei-Popescu 2010, 83. 19 Čičikova  & Božilova 1990, 44–50; Božilova  & Kolendo 1997, 102–104, no. 67. 20 Dyczek in print. 21 Dyczek 2018.

Fig. 4: An orthophoto of the military hospital in Novae—valetudinarium.

pulled down and large rectangular private rooms were created in their place. The eastern wing was made smaller, and the northern one was reconstructed, combining it with new rooms built in the place of the former tabernae. The western wing was also made smaller and rebuilt; however, its former household functions (kitchens, storerooms, pantries) were partially retained. In the western part a new courtyard was made, which held two glass-making kilns: one through shaped and one dome shaped. Another dome-shaped kiln was uncovered in the southern part of the structure. The walls of the new structure were removed from the legionary ones by 10 degrees. This indicates that the internal layout of the former fortress in Novae was changed and the street network was adapted to the new civilian character of the buildings. This has been observed earlier at the area of the military hospital 22 in sector IV. The walls of the civilian structure were built in a similar way. They were erected from the stones remaining from the legionary walls and include spolia. The walls were usually 60 cm thick and fixed only with earth mortar. Another characteristic features are the antae which stabilised some of the walls. The similarities between the two sectors bring about the question about the chronology of these changes. In the case of sector IV we know that they must have happened after the Goth’s invasion of the mid-3rd century AD when the Barbarians did not capture Novae but ravaged its neighbourhood. 23 These dramatic events are testified by the stele from the desecrated necropolises used to pave the street

22 Dyczek 1999, 99–104. 23 Mrozewicz 2010, 274–275.

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Fig. 5: Wooden army barrack structures of the 1st cohort of Legio VIII Augusti.

dividing the area of the former hospital into two parts along the east-west axis. Although the traces of use of some of the collapsed hospital rooms in the earlier period, i.e., after the damnatio of the legion (238 AD) and the Goths’ invasion from 250 AD, are very scarce, we are certain that the planned civilian structures were erected in that area in the Aurelian Period. 24 The new civilian stage of the development of Novae probably involved construction works on a larger scale. Before 250 AD a new defensive wall surrounded the area to the south of the fortress. 25 In other Danubian fortresses similar construction works, which added annexes to their areas, were conducted in the same period. 26

24 Dyczek 1988, 29. 25 Milčeva & Genčeva 1998, 151–153; Poulter 1983, 139–148. 26 Zahariade & Gudea 1997, 72.

The excavations of the civilian structure built on the ruins of Centurion’s House revealed a different picture of the events which took place after the damnatio of legio I Italica. Like in sector IV, the structure was abandoned but a new one was erected in its place much sooner, before the Goths’ invasion. In 2016 an assemblage of 48 perfectly preserved coins (fig. 10) was uncovered in the floor layer of the discussed civilian structure. The majority of them were autonomous coins dating from Septimius Severus (the majority) through Gordian III. The hoard also included one Hadrian’s sestertius (!). The coins were clumped together, which indicates that they had been deposited in a pouch. 27 In the same layer a large gold nugget was discovered. The numismatic analysis of the find has led to two conclusions. Firstly, the assemblage was deposited during Gordian

27 Ciołek 2017, 79–98.

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Fig. 7: Combined fragments of Maximinus Thrax' head.

Fig. 6: Orthophoto of Centurion's House, sector XII.

III’s reign, and secondly, these were most probably well-selected savings of an inhabitant/s of the new civilian building in Novae. The gold nugget was part of the hoard. Thirdly, from the perspective of the development of numismatics in that period in the whole Lower Moesia, it was part of a legionnaire’s pay paid in bronze coins. Hiding these valuable artefacts was not, as it seems, accidental as soon afterwards the Goths attacked (250 AD). This event is marked by a thin layer of burning, which indicates that the structure was damaged at least in part. It cannot be determined what the direct reason of it was. As we know, the Goths did not capture Novae, but some parts of the town may have been damaged during their attacks. The destruction was not substantial and did not cause any visible damages to the construction of the building which was renovated soon afterwards. The walls were plastered, and new floors were laid out. However, the hoard remained in its place, which was a rational action in these insecure times. The assemblage of the coins and the other coins found in that building confirm that it must have been erected on the ruins of the Centurion’s House soon after it had been abandoned by the legionnaires, most probably during the times of Gordian III. This means that various parts of the former fortress were reused in different points of time and the process was the fastest in the central part of the former castrum—which was quite reasonable. The next discovery, made in 2019 in the same building, the same layer, and the same room, is

Fig. 8: Inscription with the name of legio I Italica and emperor's Maximinus Thrax titles hammered out.

unique. Namely, a well-preserved fragment of a military diploma was uncovered (fig.  11). The fragments of the inscription made on a bronze plaque contained the basic information. We learn that the diploma was issued during the reign of emperor Gordian III, was granted to Dolens, son of Marcus, a legionnaire from the Praetorian cohort coming from Nicopolis ad Istrum, located ca. 60 km to the south from Novae. The diploma was issued on January 7th, 244 AD, and the original list was placed on the ‘golden tablet attached to the wall behind the temple of Augustus next to Minerva in Rome’. 28 The place where the diploma was found does not seem accidental. The archaeological context indicates that the artefact could not have been brought with the soil from the nearby principia in later times, which suggests that it was lost in the building. These two finds allow to draw three very important conclusions. Soon after the legionnaire buildings were abandoned by legio I Italica in 238 AD, an important structure, i.e., the Centurion’s House, was rebuilt. The new structure was civilian in character and its owner dealt with the production of glass vessels cf.  glass workshops. 29 It seems that the structure was rebuilt by former legionnaires or their families who, after the legion had been disbanded, remained in Novae, as well as the legionnaires who had finished their service and returned to their homeland. One of them was probably said Dolens. This corresponds to the fact that, 28 Narloch 2020, 282–284. 29 Dyczek 1999, 99–104.

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How to Kill Two Birds with One Stone?

Fig. 9: The civilian structure built in the ruins of Centurion's House.

as it seems, the majority, if not all, legionnaires came from Moesia. 30 It thus seems that the legion was formed anew quite quickly. This is also suggested by the sobriquet ‘Gordiana’ visible on the legionnaire stamps imprinted on roof tiles. The fact that new production could have been started in the brickyards making building ceramics for the legion so soon after the legion had been disbanded indicates that the infrastructure used by legio I Italica was not destroyed and could have been used in the transitory period before the disbanding and reforming of the legion by the ‘temporarily former’ legionnaires. The terminus ante quem for the reforming of the legion is in fact year 243 AD, for it is hard to imagine that the roof tiles with the stamp of legio I Italica with Gordian’s sobriquet could have been made in spring 244 AD immediately before the emperor’s death as it was technologically impossible. 31 Also, the political situation in the Danubian region and the constant pressure of the Carpi should be taken into account. Despite the trick played by the governor of Moesia, Menophilus, which put off their request that the emperor should pay them, like the Goths, an annual tribute, Rome must have expected their attack (it happened a few years later). In this situation the location of Novae was of key importance as it was a strategic defensive point directly threatened by the attack. It thus seems reasonable that instead of finding 30 Čistiakova 2014, 98. 31 Dyczek 2011, 105–117.

