Agents in Liturgy, Charity and Communication: The Tasks of Female Deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions (Studia Traditionis Theologiae) (Studia ... in Early and Medieval Theology, 37) 9782503589176, 2503589170

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STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology

Theology continually engages with its past: the people, experience, Scriptures, liturgy, learning and customs of Christians. The past is preserved, rejected, modified; but the legacy steadily evolves as Christians are never indifferent to history. Even when engaging the future, theology looks backwards: the next generation’s training includes inheriting a canon of Scripture, doctrine, and controversy; while adapting the past is central in every confrontation with a modernity. This is the dynamic realm of tradition, and this series’ focus. Whether examining people, texts, or periods, its volumes are concerned with how the past evolved in the past, and the interplay of theology, culture, and tradition.

STUDIA TRADITIONIS THEOLOGIAE Explorations in Early and Medieval Theology

37 Series Editor: Thomas O’Loughlin, Professor of Historical Theology in the University of Nottingham

editorial board Director Prof. Thomas O’Loughlin Board Members Dr Andreas Andreopoulos, Dr Nicholas Baker-Brian, Dr Augustine Casiday, Dr Mary B. Cunningham, Dr Juliette Day, Dr Johannes Hoff, Dr Paul Middleton, Dr Simon Oliver, Prof. Andrew Prescott, Dr Patricia Rumsey, Dr Jonathan Wooding, Dr Holger Zellentin

AGENTS IN LITURGY, CHARITY AND COMMUNICATION The Tasks of Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

Pauliina Pylvänäinen

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© 2020, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2020/0095/70 ISBN 978-2-503-58917-6 e-ISBN 978-2-503-58918-3 DOI 10.1484/M.STT-EB.5.119910 ISSN 2294-3617 e-ISSN 2566-0160 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

For John N. Collins Mk 10:45

TABLE OF CONTENT

List of Illustrations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Women deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions: A Foreword. . . . 1 Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Abbreviations for Biblical Materials. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Additional Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Chapter 1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.a. Theoretical Premises for the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.a.1. Unparted Ways of Jews and Christians. . . . . . . . . . . . 1.a.2. Reinterpreted Deacons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.a.3. Need for Synthesis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.b. Source and Aim of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.c. Method of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.d. Course of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

15 17 17 26 30 33 40 44

Chapter 2 The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.a. Origin of the Document. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.a.1. Pseudepigraphical Authority. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.a.2. Site of the Compilation Process. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.a.3. Dating the Document. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.a.4. Identity and Number of the Compiler(s). . . . . . . . . . 2.b. Composition of the Compilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.b.1. Previous Church Orders. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.b.2. Other Sources. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

47 48 48 51 52 55 58 59 63

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Table of Content

2.c. Interpretational Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.c.1. Literary Genre. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.c.2. Living Literature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.d. Editions and Manuscripts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.d.1. Editions previous to Metzger’s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.d.2. Manuscripts used by Metzger. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

65 65 68 72 73 75

Chapter 3 Dogmatic Tendencies in The Apostolic Constitutions. 79 3.a. Arian Constructions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 3.b. Other Doctrinal Elements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 3.b.1. Neo-Arian Formulations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 3.b.2. Argumentation Against Arian and Neo-Arian Interpretations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 3.b.3 Towards Manifold Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 3.c. Jewish Christian Influences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 3.c.1. Anti-Jewish Verses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 3.c.2. Synagogue Prayers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 3.c.3. Sabbath and Sunday. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 3.c.4. Use of Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 3.d. Summary of Chapter 3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Chapter 4 Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions. . . . 4.a. Multiple Terms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.a.1. Cognates of διακονέω in Earlier Sources. . . . . . . . . . . 4.a.2. Invention of διακόνισσα. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.a.3. Stress on γυνή. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.a.4. Interpretational Consequences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.b. Prerequisites and Position . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.b.1. Unmarried Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.b.2. Chosen Women. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.c. Summary of Chapter 4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

121 121 125 134 136 138 139 140 144 154

Chapter 5 Tasks in Liturgical Context. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.a. Prohibited Tasks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.a.1. Teaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.a.2. Baptizing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.a.3. Blessing and Laying on of Hands. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.a.4. Separating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.b. Tasks during Baptism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

155 156 156 161 166 169 171

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Table of Content

5.c. Function in the Assembly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.c.1. Frame of the Assembly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.c.2. Tasks in the Assembly. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.c.3. In the Role of Levites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.c.4. In the Place of the Holy Spirit. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.d. Summary of Chapter 5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

179 179 181 191 196 205

Chapter 6 Tasks Linked with Charity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.a. Charity in The Apostolic Constitutions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.b. Visiting the Homes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c. Charitable Serving?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.1. Θεραπεύειν. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.2 Ἀγγέλλειν. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.3 Ἐκδημεῖν. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.4. Ὑπηρετεῖν. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.5. Δουλεύειν. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.c.6 Final Remarks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.d. Summary of Chapter 6. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

207 207 211 217 220 222 225 227 233 237 238

Chapter 7 Conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 7.a. Main Results. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 7.b. Further Reflection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure 1.1. The ‘Parting of the Ways’ model based on Goodman’s illustration.19 Figure 1.2. The various modes of self-perception among Jews and Christians during the first Christian centuries. 24 Figure 2.1. The network of the ancient church orders and AC as a part of it. 60 Figure 3.1. The perspectives on proposed Arian impacts on AC and the argumentation against them. 90 Figure 4.1 The Greek forms of female deacons used in AC. 122 Figure 5.1. The plan of a typical ancient Syrian church. 180 Figure 7.1. The tasks of the female deacons in AC. 245

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WOMEN DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS: A FOREWORD

On 19 January 2003, the French magazine La documentation catholique published a document by the International Theological Commission (ITC) on the diaconate entitled Le diaconat, évolution et perspectives.1 It was the fruit of many years of study of the sources of the diaconate, and it was also an attempt to take stock of the place of the diaconate in the life of the Roman Catholic Church. In its objective of updating the Catholic tradition, the Second Vatican Council had not hesitated to review one of the more original ministries in the church. Although the independent exercise of the ministry of deacon seemed to have died out with the death of Cardinal Deacon Teodolpho Mertel (Allumiere [Italy, not far from Rome], 1806 – Allumiere, 1899) this was only seemingly so. The diaconal ministry was still present in the Roman Catholic Church even after the death of the last cardinal deacon, for example during an obligatory period of preparation for the ordination of priests, but also when priests functioned as deacons in the eucharistic liturgy. Such a custom was also common for example in the church of Sweden for a long time. The ITC document gives a historical sketch of the diaconate in the early church and also outlines how the permanent diaconate largely disappeared. In a theological reflection, the sacramentality of the diaconate is discussed. The last chapters focus on the following question:

It was first published in French and in Italian. I  use an (unofficial) English translation: From the Diakonia of Christ to the Diakonia of the Apostles (London: Catholic Truth Society, 2003). The title of the English translation is actually the title of the first chapter in the French, original text. 1

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WOMEN DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

‘More than 35 years after Vatican II, what is the reality of the permanent diaconate?’2 In a fair and open assessment of the global situation, ITC discusses a number of elements. It is interesting, for example, that the diaconate had already been promoted in 1955 by the Dutch missionary bishop of Ruteng (Indonesia), Wilhelm van Bekkum, as a solution to pastoral needs in missionary areas. Accordingly, during the Vatican Council, the expectation was that it would be especially the young churches in Africa and Asia with their many lay catechists who would embrace the diaconate.3 However, it appears to be mainly countries such as the United States, Italy and Germany where the diaconate has taken root. ITC points out that the Vatican Council identified the tasks of the deacon within the field of liturgy, of the Word and of charity (cf. Lumen gentium 29: in diaconia (sic!) liturgiae, verbi et caritatis). Although many theological studies have given priority to works of charity, ITC stresses that the witness of ecclesiastical tradition suggests that the three functions ought to be integrated into a whole.4 The document is a balanced summary of the historical, theological and ecclesiological status of deacons in the Roman Catholic Church. It expresses a certain openness towards the future and allows for the fact that the shape the diaconate takes on will depend on situations within the different local churches.5 In a certain sense it is also true that the diaconate of the future will be inspired by that of the past. This is exactly what this document tries to present. The research into the past by ITC is well-founded and draws on much relevant literature. What is striking is that German-language literature and literature from the Romanesque language region are used in particular. There is no dialogue with the philological research carried out by Australian John  N. Collins on the Greek term diakonos.6 This is one of the points in the discussion that remains open. One of the issues that the paper does discuss is the possible ordination of women as deacons/deaconesses. The document displays a certain reluctance to answer this question. Admittedly, ITC acknowledges that deaconesses From the Diakonia of Christ, 63. From the Diakonia of Christ, 63. 4 From the Diakonia of Christ, 95–96. 5 From the Diakonia of Christ, 96. 6 John  N. Collins, Diakonia. Re-interpreting the Ancient Sources (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990). 2 3

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WOMEN DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

of the early church were not necessarily equivalent to deacons, but their formulation of this issue indicates the need for further study. And further study is exactly what happened. One aspect is that Collins’ theses have been studied from different angles in scientific literature. An important confirmation of his theories is for example the book of the German Protestant exegete Anni Hentschel.7 In addition, an extensive study of the data on female deacons revealed that very little systematic research has been done into the sources of male deacons.8 Several initiatives have been taken to fill this gap. For example, together with the Patristic Institute Augustinianum, my colleague prof. dr Paul van Geest and I (both of the Faculty of Catholic Theology) had the opportunity of organizing the first congress in Rome on the sources of the diaconate.9 Whilst quite a few studies in respect of the sources for deaconesses have been published in the last century, this conference was a first attempt to give attention also to the material in respect of male deacons and to the positions held by deacons in the setting of the early church. In early Christian literature no explicit and thorough descriptions are given of their tasks. Therefore, only through scrupulous research into the relevant texts, written in the first centuries in different regions of early Christianity, we will be able to discern the characteristics of the early diaconate. Only then will the different views of the office of deacon and deaconess which existed in different particular churches, in the East and the West, be firmly established.10 The search for the identity of the deacon and the meaning of the term diakonia associated with this ministry is not only a Catholic quest. One of the centres of research on deacons, past and present, is Joensuu, 7 See Anni Hentschel, Diakonia im Neuen Testament. Studien zur Semantik unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rolle von Frauen (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007) and Gemeinde, Ämter, Dienste. Perspektiven zur neutestamentlichen Ekklesiologie. Biblisch- theologische Studien 136 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Theologie, 2013). 8 Cf.  K. Madigan & C.  Osiek (eds. & trans.), Ordained Women in the Early Church. A Documentary History, (Baltimore/London, The John Hopkins University Press, 2005). See my review of this book in Bijdragen 67 (2006), 473–75, here 475. 9 The congress was organized in the Augustinianum, Rome (Vatican) in 2009 to discuss the early patristic documents on deacons. Most of these lectures have been published in Diakonia, Diaconiæ, Diaconato. Semantica e Storia nei Padri Della Chiesa. Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 117 (Roma: Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, 2010). 10 See Bart  J. Koet, ‘International conference on the sources of the diaconate: how it came about and how it turned out: a first report,’ Diaconia Christi 44 (2009) 124–28.

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WOMEN DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

a university city in the Eastern Finland close to the Russian border. Its theological department works within two traditions: a Lutheran and an Orthodox. For decades Docent Esko Ryökäs has stimulated research into the diaconate, organizing several conferences. With Dr  Edwina Murphy (Australia) and myself he was an editor of Deacons and Diakonia in Early Christianity, a collection of studies of the terms diakonos and diakonia in a representative cross-section of literary sources in the first two centuries ce.11 Young researchers also participate in examining the origins of the diaconate and identifying the functions of deacons in the early church. Anyone involved in discussion about deacons in the early church will have to address questions concerning female deacons and their functions. One of the younger Finnish scholars contributing to the research about female deacons is Pauliina Pylvänäinen, whose interest has been The Apostolic Constitutions. As noted above, in addition to the balanced assessment of the diaconate by ITC, two important elements remain for further investigation. To what extent is John N. Collins’ re-interpretation relevant to determining the role of deacons in later writings, and what now is the relationship between the functions of male and female deacons? Pauliina Pylvänäinen’s book is a contribution to the further mapping of these two issues. Her study is quite clearly stimulated by Collins’ research. For this reason, she examines the tasks of deaconesses in the Apostolic Constitutions from the viewpoint of the reinterpreted diakonos. According to Pauliina Pylvänäinen, the tasks of deaconesses in the Apostolic Constitutions can be divided into three categories: firstly, the compiler assigns to deaconesses duties that are linked to the liturgy. They guard the doors of the church building, find places for women who need them, and are present when the women approach the bishop and deacons during the Eucharist. When a woman is being baptized, a deaconess assists the bishop during the rite. Secondly, the deaconesses have tasks that traditionally have been defined as charitable service. Since the notion carried by the Greek term diakonos has been reinterpreted, Pylvänäinen analyzes whether the tasks include charitable connotations or not. The analysis shows that the deaconesses are sent to visit the houses of women. The visits include, for instance, almsgiving, and hence belong to the field of charity by nature. The tasks of healing and travelling seem also in some cases to have charitable connotations. Finally, and this is See also Bart  J. Koet, The Go-Between: Augustine on Deacons (Leiden: Brill, 2019). 11

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WOMEN DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

the third point, along with these tasks, the deaconesses have a task that is neither mainly liturgical nor charitable. As messengers, namely, they play a role in the communications of the congregation. The book appears at a time when more than ever there is a need to clarify the sources of the Christian tradition in the field of (assistant-) leadership in the early church, especially that of women. Not only in the Roman Catholic Church, but also in several Orthodox churches the possibility of female deacons for today’s churches is being investigated. In some instances, the order of deaconesses has been restored. This book will be a solid contribution to these discussions in several ways. Additionally, the wisdom within the document under study in this volume is such that a reader seeking inspiration for reflections upon leadership and assistant leaders – even in a secular context – will find surprising inspiration. A final remark: As noted above, studies on deaconesses are only half done if there are no studies on deacons. It is therefore gratifying to realize that this author from Finland hopes to make a study of deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions in the near future. Bart J. Koet, professor of New Testament and Early Christianity and Dean of Research of the Faculty of Catholic Theology Tilburg University Within hours of this book going to press, it was announced that Pope Francis has set up a new commission to study the diaconate for women. The commission has ten members. Its president will be Cardinal Giuseppe Petrocchi and its secretary will be the Rev. Denis Dupont-Fauville. We hope that this study could contribute to the work of the commission and help them to reach a sustainable and responsible consensus. P.P.

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PREFACE

My fascinating struggle with the female deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions began already in 2008. I was studying theology in the University of Eastern Finland and had been pondering for several months as to what would be an interesting topic for my master’s thesis. My supervisor Esko Ryökäs then made a suggestion which I fell in with immediately: How about the deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions? I subsequently completed the master’s thesis on the relationship between female deacons and the concept of clergy in the Apostolic Constitutions. I was happy and relieved, yet had a strong feeling that the work was unfinished. There were so many questions that remained a mystery for me. In the autumn of 2013, I started to struggle with them again. Since then some of the previous mysteries have been solved, even if new mysteries have arisen. I  have learnt a lot about early Christian scholarship. Like other contemporary scholars, I  think, I  have been tempted to imagine the captivating life of the early Christian women and read the texts through my own imagination. But, because I am a scholar, I have had to leave the daydreams to one side and study the texts comprehensively. This means I have had to read them in the original language and consider what the texts really say. Importantly, I have had to learn to avoid interpreting them from the viewpoint of contemporary discussions. For a scholar, the texts always come first. No matter how topical the issues are, the time for interpretations, discussions and conclusions comes later. In retrospect, I have spent very rich years on my study. The process has been hard but rewarding. I  have spent fascinating moments with the deaconesses. Together with them I have had a struggle with myself. Metaphorical or not, from time to time I have felt myself to be a little

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Preface

schoolgirl, who was once sweating over knitting a beanie. Luckily, I can still recall my handicraft teacher’s kind words on the process: ‘Pauliina, the saying “All’s well that ends well” suits you perfectly.’ I could not agree with her more. Eventually, I learnt that the research process does not need to be a struggle at all – irrespective of whether it happens to be fascinating or not. It is rather a question of a game of curiosity guided by our gifts. Today, at the bright end of the tunnel, it is time to express my deepest gratitude to all of you; you really deserve it. First of all, I express my appreciation to Docent Anni Maria Laato and Docent Esko Ryökäs. There are hundreds of messages in my inbox in which they have guided my work persistently and diligently. I have felt that they really have been committed to my process. They have kept me on the rails with the study and helped me picked up steam when needed. I express my gratitude to Professor Bart J Koet, who read and commented inspirationally on my manuscript and also acted as the opponent in the defence of my dissertation. Professor Emeritus Antti Marjanen did a thorough work as well and gave me many useful tools to help me polish the text. I offer thanks to Professor Antti Raunio, Dr Anni Hentschel and Associate Professor Eva Synek, who gave me kind and helpful feedback in several phases of the process. I show my appreciation to Dr John N Collins, who tapped his wisdom and patiently commented on my thoughts. I had the honour of visiting the Collins family in Seaford, Australia, a few years ago. John and I chatted – about deacons, naturally – late into the night. What an unforgettable memory! I also had the privilege of participating in summer school courses organized by Pappas Patristic Institute of Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology in Brookline, Massachusetts. I thank Dr Bruce Beck and all in the ‘Pappas family’ for fruitful discussions. Additionally, I express special thanks to Dr Alistair C Stewart, who commented on the manuscript and worked as the deacon of the publication. Docent Anssi Voitila helped with the challenges linked with French, Greek and the Septuagint. I would like to say a big thank you to Professor Emerita Anneli Aejmelaeus, Professor Emeritus Sven-Erik Brodd, Doctorand Saara-Maria Jurva, Rev Janne Koskela, Docent Kari Latvus, Dr Pekka Lindqvist, Associate Professor Pekka Metso, Professor Emeritus Marcel Metzger, Associate Professor Joseph G Mueller, Dr Edwina Murphy, Doctorand Eveliina Ojala, Dr Juhana Pohjola, Rev Jaakko Rantamäki, Bishop Emeritus Olavi Rimpiläinen (†), Professor Serafim Seppälä and Dr Grant White, each of whom kindly helped me solve certain problems during the process by way of discussion as well as recommending and delivering further material.

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Preface

During the research process, I have been privileged to do full-time work as a scholar. Several sponsors have made this possible. I express gratitude to the Philosophical Faculty in the University of Eastern Finland, Joensuu University Foundation, the Church Research Institute, Olvi Foundation and the Finnish Concordia Fund for their financial support. I have searched for material in several libraries at home and abroad. Consequently, I extend my thanks to the friendly and helpful staff of the libraries in the University of Eastern Finland, the University of Helsinki, the University of Oulu, Åbo Akademi University as well as the staff in the Burke Library at the Union Theological Seminary of Columbia University, in the Houghton Library at Harvard University and in the libraries of Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Pontificial Gregorian University and Pontificial Oriental Institute. A great number of friends and relatives have supported me during these years. They have encouraged me by being interested in my process, my ideas and findings. They have been ready to lend an ear or take my mind off the research whenever needed, and when asked have put me up for a night or two on my trips. I extend my warm thanks to all of them. Finally, I  express my deepest gratitude to my husband Juho Pylvänäinen, MSc, MSc Techn. Juho, by way of your love, you have supported me in finishing the process and transforming the struggle into a fascinating game. Thank you. Pauliina Pylvänäinen Oulu, Finland

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ABBREVIATIONS FOR BIBLICAL MATERIALS

Ex Lev Num Dt Is Jos 1 Sam 1 Kgs 2 Kgs Prov 1 Mac Mt Mk

Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomy Isaiah Joshua I Regum III Regum IV Regum Proverbs 1 Maccabees Matthew Mark

Lk Jn Act Rom 1 Cor 2 Cor Eph Phil Col 1 Tim Heb Jas 1 Pet

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Luke John Acts of the Apostles Romans 1 Corinthians 2 Corinthians Ephesians Philippians Colossians 1 Timothy Hebrews James 1 Peter

ADDITIONAL ABBREVIATIONS

AC AT CNA DA DT JAC JECS JEH JTS LXX MT NCR NIV NT NTS NT OT PG RHE RSR SC

Apostolic Constitutions Apostolic Tradition Catholic News Agency Didascalia Apostolorum Diakonian tutkimus Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Journal of Early Christian Studies Journal of Ecclesiastical History Journal of Theological Studies The Septuagint version of the Old Testament The Hebrew text of the Old Testament National Catholic Reporter New International Version (Colorado Springs 2011) The Greek text of the New Testament New Testament Studies E. Nestle, B. & K. Aland, et al. (eds.), Novum Testamentum Graece (28ed., Stuttgart 2012) Old Testament Patrologia Graeca Revue d’Histoire ecclésiastique Revue des Sciences Religieuses Sources Chrétiennes

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Additional Abbreviations

SPF ST VC

Studia Patristica Fennica Studia Theologica Vigiliae Christianae

The text of the Apostolic Constitutions The edition being used is published in SC 320, 329 and 336. The translations of the citations are made by the author. References to the Apostolic Constitutions are given in the text in this format: ‘AC, (number of) book, (number of) chapter, (number of) verse.’

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

Thursday, 12th of May 2016. Pope Francis meets members of the International Union of Superiors General as part of their Plenary Assembly. A  sister asks him why the Roman Catholic Church does not include women in the permanent diaconate. She reminds him that they already work with the poor and sick, occasionally distribute Communion, lead prayer services and give the equivalent of a small homily. Francis refers to the early Christian era and responds: ‘What were these deaconesses? Were they ordained or not?’1 The response leads to a discussion between the sister and the Pope about allowing the ordination of women into the permanent diaconate. Francis shows his interest in the topic. He thinks that, despite previous studies, including the document produced by the International Theological Commission,2 the role of early Christian female deacons Harris (2016b). Harris mentions by name one document that is central in the discussion: the Apostolic Constitutions. She writes that previously Pope Francis had spoken with ‘a good, wise professor’ who had studied the topic of female deacons. In their discussion, the professor had referred to the Apostolic Constitutions, which ‘stressed that deaconesses had “no liturgical function”, but rather devoted themselves “to their function in the community which was service to women”’. See Harris (2016a). The discussion reflected the document of the International Theological Commission. It concludes that female deacons in the early Church had not been the equivalent of male deacons. They had no liturgical or sacramental function. The document describes the function of the female deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions as follows: ‘The Constitutiones insist that the deaconesses should have no liturgical function, but should devote themselves to their function in the community which was “service to women” and as intermediaries between women and the bishop.’ The Commission takes into account that, in that document, the female deacons belong to the clergy and take up their functions through laying on of hands. The female deacons are also among those who 1 2

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Introduction

is still unclear. He concludes that this could be resolved by organizing a new commission, ‘that clarifies this well, above all regarding the ancient times of the Church.’3 About three months later, the Vatican announced that Pope Francis had created a commission to study the possibility of allowing women to serve as deacons in the Catholic church. The commission was called ‘Study Commission on the Women’s Diaconate’. The Pope particularly wanted the commission to study the history of the female deacons ‘in the earliest times of the Church.’ It was led by Archbishop Luis Francisco Ladaria. The other 12 members were experts in patristic theology, ecclesiology and spirituality.4 However, the Pope told in May 2019 that the commission has been unable to find consensus on the role of women serving as deacons in the early centuries of Christianity. According to the Pope, the members of the commission worked together and found agreement up to a certain point. Each one of them, however, had their own vision, which did not correspond to the Levites. According to the Commission, the functions of the female deacons are summed up in a verse (AC 8, 28, 6), which the Commission translates as follows: ‘The deaconess does not bless, and she does not fulfil any of the things that priests and deacons do, but she looks after the doors and attends the priests during the baptism of women, for the sake of decency.’ The Commission does not, however, consider in detail how the verse relates to the role of female deacons, which it describes as non-liturgical, intermediary and ‘service to women’. See International Theological Commission (2004), ch. II, IV. – The discussion concerning female deacons has been continuing since the Second Vatican Council, where the Roman Catholic Church restored the diaconate as a permanent grade of order. The question about female deacons was highlighted as well. The promulgated documents were interpreted as supporting only men to be called to the order of deacon. The interpretation was not accepted by all. The history of the debate is summarized in Zagano (2015). See also Zagano (2007), 205–21; (2011), 69–104. – Similar discussion has been held in the Orthodox Church as well, both in the context of ecumenical councils and in inter-Orthodox conferences. The early Christian sources and also the conceptions used in the discussion have been mostly parallel with the Roman Catholic Church. See e.g. Theodorou’s prologue in FitzGerald (1998), xxi–xxviii. In her dissertation, Raunistola-Juutinen (2012), iii–iv has analysed the image of women behind the reasoning in the discussion. The female deacons form one aspect of her study. The sources of her research consist of the documents related to the Orthodox Church during the Ecumenical Decade (ad  1988– 1998). My context is not Roman Catholic nor Orthodox, but Lutheran. This enables me to have a unique viewpoint on the topic, but naturally I aim at objective results in the research. Probably, my context has influenced me the most when defining the starting points for this study. 3 Harris (2016b). 4 McElwee (2016). The discussion in question is a good example of how topical the early Christian texts can be, making them worth studying. See also O’Loughlin (2010), 1–4.

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Introduction

accord with that of the others. Although the members stopped as a commission, each one of them is studying and going ahead.5 In October 2019, Synod of Bishops, consisting of 185 male voting members, said in their final document that the idea of ordaining women as deacons had been ‘very present’ during their discussions. The Pope announced he will be summoning his commission on the issue back to work, and adding new members to its ranks.6 In April 2020, he set up the new commission.7 In this book, the focus of interest is the same topic. This is a study of female deacons in the earliest times of the Church. My attention is paid to the same document as the commission, AC. The exact purpose of the study, as well as its source and method, will be outlined later in the introductory chapter. Before that, we will glance at the theoretical premises behind the study.

1.a. Theoretical Premises for the Study Recently, early Christian studies have encountered two challenges that I want to highlight. On one hand, the relationships between Jews and Christians during the first Christian centuries have been considered from a wider perspective than before. The relationships – filled with hostility and competition – have been known for a long time. According to present understanding, the truth seems to be more multidimensional – and the need for study is growing. On the other hand, the early Christian conception of deacons has been reinterpreted. According to, let us say, the ‘traditional understanding’, it was essential for the deacons to do charitable service. NT and other ancient documents, however, indicate that they cannot necessarily be defined as those kind of servants. Hence, the deacons from the latter part of the early Christian centuries have to be reconsidered as well. These two current patristic challenges form the most central theoretical premises of my study. Here, I illuminate them more profoundly.

1.a.1. Unparted Ways of Jews and Christians Christians have Jewish roots. In NT, it is evident that Jesus was a Jew, lived with Jews and taught Jews (e.g. Lk 4:16–30; Mk 12:28–34; McElwee (2019). McElwee & Roewe (2019). 7 O’Connell (2020). 5 6

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Introduction

Jn 4:9, 18:20–35). The first people who believed in Christ were Jews. On the day of Pentecost, it was Jews who became filled with the Holy Spirit (Acts of the Apostles 2).8 The first Christians undoubtedly considered Judaism as normative and authoritative for them.9 But for how long did they identify themselves as Jews? What was the relationship between Jews and early Christians like? The questions have evoked divergent interpretations. Until recently, the prevailing opinion was that the separation between early Christians and Jews was quick and total. Even if everybody affirmed the common origin of Jews and Christians, scholars have similarly assumed a fundamental distinction between them.10 This mindset has also prevailed in the research concerning the first centuries ad. In this, Judaism and early Christianity are considered as two paths that once went off in different directions from a single road, and since then have never crossed again. Hence, most of the research has been based on two assumptions:11 1. Judaism and Christianity developed in relative isolation from one another. 2. After their separation, the interactions between Jews and Christians were limited, almost entirely to polemical conflict and mutual misperception.12 Scholars have considered that the separation was based on the mutual decision to go their separate ways in divergent directions. Despite that, they have not agreed on date of separation. Since the third century at the latest, however, the interaction between Jews and Christians was reduced to negative confrontation. Recently, some scholars have started to call this conventional conception the ‘Parting of the Ways’ model.13 8 The disciples of Jesus were called Christians for first time in Antioch, see Act 11:26. Boyarin outlines two kinds of interpretations that have been made in the research concerning this. According to some scholars, Christians themselves had taken this disparaging epithet as an example of reverse discourse, while other think that the Christians originally called themselves ‘Christians’. Boyarin (2004), 234 (note 67). 9 Neusner (2001), 1. 10 Becker & Reed (2007), 1. 11 Becker & Reed (2007), 1–2. See also Jacobs (2007), 97–105, who has analysed the development of the paradigm during the twentieth century. 12 Becker & Reed (2007), 2. See also Neusner (2001), 2. Neusner summarizes the result as following: ‘In general, the two religions [Judaism and Christianity] share no common agenda and have conducted no genuine dialogue.’ Neusner (2001), liii. 13 Becker & Reed (2007), 1. See also Boyarin (1999), 6–7.

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Introduction

AD 70

AD 400

Varieties of Judaism

bis R ab Pharisees Conflict Jewish Christians

Competition

Chr isti

ans

Figure 1.1. The ‘Parting of the Ways’ model based on Goodman’s illustration.

Martin Goodman has illustrated the model.14 The Figure 1.1 shows that by the end of the first century ad, Christians who used to be Jews are regarded as one Jewish group among many. By the turn of the fourth century, however, the relationship between them was seen as one of conflict and competition. As a result, Neusner describes Christians as having formed a new group, ‘the third race’, along with pagans and Jews.15 According to the Parting of the Ways model, the two religions institutionalized their differences at an early stage. Christianity emerged as a fully independent system of belief and practice, in which theology, ritual practice and the ethnicity of the adherents were no longer defined as Jewish. The scholars of the model described two kinds of Jewish influences on the Christian self-definition. The Christians appropriated the Jewish scriptures as their OT. The Christian authors also constructed so-called ‘literary Jews’ in their texts. These were fictitious characters who served as tools for the authors when they tried to resolve intraChristian debates. Therefore, in the Parting of the Ways model the interaction between Jews and Christians was understood as fiction found only in the literature, not in real life.16 Goodman (2007), 121. In this figure, Goodman presumes that the situation between Jews and Christians altered radically in ad  70. This is one alternative that scholars have presented. The Jewish and Christian ways have been seen to have parted sometime during the first or second century ad. Fredriksen (2007), 35 puts these viewpoints together. See also Becker & Reed (2007), 1–2 and Murray (2007), 179. 15 Goodman (2007), 121; Neusner (2001), 69–70. 16 Becker & Reed (2007), 4. 14

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Introduction

More recently scholars have taken a divergent approach to the first centuries ad. This has begun to be called the ‘Ways that Never Parted’ model.17 These scholars aim at avoiding previous oversimplifications. In their model, the peaceful interaction between Jews and Christians, their heterogeneous characters as well as geographic variability have been taken into account.18 In the Ways that Never Parted model, it is not necessary to define the precise moment of separation in history. It is suggested that Jews and Christians, or at least some of them, may have been engaged in a continuous process of ‘parting’ throughout Late Antiquity and even in the early Middle Ages.19 Within certain realms, it seems that these two ‘ways’ [Judaisms and Christianities] never fully parted. Even when they did, new paths often emerged to mediate new types of interchange between Jews and Christians, and new areas of common ground could be established, thereby posing ever-new threats to those who promoted an idealized view of these identities and communities as hermetically sealed off from one another. On another level, one can thus propose that the ‘ways’ never parted inasmuch as developments in Judaism and Christianity still remained meaningfully intertwined long after the second century, parting and joining and parting and joining again for many centuries thereafter.20

In general, Judaism and Christianity were in a process of formation even – and perhaps especially – during the fourth century. The formation

17 Becker & Reed (2007), 3. Becker & Reed (2007), 3, 22–24 point out that the title the ‘Ways that Never Parted’ is deliberately provocative. By using it, they do not want to imply that the relationships between Judaism and Christianity remained stable, or downplay the many conflicts, misperceptions and polemics in Jewish Christian relations. Instead, they primarily aim to pay attention to the evidence, which demonstrates the assumption that no meaningful divergence occurred in the first or second century. 18 Becker & Reed (2007), 22–24. See also Frankfurter (2007), 131–32, who focuses on the self-definitions of the groups instead of reductive categories such as ‘Christianity’ and ‘Judaism’. 19 Becker & Reed (2007), 22–23. Hakola (2016), 139–40 also notes that the Ways that Never Parted model has already received criticism. He concludes that the criticism reminds us of the substance of the separation. The separation, and quite often antagonism, were a living reality for many Jews. They were not merely literary or rhetorical in nature. 20 Becker & Reed (2007), 23.

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Introduction

was processed in a generative tension with each other. The ‘ways’ of orthodox Christianity and ‘orthodox’ rabbinic Judaism ‘parted’ first.21 Syria, in particular, was a cultural region in which the Jews, Christians and other groups interacted until quite late. The ‘boundaries’ between Jews and Christians remained fluid at least in the fourth century ad. People experimented with their faith, or even converted from one community to another. They also imported their former experience with them into the new community. All in all, people did not conform to models of pure Judaism and pure Christianity.22 The manifold influences on my study of the Ways that Never Parted model will come out later in this research, but one conceptual conclusion has to be highlighted immediately. According to Adam H. Becker and Annette Yoshiko Reed, the ancient sources tell us about a continuing complexity between Jews and Christians. There was a broad range of regional and cultural variation among them. Hence, no simple model of separation between the concepts ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity’ can be made.23 This challenges me to define what I mean by the terms ‘Jewish’, ‘Christian’ and ‘Jewish Christian’ in this research.

Kraft (2007), 87. See also Neusner (2001), 32. According to Boyarin (2007), 66, an increasing number of scholars regard the fourth century as the first century of separation between Judaism and Christianity. However, the separation process started before that. Boyarin (1999), 17 points out that through the third century, for much of the Eastern Mediterranean, Jewish orthodoxy and Christianity had already began to differ from each other. 22 Fonrobert (2001), 488–89. See also Ekenberg (2007), 649–50, who summarizes Fonrobert’s results. – The intense and fruitful interaction between Jews and Christians during the first centuries ad has affected both Jewish and Christian literature. For example, Adam Tropper demonstrates this by comparing the rabbinic Jewish tractate Avot and some early (‘proto-orthodox’) Christian writings with each other. Avot was written during the late first to the early fourth century ad. The Christian writings Tropper researches are contemporaneous: the first letter from Clement of Alexandria and writings from Cyprian, Hegesippus and Irenaeus. He also includes Eusebius’ Church History, which was also written contemporaneously. Tropper compares the writings from the viewpoint of succession. He finds that in Avot the succession is institutional and scholastic in character. Apostolic succession is emphasized in Christian writings instead. For them, it is the sign for the continuous transmission of Christian tradition, even if the writers argue variously for how the transmission has to be performed in practice. This shows that the contemporaneous literature in Jewish and Christian circles was still equivalent in the fourth century. However, Tropper points out that just Jews and Christians did not necessarily occupy the discursive space of the writers: The succession literature was well known more widely in Hellenistic and Roman antiquity. Tropper (2007), 171–79. 23 Becker & Reed (2007), 3. 21

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Introduction

Conventionally, the definition of ‘Jewish Christians’ has been narrow. ‘Jewish Christianity’ has been seen as discrete from all varieties of ‘Gentile Christianity’.24 Some scholars have also made a distinction between the terms ‘Jewish Christians’ and ‘Judaizing Christians’. For example, Robert L. Wilken defines Jewish Christians as ethnic Jews who observe Jewish law, but believe in Jesus.25 Michele Murray describes Judaizing Christians, that is, the ‘Judaizers’, as ethnic non-Jews who ‘lived like Jews’ by observing various components of Mosaic law. After becoming Christian, Judaizing Christians became familiar with and adopted certain aspects of Jewish law. Before their conversion to Christianity, 24 Reed (2007), 231. For example, Jewish Christians are listed among early Christian heresies in Steely and O’Rourke (1971), 231. ‘Jewish Christians’ have also been presented one-sidedly as ‘Ebionites’, a negligible minority among Christians in comparison with the ‘Great Church’. The Ebionites were regarded as heretics, apostate from the ecclesiastical doctrine. Strecker (1979), 241–42. Ebionite was not, however, originally used as a general term for Jewish Christians. Strecker presumes that the term was initially used to apply to a specific Jewish Christian group. Later on in the patristic evaluation, the term was modified into a general designation. In this sense, the term appears first in Irenaeus. He, as well as Hippolytus, describes the doctrine and practice of Ebionites in a stereotyped manner. They associate the group with ‘the observance of Jewish customs, rejection of Paul, a “natural christology”, and derivation from a certain “Ebion” as founder of the sect.’ Therefore, Strecker notes, that when defining Jewish Christians as an insignificant minority, scholars have not considered that the ecclesiastical tradition influences their knowledge. In his view ‘even the various titles of Jewish Christian literature seem to demand some critical reservations with respect to the judgment of the mainstream church.’ Strecker (1979), 242–43, 272–73, 279. Lorenz (1979), 148 also identifies the Ebionites with Jewish Christians. In his view, Ebionites regard Christ as merely a human being who has become justified through the fulfilment of the Law. There are also some hints of Arian teaching in their thinking. – Because Jewish Christians have been seen as heretics in the world of Late Antiquity, the question about defining the group links to the question about defining the relationship between orthodoxy and heresy as it was understood in the first Christian centuries. Earlier scholars have seen heresy and orthodoxy as consecutive phenomena that cannot exist simultaneously in a group. As a result, orthodoxy must precede heresy or heresy must precede orthodoxy. Later on the discussion shifted to the history of the idea of orthodoxy and heresy itself. They are regarded as ‘notions that must always be defined in each other’s context’. Therefore, orthodoxy and heresy coexist in the world of discourse. See Boyarin (2004), 3. 25 Wilken (1983), 69–70. According to Reed (2007), 190, from this viewpoint ‘Jewish Christians’ designate Christ-believers who are ethnically Jewish and/or Torahobservant. According to Boyarin (2001), 418–19, those scholars have not taken into account the challenges involved in the usage of the term in presupposing that the two categories, Jewish and Christian, could be coterminous. Boyarin uses the term as a name for the echo chamber of scripture-based religious ideas, which are dated in late antiquity. The term ‘Jewish Christianity’ is a name for the ongoing ‘so-called biblical foundation that counts as Judaeo in that construction.’

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Introduction

they were usually pagans and hence their acquaintance with Judaism was mediated through Christianity.26 The ‘Ways that Never Parted’ model underlines that we cannot expect that the so-called ‘Jewish Christians’ were transgressors of a clearcut boundary between ‘normative’ Jews and ‘normative’ Christians nor can we create a hybrid identity based on generally accepted notions of ‘Jew’ and ‘Christian’.27 Instead, there is a variability of Jewish Christian modes: Rather than seeking a single ‘Jewish Christianity’ that stands in a direct line of development from the Jerusalem Church, it may be more prudent to view the persistence of so-called ‘Jewish-Christian’ modes of belief and worship as a natural extension of Christianity’s origins within Judaism, Christian’s continued contacts with Jews, and the church’s use of the Jewish Scriptures, as well as the long and rich tradition of messianic speculation within Judaism itself.28

Several Jewish Christian modes of belief and worship were a natural continuation of Christianity’s origins within Judaism, the continuous contacts between Jews and Christians, the usage of Jewish scriptures in the Church and the far-reaching Jewish tradition of messianic specula Murray (2007), 181. Reed (2007), 202. As early as 1971, Strecker highlighted that Jewish Christianity must be seen as ‘a complex thing’. In his view, it is found both in the Palestinian and Hellenistic environment. However, Strecker still draws a line between Jewish and Gentile Christians. He uses the term ‘transition’ to describe the heterogeneous groups of Christians from different origins. Strecker writes that the transition from Jewish to Gentile Christianity is fluid. This can be seen in the adoption of gentile Christian forms by Jewish Christians, and also in the Judaizing of Christians, which came from the gentile sphere. Strecker (1979), 243. – Wilken states that, in his sermons usually entitled ‘Against the Jews,’ John Chrysostom does not preach against Jews but Judaizing Christians. The sermons were provoked by the circumstances in Antioch prior to the celebration of Jewish festivals. However, this phenomenon was not local. ‘Judaizing Christians’ had existed from the beginning of Christianity and were found in other cities in the east. Actually, at the end of the fourth century, the number and influence of the group seem to have been increasing. Wilken perceives the group as a threat to Christians: ‘In spite of four centuries of opposition to Christian leaders, they continued to be a visible presence in the Church’ and ‘they disquieted other Christians, for by observing Jewish law and claiming that Christianity had an abiding relation to Judaism, they threatened the claims of orthodox Christianity.’ Wilken (1983), 67–68. – Additionally Ephrem of Syrian wrote in an anti-Jewish way in the fourth century Syria. See Shephardson (2008), 1–14. 28 Reed (2007), 231. Boyarin states that in the religio-cultural histories the very distinction between syncretism and ‘authentic’ Judaism, Christianity and ‘paganism’ are irrelevant. Boyarin (1999), 12. 26 27

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Introduction

tion.29 Therefore, ‘Jewish Christian’ needs to be understood as a term that disturbs the opposition between the ‘two religions’, Judaism and Christianity.30 To describe the relationships between Jews and Christians in the first centuries ad, Daniel Boyarin applies the wave theory. It rests on an idea according to which Jews and Christians shared cultural and religious innovations at that point. When flowing in both directions they provided social closeness, contact and cultural continuity. In this account, Jewish and Christian innovations are described as dialects of a common language. The different Christian dialects form a group within the overall collection of dialects that constituted Jewish Christianity at the time. Boyarin does not presuppose linguistic uniformity in any phase of the development. In adjacent geographical areas the dialects become more like each other than in the past. As a result, they produce dialect groups. That means, various variations of Jewish Christian dialects.31

Jewish

Christian

Figure 1.2. The various modes of self-perception among Jews and Christians during the first Christian centuries. Reed (2007), 231. Boyarin (1999), 17. Jacobs writes that the scholars of the Ways that Never Parted model have begun to use the term ‘Jewish-Christian relations’ to frame the historical reconstructions of contacts between Jews and Christians during the first centuries ad. The scholars have thought that it suggests the notion of being ‘related’ in some way, like family members with each other. It also refers to interaction, discussion, exchange and debate among the Jews and Christians. It has got further connotations of religious diversity and interfaith dialogue. However, the recent discourse of ‘Jewish-Christian relations’ has been criticized. Jacobs takes into account a monograph in which Miriam Taylor returns to the idea that many pieces of Christian anti-Jewish literature were not real but rhetorical. Taylor prefers rhetorical interpretation, because it signaled the deeply symbolic and abiding nature of Christian anti-Judaism. She claims that the result of the historian’s reading is a sort of ‘they-asked-for-it’ theory of anti-Semitism that significantly blames anti-Jewish language on the Jews themselves. As a result, since the 1990s the debate about Jewish Christian relations has been repolarized. Thus, the implicit division between ‘rhetoric’ and ‘reality’ has remained constant. Jacobs (2007), 96–97, 103–05. 31 Boyarin (1999), 9–12. 29 30

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Introduction

Along with the wave theory, Figure 1.2 illustrates Jewish and Christian self-definition during the first centuries.32 The circles in the picture show that many different groups described themselves as Christian. All types of Christianity, as well as all types of Judaism, shared some common characteristics. For this reason, it was possible to be both Jewish and Christian, but some Jewish norms had nothing in common with Christian forms.33 The wave theory leads to the conclusion that there could be and would have been social contact all up and down the continuum of ‘Jews’ and ‘Christians’. The social continuity offered a possibility of cultural interaction and shared religious development. The contact might have taken different forms, for example different forms of common worship. What follows is that Jewish Christian relations have to be defined casespecifically, both from regional and temporal viewpoints.34 Hence, when I use the term ‘Jewish Christian’ in this research, I do not to take a stand on the cultural origin of the people to whom I am referring. Whether they were originally Jews, Christians or pagans, is not part of my remit. What is essential, however, is the continuing and actual interaction of Jewish and Christian influences on the levels of religious practice and content. Furthermore, it has to be kept in mind that the question was not just about the relationships between Jews and Christians. In the Roman Empire, Christians also interacted with gentiles. The Christian, Jewish and pagan subcultural circumstances need to be noted as well.35 The unparted Ways of Jews and Christians in the background of the source document is the first theoretical premise for this study. Next, we move on and consider another theoretical framework, which follows from the altered way of interpreting some verses in the New Testament. We will end up by noting that the understanding of the relationships between early Christians and Jews has not only affected the writing of church history, but it seems to have doctrinal implications too. 32 Originally illustrated by Goodman (2007), 127. The idea of describing Judaism and Christianity as two circles was devised by Alexander. He described the religions as two circles that overlapped to some extent by the fourth century. After that, they began to go further away from each other. Nowadays those circles stand independently side by side in isolation. See Boyarin (1999), 7. 33 Goodman (2007), 127. 34 Boyarin (1999), 10. 35 See Wilken (1983), 16–26. For example, Hentschel (2013), 11 points out that some historical research into the first Christian century demonstrates that there was an obvious plurality among Jews, similarly Christians. Therefore, it is questionable to speak about one coherent ‘Judaism’.

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Introduction

1.a.2. Reinterpreted Deacons Through the ages, Jeannine E. Olson asserts, there have been people suffering from diseases, material deprivation and social problems in the Church. Likewise, there have been people whose task is to help the needy. Among some Christians those people have been called deacons.36 In late nineteenth century protestant Germany, the tasks of (male) deacons and (female) deaconesses began to be understood as social and charitable work.37 Their duties were also associated with humility and altruism.38 The work was called ‘diakonia’.39 The social-charitable concept of deacons’ work seems to be linked with the prevailing way of understanding the relationships between early Christians and Jews. The connection is considered briefly in Chapter 1.a.3, but needs to be analysed more comprehensively elsewhere. In this chapter, instead, I clarify the development of understanding the work of deacons and deaconesses during the last two centuries. Theodor Fliedner (1800–1864) was influential in arguing for the work of deaconesses. He started to educate women to become deaconesses in an institution established specifically for that purpose. Likewise, Johann Hinrich Wichern (1808–1881) led an institution where male deacons worked. Fliedner and Wichern thought that ‘Diakonie’ is the central term to designate the work performed among the poor, ill and disadvantaged in society. They thought they were regenerating the original biblical idea through such education. They linked the deacons with the men in Acts of the Apostles 6, whom – according to the old traditions – they thought to be the first deacons.40 Olson (2005), 17. Latvus (2011a), 183–84. 38 Dunderberg (2005), 69. 39 Ryökäs (2014), 32. 40 Malkavaara (2015), 75–76, 79. Cf. Latvus (2007), 52–53. Fliedner thought that the description of deacons in Acts of the Apostles is the origin of the deacon’s ministry understood in the social-charitable way. Latvus (2011a), 183. Ryökäs has analysed Fliedner’s way of using patristic sources and concluded that he did not use them in an accurate manner. See e.g. Ryökäs (2015), 62. Unlike Fliedner, Wichern made a distinction between the role of contemporaneous deacons and those in NT era. See Ryökäs (2013), 123–24. – Latvus has said that the nineteenth century conception of deacons was first introduced in the Reformation and then formulated by John Calvin in the sixteenth century. Calvin’s conception of the deacon’s ministry resulted from a threestage, cumulative process of development that had started in the early Christian era. However, its reception took place only partially in Germany. See Latvus (2010), 85, 100–02; (2017), 29–34. – Consequently at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the title ‘deacon’ referred generally to an associate pastor, whereas the title ‘deaconess’ was not yet in use. Ryökäs (2014), 32. 36 37

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Introduction

The social-charitable understanding of Diakonie continued to be successful at the beginning of the twentieth century. In Gerhard Kittel’s Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament (published in 1935), Hermann Wolfgang Beyer defines the biblical origin of the verb διακονέω as being mainly in connection with service (‘Dienst’) and serving at the table. Hence, he interprets the noun διάκονος as a servant (‘Diener’).41 Anni Hentschel points out that Beyer described the verb as linked with service in a general and comprehensive sense. He saw it especially as a task for women.42 Kittel’s dictionary reached a wide audience and was well received by theologians and, as part of it, Beyer’s article has also been influential.43 Beyer’s definition was based on Wilhelm Brandt’s conception of the deacons’ work. Typical of Brandt’s thinking was seeing the work as a noble task. Brandt assimilated the verb διακονέω into helping the needy, suffering and dying. In order to carry out the tasks, a deacon needs to mature spiritually because the tasks look inferior from a human viewpoint.44 The work of Brandt and Beyer’s work was influential and the theology of service gained a great deal of academic support during the following decades.45 This kind of thinking led the people in the churches to think that the principal task of the deacons was to serve.46 The interpretation has impacted the early Christian studies as well, which is evident in the quote below. Diakonos in Greek just means ‘servant’, and so the ‘servants’ of the Church did the service jobs. They took care of the poor, visited the sick and those in prison, and generally looked to the upkeep of the fabric of the Church. It probably wasn’t an ‘order’ in the way we think of it at all. It was a job description; these were the people chosen by the community to handle what we might call ‘social services’. This was a big job, because there were very few such services in the Roman Empire, apart from the Jewish community from which Christianity got its social ethic.47 Beyer (1935), 83–89. Kittel’s Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament was published in English, as Theological dictionary of the New Testament, in 1964–1974. 42 Hentschel (2007), 8. 43 Dunderberg (2005), 71–72. 44 Brandt (1931), 70, 75, 78, 85. On the connection between Brandt’s and Beyer’s thinking, see Collins (1990), 5–7. 45 Collins (2002), 8–10. 46 Collins (2002), 7–8. 47 Macy (2011), 23. 41

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Introduction

However, the understanding of the verb διακονέω has lately been reinterpreted. In a volume published in 1990, John N. Collins revealed that it is a misperception to define the works of mercy as fundamental for the apostolic diaconate. The German conception of ‘Diakonia’ made in the nineteenth century is not based on an accurate interpretation of NT texts. The false emphasis – to perceive the early Christian deacons primarily as officers for works of mercy and love – was first made by Fliedner and others and then established by Brandt and Beyer. In addition, they defined the basic sense of the verb διακονέω too one-sidedly as ‘to serve at table’.48 In fact, Collins’ results question two earlier conceptualizations about the work of deacons and deaconesses. Firstly, Collins argues that in NT and ancient literature from both pre-NT and post-NT eras, the verb διακονέω is not associated with a particular kind of service at all. Rather the verb and its connotations were used to describe the function of middlemen or envoys. Secondly, Collins concludes that in the ancient sources, the verb διακονέω is not used hand in hand with humility and subservience.49 Collins thinks that, in the ancient Greek, the noun διάκονος principally denotes a person who carries out a task on behalf of another. In the ancient sources, their tasks and identities vary. Collins is against understanding ‘Diakonia’ in a social-charitable sense, which means associat48 Collins (1990), 5–11. See also Collins (2014), 12–14. Collins (1990), 7 highlights that he is not the first person to criticize Beyer’s conception. In the 1960s Georgi drew conclusions that match those of Collins. About Collins’ discovery, see Barnett (1995), 20–21; Dunderberg (2005), 70; Latvus (2007), 53–54; (2008), 144; (2011a), 169. – Collins’ study was first received with suspicion, which little by little has been displaced by interest. Latvus (2011a), 169–72 describes the reception, especially from a Finnish viewpoint. 49 Collins’ results are summarized in detail in Dunderberg (2005), 69–71. See also Latvus (2007), 53–54. Dunderberg (2005), 70–71 questions Collins’ initial thought. Dunderberg thinks that the tasks of a servant and a middleman are so close to each other that in some cases it is impossible to dissociate these aspects reliably. Latvus (2007), 68 supports Collins and thinks that the meaning of the noun διάκονος in NT has been understood too one-sidedly. Despite this, Latvus agrees with Dunderberg and thinks that the theme of service should not totally be renounced. – According to Collins, the first Christians did not create a specific Christian interpretation for the terminology based on διακονέω and its cognates. In NT, the sense ‘to serve at table’ is a particular application of διακονέω, which is capable of signifying carrying messages and being another person’s agent. There was no such ‘comprehensive idea of “serving”’ linked directly to the verb. Therefore, the words do not show signs of having developed in meaning over the course of changing literary eras, for example from non-Christian to Christian sources. Collins (1990), 194.

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Introduction

ing the verb διακονέω with serving those in need.50 He summarizes the reinterpretation of the verb διακονέω as follows: … in the New Testament diakon-words do not display any distinctively Christian value and have no ‘basic meaning’ (here ‘service at table’ is usually designated). Nor are the terms inherently part of servile or slavish usage and thus designations of essentially lowly, humble service. Moreover, the words never express or connote benevolence toward the recipient of an activity.51

In the wake of Collins, some other semantics-oriented biblical scholars have problematized the traditional comprehension. They have assumed Collins’ definition of a deacon as an ‘agent’ or a ‘go-between’, but have interpreted the definition in various ways. The details in their results vary, but a basic summary can be framed. By using the term (male or female) διάκονος, the author does not refer to the nature of the duty that is being imposed on the διάκονος, but rather to the mandate that the principal of the διάκονος has given to the individual. Hence, it has been established that for the early Christians διακονία was different from the general comprehension held in the twentieth century. Although the Christian intention to love one’s neighbour is based on biblical texts and supported among early Christians, the meaning of διακονία is not equivalent to ‘Christian love to one’s neighbour’ or ‘selfless serving to neighbours’.52 See e.g. Collins (2002), 6–8. See also Dunderberg (2005), 71. Dunderberg’s conclusions are more careful than that of Collins. He thinks that, in the tasks of deacons in NT and other ancient sources, the question is not necessarily about altruistic service, but in some cases it might be. Dunderberg (2005), 76–78. 51 Collins (2014), 180. 52 Summarized in Hentschel (2013), 2–4. Cf. Latvus (2010), 84–85. For instance, Benedict’s viewpoint highlights the prophetical responsibility of διάκονος. For him, διάκονος is a go-between whose function is in carrying messages. According to Benedict, διάκονος is going-between in practice. The basis for the new understanding of the word διακονία is ‘communication of the Gospel’ (‘Kommunikation des Evangeliums’), if Stegemann is asked. Contrary to Benedict’s practical emphasis, Stegemann’s definition stresses proclamation through both words and deeds. See Hentschel (2013), 2–4. Starnizke (2003), 211–12 also bases his definition on the term ‘agent’. He takes into account God’s presence both inside and outside the Church between which the διάκονος is set to function. – Ryökäs (2015), 63–69 has analysed Paul Philippi’s conception of ‘diakonia’ in the already classic Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Ryökäs concluded that Philippi’s conception is not exactly the same as the traditional one. Philippi takes into account both the social charitable tasks of deacons and the co-operation between a bishop and his deacon. 50

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Introduction

Hentschel in particular has opposed the definition of διακονία as a general term that refers to the Christian intention to love one’s neighbour. Together with Collins, Hentschel eschewed considering the term as a construct which has a certain principal meaning and which bears profound theological and ethical values. She also brought the problem of humble service into question. Hentschel claimed that in NT the verb διακονέω and its cognates do not refer to a lower household or table service performed by women or slaves. On the contrary, the verb refers to a task, not to the status of the subject. The usage of the verb διακονέω does not state anything about the gender, status or authority of its subject. Hence, the verb and its connotations must always be read in context. Typically, the verb is used in a context which is placed with the person who carries it out. The principal of the διάκονος gives them the rights and authority which they need in performing their task.53 I regard the results achieved by Collins and others as revolutionary. These scholars have taken the context of the διακ-words into careful consideration. In addition to considering the usage of NT, they have also taken into account the occurrences in the non-Christian sources. These sources included documents from both Greek and Jewish contexts, amongst others texts from Greek philosophers and LXX. Hence, the scholars have not forgotten the influence of the interaction between early Christians and Jews. Although their research has been focused on NT era, the results challenge those of us who focus on subsequent early Christian documents.54

1.a.3. Need for Synthesis In the first half of the twentieth century, the early Christian deacons were generally considered as charitable servants. In Chapter 1.a.2, we became familiar with the fundamental sources of that time. One glance reveals that those scholars barely take into account the Jewish influences on the topic: In his text about deacons, Brandt considers only NT and postapostolic texts.55 Beyer, on the other hand, briefly takes into account the Jewish conception of service, but his understanding is not based on 53 Hentschel (2007), 23–24, 85–88; (2013), 2, 4. Cf.  Collins (2014), 18–19 and Latvus (2008), 144. 54 The book edited by Koet, Murphy and Ryökäs studies the deacons in the first two centuries ce from the viewpoint of re-interpreted διακονέω. See Koet, Murphy & Ryökäs (2018), 3–14; Ryökäs (2019). 55 Brandt (1931), 186.