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new legionnaires to man the fortresses the authorities reinstated the former legionnaires from the First Legion. These people had remained as ‘civilians’ in the province, perhaps becoming, together with their families, the first inhabitants of the civilian Novae. Of course, at the present stage of research it is impossible to give a concrete date. We may only, taking into account the historical context, determine the period in which it happened as that between 239 and 240 AD. It is possible that the first legate of the legion after its reformation was Ignatius. 32 This is suggested by the above-mentioned inscription discovered in the so-called extra muros Building, i.e., the seat of the legionary legate. The inscription was damaged so the legate’s complete name cannot be reconstructed. As the name of legio I Italica is well-visible and contains the sobriquet ‘Gordiana’ we may assume that the inscription was made after the legion was reformed. Of course, there are some logistical problems. Where were the legionnaires stationed since the known legionary structures: the hospital and the barracks had not been rebuilt? The only structure which was not damaged or substantially changed were the prin­ cipia. It thus seems that the command of the legion (or only the administration of the city/fortress) returned to its seat. So far there has been no proof of building new legionary structures in Novae and in my opinion there may have been no such structures. This may be due to the political situation. After reforming, the legion must have been quickly sent to the area where the fighting with the Barbarians went on, so in the base camp in Novae there remained only small forces which, anticipating in some way Diocletian’s reform, could have been stationed in the civilian buildings. This was then an ad hoc organisation enforced by current conditions, which later became a rule in the Roman army, namely, that the army was split into smaller frontier units manning the fortifications (limatenei—ripenses), whose task was to withstand the attacks until the field army stationed deeper in the Empire came to the rescue (palatini—comitatenses). 33 Thus the three artefacts presented above: a fragment of an inscription with the hammered out name of the legion, a hoard of coins, and a fragment of a military diploma seem to provide an answer to two important research questions: the two birds mentioned in the title, and not only for Novae itself. They show that in a very short time after the damnatio of the legion, the legionary structures were transformed into civilian buildings partly inhabited by the legionnaires from the disbanded legion.

32 Matei-Popescu 2010, 85. 33 Tomlin 1989, 226.

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Fig. 10: Coin hoard discovered in the civilian building (left). Fig. 11: Fragment of a military diploma from Novae (right).

Probably at that time the inhabitants of the cana­ bae, 34 including the legionnaires’ families, mixed with the legionnaires from the former I Italica. Both groups settled the area of the former camp within the defensive walls which gave them some sense of security. When the legion was reformed again, some of the legionnaires and the civilians remained in Novae while the rest of the troops, probably the majority, were stationed outside Novae, near the battlefields. Up until now the history of Novae and legio I Italica starting from the year 238 AD was practically unknown. However, thanks to the stratigraphic analysis and some seemingly minor finds, we can understand it better even if there is still much to do. Also, the importance of archaeological investigations has been confirmed once again. When there are no clear and reliable written sources, only archaeology can help to uncover forgotten historical events and understand them better. As we know, also owing to the artefacts discovered by the archaeologists from the Research Centre of the Antiquity of South-eastern Europe, legio I Italica successfully functioned in its new structure until the Huns’ invasion in the 5th century AD. 35

Bibliography Biernacki, A. B. 2016. The Large Legionary Thermae in Novae (Moesia Inferior), (2nd – 4th centuries A. D.) (Novae, Studies an Materials V), Poznań. Bohec Le, Y. 1989. La Troisieme Legion Auguste, Paris.

34 Tomas 2008, 672–679. 35 Dyczek 2012, 169–177; Łajtar 2013, 97–111.

Božilova, V. & Kolendo, J. 1997. Inscriptions greques et latines de Novae (Mésie Inférieure), Bordeaux. Čičikova, M. 1987. ‘Su un edifi cio con peristilio extra muros di Novae’, Ratiariensia 3–4: 185–192. Čičikova, M. 1992. ‘L’édifi ce à peristyle extra muros à Novae (Moesia Inferior)’, in: Chmielewski, W., Lipska, A., Niezgoda, E.  & Ząbecka, M. (eds.), Studia Aegea et Balcanica in honorem Lodovicae Press, Warszawa: 235–241. Čičikova, M. & Božilova, V. 1990. ‘Carière sénatoriale d’un magistrat de Novae (millieu du IIIe s.)’, in: Tačeva, M. S.  & Boiadjiev, D. (eds.), Studia in honorem Borisi Gerov, Sofia: 44–50. Ciołek, R. 2017. ‘Collection of 48 provincial coins from Novae (Bulgaria), Sector XII, Numismatic study’, Novensia 28: 79–98. Ciołek, R.  & Dyczek, P. 2011. Novae. Legionary Fortress and Late Antique Town. Coins from Sector IV, Warszawa. Čistiakova, V. 2014. ‘Development of the rural settlement in Moesia Inferior in the context of frontier area: introduction to the issue’, Studia Hercynia XVIII.1–2: 63–76. Coello, T. 1996. Unit Size in the late Roman Army, Oxford. Duch, M. 2011. ‘Polish Studies of Impressed Building Ceramics from Novae, An Attempt to Determine the Chronology of Occurrence of the 1st Italian Legion Stamps’, in: Ruciński, S., Balbuza, K.  & Królczak, K. (eds.), Novae, Studia Lesco Mrozewicz ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Poznań: 73–85. Duch, M. 2017. ‘Stamps on bricks and tiles from Novae, Outline of chronology’, Novensia 27: 99–119. Dyczek, P. 1988. ‘Via inscriptionum at Novae’, Novensia 10: 17–29.

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Dyczek, P. 1996. ‘Novae—Western Sector, 1992–1995’, Archeologia 47: 51–68. Dyczek, P. 1997. ‘New Late Roman horreum from sector IV at Novae’, in: Biernacki, A. B. (ed.), Late Roman and Early Byzantine Cities on the Lower Danube from the 4th to the 6th century A.D. International conference, Poznań, Poland, 15–17 november 1995. Studies and materials, Poznań: 87–94. Dyczek, P. 1999. ‘A Glass Atelier from Sector IV in Novae’, in: von Bülow, G.  & DimitrovaMilčeva, A. (eds.), Der Limes an der unteren Donau von Diokletian bis Heraklios. Vorträge der Internationalen Konferenz Svištov, Bulgarien (1.–5. September 1998), Sofia: 99–104. Dyczek, P. 1999. ‘The Marble Head of Emperor Maximinus Thrax from Novae. New Methods of Reconstruction’, Études et Travaux XVIII: 44–51. Dyczek, P. 2008. ‘Archaeological Excavations at Novae. A History of Research with Special Consideration of Sector IV (Legionary Baths, valetudinarium, Late Architecture)’, in: Derda, T., Dyczek, P.  & Kolendo, J. (eds.), Novae. Legionary Fortress and Late Antique Town. Volume One. A Companion to the Study of Novae, Warszawa: 31–70. Dyczek, P. 2009. ‘Flavian baths of legio I Italica from Castrum Novae’, in: Morillo, Á., Hanel, N.  & Martin, E. (eds.), Limes XX. Estudios sobre la frontiera Romana. Roman Frontier Studies. XXth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Madrid: 1477–1485. Dyczek, P. 2011. ‘I was here! Intentional and accidental marks on rooftiles, bricks and ceramic tiles based on finds from sector IV’, in: Ruciński, S., Balbuza, K. & Królczak, K. (eds.), Novae, Studia Lesco Mrozewicz ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Poznań: 105–117. Dyczek, P. 2012. ‘The Most Splendid Town of Novaesians’, in: Vagalinski, L.  & Sharankov, N. (eds.), Limes XXII. Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of Roman Fronter Studies Ruse, Bulgaria, September 2012, Sofia: 169–177. Dyczek, P. 2018. ‘Novae—Western Sector (section XII), 2011–2018. Preliminary report on the excavations of the Center for Research on the Antiquity of Southeastern Europe, University of Warsaw’, Novensia 29: 27–71. Dyczek, P. 2019. ‘Discovering the History of the VIII Augusta Legion in Novae’, in: Farkas, G. I., Neményi, R. & Szabó, M. (eds.), Visy 75 Artificem Commendat Opus. Studia in honorem Zsolt Visy, Pécs: 115–126. Dyczek, P. in print. ‘House of the Peristyle from Novae: House of the Centurion of the First Cohort of legio i italica?’, in: Limes XXXIV.

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Proceedings of the 24rd International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Viminacium 2018. Dyczek, P.  & Kolendo, J. 2017. ‘Maximinus Thrax in Novae’, in: Hodgson, N., Bidwell, P.  & Schachtmann, J. (eds.), Roman Frontier Studies 2009. Proceedings of the XXI International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies (Limes Congress) held at Newcastle upon Tyne in August 2009, Oxford: 461–465. Kähler, H. 1960. Rom und seine Welt, München. Kienast, D. 1990. Römische Kaisertabelle, Darmstadt. Łajtar, A. 2013. ‘A Newly Discovered Greek Inscription at Novae (Moesia Inferior) Associated with pastus militum’, Tyche 28: 97–111. Matei-Popescu, F. 2010. The Roman Army in Moesia Inferior, Bucharest. Milčeva, A.  & Genčeva, E. 1998. ‘Städtebauliche Struktur von Novae—IV.–V. Jhd.’, in: Zahariade, M. (ed.), The Roman Frontier at the Lower Danube 4th–6th centuries (Studia Danubiana I), Bucharest: 151–153. Mrozewicz, L. 2010. ‘Miasta rzymskie nad dolnym Dunajem w okresie przełomu (III–IV w.) ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem miasta Novae’, Studia Europaea Gnesnensia 1–2: 261–285. Mrozewicz, L. 2016. ‘Damnatio memoriae w rzymskiej kulturze politycznej’, in: Gałaj-Dempniak, R., Okoń, D.  & Semczyszyn, M. (eds.), Damnatio memoriae w europejskiej kulturze politycznej, Szczecin: 11–16. Narloch, K. 2020. ‘First Military Diploma from Novae, Moesia Inferior’, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 216: 282–284. Poulsen, V. 1974. Les portraits romaine II. De Vespasien à la Basse-Antiquité, Copenhagen. Poulter, A. 1983. ‘Novae in the 4th Century A.D.: City or Fortress? A Problem with a British Perspective’, in: Poulter, A. (ed.), Ancient Bulgaria II, Nottingham: 139–148. Poulter, A. 2007. ‘The Transition to Late Antiquity on the Lower Danube: The City, a Fort and the Countryside’, in: Poulter, A. (ed.), The Transition to Late Antiquity, Oxford: 1–96. Sarnowski, T. 1983. ‘Ziegelstempel aus Nove I. Systematik und Typologie’, Archeologia 34: 17–61. Sarnowski, T. 1988. Wojsko rzymskie w Mezji Dolnej i na północnym wybrzeżu Morza Czarnego, Warszawa. Tomas, A. 2018. ‘Castra et Canabae legionis. Organizacja przestrzeni i administracja cywilnych osiedli przy rzymskich obozach legionowych’, Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego 145.4: 665–683. Tomlin, R. 1989. ‘The Late-Roman Empire’, in: Hackett, J. (ed.), Warfare in the Ancient World, New York–Oxford–Sydney: 222–249.

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Vamer, E. R. 2004. Mutilation and Transformation. Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture, Leiden–Boston.

Zahariade, M. & Gudea, N. 1997. The Fortifications of Lower Moesia (A.D. 86–275), Amsterdam.

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Barbarian Copies of Roman Imperial Denarii*

by Arkadiusz Dymowski Roman denarii from the 1st–3rd century AD are abundantly found both in the territory of the former Roman state as well as beyond its frontiers in the area of the former Barbaricum. In the latter case, there is a strong dominance of finds from the 1st–2nd century  AD, with special reference to 2nd century AD coins. 1 Apart from silver coins from official issues, on both sides of the limes there are also quite frequent finds of items which were minted in unofficial workshops. These are both silver coins as well as denarii that were entirely or in a great part made from base metals which were much cheaper than silver. In the latter case these were denarii subaerati (plated denarii), which were composed of a base metal (usually bronze) core 2 and a sometimes relatively thick external layer of silver. In other cases such denarii were minted from silver-like alloys of base metals, often from copper alloys of silvery colour, e.g., high-tin bronze. 3 As regards the territory of the Barbaricum, a strong presence of denarii subaerati among finds was pointed out by Aleksander Bursche as early as the 1990s. 4 Furthermore, the occurrence of unofficial denarii minted from silver-like alloys of base metals in this territory was noticed, among others, thanks to more and more numerous * 1

2 3

4

Translated by G. Żabiński. The present article reports on the results of research completed within the Barbarian Fakers. Manufacturing and use of counterfeit Roman Imperial denarii in EastCentral Europe in antiquity Project no. 2018/31/B/ HS3/00137, conducted at the Faculty of Archaeology of the University of Warsaw, funded from the resources of the National Science Centre, Poland. I am indebted to K. Myzgin from the Faculty of History of the University of Warsaw for invaluable remarks. So far, denarii subferrati, that is, coins with iron cores, have not been recorded in the territory of the Barbaricum. Due to a low amount of published data on the composition of alloys which were used in the manufacture of coins of this kind, available pieces of information on this issue are not conclusive. E.g., Bursche 1997a; Bursche 1997b, 121–122; Bursche, Kaczanowski & Rodzińska-Nowak 2000, 112–117.