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Introduction

the verb διακονέω. In his view, the verb is not known in LXX ‘at all’.56 Beyer’s conception is, however, erroneous – the verb is used there many times (see Chapter 4.a.1). Why was Beyer so uninterested in the Jewish perspective? The reason, above all, is historical. Beyer’s article published in Kittel’s dictionary originates in National Socialist Germany. In line with its context, the attitude to Jews is defined as seemingly negative throughout the dictionary: Judaism is seen as having declined, whereas Christianity is thriving. Anti-Semitism comes out in Beyer’s article as well. He has regarded the question of the Jewish impacts on Christian deacons as avoidable and unnecessary.57 In Chapter 1.a.2 we saw that Collins refused to base his exegesis on Beyer’s article. His results would certainly have been different if he had kept to Beyer’s premises. Instead, Collins considered NT as a document that was part of its contemporary context. In his analysis, Collins took into account both Jewish and Hellenistic usages of the verb διακονέω and its cognates in the time of NT and prior to it. Hence we can say that while Collins did not explicitly refer to the Ways that Never Parted model, he implicitly supports its perspective. According to Becker and Reed, the previous Parting of the Ways model originates partly in National Socialist Germany. The model emerged so as to integrate the study of Christian origins into the historiography of anti-Judaism. Christian hostility towards Jews formed the motivation and background to exploring the very emergence of Christianity as a religion that was distinct from Judaism. The research was therefore coloured with anti-Semitic tones.58 After World War  II, the Beyer (1935), 82. Dunderberg (2005), 71–72. About anti-Semitism in Kittel’s dictionary, see Daley-Bailey (2012). – Dunderberg remarks that Collins does not take a stand on Beyer’s viewpoint, apart from the question of service at table. See Dunderberg (2005), 71–72. 58 Becker & Reed (2007), 7–11. The idea of ‘parted ways’ in the research originates at the beginning of the twentieth century. The idea came to be developed as a counter-reaction to some views in accordance with the replacement theology. The views had dominated research on post-biblical Judaism and Christian origins at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The replacement theologians saw Jesus as the founder of a new religion. The religion was considered to have been successfully opposing Judaism since its inception. As a result, scholars, such as Bousset and von Harnack, put the term Spätjudentum (‘late Judaism’) into operation in the theological field. Spätjudentum was ‘an allegedly ossified system of belief and practice.’ In the light of this, Judaism was seen as a pre-Christian phenomenon. Its supporters presumed the decline of Judaism in the first centuries ad. In addition, Judaism in the pre-rabbinic era was regarded as a single, normative, most likely Pharisaic, movement that led unavoid56 57

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Introduction

horror of the Holocaust led some scholars to seek for a new perspective on the relationships between early Christians and Jews. Recently, the Ways that Never Parted model has come to resist the previous understanding of parted ways between Jews and Christians.59 In conclusion, this brief scrutiny shows that both the Ways that Never Parted model and the reinterpretation of διάκονος are indirectly founded on criticism of anti-Semitism. In the field of early Christian studies, these two paradigms have developed simultaneously but apparently apart from each other. As far as I have read the studies, the scholars of the Ways that Never Parted model have not paid particular attention to the early Christian deacons in the sources. In the reinterpretation process of διάκονος, the early Christian cultural context has been widely taken into account, and hence the Jewish aspect has been considered as well. However, the study has mainly been limited to NT era. Collins

ably to the Mishnah and Talmudim. Becker & Reed (2007), 7–8. – The first scholar who considered the Parting of the Ways narrative as a certain model was James Parkes in the 1920s. His interest focused on the Jewish–Christian relations and the prehistory of modern anti-Semitism. As we know, those topics were of considerable interest in the European societies in the 1920s and 1930s. Parkes brought forward a theory of separation between Jews and Christians at the turn of the first and second centuries. However, he thought that the ‘actual’ moment of separation between Judaism and Christianity happened during the fourth century. Parkes was aware of the limitations of this schematization and the problems which may result from drawing a sharp dividing line between the periods before and after the separation. Later, some scholars adopted Parkes’ views about separation, but ignored his position on the situation in the third and fourth centuries. Becker & Reed (2007), 8–11, 14, 16–17. 59 Becker & Reed (2007), 11–15, 22. The first real steps towards the ‘Ways that Never Parted’ model were taken after World War II. Scholars aimed at revealing the prejudices of past research. The foundation of the state of Israel emphasized the juxtaposition between the two views: the bleak image of post-biblical Judaism and the evidence for the vitality of the Jewish tradition throughout its history. This led to a new way of scrutinising Judaism in the early Christian centuries. For example, Simon exposed some theological biases towards Judaism at that time and offered a view of the Jewish religion as a vital movement that continued (at least until Constantine) to compete strenuously with Christianity. This work still has a powerful effect on presentday scholarship: ‘What was once termed “late Judaism” has now been dubbed “early Judaism”, in a lexical embodiment of the new sensitivity in post-war scholarship to the full history of Judaism, both before and after the spread of Christianity.’ Secondly, the newly unearthed Qumran sources have strengthened the view of the diversity of Second Temple Judaism. They also demonstrate that Second Temple Judaism continued to connect profoundly with both rabbinic Judaism and early Christianity. The scholars speak now about ‘Judaisms’ so as to emphasize the diversity. One part of the multiform Judaism was the Jesus Movement, from which Christianity gradually took its form. The publication of the Dead Sea Scrolls also helped Christian and Jewish scholars in the interdisciplinary dialogue. Becker & Reed (2007), 11–15.

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Introduction

has admittedly examined the deacons in some later sources, but without deeply considering the Jewish aspects.60 I think that these two paradigms have to be synthesized, and this is what I do in this research. My understanding of early Christian deacons is based on the reinterpreted concept of διάκονος. Likewise, I  see the early Christian deacons living in a culture in which a continuous interaction between Jewish and Christian influences has been a natural part of their everyday life.

1.b. Source and Aim of the Study As mentioned above, this research is about the ministry of female deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions. The source of the study is also known as the Constitutions of the Holy Apostles. Originally, in Greek it was called Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἀγίων ἀποστόλων διὰ Κλήμεντος, in Latin ‘Constitutiones Apostolorum’. Later, I will refer to the source primarily by means of an abbreviation ‘AC’. AC originates in fourth century Syria. Considered from the viewpoints of liturgy, ministry and canon law, it has been defined as the most important ancient church order.61 AC has 60 James Tunstead Burtchaell has searched for continuities between the Jewish synagogue and the Christian church. In his work, he is in line with the Ways that Never Parted model and Collins’ understanding about deacons in NT implicitly, even though his study precedes the research that follows the model. His study has been published after that of Collins’, but Burtchaell does not refer to Collins in his study. He concentrates mainly on NT era and does not treat AC in his study. See Burtchaell (1992), 272–338. – After generating the theory of διάκονος in NT, Collins has started to acquaint himself with the meaning of the διακ -words in the later early Christian centuries. In his view, the divergent διακ-rooted words have several meanings in the patristic sources. His observations indicate the need for more patristic study. See Collins (2012), 297–308. 61 About the influence of AC on the various dogmatic topics, see Steimer (1992), 114. – I use the Greek edition of AC in the analysis. The edition was produced by Marcel Metzger. It was published during the 1980s in SC volumes 320, 329 and 336. See Chapter 2.d.2. The literal translations are made by me. When translating a passage, my primary dictionary is Lampe’s Patristic Greek Lexicon and a secondary source The Online Liddell-Scott-Jones Greek-English Lexicon. When necessary, I use other dictionaries. When translating, I also compare the usage of the word with its other occurrences in AC so as to understand its meaning in the document. When referring to LXX, I use A New English Translation of the Septuagint. In the frame of this research, it is not necessary to use the Greek versions of LXX, because my aim is not to analyse the original text, but to find connections between the texts of LXX and AC. When referring to NT, I use the version of NT along with the translation made in NIV. – When referring to secondary sources, my technique goes as follows: The footnote positioned at the very end of the section (as with this footnote) means that I am referring to the whole

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Introduction

played a role in the formation of present canon law in both the Eastern and Western Churches.62 It is also one of the most important testimonies of female deacons during the early Christian centuries.63 In Chapter 2, I will describe in greater depth the issues concerning the source. The ministry of the early Christian female deacons has lately been disputed. Was it similar to that of the male deacons, or not? Several arguments have been presented for and against. The type of ordination, in particular, has divided theologians, and AC has emerged as one of the most essential source documents in the debate. It includes an instruction, according to which the bishop has to lay his hands upon a female deacon and pray (AC 8,  19–20). Scholars have thought that there are two main alternatives in perceiving the type of ordination and hence the ministry of the female deacons: a) The question is about a real ordination, ‘cheirotonia’ (χειροτονία). The female deacon is ordained into the ‘major orders’ as with the male deacons. b) The question is about ‘cheirothesia’ (χειροθεσία), which means appointing into the ‘minor orders’. The rite is either a ‘nonsacramental’ blessing or a sacramental,64 and is hence parallel with that of subdeacons, lectors, widows and virgins. Especially from a Roman Catholic perspective, the definition is essential. The reconsideration of the sources from the viewpoint of the definitions might lead to the reconsideration of the position of women in the church. Hypothetically, the following train of thought could emerge: early Christian documents are shown to support that, in the first Christian centuries, the female deacons received a real ordination. Hence, section. The footnote positioned at the middle of the section means that I refer either to the last sentence or several sentences prior to the footnote. In the latter case, I mention the author by name in the body text in order that the reader is able to note the beginning of the referred material. The footnote positioned in the middle of a sentence means a reference to a single term. 62 Huizing & Orsy (2013). 63 Reininger (1999), 85 states that AC is one of the most important early Christian sources dealing with female deacons. 64 Some scholars have considered that such phrasing of the question is problematic, even anachronistic. The division between a sacrament and a sacramental is of high scholastic origin. Consequently, the scholars are not able to operate with the concepts that are pressed into service in the twelfth century, when they study documents that have existed over four hundred years before that. Reininger (1999), 95–96.

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Introduction

they would be assumed to have belonged to the major orders as well. The suggestion has an influence on forthcoming solutions. The reconsideration enables the permitting of women to be ordained into the clergy in the Roman Catholic Church.65 From the viewpoint of a patristic scholar, the distinction is somehow ambiguous. Some scholars have already expressed their concern about interpreting the early Christian documents on the basis of modern theological criteria or criteria from the High Middle Ages. This involves the above distinction between cheirotonia and cheirothesia. The use of later criteria leads to the discovery of certain equivalents in patristic texts which allows the assumption that the formulations concerning ordinations today were understood similarly in the early Christian centuries. This does not do justice to the patristic authors or to the problems of today. When reading the documents from early Christian eras, later conceptual development (for instance, on ordination issues), has to be excluded.66 The notion has to be considered carefully when the question is about the female deacons in AC. Several conceptual tools that have been used in the previous studies seem to be irrelevant. As already noted, the ordination prayer for female deacons in AC has engendered controversy among Roman Catholic scholars. Many of them, including, for example, Marcel Metzger, have concluded that the question is about cheirotonia. Aimé Georges Martimort on the other hand, has presented a counter-argument and concluded that the question could not be about cheirotonia. In this research, my aim is not to take a stand on this debate. However, I do point out that the compiler of AC uses neither of these Greek nouns when instructing about the prayer for the female deacons in AC 8, 19–20. There is also variability in the usage of the verbs between the various manuscripts of AC. To conclude, I have chosen not to use the cheirotonia–cheirothesia distinction as a tool in the analysis of this research.67 Reininger (1999), 94–95. The centrality of the definition came out in the question that is found at the beginning of this chapter. Pope Francis asked whether the early Christian female deacons were ordained or not. Undoubtedly, the question is central to the Study Commission on the Women’s Diaconate as well. 66 Reininger (1999), 96. Madigan and Osiek (2005), 5–6 consider whether the ordination of early Christian female deacons was considered ‘sacramental’. They state that the question is charged with problems of anachronistic interpretation. 67 Metzger (1985), 91; Martimort (1986), 68–70, 74–75. Both arguments for and against cheirotonia are presented and summarized in Reininger (1999), 97–100. See also McDowell (2011), 179. Historically, the terms cherotonia and cheirothesia were used interchangeably for a long time. See FitzGerald (1998), 111–33. 65

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Introduction

Additionally, the concepts of clergy (κλῆρος) and laity (λαός) have widely been used to describe divergent positions in the Christian community. These concepts are known in AC as well. Previously it has been said that the distinction between clergy and laity is clear in the document.68 Later on, the distinction has been revealed to be rather ambiguous and also partly anachronistic. In the case of the female deacons the ambiguity comes out in a special way.69 Hence, although the compiler of AC is familiar with the concepts, I choose not to use the clergy–laity distinction as an interpretational tool in this research.70 My focus is not to discover whether the female deacons are a part of the clergy in AC or not. The evolution of ministries dates back to the patristic period, but the distinction between ‘major orders’ and ‘minor orders’, highlighted above, is of later origin. It was drawn during the Middle Ages. The Council of Trent (1545–1563) established the number of orders as seven. The Council included priest and male deacon in the major orders (ordines maiores), whereas subdeacon, acolyte, exorcist, lector and door-keeper were placed into the minor orders (ordines minores). In conclusion, I think that it would be anachronistic to attempt to define the ministry of female deacons in AC by way of this distinction.71 Furthermore, the cursus honorum, ‘career of honour,’ refers to the process of sequential ordination, for example, ordaining a man from the diaconate to the presbyterate and from the presbyterate to the episcopate. Initially, it was a well-established practice in the Roman military and civil services, but in the Roman Catholic Church it has long been associated with the clerical grades of the ministries. Hence, the ministries are connoted with rank and status. Not until the fourth century did the church begin to follow the structure of cursus honorum in regard to its ordered ministry. Throughout the patristic period the structure remained unstable: The texts reflect flexibility, variations and inconsisten For example Gryson (1976), 58. Synek (1999), 109. In AC, the place of the female deacons in the lists that presumably indicate the clergy varies. Other lists do not expressly refer to female deacons, but seem to include women among the deacons (AC 8, 10, 9; AC 8 12, 43; AC 8, 13, 4; AC 8, 46, 13). In some verses, the female deacons are listed after the men (AC 2, 26, 3; AC 8, 28, 7; AC 8, 31, 2). Similarly, they are ranked first among women. Metzger (1986), 55. 70 I have tried to discover whether the female deacons are part of the clergy or not in AC. See Pylvänäinen (2011) and Pylvänäinen (2013), 66–75. Subsequently, I have concluded that the clergy–laity -division is not very fruitful in this case. 71 Cross & Livingstone (2005), 1196. For the information in brackets, see Pohjola (2014), 27. 68

69

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Introduction

cies. Although the seed of the structure can be found in the canons of the first ecumenical councils, the distinction was not pronounced as binding until the Middle Ages. The question about the ‘sacramental validity’ of ordinations linked to it also seems to be of medieval origin. In short, the cursus honorum cannot be used as a tool when interpreting the ministry of the female deacons in AC. We are not able to assume that the compiler of the document has considered such a hierarchy in the congregation.72 After excluding several distinctions, the question of what is relevant remains. The Greek word for ministry is διακονία. In Chapter 1.a.2, we became familiar with the reinterpreted meaning of διακ–rooted words in NT. Like John W. Kleinig, in this research I understand the term ‘ministry’ as the work of a minister (διάκονος), who is an authorized assistant, an intermediary and an agent. A minister is employed to perform a task for another person.73 Hence, an essential point in the ministry of female deacons is the tasks in which they act on behalf of their employer(s) in the community. The reinterpretation of διάκονος especially challenges us to take an open-minded look at what the deacons were actually thought to do, because the concept as such does not reveal their particular tasks.74 For this reason, this research is about the ministry of the female deacons: it is not focused on their ordination, but on their tasks. In NT, the noun διάκονος does not tell us about their status in the community, but AC was compiled approximately 300 years after NT. Gibaut (2000), 1–2, 55, 151, 157. In NT, there is some slight evidence of the later major and minor ‘orders’, but no evidence of the later cursus honorum that is associated with them. Consequently, Gibaut thinks that it might be prudent to regard NT evidence as inconclusive in the debate on whether or not to retain the cursus honorum. Gibaut (2000), 55. See also Gaillardetz (2005), 69 and Barnett (1995), 104–05. 73 Kleinig (2012b), 434. The English term ‘ministry’ seems to have been understood in divergent ways. For example, in Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry (‘BEM’) ministry in its broadest sense is defined as denoting ‘the service to which the whole people of God is called, whether as individuals, as a local community, or as the universal Church.’ Along with that, the concept can refer to ‘the particular institutional forms which this service may take.’ The World Council of Churches (1982), 17. – Hentschel (2013), 1–2 has noted that in NT there might not be an equivalent Greek term to that of ‘ministry’ (Amt), which is usually used to express the tasks in the Christian community. Instead of a corresponding term for ‘ministry’, the authors of the relevant ecclesiological texts used διακονία. – Kleinig (2012b), 434–35 makes a distinction between ‘the office of ministry’ and ‘ministry’. The ministry refers to all the people who have been appointed to act on behalf of their employer. This is similar with διακονία in NT. The office of ministry (Amt), instead, is a position of responsibility and leadership in a particular community. The office of ministry is divinely instituted and consequently differs from the other ministries in the community. 74 Ryökäs (2015), 71. 72

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Introduction

During these years, the thinking and practices seem to have developed. At that time, the number of female deacons increased, and they were given more and more tasks and responsibility in the congregations in the Eastern parts of the Church. Contemporary documents reveal that some female deacons worked as leaders in monasteries when AC was compiled. I think that the ministry of female deacons was recognized at that time in those congregations. Their ministry likely included some connotations of status, although the cursus honorum, as we nowadays comprehend it, was not established at that time. Despite that, their tasks in the congregation probably tell us more about their ministry than their presumed status. The ministry was, however, originally understood without such connotations.75 In this research, my aim is to search for the tasks of female deacons in AC. The definition of my aim is based on today’s understanding of διακονία in NT. In AC, the female deacons are instructed to do and prohibited from doing various tasks, which I consider from the perspective of a reinterpreted διάκονος. Presumably, the instructions reveal a great deal about their ministry. Despite that, I am conscious that the clarification of the tasks might not be an exemplary answer to the question about the ministry of the female deacons in the document. The very aim in this research is not the search for the ministry of the female deacons in AC. I do not take a stand on the usage of the term in the source document nor define it in more detail here. From the viewpoint of the Ways that Never Parted model, the documents written in the fourth century are particularly interesting. It has been claimed that, until very late antiquity or even early Medieval times, there was no clear rupture between Christians and Jews. Hence, the compiler of AC is likely to have instructed the female deacons in a context that was full of interaction, both peaceful and conflicting, between Jews and Christians.76 Therefore, when analysing the tasks of the female deacons, the primary aim of this research, I will also pay particular attention to the Jewish Christian influences in the source. Some limitations are worth highlighting. Firstly, my aim is to discover how the compiler of the document perceived the tasks about which he instructs. Hence, as argued above, I have chosen not to use concep75 Reininger (1999), 84 thinks that the ministry of the female deacons must have taken place during the fourth century. This can be demonstrated by the consecration prayer and laying on of hands by the bishop presented in the document. From that century on, they have also started to carry the specific title διακόνισσα. 76 Boddens Hosang (2010), 10. See also Murray (2007), 181 and Chapter 3.c.

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Introduction

tual tools which he might not have been familiar with. My aim is not to make historical reconstructions either.77 Hence, I am not searching for what the female deacons did in the congregation, but rather what the compiler says about their tasks in his document. Secondly, it is certain that by analysing AC we cannot make any conclusions about the general conception of the tasks of the female deacons in the area at that time. AC gives only one, even though worthwhile, viewpoint on that. My approach to the tasks of the female deacons is consequently very limited. That enables me to draw more reasonable conclusions. Thirdly, the ongoing discussion about female deacons among Roman Catholic theologians challenges me to focus on the tasks in the liturgical context. Scholars have discussed whether the function of the female deacon can be defined as liturgical or not. In my research, my primary aim is not to take a stand on the discussion, but I cannot bypass it either.78 Fourthly, the reinterpreted conception of διάκονος challenges me to compare the tasks of the female deacons to those of the male deacons as well as to consider the tasks from the viewpoint of charity. Can we find charitable connotations in the tasks? To be precise, this perspective is not the aim of the study, but the distinction between charitable and non-charitable connotations helps us reflect on the results from the viewpoint of previous research.79 About historical reconstructions, see Ekenberg (2007), 641. The discussion comes out, for example, in the formulation made by the International Theological Commission. According to the commission, AC insists that the female deacons ‘should have no liturgical function.’ See International Theological Commission (2004), ch. II, IV. 79 In this research, ‘charitable’ refers to the connotation that has been given to the work of early Christian deacons. The connotation refers to the social support and the acts of love of neighbour in early Christian communities: The Christians care for and love each other. They remember the poor and sick, widows and orphans, share food at meals, visit absent members and bury dead bodies. Charity, love and care for the poor play a characteristic role in early Christian communities in the Roman context. The responsibility for the needy in the congregation is collective and done through some activities, e.g. offering. See e.g. Latvus (2011b), 201, 208. This phenomenon is widely accepted. However, the problem is that the concept of early Christian charity is difficult to outline. The sources also talk about the charity in the congregations differently when compared to the traditional understanding. In the latter, the charitable work is associated with the work of deacons. Consequently, the deacons have been understood as ‘social-caritative’ workers. This kind of interpretation does not correspond exactly with the early Christian sources, but came to be used in nineteenth century Germany. Love and care really were included in the characteristics of early Christianity, but the task was regarded as shared among all Christians and an essential part of all ministries, not just that of the deacons. ‘Charity’ was not a particular task for deacons or anyone 77 78

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Introduction

1.c. Method of the Study AC is a book that consists of instructions about various topics. They are addressed to many kinds of groups in a congregation. The female deacons appear here and there in the pages of the document. When I study the tasks that are assigned to them, my method is to analyse systematically.80 The analysis is source-critical. It consists of phases or levels that are divergent, but which still interrelate with each other. In this chapter, I present my way of analysing and consider the advantages and challenges that it produces. The document is not simple to analyse. This results mainly from the compilation process that is described in Chapter 2. I start the analysis by searching for the instructions that explicitly concern the female deacons in the document. Focusing on the central verses, I  pick up the most essential concepts used by the compiler to ascertain their actual meaning. I  strive to discover how the compiler himself has perceived them. When analysing the concepts, my method is hence not linguistic, but rather I focus on their contents. In this research, it is necessary to analyse each individual concept closely. Many of the tasks that the compiler assigns to the female deacons in the document are expressed by way of only one word in the document. In many cases, the verse or wider paragraph does not reveal the significance of this concept. In that case, I search for the other occurrences of the same word or the same root of the word in the document and compare the usages in them with each other. From the viewpoint of individual concepts, I have to take into account the document as a whole.81 Analysing ancient concepts is not straightforward. First of all, there is danger of anachronism. Robert  A. Kraft reminds us that modern readers are apt to oversimplify and think that the current understanding of the concept is similar to the ancient one. In fact, it is impossible ever to be sure about all the details of the ancient context. Hence, modern readers have to be conscious of the differences. How things are now, do not tell us, presumably, anything about how they were in the early Christian document.82 Kevin Madigan and Carolyn Osiek point out that there is also a risk of a false assumption, according to which people else. See e.g. Latvus (2010), 85; (2011b), 194–95, 207–09 and Ryökäs (2015), 63–71, in which ‘caritative’ denotes ‘charitable’. 80 For example, Fuhr’s description of his analysis is reminiscent of mine. See Fuhr (2013), xi, xiii. 81 Jolkkonen (2007), 12–14. 82 Kraft (2007), 93.

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Introduction

and groups operate in a same way in similar conditions. Chronological and geographical variations might also be possible. Therefore, when analysing the terms, I take into account the possible discrepancy between ancient and modern usages. This is how arguments from analogy can be avoided.83 After analysing the individual terms, I concentrate on wider passages. Has the compiler created them by himself? Or has he quoted some previous source? If so, has he remoulded the quote? I also consider to whom the instruction is addressed and what the context of the passage is. Sometimes the context is clear; sometimes the compiler gives hardly any hint of it.84 When giving instructions, the compiler from time to time gives reasons for the commandments. It is worthwhile taking the argumentation into account, if possible? Does the compiler refer to a common custom, the Scripture or some other writings? I pay special attention to any argumentation which might reflect Jewish influences. The existence of argumentation as such is also interesting. What does it mean if the compiler does not justify the instruction at all – or if he has to give manifold reasons? Presumably, the amount of argumentation indicates how familiar the congregation is with the instruction. If the compiler has validated the instruction, it might be unknown to or disputable among the readers of the document. If he has not presented any argumentation, the custom is, I suppose, evident and well-known. However, no such conclusions can be made with certainty. The compiler might not have been so systematic in his argumentation. He might have had technical problems. He might not have presented all that he knows about the topic.85 In addition, I have to consider whether the passage is linked to other paragraphs in the document. In the case of AC, however, any conclusions have to be made carefully. Because the document is far from coherent, the reader cannot assume that the paragraphs are undoubtedly connected. The silent points in the document are also worth taking into account. What theological expressions does the compiler not re Madigan & Osiek (2005), 5. About arguments from analogy, see Kraft (2007), 93–94. 84 See Jolkkonen (2007), 15–16. In Chapter 2.b I show that AC has been compiled by way of using previous sources, especially previous ancient church orders. I will take the source material into account in my analysis. Unfortunately I am able to use only secondary sources within the limits of this study. For example, I will not refer to the original edition of DA, but to the previous research and translations that are based on DA. 85 See Jolkkonen (2007), 16–17. 83

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Introduction

peat? The incoherence of the document suggests that the compiler has incorporated theological expressions from his source without taking into account his source and its theology as a whole. The reader has to avoid extrapolating in his interpretation. By its character, AC is such a document that the compiler may well give contradictory information in another passage. Therefore, slippery slope arguments have to be carefully avoided.86 However, in the case of the verses that concern female deacons, a certain level of interconnection can be presumed. When AC was compiled, female deacons were a relatively new topic in the early Christian writings. Therefore, the source material concerning them was not substantial. Presumably, the compiler has had a coherent conception of the instructions that had previously been given to them. I come back to this topic in Chapter 4.1. The final aim of the analysis is to outline the thinking of the compiler, what he has written and why has he argued as he has. In other words, the aim is to discover the thread in his thinking. In the case of AC, is not possible to achieve this aim with total certainty. I try to draw some conclusions, but similarly keep in mind the incoherency in the document.87 All in all, AC, as well as other early Christian liturgical texts, has been produced in order to instruct a contemporaneous congregation. The document should primarily be read as a part of its context. In this research, that means especially taking into account the interaction between Jews and Christians that influenced the document. Furthermore, the problem is knowing whether the text reflects what was done, or whether it reflects a desired activity or policy. Hence, in the analysis we cannot draw a distinction between actual and desired practices. We cannot know for sure what parts of the document signify prevailing practices and which instructions reflect the desires of the compiler or his congregation. The document should not be treated as an unmediated testimony of the practices in early Christian communities. I  consider this topic further in Chapter 2.3.88 The compiler was hardly thinking about modern scholars of the twenty-first century when instructing his alleged audience. Frances On the incoherency of AC, see Metzger (1983d), 281–83, on the silent points, Metzger (1986), 16–17. See also Martimort (1986), 60. On the slippery slope argument, see Woods (2000), 107–34. 87 See Jolkkonen (2007), 18–21. 88 Sperry-White (1993), 102. 86

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Introduction

Young worries about the dissimilarity between modern scholars and the original readers: Their intentions are different. This causes challenges or even misperceptions in the interpreting process. Modern readers of this and like material have invariably had an ulterior motive! Most have been interested in liturgy or clerical hierarchy, reading selectively with the intention of mounting a historical argument documented by the textual evidence, an operation to which I plead guilty myself! In fact, before readers can begin to tackle a text of this kind they need competence in the original language and some preliminary information of the kind provided in the standard ‘introduction’. Yet that colours the reading. That this work is a compilation of material described as ‘legislative and liturgical’ is the usual sort of description. But suppose we attempt to re-read it without such presuppositions, what do we find?89

The differing intentions of modern scholars and original readers may also lead to the danger of circular arguments. In that case, premises and conclusions are too closely related to each other in the argument. The premises already include the conclusions or presume them. For example, the title of AC might give a modern scholar the idea that the twelve Apostles have written the document. The original readers, on the other hand, would have been conscious that the document is called apostolic because of the (alleged) authoritative position of the document.90 Young has also noted that there is a gap between the reader(s) and the compiler of the document, which is implied in the text, and suggested by modern readers. This challenges us to become conscious of the gap and to read the text very carefully. In this study, it is not possible to clearly identify the compiler and the reader(s). In spite of that, it is important to keep in mind in the analysing process the fact that our mental images of the compiler, the reader(s) and the relationship between them might be far from the original.91 89

Young (2012), 105–06. Jolkkonen (2007), 23. About the pseudepigraphical title of AC, see Chapter

90

2.a.1.

91 Young (2012), 107. In her article, Young (2012), 107–08 has drawn some conclusions about the identity of the implied reader(s). They are expected to be person(s) who accept apostolic authority, which the compiler claims he has. Additionally, they would have been uninspired by novelty. The impact of the text has been increased by its inherent appeal to tradition.

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Introduction

When we read AC, as well as other patristic sources, it is easy for us to be aware of more than they did. Our way of processing information and acquiring and using the evidence is unwittingly selective. We have our own opinions, presuppositions and interpretational traditions – but these are not always based on the text itself. Despite that, we do not easily give them up. Available evidence contrary to our preconceptions tends to be dismissed or belittled. This is called succumbing to ‘confirmation bias.’ To avoid this kind of misinterpretation, we first and foremost have to become conscious of the bias.92 Therefore, I try to read the source as such, as well as I can. The primary source in my research is AC in its original language. The preliminary information which I use is related to the context of the document. When analysing the text, I eliminate the later definitions and canonical promotion which modern readers have given to the document. Being totally disconnected to my time and my own context is naturally impossible, but nonetheless I still try to approach an understanding that is in harmony with the original intention.

1.d. Course of the Study AC is an old and multifaceted document, the origin of which is ambiguous. It is necessary to focus carefully on the background of the document. In the next two chapters, I immerse myself in the background of AC. First, in Chapter 2 I consider the source as an ancient document. I find out what we can know about its origins. The origins produce some interpretational challenges, which are worth considering. I also present the edition of the source that I have chosen to use in this study. After that, in Chapter 3 I  briefly go through the research history concerning AC. The text has been researched a great deal. Because of its canonical value, scholars have been interested in it throughout the centuries. The text has also been at hand for a relatively long time. Therefore, the research history concerning AC is extensive and diverse. I take into account past and present trends in the research. At the end of the chapter, I highlight the Jewish Christian aspects of the document. I start analysing the source in Chapter 4 by focusing on the female deacons in AC. I summarize the various terms the compiler uses with regard to them in the document. I search for the roots of the concepts and Ryökäs (2015), 70–71.

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do some conceptual backgrounding. When this is finished, I move on to examine the female deacons which the document reflects as women in the community. I find out what the compiler reveals about them. What kind of women are they thought to be? In Chapter 5, I consider the tasks of the female deacons in the liturgical context. I treat the prohibitions that the compiler gives to them. By way of these, the tasks of the female deacons can be framed. I then elicit from the document what the female deacons have to do during baptism. Finally, I focus on the tasks of the female deacons during liturgical assemblies. I consider both the tasks that the compiler assigns to them and their metaphorical role as Levites and the Holy Spirit. I finish the analysis in Chapter 6 by asking: does the compiler allocate the female deacons such tasks that can be defined as charitable service? Two passages will be highlighted: The instruction to visit the homes of women and AC 3, 19, 1 which contains many tasks expressed through several verbs. Here I pay special attention to the meaning of the verbs that the compiler has used. My aim is to find out whether the tasks can be defined as charitable or not. My conclusions are presented in Chapter 7. First, I summarize the tasks of the female deacons in AC. I  also consider whether they can be defined as liturgical and charitable or not. Along with the results, I make some reflections concerning the topic and further study at the end of the chapter.

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CHAPTER 2 THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS AS AN EARLY CHRISTIAN SOURCE

AC is a collection of eight books. Despite the fact that the books form one document they seem to be relatively independent. Each book has its own principal subject, although some themes are treated in several books.1 The main topics of the books are: Book 1: Christian Behaviour Book 2: Ecclesiastical Hierarchy Book 3: Widows Book 4: Orphans Book 5: Martyrs Book 6: Schisms Book 7: Christian Morals and Initiation Book 8: Charisma, Eucharist, Ordinations and Discipline.2 Along with the main topics, many other issues are discussed in the pages of AC. The treatment of these is ‘far from systematic.’3 Metzger names several kinds of issues: the reconciliation of penitents, almsgiving, resurrection and the liturgical year. For him, AC seems to treat questions that might often have been posed to the community leaders at that time.4 1 For instance, Book 2 focus on the bishop. There are also somewhat brief mentions of others who work in the community: singers, porters, deacons and presbyters. In Books 3–6, the bishop is a central figure as well, because he is responsible for various things discussed there. Young (2012), 106. 2 Metzger (1985), 13. 3 Young (2012), 106. 4 Metzger (1985), 13–14. The authors of AC and related literature usually give most attention to the issues concerning the choices of people, whether it be for admis-

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

Naturally, we are not conscious of all the issues that were current when the document appeared. The open question is thus the fundamental inspiration for the compiler to begin his work. Why has he taken the trouble to write this document? To ascertain the answer, we have to become familiar with his circumstances. In this chapter, I  clarify what kind of document I am delving into. I outline when, where and by what means AC has taken shape. Additionally, I consider how the special character of AC as an ancient church order affects the analysis and interpretation processes.

2.a. Origin of the Document The Greek title of AC (Διαταγαὶ τῶν ἀγίων ἀποστόλων διὰ Κλήμεντος) gives the appearance of a document that originates in the world of the very first Christians. According to its title, the commandments in the document distributed by Clement were given by the holy Apostles. However, the document has been demonstrated to be of a later origin. Its alleged origin has to be challenged. The compiler does not reveal his true identity and does not give a clear answer as to where and when he actually compiled the text. In this chapter we search for the real origin of the document. We are reduced to gleaning evidence from scattered hints to find out the answers.5

2.a.1. Pseudepigraphical Authority The name ‘Clement’ in the Greek title of the document refers probably to Clement of Rome. He was one of the first successors of the Apostle Peter as the head of the Church of Rome. Apart from the title, Clement is mentioned several times in the document. His role is described as a conveyer, the secretary of the assembled apostles. He is said to be responsible for collecting the regulations, compiling and disseminating them (AC 6, 18, 11).6

sion to the catechumenate or access to a personal status in the communities, ministries and states of life. Regulations concerning, for example, the Eucharistic celebration are rarer and take up only limited space in the documents. However, AC makes an exception: In it, the compiler has recorded a rich Eucharistic prayer. Metzger (2001), 608–09. 5 Cf. Metzger (1985), 54–55. 6 Metzger (1985), 33–34, 36. Cf. Steimer (1992), 130.

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

Along with the title of the document, the twelve apostles often appear in the pages of AC. The compiler has included at least their names in several passages. The apostles appear as speakers. They are mentioned both collectively and as individuals. The compiler of AC uses the individual names of the apostles when the narrative material concerns a certain individual among the apostles. Secondly, the assembly in Jerusalem (AC 6, 12) which has its origin in Acts of the Apostles 15, is interpreted as being the frame of the document. The attendants of the assembly, referred to by name, are said to distribute the prescribed canonical commands. The compiler refers to them, for example, when he instructs on the rites of ordination.7 However, the name Clement as well as the word ‘apostolic’ in the title of the document might be misleading, directing us to far-fetched conclusions. Firstly, the way of understanding the term ‘apostolic’ developed during the first Christian centuries. In earlier documents it means ‘that which is in accordance with the witness and teaching of the Apostles’, while in later documents, such as AC, the term has become pseudepigraphical. That means a technique in which various regulations are attributed to the apostles themselves either collectively or individually. The pseudepigraphical enunciations assert that the teaching is in accordance with the apostolic tradition, which has come down to the later authors. They do not suggest that the teaching is inherited verbatim from the original apostles.8 Not just the title, but the whole document should be treated as a part of the pseudepigraphic literary genre. The compiler of AC was a specialist in using pseudepigraphical techniques. First of all, he has taken all of the pseudepigraphic features used in its source document Didascalia into AC (see Chapter 2.b.1.c). In both documents the alleged apostolic origin is expressed several times by mentioning the names of apostles in the commandments. The apostles are those who admonish. Furthermore, compared to his source, the compiler of AC has involved the apostles more often and in different ways in the text. He has not only given them a voice, either individually or collectively, but has increased the validity of his writing through them.9 7 Metzger (1985), 33–36. Cf. Steimer (1992), 131 and Mueller (2004), 72–74. The compiler mentions e.g. James in the document. James was particularly recognized by the Jewish Christians, who rejected the authority of Paul, the apostle of the Gentile Christians. Metzger (1985), 45. 8 Bradshaw (2002), 93–94. 9 Metzger (1985), 34–38.

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

In AC, the usage of pseudepigraphy is based on the need to ensure the regulations: The apostles represent an unquestionable ecclesiastical authority. For a modern reader, it looks as if the compiler has the feeling of being very close to the origins and faithful to the spirit of the founders. As a result he is convinced that he writes as the apostles would have preached and decided. Therefore, the compiler of AC aims at ensuring that the document possesses all the force of supreme authority. The apostles derive their authority from Christ, who holds the authority of God.10 In general, the pseudepigraphic literary genre filled the legislative vacuum in the first Christian centuries. After the apostles had passed away, the disciples had a problem: Who would have enough authority to interpret Mosaic Law so as to complete and adapt it for changed circumstances and situations? They solved the problem and began to use the authority of the apostles. Hence, in the legislative gap, the compiler of AC gained authority for his text with the help of pseudepigraphy. Later on, synodal and conciliar institutions gradually took the place of pseudepigraphical documents. AC was, however, compiled at the very beginning of the conciliar era, when the pseudepigraphical way of regulating was still in use.11 Hence, the compiler has done a tremendous work with great skill to achieve apostolic authenticity for AC. The power of the alleged apostolic authenticity is stressed in several ways in the document: in the scope of the text, in the variety of the collected traditions for the sake of unifica10 Metzger (1985), 44. See also Metzger (1985), 50. The augmentation of authenticity explains the place of NT in the document and the way in which the compiler uses NT. Metzger (1985), 36–37. 11 Metzger (1985), 48–49. See also Metzger (2001), 607. The councils intervened first locally, both to condemn heresies and set points of discipline. Imperial power, on the other hand, began to take care of the organization of the churches during the fourth century to organize the holding of ecumenical councils and to enact canonical decisions. Shortly after compiling AC, the pseudepigraphical ‘tradition’ disappeared because of the conciliar and imperial changes. Metzger (1985), 49. – Synek (1997), 11 mentions that the pseudepigraphical tendency in the church orders is so strong that it has been regarded as one of the general features defining the genre. In general, the pseudepigraphy in Christian literature was long considered to be deception or forgery. Some scholars even thought that pseudepigraphy was a clever propaganda technique. Metzger (1983d), 290. The use of pseudepigraphy in ecclesiastical regulations is not surprising when one takes into consideration the current legislative sphere. In most ancient civilizations and in the Scriptures, all legislation was regarded as coming from divine origin. When people needed to complete the legislation, additions were presented as coming from the same source. Metzger (2001), 606–07. The pseudepigraphy of the church orders has been systematically studied for a little over a century. A better understanding of the context has led us to adopt another perspective on the writings. Metzger (2001), 604–06.

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

tion and in the struggle against deviations and schisms. Nevertheless, the alleged apostolic authority is literally fact rather than fiction, for AC is the pinnacle of the pseudepigraphic literature.12 Furthermore, the compiler also emphasizes the authenticity of the document in some other ways. He uses several internal ways to emphasize the proximity of AC and NT. This comes out, for example, in his way of quoting NT, which indicates alleged continuity between the documents. The compiler has emphasized the authenticity also by external methods: by blessing those who obey the rules of the document, giving a fictional date to his document and warning about pseudepigraphical writings.13 As a result, because the compiler is using a pseudepigraphical technique, we cannot be sure of the real origin of the document. Scholars have tried to construct it themselves, basing their argumentation on hints scattered in the document. In Chapters 2.a.2–2.a.4, we explore previous studies and try to discover the real author, and the place and date of the document.

2.a.2. Site of the Compilation Process Today it is generally agreed that AC was compiled somewhere in Syria.14 According to Metzger, there are two indications to designate Syria as a general framework for the document. Firstly, the document names the months using the terms of the Syro-Macedonian calendar: Xanthicos, Dustros, Gorpiaeos and Hyperberetaeos (AC 5, 14, 1; AC 5, 17, 3; AC 5, 20, 3; AC 8, 47, 37). The second indication lies in the list of liturgical celebrations. Christmas, which is mentioned twice in the document (AC 5, 13, 1 and AC 8, 33, 6), was celebrated in Syria at the end of the fourth century, but was only introduced elsewhere later, for example in Jerusalem in ad 420. Likewise, the compiler ignores that in Jerusalem the Church celebrated the feast of the Presentation forty days after Epiphany.15 12 Metzger (1985), 49–52. The first Greek edition of AC was published in the sixteenth century. In the centuries that followed many scholars accepted it as a genuinely apostolic work. However, its authenticity did not go totally unchallenged. Bradshaw (2002), 73. In the following two and half centuries the apostolic origin of the document was discussed and disproved. Turner (1930), 128. 13 Steimer (1992), 132–33. See also Metzger (1985), 37–38. 14 Bradshaw (2002), 84. 15 Metzger (1985), 55. Additionally, one of the main sources of the compiler, DA, most probably comes from Syria. Because the compiler has used it so widely, a similar origin is probable. See Chapter 2.b.1.c.

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

Generally speaking, AC leads us to believe that it originated in a big city surrounded by other episcopal cities. The liturgy described in the document is that of a large community with numerous functionaries, who can easily reach other bishops. Similarly, the references to daily life of Christians suggest that they had urban facilities such as spas and close contact with pagans, Jews and heretics.16 Various facts hint at this big Syrian city being Antioch. The importance which is given to an Antiochene symbol in the baptismal creed (AC 7, 41) and the Antiochene conciliar legislation among the apostolic canons are strongly suggestive of Antioch being its place of origin. Furthermore, the lists of episcopal seats (AC 7, 46; AC 8, 10, 7) refer to Antiochene origin. In the list, Jerusalem is named first, which corresponds to the pseudo-apostolicity of the document. Other cities in the list are Rome, Antioch and Alexandria. Rome does not come into question, but it is notable that Antioch is named before Alexandria. This order is contrary to the tradition that was endorsed previously in the Council of Nicaea. Conclusively, because the city of Antioch is put in a remarkable place in the list, it seems to be the place of origin.17

2.a.3. Dating the Document AC is an extensive document that is based on a wide source material. It has been edited by way of contemporaneous recording techniques. Compiling the document must surely have been a time-consuming process, I think. When did the compiler of AC finish his work, then? Date of the document has been controversial, but has long been dated to the fourth century.18 Principally, there are several references to date the document to the fourth century. Dogmatic formulas, pastoral concerns and institutions described refer to the outset of that era. The compiler has already been faced with pastoral problems that do not refer to earlier times. This Metzger (1985), 55. Metzger (1985), 55–56. Cf. Steimer (1992), 120–21. Martimort (1986), 59 places the document in Antioch or even Constantinople. However, Metzger (1985), 56 notes that, unlike Antioch, Constantinople is not mentioned in AC itself. Because Constantinople is not named in AC and because the compiler lists Antioch before Alexandria, he regards Antioch as the most likely hometown of the compiler. Metzger also relates that Antioch and Alexandria were rival cities during the compilation process of AC. Alexandria had become an active centre of orthodoxy, whereas there were heretical tendencies in Antioch. 18 Steimer (1992), 121–22. 16

17

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The Apostolic Constitutions as an Early Christian Source

comes out in his reaction to the abandonment of catechumens who did not come to be baptized until on their deathbed (AC 6, 15, 6) and in his criticism of those Christians who returned to idolatrous practices (AC 2, 61–62).19 Some liturgical details date the document to the end of the fourth century. The tasks of the cantor are named in it (AC 8,  10,  10; AC 8, 12, 43; AC 8, 13, 14) and are attested via other texts from that time. The post-baptismal anointing that is mentioned as a part of the Christian initiation rite (AC 3, 16–17; AC 7, 22; AC 7, 39–45) has been demonstrated to have become widespread among Western Syrians in the final years of the fourth century.20 AC includes an instruction to celebrate Christmas. According to Metzger’s analysis, the compiler mentions the feast twice in the document (AC 5, 13, 1; AC 8, 33, 6). The custom was gradually introduced among Christians, and was just beginning to make an appearance in Eastern churches in the 370s: In Constantinople, it was known in ad  379 and in Antioch around ad  380.21 If the Antiochene John Chrysostom wrote his well-known Christmas sermon in ad  386, the feast would have been known in the city only since ad 376. Therefore, AC does not date before the year ad 377.22 Nowadays it is commonly agreed that AC was written sometime between ad 375 and 380.23 In Metzger’s view, several clues indicate that the document was compiled around the year ad 380. Firstly, the call for children to be baptized refers to a time after 375.24 Secondly, Metzger concludes that the community leaders still have to ban the faithful from attending pagan worship. The compiler of AC was probably unaware of the edict of Thessaloniki, which is dated 28th February ad 380. In the edict, Emperor Theodosius and the civil power tried to relieve the Christian leaders from the struggle against the idolatrous cults by prohibiting pagan practices. Thirdly, some sources used in the document, that is the conciliar canons and the symbol of Antioch, refer to the year Metzger (1985), 57–58. Metzger (1985), 59. See also Steimer (1992), 121. Post-baptismal anointing appears in the canons of Laodicea as well as in the Catechesis made by Theodore of Mopsuestia, but John Chrysostom does not write about it before ad 388. Metzger (1985), 59. 21 Metzger (1985), 58. See also Bradshaw (2002), 85. 22 Steimer (1992), 121–22. 23 Bradshaw (2002), 84. 24 Steimer (1992), 121. 19

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ad  380. The councils that inspired the compiler were held between ad 325 and 381.25 Along with Christmas, some other feasts mentioned in the document help us to define date. Firstly, Ascension, which was separate from Pentecost. Gregory of Nyssa devotes a homily to it in ad 388 and John Chrysostom two years later, but the compiler of AC is rather ignorant of the feast (AC 5, 20, 2; AC 8, 33, 4). He also requires people to be fully unemployed during Holy Week (AC 8, 33, 3), which corresponds to the law of Theodosius enacted in ad 380.26 To conclude, the clues presented demonstrate that the compiler of AC probably finished his work in ad 380. In the same year, the Council of Constantinople convened. We still have one unsolved question: Did the compiler finish his document before or after the Council? The compiler teaches about the Holy Spirit as a creature. This teaching is contrary to the dogma that was defined at Constantinople. The councillors proclaimed the divinity and equality of the Spirit with the Father and the Son. The theology of the compiler reveals that either he has not been aware of the creed formulated at Constantinople, or else he compiled the document in order to challenge the creed. If he acted in the latter way, he should have succeeded in disseminating the document immediately after the Council. During his reign (ad 379–395), Emperor Theodosius incited resistance not only to the pagans, but also to heretics, and eliminated them. As a result, we cannot know for sure whether AC was finished before or after the Council of Constantinople. We have to settle for stating that the document was written around the year 380, at the time of the Council of Constantinople – maybe a little before, but certainly not much after that.27 Metzger (1985), 58. Metzger (1985), 58–59. Metzger also writes about Saturday that it is considered as a liturgical day in the document. Fasting is excluded then, except on Holy Saturday (AC 2, 59, 3; AC 5, 20, 19; AC 7, 23, 3–4). Metzger points out that the custom appears only in the second half of the fourth century in the canons of Laodicea (between 343 and 381  ad) and helps us to date AC more carefully. Metzger (1985), 59. However, I think that the instruction to celebrate Saturday might follow from socio-cultural circumstances. For more about celebrating Saturday as a holy day, see Chapter 3.c.3. 27 Metzger (1985), 59–60. See also Bradshaw (2002), 85. Also the two documents, The Commentary on Job and Ignatius’ Letters, which probably were written by the same author, confirm Metzger’s hypothesis in dating AC to the year 380. Metzger (1985), 60–61. For more about the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in AC, see Mueller (2004), 101–07. – John Chrysostom was born in Antioch ad 349 and lived there until he was made bishop of Constantinople in ad  398. Wilken (1983), 5. Consequently, part of Chrystostom’s production is contemporaneous with AC and from the same origin. The 25

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2.a.4. Identity and Number of the Compiler(s) Apart from the pseudepigraphical identity, the compiler is an anonymous character in AC. His anonymity has inspired scholars to hypothesize about his real identity. They have also considered whether there was a single compiler or several. In this chapter, I glean some examples from the wide research history concerning the identity and number of the compiler(s). The title of the document leads us to believe that the compiler has been identified as Clement of Rome. Clement is mentioned in the document in the list of bishops as the third successor of Peter. Other ancient sources confirm this presumption by proving that Peter ordained Clement himself. As we saw in Chapter 2.a.2, the document is not from Rome, but of an Antiochene origin. Therefore, Clement of Rome is mentioned in the document, not because he was the person who did the real work, but for the sake of pseudepigraphic authority.28 Many scholars have compared the language used in AC to that in the writings of Ignatius of Antioch and have concluded that the same editor compiled the documents.29 In that case, the compiler would be identified as an Arian or Arianizer.30 The conclusion is closely linked to the discussion about the dogmatic contents in the document.31 There has been a debate as to whether the document is of Arian origin or not (see Chapters 3.a–3.b). The document has also been attributed to an obscure bishop named Julian.32 Metzger has commented on this suggestion by noting that the Commentary on Job, which some propose to be of same origin as AC, is more explicitly Arian than AC. In AC, the compiler has included doctrinal expressions that are consistent with the theology of the Niceans: he has not rejected the doctrine of ὁμοούσιος as the compiler has done in the Commentary on Job. However, according to Metzger, this difference could be explained because AC is a liturgical work and there the references to Chrystostom in the footnotes of this study are written in order to give an additional perspective on the context of AC. 28 Steimer (1992), 130–31 (note 144). 29 Steimer (1992), 127. Fiensy identifies the compiler with Pseudo-Ignatius, which he thinks is the prevailing conception. Fiensy (1985), 26–27. See also Gryson (1976), 55. 30 Martimort (1986), 59. According to one hypothesis, the compiler was Acasius, the disciple of bishop Eusebius, who died in 366. Metzger (1985), 52. 31 Bradshaw (2002), 85. 32 Bradshaw (2002), 85. See also Metzger (1985), 53; Steimer (1992), 128–29 and Synek (1999), 49–50.