Fig. 1: Barbarian (?) copy of a denarius of Trajan made of base metal alloy (Cu+Si+Pb) found in Jastrzębniki, Poland (from the collection of the Regional Museum in Kalisz).

metallographic analyses that have been carried out on coins from finds. 5 However, it was only in recent years that researchers have commenced to notice differences between subaerati and coins which may have never been silvered 6 and which imitated silver only due to the silvery colour of their alloy (fig. 1). 7 Finds are not limited to coins themselves. In the territory of the Empire there were also discoveries of remains of unofficial workshops which produced coins that were copied from originals issued in the 1st–3rd century  AD. These copies were both subaerati 8 as well as cast denarii. In some cases the latter were certainly not cast in silver. 9 It is a matter of debate 5

6

7 8 9

Concerning the territory of Belarus, Poland and Ukraine, cf. Bodzek 2003, 181–182; Beydin, Grigoryants  & Lyubichev 2006, 128; Kozak 2012, 145; Bodzek 2015, 120; Didenko  & Myzgin 2015, 267; Sidarovich 2017, 129; Dulęba & Romanowski 2018, 81–82; Nadvіrnyak & Pogorilets 2018, 17–20. Until recently, coins with no traces of silver coating were interpreted as non-silver cores of subaerati from which such coating completely fell off or disappeared in result of corrosion processes. Didenko  & Myzgin 2015, 267; Sidarovich 2017, 129; Dulęba  & Romanowski 2018, 81–82; Nadvіrnyak  & Pogorilets 2018, 17–20; cf. Anohkin 2015, 9–13. Peter 1990, 18–57; Peter 2011, 111. Boon 1988, 107–127; Aubin 2003, 125–145; Chameroy 2007, 533–546; Peter 2011, 111–113; Găzdac, Oargă  & Alföldy-Găzdac 2015, 8–15.

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whether products of these unofficial workshops were accepted in the Roman territory in the same way as official coins, e.g., as substitute currency which was supplementing the shortcoming of coins in circulation, or they were forgeries. 10 Regarding denominations which were issued in silver and gold, there is a prevalent opinion that coins which were entirely or partially made of non-precious metals in unofficial workshops were considered counterfeit by the Romans.  11 It is interesting that remains of workshops dealing with casting of Roman denarii with the use of silver-like alloys have also been discovered in recent years in the eastern European part of the Barbaricum, specifically in the territory of present-day Ukraine. 12 What is more, some barbarian imitations of Roman Imperial denarii that were found in Ukraine are subaerati. 13 It is also within this context that Ukraine should be first of all pointed out as a putative manufacturing centre of ‘barbarian’ subaerati, 14 but without excluding a possibility of making of such coins also in other regions of the Barbaricum. At present, it is difficult to answer the question of the aim of manufacture of non-silver denarii in the Barbaricum. We do not know, either, whether such coins were consciously accepted by the Barbarians in the same way as fullvalue coins, or were considered counterfeit money. 15 10 Peter 2011, 115–117. 11 Cf. e.g. Bursche 1997, 32–33; Peter 2011, 110–117. 12 Anokhin 2015, 10–13; Nadvіrnyak  & Pogorilets 2018, 19–21. Moulds for casting of Roman denarii from the 3rd century AD with traces of copper alloys were also found in a non-Roman context in the territory of present-day Scotland (Holmes & Hunter 2001, 168–174). Such specimens were usually cast with the use of copper-tin alloy with a high content of the latter. High-tin bronze is of silvery colour but is very brittle. It was for this reason that coins made of such alloy were manufactured by casting. In order to apply striking, it was necessary to make use of more plastic alloy. Such alloy was obtained by adding lead to high-tin bronze. At present, striking of copies of Roman denarii from silver-like alloys is not confirmed by archaeological or numismatic finds in the territory of the Barbaricum. On the other hand, copies of Roman Imperial denarii from the alloy of copper, tin and lead are known there (cf. Dulęba & Romanowski 2018, 81–82). 13 Anokhin 2015, 70–204; cf. Dymowski & Myzgin 2019a in print; Myzgin, Dymowski  & Chemuranov 2020, 366–368. 14 Dymowski & Myzgin 2019a in print. 15 Aleksander Bursche pointed out an almost complete absence of denarii subaerati in hoards from the territory of the Barbaricum and their presence in finds of other kinds, first of all in settlements that were in use in the Roman Period. In his opinion, these two types of finds reflect two spheres of use of Roman denarii in the territory of the Barbaricum. Denarii subaerati occurred on a more prominent scale in only one of these spheres (Bursche 2004, 200–202). This phenomenon demonstrates that non-silver denarii were not treated on a par

This is probable if one assumes that Roman denarii in the territory of the Barbaricum in later phases of the Roman Period and in the Early Migration Period fulfilled a monetary function, although not to a full extent, as it was the case in the territory of the Empire. 16 To various degrees, in different territories denarii may have been used as a medium of payment, means of exchange and standard of value. 17 Thus, we have direct evidence for the manufacture of irregular denarii which were cast of silver-like alloys in the eastern European part of the Barbaricum and very strong premises suggesting that denarii subaerati were also made there. The territory of present-day Ukraine in later phases of the Roman Period was inhabited by the population of the Černâhov Culture which can at least partially be identified with the Goths. 18 The formation of the Černâhov Culture is dated to the first half of the 3rd century AD, with special stress on the middle of this century. Therefore, the phenomena of use of 1st–3rd century AD Roman denarii in this territory and of manufacture of coins imitating them are evidently related to the Černâhov Culture and should be dated to the mid-3rd century  AD at the earliest, or perhaps slightly later.  19 After this relatively long introduction, we well discuss the problem of manufacture of ‘unofficial issues’ of Roman Imperial denarii in the territory of the Barbaricum from a slightly different point of view. Until recently, all putative products of barbarian workshops which followed the pattern of Roman Imperial denarii were called barbarian imitations. This was not questioned until the moment when in the course of the identification of coins from finds it was suggested that the Barbarians may have manufactured denarii whose depictions and legends are not barbarised. 20 With regard to such coins made from base metal alloys, P. Dulęba and A. Romanowski have recently proposed that these should be termed as imitations made of tin-lead bronzes. 21 However, this term solely refers to the raw material of which the coin was made. At the same time, it suggests that depictions and legends are analogous to those on other imitative coins which are supposed to have been manufactured by the Barbarians, that is, they are barbarised. For this

16 17 18 19 20 21

with full-value denarii by the Barbarians, at least with regard to issues related to hoarding. Cf. Bursche 2008, 397–399. Bursche 2008, 397–407. Magomegov 2001, 140; Shchukin, Kazanski  & Sharov 2006, 38; Lyubichev & Myzgin 2020, 732. Myzgin 2013, 223; Dymowski & Myzgin 2019a in print. Myzgin, Dymowski & Chemuranov 2020, 365. Anokhin 2015, 10–13; Sidarovich 2017, 129; Dulęba  & Romanowski 2018, 81–82; Nadvіrnyak  & Pogorilets 2018, 17–20. Dulęba & Romanowski 2018, 82.