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compiler has drawn upon traditional material. Hence, despite the differing doctrinal perspectives, the compiler of AC might have been the author of the Commentary on Job as well as the Pseudo-Ignatian letters.33 Metzger asks whether the compiler could have been bishop Meletius. According to him, Meletius was a conciliatory man. Because Antioch was influenced by the semi-Arian faction, the bishop’s way of composing his first conciliator document was to avoid technical terms and speak in an essentially biblical language. Would, therefore, AC have been written in the same spirit? Being unable to resolve the doctrinal conflict, the compiler has mixed formulas from the various parties in the same text and preferred previous readings. To give more authority to his admonitions, he has used apostolic pseudepigraphy. This assumption helps to explain some common themes in AC: ecclesiastical discipline as well as the denouncement of heresies and schisms.34 When going through the research history we soon notice that the hypotheses about the identity of the compiler are manifold. They probably will remain so. I  think that the final answer seems to be impossible to frame. The variety of the hypotheses shows how risky it is to try to identify the compiler with a known figure. It is also questionable whether the name of the compiler could reveal any extra information about the document itself. As a result, in this study I do not take a stand on the identity of the compiler.35 When considering the compilation of AC, the question is actually not about the first author of the document, because the compiler has not invented the whole content – from its very beginning to the very last sentence – himself, but rather through a compilation process in which text paragraphs from various sources have been put together. Hence, the compiler reworked fragments that were the common property of Metzger (1983d), 290. Cf. Bradshaw (2002), 85–86. Metzger (1983d), 291–92. There were four communities in Antioch around ad 380, each of them having their own bishop. Metzger thinks that none of the four bishops who lived in Antioch around the compiling date produced such literary activity that could lead us to identify one of them as the compiler. Metzger hypothesizes that the compiler might have been an upcoming bishop – not exactly in Antioch, but in a diocese under Antioch. In spite of that, the compiler has borne the situation of Antioch in mind in the compilation process. Metzger (1983d), 294. See also Kopecek (1988), 613–14. I consider Metzger’s hypothesis challenging to argue for. According to Kopecek, Metzger’s view of the compiler coming from a diocese seems to be ‘born of despair’. Metzger does not explain what it was in the author’s situation that would have forced him to compile such a detailed document as he did. Kopecek (1988), 615. 35 Cf. Metzger (1985), 53; (2001), 610. 33

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the communities (see Chapter 2.b).36 The formation of AC has raised a discussion about its literary integrity. The question has been asked: how many compilers participated in the compilation process.37 Some previous scholars have thought that there were several editors who primarily worked on their own.38 Later, several scholars have refuted the previous theory and concluded that AC should be treated as the work of one editor. Steimer has collected their arguments together: 1. AC is known only as a complete compilation. No one has found any separate parts of the document that could belong to one preceding manuscript among many.39 2. Certain concepts permeate the document and unify its single elements.40 3. The theological diction appears coherent throughout AC. Certain topics are repeated in congruent formulas.41 4. No signs of joins are found in the body text.42 5. Three cross references in AC cannot be identified just as additions made by a final editor: a. AC 8, 4 and AC 2, 1; b. AC 8, 32 and AC 4, 12 or AC 8, 13; c. AC 8, 33 and AC 5, 15 or AC 8, 23.43 6. The tendency in AC to put disparate material together is done in a specific way, because the material has also been edited.44 Metzger has interjected an exceptional suggestion into the general picture: A team or a workshop with a leader produced the document. Such workshops transmitted literary techniques that were first developed by Metzger (2001), 609. Steimer (1992), 119. 38 Steimer (1992), 119. Cf. Synek (1999), 32–33. 39 Steimer (1992), 119. 40 Steimer (1992), 119. 41 Steimer (1992), 119. However, not every aspect of the theological diction appears coherently overall in AC. For example, the concept of ‘clergy’ (κλῆρος) is understood in varying ways. Metzger (1986), 44–45. Cf. Synek (1999), 53. 42 Steimer (1992), 119. 43 Steimer (1992), 119–20. 44 Steimer (1992), 120. Synek takes the above-presented views on the number of the compilers into account, but still explicitly omits to resolve the question. Synek (1999), 32–33. 36 37

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ancient Greeks and later appropriated by Romans, Jews and Christians. Metzger lists several arguments for his hypothesis. In his view, we cannot imagine that one author could produce a pseudepigraphic text in total isolation, hiding his activity from those around him. To get AC compiled, it was necessary to have a library and copyists. Because the process needed networking and co-operation, a number of people must have participated in the process. The idea of a workshop also comes close to the tradition of constitutional authors: We can imagine the generations of pastors, community leaders and canonists, co-working together since the time of the Pastoral Epistles and the Didache, transmitting and adapting the apostolic traditions in order to serve the communities. One of the members of the workshop could have disseminated the new writings. He might have been talented in pseudepigraphy, but also have been a foreman taking the initiative and organizing the work. Metzger concludes that there was a group of compilers and one leader among them who was responsible for the content of the document.45 In this study, it is not possible to take a stand on the number of the compilers. Although this question is important to note from the viewpoint of research history, in the analysis of my study it does not play such a meaningful role. I concentrate only on the production of the alleged compiler(s). For this reason, I keep an open mind to the possibility that the compiler might have worked alone or been the leader of a group. While referring to the document, I use only the singular form ‘compiler’. This is not a comment on the number of the compilers, but a choice that I have made for the sake of clarity. Furthermore, because all previous hypotheses concerning the identity of the compiler have concerned men, I have chosen to use the male pronoun ‘he’ when referring to him.46

2.b. Composition of the Compilation Metzger pictures AC as a mosaic. An immeasurable number of fragments form a unique whole. While producing the document, the compiler has put together various elements from diverse origins.47 Steimer describes the technique of the compiler: He has used several kinds of Metzger (1985), 53–54. Here I follow Metzger’s example. See e.g. Metzger (1985), 53. 47 Metzger (1983d), 281. 45

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written documents that form the basis of the compilation. The elements form a relatively coherent structure and content in the document.48 However, Paul F. Bradshaw notes that the compiler has not contented himself just with copying the sources. During the process, he has visibly remoulded them.49 In previous studies, a number of documents have been demonstrated to be its sources. According to current knowledge, the material can be classified into at least four groups: a. The key source documents are the previous church orders: The Didache, AT and DA. They form the frame for the compilation. Books 1–6 are based on DA, chs 1–32 of Book 7 on the Didache, and chs 3–45 of Book 8 on AT.50 b. Some former liturgical prayers have been inserted into the frame.51 c. Some extracts and other written citations, mostly taken from Scripture and Clementine literature, have been integrated in the document.52 d. The compiler has also written many interpolations himself.53 In Chapter 2.b, I present the source material that the compiler has used in his work. At the same time, I keep in mind that he has aimed at creating a wholly new document, not just a copy. When it comes to the source material, the three previous church orders are my main interest. I will treat them in chronological order. Thereafter, I will have a look into the other sources used by the compiler. The focus of the review is on the principles governing the compiler’s use of sources in AC.

2.b.1. Previous Church Orders Part ‘a’ in the list presented in Chapter 2.b indicates that the previous church orders form the frame for AC. The process of copying and remoulding the previous orders into a new document is not unique in the case of AC, but had been a common practice during the first Christian 50 51 52 53 48 49

Steimer (1992), 117. Bradshaw (2002), 84. Metzger (1985), 14. Metzger (1985), 31. Metzger (1985), 31. Metzger (1985), 31.

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centuries. The previous documents have repeatedly been copied out, translated and revised.54 Didache

(1st/2nd century, Syria)

Apostolic Tradition (c. 215, Rome?)

Canons of Hippolytus Testamentum Domini

Apostolic Church Order

Didascalia Apostolorum (c. 230, Syria)

Apostolic Constitutions (AD 380, Syria)

Epitome

Figure 2.1. The network of the ancient church orders and AC as a part of it.

As a result of the process, the various documents form a network, of which AC forms part. The network is illustrated in Figure 2.1. The previous church orders, which have influenced on AC, are printed in black, whereas grey colour indicates other parts of the network.55

2.b.1.a. Didache The Didache, also called The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, is the oldest preserved church order. It is an anonymous document that originated in 54 Bradshaw (2002), 91. Unlike in the first six books, the modification in Book 7 is significant. The compiler has also shortened or completely omitted some pieces from the source. Along with material from Didache, Book 7 includes Jewish prayers, a baptismal order and a list of apostolic ordained bishops, which have divergent origins. See e.g. Fiensy (1985), 21–23; Steimer (1992), 117–18 and Chapter 3.c.2. The 8th book contains a Eucharistic liturgy that in earlier research was called the Clementine liturgy. Ekenberg (2011), 1. The eucharistic liturgy in the 8th book of AC was considered as a dominant ancient liturgy during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. When the other early Christian church orders were demonstrated to be sources for AC at the end of the nineteenth century, its sub-apostolic provenance was universally abandoned. Kopecek (1987), 209. – Stewart (2019) points out that AC is as much a collection of church orders as a church order document in its own right. 55 Originally illustrated in Bradshaw (2002), 76. According to Young (2012), 109, AC is the end product of a church order tradition. However, based on the picture illustrated by Bradshaw (2012), 76, I regard Epitome as the end product, because it has been produced by way of AC.

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Syria. The Didache probably emerged in 90–120 ad. It was composed of various older sources and pseudepigraphically ascribed to the twelve apostles.56 The Didache includes several themes. The first part handles catechetical and moral education. It is usually known as the ‘Two Ways’, because it presents teaching in the form of the way of life and the way of death. A liturgical section dealing with baptism, fasting, the Eucharist, prayer and the appointment of bishops and deacons then follows. The Didache also handles discipline in the community and concludes with some eschatological remarks.57 The compiler of AC has reworked the Didache to compose chs 1–32 in Book 7. Hence, for example AC 7, 1 deals with the teaching of the two ways and AC 7,  22 with baptism. The eucharistic prayers in AC 7, 25–26 have been demonstrated to be a modified version of chs 9–10 in the Didache.58

2.b.1.b. Apostolic Tradition AT is an important source for the theology of the church orders, from historical, systematic and practical viewpoints.59 According to Bradshaw, both the place of origin and the authorship of the document are unclear. The majority of scholars have thought that it originates from Rome. For a long period, it was presumed that Hippolytus had written the text c. 215 ad, but this is far from certain.60 After a brief prologue, AT begins with directions for the ordinations of a bishop, presbyter and male deacon. Like AC, it also provides ordi Steimer (1992), 19–20. See also Hentschel (2007), 407 and Bradshaw (2002), 78. The Didache was written in several phases and was edited by several authors, who remain anonymous. The set of the document is from the first century ad, but the final draft was finished later. Metzger (1985), 17. Scholars have discovered fragments of the Didache in its original language, Greek, as well as translations into Ethiopian, Coptic and Georgian. Bradshaw (2002), 77. 57 Metzger (1985), 16. Cf. Bradshaw (2002), 77. 58 Mueller (2004), 39. See also Ekenberg (2011), 1. For a view of the Didache as the background of AC 7, see Jefford (2015), 65–78. 59 Steimer (1992), 28. 60 Bradshaw (2002), 81. See also Metzger (1985), 17–18. Recently, an increasing number of scholars have questioned the twentieth century assumptions about AT: its association with Hippolytus and origin in third century Rome. See Barret-Lennard (2005), 138 and the references he makes in note 5. – Only a few isolated fragments of a Greek AT have survived. In addition to this, there are various extant translations that differ considerably from each other. Bradshaw (2002), 81. 56

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nation prayers for each of them. Thereafter, the author proceeds to the appointment of widows, readers, virgins, subdeacons and those with the gift of healing. Detailed instructions are given regarding the process of Christian initiation. The final part of the document also deals with a group of liturgical matters.61 AT forms the frame to Book 8 of AC.62 Steimer explains that chs AC 8, 3–46 are based on AT. In accordance with the heading, the book is divided into three parts: concerning gifts, ordinations and ecclesiastical canons. The influence of AT on the document is very probable here, particularly in the first part of the book.63

2.b.1.c. Didascalia Apostolorum DA is one of the most developed church orders prior to AC, and was written both in Greek and Syriac at the beginning of the third century.64 Bradshaw presumes that the document is modelled on the Didache, but with manifold themes inserted. DA begins with instructions on Christian life and continues with issues concerning the bishop. Thereafter, the author deals with the physical disposition in the church building, attendance at church as well as heretical assemblies and pagan festivities. Widows, male and female deacons and the adoption of orphans are also considered. The author also gives instructions about days of fasting and the upbringing of children together with denouncing heresy and schism. The final chapter of the document argues strongly for the freedom of Christians from the ritual legislation of OT.65 Bradshaw (2002), 80–81. Metzger (1985), 17. 63 Steimer (1992), 118. Martimort has highlighted some similarities between AC and the Testament of Our Lord Jesus Christ (also known as Testamentum Domini). From Martimort’s viewpoint it is likely that both documents had the same source. Martimort does not clarify what the source might have been. According to Bradshaw, Testamentum Domini and AC have a common source that is AT. See Martimort (1986), 68, 74–75 and Bradshaw (2002), 76, 86–87. 64 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106. 65 Bradshaw (2002), 78–79. The original Greek DA has been lost, but two early translations into Latin and Syriac have survived along with a possible Coptic fragment. Bradshaw (2002), 79. – The second and third centuries were the time for processing and establishing ecclesiastical hierarchy. DA must be seen in this context: The author argues strongly for the authority of the bishop and against any different pattern of ministry and authority. The reaction against widows is strong. It suggests that the widows might come from outside DA community, representing a group with a different pattern of ministry and authority, especially regarding freedom and the authority of women. Methuen (1995), 203. DA represents only one of many different patterns of church or61

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DA is the most extensive source for AC in Books 1–6, but the intervention of the compiler cannot be seen evenly in the text.66 Evidently, the themes of DA used in the books of AC are so manifold that it is unnecessary to treat them all here. Especially worthwhile from the viewpoint of this research is that in DA the author considers the practices of Jewish Christian groups. Several scholars, including Murray, have regarded this as the key issue in the document. The central conflict in the document is the following of the ‘second legislation’ (δευτέρωσις).67 Charlotte Methuen takes into account the speculation of the author about the roles of bishop and women in the community. The author strives to emphasize the role of bishop as the central member of the community. When it comes to the women, he defines the qualifications and behaviour which are expected of a widow. The tasks of the female deacons are also briefly described.68 To conclude, the texts of the two previous church orders, the Didache and DA, have been taken over almost entirely into AC. The omissions that focus on the details of the liturgical ritual or discipline are few. By contrast, when the eighth book of AC is compared with the text in AT, the differences are significant. Only some short passages are common to both documents, sometimes just the order of the chapters. Books 7 and 8 even contain entire sections from other writings and documents.69

2.b.2. Other Sources At the beginning of Chapter 2.b, I listed the sources used by the compiler of AC. Items b–d indicate that AC is not based only on the previous church orders, although they function as the main sources. Along with the church orders, there are fragments that are taken from Scripture and ganization and only one of many different attitudes within contemporary Christianity to the authority of women. Therefore, one has to avoid reading it as a simple description of third century Syrian church practice. Methuen (1995), 213. 66 Murray (2007), 183. 67 Murray (2007), 183. The term ‘second legislation’ appears frequently in DA. It is a close translation of the Hebrew term mishnah. Murray (2007), 183. See also Fonrobert (2001), 483–509. In addition, most of the challenges which the author of DA deals with seem to be drawn from Jewish tradition. The author warns against doctrines which deny the Torah and the prophets, blaspheme against God Almighty and do not teach the resurrection. It seems that the author has known several groups in which the abstinence from marriage, giving up of meat and keeping of Jewish law regarding food and circumcision have been taught. Methuen (1995), 203–04. 68 Methuen (1995), 198–202. 69 Metzger (1985), 19.

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early Christian literature in AC. Some parts of the text seem not to be copies, but were produced by the compiler. Like other Antiochenes during the fourth century, the compiler uses LXX version as Scripture.70 At the end of the document (AC 8, 47, 85), the compiler lists the holy books. The list corresponds with the books of LXX. Hence, the biblical quotations in AC follow LXX.71 The compiler of AC is visibly obedient to the Scripture. For him, it represents the supreme authority. With the help of Scripture, the compiler confirms the legitimacy of his purposes and shows the historical continuity between OT and contemporaneous community life. Along with using the previous church orders, the compiler of AC adds biblical quotations into the interpolations of the sources. By doing this he seems to complete the citations he has taken from the Didache and DA. Here and there the compiler also replaces one quotation with another, abbreviates or simplifies them. He strives to illustrate the biblical events. When he quotes NT, the text is adapted into a pseudo-apostolic language: The episodes are narrated as if they were the experiences of the apostles. Likewise, when the compiler deals with institutions and Christian ethics, he accumulates phrases by means of the writings and speeches of the apostles.72 In addition, the compiler has used sources that have been integrated into some parts of the text. There is a collection of Jewish prayers (AC 7, 33–38, see Chapter 3.c.2), a baptism regulation (AC 7, 39–45), the list of bishops imposed by the apostles (AC 7, 46) and the Apostolic Canons (AC 8,  47).73 Additionally, the pages of AC are full of shorter quotations taken from previous texts including works attributed to Clement, Apocryphal Acts, historical books and creeds.74 Why did the compiler of AC not content himself with simply preserving the former material, but aim at superseding it?75 According to Bradshaw, when reproducing the manuscript, the compiler’s aim was also to amend and update it. Apparently, the compiler thought that 70 Hill (2005), 50–51. See also Heine (2007), 37–38. In ad 396, Jerome states that, at that time, LXX was known in three different versions among Christians: by Origen, Hesychius and Lucian. Presumably the compiler of AC used Lucian’s version, because it was used in the Antioch area. See Barrera (1998), 309–11. 71 Fiensy (1983), 671. 72 Metzger (1985), 30–31. See also Lenk (2010), 50. About a hermeneutical method used by the compiler, see Chapter 3.c.4.a. 73 Steimer (1992), 118–19. 74 Metzger (1985), 24–29. 75 Young (2012), 109.

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by adding current practices into the document, they might acquire an authoritative status. The compiler probably tried to alter the life of the community to match apostolic intention.76 In the analysis, therefore, it is important to differentiate between the compiler’s own material and the material which is known to be in common with the main sources. The ways of remoulding and adding something new reveal that something has changed in the context or at least in the compiler’s thinking compared to that of his predecessor. Finally, there are a couple of limitations we have to be conscious of. Firstly, we can never be sure about the extent of the material – both literal and oral – that the compiler has used. We do not know how much of the documentation still exists in our time. Therefore, the sources used in AC could be more numerous than we presently think. Secondly, we know that the compiler did not merely copy the sources, but remoulded them. Probably his aim was to make them fit his purposes. What those purposes were we cannot know for sure. Thirdly, there are various inconsistencies through the different parts of the document. These indicate that the compiler has not always tried to make a coherent compilation and harmonize his material. What follows are the various challenges for the analyser.77

2.c. Interpretational Implications AC is neither a treaty, a commentary on a biblical text, a homily nor a dialogue.78 What kind of literature it is, then? Usually the document is defined as ‘an early Christian church order’ or ‘an ancient church order’. However, ‘church order’ is not a very precise definition and has hence been interpreted in various ways.79 In Chapter 2.c we first try to define the genre of the early Christian church orders. After that we consider how this kind of document should be read.

2.c.1. Literary Genre Bruno Steimer lists two unquestionable hallmarks for the literary genre of the ancient church orders. Basically, they form a group of docu 78 79 76

77

Bradshaw (2002), 91. See Metzger (1985), 32–33. Metzger (1983a), 39–40. Synek (1997), 10–20. See also Steimer (1992), 1.

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ments which consists of distinct texts that have arisen over a period of more than four centuries. Another characteristic is that reliable manuscripts for the documents are only rarely easily accessible. More detailed definitions of the literary genre have demonstrated to be more or less disputable.80 Next, I highlight three proposals found in previous studies. The evident engagement in liturgical issues has led some scholars to define the ancient church orders as canonical-liturgical collections. For example, Metzger thinks that AC is a document that deals mainly with institutional and liturgical traditions. He clarifies the designation ‘canonical-liturgical literature’ further by writing about ‘primary institutional’ literature.81 When considering Metzger’s definition, we have to dissociate the original purpose of the document from its usage during the centuries that followed. Without a doubt, AC has traditionally been used as institutional, canonical and liturgical literature, especially in the Roman Catholic Church. In spite of this, we cannot be sure about the ultimate aim of the compiler in beginning his work (see Chapter 2.c.2). During the fourth century, the institutionalization of the Church was really in progress. First, councils were organized and the idea of the cursus honorum developed.82 It is likely that the former instructions were rapidly becoming impossible to follow. Why then did the compiler preserve so much previous material in his document? To define the literary genre of ancient church orders in more detail, Steimer has analysed the formal features that are common to the documents (the Didache, AT and DA).83 As a result, he found four characteristics that are typical to the genre. 80 Steimer (1992), 1. Cf. Synek (1997), 11. Steimer (1992), 152–53 has listed the various definitions of the genre of ancient church orders presented in previous studies. To insert the list, I point out that Fiensy defines AC as ‘a manual of ecclesiastical life,’ because the document contains instructions, exhortations and examples for proper Christian living. However, Fiensy’s definition is insufficient, because by its character AC is more prescriptive than descriptive. See Fiensy (1985), 19 and Chapter 2.c.2. 81 Metzger (1988), 308. Cf.  Metzger (1983a), 40; Mueller (2004), 58 and Synek (1997), 12. 82 See e.g. Barnett (1995), 104–05. 83 Steimer (1992), 242. Bradshaw (2002), 97 uses conceptions familiar from biblical studies and demands both ‘serious form-criticism and above all “redaction-criticism”’ in order to discover how the ancient church orders have emerged. Bradshaw’s notion is correct; there is a need for critical study. However, he seems to be unaware of Steimer’s comprehensive work published in 1992.

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1. When putting the documents together, the authors have used fragments that originate from several different literary genres. 2. Two kinds of styles in particular are typical to the documents. The formal, hence appellative, style posits the generic right stated in the texts. The prescriptive style dissociates clearly established commandments from casuistic ones. 3. The authors’ address to the recipients is in variable ways. This results from their appellative and prescriptive styles: The regulations are usually expressed through an impersonal juridical style. The advisory passages, on the other hand, include imperative or indicative formulations. 4. The contents of the documents can mainly be divided into six thematic categories: ‘constitutions’ (Verfassung), ‘worship’ (Kult), ‘discipline’ (Disziplin), ‘customs’ (Sitte), ‘law’ (Recht) and ‘other matters’ (Sonstiges).84 In his analysis, Steimer takes various aspects into account, but from the viewpoint of AC the analysis is not satisfactory. Steimer has not taken AC into account, because he has simply seen it as a collection based on the previous church orders.85 In Chapter 2.b we noted, however, that AC is not just a copy of these. Therefore, Steimer’s results cannot straightforwardly be applied to AC. Recently, the former categorization of ‘ancient church orders’ has been challenged. Joseph G. Mueller thinks that we should renounce the definition; the attempt to define such a church order literary genre, to which all the texts would belong, can be left aside. The documents were not originally written to function as ecclesiastical regulations. Instead, they are attempts to reinterpret OT in the current circumstances. The authors and redactors saw their texts as acts posed with an interpretive tradition that developed along with its Jewish counterparts. Hence, the documents can be designated as the works of ancient ecclesiological exegesis.86 84 The four characteristics are originally presented by Steimer (1992), 242–48 and summarized by Mueller (2004), 61. 85 See Steimer (1992), 6–7, also Mueller (2004), 60–61. 86 Mueller (2007), 370. Bradshaw and Stewart agree with Mueller’s critique of seeing the church orders forming a tradition, but they both question Muller’s suggestion of a tradition of exegesis. According to Bradsaw and Stewart, the tradition may be identified through the set of literary relationships which obtains between the church orders. See Stewart (2019).

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From my viewpoint, the perspectives of Metzger, Steimer and Mueller are obviously divergent, but not necessarily incompatible. Despite my criticism, institutional, canonical and liturgical elements are evident in AC, as Metzger states. They are also discernible in the thematic categories that Steimer formulated. Similarly, the institutional, canonical and liturgical issues do not exclude the various styles Steimer identified in the documents. Furthermore, while formulating the regulations, the compiler of AC regularly interprets Scripture in his current circumstances. The commandments are validated through a strong biblical basis. The ongoing and unresolved debate affects this research as well. We do not know what it actually means when AC is called a church order. Hence, we cannot take the initial purpose of the compiler for granted. In this study, from time to time I call AC a ‘church order’ to differentiate it from, for example, homilies or commentaries. Similarly, I keep in mind that the definition of the genre is not strictly accurate.

2.c.2. Living Literature Bradshaw characterizes AC and other early Christian liturgical manuscripts as ‘living literature’. This phrase refers to written material circulating within a community as part of the material which exists within a community, forming a part of its tradition. Simultaneously, the literature reflects something about its historical and cultural circumstances. This kind of literature can be called ‘living’, because the material is regularly under revision and being rewritten.87 As already noted in Chapter 2.a, AC was originally a literal document. The comparison between AC and its sources demonstrates that AC can be described as ‘living’. Because the document has been produced in a special way, it has to be read and analysed with special care. Next I consider some interpretational challenges. They help us to understand why it is necessary to make careful conclusions when analysing the document. When we compare the products of living literature with each other, we find similarities and differences, omissions and additions. Firstly, this means that, from one period and community to another, new questions have arisen and others have lost their interest. Secondly, this tells us something about the way of working. The compiler of AC has probably treated the material like the other living literature authors. He has not considered himself simply as a preserver of the old material, but his 87

Bradshaw (2002), 5.

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motive has also been to update the previous fragments to match the current circumstances better.88 … copyists or translators of ancient material dealing with liturgical matters did not normally expend considerable time and energy on their work merely out of a general desire to preserve antiquity for its own sake but because they believed that the document legitimized as traditional the worship practices of their own day.89

When editing, the compiler of AC both copied the sources and reproduced them. Martimort writes that the compiler was ‘quite liberal’ when it comes to the way that he used his source. For example, he added some instructions for female deacons in passages that are parallel to passages in DA, except that DA does not mention those women at all.90 When the question is about living literature, the variant readings between different manuscripts of the ancient church orders are not usually signs of errors or accidental dislocations by the compiler. They can also be deliberate emendations designed to alter the sense of the text. In consequence, when we study this kind of literature, the original is not the only important historical source. The changes which were made by the first, second, and even third authors must also be taken into account. They indicate something about the world in which each lived, about what had changed and what had remained the same in the ongoing life (or rather ideals of it) in the Church. Therefore, while analysing AC, we have to take into account both the similarities and dissimilarities between the document and its sources.91 What if during the process the compiler encountered material that did not correspond to his own experience? Several suggestions can be made. In these kinds of cases, Bradshaw presumes that the compiler concluded that his own experiences must be those that were prescribed in the ancient times and thereafter omitted from a document or overlooked during the transmission process. In conclusion, he has worked to restore what he thought the original reading to be, to bring it into line with current practice.92 On the other hand, Metzger proposes that the compiler could have acted like the ‘owner of a house who brings out 90 91 92 88

89

Bradshaw (2002), 4. See also Metzger (2001), 608. Bradshaw (2002), 4. Martimort (1986), 63. Bradshaw (2002), 91–92. Bradshaw (2002), 4–5.

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of his storeroom new treasures as well as old’ (Mt 13:52). That is to say, reproducing does not mean that the compiler has updated everything in order to reflect precisely the situation of his time. Probably he has sometimes stayed with archaic formulations.93 Certain adjustments in AC also seem to be attempts to harmonize the information included in the previous sources. The compiler has collected several fragments that deal with the same subjects but with slight differences. After that he has made them match. However, the result is not coherent throughout the document. For example, similar dogmatic formulas are contained in three initiation rites, but there are several ways of understanding the meaning of anointing. The compiler also repeats certain themes several times throughout the books of AC. By way of repetition, he partly tries to harmonize the compilation. Additionally, by means of repetition he makes the document more influential.94 How did the compiler himself perceive the level of authority in the document? The use of the pseudepigraphical technique (see Chapter 2.a.1) indicates that the compiler needed to increase the document’s authority. This does not mean, however, that the document was initially totally without authority. As already noted, he also used sources from different parts of the Church: for instance, it has been suggested that AT originated in Rome and DA in Syria. Part of the sources might therefore have been widespread already when the compiler came to process them into a new document. The distribution of the sources as well as the pseudepigraphical tendency indicate that he intended to compile an authoritative text. During the process, he has predicted that the document might be as appreciated and widespread as its sources, or at least he has strived to reach the same level of authority.95 93 Metzger (2001), 608. However, the dogmatic language in the document also suits its time. The compiler has made ample use of common expressions in his day: vocabulary taken from Neo-Platonists and Philo are transmitted through the Jewish blessings and integrated into the liturgical language. Metzger (1986), 13–14. 94 Metzger (1985), 47–48, 50. 95 See Bradshaw (2002), 93–94. Young (2012), 109 states that the implicit reader(s) of AC were undoubtedly unaware of the compiler’s intentions. I think Young’s supposition is not necessary. Why should they have been ignorant? Young’s argument makes me think that the compiler would like to have cheated his reader(s). However, this might not have been Young’s intention – nor the compiler’s either. The reader(s) should have been aware of Scripture. AC would have helped them to interpret OT in particular, but also NT, in their ongoing ecclesiastical life. The claim for apostolic authority expressed in the document has been a commonly used expression to argue for the author’s fidelity to Scripture.

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According to Anders Ekenberg, the nature of the text in AC is prescriptive rather than descriptive. The document contains information about both the compiler’s viewpoints and real (or assumed) circumstances in the community where it has been developed and for which it was primarily composed.96 Young thinks that the intended purpose of the compiler is to generate a particular moral and social order. The current real life of the community is interlinear at most. Because the text is future-oriented, we must not read the text as a communal order which really existed in the community of the compiler. On the contrary, the document is an ideal, which has been held out to the readers who would respond to what it says and try to live it out.97 Bradshaw reminds us of the challenges that living literature brings to the modern reader of AC. When we read it, we have to avoid a selfevident conclusion that everything we encounter has been the real life of the community. We must also keep in mind that liturgical texts can go on being copied long after they have ceased to be used. The compilers might have carried ‘some excess liturgical baggage along with them.’98 They may have copied out primitive and respected texts into later collections of material just because they were primitive and respected. There might have been a real intention of putting them into practice – or there might not. This causes a problem for us. The early Christians knew which of their texts were to be used and which had been discarded, whereas we are left to guess this.99 In spite of this, I think that there was surely still some reason to keep the texts in the sources. The early Christians con Ekenberg (2007), 641. See also Penn (2001), 162–63. Young (2012), 108. Eisen thinks that orientation to ancient regulative texts has been characteristic of early Christian research about ‘offices held by women’. By their nature they are restrictive texts forbidding women from taking an active role outside the household. Among those texts Eisen reads, for example, church orders from the third to sixth centuries. She points out that it is almost never noted that statements and normative regulations in them are often reactions to a different praxis: ‘It must be shown that these texts are not appropriate for reception as “reflections” of the reality of early Christian life. They must be interpreted as refractions of desire and reality.’ Eisen (2000), 3. – The compiler seems to have striven for harmonizing the ongoing life of the target community. His ambition to unify is expressed through the many warnings that are addressed to opponents of the hierarchy. In the words of apostles the compiler tenaciously reminds us about obedience. Metzger (1985), 51. – One example of the interpretative challenges that the prescriptive character produces is the question of the roles of different female groups in AC. Because the compiler’s style is normative, it is challenging to outline the real life behind the commandments. See Elm (1994), 173–74. 98 Bradshaw (2002), 6. 99 Bradshaw (2002), 5–6. 96 97

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sidered the texts as somehow venerable, although they might not have used them regularly. Moreover, if the texts were not used regularly, it does not automatically mean that they had no influence on their thinking. In addition, I think that because producing a vast compilation has been such hard and costly work, the compiler might not have been able to put very much unnecessary extra material into the texts. Finally, also from the viewpoint of reception, AC should be treated as an ideal. We have to ask some practical questions. Did all of the bishops have a copy of AC at hand? How literally did they try to follow its instructions? Wilken reminds us that the Church had no educational system in the fourth century. The purpose of the catechumenate was to instruct people in the creed and the liturgy, and to teach them a few simple prayers. Because most catechumens could not read, the clergy relied on memory.100 Hence, the target congregation was likely to be unable to follow the instructions in precisely the manner the compiler had stated them in AC. He was probably conscious of this during the compilation process. However, the ideals are valuable as well. For example, they tell us about doctrinal, social and cultural tendencies that affected the compiler’s thinking when he lived and worked in his community.

2.d. Editions and Manuscripts AC was the first of the church orders to be found in the West after the Middle Ages.101 According to Steimer, AC has not lost its outstanding position among the ancient church orders. For over 400 years, numerous theologians have worked with AC, editing it over and over again. The last edition was published 30 years ago which increased the interest in studying the document.102 In Chapter 2.d we become familiar with the different editions of AC that scholars have produced during its his Wilken (1983), 24. Although the Scriptures were learnt by heart from an early age, in the Jewish Christian liturgical tradition, liturgical prayers were originally spontaneous in character. The prayers became uniform slowly and gradually during the first Christian centuries. At the beginning of the second century, only the number of blessings, their ordering and contents had become established. The praying man was allowed to word the prayers himself. It is not clear whether AC reflects this kind of a custom or whether the prayers written in it have to be worded exactly as the compiler has put them. See Kotila (2004), 59. 101 Prior to the nineteenth century, AC was the only obtainable church order. See Bradshaw (2002), 73–74. 102 Steimer (1992), 114. 100

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tory, and I present my choice of edition on which my research is based. Thereafter, we will glance at the manuscripts that have been used while drawing up the edition.

2.d.1. Editions previous to Metzger’s The first edition of AC in Greek was brought out in ad 1563 in Venice.103 The producer was Francisco Torres, a Spanish Jesuit, who is usually cited as Franciscus Turrianus.104 The value of this edition was later demonstrated to be high.105 Over the centuries that followed, several Greek editions were made: in ad 1672 by Cotelier and in ad 1759 by Joannes Dominicus Mansi, each with a later Latin translation. In ad 1857 J.–P. Migne published his version in Patrologia Graeca. In the 1850s both Wilhelm Ültzen and Paul Anton Lagarde published editions, the latter eventually even two.106 F. X. Funk criticized Lagarde’s way of selecting the manuscripts for his edition, and ended up publishing an edition of his own in 1905. The edition provided a carefully evaluated mixture of both well-known and some new manuscripts. His precept was the principle of bonae notae – that is to say, he preferred the manuscript he considered to be the least corrupted.107 Funk (1905), XX. Kopecek (1987), 209. 105 Steimer (1992), 114–15. Torres’ purpose was to produce a contribution to the literature of the Counter-Reformation. He assumed that AC was a genuine work of the apostles. He saw the insistence on episcopacy and similar features excluding the Protestant interpretation of NT. Turner (1930), 128. – Some fragments were produced in Latin translations prior to Torres. They were published in ad 1546 by Carlo Capelli (Capellius) in Ingolstadt. The same fragments took Crabbe in ad 1551 to the second edition of his collection. Carlo Bovio (Bovius) made the first complete Latin translation of AC. The translation was probably independent of Torres’ Greek edition. The Latin version was reprinted in ad 1564 and later incorporated into various collections in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In ad 1579 Torres also published a Latin translation which has been frequently reprinted. Steimer (1992), 114–15. 106 Steimer (1992), 115. See also Turner (1930), 128–29. The earliest manuscripts that Lagarde used in his edition were from the twelfth century. Turner (1914), 54. 107 Metzger (1985), 75–77. See also Steimer (1992), 115–16; Kopecek (1987), 209 and Turner (1930), 128–29. According to Turner (1914), 54, Funk has exploited four manuscripts from the tenth and eleventh centuries in his edition. Turner thinks that Funk’s version superseded all previous editions because of the excellent critical apparatus. – The passages concerning the female deacons in AC according to Funk’s edition are collected in Mayer (1938), 18–26. – AC has also been translated into other languages. For example, Ferdinand Boxler’s German version has been translated into English in the series Ante-Nicene Fathers. Steimer (1992), 117. 103

104

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Until very recently Funk’s edition was the only scientifically reliable one and essential for anyone who had to deal with the text of AC.108 However, it was not greeted with satisfaction by all. C. H. Turner, in particular, criticized Funk’s harmonizing tendency in some doctrinal passages.109 Turner’s criticism has been noted in some quarters. We will return to this discussion in Chapter 3.b. The most recent edition of AC has been made by Metzger. The edition was published in SC in three volumes between 1985–1987, eighty years after Funk’s epoch-making work. The discussion of the doctrinal background of the compiler inspired Metzger to begin his work. Metzger’s edition of the Greek text, which is collated on the basis of many codices, is added to a French translation. The very edition of the text, along with the comprehensive introduction that was published in the first and second volumes, implies that Metzger has tried to replace Funk’s edition.110 Thomas A. Kopecek compared Metzger’s edition to Funk’s and drew some conclusions. Concerning the first two books of AC, Metzger has not introduced significant differences. In spite of that, Kopecek thinks ‘Metzger’s apparatus is superior,’111 because Metzger has taken into account manuscripts that Funk ignored. Additionally, Metzger’s edition repeats more literally the original doxologies that Funk tried to harmonize because they seem to include certain heresiological tendencies. At the same time, however, Kopecek thinks that Metzger’s edition cannot replace Funk’s. In Metzger’s edition, the Greek text is presented only with some editorial notes and a French translation on the facing pages. In Funk’s edition, instead, the texts of DA and the Didache are printed alongside the Greek AC text. Funk has also highlighted the similarities and differences between the three texts and referred to relevant passages in the patristic literature.112 Steimer (1992), 116. See e.g. Turner (1914), 54 and Kopecek (1988), 612. 110 Steimer (1992), 116. See also Metzger (1988), 306–07 and Kopecek (1987), 210. 111 Kopecek (1987), 210. 112 Kopecek (1987), 210; (1988), 611–12. See also Steimer (1992), 117. Kopecek points out that Metzger tends to list variant readings by a manuscript family rather than by an individual manuscript. Metzger also cites two manuscripts (Althous Vatopedinus 171 and Atheniensis BN 1435), which Funk ignored. When it comes to the citations taken from Bodleianus Miscell, Metzger is more thorough and careful than Funk. However, Metzger does not refer to the other patristic sources as Funk did. In spite of this, Metzger refers to appropriate discussions in the introductory chapters as well as to representative later studies. As a result of the comparison, Kopecek states that it is reasonable to view Metzger’s edition as a complement to Funk’s, but not as its replacement. Kopecek (1988), 611–12. 108

109

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I have chosen to use Metzger’s edition of AC as the basis for my analysis in this research.113 Funk’s edition could well have come into consideration: It is over 110 years old now, but still in favour with some scholars. Metzger’s edition does not seem to have totally replaced it. Like Kopecek, I worry that Metzger does not present the text of AC together with its main sources. That is certainly a flaw, but then again it highlights the distinctiveness of the document itself. When it comes to my research topic, the missing source text does not make comparing it and AC impossible. Of the main sources of AC, only the author of DA has mentioned the female deacons in the text. Therefore, the comparison between AC and its main sources is relatively simple. In the analysis, I am able to take the passages of DA into account, even if Metzger’s edition does not make it automatically possible. I prefer Metzger’s edition in my analysis because of its comprehensiveness. Compared to the earlier editions, it is based on the largest number of manuscripts.114 That increases the reliability, both of the edited document and my analysis. We conclude this chapter by having a look at the range of manuscripts that Metzger has used.

2.d.2. Manuscripts used by Metzger In the course of time, the manuscripts of the early Christian documents tended to move from generation to generation and from one ecclesiastical tradition to another. They scarcely retained their original shape, but rather were regularly growing, changing and evolving. As a result, we can find not only multiple recensions of one manuscript, but also various versions of the same manuscript. The manuscripts may exhibit both quantitative differences (e.g. longer or shorter versions of the same material) and qualitative differences (e.g. various ways of saying the same thing). The differences seldom clearly reflect the original form.115 Over the centuries, a large number of fragments have been found and demonstrated to be parts of AC. Despite that, the fragments that could serve in establishing a critical edition are rare. The manuscripts are often excerpts that include only a few chapters, or even only one. Additionally, There is no English translation of Metzger’s edition available. For example, Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106–16, 130–31) present the passages that concern the female deacons in AC, but base their translations only on Funk’s edition. Therefore, in this study, I have translated the passages from Metzger’s Greek edition into English myself. 114 Lagarde’s edition is based on four manuscripts, Funk’s on 11 and Metzger’s on 15. See Metzger (1985), 65. 115 Bradshaw (1993), 140; (2002), 92. 113

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the Apostolic Canons (AC 8, 47) were transmitted independently from the rest of AC, especially after the Quinisext Council (see Chapter 3.a). The Apostolic Canons were not copied into every manuscript of AC.116 For his critical edition, Metzger chose the manuscripts of AC that contain substantial parts of the text. Below is a list of the manuscripts which he used. The defined dates of the fragments are presented in brackets.117 Vaticanus graecus 839 (from the tenth century) Vaticanus graecus 2088 (the eleventh century) Athous Vatopedinus 171 (the tenth century) Vaticanus graecus 1506 (ad 1024) Vaticanus graecus 2089 (+ 2115) (the eleventh century) Vaticanus Barberinianus graecus 336 (Barb. III, 55) (the latter part of the eighth century) h Hierosolymitanus S. Crucis 3 (the tenth or eleventh century) m Ambrosianus G 64 sup. (the thirteenth century) o Bodleianus Miscell. 204 (the tenth century) p Petropolitanus 100 (ad 1111) s Atheniensis 1435 (the twelfth century) v Vindoboensis Palatinus Hist. graecus 73 (46) (the tenth century) y Vindoboensis Palatinus Hist. graecus 64 (47) (the sixteenth century) z Paris. B. N. graecus 931 (Reg. 2874) (the sixteenth century) FV Fragmentum Veronense (Latin version) (the sixth century)118

a b c d e f

No single manuscript contains all eight books of the document. In general, the best-survived are Books 5 and 6, the poorest is Book 8. Either the whole text or some fragments of them can be found in 12 manuscripts. Manuscript d contains the whole document – except the very first verse. In addition, Metzger has used 10 other manuscripts that have Metzger (1985), 63. Metzger (1985), 64–65. The text of AC is still accessible in other manuscripts, either in full or as substantial extracts. They are in both Greek and Latin. They will not be presented here in great depth, because they are irrelevant to the establishment of the critical text. See Metzger (1985), 72–74. – Kopecek (1987), 210 writes that the consideration of the manuscripts in Metzger (1985), 63–94 is the only satisfactory discussion of the available manuscript tradition of AC. 118 Metzger (1985), 65. When referring to the manuscripts, Metzger uses the presented abbreviations a, b, c, etc. in his edition of AC and I follow this approach in this study. 116

117

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preserved some fragments.119 In the context of this study, I see no need to clarify in more detail the differences and similarities between the manuscripts of AC. However, in my analysis I will take into consideration the various alternative forms of the words that result from the differing manuscripts. Metzger has noted the various forms that arise from divergent manuscripts in the references of his edition.120

See figure in Metzger (1985), 94. The examination concerning the manuscripts of AC has continued after Metzger published his editions in the 1980s. Relatively recently, in the 1950s and in 2004, two excerpts from Book 6 of AC have been found in Armenia. The excerpts were part of the Greek collection of Matenadaran. The collection contains a particular series of old flyleaves that were removed from the bindings and kept in envelopes. The excerpts come from the same manuscript. Apparently, the excerpt, which was found in 2004, is not directly linked to any previously known witness. Chétanian (2006), 332–41. 119

120

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CHAPTER 3 DOGMATIC TENDENCIES IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

AC has fascinated researchers for a long time and has prompted a number of assumptions about its origin and goals.1 Over the centuries, they have defined the theology of AC. To classify the compiler as a distinct dogmatic party has been shown to be at least a challenging or perhaps even an impossible task. This is for several reasons. Firstly, in Chapter 2 we became familiar with the compiling process of AC. It is likely that the compiler has not remoulded all of his material and hence has probably not produced a theologically coherent document. He has reused materials which were written in different contexts. Furthermore, none of its major sources originates in a particular theological school. Over the centuries, an immanent incoherency has cast its shadow over the definition of AC among scholars.2 Secondly, there is some ambiguity in the dogmatic phrases in the document. Of course, phrases are never the exclusive property of one party or a particular school, but in AC they have also been expressed unclearly. Therefore, one can only try to guess what the origin of these passages is. The compiler has retained the simple utterances of some doc1 For instance, Metzger (1985), 39–40 outlines the divergent perspectives. According to Funk, the compiler has aimed at emphasizing the visible unity of the Church. Funk thought that the purpose of the document was literary or archaeological, being a retrieval from old documents. Schwartz, on the other hand, thought that the compilation was directed against monasticism. Some other scholars have been more sensitive to the theology of AC and seen it as a written propaganda disseminated in the context of a doctrinal strife. Thus, Capelle says that the purpose of AC was to impose the Arian vocabulary. Metzger regards these assumptions as insufficient. He thinks that the document should be placed alongside writings of the same genre. 2 Metzger (1983a), 36–37; (1983d), 281.

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trinal formulas, without explaining their meaning. He does not use the contemporaneous philosophical vocabulary that would help us to define his dogmatic context. The famous ancient technical terms like οὐσια, πρόσωπον, ὑπόστασις, and terms which were used about the Father and the Son in the doctrinal controversies among ancient Christians (e.g. ὁμοούσιος and ὁμοιούσιος) are totally absent from the document. On the contrary, the compiler prefers biblical language. This comes out both in the titles which he gives to the three persons of the Trinity as well as in the way he forms some aspects of faith. He embeds a large number of quotations and biblical allusions in the demonstration of the resurrection, the confessions of faith and the prayers.3 Thirdly, from a dogmatic viewpoint the structure of the document is diffuse. The compiler does not treat the Christian faith in a systematic way. We notice this throughout the document, both in certain passages and larger paragraphs. However, there are some exceptions in which the dogmatic discourse is denser and more technical: in the apologetic demonstration of the resurrection (AC 5, 7), the creeds (AC 6, 11 and 14), the ordering of baptismal celebration (AC 7, 40) and the summary of catechetical instruction (AC 8, 39, 2–3).4 Finally, the incoherencies in the document reflect well the overall situation among Antiochene Christians at the end of the fourth century. Various dogmatic parties made for a colourful life in the city. Despite the fact that the Council of Nicaea had been held approximately 50 years earlier, the schism between Arians and Nicaeans still continued in Antioch. The Arian influence was so strong that the city was said to be the capital of Arianism at that time. The schism was divisive for the ordinary people, but was of great importance for the emperors. In Antioch, the Arian group was not a coherent one but consisted of three sections. Outside the focus of the Arian controversy, the so-called Euchits also played a role in the city. Hence, the Christian groups in Antioch were not uniform but numerous and diffuse. Because the compiler worked under these circumstances, it is understandable why it has been difficult to outline a coherent dogmatic perspective.5

Metzger (1983d), 280–81, 283, 292; (1986), 13–14. Metzger (1983a), 36–37; (1986), 11–12. Metzger (1986), 12 writes that the celebration of baptism is instructed in AC 7, 41, which actually is about renouncing Satan. I think Metzger intended to refer to AC 7, 40. – In spite of the lack of dogmatic coherence, Metzger (1986), 18–38 has outlined the main points of the theology in AC. 5 Wilken (1983) 10–16. See also Metzger (1983a), 29 and Synek (1999), 43–44. 3 4

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The question of the theology of AC is as old as it is controversial.6 Since the seventh century, theologians have presented various suggestions for defining the doctrine of AC. As a result, they have qualified the theology of the document in divergent ways. Especially from the viewpoint of research history, it is meaningful for us to take a look at the various interpretations. That is what I will do next. I will outline the discussion, which has continued around the topic for centuries. The overview gives a background for the perspective, which I prefer to highlight – the Jewish Christian influences on the document. In short, in this chapter I search for the main trends in defining the theology of AC. The trends seem to have shaped two main steps over the centuries: from Arian to various readings. I treat the steps, not so much in a chronological order, but thematically.

3.a. Arian Constructions The orthodoxy of AC came under suspicion at an early date. Its heterodoxy was publicly stated in the second canon of the Council in Trullo (ad 691–692). According to the canon, a group of heretics had interpolated the work that had originally been apostolic. The Trullan councillors found some obvious hints of heretical influence, but did not mention any heretic by name in their statement.7 And in these canons we are bidden to receive the Constitutions of the Holy Apostles [written] by Clement. But formerly through the agency of those who erred from the faith certain adulterous matter was introduced, clean contrary to piety, for the polluting of the Church, which obscures the elegance and beauty of the divine decrees in their present form. We therefore reject these Constitutions so as the better to make sure of the edification and security of the most Christian flock; by no means admitting the offspring of heretical error, and cleaving to the pure and perfect doctrine of the Apostles.8

About two hundred years later, Photius, the Patriarch of Constantinople (died in the 890s), no longer hesitated. He identified the heretics as Steimer (1992), 122. Metzger (1983a), 30. See also Turner (1915), 54. 8 Canon II, Canons of the Council of Trullo. Mansi (1765), 939–40. English translation in Schaff & Wace (1952), 361. 6 7

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Arians.9 The patriarch criticized the whole document for its Arianism: ‘The [Apostolic] Constitutions appear to be liable to censure on three counts: clumsy fiction, which it is easy to remove; the abusive charges against Deuteronomy, which can easily be met, and its Arianism, which can be refuted by a vigorous attack.’10 According to Metzger, the copyists who had transcribed the passages of AC might have helped Photius to come to his conclusion. The copyists have, namely, poured oil on the fire by noting in the margin: ‘This is blasphemy!’11 In spite of this condemnation, the prestige of AC persisted at least to some extent. Especially the Apostolic Canons remained as an appreciated text.12 According to the agreement made in Trullo, the text of AC was considered to have been originally orthodox, but then heretical tendencies were inserted into it.13 Metzger reports that the interpretations made by Trullan councillors and Photius remained almost unchallenged for about one thousand years. At the beginning of the twentieth century, many scholars still identified some passages in the document as heretical, usually as Arian. AC, therefore, was seen for a long time as a propaganda tool in the service of a heterodox environment.14 9 Bradshaw (2002), 85. Cf.  Synek (1999), 41–42 and Kopecek (1985), 154. The roots of Arianism have been doubted for a long time. It has been asked, for example, whether they are of a Jewish or Platonist origin. Lorenz thinks that, within Judaism and Jewish Christianity, there were verifiably some visible elements of ‘Arian’ doctrine. Therefore, the primary dogmatic and Christological assertions of Arianism have some links to Jewish or Jewish Christian thinking. Viewed from the context of AC, Lorenz’s consideration is worth noting. However, he does not take into account AC but pseudoClementine literature and understands ‘Jewish Christianity’ as confined to the Ebionites. Lorenz (1979), 23–36, 148–50, 177–79. See also Kopecek (1985), 155. 10 Photius, Bibliotheca 113. English translation in Freese (1920), 112–13. 11 Metzger (1983a), 30. 12 Martimort (1986), 60. 13 Steimer (1992), 122. 14 Metzger (1983a), 30; (1986), 10, 18. Metzger points out a distortion in defining the theology of documents which were written after Arius. Over the centuries that followed its inception, Arianism gained great importance in the minds of Eastern Christians. It eclipsed other heresies and doctrinal conflicts to the point that an earlier writing, whose orthodoxy was demonstrably questionable, was easily qualified as Arian. Metzger (1986), 18. – We also have to ask how the contemporaries of AC understood the term ‘Arian’. The Arian controversy was relatively young in the middle of the fourth century, but the interpretation of the term had already begun to develop. For Theodoros, for instance, not only those people whose formulas were anti-Nicaean were considered ‘Arians’; but also those whose formulas were not openly pro-Nicaean. The latter is the way ‘Arian’ is probably understood in the context of AC as well. Synek (1999), 49.

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As already noted in Chapter 2.d.1, AC was rediscovered and published at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Since then the hypothesis of its Arian origin has been endorsed. For instance, Ussher (ad 1644), Dalläus (ad 1653), Cotelier (ad 1672) and Clericus (ad 1724) have regarded AC as a work which had been created by an Arian or Neo-Arian compiler.15 Turner paid attention to the predominance of Arianism throughout Syria during the two middle quarters of the fourth century. He concluded that the theology of the compiler was pure Arian (‘Arian pur sang’).16 In the articles that were published during the first decades of the twentieth century, Turner argued strongly for an Arian compiler by setting out Arian readings from two manuscripts, d and e (see Chapter 2.d.2). He favoured the readings in manuscript d by listing twenty passages which he considered to demonstrate the excellence of manuscript d and the Arian tendency in the document. Turner thought that the most striking feature of any text that is primarily based on the witness of manuscript d is its Arian tendency. Turner also discovered an ancient Latin manuscript that contained a text fragment from AC. Because the versions matched strikingly, Turner saw them as confirming his interpretation of manuscript d.17 Turner based the argumentation mainly on the seventh and eighth books of AC. In summary, his main arguments for Arian elements in AC are: 1. The text in the Great Doxology (AC 7, 47, 3). Turner pointed out that ‘the Arian version’ of it relates to praising the Father as much as the ‘orthodox’ manuscripts are applied to the Son. In the first version, the doxology goes as ‘You alone are the Lord, God and Father of Jesus,’ as for in the second ‘You alone are the Lord, Jesus Christ.’ 2. The Son’s relationship to the Father is qualified through a phrase which gives an Arian impact: The Son is a ‘worthy worshipper’ for the Father (AC 8, 12, 7).

Metzger (1983a), 33. Turner (1915), 61. See also Kopecek (1985), 154. – The place and dating of the document also convinced Hamilton that this was an Arian compiler. Kopecek (1985), 154; (1987), 209. 17 Turner (1915), 54–61. See also Steimer (1992), 123. Cf. Kopecek (1985), 154 and Metzger (1983a), 33–34. 15

16

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3. Another evocation of the Father (AC 8,  12,  27) justifies Arian christology as well. In it, Christ, the Holy Spirit and heavenly orders are listed among the worshippers. 4. The doxologies, which conclude the Eucharistic prayer and postcommunion (AC 8, 12, 50; AC 8, 15, 9), give an Arianized impression. 5. In a prayer (AC 8, 16, 3) the Son is said to have existed before all. For Turner, this is the final proof of an Arian impact.18 Turner thought that there were only two choices to define the theology in the document: either orthodox or Arian.19 Turner wrote that the intention of the compiler was not to produce an Arian document, but AC, as we know it, is an Arianized edition of ‘an originally orthodox or at least colourless work.’20 His thought is therefore in line with that of the Trullan councillors. However, Turner thought that not all of the passages had been Arianized. Some had remained untouched.21 Turner’s reasoning for an Arian compiler resonated widely and for a long time among scholars.22 In the 1940s, Bernard Capelle presented an additional argument for Arian elements in the document. He demonstrated that Gloria in Excelsis (AC 7, 46) was not the original form of the hymn, as had been thought. Turner had already pointed out that the hymn was originally addressed to Christ, but in AC it was remoulded and addressed to the Father instead. Capelle turned his particular attention more widely to 18 Turner (1915), 54–61. The summary was originally presented in Metzger (1983a), 34. – The pseudepigraphical character of AC also connects the document with alleged Arianism. The technique was popular among Arians. In Antioch, it was used especially between ad 360 and 381 when there were Arian emperors. After that the Arian propaganda was futile, because the Nicaean orthodoxy was restored and all who professed non-Nicaean faith, were rejected. Metzger (1986), 11. 19 Turner (1930), 129. Apparently Turner was not familiar with the various tendencies in the Church during the fourth century, because his choices for the context were limited to two. According to recent scholarship, each document that originates in the fourth century reflects an environment in which there were not just one or two, but many, dogmatic trends and tendencies. According to Edwards (2009), 109, ‘the [doctrinal] controversies of the fourth century are no longer painted only in black and white.’ 20 Turner (1915), 54. 21 Turner (1915), 54–55. According to Turner (1915), 55–61, there are altogether 22 ‘Arianized’ passages in AC. 22 For example, 70 years later, after Turner’s publications, Kopecek (1985), 154 wrote that ‘Turner’s argument by and large has carried day, and the Arian origin of AC has been widely accepted ever since.’ The extensive endorsement of Turner’s results comes out in note 78 in Steimer (1992), 123.

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the vocabulary of the hymn, and classified it as Arian. He concluded that the compiler had intentionally remoulded the hymn to give it an Arian emphasis. Through rephrasing, the compiler had strived to express the inequality and subordination of the Son in relation to the Father.23 To conclude, the scholars remained faithful to the Trullan councillors for a long time. They pointed out the passages of AC that seemed to be of Arian origin. Undoubtedly, the verses might include some Ariancompatible formulations. I would like to point out, however, that at the beginning of the twentieth century and earlier, the available source material for scholars was more limited than it is today. For instance, Turner preferred only two manuscripts of AC, whereas Metzger knows 15 (see Chapter 2.d.2). This probably influenced Turner’s results.

3.b. Other Doctrinal Elements Especially during the twentieth century, interpretations concerning the doctrinal influences on AC have been varied. At the same time, the number of available manuscripts has increased, which might partially have widened the spectrum of the interpretations, I think. Nowadays, the opinion of the Trullan councillors has been manifestly challenged: AC has been defined as a Neo-Arian document. Anti-Arian arguments, and arguments that are not linked with the Arian controversy, have been presented. Some cultural influences, for example Jewish Christian, have been taken into consideration as well. As a result, nowadays we have a variety of interpretations which do not exclude each other. Rather, they form a multicolour picture in which all aspects can be equally valid.

3.b.1. Neo-Arian Formulations Along with its other Arian tendencies, AC has been characterized as a Neo-Arian24 document. William Whiston was the first scholar 23 Capelle (1949), 439–57. Cf. Steimer (1992), 124; Metzger (1983a), 34; Bradshaw (2002), 85. – Instead of AC, the Codex of Alexadrinus has retained the authentic text of the Gloria in Excelsis. Capelle (1949), 453. – Capelle thought that the compiler of AC had been an aggressive and passionate Arian. He rejected the previous notion according to which the compiler of AC was an ‘old-fashioned Origenist’. Capelle (1949), 446. See also Kopecek (1988), 613. 24 The Neo-Arianist movement originates in third century Antioch. Later on, after the Nicene Council, a man called Eunomius met Aetius and became his pupil. The couple came to be called ‘Neo-Arians,’ ‘Semi-Arians,’ ‘Anomoeans’ or ‘Heterousians,’ and were characterized as the strongest opponents of ὁμοούσιος. The Neo-Arians stated

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who, as early as in ad  1711, found some Neo-Arian hints in AC.25 The search for Neo-Arian elements in AC has been under way since then. The teachings of Eunomius have been seen as influential on the text.26 Later on, the question of Neo-Arianism in AC became a particularly topical issue. In the 1970s, Georg Wagner delivered new arguments for the Arian character of the document. He highlighted various formulas which he saw as Arian indications in the document. The first of them was the denial of Christ’s ‘human soul’,27 which is originally an Arian peculiarity. Along with that, though, Wagner noted that Christ is called God in another passage in the document. At first hand, I think, his notion seems to be evidence against Arian influence. A  more comprehensive consideration ends up with contrary conclusions. Both in Arian and Eunomian documents, Christ is really called God – but in them, as well as in AC, His divinity seems to be secondary.28 Wagner did not simply highlight the Arian elements in AC. He defined the document as Neo-Arian in more detail. Wagner made linguistic parallels with Books 7 and 8 and two texts written by Eunomius – Apology and Confessions. As a result, he detected several correspondences between the texts. The findings led Wagner to conclude that Eunomius himself had edited AC.29 Wagner brought out that the theology of ἀγέννητος30 can be found both in Eunomius’ Apology and on the pages of AC, in the ordination prayer of the bishop (AC 8, 5) and in the anaphora of the Euchathat the nature of the Son is different or dissimilar from that of the unbegotten Father. Their central claim was that God was knowable in essence. Aetius defined the divine essence as ‘ingenerate’ (ἀγεννὲτος). Eunomius, instead, emphasized the full revelation of the ingenerate Father through the subordinate Son. Consequently, he practiced a Christocentric baptism in which believers emerged as adopted sons and daughters. Lyman (2008), 249–50. 25 Kopecek (1985), 154. See also Wagner (1972), 526. 26 Lyman (2008), 249–50. 27 Wagner (1972), 528 writes about ‘die menschlichen Seele Christi’. 28 Wagner (1972), 528–29. 29 Wagner (1972), 526, 531–36. Cf.  Kopecek (1985), 154; (1988), 613; Steimer (1992), 124; Metzger (1983a), 35, 49 and Bradshaw (2002), 85. 30 The term ἀγέννητος (‘ingenerate’) was at the heart of the Arian controversy: Both Arians and Nicene applied the term equally to the Father, but some Nicene admitted it to the Son as well. Therefore, they also considered the Son as eternally existing or uncreated. Metzger (1983a), 45.

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ristic prayer (AC 8, 12). The compiler of AC has given the designation ἀγέννητος only to the Father. In the ordination prayer, in which Father is called the only ingenerate (μόνος ἀγέννητος), this clearly comes out. Another feature in the prayer that is also in favour of Arian origin is the hierarchy and subordination in the Trinity.31 In the anaphora of the Eucharistic prayer, there is a formula in which the conception of the inception of the Son is typical of Arians. The generation of the Son is dependent on the divine will, which is ultimately the same as the will to create the World. In the anaphora, the Son is placed between the Father and the World in a way which is similar to Eunomius’ conception. Like Turner, Wagner noted that the compiler prefers to emphasize the adoration of the Father through the Son, instead of through the Holy Spirit. Wagner found some expressions in AC according to which the Holy Spirit is a created being. He interpreted this as indicating a connection between the compiler and Arians.32 Finally, Wagner gave his attention to the religious rationalism which he saw as characteristic of AC. The rationalism comes out in the anaphora (AC 8, 11) and the thanksgiving prayer after the Holy Communion (AC 8,  15). The rationalism concerns Man’s ability to know about God.  Wagner thought that this rationalism originates in the thinking of Eunomius. The vocabulary that is used about religious knowledge in AC enhances Wagner’s viewpoint: The Son is conditional on the Father’s intention (γνώμη). The compiler treats knowledge as an effect of salvation, especially by using an antithesis between truth and error. For the compiler, salvation means reaching the truth, which has delivered one from error. Wagner also recognized that the rationalism in AC implies the absolute monarchy 31 Wagner (1972), 529–31. Cf.  Metzger (1983a), 45–46. The term ἀγεννέτος is used among other things in two liturgical formulas in AC: in the catechetical summary of the catechumenate and the baptismal creed. Metzger warns against drawing oversimplified interpretations from the usage. Based on the usage of this term, we cannot conclude whether AC was of Arian origin or not. In the Arian controversy, no party had exclusive use of the term. Nowhere does the compiler explain in what sense he understands it or what conclusions he draws from it, aspects that would help us to compare it with the various usages. Therefore, we should not consider ἀγεννέτος as one of the key terms in the document. Metzger (1983a), 45–46. 32 Wagner (1972), 531–35. Cf. Metzger (1983a), 35. Wagner (1972), 533–35 supposed that the Holy Spirit is listed among created beings in the manuscript d in AC 7, 41, 7. However, Metzger (1983a), 35 notes, no evidence that could confirm Wagner’s assumption has been found in the other manuscripts.

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of the Father. Therefore, some prayers in AC begin with developing apophatic theology by expressing how the divine exceeds any attachment by Man.33 Kopecek built his argumentation on the foundation made by Wagner.34 Kopecek argued for Neo-Arian tendencies in AC. He named five Neo-Arian characteristics in the document. They are briefly summed up below.35 1. Jewish Christian conservatism that comes out in the Eucharist formulations (AC 2, 57; AC 7, 25–30; AC 8, 5–15) and in the Jewish prayer collection (AC 7, 33–38).36 2. Radical and exclusive monotheism.37 3. Christology, in which Christ is seen as the prototype of a worshipper.38 4. The subordinate tendency in worship. The worship of the Son is done just ‘because of God and after God.’39 5. The Eucharist as a form of knowing God. Kopecek paid his special attention to the Neo-Arian emphasis on self-conscious worship: ‘The eucharist is said to be “for the assurance of the things we have known well.”’40 Kopecek gave attention to the doctrinal formulas in AC and considered the context of the document as well. He stated that, from the various alternative groups, the Neo-Arians would have had the best internal reason for compiling such a document in Antioch at the end of the fourth century.41

33 Wagner (1972), 535–36. Cf. Metzger (1983a), 46–47. Metzger differs from Wagner’s standpoint by stating that AC is a very complex document which includes elements that could be defined both Arian and anti-Arian. Metzger (1983a), 46–47. 34 Kopecek (1985), 154–55. 35 The original summary is made by Steimer (1992), 124. 36 Kopecek (1985), 155–60. 37 Kopecek (1985), 160–65. Kopecek thinks that the emphasis on worshipping one God is based on the ‘Jewish-Christian springs of Neo-Arian piety.’ Kopecek (1985), 160. 38 Kopecek (1985), 165–70. 39 Kopecek (1985), 170–72. 40 Kopecek (1985), 173 cites AC 8, 15, 3. See also Kopecek (1985), 172–74. 41 Kopecek (1988), 617.

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Over recent decades the question of Neo-Arian origin has become one of the most topical issues concerning the origin of AC. Compared to the earlier Arian argumentation, I  think, its strength is the wide perspective it gives to the document. Several divergent verses and the context of the document have been defined as Neo-Arian. However, from my viewpoint some arguments that scholars have made might not strongly demonstrate Neo-Arian origin. Items 1 and 2 in Kopecek’s list above could well have originated in the interaction between Jews and Christians, too. Kopecek also thinks that some connections between Neo-Arian and Jewish or Jewish Christian influences in the document might be possible.42

3.b.2. Argumentation Against Arian and Neo-Arian Interpretations Presumed Arian elements in AC have been challenged during recent decades. Metzger chose to have a wider perspective on the origin of AC and searched for Arian elements in the document. When the context is taken into account, he concluded that the elements that had previously been defined as Arian become less convincing.43 In his edition, Metzger turned his attention to the Greek formulations that had led Turner to characterize the compiler as a late fourth-century Arian. Regardless of their similar starting positions, Metzger’s conclusions were different. He admitted that the compiler uses some dogmatic formulas that were more prominent among Arians than Niceans. However, the whole document cannot be categorized as Arian. The compiler did not explain the formulas in the language of technical fourth-century philosophical theology, which would have been characteristic of Arians. Metzger also noted that the compiler used biblical quotations favoured by Arians several times. In spite of this, one of their key biblical texts is completely missing in the document: ‘He [Jesus] was faithful to the one who appointed him [God]’ (Heb 3:2).44

Kopecek (1985), 155–56. Metzger (1986), 11. 44 Metzger’s standpoint is summarized in Kopecek (1988), 612–13. Kopecek regards Metzger’s position on the compiler’s dogmatic interest as implausible. Kopecek takes into account Metzger’s argumentation about the absent philosophical terminology. According to Kopecek, this demonstrates nothing. Eunomius has set out a scriptural creed without using such technical terms. Eunomius’ point was that pious Christians would prefer such a traditional statement as long as they understood its meaning. 42 43

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From 360s to 380s, only a little canonical Propaganda work was required for Arianism The character of the document is belated Origen rather than Arian

Avoids to direct towards the exixting polemical situation

Historical

Doctrinal

Reasoning against Arian impacts on the AC

Reception historical

Avoidance of categorical Arian formulas

Dispersion in theological notations

Linguistic -stylistic

Presence of current expressions of the 4th century

Inhomogeneity inherent in any version

Preference of biblical terms compared to philosophical ones

Objective

The compiler has not focused on taking a stand on doctrinal debates primarily

Because the AC was early denounced as Arian, an unbiased inspection of its theology was missing for so long

Figure 3.1. The perspectives on proposed Arian impacts on AC and the argumentation against them.

Along with Metzger, other scholars have presented arguments against Arian readings. Metzger has collected their viewpoints. I  summarize the perspectives in Figure 3.1.45 Kopecek (1988), 615, 617–18. – On the usage of biblical citations in AC in general, see Metzger (1983d), 283–84. 45 Metzger (1986), 11–18. Cf. Steimer (1992), 125–26. Kopecek is openly disappointed with Metzger’s analysis. He defines it as oversimplifying in its critical assumptions. According to him, Metzger does not take into account the complex state of dogmatic affairs in Antioch during that time. Antiochene Arians were, namely, not cowed by Emperor Theodosius in the way Metzger thinks. Not all Arians fought on the same front. There had been great tension between Arians and the Neo-Arian community in Antioch for over 15 years. In ad 381, Neo-Arians refused overtures of alliance from the more moderate Arians who were led by Dorotheus. As for Nicene orthodoxy, it did not become so entrenched in Antioch in ad 381. Furthermore, Kopecek reminds us that the Neo-Arian community was still active in Antioch during ad 386, because in that year John Chrysostom preached a series of sermons against them. Kopecek concludes that the pseudepigraphical conceit in AC was intended indirectly to recommend Arianism. Kopecek (1988), 614–15.

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When it comes to the connection between Neo-Arians and AC, Metzger takes a critical stand on the Eunomian readings. Metzger turned his attention to some formulas in AC that have been thought to be of Eunomian origin. Metzger thought that this was not the only valid alternative to define their origin. He compared the expressions about the Son in AC with the texts of Eunomius and found some dissimilarities. On the one hand, Metzger notes that there are words and phrases like ‘Mediator’, ‘Lord of Glory’, ‘Legislator’ and ‘Paraclete’ which are common to both texts. On the other hand, in AC there are formulas inspired by the biblical tradition, but which were not used by Eunomius.46 Metzger also thinks that the theme of knowledge is important both to the compiler of AC and to Eunomius. Despite that, there is no evidence that the compiler has professed the theories of Eunomius concerning the theme. The theme of knowledge comes out in AC and the texts of Eunomius in dissimilar ways and contexts. Firstly, when the compiler criticizes Judaism, he blames the Jews for their blindness and unbelief. Christians are the people who presently possess the knowledge. Secondly, the theme comes out in the warnings against heretics. The criticism is directed against doctrines which Metzger associates with Gnostics and Marcion. The theme of knowledge finally returns in many liturgical prayers expressing the effects of salvation. When the formulas concern precisely the object of the knowledge, the compiler uses biblical terms in them (e.g. in AC 8, 11, 2), not the philosophical οὐσία as Eunomius would have done.47

3.b.3 Towards Manifold Readings By now, we have seen that the research history of AC has long been coloured by discussion of its alleged Arianism. Apart from the long debate, other kinds of standpoints have recently been presented. In this chapter, I highlight some aspects which challenge previously presented results, either by refuting or corroborating them. AC is such a vast work that most studies of its theology cover only some sections of the document. Funk is the exception; he studied the Metzger (1983d), 283–84. Metzger (1983a), 48–49. Eunomius claimed that the divine οὐσία has become accessible to Man because it has been revealed to him. Metzger could not find a similar term in AC. The term οὐσία is used only once in AC, and not in a philosophical but in a material sense. Consequently, Metzger does not detect any traces of Eunomian influence in the remarks which concern the knowledge that Christians can have about God. Metzger (1993a), 42, 44. 46 47

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entire document. When he worked on his edition of AC, he similarly considered its theological emphases. Funk preferred orthodox variant readings wherever possible. By so doing, he tended to play down the heterodoxy of the work. For Funk, passages which appear to contradict the Nicene identification were the remnants of obsolete Christian tradition. He argued that the suspected formulas came from the compiler’s source documents and hence preceded the Arian controversy. Funk ended up with a hypothesis according to which the compiler could be identified as an Apollinarian.48 Since then, the ways of interpreting the origin of the passages in AC have become manifold. Steimer has summed up some results. The compiler has been presumed to have preferred the Nicene Creed, but not having understood using ὁμοούσιος as the central term of his speculation. The subordinate elements in the document have also come under consideration. AC has been concluded not to be of an Arian, but rather a subordinate, more precisely Origenist, influence.49 Metzger thought that the compiler remained content with biblical and traditional liturgical phraseology. Along with that, he put into operation some Origenist conceptions. This comes out in the idea of hierarchy.50 Nevertheless, the Origenist interpretations are not the only ones for Metzger. He thinks that some Philonic emphases come out in the blessings of Jewish origin (AC 7, 33–38). According to Metzger, the prayers originated in or are at least related to the Philonic environment.51 Recently some literary dependence upon the material attributed to Melito of Sardis and AC has been found. Paul Gavriljuk set Melito’s works On Pascha (from the 260s) and On Soul and Body against the anaphora presented in AC 8, 12. As a result, he found several literary parallels between the texts and a considerable overlap in their contents.52 48 Funk (1891), 105, 123, 168, 367. Cf.  Metzger (1983a), 33; Bradshaw (2002), 85; Steimer (1992), 122–23; Kopecek (1985), 154; (1987), 209–10. Turner criticized Funk’s edition for having overestimated manuscript a and underestimated manuscript d. Turner (1914), 54; (1920), 160, 168. See also Steimer (1992), 123. Later on, Turner (1930), 130–41 took into account fragments which Funk had not used in his edition. – Metzger (1983c), 187–88 thinks that the passages in AC which have been interpreted as being of an Apollinarian origin, are not clear enough to demonstrate the Apollinarian background. However, this cannot be repudiated either. 49 Steimer (1992), 124–25. 50 Metzger (1983d), 284. Cf. Kopecek (1988), 612–13. Kopecek (1988), 615 regards Metzger’s position on the compiler’s dogmatic interest as implausible. 51 Metzger (1983a), 48. 52 Gavrilyuk (2005), 355–56, 372–73.

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Scholars have proposed a large number of hypotheses concerning the background of AC. This shows how difficult the task is. The presumed origin might well vary from passage to passage, and even from verse to verse.53 Steimer has stated reasonably that there has not been one particular theological school in the background of AC.54 The context of the compiler has been demonstrated to be so diverse that it is likely all of the aspects presented through the centuries have at least some truth. Recently, scholars have realized that there is no need to force the whole document to be placed under the name of one theological party. The divergent extracts in the document might have been taken from divergent origins. When considering the theology of AC, we have to give up making overarching categorizations. In spite of this, Metzger reminds us that a desire to explain everything from one lucid aspect still hangs over the scholar’s head continuously. AC, however, is such a complex document that this kind of temptation must be avoided.55 In every case, the previous studies form the background for a new analysis in some way or other. When becoming familiar with the history of researching AC, we noted that every viewpoint was based on previous arguments. On the other hand, new discoveries about manuscripts have inspired scholars to reconsider the passages in AC again and again – and have generated new ways of interpreting them. In this chapter, I have not presented all of the aspects. The brief consideration of the dogmatic trends still reminds me that I am working with a widely researched document with a multiphase research history. I  am working within a continuum of scholars from several centuries. Generally speaking, in the scholarly field of late ancient studies, interest has been redirected from dogmatic to cultural aspects. This trend has also influenced those scholars who work with AC. Hence, the document has not been considered plainly from a doctrinal viewpoint, but rather in an interdisciplinary way.56 For example, AC has been consid53 For example, according to Metzger (1983a), 33, some passages in AC seem to be Apollinarian, whereas other are Macedonian. 54 Steimer (1992), 125. 55 Metzger (1983d), 292. 56 Martin speaks even paradigmatically about ‘a cultural turn’. The concept does not refer to one particular theoretical or methodological innovation, but rather to a group of textual and historical analyses from divergent theoretical approaches and disciplines. See Martin (2005), 7–9.

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ered from the viewpoint of gender studies and feminist theological approaches.57 Also, from the viewpoint of this research, it is secondary to define the theology of the document from a dogmatic perspective. As we have already noted, we cannot be sure about the intentions of the compiler when he began his work. In spite of this, he probably did not aim to compile a document to pronounce dogmas and oppose heresies. Purely dogmatic considerations would, therefore, not answer my main question, which also derives from the cultural circumstances of the compiler. Hence, a doctrinal aspect would not be fruitful when considering the passages about female deacons. In this research, I  nonetheless do not refute the previous theories, but highlight a viewpoint that needs more study.

3.c. Jewish Christian Influences In Chapter 1.a.1, we became familiar with the topical question about the interaction between Jews and Christians in the early Christian centuries. According to the Ways that Never Parted model, some theoretical and practical influences flowed from Jews to Christians and vice versa even during the fourth century. Therefore, it is necessary to consider these influences in AC as well. Some scholars have already begun to take into account the relationships between Jews and Christians reflected in The themes of women, gender and religion in the first Christian centuries have been studied over the last 30 years. See Kraemer & D’Angelo (1999), 3 and Kraemer (2008), 465. The studies have focused mainly on non-literary sources, because literary sources were criticized for their subjective and biased take on ancient women. Pihlava (2017), 5. See also Kraemer (2008), 467–70. Being a literary source, AC has not been of special interest, but some scholars have considered the female deacons in it. Clark emphasized the constructions of gender in her studies and consequently led the way for several scholars. She took AC into account by translating some verses that concern women in the document. See Clark (1983), 176–81 and Pihlava (2017), 13. In her article, Cardman (1999), 316–18 puts together the tasks of the female deacons in AC along with other church orders and notes their so-called ordination prayer as well as the hierarchical structure in the document. Synek has piggybacked gender studies in her research, which concerns AC. Synek herself has utilized gender studies in the phrasing of methodological-terminological questions in her studies that concern AC. See Synek (1993), 157–58, 161; (1999), 81–92. These and other studies conducted from a feminist theological perspective give relevant background information for this research as well. However, my primary focus is not on participating in the discussion of this genre. Although this study is about female deacons in AC, its emphasis is not on the gender and womanhood of those women, but in their tasks as deacons. 57

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the pages of AC.58 At first their attention was drawn to those passages that include a clear distinction between Jewish and Christian doctrines as well as some negatively loaded comments about Jews in the document. However, hypothetically because of the incoherency in AC, the scholars were later able to find passages that reveal contrary information. A fruitful interaction between Jews and Christians in the context of AC has been demonstrated to come out in various ways in the document. Next, I  go through the passages that one way or another uncover information about the interaction between Jews and Christians in AC. I will not analyze the phrases as such, but rather concentrate on the previous research that has been based on them. I aim to put together what the scholars have already written about the Jewish Christian interaction in the context of AC. Thereafter I am able to consider how the previous research matches the Ways that Never Parted model. I will also outline how I have to take into account the Jewish Christian interaction when analyzing the passages concerning the female deacons in AC. 58 Previously, several kinds of Jewish influences on the sources of AC have been demonstrated. Firstly, in the Didache the Jewish background is obvious. The continuity with Judaism comes out clearly in various chapters: In chs 1–6 the teaching of the Two Ways, in ch. 8 the prescriptions of fasting and praying, in 9–10 the meal prayers, in 11–15 the itinerant prophets and local ministers and in 16 the admonition to watchfulness. On the other hand, the document reflects a form of Christianity that dissociates itself from a particular form of Judaism. This comes out e.g. in the polemic against the ‘hypocrites’ in ch. 8. All in all, in the Didache the obedience to the whole Torah is recommended, but it is not seen as definitely compulsory. Ekenberg (2007), 643, 645. – In DA there is a certain tendency towards adopting observance of the whole Torah, but the author heavily criticizes this tendency. Strecker has found detailed connections with Jewish customs and teachings in DA. They substantiate an active relationship between Christians and Jews in the author’s context: In DA 13, a Jewish name, which has the Hebrew root YDH, has an unusual etymological derivation. The Jewish Sabbath customs are presented precisely, although the injunction for Sabbath observance in DA is not derived clearly from a Jewish tractate, but from OT. The author of DA draws a distinction between the Passover and the feast of the unleavened bread. The lament is dated over the destruction of Jerusalem on the 9th of Ab. Strecker (1979), 250–51. Fonrobert has considered the connections of the author with rabbinic Judaism. Nevertheless, DA was hardly written in a context where the believers of Jewish provenance dominated the Christian communities. Although the author does not expect many Jews to convert to Christianity, there seem to be many believers of Jewish origin in the community of DA. Fonrobert (2001), 508–09. Cf. Ekenberg (2007), 649–53. – When it comes to AT, presently it cannot be said for sure whether there are ‘Jewish Christian traits’ in the document. According to Ekenberg (2007), 647–49, some Jewish traits in the document have been listed. However, these traits should rather be regarded as parts of the common Jewish heritage of early Christianity, not as specific evidence of Jewish Christian interaction.

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3.c.1. Anti-Jewish Verses The compiler of AC has been characterized as a self-conscious Christian with ‘definite anti-Jewish feelings’.59 In AC, there really are passages where the distinction between Jews and Christians is evident. The compiler writes that, to the Jews, the Lord is still dead, but to the Christians He is risen (AC 5, 19, 8). The doctrinal distinction has engendered various practical implications in the document. The compiler fights against many false doctrines and conventions in the enactments that he presents. If a person who follows ‘Jewish fables’ wants to become a catechumen, he has to change or be rejected (AC 8, 32, 14).60 Christians should not enter Jewish synagogues (AC 2, 61, 1). They are also recommended to avoid Jewish festivals (AC 5, 17, 1).61 Metzger and David Fiensy, among other scholars, have been interested in the strong attraction which the Jewish nation had among Christians and which appears in AC as well. Metzger thinks that the compiler aims at protecting the congregation against Jewish proselytism, and acts accordingly. Because of the Jewish attraction, the compiler refuted certain aspects of Christian faith – those aspects which might appear threatening to the supporters of monotheism.62 Metzger has presented various arguments about the compiler’s negative attitude to the Jews. In Book 7, there is a list of sects to be avoided. It includes a mention of ‘the heresy of murderers of Christ’ (AC 7, 38, 7). Metzger interprets that this as referring to ‘Judaism and its links’.63 Additionally, he thinks that the compiler uses some messianic titles of Fiensy (1985), 222. There is also an indirect reference to the false teaching of the Jews in AC 6, 10, 3. 61 See also Wilken (1983), 72. Wilken (1983), 75 writes that AC also warns against participation in Jewish baths in AC 7, 44. To be precise, in AC 7, 44, 3 the compiler describes Christian baptism and compares it with Jewish baptism. He does not warn against Jewish customs. – According to Mueller, AC has been compiled in a polemical anti-Jewish and Christian tradition. This is already present in DA. However, one can notice some evolution between the texts of DA and AC. See Mueller (2004), 526–27. 62 Metzger (1983d), 287–88. 63 Metzger (1983b), 121. Metzger takes into account that in AC 6, 6–8 the compiler provides a list of Jewish and Christian heresies. However, he thinks that the list probably does not illustrate the ongoing situation and is not reliable as such. It is too stereotypical to describe the contemporaneous conditions of the compiler unless it is expressed in code language and appointed through the ancient denominations of the contemporaneous sects. Metzger (1983d), 286; (1986), 16–17. – The mention of Ebionites (AC 6, 6, 6) has been interpreted as referring to the supporters of Paul of Samosata. Metzger (1983d), 286. 59

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Christ in an anti-Jewish way. The compiler also complains that the first people of God have a lack of faith: They do not recognize the Messiah announced by the prophets (AC 5, 16).64 Additionally, Fiensy notes that the compiler calls the Jews Christ-killers (χριστοκτόνος) in AC 2, 61, 1; AC 6, 25, 1 and AC 7, 38, 1.65 In AC 6, 11, the compiler is interpreted as attacking, among other heretics, ‘Ebionites and other extremist Jewish Christians.’ The false teaching of Ebionites is also considered in AC 6, 6, 6.66 Fiensy points out that there are some interpolations (AC 2,  61,  1; AC 2,  61,  3; AC 5, 17, 1–2; AC 6, 18, 3) which contain unfavourable references to Jews and the synagogue. They originate in DA, where the author warned about pagan or heretical customs. In AC, however, the compiler adds explicit references to the Jews.67 In many other passages (AC 5, 15, 1; AC 6, 18, 9; AC 7, 30, 1; AC 7, 38, 7; AC 7, 39, 3; AC 8, 11, 3; AC 8, 12, 33; AC 8, 12, 39) Metzger has highlighted the heretical character of Judaism. He writes that in order to be saved one has to disentangle oneself from heresies. The compiler lists Judaism and groups linked with it among them.68 The negative attitude to Jews also comes out clearly in several passages of the Apostolic Canons (AC 8, 47).69 See also Metzger (1983c), 170. Fiensy (1985), 222. John Chrysostom’s attitude to the Jews is obviously polemical, especially as it appears in his so-called sermons against Jews; like John, the compiler of AC has been seen as a strict opponent of the Jewish influences. Fiensy (1985), 222. See also Wilken (1983), xv. – Fiensy (1985), 222 points out that there are some interpolations in the text of AC which originate in DA and which contain unfavourable references to Jews and the synagogue. In DA the author warns about pagan or heretical customs, whereas the compiler of AC adds a reference to the Jews. Fiensy refers to AC 2, 61, 1; AC 2, 61, 3; AC 5, 17, 1–2; AC 6, 18, 3. 66 Metzger (1983c), 170. 67 Fiensy (1985), 222. See also Mueller (2004), 526–28. 68 Metzger (1986), 22; (1983b), 121. 69 Boddens Hosang (2010), 120–22. In the Apostolic Canons, the compiler treats among other things Jews and Jewish practices. AC 8, 47, 65 prohibits entering into a synagogue of the Jews. In AC 8, 47, 70 the compiler forbids the readers from keeping the fast or festivals with Jews and from receiving the gifts of the Jewish festivals. Additionally, in AC 8, 47, 71 a Christian is prohibited from bringing oil into a synagogue of the Jews or from lighting lamps. Tasks to do with oil are forbidden because they are linked with the Jewish festivals. The lighting of lamps probably refers to the celebration of Hanukkah. See Boddens Hosang (2010), 120–22; Wilken (1983), 72. The canons in AC 8, 47, 65 and 70 are known more widely among Christians because they are found in the canons at Laodicea as well. Boddens Hosang also states that the canon in AC 8, 47, 7 which forbids the bishop, presbyter and male deacon from celebrating the East64 65

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Additionally, Metzger points out that the compiler includes the knowledge of God among the expected effects of the Eucharistic celebration. This is presented in a way that is negative to the Jews. The question is about those who ‘see Israel truly’ as opposed to the first Israel whose lack of faith had caused the loss of knowledge (AC 8, 15, 7). Metzger concludes that, according to the compiler, the Jews do not know the whole truth about God because they do not believe in Christ.70 Metzger thinks that, in general, the Jewish influences were seen as a threat by the Christian church leaders during the lifetime of the compiler. Hence, Christians needed some distance from Judaism. The threat forced them to express their uniqueness and to stand out from the Jewish observances. The phenomenon also comes out in AC.71 From my viewpoint, Metzger as well as Fiensy evidently know their source and quote it correctly. Undoubtedly, some verses in AC really are anti-Jewish. However, we have to keep in mind that the interpretations concerning anti-Jewish passages in AC have mainly been made during the twentieth century. In other words, Metzger’s and Fiensy’s results come from the era when the ‘Parting of the Ways’ model dominated (see Chapters 1.a.1 and 1.a.3). The writings about the compiler’s anti-Jewish context, where Christians and Jews competed with each other, strongly reflect the previous understanding.72 Hence, the negative aspects of the compiler’s attitude to the Jews have been emphasized in his texts. I think that Metzger’s comprehensive argumentation is one example that shows the previous tendency as interpreting AC in the light of the model. The recent ‘the Ways that Never Parted’ model (Chapter 1.a.1) challenges us to look for a wider perspective. The results given by several scholars reveal that the compiler of AC does not simply give a picture which is fully coloured with anti-Jewish and propagandist tones. By contrast, the interaction and influences have been various. I think that, for example, Metzger’s results about the opposition to Judaism should not be refuted. Also, the negatively loaded comments about Jews might er festival with Jews has been said to be ‘judaizing’. Boddens Hosang thinks, however, that the focus is not on the actual judaizing tendencies, but on the discussion relating to date of Easter. Boddens Hosang (2010), 120. – Metzger (2007), 226 writes that the warnings about the observance of Jewish practices are numerous both in AC and DA. In AC 8, 47, canons 62, 65, 70 and 71 treat the influence of Judaism on Christians, even on clerics, and punish Christians for participating in Jewish assemblies and festivals. 70 Metzger (1983a), 48–49. See also Metzger (1993a), 47–48. 71 Metzger (2007), 227; (1985), 51. 72 See Metzger (1983d), 288; (2007), 227.

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reflect an interaction between Jews and Christians in the context of the document. However, we have to take a broader perspective on the topic. The flip side of the coin, namely the interaction from a peaceful perspective, is worthy of study.

3.c.2. Synagogue Prayers From the viewpoint of interaction between Jews and Christians, chs AC 7, 33–38 have been of a particular interest for a long time. In the early twentieth century, some scholars already assumed that they include slightly reworked and Christianized Jewish benedictions. The first of these scholars was Kaufman Kohler, who discovered that the chapters contain a modified form of the first six benedictions of the Sabbath. After Kohler, several scholars have formed supportive conclusions. Especially after Fiensy’s thorough analysis from the 1980s, the Jewish origin of the prayers has been widely recognized, yet is still debated.73 The original Jewish version consisted of the first six benedictions of a prayer recited in synagogues for Sabbaths and holidays. The prayer is called the ‫ברכות שבע‬, ‘Seven Benedictions’. It is made up of benedictions taken from the ‘Eighteen Benedictions for the Sabbath,’ the benedictions of the Jewish ‫( העמידה תפילת‬silent meditation).74 In AC, the six prayers (AC 7, 33–38) follow the Hebrew Seven Benedictions. They concern the same general themes and are presented in the same order as the Babylonian and Palestinian Hebrew versions of the Seven Benedictions. As a collection, the prayers have been grouped 73 The history of the discussion of the alleged Jewish prayers is described in Fiensy (1985), 1–10 and the arguments for their Jewish origin in Fiensy (1985), 129–50. Cf. Lenk (2010), 142, 149–66. See also Ekenberg (2007), 654; Kopecek (1985), 156–57; Metzger (1985), 20. Martimort also notes that a prayer which precedes a baptismal ritual in AC 7 seems to have been inspired by a Jewish predecessor, or, at least, ‘its resemblance to Jewish models is striking.’ Martimort (1986), 65. 74 Murray (2007), 188. See also Boddens Hosang (2010), 118; van der Horst (2000), 233–34; Ekenberg (2007), 654; Lenk (2010), 142. Regardless of the similarities between the first six Benedictions and prayers in AC, the 7th Benediction is omitted in AC. This results from the reciting practice. The seventh Benediction was supposed to be recited only in Hebrew, while the other prayers could be recited in any other language. Fiensy (1985), 130. – In some paragraphs of AC, the compiler works as a real author and writes longer passages on his own initiative. But in the case of the liturgical material in AC 7, he seems rather to copy from his source extensively, making only a few alterations. Ekenberg (2007), 656–57. – The Seven Benedictions are dated three hundred years before the compilation of AC. Therefore, they could have functioned in some form as a source for the compiler of AC. Both the Seven Benedictions and the Eighteen Benedictions were standardized at least by the Mishnaic period. Fiensy (1985), 129.

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together in AC and are not scattered throughout the document. Additionally, certain Hebrew idioms known in the Seven Benedictions have clearly been translated into the Greek prayers in AC. This makes the likelihood even more justified.75 Because of their origin, the prayers express multiple Jewish concerns and issues. The title of Saviour is given to the Father, the anthropology is Hebrew and the blessings contain praise for Jewish institutions like the Sabbath.76 When the compiler describes salvation in the prayers, he prefers the ideas from the Old Covenant. There are also several verbal Greek equivalents. According to Fiensy, they confirm the Jewish origin of the prayers.77 The similarities between the Hebrew Benedictions and the prayers in AC 7, 33–38 are summarized in the following list:78 1. Benediction and AC 7, 33: Praising the God of the fathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob for his might and protection.79 2. Benediction and AC 7, 34: God’s power and end with the blessing of God who revives the dead. 3. Benediction and AC 7, 35, 8–10: Sanctification of the Name 4. Benediction and AC 7, 36: The Sabbath is for rest and studying the Torah.80 5. Benediction and AC 7, 37: Petitions to accept the prayers of the people. 6. Benediction and AC 7, 38: Thanksgiving for God’s deeds in history. Murray concludes that the prayers in AC are Greek revisions which are based on their Hebrew originals. At different points in the text, the 75 Fiensy (1985), 129–31, 134, 165. See also Murray (2007), 188–89 and Ekenberg (2007), 654. Nevertheless, the resemblance does not mean that the prayers have been translated directly from a Hebrew source into AC. According to Fiensy (1983), 671, in AC ‘the Greek flows smoothly and gives no indication that it is a translation from a Semitic language.’ 76 Metzger (1983d), 281. 77 Fiensy (1985), 129–34. Cf. Murray (2007), 188–89 and Ekenberg (2007), 654. Lorenz points out that, in the prayers, Christ is identified with created Sophia, although the compiler of AC regards it as a heresy. Lorenz (1979), 150. 78 The summary is presented in Fiensy (1985), 130. For a detailed analysis, see Fiensy (1985), 165–87. Certain doctrinal issues, which come out in the benedictions, have been treated in Metzger (1983a), 44–48; (1983b), 113–14; (1983b), 119–20. 79 A detailed analysis of AC 7, 33 is presented in Lenk (2010), 143–48. 80 This is the only known example of a Christianized Sabbath blessing. Rouwhorst (1997), 81. An analysis concerning the sanctification of the Sabbath in AC 7, 36, 1–7 is given in Murray (2007), 190–92.

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compiler has modified them and added distinctly Christian elements and phrases, like ‘through Christ’, ‘through Jesus’ and ‘of Jesus our Saviour’. Certain of these additions are easy to recognize, because they are so loosely connected with the context and hence create literary seams. There are also some substantial modifications in the prayers.81 Along with the aforementioned benedictions, there might be other prayers of Jewish origin in AC. Several researchers have made their own suggestions about which prayers are of Jewish origin. A consensus has not been arrived at. The scholars have focused both on the verbatim and structural similarities.82 The prayers reflect paradoxical attitudes to their Jewish origin. Certain passages are very Jewish in content and tone. Others express rather negative views as regards Jews and their rituals. Hence, the question is whether the compiler composed the prayers himself using Jewish sources or copied, and possibly remoulded, a pre-existing Christian text?83 In his argumentation, Fiensy refers to the compiler’s negative attitude to the Jews. He concludes that, while inheriting the benedictions to his document, the compiler must have been unaware that they were of Jewish origin. Fiensy’s argumentation is not convincing. Rather, it seems to be in line with the previous Parting of the Ways model. I think that the compiler has recognized that the origin of the prayers lies in the synagogue.84

81 Murray (2007), 188–90. See also Fiensy (1985), 165–67. Lorenz points out that, in the prayers, Christ is identified with created wisdom, although the compiler of AC regards it as a heresy. Lorenz (1979), 150. – The anthropology in the blessings, is threefold, but in the other parts of AC it is twofold. ‘Threefold’ means that the human is thought to consist of three aspects: body, spirit and soul, whereas ‘twofold’ takes into account only body and spirit. Metzger (1983c), 184. On the differences between Jewish and Christian anthropologies, see e.g. Anderson (2000), 23. 82 Metzger (1985), 20–21. See also Metzger (1983d), 282; Ekenberg (2007), 655– 57. In the Eucharistic prayer written in AC 8, 12, the outline of the synagogue blessing Kippur is found. There is, however, a significant difference between it and the seven benedictions: The Christian interpolator has barely touched the benedictions in AC 7. The Eucharistic Prayer, in contrast, has the appearance of a Christian composition, which has been made by integrating it with Jewish elements. Metzger (1985), 20–21. – In AC 5, 20, 3 the compiler reveals that the book of Baruch has been used in the community. AC is regarded as referring to the book of Baruch as canonical. In AC 6, 16 the compiler does not criticize its apocryphal liturgical usage among Jews. Likely the book used in the community was the Apocalypse of Baruch, which has been structured around remembering the fall of Jerusalem. Mueller (2004), 531–32. 83 Murray (2007), 189–90. 84 Fiensy (1985), 222. See also Murray (2007), 193 and Mueller (2004), 531.

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Several scholars have argued that the compiler has not borrowed the texts directly from the synagogue. In their view, there has been an oral source or an intermediary who wrote the text rather than the compiler himself. Therefore the source reflects liturgical practice of a Christian group that was open to the Jewish influences and used slightly Christianized Jewish prayers. Hence, the prayers were transmitted to the compiler through Jewish Christian community traditions.85 Pieter W. van der Horst states that the compiler made a wise tactical move in incorporating Jewish prayers into his document. The compiler made some concessions in order to keep the Jewish-oriented Christians in his community: If there existed a real and tenacious need among Christians in Antioch for using Jewish liturgical material, which was one of the reasons why they went to the synagogue on Sabbath, then the best thing church leadership could do was to see to it that the prayers the members of his community said in the synagogue could also be said by them in the church – albeit with some modifications – so that the need of these members was met and the risk of losing them to the synagogue was lessened.86

Marcie E. Lenk does not refer to van der Horst in her argumentation, but nonetheless is still in agreement with him. She points out that Antiochene Christians were attracted to synagogue practices at that time. Lenk concludes that the compiler of AC adopted some Jewish practices 85 Rouwhorst (1997), 85–86. See also Fiensy (1985), 215–20; Ekenberg (2007), 654; Metzger (1985), 21–22. Rouwhorst does not support that kind of argumentation. He bases his viewpoint on the blessing prayer for the Sabbath (AC 7, 36). Rouwhorst concludes that those words have been presented by someone who wants to warn against an overestimation of the importance of the Sabbath at the expense of Sunday. Rouwhorst (1997), 85–86. Rouwhorst goes on to conclude that in third and early fourth century Syria there were groups of Christians, most probably Jewish Christians, who observed both the Sabbath and Sunday. They also used Christianized Sabbath blessings quite superficially. This is demonstrated in the instructions of DA and AC. Rouwhorst (1997), 86. However, we have to keep in mind that the instructions are not an evidence of a real use. AC, as well as probably DA, is prescriptive, not descriptive. Therefore, we cannot make such conclusions for certain. See Bradshaw (2002), 5. 86 Van der Horst (2000), 236. Rouwhorst (1997), 86 allows for the possibility that the compiler has attempted to find a compromise between Jewish and Gentile Christians. Agreeing with me, Murray (2007), 192–93 is conscious of the anti-Jewish content of the document but similarly thinks that van der Horst’s argument is more persuasive than Fiensy’s. – Mueller (2004), 531 notes that the prayers are possibly incorporated into the document in order to use them in the weekly liturgy.

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and prayers in order to ‘woo straying Christians’ by offering them some attractive synagogue elements in the church. He also used the prayers in his development project which aimed at constructing a particular model of the Church.87 Ekenberg thinks that the compiler might have had the Jewish converts to Christianity in mind. The converts brought their traditional manner of praying with them, namely, not absolutely fixed prayer formulas but inherited prayer structures, themes and certain wordings. In consequence, Christians continued to pray largely according to their inherited tradition.88 I think the phenomenon as Ekenberg described it seems to be tenable. The compiler has partly tried to make a distinction and partly a synthesis between the old Jewish and new Christian life. All in all, the consideration of the prayers shows that the previous scholars tend to regard the interaction between the Jews and Christians as competitive or divisional. However, the usage of common prayers does not necessarily lead to this kind of conclusion. The interaction might well also have been peaceful. The use of the same prayers – either real or ideal – indicate that from this viewpoint both traditions were seen in a positive light. On the whole, we have to be careful here. As Bradshaw writes, nobody can be sure what conclusions should be drawn from the practice.89 On one hand, the existence of the prayers in the document might mean that the Jewish customs still had a strong influence on Christian worship at date of compilation. On the other hand, the prayers might have come from the material, transferred from earlier generations to the next simply because the material had once been important in some way, but which was no longer in use. Either way, I think that the compiler would not have included the prayers in the document if he resisted them or if he had not considered them meaningful in some way.

3.c.3. Sabbath and Sunday Early Christians acquired a way of celebrating holy days that differed from their Jewish counterparts. In the first century ad, the Jews prayed daily, read the Scripture weekly and celebrated the Passover meal once a year. From the second century on, these three elements were incorpo Lenk (2010), 180–81. Ekenberg (2007), 654–55. 89 Bradshaw (2002), 6. 87

88

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rated in the weekly assembly of Christians. Sunday, the first day of the week, became the central day for them. That was something new and divergent from the Jewish perspective.90 In a Christian way, the compiler of AC directs the congregation to assemble together and celebrate Sunday, the Lord’s Day (AC 7, 30, 1–2).91 He describes Sunday as the day of resurrection and regular attendance in the celebrations (AC 2, 59, 3–4).92 Nevertheless, in addition to these clearly Christian obligations, the compiler writes that the Christians have to observe the Sabbath (AC 2, 36, 2).93 The command to celebrate both the Sabbath and Sunday appears in several verses of AC. Celebrating weekly both the Sabbath and Sunday is mentioned in AC 8, 33, 2:94 ‘Let the slaves work five days, but be free on the Sabbath and the Lord’s day for going to the Church for the teaching95 of devotion. For we say to hold the Sabbath by reason of the creation and the Lord’s day of the resurrection.’96 The command is a part of the calendar of non-working days. It combines the Sabbath and Sunday, both of which are weekly celebrations. In addition, the compiler gives a brief justification for them: the Sabbath is on account of the creation and Sunday of the resurrection. The celebration of both the Sabbath and Sunday is mentioned also in AC 7, 23:3–4. In these verses it is even highlighted that every year one Sabbath requires a special observance – that is the Sabbath of Christ’s

Skarsaune (2002), 379. The source for AC 7,  30 is Didache 14,  1. The verses hardly differ from one another. In AC, the introduction to the theme of the resurrection is omitted, but it has been widely treated elsewhere, particularly in AC 2, 47 and 54. Metzger (2007), 218. 92 Metzger (2007), 224–25. 93 See also Murray (2007), 185; Lenk (2010), 123. 94 Metzger (2007), 214. Metzger interprets that in the verse the celebrations are ranked as of prime importance in the liturgical calendar. I think the commands seem to have been arranged in sequence of importance, but importance is not mentioned explicitly and is consequently only one alternative. – DA contains more information on the liturgical calendar. Some parts of AC 2, 59 are reproduced from DA 13. However, v. AC 2, 59, 3, which mentions the Sabbath as well as day of Lord’s resurrection, has not been taken from DA. Metzger (2007), 220. 95 According to Synek (1997), 77–78 the term διδασκαλία in AC should be read as an actualization of the Torah. Therefore, ‘teaching’ in this verse refers to the teaching of the Law. 96 Ἐργαζέσθωσαν οἱ δοῦλοι πέντε ἡμέρας, σάββατον δὲ καὶ κυριακὴν σχολαζέτωσαν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ διὰ τὴν διδασκαλίαν τῆς εὐσεβείας· τὸ μὲν γὰρ σάββατον εἴπομεν δημιουργίας λόγον ἔχειν, τὴν δὲ κυριακὴν ἀναστάσεως. AC 8, 33, 2. 90 91

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burial. On that day, the Christians should fast.97 The fast is commanded in more detail in AC 5, 18, 3.98 A similar command to fast both on the Sabbath and Sunday is mentioned in the presentation of the paschal cycle. The Christians should not fast on the Sabbath (except on day before Easter) and Sundays, but assemble in joy (AC 5, 20, 19).99 The purpose of the regulation is repeated in the Apostolic Canons (AC 8, 47, 64).100 The Christians are instructed to assemble every day, both in the morning and evening, but especially on the Sabbath. On Sundays, they are commanded to be diligent about this. In the passage AC 2, 59, 3, both the Sabbath and Sunday are mentioned, but the priority is given to Sunday.101 According to Lenk, the compiler justifies the observance in the most explicit way in AC 7, 36. The Sabbath has to be celebrated in order to remind worshipers about God as the creator of the world. The requirement has arisen from the importance attaching to mediating the Law and praising God. As now expressed by AC, Sunday has the priority over the Sabbath, although the original prayer was about the Sabbath alone (AC 7, 36, 5).102 In sum, in AC the compiler pleads for an acceptance of celebrating the Sabbath alongside Sunday. He has clearly remoulded the sources which treat this question. In AC, the compiler adopts a much more positive attitude towards the Sabbath compared with that represented in his sources. To him, the Sabbath is always important as a day of rest, prayer and instruction, in remembrance of the creation. The compiler regularly highlights the priority of Sunday, but the meanings of these two holy days are different and separate. Lenk thinks that Sunday gets the last word in the document.103 Indisputably, the verses reveal some level of interaction between Jewish and Christian traditions. The question is, however, what do they tell us about the background to these instructions. Scholars have inter See also Metzger (2007), 217. The very beginning of AC 7, 23 is a reproduction from Didache 8, 1. However, the mention of the Sabbath and Sunday is a later addition. See Metzger (2007), 217. 98 Metzger (2007), 224. According to Metzger (2007), 224, the verse is based on DA 21, 136–37. 99 About Sabbath fasting, see Lenk (2010), 133–37. 100 See also Lenk (2010), 135. 101 See also Rouwhorst (1997), 81. 102 Lenk (2010), 129–32. For more about the prayer, see Chapter 3.c.2. See also Metzger (1993a), 42; (2007), 224–25. 103 Lenk (2010), 126, 132–33. See also Rouwhorst (1997), 81, 87. 97

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preted the meaning of the commands in different ways. Contrary to the literal content of AC, Metzger presumes that on Saturdays the churches in the Antioch region could have had a liturgical day equivalent to Sunday. This distracted Christians from attending the synagogue celebrations.104 Furthermore, the modifications which the compiler has made in AC have also been interpreted as an attempt to impose a separation between the Christian congregation and their Jewish neighbours. Murray sees them as a criticism directed against the Judaizing Christians in the community.105 To the contrary, Ekenberg concludes that the compiler is attempting to find a compromise between Jewish Christian and other Christian practices.106 In her doctoral thesis, Lenk has considered the commandments concerning Sabbath and Sunday from a larger perspective. She has read the commandments as part of the Law in AC in general. In AC, the compiler displays a positive valuation to some laws and promotes maintaining their importance. Hence, in general, in AC the law is seen as good and necessary for the Christians. In spite of this, the law that Christians follow should not be identified as the Jewish law. The compiler distinguishes between two kinds of laws: The first provides the law which the Christians should continue to observe. This is the unwritten ‘natural law’ that existed before God gave the Law (AC 6,  12; AC 6,  19–23). The compiler also has a positive view of the Law of Moses, even if he Metzger (2007), 227. Murray (2007), 187. Murray thinks that, from the viewpoint of AC as a whole, the compiler does not prohibit the community from celebrating the Sabbath. Instead, he instructs them to modify the way they observe it. They should not be inactive. He instructs them to continue working on Saturdays. Therefore, there is a distinction between the ways according to which, on the one hand, the Christians should keep the Sabbath and, on the other, how the Jews observed it. It might be possible that the compiler would have liked to change the way of observing it. However, he never commands the community to work on the Sabbath. See Murray (2007), 187. 106 Ekenberg (2007), 653–54. Among fourth-century Eastern monasteries there was also the general observation of both Saturday and Sunday as holy days. According to Eusebius, the double observance definitely marks the so-called Ebionite heresy. Also, Origen and John Chrysostom have written about ‘syncretistic’ practices of Christians who are influenced by Jewish customs, whereas Jerome expressed dissatisfaction about those Christians who imitated the liturgy of the Jews. He also has noticed the sect of Nazarenes, who could be found ‘in all of the synagogues of the East among the Jews.’ According to Jerome, they considered themselves to be both Christians and Jews, but were actually neither. In the martyrdom of Pionius and in Polycarp’s martyrdom, the author mentions Christians who took the Eucharist on Saturday, the ‘Jewish’ Sabbath. See Boyarin (1999), 12–13, 17. On the debate over keeping the Sabbath in the writings of Ignatius, Barnabas, Justin, Tertullian and Hippolytus, see McKay (2001), 176–200. 104 105

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thinks that Christians are not bound to observe all of it. Laws that are found first in Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy – hence long after the Decalogue – are also often cited as still current. The other law, on the contrary, is no longer necessary or desirable. It consists of laws relating to purity and sacrifice that were added as a temporary correction by God. According to the compiler, faith in Christ cancels the necessity for Christians to be obedient to them. The natural law itself, however, is a good and blessed thing, particularly when it comes through Christ. It is a part of God’s economy of the world.107 The compiler of AC has a more positive and nuanced view of the law compared to that in DA. Whereas DA stresses the rejection of Jewish practices, AC emphasizes the idea of obligation. Whereas prototypically Jewish practices are rejected in DA, in AC the compiler mentions certain practices which can be defended as Christian. In DA, the temporary law for punishment and purification is called δευτέρωσις, ‘Second Law’, regularly rejected by AC, the compiler refers to them as, for example ‘old habits’ and ‘bonds’. Nonetheless, the compiler qualifies the rejections, acknowledging that Christians remain obligated to some of these laws. The different attitude to the law comes out in the regulations concerning the Sabbath and Sunday as well. In DA, Sabbath observance is opposed, whereas in AC the rest on the Sabbath is re-imposed, as we have seen.108 Lenk’s results challenge the previous conclusions about the commandments to celebrate both the Sabbath and Sunday. Considered in the light of law in general, as well as the differences between AC and its source, the compiler has hardly criticized Jewish Christian customs as Metzger and Murray thought. The compiler has rather aimed at compromising between them, as Ekenberg has concluded. According to Lenk, however, the compiler of AC manages to promote the Sabbath without promoting it as a Jewish practice. She concludes that Christians appearing to practice Judaism was not the central concern of the compiler: The compiler’s attention is focused on Christian legal obligation in general, and the commandment to celebrate the Sabbath in particu Lenk (2010), 95–97, 103, 105, 108–13, 118, 120. Lenk (2010), 98, 100, 113–14, 121. Metzger (1985), 46 takes into account that applying the laws of OT to the Christian institution has not been a straightforward process. Some Christians rejected them outright, whereas the compiler of AC condemns this kind of attitude. Metzger concludes that the compiler has taken the solution of two laws from DA. Lenk’s results given above substantiate Metzger’s conclusion. However, as Lenk has argued, the compiler did not simply copy the solution from DA, but remolded it. 107 108

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lar, and shows that he is not afraid to take on practices that are known to be particularly Jewish. Lenk concludes that the general tendency in the document is to point to the Christian faith, practices and ideas – even if a present-day reader might consider them too ‘Judaizing’.109 However, I do not think Lenk’s conclusion is the only one available. The reason for the compiler continuing to support Jewish practices may not have been that problems associated with this were no longer current. Rather the situation may have been that in his environment the boundaries between Jews and Christians were not yet in place. In my view, the differences in this matter between AC and DA indicate the variability of the viewpoints that were typical of the Christians and Jews before their ways parted. By stating that practicing Judaism was not a central concern of the compiler, Lenk seems to think that the ways had already parted. But, as we have noted above, as we have just suggested, AC could be indicating that the process was still ongoing. Therefore, the Christian faith, which the compiler tends to point to in his document, is a faith that still has a close connection to its roots. The compiler does not conceal that his faith rests firmly on the Jewish heritage.110 Fundamentally, the reason for celebrating both holy days seems to be surprisingly practical. Oskar Skarsaune states that in the pre-Constantine era Sunday was a normal day for work. In other words, the Christians had to work on their central holy day. The only available time for worship gatherings was before and after work, either early in the morning or in the evening.111 In AC, Lenk thinks, the Sabbath was the day of rest and Sunday was the day for communal worship.112 I think Skarsaune’s and Lenk’s viewpoints corrolate here. The compiler instructs his readers to celebrate the distinctively Jewish Sabbath in a Christian way for practical reasons. Because the Christians were able to rest on the Sabbath, the compiler instructs them to do so. Sunday, however was the day of worship, along with working. In none of the passages in which the compiler instructs his readers to celebrate the Sabbath, does he command them to go to the synagogue. On the contrary, it is explicitly prohibited in AC 8, 47, 65 and 71.113 Lenk (2010), 126. Lenk (2010), 121, 123, 126, 141. 111 Skarsaune (2002), 383. 112 Lenk (2010), 121. 113 The compiler also prohibits Christians from going to the assemblies of Jews (AC 2, 61, 1; AC 2, 62, 3) and from feasting with them (AC 5, 17, 1–2). See also Murray (2007), 185–86. On the other hand, Wilken (1983), 19 states that in fourth century 109 110

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3.c.4. Use of Scripture Next, we apply ourselves to the written roots of Jews and early Christians. Namely, while focusing on the relationships between Jews and early Christians, we cannot dismiss their common holy scriptures. In AC the compiler uses Scripture extensively. He uses it in a way that reveals something about the interaction between Jews and Christians in a live context. Here we pay special attention to his way of using OT. We set his usage side by side with the usage of his Jewish counterparts. After that we will look at a theory about parallelisms between AC and the Talmud. For the compiler, Scripture includes the Law, the Prophets and the Gospel (AC 2,  39,  6).114 He considers OT as the Hebrew Scripture, known from LXX as ‘the old covenant’ (AC 8, 47, 85). OT serves as the basis for most of the teachings in AC. For the compiler, it seems to be the real object of study. The canonical gospels, the letters of Paul and the rest of NT epistles inform the ideas in AC, but the compiler establishes the authority of ecclesiastical regulations and traditions on the ‘old covenant’. He thinks that the Law should be understood from the perspective of the Gospels.115 Lenk has demonstrated that the compiler uses Scripture to support the institutional structures he intends to endorse in the document. Similarly, the use of Scripture reveals that the compiler operates in the same field as his Jewish neighbours. He interprets similar texts and discusses the same topics that are interpreted and discussed by them.116 The compiler uses OT in order to give extra emphasis to certain parts of the texts. This happens when he is remoulding his sources. The purpose is visible, for example, in the extracts that are based on DA (e.g. in AC 3, 4, 6–9) and Didache (e.g. in AC 7, 2, 8–; AC 7, 3, 5). The compiler does not use the authority of OT simply to back up the teachings. He

Antioch, laws had already been passed concerning the observance of Sunday. The day was for rest. Therefore, conducting business on that day was forbidden. Sunday had still not gained outstanding religious significance. Rouwhorst (1997), 81 states that there are no indications that at that time the Christians abstained from work on Saturday elsewhere in the empire. 114 See also Lenk (2010), 54. 115 Lenk (2010), 53, 56. 116 Lenk (2010), 49, 93. The compiler’s way of using Scripture can be distinguished from both early Christian apologists. They were writers who composed commentaries on various parts of Scripture and canon law produced by church councils. Lenk (2010), 49.