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Fig. 2: Barbarian imitations of Roman Imperial denarii from the ONAV Group found in Ukraine.

reason, together with K. Myzgin we have proposed to use the term ‘copy’ for products or putative products of barbarian workshops with no traces of barbarisation in depictions and legends. In this perspective, the difference between imitation and copy is founded on manufacturing methods. The production process of copies consists of a mechanical transfer of obverses and reverses from the original coin. The copies do not bear any traces of correcting the images and/ or legends at any stage of the technological process (e.g., making a casting mould, coin die, etc.). In our opinion, any differences or interference in the images/ letters on the coin which is understood as a copy must have been unintentional and have resulted from the imperfection of the used technology. On the other hand, (barbarian) imitations are coins struck or cast with dies or moulds, which were produced having an original coin as a model. This was done either by creating (e.g., engraving) ‘by hand’, or as a result of the mechanical transfer (with the use of hubs and piecepunches) of the images and legends from the original coin, which were then intentionally modified. When analysing a coin which is a product of a barbarian workshop, one has to bear in mind the most important difference between imitation and copy. This consists of the fact that in the case of imitation images and legends are barbarised to a varying extent. There are no such traces of barbarisation on copies. 22 This proposal is not an original solution. Such an approach has been in use for at least four decades with regard to Dacian imitations and copies of Roman Republican denarii. According to M. Chiţescu, the former were remarkable for barbarisation of depictions and legends, while the latter copied Roman originals in a relatively faithful manner. 23 An analogous attitude is applied by K. Lockyear, 24 while Ph. Davies uses both terms ‘copies’ and ‘imitations’ interchangeably with regard to locally manufactured coins which

22 Dymowski  & Myzgin 2019a in print; Myzgin, Dymowski & Chemuranov 2020, 369–370; cf. Sidarovich 2017, 129, note 18; Dymowski 2019, 150–151. 23 Chiţescu 1981, 47–48. 24 Lockyear 2008, 154–170; cf.  Lockyear 2007, 9–12, 165–168.

followed the pattern of Roman denarii. 25 Among products of Dacian workshops subaerati also occur. 26 As far as Dacian copies are concerned, these were both cast and struck from dies made in a mechanical way after original coins. 27 Coming back to barbarian imitations and copies of Roman Imperial denarii, a distinction between these two categories of coins from irregular issues is blurry. A good example is offered by denarii from the ONAV Group. The name was proposed by K. Myzgin and I 28 for a large die-chain which was previously discussed in detail (but not named) by a Ukrainian numismatist O. Anokhin. 29 This die-chain is composed of 166 denarii (including subaerati) 30 which followed the patterns of 2nd century AD Imperial issues and 5 imitations of aurei, chiefly modelled on issues from the turn of the 3rd and 4th centuries AD. In all probability all these coins come from one and the same workshop. So far, no products of this putative workshop were recorded beyond Ukraine and Moldova. Until now, all coins which were included into the ONAV Group have been discussed as imitations. 31 Bearing in mind the aforementioned definitions of imitations and copies, some of the denarii from the ONAV Group are copies. Therefore, there is every reason to believe that in the eastern part of the Barbaricum, in all probability in the territory of present-day Ukraine, there was a workshop which was striking imitations (fig. 2) and copies (fig. 3) of Roman Imperial denarii and imitations of aurei, mainly from later issues. Concerning some 25 Davies 2006, 326–328; In his later publications, Ph. Davies seems to approve the approach of M. Chiţescu; cf. Davies 2010, 250–252; Davis & Paunov 2012, 398. 26 Davis & Paunov 2012, 399. 27 Lockyear 2008, 154–158. 28 Dymowski & Myzgin 2019b in print. 29 Anokhin 2015, 21; Anokhin 2018, 35–38. 30 Regrettably, opinions concerning the raw material of which these coins are made are solely based on their photos. There is no doubt that subaerati are present among the denarii from the ONAV Group. On the other hand, it is not certain whether these coins also include all-silver denarii. 31 Anokhin 2015, 21; Anokhin 2018, 35–38; Dymowski  & Myzgin 2019a in print; Dymowski  & Myzgin 2019a in print; Myzgin, Dymowski  & Chemuranov 2020, 365–368.

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Fig. 3: Barbarian copy of a Roman Imperial denarius from the ONAV Group, findspot unknown, the same coin type has been listed by O. Anokhin (2019) among the Ukrainian finds

Fig. 4: Barbarian copy (subaeratus) of a Roman Imperial denarius from the ONAV Group found in Ukraine.

denarii, the degree of modification or barbarisation of depictions and/or legends is so insignificant that it is difficult to determine whether we are dealing with a copy or an imitation (fig. 4). Some copies of Roman Imperial denarii from the ONAV Group are certainly subaerati and/or hybrids (figs. 3–5). Together with K. Myzgin and O. Chemuranov, we have recently paid attention to yet another phenomenon: the fact that in finds there are denarii whose appearance implies an origin from official issues, but whose weight is significantly lower than the average weight of 1st–2nd century AD denarii. In a hoard of 70 Roman Imperial denarii which has recently been discovered in the locality of Skypche in Ukraine there was 1 barbarian imitation and 69 specimens which were classified as coins from official issues. Out of these 69 coins, the weight of as many as seven items, that is, more than 10 %, is below 2 g. These denarii have a high content of silver which was confirmed by metallographic analyses. Although coins with the weight below 2 g occur in hoards from the territory of the Barbaricum quite frequently, these are usually strongly worn out specimens and its share does not exceed a few percent in a given assemblage. However, at least in the case of some light denarii from Skypche their relatively low degree of wear does not explain such a low weight. Perhaps these are copies of denarii. What is more, it is possible that these coins are copies which were minted by the Barbarians with dies that were prepared with the use of the transfer-dies method, 32 analogously to the copies from the ONAV Group. Therefore, there is every reason to believe that in the case of irregular issues of Roman Imperial denarii that were manufactured in the territory of the Barbaricum not earlier than in later phases of the Roman Period we are dealing with a situation which is very similar to the phenomenon of manufacture of irregular issues of Roman Republican denarii in

the territory of Dacia before the Roman conquest. Taking barbarian products into consideration, we can point out both struck and cast coins. Apart from imitations, copies were also made. Part of these are silver coins, while others are subaerati or items made of silver-like alloys. Of course, the manufacture of some of the aforementioned categories of irregular denarii in the territory of the Barbaricum is poorly confirmed. For instance, striking of barbarian copies in silver (as opposed to barbarian imitations) is not fully certain. This is due to the fact that we are not sure whether the ONAV Group also encompasses all-silver coins. What is more, at present there is no direct evidence that copies which were cast of silver and which were found in the territory of the Barbaricum were actually manufactured by the Barbarians. 33 Here, we reach another problem, that is, an identification of the place of manufacture of specific coins which were classified as irregular issues. As stated in the introduction, unofficial workshops which manufactured denarii that followed the pattern of Roman Imperial issues certainly operated on both sides of the limes. In the case of the lion’s share of coins from irregular issues it is not possible to be absolutely certain whether they were made in the Empire or in the territory of the Barbaricum. It is only in a few cases that we are able to say with absolute certainty that a given coin was made in the Barbaricum. This can be done on the basis of analyses of relationships between dies (to a smaller degree, also relationships between casting moulds), in results of the analysis of the find context

32 Myzgin, Dymowski & Chemuranov 2020, 369–370.

33 Cf. Nadvіrnyak & Pogorilets 2018, 19.

Fig. 5: Barbarian copy (hybrid) of a Roman Imperial denarius from the ONAV Group found in Ukraine.