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both adopts and adapts the teachings from the sources. Therefore, the compiler uses OT to support and authorize his versions.117 Eva  M. Synek has suggested that especially the Torah functioned both as a formal and material basis for the compiler of AC. In her view, the compiler attempts to resolve the ecclesiastical challenges of his time and interprets the Torah in the name of the apostles. Therefore she thinks that the compiler is in favour of legislation with references to the Torah in almost every domain of life in the congregation. The compiler uses citations that are taken from the Torah in various contexts. This is apparent when he equates the male deacon with Aaron and the bishop with Moses (AC 2, 30, 1). The idea of a continuum between the Torah and AC is evident. For the compiler, the aim of both the written Torah and its actualization is an ordering that expresses continuity between ‘old’ and ‘new’ Israel.118 Particular interpretations of Scripture authorize community structures and hierarchy in AC. This is common to Jews as well. Lenk argues that ‘Jews and Christians were using their shared texts in similar ways in order to deal with many of the same issues that were important to their different communities.’119 She has found similarities in a variety of issues: the reinterpretation of biblical law regarding Temple offerings, comparisons between the authority of God and the authority of community leaders, and establishing a religious court system. The compiler in AC and the Jews in Rabbinic literature have also come to very similar conclusions concerning these topics.120 In AC, the external ways of using holy scriptures are common to Jews and Christians alike. Firstly, in Lenk’s view, they share practical ways of using them. The document reflects that Scripture is read in the context of Christian liturgy. The reading of it has three parts: first reading from OT, then singing from the Psalms and finally readings from Acts of the Apostles, Paul and the Gospels. This comes close to the Jew117 Lenk (2010), 66–69, 78–79. – The techniques of scriptural interpretation used in AC and DA strongly resemble the ones found in the Jewish literature, e.g. in the Mishnah and the Talmud. However, the techniques probably did not have an exclusively Jewish flavour when the Christian documents were written. DA and AC show that there were no hermeneutically separate Jewish and Christian domains when the documents were compiled. Mueller (2007), 367–68. 118 Synek (1997), 38–39. See also Mueller (2007), 350, 354. On Synek’s perspective concerning continuity, see also Metzger (2001), 604. 119 Lenk (2010), 79. 120 Lenk (2010), 50, 79–92.

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ish practice of public reading.121 Secondly, in AC, Christians and Jews share the ethic of studying scriptures. For the compiler, reading, meditating on and interpreting scripture are central to the lives of everyone in the congregation. The theme of reading and studying Scripture is not unique to AC, however. Other early Christian writers have employed it as well. Lenk points out that this might be in connection with Rabbinic Judaism. Like early Christians, the Rabbinic Jews saw it necessary that all believers should study the scriptures. There is no clear evidence that in the fourth century most Syrian Jews were specifically Rabbinic Jews. Hence, we cannot be sure whether the Rabbinic practices influenced the emphasis of studying Scripture in AC. In spite of that, the great similarity between the emphases is at least interesting.122 In AC both the bishops and lay Christians are instructed to study and teach Scripture. Fathers should teach their children (AC 4, 11, 4). However, the bishop seems to have a special responsibility for it (AC 2, 5, 4–7). He must have the skill to read, interpret and teach the Scripture. The skill is central to his role in the congregation. Similarly, it links the Christians in AC with Jews. Like bishops, rabbis were expected to read, interpret and teach scriptures in their communities.123 Despite the similarities between Jewish texts and AC, Lenk characterizes the compiler’s attitude to the Jewish heritage as dichotomous. In the document, there is both a need to show a simultaneous connection and separation from it. As we have already noticed, the compiler interprets texts and discusses issues that are similar to those of his Jewish neighbours. At the same time he is sure to distinguish his text from Jewish ones by adding something anti-Jewish to it. In particular, this happens at a time when the rhetoric in AC might seem to be almost identical to Jewish rhetoric. The distinction comes out explicitly at the insistence of the bishop to set apart the Law and the deuterosis. He has

Lenk (2010), 49, 54. Lenk (2010), 57–58. Lenk (2010), 59–60 also suggests that verses AC 1, 6, 1–13 could be read as a midrash on the Jewish ‫ – שמע‬Synek has pointed out the similarities between AC and the Talmud, a Rabbinic Jewish work. This might imply a connection between Syrian Christians and Rabbinic Jews as well. See Chapter 3.c.4.b. 123 Lenk (2010), 49, 61–64. According to Lenk (2010), 64–65, AC 4, 11, 4 derives from DA 22. Lenk also notes that the Jews considered OT as their own heritage. Only Jews, or some of them, were authorized to interpret it. Some Christians de-emphasized some parts of it for Christians, but the compiler of AC defines scriptures as ‘divine’ and ‘ours’. Consequently, he saw OT as significant for Christians, and authorized Christian scholars to interpret it. 121

122

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to be able not only to read and interpret the Scripture, but to read and interpret it in a Christian way.124 After treating the shared usage of holy scriptures between the compiler and his Jewish neighbours, Lenk asks: ‘It is striking to note a number of topics which interested both the compiler of AC and the rabbis, using common hermeneutical methods. Is it possible that underlying these shared interpretations is a shared social history?’125 Recent understanding of the context of AC argues for a shared social history. Naturally, because the question is about shared and mixed cultural circumstances behind the texts, it is not just difficult but actually impossible to demonstrate just who was influencing whom. However, the most important aspect is that the Christians in AC and Jews interacted with each other to such a degree that AC reflects it.126 Lenk thinks that the compiler based his teachings on OT because he intended to gain authority in the congregation. His ultimate aim was still to separate his congregation from the Jewish tradition. Lenk writes that the compiler has understood that the way he used OT placed him in an Antiochene discursive community that was shared by other Christians as well as Jews; in addition it bolstered his teachings and the authority of bishops. Because the communities had so much in common, the compiler carefully affirmed, by means of anti-Jewish rhetoric, that what he was doing was different and not Jewish at all.127 Mueller has also noted the extensive use of OT in the document when the compiler describes and argues for ecclesial institutions. Mueller thinks this is a way to counter the attraction of Jewish rites. The compiler seems to say to the Christians who are tempted by the piety of the Jews: ‘We do what they do, but in the freedom that comes from the fulfilment of their practices.’ Mueller concludes that the realization provides a necessary distinction between the Jewish and Christian practices.128 The compiler’s way of using Scripture is closely linked with his identity. Does he perceive himself as a Christian? From my viewpoint, regardless of the unclear borders between Jews and Christians in Antioch, both Mueller and Lenk presume that the compiler himself already had a Christian identity. However, we have to keep in mind that the early 126 127 128 124 125

Lenk (2010), 51, 62, 93. Lenk (2010), 79. Lenk (2010), 79. Lenk (2010), 93–94. Mueller (2004), 534.

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Christian, contemporary Jewish and Jewish Christian groups should be interpreted as a kind of continuum rather than as separate sects.129 Hence, the compiler perceived himself as a Christian who is intentionally able to exploit the Jewish tradition. Moreover, during the first Christian centuries, distinct Christian identities were not very common. The Christians, especially Syrian Christians, had been in close contact with Jews all the time. Therefore, they might not yet have identified themselves as a purely Christian group. It is probable that the compiler is still in the same process, too. He is establishing a Christian identity and hence intends to separate the congregation from the Jews. His way of using Scripture demonstrates, however, that he is still strongly confined to the shared tradition that was thought to be Jewish rather than Christian.130 In this chapter, we noted that the compiler quotes Scripture extensively in AC. He has remoulded his sources through the Scripture because of his intentions. In spite of that, he still shares much with his Jewish neighbours. Lenk’s results help us to proceed with the topic. Some other scholars have noted that, when quoting Scripture, the compiler uses exegetical methods that are common and used by the Jews as well. Additionally, the compiler uses the Torah in a special way that actually links the document with its Jewish contemporaries.

3.c.4.a. Hermeneutical Technique In the previous chapters, we have considered in passing that the compiler used Scripture to authorize his document. He interpreted Scripture in his contemporary context (see Chapters 2.a, 2.c.2 and 3.3.4). At the same time, however, the compiler largely interpreted biblical texts similarly to his early Christian predecessors. Mueller has noted that the way the compiler reads the Scripture is not unique but regular. One of See Fig. 1.2 and Boyarin (1999), 12. The identity of the original author of DA is also ambiguous. According to Strecker, the author saw himself as representing the ‘catholic doctrine’, which comes out in controversy with ‘heresies’. Strecker thinks that the author regards Jewish Christians as heretics. The connection between them and the community of the author is obviously close. In spite of this, Strecker concludes that the ‘Jewish Christian heretics’ stand outside the community of DA. Actually, Jewish Christians were those who dominated the church in the context of DA. Strecker (1979), 244–45, 251, 254–55, 257. Martimort, instead, characterizes the author as a Semite despite the fact that the document is in Greek. Martimort thinks that the author was a Jewish Christian familiar with the apocryphal literature related to OT. The author opposed the ‘Judaizers’, Deuteronomy and the Mishnah. Additionally, the author refers to the so-called ‘Gospel of Peter’, which is a Jewish Christian work. Martimort (1986), 44. 129 130

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his techniques is the usage of σκοπός, which is the most characteristic one in AC. Next we discover the principles of using the method in AC and discuss the linkage between it and the Jewish Christian context.131 What is σκοπός? Although the Greek word cannot be directly translated into English as ‘example’, it can be understood in that way. The compiler of AC has taken various σκοπός examples from Scripture and used them in two ways that are not always easy to distinguish. On one hand, σκοπός is a role model: By bringing up σκοπός, the compiler presents an ideal that the people should imitate. On the other hand, the compiler uses σκοπός to confirm or illustrate his ideas precisely. In these instances he expresses an idea by way of an example that functions as a sample taken from a category. Hence, in his thinking σκοπός is both ‘an example’ and ‘for example’. A similar kind of technique is, I think, used in Hebrews 11.132 When the compiler aims at providing role models for his audience, he uses σκοποί that refer to the people and events mainly in OT. He uses σκοποί when referring either to advisable or to inadvisable behaviour. For example, in AC 5, 20, 14–17 the compiler gives his support to occasionally fasting after a festive time, especially after the feast of Pentecost. He does this by inserting a list that consists of fasting figures: Moses and Elijah fasted for forty days, Daniel for three weeks. Hannah had remained sober when praying, and the Ninevites fasted for three days and nights. The compiler also mentions Esther, Mordecai and Judith as well as David’s psalm 108:24. By listing figures whose behaviour is worthy of imitation, the compiler shows that the custom in question is a wellfounded Christian institution.133 The σκοποί also illustrate the constant attitude of God towards Man. The usage is based on the logic that, because God is always the same, we can expect that He always behaves in the same way in similar Mueller (2004), 159. According to Mueller (2004), 159, the other exegetical methods of the compiler are the usage of testimonia and exclusively literal interpretation of the book of Wisdom. I concentrate just on σκοποί because of its distinctiveness and frequency in the document, and because the compiler uses it in the passages concerning the female deacons. 132 Mueller (2004), 160–61. Mueller dissociates σκοπός and τύπος, although the distinction is not easy to make in AC. In his view, the use of τύπος refers to a process of interpretation in which people, things, institutions or events of OT are considered as foretelling figures that are fulfilled in NT. The use of σκοποί does not provide this kind of relationship and fulfilment. Rather σκοποί show the continuity in the world of ethical values or in the history of relations between God and man. See Mueller (2004), 176–77. 133 Mueller (2004), 161–62. 131

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circumstances. So, for instance, because God immediately punished the schismatic people of OT, He will do likewise against the schism-makers who are against the unity or the doctrine of the Church (AC 6, 4, 1–2). Alternatively, there are also examples of God’s merciful behaviour. The bishop as the leader of the penitents has to imitate Him (AC 2, 24, 2).134 The use of σκοποί also plays an important role when the compiler shows how he conceives AC, the ecclesiastical institutions presented in it, and their divine foundation.135 I think that the assembly in Jerusalem (AC 6, 12), which has its origin in Acts of the Apostles 15, is interpreted as being the frame of the whole document (see Chapter 2.a.1). Here, the compiler uses the assembly as σκοπός. Hence, putting the document and the instructions in the names of the apostles results from both his pseudepigraphical technique and the method of σκοπός. Roughly speaking, here the pseudepigraphical dimension increases the authority of the document, whereas the usage of σκοπός links the contemporary ecclesiastical instructions with their predecessors in Scripture. The previous example notwithstanding, the lists with σκοπός in AC consist of figures known mainly in OT. The compiler presents them together with one or two characters that are closer to his own era. Figures from NT are not regularly mentioned in the lists. The compiler’s way of using OT figures in the lists resembles the way Hellenistic Jews preached. One of their techniques was to put OT figures whom they saw as witnesses of a concept expressed by a keyword in series and then add corresponding citations in the same order. They used the technique to show the salvation of the righteous or the punishment of the wicked. Furthermore, the purposes of the compiler in using the technique in the lists differs clearly from the contemporaneous popular Christian piety. All these notions indicate that the method of σκοπός in AC is connected with the interaction between Jews and Christians in the context of the document.136 Mueller thinks that AC witnesses a particular tradition of early Christian ecclesiological exegesis. It represents an exegetical tradition that bases its ecclesiastical doctrine on OT. The exegetical techniques that have been used in the tradition were of Jewish origin. Hence, the compiler of AC treats his work as a deuterocanonical book of NT.137 136 137 134 135

Mueller (2004), 161–63. Mueller (2004), 161. Mueller (2004), 165–67. Mueller (2007), 337–38, 349. See also Mueller (2004), 519–20 and Lenk (2010), 49.

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From my viewpoint, the various σκοποί in AC show that Scripture – especially OT – has been significant for the compiler and the readers of the document. Being able to both use and understand the meaning of σκοπός, one has to have been very familiar with the original texts. The usage also reveals the compiler’s positive attitude to a method that was common to both Jews and Christians. Nevertheless, the usage of σκοπός in AC does not actually demonstrate any kind of an interaction between Jews and Christians in the context. Rather, the usage shows that the groups were able to communicate because of a shared hermeneutical process. In this study, the consideration of the method also gives me a tool to analyse the central passages. We will come back to the use of the method in the next chapters, and use the method in the analysis, particularly from the viewpoint of the female deacons.

3.c.4.b. Parallelism with the Talmud Along with the use of σκοπός, the compiler of AC has used hermeneutical techniques that were common among Jews at that time. It seems that the compiler has primarily perceived himself as an interpreter of OT, especially Mosaic law.138 Hence, the compiler regards AC as an ecclesiastical document which is a part of the continuum formed by both Jewish and Christian literature.139 From the viewpoint of a continuum, AC can be paralleled with the Talmud.140 Synek has put their convergences into three categories. Here is a summary of her findings:

Mueller (2007), 349. In her article, Fonrobert (2001), 483 proposes reading DA as a Christian Mishnah. Mueller notes that the compiler of AC has reworked DA. Likewise, the Talmud is a further development that is based on the Mishnah. The contemporaneity of DA and Mishnah allows for the possibility that the schools of thought behind them knew about each other. Mueller (2007), 352. See also Fonrobert (2001), 508. 139 The same tendency can be seen in DA as well. Synek (1997), 77–79, 83–84. See also Mueller (2007), 350. 140 ‘Talmud’ means ‘study’, ‘instruction’ and ‘teaching’. It refers especially to instruction from Scripture and consequently Scriptural proof. Talmud is the name of two rabbinic Jewish works which are products of the Palestinian and Babylonian schools and consequently called the Palestinian Talmud and Babylonian Talmud. The Palestinian Talmud was probably not written until the fourth century and the Babylonian Talmud was finally completed around the middle of the sixth century. Strack & Stemberger (1996), 164–65, 170, 193–94. 138

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1. Temporal proximity between AC and the Talmud is plausible. Both texts originate at the end of the fourth century. AC is approximately contemporary with the Palestinian Talmud, maybe a little older. Additionally, there are some temporal correlations with the Jewish Tannaitic and Amoraic epochs in the document.141 2. There are multiple formal parallels between AC and the Talmud. One of them is their compilatory character. In both compiling processes, diverse traditional elements have been integrated into the documents. Additionally, both AC and the Talmud tend to merge normative and narrative material.142 There are two main discourses in the documents. As in the Talmud, in AC, aggadah and halakah have been allowed to flow into each other. Both halakah and aggadah represent interpretations and sometimes also extensions or continuations of OT. The halakah is a normative discourse, which includes arguments concerning behavioural norms and laws. Aggadah, on the other hand, predominantly includes various narrative forms such as allegories, prayers and homilies. Furthermore, the compiler of AC compares the Apostles with rabbis. The authorial basis of the instruction is said to be the Jerusalem Council (Acts of the Apostles 15). This is parallel to the great synods of rabbinic Jews in Javne and Uscha mentioned in the Talmud.143 3. In some parts of the text AC explicitly refers to the written Torah in the same way as the rabbinic halakah does. This moves the parallelism onto a theological level. The references to the Torah show that the way of actualizing and interpreting the Torah is common to the documents. There are instructions that aim at orientating one’s life according to the Torah. The interpretations reflect current circumstances.144 Synek (1998), 27, 49–50. Synek (1998), 27–39. See also Mueller (2007), 350. 143 Synek (1997), 81; (1998), 39–42. See also Mueller (2007), 351–52, 355. In her article, Synek (1998), 42–44 points out several convergences with AC and halakah, but not with aggadah. To me it seems that AC is much more similar to halakah than aggadah. Mueller (2007), 351, instead, points out that Synek does not define the concepts halakah and aggadah. He concludes that Synek uses the terms in a broad sense: They refer to the two main types of discourse, which can be found in the sacred rabbinic texts such as Mishnah and the two Talmuds. – DA and AC are very similar from this viewpoint. Both relate the story of its own in a meeting of the Apostles and claim to receive from them the notion of doctrine (didaskalia) as a mix of halakah and aggadah. Mueller (2007), 355–56. 144 Synek (1998), 42–46. 141

142

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Dogmatic Tendencies in The Apostolic Constitutions

Based on her findings, Synek suggests that the compiler of AC has aimed at producing a document that is in accordance with rabbinic Jewish ideals. Hence, we can ask whether the similarities demonstrate a direct connection between the Jews and Christians when AC was compiled. In fourth century Antioch, the boundaries between Jews and Christians were open and the context was not polemical. Regardless of this, Synek thinks that a direct connection between the Jewish Amoraic movement, which lived according to the Talmud, and the compiler of AC, is not very realistic. More probably, the compiler had an indirect contact with rabbinical philosophy.145 The convergences between AC and the Talmud might stem from several sources. As Lenk points out, the compiler would have achieved greater authority or interest among the audience.146 Because of the Jewish Christian context, producing an interpretative document in a similar way to the Talmud could have been natural for the compiler, even though the Talmud was thought to be Jewish. I want to highlight that the compiler himself does not explicitly refer to the parallelism, or aggadah and halakah, for example. We should also distinguish between the self-perception of the compiler and the reception by the congregation. We cannot be sure how the contemporaneous audience perceived the parallelism with the Talmud. Did they recognize it at all? And if they did, how did they react? We do not know whether AC and the Talmud were seen as rival or complementary documents – or even whether the readers of AC were familiar with both of them. For relative certainty, Synek’s results show that while writing the text the compiler created a document that resembles its Jewish contemporaries. However, I think that the parallelism between them needs closer investigation. As Charlotte E. Fonrobert and Mueller have shown, the question is about a larger phenomenon, more about a genre than a single document.147 Here, from my viewpoint, it is enough that the hints of parallelism between the texts place one extra piece into the puzzle of the presumed Jewish Christian context of AC.148 145 Synek (1998), 50–54. According to Wilken (1983), 8, however, both Christian and Jewish sources reveal that exegetical issues were discussed with the rabbis. 146 Lenk (2010), 79. 147 Fonrobert (2001), 483–509; Mueller (2007), 337–80. 148 Not all scholars share this viewpoint. For example, van der Horst (2000), 233 states: ‘The tendency of the Apostolic Constitutions as a whole is not at all pro-Jewish.’

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Dogmatic Tendencies in The Apostolic Constitutions

3.d. Summary of Chapter 3 In Chapter 3 we considered the dogmatic tendencies in AC. The consideration shows that the document includes several tendencies, which should not be treated as exclusionary but rather parallel. The number of interpretations has grown together with the increasing number of available manuscripts. From early on, AC has been read as including some Arian and NeoArian tendencies. Criticism of these tendencies has also been presented over the centuries. Along with Arian influences, AC has been defined, for example, as an orthodox document. Presently, the focus of the discussion has moved from doctrinal viewpoints to the cultural aspects in the background of the document. Considerations in this chapter show that interaction between Jews and Christians in the context of AC was likely. Although the compiler’s attitude to Jewish customs appears as negative in some parts of the document, the verses still reflect social interaction between Jews and Christians. Some passages in AC – the prayers of Jewish origin and commandments to celebrate both the Sabbath and Sunday – as well as the biblical orientation in the document show that the compiler’s attitude to the Jews is not totally negative. It tends to appear dichotomous. All in all, the results show that the social interaction between Jewish and Christian influences was still vibrant and ongoing in the area and era of the compilation process. Hence, the results based on AC match the Ways that Never Parted model, although a consideration that covers only one document is not enough to substantiate it. From the viewpoint of female deacons, dogmatic tendencies in AC are worth considering. Previous doctrinal definitions have affected the interpretations concerning the female deacons as well. This appears especially when scholars have studied the passage in which the compiler draws an analogy between the female deacons and the Holy Spirit (see Chapter 5.c.4). Furthermore, it is reasonable to keep in mind that the instructions concerning female deacons were likely to have been written in a Jewish Christian context. In the next chapter, I  begin to analyse those instructions.

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CHAPTER 4 FEMALE DEACONS IN THE APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS

In this chapter, I begin to study the female deacons in AC. At first, I focus on the terminology the compiler uses in reference to those women in the document. There are a variety of forms that refer to the female deacons in the document. I examine them closely, ascertaining their origins and drawing conclusions about their semantic connections. I move on to study the content of the document. I consider some of the instructions that are intended for the female deacons. The commandments discuss the prerequisites for carrying out the tasks addressed to the female deacons.

4.a. Multiple Terms The compiler uses various forms of several terms when referring to the female deacons in AC. He refers to them altogether 25 times. The female deacons occur in Books 2, 3, 6 and 8. Figure 4.1 reveals the multiplicity of terms as a whole.1 The section of the document in which the term appears is shown in the first column. The Greek term is given in the second. The third column contains the alternative expressions, if variations occur in the manuscripts (see Chapter 2.d.2).2

See Metzger (1985), 238, 314, 322, 323; (1986), 140, 146, 150, 152, 154–57, 160, 348; (1987), 176, 210, 220, 222, 230, 232, 234. 2 See also Metzger (1986), 55. 1

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

Verse in AC

Form

Alternative Wordings in the Manuscripts

AC 2, 26, 3

αἱ διάκονοι

-

AC 2, 26, 6

ἡ διάκονος

ἡ: εἰ b

AC 2, 57, 10

αἱ διάκονοι

αἱ: οἱ R s M

AC 2, 58, 6

ἡ διάκονος

ἡ διάκονος: οἱ διάκονες b

AC 3, 8, 1

ταῖς διακόνοις

διακόνοις > R d p

AC 3, 11, 3

διακονίσσας

-

AC 3, 14, 2

ἡ διακονησαμένη

-

AC 3, 14, 2

τῇ διακονησαμένῃ

-

AC 3, 14, 3

τὴν διακονήσασαν

-

AC 3, 14, 4

τῇ εὖ ποιούσῃ

τοῖς εὖ ποιοῦσι s εὐποιοῦσιν R

AC 3, 16, 1 AC 3, 16, 1

διάκονον [πιστὴν καὶ διάκονον a y z: διάκοναν o διάκωναν b ἁγίαν] διακόνισσαν c h N M γυναῖκα διάκονον διάκονον a y z: διακόνισσαν R c h N M

AC 3, 16, 2

διακόνου

-

AC 3, 16, 2

ἡ διάκονος

διακόνισσα c h

AC 3, 16, 4

ἡ διάκονος

διακόνισσα c h m p

AC 3, 19, 1

ἡ γυνὴ

-

AC 6, 17, 4

διακόνισσα

διάκωνος R

AC 8, 11, 11

αἱ διάκονοι

AC 8, 13, 14

αἱ διάκονοι

αἱ conieci: οἱ codd. u notam διάκονοι N: ὑποδιάκονοι H M διακόνισσαι a

AC 8, 19, 1

διακονίσσης

-

AC 8, 20, 2

τὴν δούλην

-

AC 8, 28, 6

διακόνισσα

AC 8, 28, 7

διακόνισσαν

In p the verse AC 8, 28, 6 is located in the very end of AC 8, 28. -

AC 8, 28, 8

διακονίσσῃ

-

AC 8, 31, 2

διακονίσσαις

-

Figure 4.1. The Greek forms of female deacons used in AC.

At first glance, it is evident that the forms are not expressed coherently. Although there is some variation between the manuscripts, the female

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

deacons appear in one form or another in all of the manuscripts that Metzger has been able to use.3 Hence, it is justified that the compiler has originally mentioned female deacons in his document. The compiler mainly uses nouns that are διακ-rooted. There is a noun with the -ος case ending with a feminine article: ἡ διάκονος.4 The noun appears, either in the singular or plural form, altogether 11 times in the document. This is 44% of all occurrences. The other διακ-rooted noun, διακόνισσα, is the second most common form, with five occurrences. These two nouns are the primarily considered forms of female deacons in AC among scholars.5 This is understandable, because they are the most frequent forms in the document. However, as the table shows, they are not the only ones. Several forms have been used in one verse each: ἡ διακονησαμένη (and in dative τῇ διακονησαμένῃ later in the same verse), τῇ εὖ ποιούσῃ, τὴν διακονήσασαν, ἡ γυνὴ and τὴν δούλην. These participles and nouns cannot automatically be translated as ‘a female deacon’, but might refer to a larger group of people. When reading them as a part of their context here, however, we note that they refer to female deacons in particular.6 3 In Greek the noun διάκονος has no feminine form, so the female is designated ἡ διάκονος, with the feminine article and the -ος case ending. This is a characteristic of some Greek words, whereas διακόνισσα is a later Christian formation. Figure 4.1 shows that the compiler has used various forms: in manuscript a, there is the form διακόνισσαι, in b διάκωναν, in c διακόνισσα, in h διακόνισσα, in m διακόνισσα, in o διάκοναν and in p διακόνισσα which are forms that base on διάκονος. The manuscript s prefers the -ος case ending twice, but in other verses another form is used. Metzger does not present any variations concerning the verses in manuscripts d, v and y. I think in that case the forms are totally similar with what he has used in the edition, but d does not contain the verses of AC 2. In manuscript z, the -ος case ending has been preferred, but other forms appear as well, although the verses of AC 8 do not exist in it. In manuscripts e and FV, all of the verses under consideration, and in f most of them, are missing. See Metzger (1985), 94. 4 In the previous studies, along with ‘female deacons’ the women in question have also been called ‘deaconesses’ and ‘women deacons’. Because the occurrences of ἡ διάκονος are the most numerous in AC, I chose to use systematically the accurate translation ‘female deacon’, when I write about those women in this research. – Martimort defines ἡ διάκονος as ‘the normal word for “deaconesses”’, which the compiler uses in AC. Probably he calls it ‘normal’, because it is the most common. See Martimort (1986), 64. 5 See, for example, Metzger (1986), 55; Gryson (1976), 60; Martimort (1986), 64 and Torres (2010), 627–28. 6 In AC 3, 14, 2–3 the compiler refers to a woman three times by calling her both ἡ διακονησαμένη and εὖ ποιούση. The latter literally means ‘a woman, who has done good.’ The connection between the woman here and the female deacons elsewhere in the document is not watertight. When we look only at the wordings, the compiler could be talking about any woman, who has done good for someone, not specifically about a female deacon. However, further in the same book, in AC 3, 16, 1, the female deacons are instructed to deal with a very similar task to the woman described earlier

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

The most commonly used noun διάκονος appears in both singular and plural form in the document. The compiler uses the same noun when referring to both male and female deacons. The noun appears in the document with masculine and feminine articles as well as those with no article.7 In some cases, the epithet reveals that the noun refers specifically to a female deacon. In AC 3, 16, 1 the female deacons have been called διάκονον without an article, but with the feminine epithet πιστὴν καὶ αγίαν as well as γυναῖκα. There are several occurrences where it is unclear whether the singular noun διάκονος without an article refers to a female or male deacon. I went through the occurrences one by one. Several reasons made me decide that they refer only to male deacons. In some cases, the context reveals that the question is only about a man (AC 2, 26, 3–5; AC 2, 30; AC 2, 58; AC 6, 17, 1; AC 8, 17; AC 8, 23, 3; AC 8, 26, 3; AC 8, 28, 4–8; AC 8, 29, 2). The form διάκονος is used especially in the Apostolic Canons, but because of the lack of information about the context, I have to disregard the occurrences in it.8 Some problematic verses (AC 3, 15, 5; AC 8, 46, 11) do not give any extra information about the tasks of the female deacons. Therefore, studying them is not necessary here. Furthermore, as Herbert Weir Smyth clarifies, the plural forms in Greek are not as simple as the singular ones. When the complement of the verb refers to people of different gender, the masculine form prevails. That means, if the noun is in plural with the masculine article, the noun still might refer to women along with men.9 In AC, there are several cases in which the gender of διάκονοι is unclear. I went through these occurrences too and noted that usually the context of the verse gives some (see Chapter 6.b). Therefore, the wider context of the document hints that we may assume that the question is also about female deacons in AC 3, 14. 7 I searched for all the words which begin with διακόν- in AC. As a result, singular ὁ διάκονος with a masculine article, is the most used form of the noun (in AC 2, 26, 3–5; AC 2, 30; AC 2, 32, 1–2; AC 2, 44, 3–4; AC 2, 54, 1; AC 2, 57, 13–18; AC 2, 58; AC 3, 16; AC 8, 6, 2–14; AC 8, 7, 9; AC 8, 8, 6; AC 8, 9, 11; AC 8, 11, 11; AC 8, 12, 1; AC 8, 13, 2; AC 8, 13, 11–16; AC 8, 14, 1; AC 8, 15, 6–10; AC 8, 35, 2; AC 8, 36, 1; AC 8, 37, 4–7; AC 8, 38, 1; AC 8, 39, 1–5; AC 8, 41, 1–6; AC 8, 46, 17). 8 In verses 5, 8, 17, 18 and 51 in AC 8, 47, the context shows that the deacon being instructed is a man. In some cases (verses 29, 32, 39 and 50 in AC 8, 47), the compiler refers to the noun by using a masculine pronoun. This might result from the masculine noun, but could also indicate that the compiler only has male objects in mind when writing the instructions. In verses 1, 6, 7, 15, 17, 25, 27–28, 36, 42, 44–45, 53, 56, 63, 68 and 83 of AC 8, 47 the context does not give enough information for me to resolve the gender of διάκονος. 9 Smyth (1956), 1055.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

further information: the nouns most likely refer to male deacons and hence are not central from the viewpoint of this research.10 Many Greek forms that I read as referring to female deacons in AC derive from the verb διακονέω. These nouns are originally based on NT and other ancient sources. Next in this chapter, I examine their previous usages. I focus on the usages on NT and some sources that are based on it.11 I focus on the verb διακονέω and its cognates, as well as the nouns διακόνισσα and γυνὴ that appear in AC as referring to female deacons.12 In depth consideration here helps us to interpret the concepts in the context of AC as the compiler has probably understood them.

4.a.1. Cognates of διακονέω in Earlier Sources Next I look at the ancient use of the verb διακονέω and its cognates. I focus on NT and some sources that are based on it. Because the verb was not originally a Christian invention, we also have to become familiar with the non-Christian occurrences so as to understand how it is used in NT. After that, I briefly consider the usage of feminine διάκονος in the later early Christian sources prior to and contemporaneous with AC. In Chapter 1.a.2 we already became familiar with the reinterpretation of the verb διακονέω and its cognates in ancient sources. According to Collins and Hentschel, the verb has its very origin in Hellenistic

In verses AC 2, 16, 1; AC 2, 17, 1; AC 2, 26, 3; AC 2, 57, 4–10; AC 2, 57, 15; AC 8, 12, 3; AC 8, 13, 14; AC 8, 28, 6 and AC 8, 31, 2 the context reveals that the noun οἱ διάκονοι evidently refers to men only. In AC 2,  28,  1 and 3, the definite noun οἱ διάκονοι might refer to both male and female deacons, but in v. 6 the context remains the same, and διάκονος is used both in singular and plural forms. The singular genitive noun indicates that the whole verse, and consequently also verses 1 and 3, consider only male deacons. In AC 2, 47, 1, instead, οἱ διάκονοι is used in parallel with the male presbyters. Similar pairs of deacons and presbyters also appear in AC 8, 47, 39. They, along with bishops, are mentioned in parallel in AC 8, 44, 1–2 and AC 8, 46, 9 and 13 as well. The passages lack any other evidence which would demonstrate their gender. The comparability between the groups of deacons, presbyters and bishops is a slight hint in assuming that the question is only about men. Finally, in AC 8, 11, 11, the indefinite διάκονοι might refer to both genders, but it is still more likely that it refers only to male deacons. Namely, a male deacon is mentioned and female deacons as a separate group, αἱ διάκονοι, appear a little later in the paragraph. 11 In the frame of this research, I am not able to consider the usages of the nouns in the previous church orders, which the compiler of AC has used as his sources. DA is the only of them in which the female deacons are mentioned. The text was originally written in Greek, but completely preserved only in Syriac translation. See e.g. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106; Fonrobert (2001), 488. 12 The meaning of τὴν δούλην is considered in Chapter 6.c.5. 10

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

Greek sources.13 Hentschel demonstrates that in those sources the noun διάκονος refers firstly to persons who carry out intermediary functions. For example, they carry messages. In the work of a διάκονος, the aspect of assignment and the responsibility of the principal are stressed. The traditional ways of interpretation – serving at table and doing household duties – have also been associated with the work of διάκονος. However, these occasions are less frequent than was earlier thought.14 In LXX διακον- rooted words appear. The themes of charitable and social tasks and motifs are essential topics in it and hence have been considered frequently. However, διακον- rooted words are not used for this charitable work. Instead, the term διάκονος refers to administrative functions rather than solicitude.15 The noun διάκονος is known in Jewish literature, too. For Philo, the verb διακονέω includes a wide range of tasks. Philo uses it when describing the tasks of a go-between and agent. These tasks are especially related to mediations.16 Another Jewish author, Josephus,17 uses διακονέω and its connotations relatively frequently. For him, διάκονος plays an honourable role as a reliable and truthful mediator of messages who acts for people in the name of God. Despite this, Josephus thought that the 13 Collins has taken a broad view and made a thorough investigation of the usage of the verb and its cognates in the non-Christian sources. See Collins (1990), 77–191. Collins (2014), 57–77 recovers the usage in non-Christian, both Greek and Jewish, sources. See also Voitila (2015), 226–27. 14 Hentschel (2013), 49–58. 15 Latvus (2007), 55–57. As we noted in Chapter 1.a.3, according to Beyer (1935), 82 the verb διακονέω does not exist in LXX. His result is specious, because there are cognates of διακονέω in LXX. The common noun διάκονος appears 7 times, mostly in the book of Esther. The abstract noun διακονία can be found in three instances, but there are no instances of the verb διακονέω. In LXX, the references have been made in various contexts and have very divergent meanings. In Esth 1:1–2:6 the noun is used functionally as an expression for a temporally limited assignment in the law which refers to a messaging activity. The noun is used also in terms of a ministry, which is continuously and substantially linked with a certain group of people. The ministry includes a range of tasks. In 4 Maccabees, διάκονος denotes official representatives. The rest of the references (Prov 10:14; 1 Mac 11) are in the context of table service and the household. Those tasks are lower and less distinguished in character. See Hentschel (2007), 61–63 and Collins (1990), 63, 128–29; (2014), 104. Cf. Latvus (2007), 54–55 and Starnizke (2003), 186. 16 Hentschel (2007), 72–76. See also Collins (1990), 110, 163. According to Hentschel (2007), 72, Philo lived in Alexandria in a great Jewish diaspora area at the turn of the first Christian century. When writing, he relied on both Greek and Jewish literature, whereupon his interpretation of the term at issue is interesting, although the occurrences are rare. 17 Josephus Flavius was a Jewish historian. He can be considered as the main source of information for the early history of the Jews in Antioch. Wilken (1983), 36.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

verb does not include an obsequious attitude, even in the case of women or slaves.18 To summarize, the verb διακονέω and its cognates were used in Jewish-Hellenistic sources in the first centuries ad. In the Jewish literature, the mentions are relatively rare and the ways of usage are various. This indicates that the verb was not common among the Jewish writers at that time. The verb and its cognates were more typical of Greek authors. What about the Christians, then? Next we will focus more closely on NT and some other early Christian documents. In the Greek NT, there are altogether about a hundred instances of διακονέω-based cognates.19 Collins highlights the intermediary role of the διάκονος when examining the word in NT. For him, διακονέω and its cognates express a relationship between two parties in which the function of one is to be an ‘agent’ or a ‘go-between’. Hence, the verb speaks of the action, which is done in the name of the other. The idea of a basic meaning of διακονέω is problematic in general. That means the verb does not have a content that would remain the same regardless of changing contexts.20 First and foremost, in NT, διακονέω and its cognates express undertakings for another – person or God, friend or master. The undertaking agent has a mandate and personal obligation, which designate his or her action. Therefore, the qualifications which define how the action is done are side issues. The verb and its cognates do not involve the idea of ‘hum18 Hentschel (2007), 76–85. Josephus lived simultaneously with Philo, but – in his own words – had grown up in Jerusalem and consequently knew the social and religious conditions in Israel well. According to Hentschel, to Josephus διάκονος meant a servant in all conceivable ways: from steward and abettor to go-between and messenger. Collins interprets the range of usage more narrowly. He states that Josephus used the term διάκονος in the sense of ‘messenger’ or ‘agent’. Only when Josephus uses Esther as a source is the usage of διάκονος exceptional, it is used by way of ‘the one to carry out’. See Hentschel (2007), 76–85; Collins (1990), 111–15, 164; (2014), 104–05. Josephus adopted the expression of διάκονος of the gods from the Greek Lucian. They both wrote during the second Christian century. Collins (2014), 66–67. – In the other Jewish sources, διάκονος appears here and there. In the Testament of Judah, wine is described as the deacon of demons. In the Testament of Job, some uses of the term are linked with serving the poor, but they are not so simple to translate. However, they refer to an activity which is exercised in the name of the orderer. Activity is often exercised in an intermediary role (understood in a broad sense). There are also four paragraphs in which the term is used in the context of a meal and waiting at table. In the Testament of Abraham, there is only one reference. The context is not table service, but a ceremonial meal: God sends a task for Abraham. Abraham asks the archangel Michael to deliver (expressed through διακονέω) a message to God. Hentschel (2007), 64–72. 19 Collins (1990), 3, 63. Cf. Hentschel (2013), 1. The occurrences are various, so it is not sensible to go them through one by one in this chapter. Instead, I will give an extensive summary of the usage. 20 Collins (1990), 194. See also Hentschel (2007), 274–94 and (2013), 1–2.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

ble activity’ or tell us anything about the benefit either to the person authorizing the action or to the recipient of the action.21 The usage in NT conforms to the non-Christian usage presented above. The verb διακονέω and its cognates appear in connection with messaging from the gods and intermediary activity.22 Hentschel highlights that διάκονος should not primarily be understood through personality or status. Instead of this, the person (or god), who appoints a person to be his διάκονος, has the power to define what the noun means. This follows from their relationship, in which the διάκονος is committed by his principal.23 What kind of tasks does a διάκονος carry out in NT? Collins thinks that the occurrences can be divided into three. 1. A διάκονος works ‘in the area of message’ as a go-between, who runs errands. 2. A διάκονος works ‘in the area of agency’ as an agent, instrument or medium. 3. A διάκονος performs some tasks as an assistant ‘in the area of attendance’.24 In NT, the usage of διακονέω is mainly in relation to the passage of revelation. For example, Paul uses it by way of ‘spokesman’ and ‘emissary of heaven’ in his letters to Corinthians.25 It has also been used in travelrelated contexts, for example in connection with the delegation from Antioch to Jerusalem.26 The patristic writings show that the idiomatic usage of διακ-words was parallel with the classical and Hellenistic usage. During the first Chris Collins (1990), 12, 194. Collins (1990), 217. 23 Hentschel (2007), 23–24. 24 Collins (1990), 335. See also Hentschel (2007), 22, 87. The agency is actually divided into two: between the primary agent, who initiates the state of affairs, consequently, for example the bishop – and the intermediary, διάκονος, who holds the responsibility for the actual carrying out of the action. Hence, the intermediary functions as the channel through which the agent achieves his purposes. The deacon acts in order to fulfil the bishop’s purposes. Luraghi (2014), 122. 25 Collins (1990), 195–216. Paul used the title διάκονος in 2 Corinthians although his opponents did not come from a Hellenistic but a Jewish context. Collins (1990), 208. 26 Collins (1990), 221. The tasks of travelling are in connection with the role of διάκονος as an emissary. See e.g. Collins (1990), 222–26. Travelling also includes the tasks of early Christian deacons to be messengers and carry letters. Ryökäs & Voitila (2013), 136–44. 21

22

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

tian centuries, the deacons continued their intermediary activities: They worked as agents who were sent to do tasks at someone’s behest. Because in the Christian communities the bishop was in the leading position and often assigned the tasks, he had the ultimate responsibility for the deacons, regardless of the fact that the deacons actually performed the tasks. Hence, the position of διάκονος can be defined as subordinate to ἐπίσκοπος.27 Hentschel states that the first Christians used the verb διακονέω and its cognates in a general way when they referred to some functions in the Church. They did not associate a διάκονος with a special dignity or position in the community. They understood a διάκονος only as somebody who carries out tasks for the congregation, not as a minister of honour and authority. During the later centuries, however, the usage started to shift little by little from the temporary tasks of a διάκονος towards a more permanent definition for the ministry of the deacon.28 For Collins, the most essential phase in the development is the assignment of the διάκονος by the supervisor, ἐπίσκοπος. Hence, the position of διάκονος compared to ἐπίσκοπος indicates that the question is about ministry. In the post-biblical early Christian usage, the noun διάκονος automatically includes a semantic reference to ἐπίσκοπος. In contexts where ἐπίσκοπος and διάκονος are connected, the relationship Collins (2012), 300–09. Hentschel (2013), 3–4, 9–10. In addition to διάκονος, the early Christians used e.g. ἀπόστολος and ἐπίσκοπος to define those who carried out a function in the Church. They primarily describe the responsibility of the ministrant, not his specific honour. In NT, the terms were not taken from the contemporary vocabulary of administration or cultic language. They were developed based on word stems which were more open in a terminological way. Hentschel (2013), 9–10. – The development has resulted in different reactions among scholars. What were the relationships between the bishop, deacon and presbyter like? Broadly speaking, there have been two schools: In the first, the development is seen through an original episcopal – diaconal – system, in which the office of deacons is an adjunct to that of bishop. According to the other school, the origin is in a generalized presbyterate. They regard as uncertain whether the deacons are a part of the group of presbyters or subordinate, but distinct, officers to the presbyters. Olson (2005), 22. This is called ‘two-fold ministry’. This kind of model can be found several times in NT (for example in 1 Tim 3), 1 Clem 42:1–5, Didache 15:1–2 and Herm. Vis. III, 5.1. In the early Christian Syrian tradition, the two-fold model was dominant for a long time. See Koet (2013), 355, 359–61; (2017), 173–76; (2018), 151–54 and Stewart-Sykes (2010), 111. – Stewart-Sykes has searched for the office in DA. In his view, in DA the deacons are closely tied to bishops, and the origin of their office lies in the development of episcopal-diaconal system. This gives us a reason to assume that the same system has been moved on to AC as well. Stewart-Sykes (2010), 111, 118. – Latvus (2007), 68–73 describes the course of development in the relationships between bishop, deacons and presbyters from NT to the Nicaean Council. This kind of model of threefold ministry has commonly been thought to originate in the Ignatian literature, but Koet argues for a two-fold ministry in it. See Koet (2017), 170–90; (2018), 149–63. 27

28

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includes functional subordination. This is understandable, because Collins has demonstrated that the principal idea about the relationship between a bishop and a deacon is that of the agent.29 Nevertheless, in some early Christian occurrences the deacons are seen as independent from the bishop. The deacons are allowed to work without him while performing their intermediary tasks. One of the task of deacons was to deliver letters. Several times the passages reveal that, from the literal viewpoint, the deacons seem to be the deacons of the letters rather than the deacons of the bishop (who sends the letter). A person was called a deacon primarily because of his or her intermediary task. In other words, in those kinds of cases, ἐπίσκοπος cannot automatically be associated with the term διάκονος. This indicates that the ministry of deacon is not understood as a permanent structure. In spite of that, both the bishop and the deacons seem to have had their own meaningful and indispensable functions in the community. Hence, each occurrence of διάκονος has to be interpreted within its own context. In the congregation, the deacon might be the agent of the bishop in a direct or an indirect sense.30 Most of the occurrences of the noun διάκονος that we have considered so far have been masculine. However, διάκονος is a type of Greek noun that applies equally to a female person.31 In NT, there is one woman who is called διάκονος: Phoebe. Because of her uniqueness as a biblical feminine διάκονος, Phoebe has to be taken into careful consideration. Paul writes in Romans 16: ‘I commend to you our sister Phoebe, a deacon of the church in Cenchreae. I ask you to receive her in the Lord in a way worthy of his people and to give her any help she may need from you, for she has been the benefactor of many people, including me.’32 Here Paul writes about ‘our sister Phoebe’ and entrusts her to the recipients of the letter. The Romans are instructed to receive and treat her respectfully. Paul clearly makes a good recommendation for Phoebe to the recipients. Phoebe has supported the apostle himself and others as 29 Collins (1990), 243–44; (2012), 92–94. See also Collins (2014), 31. Cf. Hentschel (2007), 172–78. Collins (1990), 243–44 refers to several early Christian sources. Concerning AC, he alludes only to the male deacons in it. However, because the nouns of female and male deacons are often used similarly in it, only with divergent articles, we can think that Collins’ linguistic analysis is also valid for female deacons in AC as well. 30 Ryökäs & Voitila (2013), 143–44. 31 See Collins (1990), 104. 32 Συνίστημι δὲ ὑμῖν Φοίβην τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἡμῶν, οὖσαν [καὶ] διάκονον τῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς, ἵνα αὐτὴν προσδέξησθε ἐν κυρίῳ ἀξίως τῶν ἁγίων καὶ παραστῆτε αὐτῇ ἐν ᾧ ἂν ὑμῶν χρῄζῃ πράγματι· καὶ γὰρ αὐτὴ προστάτις πολλῶν ἐγενήθη καὶ ἐμοῦ αὐτοῦ. Rom 16:1–2.

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well. She was probably sent to Rome in order to use her wealth or some other kind of influence to affect the community.33 When writing about Phoebe, Paul does not declare her works in detail. There is thus only one valid clue for a deeper definition: He writes that Phoebe is διάκονος of the community in Cenchreae. Hence, the meaning of διάκονος is determined by a genitive and linked with a place.34 In addition, Phoebe is about to travel. Her journey is one reason Paul wrote the letter. Was she travelling on her own business or that of the churches of Cenchreae and Corinth? Paul does not say.35 In line with the results of Collins and Hentschel, it seems that also in the case of Phoebe, διάκονος refers to a specific task rather than the general service of God, which concerns the whole Christian life.36 Phoebe can 33 Collins (1990), 225. Marjanen presumes that Phoebe was a married woman, and, because she is called προστάτις, also financially independent and a relatively influential person. Likely she had a regular income. Consequently, her trip to Rome was probably primarily professional and carrying the letter to the Romans was a secondary task. In ancient Rome it was rare but not unknown for women to travel. Paul might have chosen Phoebe to carry the letter because he trusted her and because he did not see any theological risk in that. Marjanen (2005), 500–06. See also Latvus (2007), 59. 34 Reininger (1999), 63; Gryson (1976), 3–4. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 13. Reininger writes that Phoebe was the carrier of the letter ‘as οὖσαν διάκονον und προστάτις of the Cenchrean congregation.’ A little later she continues word for word: ‘Phoebe is one of few women in NT that is mentioned both with name and title.’ Reininger does not explain in more detail her conception of the ‘title’ of Phoebe. Is it διάκονον and προστάτις? From my viewpoint, this might be an overinterpretation. Those nouns are not used as titles in these verses. By contrast, Paul gives Phoebe an explicit title: ‘our sister’. This is presented in an intense connection to her name. Unfortunately, the title ‘our sister’ by itself does not illuminate the meaning of the noun διάκονον, which is used of Phoebe as well. See Reininger (1999), 63.– The genitive form differs from the case of Stephanas and his household (1 Cor 16:15), in which a dative of διάκονος has been used to indicate the beneficiary of the service. Gryson (1976), 3–4. – Marjanen has considered why Paul introduces Phoebe in Rom 16:1 by using a clause in which διάκονος is connected with a genitive construction (τῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς) instead of a relative clause. Marjanen concludes that this implies a context in which διάκονος is not used only in a general term which refers to Phoebe’s willingness to serve. In spite of this, διάκονος should be understood as a church office similarly with Phil 1:1. Unlike Collins, Marjanen thinks that, in Pauline usage, the words deriving from διακ-root refer to charitable activity (Rom 12:7; Rom 15:25; Rom 15:31; 2 Cor 8–9), but also preaching tasks seem to be included (1 Cor 3:5; 2 Cor 3:6–9; 2  Cor 4:1; 2  Cor 5:18; 2  Cor 11:23). Additionally, Marjanen thinks that this shows Phoebe as having an ecclesiastical leadership role in the Church that probably qualified her to use some spiritual influence in Rome as well. Marjanen (2005), 503. – Mowczko analyzes Phoebe’s ministry from the viewpoint of Collins and draws conclusions similar to Marjanen. See Mowczko (2018), 91–102. 35 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 13. 36 See also Gryson (1976), 3.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

be understood as an intermediary or a courier.37 She is the emissary of her community and similarly the bearer of Paul’s letter to the Romans. However, the precise nature of her business is left unclear.38 Because of Phoebe in NT, not every διάκονος should automatically be presumed to be male in early Christian texts.39 The plural form διάκονοι has to be considered particularly carefully. Secondly, previous scholars have tended to assume that every female figure in the early Christian documents is a deacon – regardless of whether she is called διάκονος or not. The reinterpretation of διάκονος therefore challenges us to read the passages more carefully. This is a wide-ranging work. In the following, I concentrate on treating the clearly female use of διάκονος in early Christian sources – in other words, the women that are explicitly called διάκονοι.40 Several Eastern authors, both Christian and non-Christian, in literary and non-literary sources, refer to female deacons.41 DA is the first document in which female deacons are explicitly mentioned as a distinct group.42 In it the author mainly uses the concept of ἡ διάκονος, in McCabe (2009), 104; (2017). Collins (1990), 225. Merz notes that previously Phoebe’s task has been linked with charitable service. Some feminist theologians have presumed that Phoebe had tasks concerned with leading and teaching. Following them, Merz concludes that Phoebe is a leader. See Merz (2007), 133–34. In the frame of this research, it is not possible to take a stand on Phoebe’s task in more detail. We have to note, however, that the reinterpreted term of διάκονος does not directly define her task accurately. 39 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 4 mention Phil 1:1 as an example of this kind of ambivalence. 40 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 4. In NT, some women are defined as fellow workers with Paul and others: Tabitha or Dorcas (Act 9:36), Lydia (Act 16:14), daughters of Philip (Act 21:9), Mary, Persis, Tryphosa and Tryphaena, Prisca and Junia (Rom 16:3–15), Euodia and Syntyche (Phil 4:2–3). According to McDowell (2011), 178, some people have regarded them as deacons. However, Nestle-Aland (2012) does not use διακ-rooted nouns of them. 41 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 25. Compared to literature as a whole, the references are rare. Despite this, the number of female deacons seems to be more frequent from the third century onwards. Approximately forty different women are named in the references. The allusions have been recorded in letters, lives of saints, chronicles, inscriptions and laws from the first through the sixth centuries. Macy (2011), 11–12; Madigan & Osiek (2005), 25, 141. Torres thinks that the wide usage of ἡ διάκονος in the early Christian texts indicates that there was no corresponding female word to the masculine ὁ διάκονος. Torres (2010), 627–28. 42 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106. Contrary to Martimort (1986), 38, I think it might be an overinterpretation to call female deacons an institution, if the question is about a document from the third century. However, mentioning them as a specific group in DA indicates that by the third century the number of female deacons had grown and their ecclesiastical role had become more common. 37

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some cases also γυνὴ διάκονος.43 Similarly, DA is the earliest document in which the specific tasks of female deacons are presented in detail.44 The bishop is instructed to appoint both male and female deacons to assist him in the work of salvation.45 The female deacons are instructed to assist the male deacons in the tasks that concern women: They are instructed to be present during the baptism of women, as well as to visit ill Christian women who live in pagan houses and help them during bathing. Why then does the author promote female deacons in the community? One of the motives seems to have been to restrict the power of widows. Unlike them, the female deacons have public tasks. Their function is subordinate to that of the bishop and male deacon, but they are favoured in the community over widows and virgins.46 The compiler of AC uses the form ἡ διάκονος especially in the verses that are parallel with DA (AC 2, 58, 6; AC 3, 8, 1).47 Hence, he has been faithful to his source when choosing the form. However, the variation in AC does not go hand in hand with its sources in every verse. The noun ἡ διάκονος also appears in AC 8, 13, 14, which has no reference to DA.48

Martimort (1986), 41. Reininger (1999), 82–83. According to Reininger (1999), 82, as well as Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106, DA is also the first document in which the office of female deacons is outlined clearly and unambiguously. In DA, the female deacons are mentioned in two connections: in the typology of the Church and in the description of the tasks in which the bishop needs their cooperation. Both passages have been reworked in AC. See Gryson (1976), 60. Additionally, DA is, along with NT, the only document which treats female deacons and which was certainly known by the compiler of AC. Consequently, DA has evidently been a source for AC in the case of the female deacons as well. We will see that the compiler has reformed the instructions in DA when inserting them into AC. 45 Torres (2010), 626. Methuen (1995), 197 thinks that DA is an attempt to change the structure of ministry in the Church. For example, the author tries to impose an episcopal structure in the Church and to restrict the activity and authority of women. From my viewpoint, the very first mention of a group of female deacons indicates not only a restriction but also an encouragement for the women who functioned in the community. Because the author has troubled to write about them they are thought to play some kind of a meaningful role in the community. 46 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109–13. Cf. Connolly (1969), 146–47; Synek (1993), 153; Olson (2005), 35; Cardman (1999), 309–14; Torres (2010), 626–27; RaunistolaJuutinen (2012), 140. 47 Metzger (1986), 55. 48 Metzger (1986), 55. See also Gryson (1976), 60; Martimort (1986), 64. According to Martimort (1986), 64, the compiler can be said to have been faithful to his sources if the Vatican Greek manuscript 838 is ignored, as Funk has done. Despite the different year, I think that Martimort refers to manuscript a. See Chapter 2.d.2. 43

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There are a handful of documents which reveal that, among Eastern Christians from the third to early fifth centuries, some individual women were also called διάκονοι. The references are mainly short and fragmentary. Usually the women are connected with a monastery; many of them had a leading role there. Several sources tell us that the women were ordained deacons. Likely these women were not the only female deacons during that time – they are the women who have been recorded. The context of AC is not a monastery, but a congregation. However, those female deacons are approximate contemporaries of the instructed women in AC.49 The inscriptions show that διάκονος was the most used form when AC was compiled. During the fourth century, however, the way of referring to female deacons varied from area to area. The inscriptions from Greece and Asia Minor are not unified in the terminology used of female deacons. For example, in Macedonia the female deacons were still called διάκονοι as a rule.50 The consideration of διακ-rooted words shows that regardless of their non-Christian origin they became widespread in early Christian texts. The concept of διάκονος was used mainly with regard to men, but throughout the first Christian centuries increasingly also of women. Consistently, διάκονος with the feminine article is the most used form that refers to the female deacons in AC. In spite of that it was not the only form in the earlier sources. This comes out in the text of AC as well.

4.a.2. Invention of διακόνισσα Since the beginning of the fourth century, the term ἡ διακόνισσα has been used of female deacons along with ἡ διάκονος in the Eastern documents. The term appears for the first time in a datable Greek text in the canon 19 of the Council of Nicaea (held in ad 325).51 The earliest sources talk about Justina and Eusebia. John Chrystostom knows Amproukla, Olympias, Elisanthia, Martyria, Palladia. Pentadia, Procla and Manaris lived at the turn of the fourth and fifth centuries. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 8, 15, 27– 28, 34–37, 39, 43–45, 48, 50, 52. See also A. M. Laato (2011), 78–79 and Swan (2001), 112–13, 118–23. 50 Eisen (2000), 177, 181. 51 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 8. The term diakonissa has been used, however, in the Latin translation of DA which is usually dated to the third century. It is not known what the original version of the term was. Date of the translation is not known either. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 8. In addition to the canon, διακόνισσα is used in Christian inscriptions from the fourth century. Eisen (2000), 170–71, 179. 49

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

… And likewise, concerning the deaconesses [διακονισσῶν] and all those who have been examined in the rule of faith, the same pattern should be observed. But we mean by deaconesses those who have been formally selected, since they do not have any laying on of hands. For this reason, they are to be entirely numbered among the laity.52

The canon is addressed to the Paulinianists, heterodox followers of Paul of Samosata. The Paulinianists had female deacons, but the council fathers saw that they (female deacons or deaconesses) had not had the laying on of hands and hence were regarded as laity. The council fathers did not take a stand on the female deacons’ right to receive the laying on of hands in general. They legislated a specific case of those coming from a schismatic group.53 Martimort presumes that the term διακόνισσα was likely developed in the Council. Hence, he thinks that the council fathers present a neologism here.54 According to Juana Torres, the use of διακόνισσα also reveals that the council fathers knew the women and had chosen not to call them διάκονοι. It remains unclear what kind of phenomenon they were dealing with: Did they think that this kind of women exist only among Paulinianists or more generally? However, the prohibitions demonstrate that they regarded this as somehow problematic.55 Since the publication of the canon, διακόνισσα appears in the later documents interchangeably with διάκονος. Regardless of the new form, some authors of the fourth and fifth centuries, such as John Chrysostom, still continued to use διάκονος preceded by the feminine article ἡ when referring to any woman occupying that position.56

Mansi (1759), 675–78. English translation made by Madigan & Osiek (2005), 117. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 118. See also Gryson (1976), 48–49 and Torres (2010), 628. 54 Martimort (1986), 64. Martimort (1986), 64 calls διακόνισσα a neologism, but does not argue for his statement. Nor does he draw attention to the fact that the noun was used about the schismatic female deacons. – The Council of Nicaea was held to settle the Arian controversy but other topics were also treated there. The Council issued the Trinitarian pronouncement and twenty canons, i.e. disciplinary decrees. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 117. – It has been assumed that the form διακόνισσα could refer to the wife of a deacon. Olson (2005), 26. Olson’s interpretation comes close to the definition of γυνὴ in 1 Tim 3:8–11. See Chapter 4.a.3. 55 Torres (2010), 627–28. Torres (2010), 627–28 thinks that here the existence of female deacons is officially recognized. Requirements for entering to the ministry are also organized. 56 Torres (2010), 626–28. 52 53

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As Figure 4.1 at the beginning of Chapter 4.1 shows, the compiler of AC uses διακόνισσα in Books 7 and 8.57 In those books, it is the most used form. The compiler also works with it in AC 3, 11, 3, in a passage which is independent of DA.58 Hence, the compiler has been familiar with the new form for female deacons, which was probably legitimated by the Council. I think the canon made διακόνισσα more popular overall in the Eastern Church and, hence, it was generally used at the end of the fourth century. During the decades after the council, and before AC was compiled, Greek ears had probably become accustomed to the form διακόνισσα, but it had not totally replaced διάκονος.59 Several forms were still used in parallel at least in Constantinople in the tenth century.60

4.a.3. Stress on γυνή On two occasions, the compiler of AC seems to emphasize the womanhood of a female deacon explicitly. In AC 3, 16, 1, he uses the form γυναῖκα διάκονον. In AC 3,  19,  1, instead, a female deacon is called ἡ γυνὴ, contrasting with male deacons, who are called οἱ διάκονοι. In both instructions, the compiler outlines the tasks which the female deacon has to do for women. The tasks of male and female deacons are segregated, which is stressed in the instructions. Presumably, the emphasis of the compiler is based on the usage of the word in NT. The noun γυνὴ also appears in 1 Tim 3:8–11. The verses have been disputed among biblical scholars because of the hermeneutical challenges.61 The meaning of the Greek noun γυνὴ is manifold and, See also Gryson (1976), 60. This must mean that the title διακόνισσα was in general use while compiling AC. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 8. 59 Martimort (1986), 64. According to Eisen, the inscriptions confirm that the titles given to female deacons varied from one area to another. The most common term used seems to be διάκονος. The form is used in an inscription from Palestine. This is the only source in which the article ἡ can be read; the other findings are without any article. The same kind of inscription has also been found in Asia Minor, Macedonia and Philippi. See Eisen (2000), 158–59, 168–69, 174–76, 180. Madigan and Osiek (2005), 8 criticize Eisen’s endeavour to draw conclusions about regional usage of the term. They think that, firstly, the samples are too small from any particular region. Secondly, there are several inscriptions which abbreviate the title of office to δι, διακ or something similar. It has not been shown whether the abbreviations refer either to διάκονος or διακόνισσα. Consequently, it is impossible to draw regional conclusions from the usage with any certainty. 60 Karras (2004), 279–80. 61 In 1 Tim 3:11 there is an instruction to γυναῖκας. There are two reasons why the word has caused divergent interpretations. Firstly, in Greek there are no different words for ‘woman’ and ‘wife’. Consequently, γυναῖκας can be translated as ‘women’ or ‘wives’. 57

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hence, the verse can be interpreted in divergent ways.62 The complex verses read as follows: In the same way, deacons are to be worthy of respect, sincere, not indulging in much wine, and not pursuing dishonest gain. They must keep hold of the deep truths of the faith with a clear conscience. They must first be tested; and then if there is nothing against them, let them serve as deacons. In the same way, the women are to be worthy of respect, not malicious talkers but temperate and trustworthy in everything.63

I have classified the different ways of interpreting the ‘women’ in v. 11 into four groups: a) The verse has been interpreted as referring to women in general. The verses both before and after include requirements that are addressed to male deacons only. In addition, the lack of organization in the letter and the generic nature of women’s specific qualities confirm the argument.64 b) The women have been interpreted as the wives of the male deacons. If written in general, the Greek terms of relationship (‘father’–‘mother’, ‘husband’–’wife’) may be used without an article. Hence, because the women have not been described in more detail, they are defined as the wives of male deacons and as such co-operate with their husbands.65 Secondly, the plural noun γυναῖκας is anarthrous, which means that it lacks the definite article. The relationship between γυναῖκας and deacons is unclear. Stiefel (1995), 445–47. Therefore, it is not clear whether the women referred in this verse should be understood as women in general, female deacons or wives of the male deacons who were given instructions in the previous verses. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 18. See also Olson (2005), 26. Both scholars who have argued for and against the female deacons in 1 Tim 3 refer to the generality of the argument by invoking that the majority of scholars share a similar position with them, for or against. See e.g. Olson (2005), 26 and Cardman (1999), 303. This time, the generality argument seems, therefore, not to be reliable or even satisfactory. 62 Torres (2010), 625. 63 Διακόνους ὡσαύτως σεμνούς, μὴ διλόγους, μὴ οἴνῳ πολλῷ προσέχοντας, μὴ αἰσχροκερδεῖς, ἔχοντας τὸ μυστήριον τῆς πίστεως ἐν καθαρᾷ συνειδήσει. καὶ οὗτοι δὲ δοκιμαζέσθωσαν πρῶτον, εἶτα διακονείτωσαν ἀνέγκλητοι ὄντες. Γυναῖκας ὡσαύτως σεμνάς, μὴ διαβόλους, νηφαλίους, πιστὰς ἐν πᾶσιν. 1 Tim 3:8–11. 64 Stiefel (1995), 451. See also Cardman (1999), 303, 324. 65 Stiefel (1995), 446, 451–52. According to Barnett (1995), 40, the special mention of women would be due to their close association with their husbands in the tasks of deacon. See also Cardman (1999), 303.

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c) The women referred to have specific tasks in the congregation. Hence, the verse indicates a distinct category, which is analogous to that of male deacons and can be called ‘women deacons’. The interpretation is based on parallelisms. The requirements for male deacons and women in 1 Tim 3:8 and 3:11, as well as the structures of the verses, have been regarded as parallel. Additionally, both 1 Timothy and Romans are letters of the Pauline tradition. Paul uses a female noun for Phoebe in Romans 16. Consequently, it would not be possible to make the gender distinction in any other way in 1 Timothy. Additionally, for example Madigan and Osiek point out that John Chrysostom acknowledged the different ways of interpreting the verse. Like some modern scholars, he concluded that the women in question were female deacons.66 d) Recently, scholars have wondered whether the women in question could be identified as deacons among male deacons. Therefore, the women were not a separate group but men and women included together in the same group. This presupposition is possible because διάκονοι is expressed without an article and hence can refer to both men and women.67 In this research, my focus is not on analysing NT texts. Hence, I  do not take a stand on the validity of interpretational alternatives. I have presented the four groups briefly here because I think that AC reflects the problematic expression of γυνὴ in 1 Tim 3:8–11. In AC 3, 16, 1 and 3, 19, 1, the compiler uses the concept when referring to female deacons only. The association of γυνὴ with the female deacons therefore demonstrates that the compiler thinks like his contemporary John Chrysostom.

4.a.4. Interpretational Consequences In Chapter 4.1 we have become familiar with the manifold Greek forms used by the compiler of AC when referring to the female deacons. The 66 Stiefel (1995), 452–53 and Madigan & Osiek (2005), 18–19. See also Macy (2011), 10–11 and Gryson (1976), 8. – Chrysostom preaches on 1 Tim 3:11 in Homily 11: ‘“Likewise women must be modest, not slanderers, sober, faithful in everything.” Some say that he is talking about women in general. But that cannot be. Why would he want to insert something about women in the middle of what he is saying? More likely, he is speaking of those women who hold the rank of deacon. “Deacons should be husbands of one wife.” This is also appropriate to women deacons, for it is necessary, good, and right, most especially in the church’. Translated in Madigan & Osiek (2005), 19. 67 Stiefel (1995), 453–54.

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various forms of female deacons indicate the strong fidelity that the compiler has shown to his sources. He has not wanted to unify the text, but rather chosen to keep the expressions in their original forms. In consequence, our question is, how should we react to that? Is the compiler thinking about only one group of women using several expressions, or several divergent groups? Previous scholars have taken for granted that the forms refer to one group of female deacons. To assume that the question is about one group of women naturally makes the interpretation process simpler. But how can that be argued? The notes in the third column of Figure 4.1 are those made by Metzger in his edition of AC. In verses AC 3, 16, 1, 2, 4 and AC 8, 13, 14, the form διακόνισσα was found as an alternative for ἡ διάκονος in some manuscripts. It seems that, especially in manuscripts c and h, διακόνισσα has replaced διάκονος. This shows that the copyists of the manuscripts had already used the terms interchangeably.68 Furthermore, in the sources of AC, female deacons are mentioned only in DA.69 When the compiler approaches the female deacons in AC he either remoulds the verses in DA or creates new ones. Consequently, it is reasonable to assume that he has had a relatively coherent conception of the female deacons in his mind. In this study, I use the results of Collins and Hentschel as a basis for the analysis of the tasks of female deacons. Therefore, my principle is that, in the document, the διακ-rooted nouns as such do not automatically tell us what the female deacons do in the community. The usage in NT implies that they might be some kind of agents. To define the tasks, I have to analyse the verbs used in the instructions and take the context of the nouns into consideration in order to discover their meaning. The reinterpretation of διάκονος challenges me for case-specific studying. When defining the tasks of the female deacons in AC, I cannot assume that they are similar to the tasks described in the sources of AC or in NT. We have to discover how the compiler himself understands the tasks he assigns to them.

4.b. Prerequisites and Position Next I cross over from the background of the text to its content. In AC, women play a significant role in the congregation. Many regulations in 68 Similarly, John Chrysostom calls his aunt Sabiniana διάκονος, whereas Palladius calls the same woman διακόνισσα. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 8. See also Swan (2001), 124. 69 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106.

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the document are addressed to women in general. There are also several instructions that are addressed to female διάκονοι in particular.70 The compiler omits to mention the deacons by name in AC. Despite the anonymity, many instructions assigned to the women in the document tell us something about the identity of the female deacons. In what follows I consider the instructions concerning their way of life in AC. I also sketch out their position in the congregation: They are a specifically chosen group. This consideration helps us understand the female deacons as distinctive functionaries in their community. It also reveals some prerequisites that are needed for them in order for them to be able to carry out certain tasks in the congregation.

4.b.1. Unmarried Women ‘Let a chaste virgin become a female deacon. But if she does not, a monogamous widow, faithful and held in honour.’71 In AC, the prerequisites for the female deacons are strict. Not just any woman can become a deacon. She has to be either a virgin or a widow. Nor can just any virgin or widow become a female deacon. She has to be respectable.72 The instruction reveals that the female deacons have to be unmarried women: primarily virgins, secondarily widows.73 In both cases, they have to be honourable persons. The instruction is the only one that concerns the prerequisites of precisely the female deacons in AC. To as Maxwell (2006), 79–80. Διακόνισσα δὲ γινέσθω παρθένος ἁγνή · εἰ δὲ μήγε, κἂν χήρα μονόγαμος, πιστὴ καὶ τιμία. AC 6, 17, 4. 72 Cf. Martimort (1986), 65. 73 Along with the instruction in AC 6, 17, 4 there are some hints which demonstrate that the compiler prefers a female deacon’s status as a virgin rather than a widow. According to Gryson, in DA the virgins are not mentioned as a separate group. The compiler of AC has, therefore, edited his source and put them as a group among women. Gryson points out that the virgins and widows have regularly been presented together in AC, but the compiler gives priority to virgins. In his view, this demonstrates that the compiler manifests a special view of widows: The ascetic aspect of the ideal widowhood reveals that the compiler sees widowhood as an imperfect actualization of the ideal of continence that is realized in virginity in the most ideal way. See Gryson (1976), 58–59. I think the priority of virgins over widows is not that clear in AC. The virgins are instructed far less than the widows. Gryson pays special attention to the priority of virgins in several passages, in which both widows and virgins are mentioned. Perhaps the virgins have been mentioned before widows in most cases, because they have been added by the compiler himself. The compiler may have tried to emphasize that these regulations concern the virgins as well as widows without giving special honour to any of them. From my viewpoint, in this case we cannot draw such simple conclusions as Gryson does. 70 71

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certain what other characteristics the compiler demands of them, we have to concentrate on virgins and widows in the document.74 When instructing the virgins in the congregation, the compiler emphasizes their decency and commitment to their ideals. A virgin has to be holy in body and soul. She is called the temple of God and the dwelling of the Holy Spirit. She pledges herself to be a virgin by a vow. It is clear that she must not take this vow lightly. A woman should not choose virginity because she dislikes marriage. After taking the vow, she is expected to do works which are suitable to it. To be a virgin is described as a prize in a contest, in the school of deprivation. She has to show that her decision has come from a zeal for piety (AC 4, 14; AC 8, 24).75 Especially in Book 3, the compiler concentrates on the widows in the congregation. They have to be exemplary in their piety (AC 3, 7, 6–7): humble and not lovers of money.76 The compiler focuses on those widows who would like to become a part of the specific order of widows (τὸ χηρικόν). The compiler describes what character the widows should and should not have. For example, those widows have to be at least sixty years old. They have to have been married only once. The compiler emphasizes that the widows have to be of good reputation. Both their demeanour and morality are being assessed (AC 3, 1–5).77 The compiler commands the widow to keep in mind that she is an ‘altar of God’. The metaphor was first used by Polycarp.78 Jan N. Brem74 In general, the early Christian requirements and regulations, which were ordered for women, were far stricter than those that were addressed to men. This might – partially – have arisen from the ancient culture. Women’s abilities were looked on with suspicion, and their nature was thought to be over-sexualized. Karras (2004), 294. See also McDowell (2011), 179. 75 See also Gryson (1976), 58. 76 See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109–10 and Gryson (1976), 56. Gryson thinks that the ascetic character of the ideal of widowhood is strongly underlined overall in AC. Gryson (1976), 59. On the contrary, asceticism appears more frequently in fourth-century and later texts. It arose so as to resist the increased institutionalization and politicization of Christianity and had a special appeal for women. Compared to this, in the Syrian region the idea of ascetic withdrawal from society seems first to appear relatively late: around the middle of the fourth century. Krawiec (2008), 769; van Rompay (2008), 374. 77 See also Gryson (1976), 55. Schöllgen reminds us about the conceptual differentiation between the members of the order of widows and the other widows in AC. See Schöllgen (1998), 149–52. The compiler implies that the female deacons are relatively old women in AC, because the age of sixty is demanded in the document. He does not instruct a proper age for male deacons in the document, however. He gives the age limit for female deacons, I suppose, so as to ensure that the women intended to live unmarried for the rest their lives. 78 Schöllgen (1998), 157.

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mer states that the compiler of AC has a unique argument for the comparison. Usually, the writers have made the comparison in order to stress that the widow is also in need of charity. The compiler of AC, instead, stresses that ‘an altar of God does not wander about, but always remains in one place’ (AC 3, 6, 3).79 Hence, the widows must stay at home and pray. Because they are the altar of God, they must be pure. Similarly, the gifts which will be given to them must be pure (AC 3, 6).80 The compiler does not allocate any special duties for them in the document.81 From my viewpoint, the compiler has followed a tendency that can be found in NT. The compiler tends to repeat and partially amplify the criteria presented for widows in 1  Timothy.82 The widows are among those who are assisted by the Church. In 1 Timothy 5, the people are instructed to give proper recognition to those widows who are really in need. Give proper recognition to those widows who are really in need. But if a widow has children or grandchildren, these should learn first of all to put their religion into practice by caring for their own family and so repaying their parents and grandparents, for this is pleasing to God. The widow who is really in need and left all alone puts her hope in God and Bremmer (1995), 41. See also Methuen (1995), 201. According to Penn (2001), 176–78, the compiler of AC tries to limit widows’ power in the community. He uses the female deacons as a means to this end. Compared to DA, in AC the power is transferred from widows to female deacons. – The ideal widowhood described in AC reflects the ancient culture from two aspects. Firstly, the Greco-Roman culture was a culture of honour/shame. Honour was received because the individual acted for the good of the society. That is a contrary view to our Western culture in which a person internalizes the values used to make a decision. For Greco-Roman men, honour was achieved by brave deeds. For women, instead, it was given for moral chasteness. Secondly, in both the Roman and Jewish cultures from that time, a wife manages the household. In Aristotelian thinking, a well-ordered household was the exemplar for a solid state. If harmony is preserved, the wife enjoys high status within her home. Respectively, Jewish Philo of Alexandria writes that women are made to care for the house whereas men attend to the marketplace and courts. A wife has to manage the household well, by being e.g. modest and submissive. Cohick (2009), 68, 79, 289. 81 Eisen (2000), 149. 82 In AC 3,  1–3, the compiler instructs the widows to follow the example of certain named widows of OT along with the widows in 1 Tim. See also Penn (2001), 175. These features are not emphasized in DA. Gryson (1976), 55. By contrast, in DA a widow has to be a woman who is over fifty years of age and has been married only once. This definition is said to be broadly similar to the definitions found in pastoral letters from the second century Asia Minor and in Tertullian’s De virginibus velandis from the third century Carthage. Methuen (1995), 205. 79

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continues night and day to pray and to ask God for help. But the widow who lives for pleasure is dead even while she lives. Give the people these instructions, so that no one may be open to blame. Anyone who does not provide for their relatives, and especially for their own household, has denied the faith and is worse than an unbeliever. No widow may be put on the list of widows unless she is over sixty, has been faithful to her husband, and is well known for her good deeds, such as bringing up children, showing hospitality, washing the feet of the Lord’s people, helping those in trouble and devoting herself to all kinds of good deeds. As for younger widows, do not put them on such a list. For when their sensual desires overcome their dedication to Christ, they want to marry. Thus they bring judgment on themselves, because they have broken their first pledge. Besides, they get into the habit of being idle and going about from house to house. And not only do they become idlers, but also busybodies who talk nonsense, saying things they ought not to. So I counsel younger widows to marry, to have children, to manage their homes and to give the enemy no opportunity for slander. Some have in fact already turned away to follow Satan. If any woman who is a believer has widows in her care, she should continue to help them and not let the church be burdened with them, so that the church can help those widows who are really in need.83

Along with NT, the widows are listed among those who are allowed to receive tithes.84 I think that the special position of widows in the community both in OT and NT is primarily based on their need for support.85 Because of the bounds of possibility in giving material support, 1 Tim 5:3–16. The appreciation and honour addressed to the widows in NT have been interpreted as descending from both their position as recipients of charitable aid and as active carriers of specific ecclesiastical functions. The requirements listed in 1 Tim 5 are read both as criteria of being put on ‘the list of widows’ and as a reflection of the functions, which they were charged with in the first Christian centuries. Müller (1999), 386–87. The biblical scholars have disputed whether the passage indicates an existence of a circle of widows as a religious order. Probably the passage is an early reference to what, during later centuries, developed as an order of widows. The order served as ‘service organization’ in the early Church. The widows were responsible especially for the works of charity to needy women and hospitality to visitors. See Olson (2005), 26–27 and Madigan & Osiek (2005), 21–22. 84 See e.g. Dt 14:28–29. 85 Engelbrecht translates 1 Tim. 5:3 as ‘Honour widows who are truly widows.’ In his opinion, the verb ‘honour’ in 1 Tim 5:3 means not only respecting but supporting materially. See Engelbrecht (2009), 2075 (note 5:3). This is indicated by the general usage of the word and the sequence of the text. Gryson (1976), 9. ‘Truly widows’, on the other hand, refers to those women who qualify to receive support from the community and who have no other means of support. From this viewpoint, the material support is centred on true widows only. See Engelbrecht (2009), 2075 (note 5:3). 83

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not every widow automatically gets proper recognition or is put on the list of widows. Their need for support seems to be primary compared to their personal characteristics, a chaste life and responsibilities in the community. Therefore, the ‘truth’ of a true widow does not, in the first place, mean a particular way of living but her true need for charitable aid. Hence, the order of widows in AC seems to refer at least to those widows who are allowed to receive a part of the charitable aid in the congregation (see Chapter 6.1). Giving material support to them is selfevident for the compiler. He also commands the widows to receive it in a proper way. They should not know the identity of anonymous benefactors (AC 3, 8). The need for obedience might be in connection with the receipt of the material support (AC 3, 14 and Chapter 6.2).86 To summarize, in AC a female deacon is commanded to be either a virgin or a widow. This means that she has to live an unmarried, chaste life. The compiler does not instruct the virgins or widows to carry out any tasks in the congregation. The female deacons are the only woman having that kind of responsibility. This certainly gives them a specific position among women in the congregation.

4.b.2. Chosen Women Many scholars have read the female deacons as having had a specific position among women in the congregation of AC.87 The statement is based on two aspects. Some instructions in AC give us to understand female deacons as being regarded as the first women in the congregation. About the care for the widows in DA, see Schöllgen (1998), 155–61. See Gryson (1976), 62; Olson (2005), 59; Bremmer (1995), 44. The compiler follows the contemporaneous development in the Church. Generally, in the fourth century, the rise of female deacons at the expense of widows happened simultaneously with two forceful tendencies among Christians. Firstly, the Christians began gradually to take over the political power in the Roman Empire after the first Christian emperor, Constantine the Great (ad  313–335). Secondly, the rise of asceticism increased the emphasis on celibacy. The prestige of the status ‘widow’ diminished and the writers began to emphasize the advantages of virginity. Consequently, roughly simultaneously with compiling AC, the references to martyrs had gradually lost their relevance, and they were replaced by praising celibacy, widows and especially virgins. Bremmer (1995), 43–46. Cf. Elm (1994), 172. Elm (1994), 173–74 thinks that, by creating ‘a new, welldefined female ministry, the deaconess served to restrict the potential role of women.’ Generally speaking, the role of the female deacons in the fourth century was more limited than that of the widows previously. Similarly, the position of honour assigned to the female deacons replaced the original independence of the widow. Gryson (1976), 62 remarks that where the author of DA instructs widows to be subject to the bishops and male deacons, the compiler of AC has added: ‘and also to the female deacons’. Olson (2005), 59 writes that virgins also have precedence over widows in AC. 86 87

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The compiler also instructs the bishop to lay hands upon the female deacon and intone a specific prayer (AC 8, 19–20). Typically, it has been called an ordination prayer for the female deacon.88 Previously, the widows were regarded as the first among women. Nevertheless, the compiler of AC instructs them to obey the female deacons (AC 3, 8, 1).89 The specific position of the female deacons also comes out in the instruction about the order of receiving the Eucharist. All the men have to come first, and then the women. The female deacons are the first women that are instructed to receive the meal – before the virgins, widows and other female groups (AC 8, 13, 14).90 Additionally, the compiler commands the bishop to lay his hands upon a female deacon. This kind of regulation has not been given to any other women in the document. On the contrary, it is prohibited to lay hands on virgins and widows AC 8, 24–25).91 At first, the compiler commands the bishop, pseudepigraphically in the name of apostle Bartholomaios,92 to lay his hands upon the female deacon in the presence of presbyters and both male and female deacons (AC 8, 19). After that, he has to intone the prayer: Eternal God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator of man and woman, who fulfilled with the Spirit Miriam, Deborah, Hannah and 88 See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 113–14. As I argued in Chapter 1.b, I will not focus on the ordination issues in this research. Therefore, I  do not consider the general meaning of the prayer in more detail. 89 See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109–10. 90 See also Gryson (1976), 62. The compiler of AC likely stresses the authority of female deacons by mentioning them first as women before widows and virgins also in AC 2, 26, 3. 91 See also Eisen (2000), 149; Gryson (1976), 55. 92 It is unclear why the compiler has chosen to put the prayer in the name of apostle Bartholomaios i.e. Bartholomew (in AC 8, 19 ‘Βαρθολομαῖος’). This apostle appears once elsewhere in the document (AC 6, 14, 1), but not in a pseudepigraphical sense there. Why does the compiler use him in the prayer for female deacons? There might have been a tradition of linking the apostle with female deacons at that time, but it is complicated: There was a specific literary Bartholomew-tradition in the third or fourth centuries, which is possibly based on a Gospel of Bartholomew. However, almost nothing at all is known about special references to Bartholomew in the first Christian centuries. In the Coptic Church, he came to play a specific role, but this happened at the earliest during the fifth century. Schneemelcher (2003), 557. Since the compiler puts several prayers in the names of several apostles before and after the prayer for female deacons (AC 8, 16, 1; AC 8, 17, 1; AC 8, 21, 1; AC 8, 22, 1; AC 8, 23, 1), he has probably just distributed the prayers among the names of the apostles without any respect to the content. Alternatively, the connection between Bartholomaios and female deacons might have been so self-evident that he did not need to clarify it.

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Huldah, who did not disdain Your only-begotten Son to be born of a woman, who in the tent of testimony and the temple appointed a guardianship for Your holy gateway. You, the same, look now upon your servant (τὴν δούλην σου) whom we have appointed to service (εἰς διακονίαν), and give her the holy Spirit and purify her from all defilement of flesh and spirit in order to worthily perform her work to Your glory and Your Christ’s praise. Through Him glory and worship in the Holy Spirit eternally. Amen.93

In the frame of this research, I cannot study the prayer from every aspect theoretically possible. In my view it is essential, however, that the prayer demonstrates the assumption according to which the female deacons have a specific position among the women in AC. Their position reflects the responsibility that the compiler assigns to the female deacons. They are the only women who have been instructed to perform tasks in the congregation. These tasks will be analysed in Chapters 5 and 6, but I think the prayer itself gives some information about these tasks. The compiler does not list them, but gives some task-related hints through exemplary figures. Next I consider the parts of the prayer that tell us about the ideal women of the female deacons presented in the prayer. In the following chapters, I examine how are they linked to the tasks.94 At the beginning of the prayer, the compiler mentions four women by name: Miriam, Deborah, Hannah and Huldah. Who are they and why have they been chosen? They are all women who play a role in Scripture. It is useful to take a brief look at the biblical verses that mention these women. From the viewpoint of this research, however, it is most interesting to discover what they reveal about the female deacons in AC. 93 Ὁ Θεὸς ὁ αἰώνιος, ὁ Πατὴρ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ὁ ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς δημιουργός, ὁ πληρώσας Πνεύματος Μαριὰμ καὶ Δεββῶραν καὶ Ἄνναν καὶ Ὀλδάν, ὁ μὴ ἀπαξιώσας τὸν μονογενῆ σου Γἱὸν γεννηθῆναι ἐκ γυναικός, ὁ καὶ ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ μαρτυρίου καὶ ἐν τῷ ναῷ προχειρισάμενος τὰς φρουρὰς τῶν ἁγίων σου πυλῶν · αὐτὸς καὶ νῦν ἔπιδε ἐπὶ τὴν δούλην σου τήνδε τὴν προχειριζομένην εἰς διακονίαν, καὶ δὸς αὐτῇ Πνεῦμα ἅγιον καὶ καθάρισον αὐτὴν ἀπὸ παντὸς μολυσμοῦ σαρκὸς καὶ πνεύματος πρὸς τὸ ἐπαξίως ἐπιτελεῖν αὐτὴν τὸ ἐγχειρισθὲν αὐτῇ ἔργον εἰς δόξαν σὴν καὶ ἔπαινον τοῦ Χριστοῦ σου, δι᾽ οὗ σοὶ δόξα καὶ προσκύνησις ἐν ἁγίῳ Πνεύματι εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας · ἀμήν. AC 8, 20, 1–2. I have translated the nouns ἡ δούλης and ἡ διακονία as ‘servant’ and ‘service’ despite the specious associations they have been given. To read more about their connotations in AC, see Chapter 6.c. I studied the phrase εἰς διακονίαν in Pylvänäinen (2016). 94 About ‘the guardianship of Your holy gateway’, see Chapters 5.c.2 and 5.c.3; and ‘your servant’ (τὴν δούλην σου), Chapter 6.c.5.

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1. Miriam is said to be the sister of Moses and Aaron as well as a prophetess.95 Miriam’s role as a prophetess comes out in several passages. After crossing of the Red Sea, she leads the women of Israel in a song of triumph: All the women follow her playing tambourines and dancing.96 Praising God, Miriam sings to them: ‘Sing to the Lord, for he is highly exalted. Both horse and driver he has hurled into the sea.’97 Later, together with Aaron, she questions Moses’ marriage to a Cushite woman. God strikes Miriam with leprosy, and she is sent out of the camp. After seven days, God answers Moses’ prayer and heals her.98 Miriam died and was buried in Kadesh.99 Along with the prayer, Miriam is mentioned in three verses elsewhere in AC (AC 2, 32, 2; AC 6, 1, 2; AC 8, 2, 9). In AC 2, 32, 2 the question is about a deacon, precisely a male deacon, as well. The deacon has to inform the bishop about anyone who is in distress. He has to do it openly in order to not raise muttering against the bishop. If the deacon does not do this, he will hear what Aaron and Miriam heard when they spoke against Moses: ‘For not against us is your complaining, but rather against God.’100 2. Deborah is described as a prophetess and the wife of Lappidoth. She leads Israel and settles disputes between the people during the era of judges. Through her, God calls Barak to lead Israel against the Canaanites. Barak refuses to follow the counsel without her help: ‘If you go with me, I will go; but if you don’t go with me, I won’t go.’101 Deborah goes with Barak but foretells that not he, but a woman, would have the honour of victory: ‘And Deborah said to him, “Going I will go with you, but know that it will not be your success for the journey on which you are going, for the Lord will Miriam is probably mentioned for first time in Exod 2:4. Exod 15:20. 97 Exod 15:21. 98 Num 12. See also Engelbrecht (2009), 389. About Miriam in AC in general, see Synek (2013), 55–56. 99 Num 20:1. 100 Exod 16:8. 101 Judg 4:4–8. Of all the biblical prophetesses, Deborah is the most described. Engelbrecht (2009), 389. 95

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give Sisara up in the hand of a woman.”’102 Deborah’s words come true: The woman called Jael kills Sisara, the leader of the Canaanites. Deborah sings a song of victory to rally the Israelite troops.103 In AC, Deborah is mentioned also in AC 7, 37, 2 and AC 8, 2, 9. These verses do not give any further information about her that has not already come out in OT verses. They do not reveal any link between the biblical woman and the female deacons in AC. 3. Hannah, on the other hand, is somewhat problematic. There are two biblical alternatives, to whom the compiler might have referred. a. Hannah could be the mother of the prophet Samuel. She is mentioned in the first chapters of I Regum. Hannah is described as a faithful woman who has no children. She makes a vow and promises that, if God gives her a son, she will give him to God. God ‘remembers her’104 and Hannah gives birth to a son, Samuel. Hannah brings the son to the temple, so that he would worship God under the priest Eli’s augmentation. 1 Sam 2:1–10 contains Hannah’s praising prayer in the temple.105 b. Alternatively, Hannah could be the daughter of Penuel, a prophetess mentioned in the Gospel of Luke. She is an 84-year-old widow who had been married for seven years. She is said to be at the temple of Jerusalem regularly. When she meets the child Jesus there, she gives thanks to God and speaks about the child to all ‘who were looking forward to the redemption of Jerusalem.’106 Judg 4:9. Judg 4:10–15:31. 104 1 Sam 1:19. 105 1 Sam 1:1–2:10. The use of LXX comes out in AC 7, 37, 4. In the verse, Hannah, the mother of prophet Samuel, is said to have prayed in the tabernacle before the ark referring to I Regum. In 1 Sam 1:9 Hannah is said to have stood before the Lord according to LXX. In MT, there are no details of that kind. See Aejmelaeus (2012), 11. An originally Jewish work, so-called Pseudo-Philo, tells another version of Hannah’s story. According to it, Hannah places her boy before the priest Eli and prays. The place of praying is not defined further. See Jacobson (1996), 176–78. 106 Lk 2:36–38. This is Metzger’s viewpoint, because, in his edition, he makes a reference to Lk 2:36. See Metzger (1987), 223. Engelbrecht (2009), 389 highlights the fact that Luke does not record Hannah’s ‘thanks to God’ spoken over the child, but presumes that she speaks or sings poetically as does Simeon in the previous verses (Lk 2:25–35). He also suggests that Hannah has a room at the temple and serves there in some capacity. 102 103

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Along with the prayer under consideration, Hannah is mentioned four other times in AC. Once, in AC 8,  2, 9, the question is about the daughter of Penuel, because she is mentioned between Elisabeth and daughters of Philip. Nevertheless, Hannah as the mother of Samuel appears in three verses (AC 5, 20, 15; AC 7, 37, 4; AC 8, 25, 2). In these verses, Hannah is said to have fasted, been in the tabernacle before the ark, and taken extraordinary care of her family. The verses are not directly linked with the female deacons, but the last mention is in the context of a blessing prayer for widows (AC 8, 25, 2). Which Hannah is the woman in the prayer of AC? Alternative ‘a’ can be justified in many ways. In the prayer under consideration, Hannah is mentioned between Deborah and Huldah, who are both clearly figures from OT. If Hannah is the woman known in OT, all women in the list would be similar from that viewpoint and, as Martimort remarks, listed in chronological order.107 Generally speaking in the document, Synek notes, the compiler prefers women known in OT rather than those from NT.108 On the other hand, if Hannah is identified according to alternative ‘b’, all women in the list under consideration would be regarded as prophetesses.109 The daughter of Penuel also plays a specific role elsewhere in AC (AC 8, 2, 9), and is mentioned in the prohibition of laying hands upon a widow (AC 8, 25, 1).110 In that case, the list seems to be influenced by Origen. In his commentary on Paul’s First Epistle to Corinthians, Origen puts Deborah, Miriam, Huldah and Hannah – whom he also calls ‘the daughter of

Martimort (1986), 71 (note 51). Synek (2013), 71. Synek (2013), 64 identifies all the women in the list under consideration as figures from OT. 109 In the earliest Christian texts, a prophet was a male or female person who was able to discern within human affairs what God had in mind to do. For example, in Lk 2:36, Hannah was able to identify the infant Jesus when he was brought into the temple. Burtchaell (1992), 299. However, there are several other female prophets both in OT and NT. Firstly, Isaiah’s wife (Esa 8:3), daughters of Philip (Act 21:9) and the prophetesses in Corinth (1 Cor 11:5). They differ from the four women in the prayer because they have been mentioned incidentally and anonymously. Along with them there are other prophetesses known both in OT and NT and who differ from the women in prayer because they are shown to be false prophetesses. Conclusively, Miriam, Deborah, Hannah and Huldah are the only women in Scripture who can be said to be both true prophetesses and to have been called by name. 110 Synek (2013), 60. 107 108

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Penuel’ together.111 I think this question cannot be resolved with certainty based on the source material available here. The common tendency towards OT in AC leads me slightly towards suggesting alternative ‘a’. Despite that, I take both alternatives into account in the further analysis. Common to both alternatives is their close relation to the prophesying activity in Scripture.112 4. Huldah, living in Jerusalem, is a prophetess and the wife of Shallum, the keeper of the wardrobe. Through Huldah, God rebukes Hilkiah the priest and his company who have come to her, but also promises mercy to Josiah.113 Huldah says to the company: ‘This is what the Lord, the God of Israel, says: Tell the man who sent you to me, This is what the Lord says, Behold, I am bringing evil on this place and on those who dwell in it – all the words of the book that the king of Iouda read, because they abandoned me and were making incense offerings to other gods so that they provoked me to anger with the works of their hands, and my wrath will be blazed out against this Jenkins (1908), 42 has edited the text of Origen. See also Martimort (1986), 71, who in note 51 considers Origen’s text, but still thinks that Hannah is the mother of Samuel. Fresnillo (2015), 264 gives similar reasons to Martimort. Additionally, he points out that the Pope (presumably Francis) thinks that Hannah here is the daughter of Penuel. Consequently, Fresnillo comes to a similar conclusion as the Pope and disagrees with Martimort. 112 Origen mentions the women in question when he interprets 1  Cor 14:34. Before them, he refers to daughters of Philip. Origen does not present a list that is similar to AC 8, 20, 1 concerning form or content: He does not present such a tight list as the compiler of AC. Origen also puts the women in a different order: Deborah, Miriam, Huldah, Hannah. He explicitly names Hannah as the daughter of Penuel. He also places her at the end of the list, so from that viewpoint the women are listed in chronological order. I think that Origen regards these women as biblical prophetesses which is the main reason for him to mention them. See Jenkins (1908), 41–42. Previous scholars have found some Origenist influences in AC (see Chapter 3.b.3). Despite the parallelism between the text of Origen and AC 8, 20, 1, it is not evident whether the compiler has referred to Origen and whether their intentions are similar. Like Origen, the compiler of AC might have had the four true biblical prophetesses in mind here. In Scripture, the daughter of Penuel is called a prophetess. Another Hannah is not explicitly called a prophetess, but she is the mother of a well-known prophet and her prayer in 1 Sam 2:1–10 is prophetic by character, although it is not explicitly described as such. Consequently, based on the idea of prophecy, we are unlikely to resolve the interpretational problem here. The compiler of AC might rather have followed the idea of Origen and put Hannah into the list according to her place in the chronological order. Hence, he would be referring to the mother of Samuel. Based on the emphasis of OT in AC, I slightly tend to favour the idea that the compiler refers to the mother of Samuel. Even so, the parallelism between the text of Origen and AC 8, 20, 1 should still not be excluded. The compiler might have used both texts as his sources. 113 2 Kgs 22:14. 111

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

place, and it will not be quenched. And to the king of Iouda, who sent you to seek after the Lord, this is what you shall say to him, This is what the Lord, the God of Israel, says: As for the words that you heard – because your heart was softened and you felt shame from before the Lord, when you heard how I spoke against this place and against those who dwell in it, that they should become a desolation and a curse, and you tore your clothes and wept before me, and indeed I heard, says the Lord. Not so! Behold, I am adding you to your fathers, and you shall be gathered to your grave in peace, and there shall not be seen by your eyes among all the evils that I am bringing on this place’.114



Apart from the verse under consideration, Huldah is only mentioned once, by name, in AC. In AC 8, 2, 9, the compiler mentions all women considered here together with some other biblical women. By referring to them, he argues for women’s prophesying in Scriptures.

Why are precisely these women mentioned in the prayer under consideration? Can we find a connecting link between the descriptions? The women seem to have more dissimilarities than similarities. Hannah is said to be either married or a widow, Deborah and Huldah are married. Miriam’s marital status is unknown to us. It is likely that Miriam and Huldah are Levites;115 Hannah, the daughter of Penuel, serves in the temple as well; another Hannah gives her son so up that he would grow up in the temple – but Deborah cannot be associated with that tribe. Additionally, their tasks vary. Miriam and both Hannahs praise God somehow publicly. Miriam is said to lead a group of women. Hannah, the mother of Samuel, praises God in the temple. Hannah, the daughter of Penuel, talks about the child Jesus to many people. Deborah and Huldah, on the other hand, are counsellors: They talk about God’s will privately to some people.116 The most explicit similarity is that every woman is closely related to prophesying activity: Miriam, Deborah and Huldah are prophetesses. Hannah is either a prophetess or a mother of a prophet and a prophetically praying figure. Everyone comes from the time of the Old Covenant. Al 2 Kgs 22:15–20. For the definition of ‘Levites’, see Chapter 5.c.3. 116 Common to all prophetesses, however, is that they all appear as wise and highly esteemed women. In the passages, none of them offers or serves as a public speaker for God during a congregational gathering. See Engelbrecht (2009), 389. 114 115

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

though their tasks seemingly differ from each other, they are still grouped into one. The compiler lists Miriam, Deborah, Huldah and Hannah (likely the daughter of Penuel) as prophetesses also in AC 8, 2, 9.117 Additionally, I ask why the compiler omitted to mention the biblical female deacons in the prayer? Above all, Phoebe seems to be missing.118 It would be reasonable to expect that she, as feminine διάκονος and the only female deacon in Scripture who is called by name, would have had the privilege of being mentioned in the prayer. Regardless of her speciality, the omission of Phoebe is not specific to AC. The other church orders do not refer to the woman in Romans 16 either. Therefore, there seems to be a traditional reason for neglecting Phoebe in the prayer.119 There might be another explanation to prefer the prophetic women. In AC 8, 2, 9, the compiler explains that the prophetesses of OT and NT did not speak out against men, but preserved the measure proper to them. Hence, their subordination to men seems to be an ideal for the female deacons as well.120 Furthermore, in the prayer the bishop asks God to endow the female deacon with the Spirit so as to enable her to perform her work worthily. If we read the verses in Scripture carefully, we note that the work of the Spirit is considered as something which connects Miriam, Deborah, both Hannahs and Huldah together. It does not matter whether Hannah is the mother of Samuel or the daughter of Penuel, the function of the four women is consequently presented as a reason for the appeal. The women are biblical examples who are thought to demonstrate that God has formerly endowed some wom117 Along with the prayer, this is the only verse in AC in which the compiler mentions Huldah by name. 118 Zagano (2013), 37 remarks that the compiler does not mention Phoebe and the women in 1 Tim 3:11. Additionally, numerous other tasks that are assigned to the female deacons in the document are missing in the prayer. – It also has to be noted that, in AC, the deacons and prophets are conceptually associated with each other. The male deacon’s relationship to the bishop in the congregation is described through a parallelism: as the Son is his father’s messenger and prophet, the deacon is the messenger (ἄγγελός) and prophet (προφήτης) of the bishop (AC 2, 30, 2). Although the question is about ὁ διάκονος, the parallelism matches the relationship between the bishop and the female deacon as well. Irrespective of the gender, the deacon functions on behalf of another, especially the bishop. The deacon does what his or her supervisor asks them to do, for example by carrying messages, just as the true prophet in the Scripture functions on behalf of God by speaking the words that he has given to him or her and similarly being in a subservient position to him. 119 See Rom 16:1. Synek (2013), 71–72. 120 See Weinrich (2012), 463–64. See also Synek (2013), 59.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

en with the Spirit. Miriam and both Hannahs are said to praise God, which is in connection with the work of the Spirit. Deborah and Huldah speak out what God wants to say to their listeners and are hence endowed by the Spirit. But this portrayal does not fit Phoebe. She is said to be a benefactor of many people, but there is no reference to a single task that would be in explicit and direct connection with the work of the Spirit. As a result, the similarity of the title διάκονος between Phoebe and the female deacons in AC is inconclusive. What matters, however, is the similarity of God’s work among the biblical women and the female deacons. God is asked to do the same for every one of them. The biblical women in the prayer have been used as σκοποί (see Chapter 3.c.4.a). I think their exemplary role is threefold here. Firstly, in the prayer, the bishop pleads with God by referring to biblical examples in order that He could do the same for the female deacon as well. He refers to the four prophetic women who were endowed with the Spirit. In addition, he indirectly refers to Mary, the mother of Jesus, and the Levite women in the temple. All of these women have been used as arguments before God. Presumably, the bishop is led to think: ‘Because you did these things to these women, do the same to this woman as well.’ Secondly, the biblical women seem to play an exemplary role in the mind of the bishop when thinking about the tasks of the female deacon in AC: ‘Because the women had meaningful tasks in the Scripture, I give the female deacons some responsibilities in our congregation.’ We will come back to this topic in Chapters 5 and 6. Thirdly, by mentioning the biblical women in the prayer, the compiler gives ideal role models to the female deacons. They have to follow their example when carrying out their own tasks.121 Finally, in the prayer, the bishop pleads to God to purify the female deacon from all defilement of flesh and spirit in order to take care of her tasks worthily. This seems to be in connection with the need for chastity that already came out in the case of virgins and widows. The female deacons have to be honourable. They have to struggle against temptations. Hence, the prayer reflects the responsible role of the female deacons in AC, their prerequisites and the idea of a continuum between them and the biblical women. Whether the prayer reveals something about the tasks of the female deacons in the document is considered in Chapters 5 and 6. 121

On the biblical women as role models, see Synek (2013), 69.

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Female Deacons in The Apostolic Constitutions

4.c. Summary of Chapter 4 In Chapter 4, I focused on the female deacons in AC in two main respects. First, I analysed the terms used by the compiler in the document when referring to them. The terms were revealed to be multiple and derive from divergent origins. The compiler has mainly used διακ-rooted words. For this reason, it was reasonable to search for the origin of the terms. I  analysed the use of διάκονος in Christian and non-Christian sources predating AC, as well as the feminine forms of it in the later early Christian documents. The form διακόνισσα, however, was revealed to be a neologism that originates in the Council of Nicaea. Along with διακ-words, the compiler refers to the female deacons by using γυνὴ and hence calling them simply ‘women’. I suggested that this usage reflects 1 Tim 3:8–11 which has proven to be challenging to interpret. All in all, despite the multiple terms the compiler uses when he refers to the female deacons, I concluded that, in the document, the question is about the same women, and thus a distinct group of female deacons. In the latter part of Chapter 4, we discovered what kind of women the anonymous female deacons are instructed to be in AC. The analysis revealed that they have to be virgins or widows with certain characteristics. From the viewpoint of this study, the consideration of the so-called ordination prayer for female deacons in AC 8, 19–20 helped us to understand the female deacons as distinctive functionaries in their community. The prayer gives a picture according to which the female deacons are specifically chosen women. They are also the only women to whom the compiler assigns some tasks in the document. In the prayer, the compiler gives several biblical examples for the female deacons. He refers to Miriam, Deborah, Hannah and Huldah, prophetic women who are endowed with the Holy Spirit. In addition to them, the compiler names Mary, the mother of Jesus and the Levite women in the temple. Through these σκοποί, the compiler instructs the bishop to plead with God in order that he would do the same for the female deacon as well. The biblical women also seem to be role models for the compiler when he assigns tasks to the female deacons. At the same time, the women function as role models for the female deacons. When carrying out their tasks in the congregation, the female deacons are to follow the example of their biblical forebears.

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CHAPTER 5 TASKS IN LITURGICAL CONTEXT

The tasks of the female deacons are one of the compiler’s special interests in AC.1 When AC is compared with its sources, it is evident that the compiler has made various remouldings in the regulations concerning them. Compared to the sources, the compiler of AC has assigned more tasks to the female deacons and, hence, higher responsibility. Despite the similarity of titles, and being a literal counterpart of the masculine διάκονος, the duties of male and female deacons are not exactly the same. The male deacons have more tasks and a different kind of responsibility in the congregation.2 In Chapter 5, I discover the tasks of the female deacons in the liturgical context in AC. This means their tasks during the liturgical assemblies and the baptismal rite. Before that, however, I consider the prohibitions that concern the female deacons in the document. Consideration of these prohibitions helps us to demarcate the tasks. I hypothesize that the prohibitions have been made in order to limit the role of the female deacons specifically in the liturgical context. Consequently, we consider both the tasks and the prohibitions from a liturgical perspective here.

1 To define the respective duties of individual ministries carefully is one of the constant concerns of AC. Zagano (2013), 30. – The tasks of female deacons in AC are listed briefly in Mentxaka (2019), 63–64. 2 Olson (2005), 56. The instructions concerning the tasks of the female deacons have been given in Books 2, 3 and 8. This means that most of the passages originate in DA and probably in AT. Along with Olson, Doens (1962), 33–36 summarizes the tasks of the male deacons in AC. He partially compares them with the tasks of the female deacons. This kind of comparison might be a fruitful way to treat the functions of the female deacons in the document. Nevertheless, it is not possible to handle this in a greater depth within the limitations of this research.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

5.a. Prohibited Tasks In AC, women in general and the female deacons in particular are prohibited from carrying out certain tasks. By analysing these prohibitions first we can exclude some tasks which are not available to a female deacon from the compiler’s viewpoint. This helps us to define the tasks that are permitted and assigned to her. In other words, we can circumscribe the field in which it is possible to outline her role. We will also note that the prohibitions need to be understood in a liturgical context.