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Barbarian Copies of Roman Imperial Denarii

(e.g., in the case of coins which were found together with minting half-products in the location where a putative workshop operated). Data on the find spot of coins can also prove useful. It can be hoped that in the near future there will be new discoveries that will shed more light on the very complex problem of barbarian manufacture of coins which followed the pattern of Roman Imperial denarii. In the end, it is worth remembering that only a few year ago this phenomenon was exclusively perceived within the context of the occurrence of relatively few (as it was believed until recently) barbarian imitations of Roman denarii, 34 which were as a rule struck in silver.

Bibliography Anokhin, O. V. 2015. Fal’shivomonetchestvo u varvarskikh plemën na territorii sovremennoĭ Ukrainy i Moldovy. Katalog varvarskikh podrazhniĭ, Dnipropetrovs’k. Anokhin, O. V. 2018. ‘Do pitannya chasu karbuvanya ta obigu varvars’kikh nasliduvan’, in: Aktual’ni problemi numizmatiki u systemi special’nikh galuzej istorichnoi nauki: trezi dopovidej V Midzhnarodnoi naukovo-praktichnoi konferencii: 21–22 chervnya 2018 r., Medzhibidzh-Pereyaslav Khmel’mic’ kiiKropivnic’kii-Kiiv: 35–38. Anokhin, O. V. 2019. Katalog varvarskikh podrazhniĭ rimskim monetam. Online catalogue: http://barbarous-imitations.narod.ru/ [access: 20.09.2019]. Aubin, G. 2003. ‘Les moules monétaires en terre cuite du IIIe sičcle: chronologie et géographie’, Revue Numismatique 159: 125–162. Bejdin, G. V., Grigor’yanc, M. N. & Lyubichev, M. V. 2006. ‘Nahodki monet rimskogo vremeni na territorii Har’kovskoj oblasti’, in: Zinuhov, A. N. (ed.), Drevnosti rimskogo vremeni na Slobozhanshchine, Kharkov: 110–143. Boon, G. C. 1988. ‘Counterfeit coins in Roman Britain’, in: Casey, J. & Reece, R. (eds.), Coins and the Archaeologist, London: 102–188. 34 This approach, which I also followed, is well illustrated by a definition of barbarian imitation established in 2017 for the needs of the Imagines Maiestatis: Barbarian Coins, Elite Identities and the Birth of Europe (IMAGMA) project, conducted in 2016–2020 at the Institute of Archaeology of the University of Warsaw and by the RomanoGermanic Commission of the German Archaeological Institute. According to this definition, what is treated as barbarian imitations of Roman Imperial coins are coins or coin-like artefacts modelled on Roman Imperial or provincial coins or inspired by them, which were made by the Barbarians (Continental Europe), excluding postRoman minting activity. It is difficult to unequivocally say whether this definition also includes coins which were defined as copies in this paper.

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Bodzek, J. 2003. ‘Monety rzymskie znalezione w Krakowie-Bieżanowie przy budowie autostrady’, Acta Archaeologica Carpathica XXXVIII: 179–190. Bodzek, J. 2015. ‘Monety rzymskie znalezione w Aleksandrowicach (kompleks stanowisk 2 i 3), pow. krakowski, woj. Małopolskie’, in: Chochorowski, J. (ed.), Od epoki brązu do czasów nowożytnych wybrane odkrycia i znaleziska, Kraków: 115–129. Bursche, A. 1997a. ‘Denarii subaerati from the Jakuszowice settlement in north Małopolska’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne L/1–2 (Polish Numis­matic News 6): 31–42. Bursche, A. 1997b. ‘Roman coinage from Jakuszowice settlement in north Małopolska’, Notae Numis­ maticae-Zapiski Numizmatyczne II: 119–157. Bursche, A. 2004. ‘Dalsze monety ze skarbu w Liwie, powiat Węgrów. Trzeciowieczne denary na terenach Barbaricum’, in: Kaczanowicz, W. (ed.), Studia z dziejów antyku. Pamięci Profesora Andrzeja Kunisza, Katowice: 192–205. Bursche, A. 2008. ‘Function of Roman coins in Barbaricum of Later Antiquity. An anthropological essay’, in: Bursche, A., Ciołek, R. & Wolters, R. (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Collection Moneta – 82, Wetteren: 395–416. Bursche, A., Kaczanowski, P.  & Rodzińska-Nowak, J. 2000. ‘Monety rzymskie z Jakuszowic’, in: Madyda-Legutko, R.  & Bochnak, T. (eds.), Superiores Barbari. Księga ku czci Profesora Kazimierza Godłowskiego, Kraków: 101–130. Chameroy, J. 2007. ‘Münzgussformen des 3. Jahrhunderts in den Sammlungen des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz’, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 54: 533–572. Chiţescu, M. 1981. Numismatic Aspects of the History of the Dacian State: the Roman Republican Coinage in Dacia and Geto-Dacian Coins of Roman Type, Oxford. Davis, Ph. 2006. ‘Dacian imitations of Roman Republican denarii’, Apulum 43/1: 321–356. Davis, Ph. 2010. ‘A New Look at the Poroschia Hoard’, Apulum 47/1: 249–253. Davis, Ph.  & Paunov, E. 2012. ‘Imitations of Republican Denarii from Moesia and Thrace’, in: Paunov, E.  & Filipova, S. (eds.), HPAKΛEOYΣ ΣΩTHPOΣ ΘAΣIΩN. Studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et discipulis dedicata, Veliko Tarnovo: 389–413. Didenko, S. & Myzgin, K. 2015. ‘Znakhidky antychnogo importu na arkheologichnomu kompleksi Komariv’, Arkheologichni doslidzhennya v Ukrayini u 2014 r., Kyyiv: 266–269. Dulęba, P. & Romanowski, A. 2018. ‘Rzymskie monety z osady kultury przeworskiej w Nieprowicach,

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pow. pińczowski w świetle danych archeologicznych’, Wiadomości Numizmatyczne LXII/1–2: 61–99. Dymowski, A. 2019. ‘The Problem of the Presence of Barbarian Imitations of Roman Denarii in the Lands of Present-day Poland. An Attempt at a Balance’, Notae Numismaticae-Zapiski Numizmatyczne XVI: 149–181. Dymowski, A. & Myzgin, K. 2019a in print. ‘‘Wspólna waluta’ Barbarzyńców? Barbarzyńskie naśladownictwa denarów rzymskich z okresu Cesarstwa w skarbach znalezionych w Europie Środkowej, Wschodniej i Północnej’, in: Archeologie barbarů 2018: Zbraně a jejich nositelé, Brno. Dymowski, A. & Myzgin, K. 2019b in print. ‘Barbarian Imitations of Roman Imperial Denarii’, in: Imitatio delectat, Heidelberg. Găzdac, C., Oargă O.  & Alföldy-Găzdac, Á. 2015. It Was Supposed to Be Silver! The Scrap Coin ‘Hoard’ Apulum VI, Coins from Roman Sites and Collections of Roman Coins from Romania V/2, Cluj-Napoca. Holmes, N.  & Hunter, F. 2001. ‘Roman counterfeiters’ moulds from Scotland’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 131: 167–176. Lockyear, K. 2007. Patterns and process in late Roman Republican coin hoards, 157–2 BC, Oxford. Lockyear, K., 2008. ‘Aspects of Roman Republican coins found in Late Iron Age Dacia’, in: Spinei, V.  & Munteanu, L. (eds.), Miscellanea numismatica Antiquitatis. In honorem septagenarii magistri Virgilii Mihailescu-Bîrliba oblata, Bucharest: 147–176. Lyubichev, M. & Myzgin, K. 2020. ‘Migration-Period Culture and Changes in the East European Forest-Steppe Zone’, in: Bursche, A., Hines, J. & Zapolska, A. (eds.), Migraton Period between the Oder and the Vistula, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, Leiden– Bos­ton 731–770.

Magomedov, B. V. 2001. Chernyakhovskaya kul’tura. Problema etnosa, Lublin. Myzgin, K. V. 2013. ‘Rimskie monety w areale chernyakhovskoy kul’tury: problema istochnikov postupleniya’, Stratum plus 4: 217–233 Myzgin, K., Dymowski, A. & Chemuranov, O. 2020. ‘Typical features of a Roman Imperial denarius hoard from the Chernyakhiv culture territory— the case of the Skypche hoard from Ukraine’ in: Găzdac, C. (ed.), Group and individual tragedies in Roman Europe The Evidence of Hoards, Epigraphic and Literary Sources, Cluj Napoca: 359–383. Nadvirniak, O.  & Pohorilets, O. 2018. ‘Pro deyaki aspekty lokalizacii centriv vyrobnyctva t.zv. ‘lytykh’ denariyiv I–III st. n.e. na terenakh poshyrennya chernyakhivs’koyi spil’noty’, in: Kotsur, V. P. (ed.), Aktual’ni problemi numizmatiki u systemi special’nikh galuzej istorichnoi nauki: trezi dopovidej V Midzhnarodnoi naukovo-praktichnoi konferencii, 21–22 chervnya 2018 r., MedzhibizhPereyaslav Khmel’mic’ kyj-Kropivnic’ kyj, Kyiv: 17–21. Kozak, D. N.  2012. Poselennia nevriv, slov’ian ta hermantsiv na Styri, Kyiv. Peter, M. 1990. Eine Werkstätte zur Herstellung von Subaeraten Denaren in Augusta Raurica, Studien zu Fundmünzen der Antike 7, Berlin. Peter, M., 2011. ‘Von Betrug bis Ersatzkleingeld— Falschmünzerei in römischer Zeit’, in: Reuter, M.  & Schiavone, R. (eds.), Gefährliches Pflaster. Kriminalität im römischen Reich, Xantener Berichte 21: 106–119. Shchukin, M., Kazanski, M.  & Sharov, O. 2006. Des Goths aux Huns: Le Nord de la mer Noire au Bas—Empire et a l’ époque des Grandes Migrations, Oxford. Sidarovich, V. 2017. ‘Barbarian Imitations of Ancient Coins in the Territory of Belarus’, Notae Numismaticae-Zapiski Numizmatyczne XII: 125–141.

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Celtic Drachms from Asia Minor*

by Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert Early in 2007, two groups of barbarous imitations of Alexander coins, tetradrachms and drachms entered the coin market. The tetradrachms (fig. 1) were hitherto almost unknown, while single specimens of the relevant drachm series could be found in major coin cabinets. Both groups were rumoured to have been found in the western half of the Anatolian plateau. When rumours became more detailed, the coins were said to come from Lycaonia, and finally a findspot ‘among the mountains south of Ankara’ was reported. The two groups of coins are quite different in both style and fabric, and while they emerged together, it is not certain that they had already been associated in antiquity. Here I will omit the tetradrachms and deal only with the drachms.1 The type of the drachms in question derive from a widespread class of posthumous Alexander drachms with the symbol of a lion-forepart in the left field. Drachms bearing this symbol were issued by various mints from the Hellespont down to Ionia, partly in the name of Alexander, partly in the name of Lysimachos (the lion being Lysimachos’ personal badge). These drachms were produced roughly around 300 BC: those with Lysimachos’ legend after 306 BC, and none after the battle of Curupedion, 281 BC.2 *

1 2

In preparing this article I have profited from the kindness of various colleagues who provided images and information. Thanks are due to E. Apostolou, R. Ashton, G. Dembski, K. Ehling, J. DeRose Evans, S. Herbordt-von Wickede, V. Heuchert, M. Hinton, D. Hollard, O. Hoover, H. Horsnæs, G. Kakavas, Ph. Kinns, S. Kovalenko, H. Lanz, S. Mitchell, J. Olivier, Ş. Şentürk, N. Schindel, O. Tekin, M. Torbágyi, B. Weisser, R. Witschonke†, E. Zakharov, B. Ziegaus, and some people who prefer to remain anonymous. For the tetradrachms, cf. Price 1991, 504, no. 4058 ‘uncertain, ca. 310–280 BC’; SNG Saroglos 689. Price 1991, 197, nos. 1216 and L1–L3 (Lysimacheia?); 198, nos. L5–L8 (Sestos); 219, nos. 1438–1443 and L11– L15 (Lampsakos); 233–234, nos. 1580–1582, 1584, 1586 and L16–L20 (Abydos); 256–257, nos. 1839–1843 and L24–L28 (‘Kolophon’); 271, nos. 2001–2003 and L29 (Magnesia); 342, nos. 2795–2797 (uncertain Asia Minor);

Fig. 1: Alexander III, posthumous tetradrachm (Lycaonia?). Present whereabouts unknown (16.39 g).

The barbarous imitations maintain the essentials of the type—the head of Herakles on the obverse, and Zeus enthroned, the lion symbol in front of his legs, on the reverse—but with some details altered. First, the legend was garbled from the beginning. A few dies give the impression that it was Alexander rather than Lysimachos whose name was garbled to ΛΛCΞΛ. Other dies transform it into even wilder abridgements. Second, numerous obverse dies (O1–O4, O10–O17) do not show the familiar features of Herakles’ head but a disfigured version of it, as though these dies had been used intensively before. The features of the image are deformed to such an extent that the head and headgear are left merely as outlines. Earlier stages of the relevant dies are hard to find, but it may be mentioned that the proportions of the blurred features are reminiscent of the Herakles heads on early Seleucid Alexander-type coins. The styles of those dies displaying an undistorted head (O5–O9) are, however, more or less barbarous. Whether O1–O4 and O10–O17 were deliberately obliterated by hammering or worn out before being taken back into use, the workshop wished to remedy their inadequate appearance. The dies are retouched at some crucial spots: the lower lip of the cf. Thompson 1968, 168, nos. 5–7 (Lysimacheia); 170, nos. 21–22 (Sestos); 170–171, nos. 32, 38, and 62 (Lampsakos); 171–172, nos. 64–68 (Abydos); 173–174, nos. 92–94, and 97 (Magnesia); 175, nos. 119–121 (Kolophon). For Lysimachos’ badge, cf. Baldus 1978.

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the later (?) stages of the Group A design, and unlike Group A, it consists of scyphates exclusively. I therefore think it is reasonable to put Group B second. I have arranged the die-chains of Group A according to the increasingly garbled reverse legend; the result is, no doubt, debatable. My arrangement of Group B is more or less arbitrary.5 I have added two minor groups of similar style and fabric but with different symbols. These groups may be part of the series. If so, Comparanda A provides additional evidence from their Alexander legends.