5.a.1. Teaching The prohibition of teaching does not apply merely to female deacons. In AC, women in general are forbidden from teaching in the congregation. Instead of teaching, women are allowed to pray and listen to the men who are teaching: ‘We do not permit women to teach in the church, but only offer prayers and listen to the teachers.’3 Although the compiler forbids all women from teaching, the commandment has been given in the special context of widows. Both above and below the verse under consideration the compiler instructs them about various topics (AC 3, 6, 3–5). Some of the instructions also concern virgins. Because the female deacons are thought to be either widows or virgins (see Chapter 4.b.1), there is no doubt that the prohibition also concerns the female deacons in the congregation. The compiler reproduces the commandment already given in DA by making slight alterations. He completes the previous prohibition and modifies the dogmatic emphases. The compiler of AC is stricter than the previous author. In DA, the women are not permitted to teach ‘in the assembly’ instead of the wider expression ‘in the church’ in AC.4 The commandment refers implicitly but visibly back to 1 Corinthians: ‘Women should remain silent in the churches. They are not allowed to speak, but must be in submission, as the law says.’5 I think the com3 Οὐκ ἐπιτρέπομεν οὖν γυναῖκας διδάσκειν ἐν Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἀλλὰ μόνον προσεύχεσθαι καὶ τῶν διδασκάλων ἐπακούειν. AC 3, 6, 1. 4 Förster (2006), 177. Cf.  Martimort (1986), 63; Cardman (1999), 311; Penn (2001), 173; Synek (1993), 153–54. See also Schöllgen (1998), 161–64. 5 1 Cor 14:34. In 1 Corinthians, Paul prohibits women from speaking, but not from prophesying. He encourages both men and women to be eager to prophesy in 1  Cor 14:39. In 1  Cor 11:5, he takes for granted that there are prophesying women among the Corinthians. From this it follows that the women might be allowed to

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

piler of AC has kept the tenet of the biblical prohibition but redefined it. Unlike Paul in the letter, he does not write about ‘speaking’ (λαλεῖν), but ‘teaching’ (διδάσκειν). He has also replaced ‘being in submission’ with praying and teaching.6 The compiler argues for the prohibition by mentioning several NT figures by name: The mother and sisters of the Lord, Mary Magdalene, Mary, the wife of James, and the other Mary. The compiler uses them as examples of women whom Jesus could have sent out to teach if it had been necessary – but he did not (AC 3, 6, 1–2).7 Therefore, the practice of Jesus is normative for the compiler. The compiler bases his argumentation on the women in NT: Because those women do not teach in the Scripture, the women in the contemporaneous congregation should not teach either. Therefore, the compiler uses the method of σκοπός to validate his standpoint (see Chapter 3.c.4.a). However, here the biblical figures have been taken from NT, instead of OT as found elsewhere in AC. In the prohibition, the compiler contrasts teaching (διδάσκειν) with praying and listening to the teaching. Because the compiler has used word ἐκκλησία, ‘church’, (‘assembly’ in DA) and because of the public character of teaching, I have hypothesized that the compiler has the liturgy in mind when instructing women this way. To discover the context from the viewpoint of the whole document, I searched for all διδασκrooted verbs in it. I also paid attention to the individuals who are instructed to διδάσκειν. As a result, I noticed that the verb has been used in various contexts. In most of the occurrences it has been used about bishops who teach in the congregation (AC 2, 6, 12; AC 2, 11, 1; AC 2,  16,  2; AC 2,  59,  1; AC 8,  47,  50). The presbyters are also described as teaching along with the bishops (AC 3, 20, 2). On one occasion the male deacons are listed with them (AC 7, 31, 1). In several verses, the verb refers to the teaching activity of Jesus (AC 2, 6, 6; AC 3, 7, 8; AC 3, 17, 4). Sometimes, it has been used of fathers who teach their children or of heretic teachers (AC 4, 11, 1; AC 4, 11, 4; AC 6, 10, 2; AC 7, 28, 3). In some cases, it is impossible to be sure who the compiler refers to (AC 1, 7, 10; AC 5, 7, 30; AC 8, 5, 3).8 prophesy in the congregational gatherings of AC as well. The compiler does not, however, explicitly allow or forbid women prophesying in the document. 6 Cf. Martimort (1986), 63. 7 Cf. AC 3, 9, 3. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109; Martimort (1986), 63; Förster (2006), 182. 8 Synek has compared ‘teaching’ in AC to ‘teaching’ in the Gospel of Matthew. In both documents the verb διδάσκω is used. They are used in a similar way and understood as

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

Consequently, in most of the verses in AC it is impossible to assume that the teaching activity would be performed specifically in a liturgical context. In some verses, it is possible, but not axiomatic (AC 2, 11, 1; AC 2, 16, 2; AC 2, 59, 1). What about the teaching activity in AC 3, 6, which is now under consideration? After prohibiting the women from teaching, the compiler goes on to instruct both widows and virgins not to visit the homes of unfaithful women (AC 3, 6, 3–4). This commandment is not liturgical in character. However, at the end of the chapter, the compiler writes about certain women who do not come to the assembly of the community (ἐπὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῆς συναγωγῆς ἀνάπαυμα) to hear the word of the Lord either taught (τῶν διδασκόντων) or read (AC 3, 6, 5). I think this commandment is clearly liturgical. Hence, the prohibition under consideration seems to refer to teaching during the liturgy, as I hypothesized. Because the question is about liturgical teaching, in effect it means a prohibition from preaching. Furthermore, the compiler argues for the prohibition by stating that the head of a woman is a man. He writes that it is not right for the rest of the body to rule the head (AC 3,  6, 2). Hence, the compiler again quotes Paul in 1 Corinthians: ‘But I want you to realize that the head of every man is Christ, and the head of the woman is a man, and the head of Christ is God.’9 Peter Brunner thinks that the question is about the kephale structure that lies behind Paul’s teaching. According to this structure, the man is the head of the woman; Christ is the head of the man; God is the head of Christ. The ‘head’ in the structure refers to the power that begins, determines and leads.10 I think that from the compiler’s viewpoint acting against the kephale structure is an undesired phenomenon. Through teaching, women would become the head for men.11 updating the Torah that the Apostles have conveyed. Nevertheless, Synek does not assert that the concepts of teaching in Matthew, AC and the Talmud all mean precisely the same thing. The commonalities between them can include differences, but the differences would not cancel out the commonalities. Synek (1997), 77–79, 83–84. See also Mueller (2007), 350, 360. Synek also points out that the compiler perceives his work as didascalia (from διδάσκω), rather than ‘apostolic tradition’ by nature. The conceptional convergence of Didascalia and Talmud is evident, because the latter is the Hebrew translation of the former. The Hebrew noun Talmud is formed from the verb ‫למד‬, which means ‘to teach’. Therefore, Talmud primarily means ‘teaching’. Synek (1997), 33, 78–79; (1998), 27, 42–47, 50. 9 1 Cor 11:3. Cf. AC 1, 8, 1. 10 Brunner (2012), 282. 11 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109. See also Penn (2001), 176. Also, Tertullian in the second century reiterated the prohibition. Weinrich (2012), 461. The similar rhetoric used by Paul can be seen in the compiler’s instructions concerning marriage. Raunistola-Juutinen (2012), 87.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

The kephale structure is closely connected with the idea of order in Scripture. According to NT, God has instituted three basic orders for the community: the orders of the household (e.g. Eph 5:22–33, 6:1–9), government (e.g. Rom 13:1–5) and church (e.g. 1  Cor 14:26–40). The orders are endowed with offices for leadership for the delivery and distribution of God’s blessings to those people who live in the orders. In them, some people are in a subordinate position to others. By their subordination people receive and share God’s blessings. I think it is important to note that subordination is not identified with inferiority or subservience, as it is generally understood. Nor is the abuse of power and authority involved in it. Instead, it is possible to be both subordinate and equal.12 Each of the three orders differs from the other. Respectively, subordination means different things in different contexts and different relationships. Therefore, there is no single general universal order of creation nor concept of subordination in NT. There is no general subordination of all women to all men, but only their subordination in particular relationships, according to their station. In the order of the church, the purpose of subordination is the reception of all that Christ gives to the Church through his word. In that order, everybody is subordinate to someone else. On one hand, the congregation as a whole is subordinate to God the Father and to Christ. Its subordination involves adherence to God’s word. On the other hand, members of the congregation are subordinate to their leaders, whose task is to teach God’s word. This includes the subordination of both women and men to the leaders.13 Consequently, I think that in the passage of AC in question here, the compiler has the order of the church in mind (see also AC 8, 1, 20–22). Women are prohibited from teaching in the church because their teaching would be contrary to the order. Teaching is fundamentally connected with leadership in this order. Hence, because of their subordinate station, women are not able to function as leaders in the church.14 To sum up, the compiler’s argumentation in the prohibition is based on the example of Jesus and the alignment of Paul. The arguments were well-known among the early Christian authors: Women were not per12 Kleinig (2012a), 122–29. Belonging to the order of the household, the compiler follows Col. 3:18 and 1 Pet 3:1 and instructs wives to be subject to their husbands in AC 6, 29. 13 Kleinig (2012a), 128–29. 14 The close connection between teaching and ruling is seen widely in the early Christian texts. Gryson (1976), 56.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

mitted to teach since Jesus chose for himself only male apostles. Paul’s prohibitions in 1 Corinthians 14 and in 1 Timothy 2 were understood to be in harmony with OT and the Gospels. Nevertheless, one regular argument is still missing in AC. Several early Christian authors refer to biblical history: In the books of OT and NT, God’s priests had always been men but never women. The compiler nevertheless explains that the prophetesses of OT and NT did not speak out against men, but preserved the measure proper to them (AC 8, 2, 9). The lack of the direct reference to OT priests is surprising, particularly when we keep in mind the close connection illustrated between AC and OT (Chapter 3.c.4).15 Why in AC did the compiler regard it necessary to prohibit women from teaching? Above all, he has chosen to be obedient to the Scripture, contrary to the social and cultural context. The introduction of women into teaching or priestly and sacramental offices was widely supported. In Asia Minor, the social position of women was well developed during the first and second centuries. For example, there were female philosophers who were known to teach. In addition, female leadership and priesthood were popular in the local, pagan religious cults.16 How was the role of women perceived in the Jewish communities? It has been stated that women in the Jewish Diaspora exercised synagogal offices just as did men. Jewish women could, and did, have economic and religious independence. It is also possible that in the second and third centuries Jewish women exercised leadership roles. The functions of female heads or elders of the synagogue were not radically different from those of men. One of their titles was the ‘mother of the synagogue’. The title was functional, not honorific, in character.17 At the same time, among Christians outside the mainstream Church, there were some groups which were organized contrary to Paul’s prohibition. For example, amongst the Montanists there were the female prophets Priscilla and Maximilla who taught publicly.18 Acts of Paul and Thecla is also suggested to have been made by a group of Christians which allowed women to teach.19 See Weinrich (2012), 463–64 and Gryson (1976), 142. Weinrich (2012), 462. 17 Brooten (1982), 149. Cf. Methuen (1995), 210–11 and Cohick (2009), 196–214. The conclusions are based on non-rabbinic sources (epigraphic, papyrological and literary materials). Consequently, the parallelism between the sources and AC, interpreted to be analogous with the Talmud, is not that evident. See Eisen (2000), 17. 18 Trevett (1996), 151–52. 19 Methuen (1995), 206. 15

16

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

It would be tempting to read the prohibition under consideration as evidence of women’s teaching activity in the congregation or elsewhere in the Church: The compiler needs to stop this kind of activity because it has been happening somewhere. Because the question is about AC, however, I think that it is not possible to draw such conclusions. The prohibition does not directly tell us about the actual situation in the congregation. It reveals the compiler’s standpoint and prescriptive intention. Surely, he has had some reason to repeat the well-known prohibition in his document. However, we do not know what kind of reason it was – practical or theoretical, reactive or proactive. AC in general is not a descriptive document, which must be kept in mind in the case of the prohibitions regarding women as well.20

5.a.2. Baptizing In AC, the prohibitions against teaching and baptizing are closely linked. According to the compiler – and based on similar arguments – the women are not allowed to teach or baptize. The custom is prohibited using a strict choice of words: ‘About women’s baptizing we make you known, that danger is not small for them who put their hands to it, wherefore we do not counsel it. For it is dubious, rather lawless and impious.’21 The compiler describes the baptismal ritual in detail in AC 3, 16. The female deacon has certain tasks during the rite (Chapter 5.b). They are not in contraction to the prohibition, however. I think that the prohibition under consideration concerns the person who washes the baptismal candidate with the water, the task of βαπτίζω in the very sense of the Greek verb. In AC 3, 16, 4 it is instructed that this person has to be either a bishop (ὁ ἐπίσκοπος) or a presbyter (ὁ πρεβύτερος). According to the compiler, there is no given commandment nor writing which would allow women to baptize. His argumentation against women’s baptizing consists of three statements. Some of them 20 For example, Madigan and Osiek (2005), 109 write that the context of the prohibition is ‘the suppression of the teaching activity of widows’. They conclude that because of the amount of care given to the discussion, ‘some women, especially widows, were exercising a teaching ministry in private houses.’ I think that we cannot draw such conclusions based on AC. Because of its prescriptive character, we have to read the prohibitions in order to find out how things should be (according to the compiler), not how they have been. 21 Περὶ δὲ τοῦ γυναῖκας βαπτίζειν γνωρίζομεν ὑμῖν, ὅτι κίνδυνος οὐ μικρὸς ταῖς τοῦτο ἐπιχειρούσαις· διὸ οὐ συμβουλεύομεν· ἐπισφαλὲς γάρ, μᾶλλον δὲ παράνομον καὶ ἀσεβές. AC 3, 9, 1.

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are familiar to us from the prohibition from teaching (Chapter 5.a.1): The example of Jesus does not favour women’s baptizing. It is contrary to a woman’s nature to perform the office of a priest. Furthermore, the compiler thinks that because pagans have female priests and female deities, it shows the error of women in religious practice (AC 3, 9, 2–4).22 The compiler sees the example of Jesus against women’s baptizing as twofold. His first argument refers to the baptism of Jesus himself. If women could baptize, the mother of the Lord would have administered his baptism, not John the Baptist. Secondly, the compiler refers to the Great Commission (Mt 28:18–20). When Jesus sent his eleven disciples out to baptize, he would also have sent women with them, but did not (AC 3, 9, 4). Here the biblical argumentation is reminiscent of the method of σκοπός. I do not say there are σκοποί here, because the question is primarily about the choices of Jesus, not his personality. The choices of Jesus are used by way of σκοπός, as examples to the contemporaneous Christians.23 The second argument refers to the prohibition from teaching as well as the office of a priest: ‘But if we in the preceding commanded them not to teach, how would anyone allow them to be priests contrary to nature?’24 For the compiler, baptism belongs to the priest’s responsibilities. Baptizing seems to be something more than teaching. Both are also against the nature of a woman. Elsewhere in the document baptism is compared with the sacrificial offering, ordaining and blessing (AC 8, 28), for which a priest is responsible. Madigan and Osiek point out that the compiler thinks that baptism creates some kind of patronal relationship between the one who baptizes and the baptismal candidate. The baptizer holds a certain superior and responsible position with regard to the one baptized.25 In other words, the compiler of AC refers to the subordinate position of women in the order of the church (Chapter 5.a.1).26 Roger Gryson states that allow See also Penn (2001), 176. John the Baptist baptizes Jesus in Mt 3:13–17, cf. Mk 1:9–11. Förster (2006), 179 interprets that, according to the compiler, Jesus freely made the decision not to be baptized by his mother, but by John. 24 Εἰ δὲ ἐν τοῖς προλαβοῦσιν διδάσκειν αὐταῖς οὐκ ἐπιτρέπομεν, πῶς ἱερατεῦσαι ταύταις παρὰ φύσιν τις συγχωρήσει; AC 3, 9, 3. 25 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. 26 See also Schaibley (2012), 456–57. Cf. Eph 5:21. The term ‘subordination’ in Pauline and early Christian usage should not be confused with the modern Anglo22 23

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ing women to baptize would mean a reversal of women’s subordinate position.27 In addition to the biblical idea of subordination, the prohibition reflects the cultural context of the first Christians. In it, the gender differences were understood hierarchically. The connection between masculinity and leadership was regarded as natural. Men were thought to be superior and women inferior. In the life of the first Christians, this was not a problem. Instead, they discussed what kind of man a priest had to be.28 Furthermore, the compiler talks about the pagans who have female priests and deities. He aims at separating himself from those kinds of customs. He thinks that they are against the commands of Christ. I think that, by this, the compiler might well be referring to the ongoing situation. For example, Ross Shepard Kraemer has stated that women baptizing was unquestionably contentious among early Christians. Despite that, Kraemer thinks that the controversy is not rooted in cultural logic. I think that Kraemer’s argumentation follows from her thinking that baptism itself is linked with the system of hierarchy – and prestige. It entails the exercise of authority, encoding hierarchy. The settlement of baptism requires a person to exercise authority over another. Kramer writes that because the baptizer is superior to the baptized, women baptizing men subverts the equation of superiority with masculinity. A  woman baptizing other women was also seen as problematic, even though this does not fundamentally invert the implicit hierarchy. The prohibition in AC leads me to disagree with Kraemer to some extent. American understanding. I  think Schaibley (2012), 456–57 exaggerates when stating: ‘Our women hear that word, and they do not like it. It brings to mind all that is socially unholy and culturally intolerable today: second-class citizenship, wife abuse, rape, discrimination, and the list goes on. The word fares little better with most men, who have grown tired of being labelled chauvinist-pig, misogynist, patriarchal boor, part of that breed that is responsible for all that is wrong in the world, namely, westernEuropean males. Many men have also grown a little tired of their fellows who truly still fit some of these labels. But most of all, both men and women have been raised in the American world of self-reliant, self-focused, self-centered individualism that rebels at the thought that anyone could inform any others that they are subordinate.’ I think that Schaibley’s exaggerated tone is unnecessary, but I agree with him on the central point. In spite of the modern connotations, for me it seems that in AC ‘subordination’ rather refers to a certain kind of order between different groups of people or the relationship between God and man. The question is not about their status or dignity as such. 27 Gryson (1976), 56–57. Cf. Förster (2006), 179. 28 Berger (2013), 133. See also Synek (1993), 161–62.

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The compiler of AC undisputedly states that the head of a woman is a man. This includes some kind of an implicit hierarchy, men’s authority over women, as Kraemer thinks. However, in the passage under consideration, there is no a hint at linking the hierarchy with prestige. Instead of basing his argumentation on a demand for prestige and social structure, the compiler refers to the commandment of Christ. Therefore, I  think that in this prohibition the compiler’s obedience to Scripture is more reliable, which is against the ambient conditions, rather than a question about prestige.29 Madigan and Osiek have considered the ‘danger’ to which the compiler refers in the prohibition and which a baptizing woman might bring upon herself. In AC, the bishop is the one who baptizes (AC 3, 16, 4). The male or female deacon anoints the body according to the respective gender of the one being baptized. In conclusion, Madigan and Osiek have suggested that the danger lies in this point: What is alluded to in this objection is mixing the sexes so that a female deacon would anoint the body of a male neophyte.30 Kraemer thinks, instead, that the question is not about modesty but hierarchy.31 These conclusions need profound consideration. It is true that the compiler explicitly instructs that ‘There is no necessity for the women to be seen by the men’ (AC 3, 16, 2). I think the compiler refers to the contemporaneous custom of being naked during the baptismal rite (see Chapter 5.b). Hence, the question seems to be about modesty, for a practical reason. However, the compiler seems to refer also to the order of the church. I consider the topic more fully in Chapter 5.a.3. The prohibition from baptizing is also expressed in DA 15: ‘We do not approve of women baptizing or being baptized by a woman because this is unlawful and a great danger both to those who baptize and those who are baptized.’32 In AC, the compiler reinforces everything that the author of DA had said about the prohibition.33 Madigan and Osiek think that, compared to DA, the prohibition in AC is expressed more indirectly: the compiler rather discourages the practice. They think that See Kraemer (2011), 252–53. Förster thinks that, because Mary, the mother of Jesus, was a role model for women, they are not allowed into the ecclesiastical ministries in AC. Förster (2006), 177. I think that in AC 3, 9, Mary as a role model for women is in a secondary position, whereas the example of Jesus is more essential. 30 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. 31 Kraemer (2011), 252–53. 32 Translated by Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. 33 Zagano (2013), 31. 29

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the compiler of AC is not as strict as his source. They point out that there is a difference in tone between the documents: the author of DA warns both women who are baptizing and those who are to be baptized. In AC, on the other hand, the compiler warns only the female baptizer.34 From my viewpoint, Madigan and Osiek are correct when claiming that the prohibition is not as strict in AC, when compared to DA. The prohibition as such is, however, still strict. This comes out in the word choices of the compiler. Madigan and Osiek conclude that the change in strictness between the documents indicates that the perceived ‘danger’ was no longer as topical in the context of AC. The compiler simply chose to repeat the prohibition once more.35 As already stated, in the context of teaching prohibition, we cannot be sure of the compiler’s reasons for repeating the prohibitions. However, because of rising asceticism at the end of the fourth century, the general need for decency had not diminished from the times of DA, but rather increased.36 Therefore, I think that it seems illogical that, while the general striving for decency was increasing, the strictness of the prohibition was diminishing. According to Madigan and Osiek, the only possibility is that the repetition of the prohibition means the custom had continued in some places and circumstances.37 The differences between the verses in DA and AC allow us to assume that this was an existing problem for the compiler of AC as well. However, because AC is a prescriptive document, we cannot draw any further conclusions about the topic. I think that the most explicit information that the document gives is the thinking of the compiler. He thinks that women are not allowed to baptize because of the good example of Jesus and the bad example of the pagans. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. See also Schöllgen (1998), 165. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. DA is probably the oldest document in which it is argued that the women are not allowed to become priests because Jesus had ruled so. It is also the oldest document which, by referring to Mary the mother of Jesus who had no spiritual ministry, prohibits women from baptizing. Because the compiler of AC has repeated the prohibition, it has been seen as suggesting that the practice of women’s baptizing was actually going on when AC was compiled. The prohibition in AC is, however, more severe and categorical than that of its source. The compiler seems to have built up a summary reasoning of his source. Martimort (1986), 42, 63. See also Bradshaw (2012), 641 and Cardman (1999), 311. 36 Elm (1994), 170. 37 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. 34 35

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5.a.3. Blessing and Laying on of Hands The prohibitions against teaching and baptizing are addressed to all women in AC. Hence, they concern the female deacons as well as other women in the congregation. Along with them, there are some prohibitions that are directed only at the female deacons. Firstly, the female deacons are not allowed to bless. Next we discover, what that means: ‘The female deacon does not bless and does nothing that the presbyters or the male deacons perform, but she is to guard the doors and assist the presbyters in baptizing of women for the sake of decency.’38 In the verse the female deacon is prohibited from blessing, but the compiler also hints at other tasks that are not her responsibility. What are the things that the presbyters and male deacons perform, but female deacons do not? In the previous verses, the presbyters are said to bless (εὐλογεῖ), receive the bread39 (εὐλογίας δέχεται) from a bishop and fellowpresbyter, lay hands upon (χειροθετεῖ) and separate (ἀφορίζει). The male deacon, on the other hand, is allowed to receive the bread from the bishop and presbyter and distribute the offering that is offered by the bishop or presbyter (τοῦ δὲ ἐπισκόπου προσενεγκόντος ἢ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, αὐτὸς ἐπιδίδωσιν τῷ λαῷ).40 Presumably, these are the tasks which the female deacons are forbidden to do. Along with giving a blessing, the female deacon is prohibited from laying on hands, separating, receiving the bread and distributing the offering. The prohibition of separation will be discussed a little later in Chapter 5.a.4, and the issues that concern the distribution of the offering in Chapter 5.c. Now I take blessing and the laying on of hands under closer consideration. The meaning of blessing becomes evident through the analysis of the usage of the verb εὐλογέω in AC. There are various ways of understanding εὐλογέω. According to Lampe, the very translation is ‘to bless’, but it can be used in various contexts, for example as a divine act, mediated Διακόνισσα οὐκ εὐλογεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδέ τι ὧν ποιοῦσιν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι ἢ οἱ διάκονοι ἐπιτελεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοῦ φυλάττειν τὰς θύρας καὶ ἐξυπηρετεῖσθαι τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις ἐν τῷ βαπτίζεσθαι τὰς γυναῖκας διὰ τὸ εὐπρεπές. AC 8, 28, 6. In DA there is no version of this prohibition. See Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115. 39 The noun εὐλογία can designate both a blessing prayer and the objects on which such a prayer was pronounced. Therefore, it might indicate the blessed meal or the blessed bread distributed to the sick. Di Berardino (2014), 866. According to Zagano (2013), 36, εὐλογία is a simple prayer or formula for benediction that can be done without the laying on of hands. In AC 8, 28, 6 the noun is consequently used by way of the blessed meal. 40 AC 8, 28, 3–4. 38

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by a representative of God or in a Eucharistic context.41 The search for εὐλογ- rooted words in AC altogether gives 79 hits. The word, therefore, is in common use, and this correlates with Lampe’s notion about various alternatives. I do not consider it necessary to go through the εὐλογ-verses one by one here. The main point is that the verb is generally used in liturgical contexts in AC. Blessing is a part of worship and baptism (See e.g. AC 2, 57, 19; AC 8, 6–9; AC 8, 15, 6). Because of the large-scale usage of εὐλογ-rooted words in AC, it is important to concentrate on the link between these and the female deacons – that means focussing on ch. AC 8, 28. What does the verb mean in this passage? The bishop and presbyter are instructed to bless, but male and female deacons are prohibited from doing so. The act of blessing is different from, for example, appointing or ordaining, laying on of hands, baptizing, offering and purifying. Because it is used in the same context, the blessing is probably performed as a part of the liturgy. In his edition of AC, Metzger emphasizes that εὐλογέω is understood in AC 8, 28 by way of ‘to say a prayer of blessing’.42 Above all, though, the blessing is expressed as a different act with regard to receiving the blessed bread. It is also differentiated from offering and distributing it. Consequently, I suggest that here blessing refers to consecrating.43 In AC, the meaning of χειροθετέω is not that ambiguous. The verb can be translated as ‘to lay the hands upon’44 in every case in the document. The bishop is always the subject of the verb. The laity is explicitly prohibited from doing this (AC 3, 10, 1). The bishop lays his hands upon a presbyter, a subdeacon and a reader (AC 8, 16, 2; AC 8, 21, 1; AC 8, 22, 2), when they are ordained. He is prohibited from doing this to others (AC 8, 23, 2; AC 8, 24, 2; AC 8, 25, 1; AC 8, 26, 2). The bishop lays his hands upon a catechumen, when he/she is being baptized (AC 3, 16, 3; AC 7, 39, 4; AC 7, 44, 3). The compiler instructs him to lay his hands upon a penitent instead of a second baptism (AC 2,  18,  7; AC 2, 41, 2; AC 2, 43, 1). The noun χειροθεσία is used particularly in the context of evening and morning thanksgivings (AC 8, 37, 4; AC 8, 39, 1). At Lampe (1961), 567–69. Metzger (1987), 230–31. 43 According to Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115, AC 8,  28,  6 shows that, unlike the male deacon, the female deacon has no liturgical role at the altar. The prohibition insists that the liturgical function of the female deacons has to be limited. In AC, only the bishop and presbyters are allowed to pronounce blessings over offerings as well as the people and make the Eucharistic offering. 44 Lampe (1961), 1522. 41

42

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the end of these, the male deacon prompts the people to bend down for the laying on of hands. After that, the bishop says a blessing. Probably, the bishop lays his hands upon the congregation while giving the blessing. The bishop is said to lay his hands upon every person (AC 2, 32), but we do not know whether the compiler refers here to the act during thanksgivings, baptism or something else. In sum, χειροθετέω is significantly a task that is done by the bishop in liturgical contexts, either in an assembly or during baptism. I suggest that the prohibitions which are addressed to the female deacons in the verse under consideration might be in connection with their subordinate position in the community. This position already came out in the prohibitions concerning teaching and baptizing. As the author of the Hebrews puts it: ‘And without doubt the lesser is blessed by the greater.’45 Is the question about permission to bless, lay hands upon, set apart and distribute offerings implicitly in connection with the order in the community? To find the answer, I shall delve deeper into the statement ‘through decency’ (διὰ τὸ εὐπρεπές), which the compiler uses as his argument in the verse under consideration. Along with the verse here, the very same form of the word εὐπρεπὲς appears once more in the document. Here the compiler gives instructions about hairstyle: He states that men should not shave their beards, because doing so means they unnaturally change the shape of a man. He refers to Leviticus 19:27, where this is legislated. According to the compiler, bareface is εὐπρεπὲς for women because of God’s creation (AC 1, 3, 11).46 The same term, but in rather a different form, εὐπρέπεια,47 exists firstly in the context of the baptizing by women. The compiler says that the Lord has not commanded women to baptize, because he is the creator of nature and the lawgiver of the regulation. Therefore, he knows the order of nature and εὐπρέπεια of the creature, action or thing (τὴν εὐπρέπειαν τοῦ πράγματος).48 The attributes of God and what he knows Heb 7:7. In AC 1,  3,  11 the compiler uses the word εὐπρεπὲς as an antithesis for ἀνάρμοστον, unfitted. The word εὐπρεπὲς does not exist in Lampe (1961) nor in Liddell & Scott (1996) or Liddell, Scott & Jones (2011), which led me to discover its meaning in the document. 47 Lampe (1961), 574 thinks that εὐπρέπεια means ‘comeliness’, ‘well-ordered beauty’ or ‘dignity’. Donaldson (1886), 394 translates εὐπρέπεια as ‘beauty’, Metzger (1985), 127 as ‘noblesse’ (nobility). 48 Lampe (1961), 1126. 45

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are paralleled. Because God is the Creator; he knows the order of nature. Because he is also the Lawgiver, he knows εὐπρέπεια of the creature (AC 3, 9, 4). Furthermore, εὐπρέπεια appears on two occasions in the document. The compiler uses it to describe a virtuous woman, who is said to be clothed with εὐπρέπεια (AC 1, 8, 10). The compiler praises God inter alia by saying that his εὐπρέπεια is perpetual, without decline (AC 7, 35, 9).49 The word εὐπρέπεια under consideration refers to a property – something excellent but unusual. It is in connection with the gender differences. The word refers to God, but it is possible for human beings as well. It seems that the most probable translations of εὐπρέπεια are words which refer to beauty and nobility. Therefore, in AC 3, 9, 4 τὴν εὐπρέπειαν τοῦ πράγματος refers to the beauty of the creature or the nobility of the action.50 Because the expression in the verse is parallel to God as lawgiver, I prefer the latter alternative. What about εὐπρεπὲς in v. AC 8, 28, 6 which is under current consideration? The compiler thinks that because of εὐπρεπὲς, the female deacons should not bless but rather guard the doors and assist in the baptism. The word has been translated as ‘decency’.51 The translation is appropriate within certain limits. It seems to refer not only to the custom according to which the female deacons should anoint the naked female bodies during their baptism. The focus is wider. The command again implies the order of the church, which has been dealt with earlier. The compiler appreciates the order and wants it to be retained properly. Therefore, the meaning of εὐπρεπὲς honours the dissimilarities of genders, because he sees that as regulated by God. Furthermore, to maintain this order, a female deacon is not allowed to do the same tasks as the male deacon and presbyter but is to assist them and hence remain in a subordinate relation to them.

5.a.4. Separating The collection of instructions in AC 8, 28, 6 continues with considering the issue of separation. This task is primarily allowed for presbyters. In exceptional cases, male deacons are also permitted to do this. Here Donaldson (1886), 473 translates εὐπρέπεια as ‘excellency’, whereas Metzger (1987), 81 has ‘beauté’ (beauty). 50 Donaldson (1886), 429 has translated it as ‘the decency of the action’ and Metzger (1986), 145 as ‘les convenances en AD domaine’ (propriety in this domain). 51 Donaldson (1886), 494; Metzger (1987), 231 (‘la décence’). 49

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A male deacon separates subdeacon, reader, cantor, female deacon, whenever something like this is called for and when a presbyter is not present. It is not lawful for a subdeacon to separate, neither reader, cantor or female deacon, not for clergy nor laity; for male deacons are attendants.52

If there is not a presbyter present, the task belongs to a male deacon. The male deacons separate (ἀφορίζει), because they are attendants. A female deacon, instead, might be the object of separation. What does a presbyter or a male deacon do to her then? According to G. W. H. Lampe, the verb ἀφορίζω refers to a suspension from office and temporary exclusion from Communion. Hence, it also means excommunication.53 Madigan and Osiek theorize that, in this context, the verb probably means a temporary exclusion from the assembly as a penance (AC 8, 28, 6–7).54 Madigan and Osiek do not define the exclusion in more detail. For me, it is unclear whether they refer to the Communion like Lampe argues, or to the whole assembly. The ἀφορίζ-rooted verbs appear altogether only three times in the document. Earlier in the same chapter, the verb is used about a presbyter. He separates those who are subordinate to him, if they warrant that kind of punishment (AC 8, 28, 3). In another verse, the question is about a sinner, who should be excluded for a certain time. When they have repented, they have to be received back (AC 2, 16, 4). Because the separation here is linked with sin and repentance, I think the verb refers to excommunication from Communion also in the verse under consideration. Secondly, there are two arguments for treating the prohibition in a liturgical context: The compiler deals with the question of who is permitted to receive the Holy Communion, which is naturally the central part of the liturgy. In the verse under consideration, a female deacon is compared with a subdeacon, reader and cantor who, in AC, are instructed to have tasks only in the context of the liturgy. Consequently, in AC the female deacons are not allowed to excommunicate, i.e. exclude people from the Communion for a certain time. They are allowed to guard Διάκονος ἀφορίζει ὑποδιάκονον, ἀναγνώστην, ψάλτην, διακόνισσαν, ἐὰν ᾖ τι τοιοῦτον μὴ παρόντος πρεσβυτέρου. Ὑποδιακόνῳ οὐκ ἔξεστιν ἀφορίσαι, οὔτε μὴν ἀναγνώστῃ οὔτε ψάλτῃ οὔτε διακονίσσῃ, οὐ κληρικόν, οὐ λαϊκόν· ὑπηρέται γάρ εἰσιν διακόνων. AC 8, 28, 7–8. DA does not contain a version of this prohibition. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115. 53 Lampe (1961), 279. 54 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115. The editors of AC have thought similarly. Donaldson (1886), 494 translates the verb as ‘separate’ and Metzger (1987), 231 as ‘exclure’ (exclude). 52

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women’s doors during the Eucharist (Chapter 5.c.2), but they cannot decide who is – and who is not – allowed to receive the Holy Communion. I think this prohibition too might result from the subordinate position of the female deacon. When we look at the others in the list – subdeacon, reader and cantor – we note that there are also men that have been considered as subordinate to the male deacon and presbyter. Consequently, the question is about the order of the church here, in which some men are subordinate to others. The instruction implies a strict division of the tasks between the functionaries. The compiler of AC reveres good order in the community. What are the female deacons allowed to do, then? I move on by studying their tasks in the liturgical context.

5.b. Tasks during Baptism In AC, the female deacons are involved in the process of initiation through which women enter the congregation – baptism.55 We have already discovered that the very act of baptizing is strictly forbidden for women in AC. In spite of this, the female deacons are instructed to perform a function during other parts of the baptismal rite. Assisting during baptism is said to be one of the major tasks assigned to the female deacons in AC.56 In Chapter 5.b we discover what kind of role they are instructed to play. The compiler gives instructions about baptism in several paragraphs in AC. A female deacon is instructed to participate in the baptisms of women in AC 8,  28,  6. An outline for the rite is sketched out in AC 3, 16, in which also the female deacons are instructed. Paragraphs AC 7, 40–44 contain the material of the rite, but there is no special mention regarding the female deacons.57 We can treat the paragraphs as comple Mueller (2004), 427–28. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 112. Towards the end of the fourth century, the need for female deacons grew because Christianity had become the official religion in the Roman Empire. The Church expanded and became more legalized. The altered situation meant, for instance, that the number of baptismal candidates grew. Consequently, the bishops also needed more assistants in the congregations. Olson (2005), 54. See also Johnson (2007), 116–17. 57 The baptismal rite in AC 7, 40–44 is described as close to the synagogue prayers (AC 7, 33–38) that were considered in Chapter 3.c.2. See also Martimort (1986), 65 and Fiensy (1985), 129–34. Because of the mosaic character of the document, the instruction concerning baptism has not been influenced by the same source. 55

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mentary to the outline described in AC 3, 16, because both are instructions concerning the same rite. Simultaneously, we have to remember the mosaic character of the document (Chapter 2.b): The paragraphs written in AC 3 and 7 have not necessarily initially been intended to be counterpointed by each other. Therefore, along with analysing AC 3, 16, 1, we can read the chapters in AC 7, but their initial relationship has to be regarded with scepticism. Because female deacons are not mentioned in AC 7, 40–44, we concentrate mainly on AC 3, 16 here. In AC 3, 16, the baptismal rite is defined stage by stage. The rite is largely similar for both male and female catechumens.58 In verses AC 3, 16, 2–4 the compiler instructs as follows: Because of many needs we need a female deacon. First, in the enlightening of women a male deacon anoints only their forehead with the holy oil and after that a female deacon will anoint them. For men must not watch women. In the imposition of the hands, a bishop anoints only her head, like the first priests and kings were anointed, but now they, who are baptized, are not appointed as priests, but from Christ as Christians, royal priesthood and holy nation, God’s Church, the pillar and foundation of bridechamber, who once were not people of God, but now loved and chosen. Therefore you, bishop, according to this pattern anoint the head of those, who are being baptized, either men or women, with holy oil for the image of spiritual baptism.59 Thereafter either you or a presbyter under you saying and invoking Father and Son and the Holy Spirit wash them in the water. A male deacon receives the man and a female deacon the woman, in order that the unbroken seal would be imparted with sobriety. And after that, bishop, anoint them, who have been baptized, with sweet oil.60 Chs AC 7, 39–45 reveal that the time of being a catechumen precedes the baptismal rite: The candidate must be instructed about the principles in Christian faith and the laying on of hands. When the candidate is about to be baptized, they have to declare a vow, which includes renouncing Satan and all evil and then professing their faith in the Triune God. FitzGerald (1999), 21 states that adult baptism was still the norm during the fourth century. 59 Here it is said that those who have been baptized should be anointed as the image of spiritual baptism (εἰς τύπον τοῦ πνευματικοῦ βαπτίσματος). Metzger (1986), 157 translates this as ‘le baptême de l’Ésprit’ (the baptism of the Spirit), while Donaldson (1886), 431 has ‘spiritual baptism’. I chose to be faithful to the original adjective form and did not interpret its meaning any further. 60 Καὶ γὰρ εἰς πολλὰς χρείας γυναικὸς χρῄζομεν διακόνου. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῷ φωτίζεσθαι γυναῖκας ὁ διάκονος χρίσει μὲν μόνον τὸ μέτωπον αὐτῶν τῷ ἁγίῳ ἐλαίῳ, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ἡ διάκονος ἀλείψει αὐτάς · οὐ γὰρ ἀνάγκη τὰς γυναῖκας ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν κατοπτεύεσθαι. Ἀλλὰ μόνον ἐν τῇ χειροθεσίᾳ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτῆς χρίσει ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, ὃν τρόπον οἱ βασιλεῖς καὶ οἱ ἱερεῖς τὸ πρότερον ἐχρίοντο · οὐχ ὅτι καὶ οἱ νῦν βαπτιζόμενοι ἱερεῖς χειροτονοῦνται, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ χριστιανοί, βασίλειον ἱεράτευμα καὶ ἔθνος ἅγιον, Ἐκκλησία Θεοῦ, 58

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The baptismal rite of a female catechumen can be divided into phases that follow each other in a certain order. A particular person – the bishop, deacon or presbyter – is in a responsible role in particular phases. I think there are six main phases in the rite. 1. A male deacon anoints the forehead, a female deacon the rest of the body of a catechumen (AC 3, 16, 2). 2. A bishop lays hands on the catechumen (AC 3, 16, 3). 3. The bishop anoints the head of the catechumen with holy oil (AC 3, 16, 4). 4. The bishop or a presbyter invokes the Triune God and washes the catechumen. (AC 3, 16, 4). 5. The female deacon receives the woman who has been baptized (AC 3, 16, 4). 6. The bishop anoints the woman with sweet oil (AC 3, 16, 4).61 According to the instruction, the leader of the baptismal rite is a bishop. He anoints and lays on hands. A presbyter, male and female deacon assist him. The presbyter is needed only once, in phase 4, when the Trinity is invoked and the candidate is washed. However, his presence is not strictly necessary, because the bishop can also carry out these tasks. The male and female deacons, on the other hand, are irreplaceable. They assist the bishop in the anointings, which are performed both before and after phase 4.62 στῦλος καὶ ἑδραίωμα τοῦ νυμφῶνος, οἵ ποτε οὐ λαός, νῦν δὲ ἠγαπημένοι καὶ ἐκλεκτοί. Σὺ οὖν, ὦ ἐπίσκοπε, ἐκείνῳ τῷ τύπῳ χρίσεις τὴν κεφαλὴν τῶν βαπτιζόμένων, εἴτε ἀνδρῶν εἴτε γυναικῶν, τῷ ἁγίῳ ἐλαίῳ εἰς τύπον τοῦ πνευματικοῦ βαπτίσματος · ἔπειτα ἢ σὺ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἢ ὁ ὑπὸ σὲ πρεσβύτερος τὴν ἱερὰν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰπὼν καὶ ἐπονόμάσας ἐπίκλησιν Πατρὸς καὶ Γἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου Πνεύματος βαπτίσεις αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ ὕδατι · καὶ τὸν μὲν ἄνδρα ὑποδεχέσθω ὁ διάκονος, τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα ἡ διάκονος, ὅπως σεμνοπρεπῶς ἡ μετάδοσις τῆς ἀθραύστου σφραγῖδος γένηται · καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ὁ ἐπίσκοπος χριέτω τοὺς βαπτισθέντας τῷ μύρῳ. AC 3, 16, 2–4. 61 Mueller (2006), 85–87 describes profoundly the post-baptismal chrismation in AC. 62 According to FitzGerald (1998, 21), in AC baptism is a public occasion because the whole community participate in it. To be precise, in the instructions concerning the baptismal rite there is no mention about its public nature. Probably the public character of the rite was self-evident, so the compiler thought it as unnecessary to mention it. – In AC 7, 42 the candidate is anointed for first time with a blessing, which has been given word for word. The anointing is the very point at which the diverse commandments in AC 3 and 7 come together. Unlike in the instructions of the third book, in AC 7, 42, 1 it is not stated who anoints the candidate. There is no mention about whether the head or the whole body is anointed either. The anointing might be equivalent either to the enlightening in AC 3, 16, 2 or to the anointing of the head in v. 4. In the instruction in AC 7, 44 and 45, the bishop comes to the water after the anointing and praying aloud

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

The female deacon is needed in phase 1, in the enlightening (ἐν τῷ φωτίζεσθαι), which means pre-baptismal anointing. The male deacon anoints the head and the female deacon the rest of the body. If the catechumen is a man, the male deacon anoints his body. The compiler argues for female deacons by stating that it is not a proper custom to mix the sexes so that a female deacon anoints a male body and vice versa. The compiler does not justify the presence of a female deacon in more detail. From my viewpoint, the avoidance of mixing the sexes is in connection with the practical need for preserving the modesty of catechumens. Furthermore, in AC 8, 28, 6 the female deacons are instructed to attend the baptism of women ‘for the sake of decency’ (διὰ τὸ εὐπρεπές). This statement refers to modest behaviour, but also includes the idea of estimating propriety from the viewpoint of the order of the church (see Chapters 5.a.2 and 5.a.3).63 The need for decency reflects an arrangement in which the baptismal candidates, whether male or female, are nude throughout the rite. However, the reality was probably more complicated: The need for nudity refers to only one specific moment. In the enlightening, the candidate must be undressed, because anointing the whole body would not be possible if dressed. For that reason, the female deacon is instructed baptizes the candidate ‘in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost’ (cf. AC 6, 15, 1; AC 8, 47; AC 8, 49–50). Then bishop anoints him or her with prayer. After that the newly baptized rises up and pronounces ‘that prayer which Lord has taught to us,’ which means the Lord’s Prayer, I think. In outline, the instructions in AC 7 seem to suit well with those analysed above. The only questionable thing is the first anointing. Does it refer to the enlightening in AC 3, 16, 2 or not? If not, the enlightening is not mentioned at all in the instructions of AC 7. Because there is no mention of female deacons in those instructions given in AC 7, there is no need to treat the verses more closely. 63 See Martimort (1986), 62 and Madigan & Osiek (2005), 110. In the preceding centuries, the distinction between anointing the head and the rest of the body was made solely in the case of women, the same man anointing both the head and the body of a male candidate. In the fourth century, however, the distinction became a standard practice, and concerned both female and male candidates. This kind of distinction is made in AC 3, 16 as well. Bradshaw (2012), 642–43. – Compared to earlier texts, in AC there is no longer an alternative according to which, if there is no female deacon available, any woman, or even the minister of the sacrament himself, could anoint the body of a woman. This seems to show that the female deacons had become widespread enough in the milieu to which the compiler of AC has addressed the document. See Gryson (1976), 61. – In AC 7, 42 a bishop (here actually Old Testamentally ‘the high priest’) is instructed to call upon the Triune God to sanctify the oil that is used in the pre-baptismal anointing. The prayer is preceded by an instruction (AC 7, 41) in which the baptismal candidate first renounces Satan and all the things which are like him, and then adheres to Christ and his works. – John Chrysostom thinks that the both pre-baptismal anointings are performed by the bishop. Chrysostom seems to think that the anointing of the head takes place on an earlier day than the anointing the rest of the body. Bradshaw (2012), 643.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

to anoint the rest of a female body after the male deacon has anointed her head. After that, the candidate presumably dresses again, since it would not be honourable for the naked female candidates to be seen by the bishop. A little later, the bishop is instructed to anoint only the head of the candidate, regardless of gender, who was therefore still clothed at this point.64 Madigan and Osiek show that the instruction under consideration is based on DA 16.65 Unlike the compiler of AC, the author of DA envisages a potential case in which there is no female deacon who would be qualified to anoint the body of a female candidate.66 According to DA, any woman or the bishop is permitted to anoint the body of a woman.67 The alteration might be in connection with the increasing number of the female deacons during the third and fourth centuries in the Eastern parts of the Church (see Chapter 4.a).68 The compiler of AC thinks that there is a need to name particular women to carry out the task during the baptismal rite (AC 3, 16, 2). He chooses the female deacons to be responsible for it. Furthermore, the considered need for female deacons in AC 3, 16, 1 resembles the need to choose the seven men to be responsible for daily distribution of food (ἐν τῇ διακονίᾳ τῇ καθημερινῇ) in Acts of the Apostles 6. Martimort compares the pre-baptismal anointing in AC (phase 1) to DA. He concludes that the instructions are given in a more complex way in AC. In DA, the author simply instructs a deacon to anoint the forehead only. The author does not mention anointing the rest of the body.69 I think the compiler of AC is able to offer more detailed instructions because he calls the female deacons to be present during the baptism of female candidates. Martimort concludes that in AC the female deacons are so firmly established ‘that it is no longer necessary either to justify her presence or to provide for an appropriate substitute for her in case 64 The Acts of Judas Thomas and DA, both from the third century, reveal that after the first anointing the outer garments of the female candidates are replaced by a linen undergarment. The candidates apparently continued to wear it to the end of the rite. Bradshaw (2012), 642–43. 65 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 111. See also Bradshaw (2012), 642. 66 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 112. 67 Gryson (1976), 61. Likewise, in the pre-baptismal anointing described in the Acts of Thomas, the apostle anoints the head of the female candidate and then another woman anoints the rest of her body. Bradshaw (2012), 643. 68 See also Gryson (1976), 61. 69 Martimort (1986), 62.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

of her absence.’70 Martimort might be right, but still makes descriptive conclusions that are based on a prescriptive document. The pre-baptismal instruction does not necessarily describe the ongoing situation or the development during recent decades. Equally, the instruction might just reflect the compiler’s desires for the future. In phase 3, the bishop anoints the head of the catechumen with holy oil. The compiler regards this anointing as the equivalent of the anointings of kings and priests in OT. In OT, kings and priests are anointed when they are installed (see e.g. Ex 29:7, 40:13–15 and 1 Kgs 19:15–16). Bradshaw thinks that the equivalence is an ‘idiosyncratic rationalization’ that is occasioned by the practical need for it to be separated from the pre-baptismal anointing in the rite.71 From my viewpoint, the compiler of AC uses OT examples as σκοποί, which gives him a reason to follow the custom of anointing in the contemporary congregation (see Chapter 3.c.4.a). Additionally, in the instructions the compiler names identical changes of the baptismal candidate that result from baptism. In AC they are manifoldly coloured with images taken from OT. The compiler declares that once they were not people of God, but now they are loved and chosen.72 He also calls the baptized ‘holy nation’. Through baptism candidates who were not of Jewish parentage and therefore had not been chosen by God since birth, are taken to be a part of God’s chosen people. The reference indicates the compiler’s dichotomous attitude to his Jewish neighbours. On one hand, he thinks that the Christian faith is fundamentally distinct from the Jewish faith. On the other hand, however, he bases his argumentation clearly on OT that is a common heritage with the Jews. The female deacon is instructed to receive the baptized woman when she emerges out of the water in phase 5. The deacon is probably not thought to come into the water with the candidate, but to stand nearby. After the washing she is hence ready to receive the candidate for drying. The prescribed custom indicates that the baptism is conducted in a Martimort (1986), 62. Bradshaw (2012), 643. Bradshaw makes this conclusion based on the instruction in DA. Additionally, he writes that the equivalence between the anointing and OT kings and priests is ‘certainly not found elsewhere in later eastern rites’ Bradshaw (2012), 643. I do not agree with him. I think in AC the equivalence that seems to be based on the instruction in DA is clear. 72 οἵ ποτε οὐ λαός, νῦν δὲ ἠγαπημένοι καὶ ἐκλεκτοί AC 3,  16,  3. The word λαός may refer to both ‘people’ in general and also particularly to Israel as people of God, Church, community, and Israelite or Christian laity. Lampe (1961), 792–93. 70 71

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place which is built particularly for baptismal purposes. These kinds of physical structures, called baptisteries, were constructed during the early Christian centuries. They were built according to the Jewish example, who held their ritual in a pool called miqveh. The compiler himself gives no instructions about the deacon’s position or the building in AC, so we cannot know for sure. However, the demonstrated interaction between Jewish and Christian influences during the early Christian centuries makes it possible that there can be some congruence in the initiation rites between AC and the Jewish tradition.73 In DA, the female deacon is also instructed to catechize the woman after her baptism.74 The author prescribes that the female deacon should receive women when they emerge out of the water and instruct them about keeping the seal of baptism unsullied in purity and holiness.75 In neither the instructions of AC 3, 16 nor in AC 7, 40–44 does the compiler give that kind of hint. In AC, the female deacons are commanded only to receive the woman. Why has he omitted the previous commandment to teach when remoulding his source? He might have regarded teaching as such a self-evident part of the rite that it was not necessary to repeat the commandment in AC. However, a more reliable reason lies in AC 3, 6, 1 (see Chapter 5.a.1). Here the compiler prohibits women from teaching. Probably, despite the mosaic character of the document, the compiler is being coherent here: Because he gives the prohibition to teach a liturgical context in AC 3, 6, 1, this also applies to teaching during the baptismal rite and hence the instruction of DA is omitted in AC 3, 16.76 73 Brandt (2011), 1587–88. See also Wijingaards (2011), 82–83. The Jewish purifying ritual was held in a miqveh. The people went to the pool to have a dip in which the whole body, from the toes to the top of the head, went under water. That ritual has unquestionably functioned as an example to the early Christians, when they created the classical form of baptisteries. Dissimilar to miqveh, it would be impossible to sink the whole body of an adult under water in the baptistery. Archaeological evidence shows that, at least during the first Christian centuries, the custom has undergone some changes. Both Didache and Hippolytus prefer running water to be used in the baptism. Laato (2008), 90–91. See also Brandt (2011), 1589–90 and Väisänen (2000), 333–34. The purifying rituals of the early Jews were based on the Mosaic law that commands the Israelites to bathe with water (see e.g. Num 19). According to the rabbinic interpretation, Ezek 36:25 validates the purification ritual in miqveh. The verse refers to the covenant God establishes between him and the Israelite nation. See Laato (2008), 82. 74 Martimort (1986), 62. 75 Gryson (1976), 61. 76 See also Gryson (1976), 61.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

At the end of the instruction under consideration the compiler compares baptism with a seal which has to remain unbroken. Unlike the author of DA, the compiler does not seem to associate the seal with teaching. The unbrokenness is assured, if the baptism is a harbinger of modesty. I think the compiler refers implicitly to 2 Cor 1:21–22, in which the anointing is presented as a seal: ‘Now it is God who makes both us and you stand firm in Christ. He anointed us, set his seal of ownership on us, and put his Spirit in our hearts as a deposit, guaranteeing what is to come.’ Hence, the compiler interprets the seal as a sign which God has given. The seal indicates the covenant which God has made with Man through baptism.77 Respectively the compiler compares the seal with the cross of the Christ in AC 3, 17, 1. After giving instructions on the custom of the baptismal rite, the compiler declares the dogmatic reasons in the background of the rite. He compares its phases with biblical figures. For example, he declares that the candidate is baptized into the death of the Son. The immersion in the water means dying together with him. Likewise, the emerging out of the water signifies rising again with him (AC 3, 17, see also AC 7, 22). To me it seems that the compiler defines the meaning of baptism similarly with Paul in Romans 6: ‘Or don’t you know that all of us who were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death? We were therefore buried with him through baptism into death in order that, just as Christ was raised from the dead through the glory of the Father, we too may live a new life.’78 According to the compiler, the different phases of the baptismal rite in AC 3, 16 signify the different phases in the process described by Paul in Romans 6. Finally, both female and male deacons are instructed to play a responsible role when a woman is being baptized. Their task is to assist the bishop during the rite. A male deacon anoints the forehead of the baptismal candidate. A female deacon anoints her body and receives her when she emerges out of the water. The role of deacons as assistants during the rite match well with the reinterpreted διάκονος described in Chapter 4.a.1. The bishop is in a leading position during the rite and the deacons co-operate with him. I think their co-operation is in connection with the task of ὑπηρεσία that is assigned to the female deacons in AC 3, 19. The meaning of the word is discussed more fully in Chapter 6.c.4. See also Laato (2008), 83. Rom 6:3–4.

77 78

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5.c. Function in the Assembly In Chapter 5.c, our primary interest is the tasks that the compiler assigns to the female deacons in the context of liturgical assemblies. To gain a better understanding of these tasks, we also need to study the setting in which the gathering is organized. We also consider two metaphors through which the compiler describes the role of the female deacons in the liturgical context. According to the analogies, they function in the role of Levites and in the place of the Holy Spirit. The former analogy, especially, gives a multidimensional picture of female deacons carrying out their tasks in the assemblies: They can be regarded as ‘Levites’ both by way of subject and object.

5.c.1. Frame of the Assembly In AC, the compiler gives a detailed description of the arrangement of an ideal liturgy in the congregation. He also prescribes the outer setting of the assembly. A glance at the prescription makes it possible for us to consider the tasks and role of the female deacons in the assembly. The compiler instructs the faithful to assemble together every day, both in the morning and evening, but especially on the Sabbath (AC 2,  36,  6; AC 2,  59,  1, see also Chapter 3.c.3).79 The church building that the compiler literally calls a house (ὁ οἶκος), has to be like a ship: long and directed to the East. Both of its sacristies (in OT, the priest’s quarters) have to be in the Eastern gable of the building (AC 2, 57, 3). The bishop’s throne stands in the middle. The presbyters sit on both sides of him and the male deacons stand conveniently beside them (AC 2, 57, 4). The female deacons are placed in the entrances for women (AC 2, 57, 10).80

See also Rouwhorst (1997), 81. When the compiler compares the liturgical community to a well-ordered ship, he expands the comparison already made in DA. See Rahner (1964), 309. – Young (2012), 113 has pointed out that, from a sociological viewpoint the church identifies itself atypically compared with other ‘religious clubs’ from that time. She says that the description of a church in AC 2, 57 reinforces ‘the oddities’: The place of worship was not seen as a palace for gods served by priests, with people remaining in the outside courts. On the contrary, the church is likened to a ship and a sheepfold. There can be seen the sense of a community which has distanced itself from common religious practices. 79

80

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4

4

1 2 3

3

3

3

E 9

9

5 6 8 7

9

9

9

Figure 5.1. The plan of a typical ancient Syrian church. 1. Altar

2. Sanctuary

3. Pillars of Screen

4. Pastopborion

5. Bema

6. Ambo

7. Bishop’s Throne

8. Presbyter’s Seats

9. Doors (separately some for men and others for women)

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The description in AC matches the typical Syrian church plan that Grisbrooke originally illustrated.81 The numbers in Figure 5.1 indicate the different sections in the church building. The place of the female deacons is next to the doors at number 9 in the picture. Where is the other people in the assembly? The compiler expects the church building to comprise places for men as well as women. They have separate doors to enter the church. Likewise, they are instructed to settle themselves in separate places in the building according to gender. The compiler instructs the women to sit by themselves. He emphasizes that both the lay men and women have to be in good order and in silence (AC 2, 57, 4). The instructions in AC match its cultural context. The sexes did not mix freely in public, so mixed-gender assemblies in the church buildings were not proper. Berger writes that gender differences were a natural part of the early Christian liturgy. They are ‘as fundamental an ingredient of past liturgical life as are the ancient languages of Christian liturgy.’82 The cultural context also comes out in the tasks assigned to the female deacons in the liturgical assembly. Next we discover why they are placed in the entrances for women. What kind of a role do they play during the assembly?