Group A: Lion, Throne, and Dotted Border Fig. 2: Alexander III, posthumous drachm (Galatia): Lanz 138, 2007, 51 (3.45 g).

lion’s open mouth becomes a horn, while Herakles’ eye, nose tip, lips and chin as well as the lion’s nose are accentuated by points which are often squarish. In many cases the result is not manlike but similar to the designs of those Celtic coins which transformed the features of Greek and Roman models into ornamental patterns.3 O2, however, displays a human head with a ram’s horn: the Herakles head of the Alexander type is transformed into the Alexander head of the Lysimachos type. Another feature of the series that distinguishes it from posthumous Alexander drachms is the fabric: the majority of the specimens are scyphates (fig. 2).4 Broadly speaking, the more abstract the obverse design and the cruder the style of the reverse, the more bowl-shaped is the coin. It seems as if, in the course of producing these coins both design and fabric increasingly deviated from the model. This cannot be proven by the die-study, unfortunately. The series consists of short die-chains the sequence of which is hard to determine. One reverse die, R6, was shared by three obverse dies; otherwise there is no cross-linkage. In typological terms, the series falls into two groups: Group  A displays Zeus seated on a throne with backrest, the whole within a border of dots. Group B is plain, as Zeus is seated on a stool without backrest, and there is no border of dots. The obverse design of Group B is abstract in the extreme, sometimes even lacking the horn that defines the head’s orientation. Both Groups  A and B were present in the 2007 hoard, so they were circulating side by side. Group B looks like a simplified version of 3 4

For a treatise on Celtic (La  Tène) ornament, Jacobsthal 1944, is still invaluable. Although the term ‘scyphate’ is a neologism based on a misunderstanding of ancient sources (cf. Grierson 1971), it is still in use in numismatic literature.

Obv: Head of Herakles, wearing lion-skin headdress, facing right. In most cases, the features of the image are heavily blurred, and in many cases retouched at some crucial spots: the lower lip of the lion’s open mouth, the lion’s nose as well as Herakles’ eye, nose tip, lips and chin. Rev: Zeus enthroned to left, holding eagle on right hand and sceptre in right. In the left field, a lion-protome with open mouth facing left. The sceptre, the throne’s backrest and the throne’s stretchers in particular are often drawn by dots. Legend in outer right field. Border of dots. 1

O1/R1

2

O1/R2

3

O1/R3

4

O2/R4

5

O2/R5

6

O2/R6

7

O3/R7

5

6 7 8 9

a. 3.56 * Lanz 141, 2008, 42 [legend unreadable; die-break over Zeus’ right arm] a. 3.87 * Münzzentrum 175, 2016, 45 [ΛΛCΞΛ] a. 3.86 * Vienna, inv. no. 10.6276 [ΛΛΕΙΛΛ] a. 3.63 * New York, inv. no. 1965.77.122.7 Burton Y. Berry Collection8 [ΛΛΙ] a. 3.59 * Solidus EA 14, 2017, 6 [ΙΛϚ¯Ι] a. 3.13 * Oxford9 [UIΛ; stool rather than throne] a. 3.84 * Lanz 135, 2007, 33 [ΛΛΙ]

The specimen, cf. Forrer 1968, 347, fig.  548 is omitted from the catalogue, as the image is not good enough for attributing it to the series. This coin from R. Forrer’s own collection is not to be found in: Castelin 1978; nor in Furger-Gunti et al. 1982. Dembski 1998, 115, no. 1457, pl.  95; Pick 1974, 87, pl. XXVIII: 574; Göbl 1973, 38, no. 574.1, pl. 43. Lukanc 1996, 72, no. 21, pl. 2. SNG Berry 332. Allen 1987, 72, no. S204. pl.  XXVIII; Allen 1980, 52, pl. 6: 70; ex D.F. Allen, 1976 ex Bourgey, 1969.

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Celtic Drachms from Asia Minor

8

a. 3.74 * New York, inv. no. 1965.77.121.10 Burton Y. Berry Collection11 [UIΛ; stool rather than throne] 9 O4/R8 a. 3.80 * Kirk Davis, stock 2007 [ΦΑΤ in right field, the last letter could also be understood as part of the legend running in the outer right field. The legend which is partially obliterated by a die-break may be ΛΛ] 10 O4/R9 a. 3.33 * Münzen & Medaillen FPL 558, Sept. 1992, 48 [∙VIΩΙ] 11 O4/R10 a. 3.58 * Copenhagen12 [–IƆΛ] 12 O4/R11 a. 3.48 * London, inv. no. 1846,0217.1113 [ƖCƖVV] b. 3.38 Schörghuber Collection14 13 O4/R12 a. 3.83 * Gorny & Mosch 251, 2017, 4011; Gorny & Mosch 244, 2017, 7 [IIƖΛ] 14 O4/R13 a. 3.53 * Istanbul, Sadberg Hanım � Müzesi15 [ΛΛΛ∙] 15 O4/R14 a. 3.86 * Lanz 138, 2007, 50 [NIC] b. 3.57 Schörghuber Collection16 c. 3.56 Classical Numismatic Group EA 348, 2015, 379 15α O4/R14α a. 3.14 * Moscow, State Historical Museum17 [ΔΑΙ] 16 O4/R15 a. 4.10 Istanbul, Sadberg Hanım Müzesi18 [ΗΙΛU] b. 4.09 Classical Numismatic Group 41, 1997, 29 c. 3.33 * Flesche Collection;19 Leu 83, 2002, 578 17 O4/R16 a. 3.62 * Kricheldorf 4, 1957, 1220 [HCI] 18 O4/R17 a. 3.58 * Savoca 21 (blue auction), 2019, 2; Naumann 73, 2019, 7; [IгHV] 19 O4/R18 a. 3.84 * Classical Numismatic Group EA 124, 2005, 1 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

O3/R6

Lukanc 1996, 72, no. 20, pl. 2. SNG Berry 333. SNG Cop. Suppl. 210; ex Besiakov, 1972 Allen 1987, 71, no. 211, pl. XII; ex Ross. Ziegaus 1994, 198, no. 735. Tekin 2003, 7, no. 35. Ziegaus 1994, 198, no. 734. Sergeev 2012, 54, no. 134. Tekin 2003, 7, no. 36. Ziegaus 2010, 289, no. 784. Göbl 1973, 38, no. 574: 2, pl. 43.





b. 3.45

20 O4/R19

a. 3.69 *

21 O4/R6

a. 3.81



b. 3.77



22 O4/R20

c. 3.51 d. 3.47 * a. 3.90 *

23 O5/R21

a. 3.48 *

24 O6/R22

a. 2.80 *

25 O7/R23

a. 2.81 *

26 O8/R24

a. 3.12 *

27 O9/R25

a. 2.91 *

119

[HΓV; die-break running from Zeus’ upper arm towards his knees] Grün 53, 2010, 15; Grün 51, 2009, 14 [a small part of the edge is broken off] Istanbul, Yapı ve Kredi Bankası21 [>I