5.c.2. Tasks in the Assembly The female deacons are mentioned among those who undertake a specific charge during the liturgical assembly.83 The compiler gives female deacons various tasks which are timed chiefly at the beginning of the assembly. Because the Christians are instructed to gather every day, these tasks are probably meant to be daily. The first task is highlighted when the compiler gives instructions about arriving at the church building. Here, the male and female deacons have parallel tasks. Firstly, the male deacons are instructed to organize a place for every man who enters the building. The female deacons have to do the same for every woman. Grisbrooke (1990), 12. Grisbrooke has not, however, made a division between the doors for men and women. – In this study, I cannot take a stand on the validity of the plan that Grisbrooke has illustrated. I have chosen to use that to demonstrate the description made by the compiler in AC. – For more about the architecture in the fourth century Syrian churches, see Loosley (2012). 82 Berger (2013), 162–63. However, the study of ancient synagogues has produced divergent evidence. Archaeological excavations have shown that the existence of a separate area for women is not demonstrable. See Eisen (2000), 17. 83 Metzger (1986), 55–56. 81

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But if there is not a place, the male deacon raises the person who has recently arrived and makes him to sit down with speech, but not with anger. It is righteous for those who show brotherly love to give up their place spontaneously. But if he refuses, the male deacon raises him by compulsion, places him behind all the others, so that he learns to give his place to honoured persons in turn. If a poor person or an ignoble person or a foreigner, whether aged or young, comes and if there is not any place at hand, the male deacon, with all his heart, provides him a place, for there is no partiality, but his service is well-pleasing to God. The female deacon does this for poor or rich women, who come to her.84

I think the compiler assumes that the deacons are only needed occasionally. When the building is so full of people that somebody cannot find a place, they have to help. The deacons do not place all the people systematically one after another. A similar instruction is written in DA 12. In it, the bishop sees to the seating of the poor person – even if he must sit on the floor himself. The female deacons are not mentioned at all in this paragraph. In AC, on the other hand, the compiler redirects the responsibility from the bishop to both male and female deacons. From the viewpoint of reinterpreted διάκονος, the difference is understandable. The task in question had previously, i.e. in DA, belonged to the bishop. Because the deacons are thought to be agents of the bishop, they are able to do some tasks that belong to him. From this it follows, I think, that in AC the deacons assist the bishop by doing tasks that could belong to him. Compared to DA, the compiler of AC also elaborates the commandment by adding the poor and the rich into the instruction that concerns female deacons.85 From my viewpoint, the letter of James has inspired the compiler in this passage. James instructs them to give a good place to everyone who 84 Εἰ δὲ τόπος οὐκ ἔστιν, ὁ διάκονος, τὸν μᾶλλον νεώτερον ἐγείρας μετὰ λόγου, ἀλλὰ μὴ μετ᾿ ὀργῆς, ἐκεῖνον καθισάτω · δίκαιον δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὸν φιλάδελφον ποιῆσαι · ἐὰν δὲ ἀνανεύῃ, ἐγείρας αὐτὸν ἀναγκαστῶς, ὀπίσω πάντων στῆσον, ἵνα παιδευθῶσιν καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ἀντιπαραχωρεῖν τοῖς ἐντιμοτέροις. Εἰ δὲ πτωχὸς ἢ ἀγενὴς ἢ ξένος ἐπέλθοι πρεσβύτης ἢ νέος τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ τόπος οὐχ ὑπάρχει, τούτοις τόπον ποιήσει ἐξ ὅλης τῆς καρδίας αὐτοῦ ὁ διάκονος, ἵνα μὴ πρὸς ἄνθρωπον αὐτοῦ γένηται ἡ προσωπόληψις, ἀλλὰ πρὸς Θεὸν ἡ διακονία εὐάρεστος. Τὸ αὐτὸ ποιείτω καὶ ἡ διάκονος ταῖς ἐπερχομέναις γυναιξὶν πτωχαῖς ἤτοι πλουσίαις. AC 2, 58, 5–6. 85 See Madigan & Osiek (2005), 108. Gryson (1976), 61 states that the female deacons’ task is to welcome women to liturgical assemblies. I think that the compiler does not explicitly instruct in this way. AC only gives a command concerning what happens if a woman cannot find a place.

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

comes into the assembly. It is insignificant whether the person is poor or rich. Hence, James demands equality among the people. My brothers and sisters, believers in our glorious Lord Jesus Christ must not show favouritism. Suppose a man comes into your meeting wearing a gold ring and fine clothes, and a poor man in filthy old clothes also comes in. If you show special attention to the man wearing fine clothes and say, ‘Here’s a good seat for you,’ but say to the poor man, ‘You stand there’ or ‘Sit on the floor by my feet,’ have you not discriminated among yourselves and become judges with evil thoughts?86

In AC, both the male and female deacons are ordered to be responsible for their corresponding task. Like James, the compiler of AC stresses the demand for equality: ‘…so that he doesn’t look at the person, but pleasing God does the service (AC 2, 58, 6).’ Special regard for the poor, which comes out in the instruction concerning placing arrangements, is traditional. It has its origin in OT which contains more legal and prophetic material about the poor and the powerless than any other societal problem.87 However, in the instruction under consideration, the focus is not specifically on helping the poor. The female deacons are instructed to find a place for women, whether they are poor or rich. There is, therefore, an inner demand for equal treatment in the community. Additionally, the commandment can be treated as an indication of hospitality, about which the compiler has ideals from OT and Jewish tradition.88 The second task comes out in the instruction that concerns the place of the female deacon herself. The deacons have to be settled in certain places in the building. As far as female deacons are concerned, the compiler instructs them as follows: ‘The doorkeepers stand at the entrances for the men guarding them, and the female deacons at the entrances for the women, like stewards. Namely in the tabernacle of testimony the same pattern was followed.’89 The doorkeepers, in other words ‘the porters’, are instructed to stand at the men’s entrance. Respectively, the female deacons settle themselves Jas 2:1–4. Engelbrecht (2009), 1486. 88 Müller (1999), 384. 89 Στηκέτωσαν δὲ οἱ μὲν πυλωροὶ εἰς τὰς εἰσόδους τῶν ἀνδρῶν φυλάσσοντες αὐτάς, αἱ δὲ διάκονοι εἰς τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν, δίκην ναυστολόγων· καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ μαρτυρίου ὁ αὐτὸς παρηκολούθει τύπος. AC 2, 57, 10. No similar verse can be found in DA. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 108. 86 87

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at the doors for the women (see Figure 5.1). Both have to monitor the people who enter the building. The purpose of standing at the entrances seems to be to watch over them. Women are to be guarded by the female deacons. Unlike the female deacons and unlike the instruction concerning placing arrangements, the male deacons are not instructed to guard the doors. Evidently, they are occupied with other responsibilities and hence are not able to carry out this task.90 The female deacons and doorkeepers are instructed to stand at the entrances of the building like stewards (ναυστολόγων). Originally, the Greek noun meant a ship’s steward, someone who assigned passengers their places and directed them. Thus, among the ancient Christians, the word began to be used metaphorically about catechists in a comparison of the Church with a ship. In AC 2, 57 the usage is metaphorical as well. In this case, however, it is used about the people who show others to their places in the building, which is perceived as a ship.91 Apparently, the same task is assigned to the deacons (τοῖς διακόνοις) also elsewhere, when the compiler begins to give instructions about the assembly (AC 2, 57, 4). Here the deacons are called mariners, those who prepare the places for the passengers in the building, which, as we noted, is perceived as a ship. Although the noun οἱ διάκονοι in AC customarily refers to the male deacons, here it might also include subdeacons and female deacons as well. The compiler seems to understand the deacons in general as mariners of the church ship. Hence, the etymology of the verb ὑπηρετέω provides an indirect link to the task as well (see Chapter 6.c.4). A similar biblical typology exists in the text of Pseudo-Ignatius of Antioch, who compares the female deacons with the women guardians of the holy doors.92 Also, the compiler of AC describes the task of female deacon by referring to the pattern in the tabernacle of testimony. The same description appears in Book 8, in her so-called ordination prayer See Maxwell (2006), 79–80. Madigan and Osiek (2005), 108 interpret that, in both cases, the porters and female deacons, consequently men and women, see ‘those entering are in proper attire and good order.’ This kind of instruction has not been given in AC, so they draw this conclusion by themselves. The male deacon, on the other hand, is instructed in AC 2, 57, 11–13 to keep an eye on the conduct of the people. 91 Lampe (1961), 899. According to Lampe (1961), 899, the usage in AC concerns only the female deacons, not porters. I think it is impossible to ascertain whether the insertion δίκην ναυστολόγων embodies just the female deacons or the porters as well. 92 See Martimort (1986), 64. According to Martimort (1986), Pseudo-Ignatius has been supposed to be the author of AC as well. In DA, instead, the (male) deacons are instructed to check the credentials of visiting women. They have to ascertain whether the women are Christian or heretical widows. Methuen (1995), 203. This kind of instruction is not mentioned in AC. 90

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(Chapter 4.b.2): ‘… who in the tabernacle of testimony and the temple appointed a guardianship for Your holy gateway…’93 The plea at the end of the prayer ‘in order to worthily perform her work to Your glory and Your Christ’s praise’ refers to the task of guarding as well, because the verb ‘perform’ (ἐπιτελέω) used by the compiler here, appears in patristic texts in the context of Christian liturgy. The plea implies that the guardian is doing her task in front of God and is therefore accountable to the Father and the Son.94 The female deacons are consequently paralleled with the guardians in the tabernacle of testimony and the temple. According to OT, there were some anonymous women at the entrances. They have been mentioned in Exodus: ‘This one made the bronze washbasin and its bronze base from the mirrors of the women who fasted, who fasted by the doors of the tent of witness, in the day he pitched it.’95 The compiler uses the method of σκοπός here. The biblical women are described as an argumentation for the task of the female deacons in AC. The idea of abstinence links the women who fasted by the doors of the tent of witness with the female deacons in AC. The compiler of AC thinks that the women guarded the doors of the tent of witness. Hence, he parallels their task with the tasks of the female deacons in the liturgical assembly in AC.96 Standing at the entrances enables the deacons to find proper places for people arriving.97 However, there is also at least one other reason for 93 …ὁ καὶ ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ μαρτυρίου καὶ ἐν τῷ ναῷ προχειρισάμενος τὰς φρουρὰς τῶν ἁγίων σου πυλῶν… AC 8, 20, 1. For more about the prayer, see Chapter 4.b.2. 94 τὸ ἐγχειρισθὲν αὐτῇ ἔργον εἰς δόξαν σὴν καὶ ἔπαινον τοῦ Χριστοῦ σου. AC 8, 20, 2. See also Lampe (1961), 537. 95 Exod 38:26. 96 In MT, the women in question are mentioned twice: in Exodus and 1 Samuel. The women are seen in a different light compared to LXX. In Exod 38:8, they are told to serve at the entrance: ‘They made the bronze basin and its bronze stand from the mirrors of the women who served at the entrance to the tent of meeting.’ In 1 Sam 2:22, however, Eli’s sons are said to have slept with the women: ‘Now Eli, who was very old, heard about everything his sons were doing to all Israel and how they slept with the women who served at the entrance to the tent of meeting.’ The mention does not have a parallel in LXX. Unfortunately, neither the verse in LXX nor the verses in MT reveal any more details. They do not tell us about their work or who the women were. Women were not able to serve as priests or Levites themselves in the tabernacle, but they apparently assisted the male ones. Engelbrecht (2009), 228. Martimort (1986), 70 is ignorant of the verses and consequently falsely states that nowhere in the Scripture ‘it is indicated that women ever functioned as guardians of the doors of the Temple.’ 97 Metzger (1986), 55–56 points out that standing at the entrance is the only function of the female deacon which is mentioned in the ordination prayer (AC 8, 20, 1). It also includes a review of foreign guests (AC 2, 58, 6).

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their standing by the doors. In Book 8, some deacons are told to stand at the entrances also during the liturgy, at the beginning of the Eucharistic offering: ‘The subdeacons stand at the door of men and the female deacons at those of women, in order that nobody would go out and open the door, even he would be faithful, at the time of anaphora.’98 Considered from the perspective of the course of liturgy, this instruction is put after the instructions concerning universal prayer, linked with the preparation for the offering. The female deacons are commanded to guard the doors after the kiss of peace and before the washing of hands. The compiler implies that the women have to stand at the doors only at the moment when the anaphora is read out. Hence, they have to take their positions at the very beginning of the liturgy and again during one part of it (AC 8, 10–11).99 Why do the female deacons have to stand at the doors at the time of anaphora? I think they have to control the people who receive the Holy Communion. A little earlier in the liturgical instruction, the male deacon has been commanded to tell the catechumens (οἱ κατηχούμενοι) as well as the baptized Christians who are victims of demonic possessions (οἱ ἐνεργούμενοι), to go out (AC 8,  6,  14; AC 8,  7,  9).100 This happens before the universal prayer and the preparation for the Eucharistic of98 Οἱ δὲ ὑποδιάκονοι ἱστάσθωσαν εἰς τὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν θύρας καὶ αἱ διάκονοι εἰς τὰς τῶν γυναικῶν, ὅπως μή τις ἐξέλθοι μήτε ἀνοιχθείη ἡ θύρα, κἂν πιστός τις ᾖ, κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἀναφορᾶς. AC 8, 11, 11. Concerning the deacons instructed in AC 8, 11, 11, there are some formulational differences in the manuscripts: Manuscript n speaks about διάκονοι, whereas h and m about ὑποδιάκονοι. This indicates that the manuscript tradition has undergone some changes. The concordance of the manuscripts supports preferring the formulation in manuscripts d and s, and consequently διάκονοι is more original. Additionally, the article which is used in the manuscripts with διάκονοι is οἱ. However, according to the editor, the context results in substituting it with feminine αἱ while interpreting. Metzger (1987), 176. The differences between the manuscripts seem to have caused further dissonances between the translated editions of AC. Olson refers to v. AC 8, 11, 11 and states that in Book 8 it is the subdeacons rather than the female deacons who are to stand at the women’s doors. Olson has used Donaldson’s English edition of AC as the basis for her analysis. According to Donaldson, there were subdeacons guarding women’s doors. Donaldson agrees with Funk. Consequently, the distinction visibly arises from the observed differences in the editions. See Olson (2005), 58; Donaldson (1886), 486; Funk (1891), 174. In the verse the female deacons and subdeacons have parallel tasks of guarding the doors. In the beginning of the liturgy, the compiler instructs ‘the doorkeepers’, instead, to guard the doors of men. To me it is unclear, whether the compiler refers to the same or different group of people. Probably the doorkeepers are used as a synonym for ‘the subdeacons’ in this context. 99 See also Metzger (1987), 82–83 and Elert (2013), 95–96, who expounds the kiss of peace. 100 Metzger (1986), 157.

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fering. It seems that those who guarded the doors ensured that only the right people would be present when the Eucharist was celebrated. Contrary to the previous parts of the liturgy, the Eucharist was not open to everyone, but only to baptized Christians.101 Werner Elert thinks that the reason for restricting the participation followed from the conception already known in OT: The holy has to be segregated from the profane. Therefore, only baptized Christians were thought to be able, that means holy enough, to take part in the Holy Communion.102 Compared to the instruction that the compiler makes concerning the beginning of the liturgy, there is much parallelism, but still terminological variability. The compiler uses the term ‘entrance’ (τὰς εἰσόδους) while writing about the guarding at the beginning of the liturgy as the term for ‘door’ (τὰς θύρας) in the context of Eucharistic offering. I think he is referring to similar entrances and tasks, but the conceptualization is not coherent. The function of standing at the door is repeated once more in the eighth book of AC: ‘The female deacon does not bless, […] but she is to guard the doors.’103 This time the compiler uses the term ‘door’ again. Therefore, if the compiler has chosen the words consistently, he seems to refer to the time of anaphora here. Hence, he seems to emphasize that the female deacon should not perform the blessing, but rather watch over the doors when the blessing is being made. By so doing she assists the bishop, who is the leader of the liturgy of the Eucharist (AC 8, 12).104 We have now unearthed the tasks that the compiler assigns to the female deacon in the context of liturgical assembly. I think she can be understood as an agent of the bishop here as well. The compiler prescribes the bishop as the leader of the assembly (AC 2, 57, 2). Other people commanded to carry out tasks in the liturgy can be defined as his agents.

Hällström & Laato (2005), 250. See also Elert (2013), 91. Elert (2013), 92. 103 Διακόνισσα οὐκ εὐλογεῖ, […] ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοῦ ϕυλάττειν τὰς θύρας. AC 8, 28, 6. Corresponding instruction cannot be found in DA. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115. 104 During the Eucharist, the female deacons are mentioned as a distinct group. They are instructed to receive Holy Communion as the first women after the men. AC 8, 13, 14. See also Reininger (1999), 105. After the Eucharist, the male deacons are instructed to clear the remains of the elements away (AC 8, 12, 3; AC 8, 13, 15–17). The elements, which have not been consecrated, are instructed to be distributed as following: four parts to the bishop, three parts to presbyters, two to the male deacons and, finally, one to the subdeacons, lectors, singers – and female deacons. AC 8, 31, 3. See also Doens (1962), 35–36, Metzger (1987), 235 and Di Berardino (2014), 866. 101

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They all, including the female deacons, have a common purpose. They still act in subordinate position to the bishop. After considering the tasks of the female deacons in detail, it is reasonable to compare them with the tasks of the male deacons. Olson summarizes those tasks as follows:105 [Male] Deacons called for silence at Scripture readings; announced the stages of the service; directed everyone to kneel; dismissed the hearers after the sermon and the penitents, catechumens, and energumens after they had been prayed over and before the Eucharist; announced the kiss of peace with the rubric ‘Salute ye one another with the holy kiss’; brought the gifts to the bishop at the altar; stood beside the altar with fans to keep insects from the cups; partook of Communion after the bishop and presbyters but before the subdeacons, readers, singers, ascetics, deaconesses, virgins, widows, children, and the rest of the people, in that order; gave the cup, saying, ‘The blood of Christ, the cup of life’; and proclaimed the biddings of intercessions for prayer in the litanies, replacing the more primitive silent prayers. The [male] deacon addressed the congregation with the rubric ‘Let us pray,’ followed by petitions, which were interspersed with prayers addressed to God by the celebrant and congregation.106

In summary, we note that the male deacons have various tasks at the altar during the liturgy. They direct the people in many phases during the liturgy. They assist the bishop at the altar, and in the rite of the Holy Communion they distribute the sacramental wine. The male deacons also lead a prayer. Above, we have noted that the female deacons do not have comparable tasks. Hence, the tasks of the male and female deacons are only slightly parallel in the liturgical context. Both can be understood as intermediary agents of the bishop, who leads the assembly. They are also instructed to organize places for people, who come unto the assembly. Despite that, the female deacons collaborate mainly with the doorkeepers, who are instructed to stand at the entrances.107 For example, Eisen (2000), 14 states that the duties of the female deacons were not essentially different from those of the male deacons. 106 Olson (2005), 56. Cf.  Gryson (1976), 62. The summarized tasks of the male deacons in the context of liturgical assemblies come out in AC 8, 6–11; AC 8, 13–15; AC 8, 37–39, AC 8, 41. 107 On the one hand, the similar tasks of doorkeepers and female deacons at the entrances, and on the other, the similar tasks of female and male deacons in placing the people in the building make me wonder whether it is possible to interpret the ‘doorkeepers’ as a group of male deacons who are temporarily given a distinct title in the 105

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Finally, in recent decades scholars have disputed whether the role of the female deacons can be defined as ‘liturgical’. I  think the International Theological Commission reflects the discussion. They state that in AC, the female deacons are counted among those who exercised a liturgical ministry. On the other hand, however, they read AC as insisting that the female deacons should not have a liturgical function.108 Kyriaki Karidoyanes FitzGerald concludes that the female deacons exercise significant functions that are associated with liturgical services.109 According to Laura Swan, the female deacons hold a more official and liturgical place within the community compared with other women.110 Is the adjective ‘liturgical’ really the right choice of word to describe the role of the female deacon in AC? To find it out, we have to question how to define the adjective and what it is which makes a role ‘liturgical’. Generally speaking, everyone who has a task during the liturgy has a liturgical context. The topic would need more research, but it is outside the focus of this study. – I agree with Burtchaell (1992), 329, who writes that in the Christian communities there were no female elders or overseers, but women were prominent: ‘The men in the communities were not motivated by the new spirit to call women into community governance. But, again, it would be too formal and artificial to conclude that women counted for little.’ The role of women was especially significant in the earliest Christian generations. Burtchaell also suggests that it would be natural to reconstruct the role of early Christian deacons at worship by analogy with the tasks of ‫ חזן‬in synagogue rites. He lists the tasks of deacons in NT and they are strikingly in line with the results of Collins. Burtchaell does not, however, refer to Collins in his study. See Burtchaell (1992), 319. Because of the Jewish–Christian interaction in the context of AC, a comparison between the tasks of ‫ חזן‬and (male) deacons could be made by analyzing AC. This kind of analysis is not, however, within the limits of this study. 108 International Theological Commission (2004), Chapter II, IV. See also Chapter 1 in this study. 109 FitzGerald (1999), 22. According to FitzGerald (1999), 22, the female deacons exchange the kiss of peace with the women, guard the doors and keep the women in order to receive female visitors in the assembly. She regards the female deacon as ‘the leader of female segment of the congregation’. FitzGerald rightly lists the tasks of female deacons, even though the exchanging the kiss of peace is a task of all women. But the question is, whether the female deacon can be defined as a leader in the liturgical context or not. Considered from doctrinal viewpoint, I think she is not a leader. She does not affect the course of the liturgy, so she is not in a leading position among the whole congregation. Undoubtedly she still plays a public role as the only woman in the gathered group. The female deacons are allowed to watch out for other women during the liturgical assembly. When carrying out this task, I think, the female deacons can be defined as leaders, only if the leadership is considered from the viewpoint of group dynamics. In the liturgical context, the female deacons are social leaders among women, but they do not have a doctrinal position. 110 Swan (2001), 108. I deal with the question of the liturgical role of the female deacons in AC in Pylvänäinen (2017), 39–49.

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liturgical role. But the tasks assigned to the groups of people in AC are various. I think the function of the male deacon is self-evidently liturgical in the document. They have tasks which affect the course of the liturgy: They are, for instance, instructed to read Scripture and sing the Gradual between the Epistle and Gospel as well as to dismiss the people by saying ‘Depart in peace.’ The case of the female deacons is not that clear. Broadly speaking, they are not instructed to say anything in front of the people or do any other tasks at the altar, but nonetheless they still have some assisting tasks during the liturgy. Their absence from the altar could be interpreted as an absence from liturgical roles. Nonetheless, the position of the female deacons has been said to be more liturgical and official than that of the widows and virgins. This is partially true, because those other women do not have any specific tasks during the liturgy. However, I think that having some tasks during the liturgy does not automatically mean a specific liturgical role. The role of the female deacon cannot be called liturgical in the very sense of the word, because the female deacons do not affect the course of the liturgy.111 Madigan and Osiek think that in the document the female deacons do not have a sacramental role at the altar. In their view, some scholars too easily dismiss the absence at the altar as an absence from liturgical roles, because they do not distinguish between liturgical and sacramental.112 I think the distinction between liturgical and sacra111 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115; Olson (2005), 56. The liturgical role of presbyters is not a simple question either. This comes out firstly in AC 2, 57, 4–8. In v. 7 a presbyter or a deacon is commanded to read the Gospels. The presbyters must also call the people into silence when the Gospels are read. Likely the presbyter, who reads the Gospel, is placed in line with the readers. He stands ‘upon some high place’ (ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ τινος), when reading. The other presbyters sit on either side of the bishop’s throne. Here the presbyters have an important task during the liturgy, but they do not stand at the altar. In AC 8, 12, 3, instead, the presbyters are instructed to stand at the altar at the right and left hand of the bishop. It is not clear what they have to do. In v. AC 8, 11, 12, the compiler instructs ‘the priests’ (οἱ ἰερείοι) to wash their hands and a little further on in v. AC 8, 12, 4 they are instructed to pray with the bishop. It is not totally clear whether the word ‘priests’, refers to presbyters, but probable. In AC 2, 25, 3, the presbyters are said to be ‘your priests’. See Chapter 5.c.3. This is all the compiler instructs about them in the context of liturgy. Hence they are instructed to play only a small role during it. The liturgy seems to be a task mainly for the male deacons and the bishop. Despite that, I think, the presbyters play a liturgical role in it. They affect the course of the liturgy and stand at the altar. 112 See Madigan & Osiek (2005), 5. For example, Eisen (2000), 14 thinks that both the female and male deacons had sacramental functions in the early Christian communities. She concludes that taking communion to the sick and to pregnant women was a sacramental function assigned to female deacons. In AC, this kind of function does not exist at all. The female deacons are not instructed to take communion to anybody. Eisen consequently generalizes too much in her description.

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mental roles in AC is justifiable, because the sacraments, at least the Eucharist and Baptism, have been instructed separately from other liturgical assemblies in the document. These are the only rites that are both regularly perceived as sacraments, and in which in AC the female deacons are instructed to have a responsibility. From my viewpoint, ‘a sacramental role’ refers to a charge over a sacrament. In the rite of baptism, they are prohibited from doing the very act of washing. In this chapter, we saw that the female deacons did not have a role at the altar during the Eucharist. Consequently, their role cannot be defined as sacramental.

5.c.3. In the Role of Levites In AC, the compiler draws analogies between the female deacons and the tabernacle of the testimony as well as the Levites in AC. I  think it is impossible to give a watertight and all-encompassing explanation for the analogies, but I will consider some aspects here. As we already saw in Chapter 5.c.2, the compiler refers to the tabernacle of testimony when he argues for the tasks of the female deacons both in the liturgical assembly (AC 2, 57, 10) and in the so-called ordination prayer (AC 8, 20, 1–2). The reference to the tabernacle of testimony is a part of the reason why the compiler also draws an analogy between the female deacons and Levites in AC. In AC 2, 25, the compiler declares that the tabernacle of testimony, known in OT, is the prototype (τύπος) of the Church. The former is seen as the pattern of the latter at every point. Their relationship is an analogy, which accentuates the similarity between the ministries of the old and new covenants.113 Based on this understanding, the compiler draws various additional analogies between the worship in the tabernacle of testimony and the assembly of his congregation: Those, which were at that time sacrifices, are now prayers, entreaties and thanksgivings. Those, which were first-fruits, tenths, tributes and gifts, are now Christian sacrifice of worship and praying, which are brought through the holy bishops to the Lord God through Jesus Christ, who has died for them. For they are your high priests, presby-

ὃν τρόπον καὶ οἱ λευῖται οἱ λει τουργοῦντες τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ μαρτυρίου, ἥτις ἦν τύπος τῆς Ἐκκλησίας κατὰ πάντα. AC 2, 25, 5. See also Mueller (2004), 183–84. Because the compiler uses the word τύπος, the question is about analogies, not examples (σκοπός) here. See Chapter 3.c.4.a. 113

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ters are your priests and male deacons, readers, singers, door-keepers, female deacons, widows, virgins and orphans are your Levites.114

In this part of the analogy, each group of figures listed seems to be assigned a correspondence with some aspect of Israelite Temple service.115 The compiler puts bishops, presbyters, deacons and others into positions that correspond to the triad of the high priest, priests and Levites of OT. Those who in the era of the Old Covenant were called Levites, have various names under the new dispensation, including male deacons, readers, singers, door-keepers, female deacons, widows, virgins and orphans. Along with them, the sacrifices, firstfruits, tithes, offerings and donations of old have their counterparts in the life of the Church.116 The analogy has already been presented in DA.117 The compiler of AC seems to have thought that the tabernacle was in all things the prototype of the Church. Hence, he has made even more detailed analogical correlations. In DA, the author sees correspondence in two groups, between the high priest and priests as well as Levites. In AC, however, the compiler presents three positions: The bishop has remained in the position of the high priest, but the presbyters are assigned to position of the priests. The rest are grouped under the label of Levites. The compiler of AC has added the female deacons and some other categories of people that do not appear in DA to this category.118 In OT, Levites refers to the descendants of the patriarch Levi whom God appointed as workers in the tabernacle and temple. Their duties are 114 …αἱ τότε θυσίαι νῦν εὐχαὶ καὶ δεήσεις καὶ εὐχαριστίαι, αἱ τότε ἀπαρχαὶ καὶ δεκάται καὶ ἀφαιρέματα καὶ δῶρα νῦν προσφοραὶ αἱ διὰ τῶν ὁσίων ἐπισκόπων προσφερόμεναι Κυρίῳ τῷ Θεῷ διὰ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανόντος. Οὗτοι γὰρ ὑμῶν εἰσιν οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς· οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς ὑμῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ οἱ λευῖται ὑμῶν οἱ νῦν διάκονοι καὶ οἱ ἀναγινώσκοντες ὑμῖν καὶ οἱ ᾠδοὶ καὶ οἱ πυλωροί, αἱ διάκονοι ὑμῶν καὶ αἱ χῆραι καὶ αἱ παρθένοι καὶ οἱ ὀρφανοὶ ὑμῶν. AC 2, 26, 2–3. 115 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. This kind of a strict hierarchy resembles the hierarchical community structure recorded in Qumran. The strict hierarchy of Qumran, in which every priest, Levite and member has their own particular task, instead, resembles the system observed among Jewish temple priests. See Gärtner (1965), 8. Conclusively, it is possible that AC reflects the context of Jewish–Christian interaction here. The connection between AC and Qumran, however, needs much more profound study. 116 See Mueller (2004), 297. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107 claim that the first sentence in this section reflects a conscious claim to replace the religious structures of Israel. I think it is justifying rather than replacing the existent or advisable communal structure. 117 AC 2, 26, 3 is based on DA 9. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106. 118 Mueller (2004), 291–92. See also Martimort (1986), 61.

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presented in Numbers. They are inter alia responsible for keeping guard over the people who are ministering in the tabernacle and taking care of it. Levites are overseen by priests and the high priest (e.g. Num 1:50–53, 3:5–39; Exod 30:30; Lev 16:32–33). I think that the correspondence between the Levites and the female deacons in AC follows the description in OT as specifically presented in Numbers 18. In it, the Lord describes the role of Levites during the worship: And they shall keep your guard duties and the guard duties of the tent, but they shall not approach the holy furnishings and the altar, and both they and you shall not die. And they shall be added to you, and they shall keep the guard duties of the tent of witness, according to all the ministries of the tent, and no alien shall approach you. And you shall keep the guard duties of the holy things and the guard duties of the altar, and there shall not be wrath among the sons of Israel. And as for me, I  have taken your brothers the Leuites from the midst of Israel’s sons, as a gift given to the Lord, to minister in the ministries of the tent of witness. And you and your sons with you shall maintain your priestly office according to the whole manner of the altar and that which is within the veil. And you shall minister in the ministry as a gift of your priesthood, and the alien who comes near shall die.119

Why does the compiler of AC mention the female deacons among those who are associated with the Levites? Firstly, he draws an analogy between the role of Levites in the tabernacle of testimony and the tasks of the female deacons in the liturgical assembly. Hence, he describes the female deacons as subjects who have duties in the assembly corresponding with the Levites who carried out some tasks in the tabernacle. The analogy between the female deacons and Levites also shows that the compiler has the liturgical context in his mind when presenting the verses in AC 2, 26. The analogy asserts a correspondence between the triad priesthood of OT and the roles in the Church. Therefore, the compiler thinks that the life of the Church provides him with a key to interpret OT. At the same time, he uses OT to justify the institutional organization of the Church by showing that it has its origin in God’s will.120 Num 18:3–7. Mueller (2004), 186, 297–98. The compiler thinks that the Church can provide an interpretation of OT as key because Christ has fulfilled OT law. Mueller (2004), 298. 119

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Along with DA and AC, this kind of analogy is known elsewhere in early Christian literature. Turner points out that Ambrosiaster identified the three orders in the Jewish hierarchy with the three orders of the Christian ministry as did the compiler of AC when calling deacons Levites. Additionally, the converse use of ‘levita’ for deacon appears in writings from Pope Damasus and Ambrosius.121 According to Collins, in 1  Clement 40–42, (male) deacons are defined as nonpresbyteral liturgical assistants of presbyters. As in AC, διάκονος appears in connection with the Levites, and the passage is liturgical. Clement puts a case for the divine ordering of Christian cult. The word διάκονοι is applied to the ministrations of the Levites as part of the priestly liturgy.122 Actually, during the fourth century the word Levite, λευίτης, came to be synonymous with διάκονος.123 The analogy under consideration justifies the differentiation between the tasks. Different people have different tasks during the liturgy.124 Consequently, it has been interpreted that, through the analogy, the compiler indicates the hierarchy of the congregation.125 Mueller states that the compiler interprets the distinction between the high priest, the priests and the Levites in terms of submissive service. The relationships between them are seen as service in which the subject is responsible to his superior. The tasks, instead, are seen as ranks on a scale. As a result, for example, the Levites-deacons cannot accomplish a priestly task, that is to say, a task reserved to the bishop, who has authority over the deacons.126 Nevertheless, the compiler does not primarily refer to the different functions within the triad of the high priest, priests and Levites in AC 2, 25 and 26. In AC 8, 46, 6, instead, he reminds us of the separation between different functions inside OT priesthood. There the tasks of bishop, presbyters and male deacons have to be understood in the context of distinct and separate functions. But in AC 2, 25 his very focus is something other than giving a distinct prescription of their tasks during the liturgy.127 In AC 2, 26, 3 the compiler mentions people who have and do not have tasks during the liturgy. In the group of ‘your Levites’ he lists male Turner (1912), 510. Clement of Rome, Epistola I ad Corinthos 40–42; Collins (1990), 238–39. 123 Alikin (2010), 264 (note 49). 124 Mueller (2004), 297. 125 Metzger has subtitled the chapter ‘La hiérarchie de l’Église’ in his edition. Metzger (1985), 235. 126 Mueller (2004), 302. 127 Mueller (2004), 295–96. 121

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deacons, readers, singers, door-keepers, female deacons – but also widows, virgins and orphans. Hence, Mueller’s statement about ranked tasks is not wholly accurate. Why are the widows, virgins and orphans mentioned as members of the same group, then? The compiler seems not only to have had the clergy in his mind. Instead of having tasks during the liturgy, widows and orphans are thought to be rather the objects of Christian charity (see Chapter 6.a).128 Therefore, I think that the compiler does not primarily aim at constructing a general or liturgical, OTbased, hierarchy in the congregation of AC. The focus is more particular. He draws an analogy between OT and AC to enumerate the people who are allowed to live by way of the generosity of the faithful.129 The comparability between AC and OT is clear. During the wilderness wanderings, the tribe of Levi is said to have received a tithe of all the offerings. When the wanderers settled in the Promised Land, all tribes except Levites received a major land grant in the Israel area. The Levites made their living by teaching and guiding the Israelite people, and were allowed to eat a portion of most offerings (e.g. Num 18:8–32; Jos 21).130 Likewise, Mueller notes, according to the compiler of AC, some people in his congregation have the right to live on congregational property. Like the Levites, they live and work in the congregation. The same principle applies to them: the labourer deserves his wages. Because female deacons are mentioned in the groups that are analogous to Levites, they can be regarded as worthy of being supported by the congregation in the same way as their Old Testament examples.131 When the compiler allows some people to live on congregational property, he is also in line with his sources and the general custom during his time. In the second century, the number of communal gatherings in the Church had increased. This had led some people in the Church to engage themselves full time in its work. To earn their living, they received material support from the members of the congregation in which they were working. For example, AT and DA unanimously declare that the faithful have to support the clergy.132 Hence, the female deacons are considered as Levites from two viewpoints. The compiler of AC draws a detailed analogy between the Israel 130 131 132 128 129

See also Alikin (2010), 269–70. See Mueller (2004), 184 and Gryson (1976), 36. See also Engelbrecht (2009), 170. Mueller (2004), 182–83. Alikin (2010), 273–74.

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ite Temple service and Christian liturgical assembly by referring to the tabernacle of testimony. Because the female deacons have certain tasks in the assembly, they can be regarded as Levites. However, I concluded that the compiler’s primary aim is not to offer instructions about the liturgical roles in the congregation through the analogy. The compiler does not reveal anything about the female deacons’ tasks in detail. Instead, the compiler argues for and teaches them about who may be supported by the congregation. He draws an analogy between Levites, other OT figures, and the offerings made in the Old Covenant, and those who are permitted to get material support in his congregation. Consequently, the analogy shows that the female deacons are one group who are supported by the congregation. I will look at charity in AC more profoundly in Chapter 6.a. Before that, I analyse another analogy found in AC 2, 26.

5.c.4. In the Place of the Holy Spirit In AC 2, 26, the analogy studied in Chapter 5.c.3 follows another that is also worth considering. Like the preceding analogies, this one is very challenging to interpret thoroughly, so I aim to highlight only some aspects. The analogy reflects the compiler’s understanding of female deacons in the liturgical assembly and also reveals a task for them. It consists of a mixture of symbols taken from both the Old and the New Testament. At first, the bishop is compared with the Father. The male deacons are paralleled with Christ: But always superior to them is the high priest, the bishop. He is the minister of the Word, protector of knowledge, the mediator between God and us in the divine worship. He is the teacher of the pious, our father through God, who has been reborn of water and spirit for your adoption. He is your ruler and leader, king and dominator. He is your god on the Earth after God, who has the benefit to be honoured by you. Because God has said about him and those that are like him: ‘I have said: You are gods and sons of the Most High’ and ‘Your people does not have evil thoughts of the people of God’. So let the bishop settle before you like holy God is honoured, which way he rules over the clergy and is the leader of all laity. Let the male deacon assist him, like Christ assists the Father, and serve him in all blamelessly, like Christ, who does not do anything from himself, but always does what is pleasing to the Father.133 Ὁ δὲ τούτων πάντων ἀνώτερος ὁ ἀρχιερεύς ἐστιν, ὁ ἐπίσκοπος. Οὗτος λόγου διάκονος, γνώσεως φύλαξ, μεσίτης Θεοῦ καὶ ὑμῶν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν λατρείαις· 133

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Right after that the female deacons are analogized to the Holy Spirit: Let the female deacon be honoured by you as the image of the Holy Spirit, not uttering any sound or doing anything without the male deacon, like the Comforter does not do or say anything from himself, but giving honour to Christ waits for his will. And like there is no belief in Christ without the teaching of the Spirit, let a woman not to come to the male deacon or the bishop without a female deacon…134

The compiler continues the analogy by putting the presbyters into the place of the apostles. The widows and orphans are described as the altar of burnt-offering, the virgins the altar of incense and the incense itself. Hence, they are paralleled with the figures known in OT. Contrary to the metaphor of Levites, the readers, singers and door-keepers are not mentioned at all. The compiler of AC has not invented the analogy himself. Ignatius of Antioch, in his letters, presented a typology in which the bishop is the image of the Father, the deacon of Christ and the presbyters figure as the college of the apostles.135 The analogy has also been included in DA 9.136 There the bishop is comparable with God, the male deacon with Christ, the female deacon with the Holy Spirit and the presbyters to the οὗτος διδάσκαλος εὐσεβείας, οὗτος μετὰ Θεὸν πατὴρ ὑμῶν, δι᾿ ὕδατος καὶ πνεύματος ἀναγεννήσας ὑμᾶς εἰς υἱοθεσίαν· οὗτος ἄρχων καὶ ἡγούμενος ὑμῶν, οὗτος ὑμῶν βασιλεὺς καὶ δυνάστης, οὗτος ὑμῶν ἐπίγειος θεὸς μετὰ Θεὸν, ὃς ὀφείλει τῆς παρ᾿ ὑμῶν τιμῆς ἀπολαύειν. Περὶ γὰρ τούτου καὶ τῶν ὁμοίων αὐτοῦ ὁ Θεὸς ἔλεγεν· Ἐγὼ εἶπα· θεοί ἐστε καὶ υἱοὶ Ὑψίστου πάντες, καί· Θεοὺς τοῦ λαοῦ σου οὐ κακολογήσεις. Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἐπίσκοπος προκαθεζέ σθω ὑμῶν ὡς Θεοῦ ἀξίᾳ τετιμημένος, ᾗ κρατεῖ τοῦ κλήρου καὶ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς ἄρχει. Ὁ δὲ διάκονος τούτῳ παρι στάσθω ὡς ὁ Χριστὸς τῷ Πατρί, καὶ λειτουργείτω αὐτῷ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀμέμπτως, ὡς ὁ Χριστός, ἀφ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ ποιῶν οὐδέν, τὰ ἀρεστὰ ποιεῖ τῷ Πατρὶ πάντοτε. AC 2, 26, 4–5. 134 Ἡ δὲ διάκονος εἰς τύπον τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος τετιμήσθω ὑμῖν, μηδὲν ἄνευ τοῦ διακόνου φθεγγομένη ἢ πράττουσα, ὡς οὐδὲ ὁ παράκλητος ἀφ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ τι ποιεῖ ἢ λαλεῖ, ἀλλὰ δοξάζων τὸν Χριστὸν περιμένει τὸ ἐκείνου θέλημα· καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν εἰς τὸν Χριστὸν πιστεῦσαι ἄνευ τῆς τοῦ Πνεύματος διδασκα λίας, οὕτως ἄνευ τῆς διακόνου μηδεμία προσίτω γυνὴ τῷ διακόνῳ ἢ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ… AC 2,  26,  6. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. 135 Colson (1962), 23–24. Cf. Gryson (1976), 41; Collins (1990), 240, 243; Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. Both Ignatius of Antioch and Pseudo-Ignatius present the typology, see Ignatius of Antioch, To the Magnesians 6. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. – The origin of the analogy has been given competing interpretations in the research. According to Martimort (1986), 61 and Cardman (1999), 316, the schema orginated in DA. However, it was Ignatius who originally developed the model. See Methuen (1995), 202; Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. 136 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 106–07.

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apostles. The author of DA has, therefore, added the female deacons into the typology created by Ignatius. This idea is unusual and has not been widely developed.137 Corresponding to the previous analogy in AC 2, 26, the intention of the analogy here is typological as well. The compiler uses the noun τύπος when describing the female deacons as the image of the Holy Spirit. The typological character means that the compiler’s main focus is not on the biblical pneumatology, but rather on the prescribed liturgical life in the congregation. The biblical figures have here been used as media in presenting it.138 To understand the analogy as well as is possible, we need to look at the doctrinal conception of the Holy Spirit in the document (see also Chapter 3.a). The pneumatological doctrine was barely established in Antioch area when AC was compiled, because in the document the doctrine of the Holy Spirit is not congruent with that of the Council of Constantinople held in ad  381. According to AC, the Holy Spirit is a creature. This comes out most clearly in AC 8, 12, 8. Here the Holy Spirit is ranked among created beings – even if it is mentioned in the first place – before cherubim, seraphim and other celestial orders. The compiler uses similar language in one of the creeds (AC 6, 11, 2). In the 137 Gryson (1976), 41. Cf. Mueller (2004), 186–87, 294; Reininger (1999), 83–84; Metzger (1986), 55. See also Cardman (1999), 316; Cox Miller (2005), 62–63. According to Gryson (1976), 41, the idea of the female deacon as the figure of the Holy Spirit is not found anywhere else but in DA, and it is not particularly developed. Martimort thinks that the author of DA had two main reasons to compare the female deacons with the Holy Spirit. Firstly, logical progression, which is involved in enumeration of the three Divine Persons. Because the bishop takes the place of the Father and the male deacon that of Christ, the third place, the place of the Holy Spirit, is for female deacons. Secondly, in the Semitic languages the noun ‘spirit’ is feminine. Martimort (1986), 37. It is largely agreed that in this typology, as presented in DA, the female deacon is expected to be a part of the clergy. By contrast, the focus of the debate has been on whether her image of the Spirit implies an equal status with the male deacon. If the status is equal, as the majority of authors think, both male and female deacons should be included in the rank of the ‘higher’ clergy. If the status is unequal, such typing indicates the clear subordination of the female under the male deacon and consequently the female deacons should be classified among the lower clergy. Reininger (1999), 104–05. As I argued in Chapter 1.b, this kind of consideration is beyond the scope of this study. 138 Metzger (1993b), 235–36. See also Synek (1999), 47–48. – Metzger (1993b), 235–36 interprets the model from the viewpoint of liturgy. Madigan and Osiek (2005), 107, on the other hand, have interpreted the verses primarily as a typology. They think that the typology has several indications: The deacon represents Christ, because of their growing importance as personal agents of bishop. The female deacon represents a person of God as well. This indicates ‘an official role’ for the deacons of both genders.

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ordination rite of the bishop (AC 8, 4, 5) the Holy Spirit is considered as equal with creatures as well.139 What are the relationships between the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit in AC, then? The compiler intends to settle the Holy Spirit into dependence on the Father and the Son. In AC 7, 41, 7 and AC 8, 5, 5 the compiler says that the Holy Spirit has been sent to the apostles through the Father and the Son, and that it happened according to the Father’s promise. The Holy Spirit was given to the apostles by the will of the Father and it is with the Son. Therefore, the relationship of the Spirit to the Father and the Son can be defined as reliant.140 Like the verses at the beginning of AC 2, 26, the analogy under consideration has been seen as a hierarchical model that creates a rank between the members of the congregation. I think the compiler’s primary focus is not on describing the relationships between the bishop, male and female deacons and others in general. Hence, he does not rank them into a specific order by way of the Trinitarian typology.141 Instead of ranking them, the focus is on giving advice on how to maintain proper order during the liturgy. Along with this, however, the analogy reveals 139 Metzger (1983d), 273–74. Furthermore, Metzger (1983d), 273 points out that in some, but not in all, manuscripts, the passages which have been defined as heterodox have been erased by the copyists. This kind of statement about the Holy Spirit as a creature is written in the manuscript of Athens. On the other hand, this statement demonstrates that, according to the compiler, Christ is not considered to have been created by the Father, because the Holy Spirit is ranked as the first creature. 140 Metzger (1983d), 275–77. According to Funk (1891), 98–99, the comparison between the Spirit and the female deacons has been presumed to be of Arian origin. This is understandable, because the whole document has earlier been defined as Arian. Nevertheless, the anti-Arian arguments have to be taken into account as well. See Chapters 3.a–3.b. 141 Methuen (1995), 202 concludes that because the female deacons are compared with the Holy Spirit they ‘are to be ranked alongside deacons and bishops in the hierarchy of the Church.’ From this viewpoint, the position of the female deacon seems as a result to be extremely high. Methuen’s argumentation is not valid. Through the typology, the compiler does not aim at ranking the people into a certain general hierarchy in the congregation. Rather, his aim is to show the proper places for everyone in the liturgical assembly. It has been concluded that, in AC, no single order can even be read: In the liturgical order, the female deacons are called between deacon and sub-deacon, while they will receive Holy Communion after all the male servants at the forefront of women before the virgins and widows. See Reininger (1999), 105. Secondly, it has to be remembered that the compiler did not regard the Holy Spirit as equal with the Father and the Son.  Therefore, it is risky to say that the female deacons are put ‘alongside’ bishops and male deacons here. – In AC 7, 31, instead, the question is about ranking. Here the compiler presents an explicit need for respecting the bishop, male deacon and presbyter – which was later called ordo triplex by Ignatius. Nagel (2005), 123–24.

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the compiler’s way of considering the relationship between female deacons and the bishop, male deacons and others in the liturgical context. Presumably ch. AC 2, 26 should not be read primarily from a doctrinal but from a liturgical viewpoint. Because the content of the chapter is coherent, both the analogy we analysed in Chapter 5.c.3 and the analogy under current consideration have to be read in a liturgical context. Additionally, at the beginning of v. AC 2, 26, 4, the compiler declares that the bishop is the minister of the word, the keeper of knowledge and the mediator between God and us in divine worship (ἐν ταῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν λατρείαις).142 Therefore, in the analogy under consideration, the compiler interprets the typological roles of the Father and the Son from the viewpoint of the liturgy. The compiler is more focused on specifying and motivating the roles of the bishop and the others than on putting them in the right order. The compiler explains in what sense the bishop takes the place of God: After the one true God, he is an ‘earthly god’ since he has the right to be honoured by the faithful. Hence the primary aim of the compiler is to state that the bishop has the authority of a leader of all the other people in the assembly.143 As Christ is at the right hand of God, the male deacons’ role is to stand beside the bishop during the liturgy. Respectively, as Christ carries out only the will of the Father, the male deacon does nothing from his own volition, but is there to serve the bishop. The analogy expresses the idea that as Jesus did the will of the Father, the deacon does the will of the bishop. Agency is, in other words, a central theme in the analogy.144 142 Cf. the biblical idea of the order of the church in Chapter 5.a.1. In AC 2, 26, 1, the compiler defines the laity in a way that is compatible with OT. The laity are called among other things ‘holy nation’ and ‘royal priesthood’. Who are the laity? In AC 3,  16,  3 the compiler defines the people who are to be baptized as ‘holy nation’ and ‘royal priesthood’. It seems that, correspondingly, in AC 2, 26 the laity can be understood as the baptized members of the congregation. 143 Mueller (2004), 186–87. 144 Collins (1990), 70, 240, 243. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. Contrary to Collins, Madigan and Osiek assume that the arrangement of the male deacons versus the presbyters indicates ‘the growing importance of deacons as personal agents of the bishop.’ Like Collins, they also highlight the male deacon’s role as an agent, but Madigan and Osiek think the deacons were not principally agents. Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. AC includes a thought, according to which the male deacons must carry out their ministry within the terms of their mandate. The idea has carried over from AT and is still in a prominent role in AC. This emphasis had not been taken into account without a reason: It was known that the deacons were not always exemplary men. They had taken advantage of their office or neglected it. Their close association with the bishop had incited rivalry and even hostility among presbyters. Collins (1990),

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My main interest here is to ascertain why the compiler of AC compares the female deacons to the Holy Spirit. The analogy has raised diverse interpretations amongst scholars. The analogy between the Holy Spirit and the female deacons has been considered from two viewpoints. Firstly, the female deacons and the Holy Spirit have a linguistic connection. Both in Syriac and Hebrew the term which designates the Spirit is feminine. It has been proposed that the gender of the noun might has inspired the compiler to make the analogy. However, I think this argument is not strong enough to explain the whole analogy. Rather, the linguistic connection is just a starting point in the typology.145 The second way to consider the connection between the Holy Spirit and the female deacon is to focus on their relationships within the Trinity and in the congregation.146 The female deacon is instructed to do nothing without the male deacon (AC 2, 26, 6). Here, the compiler seemingly refers to the Gospel of John: ‘But when he, the Spirit of truth, comes, he will guide you into all the truth. He will not speak on his own; he will speak only what he hears, and he will tell you what is yet to come.’147 The relationship of the female deacon to the male deacon and the bishop is therefore compared to the relationship of the Holy Spirit to the Son and the Father. In AC, their relationship is not equal. The female deacon is dependent on the bishop and male deacon. For this reason, the lower position of the female deacon compared to the bishop is similar to the lower position of the Holy Spirit to the Father. The female deacon gets a meaningful position in the analogy, but the intention is not simply to give her a high position among the women, but rather to highlight her subjection to the bishop and male deacon in particular.148 70. – In the typology, the presbyters are the image of the apostles. Here we can see a correspondence with the Jewish synagogue. According to the Jewish conception, the presbyters were in the synagogal communities and occasionally interpreted the law. Colson (1962), 23–24. 145 Gryson (1976), 41. Cf.  Martimort (1986), 37; Behr-Sigel (1991), 174–75 and Raunistola–Juutinen (2012), 141. 146 See Raunistola–Juutinen (2012), 141. 147 Jn 16:13. See also Cox Miller (2005), 63 and Funk (1891), 98–99. 148 Compared to DA, in AC the lower position of the female deacon compared to the male deacon is significant. Reininger (1999), 83–84, 105. Martimort highlights that the phraseology suggests the compiler makes the female deacon subject to the male deacon. Martimort also reads the compiler as trying to safeguard the reputation of the priests. These precautions were adopted in a number of churches around the end of the fourth century. Martimort (1986), 61. Martimort’s argumentation differs from mine. I think the phraseology does not directly reflect the relationship between the female

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Regardless of the subjection, the female deacons have still to be honoured as the image of the Spirit according to the analogy. In this case, the compiler emphasizes the need for honouring, even if he thinks that the Holy Spirit is a creature. The verb τιμάω which is used here is regularly associated with the honour rendered to superiors.149 The need for honouring becomes understandable when we note to whom the analogy is addressed. The compiler begins to present the analogies in ch. AC 2, 26 by explicitly addressing them to the laity in the congregation. By means of presenting the analogy, the compiler instructs the laity on proper liturgical order and how should they understand the relationships between different responsible persons. One of the central things is also the demand for honouring: The laity has to honour and be obedient to those who have certain responsibilities during the assembly. Because the compiler has mentioned female deacons in the analogy and because honouring is explicitly mentioned in their case the compiler emphasizes that the laity needs to honour them. Why the female deacons are highlighted is a question which we cannot answer with certainty. It is probably because they have been given more tasks compared to DA, or because some problems between them and the laity in the community have emerged. The prescriptive character of the document leaves us without a final answer. At the end of v. AC 2, 26, 6, the compiler suddenly gives a task to the female deacons. His instructions refer to the moment when a woman is approaching the bishop or the male deacon in the congregation. She should not come alone, but with the female deacon: ‘[…] a woman does not come to the male deacon or to the bishop without the female deacon.’150 According to Phyllis Zagano, this is an ‘extra-liturgical ministry’ of female deacons, which means serving as mediators and accompanying women when they need to speak to the male deacons or the bishop.151 Madigan and Osiek have assumed that the instruction is given in the context of a confidential conversation between a woman and the bishop deacon and the presbyter (priest). It also remains unclear how the subjection to the male deacon gives more power to the priest. 149 See e.g. Beekes (2010), 1485 and Liddell & Scott (1996), 1793. 150 […] οὕτως ἄνευ τῆς διακόνου μηδεμία προσίτω γυνὴ τῷ διακόνῳ ἢ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ. AC 2, 26, 6. I searched for occurrences of προσίτω (προσ means above (of place) as for the verbal body ἵημι has several meanings) in the other passages of AC. At least the forms προσίτω, προσίτ- and προσίη- did not give any further results. Likely the verb ἵημι with the prefix προσ- exists only in this passage in the document. 151 Zagano (2013), 34.

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or male deacon. They conclude that the passage indicates the female deacon being in the role of ‘a kind of chaperone’.152 The female deacon’s task would be to witness the correctness of the conversation.153 If the question is about confidential conversations, the procedure is in accordance with eastern Mediterranean propriety.154 When taking AC 2, 26 into account as a whole, we come to a divergent conclusion. The allegorical connection between the task under consideration and the function of the Holy Spirit is strong in v. AC 2, 26, 6. The compiler explains that in the same way as we cannot believe in Christ without the teaching of the Spirit; the woman cannot come to the male deacon or bishop without the female deacon. The Spirit is called παράκλητος, which literally means for example ‘advocate’ or ‘spokesman’ as well as ‘comforter’ if used of people in general.155 The task of the female deacon here is in very close connection to her place of the Holy Spirit. The consideration of the verse reveals that the instruction may not have been given in a context that is any kind of confidential conversation. The context is liturgical as it is in the whole of ch. AC 2, 26. It is not possible to hold just any kind of conversation during assemblies. Again, the question is about the proper order in liturgical context. The female deacon is said not to utter any sound (AC 2, 26, 6). The command reflects the demand for silence that was addressed to women during the liturgy. Berger notes that women’s voices were generally regarded as problematic in liturgical assemblies at that time.156 Therefore the female deacons were not allowed to speak aloud during them, according to the compiler. Because women’s voices were regarded as problematic, we have to question the interpretation according to which the verse refers to a conversation. I suggest that the compiler is writing about receiving Holy Communion in the verse under consideration. The bishop and male deacons Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. Gryson (1976), 61. 154 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 107. 155 Lampe (1961), 1018. Metzger (1985), 234–41 has ordered the grouping into chapters differently compared to e.g. Donaldson (1886), 408–10. Metzger has put the two analogies considered here (Levites and the Triune God) in the same chapter. Because earlier the analogies had been put into distinct chapters, the grouping might have influenced the interpretations of previous scholars according to which the analogies are not in close connection with each other. 156 Berger (2013), 162–63. 152 153

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are responsible for distributing the holy meal (AC 8, 13, 15). According to the compiler, the female deacons are the first women to come to the altar where the holy meal is distributed, and the other women follow them (AC 8,  13,  14). Additionally, the catechumens who participate in the mystery of the faith (μυστήριον τῆς εὐσεβείας) for the first time are instructed to come to the bishop and the presbyters through the intermediary of the male deacons (AC 8,  32,  2). The compiler probably also refers to the Eucharist in this verse. Therefore, I think, the female deacons might have such an intermediary function in the verse under consideration. In it, the compiler instructs that a woman who receives the Holy Communion should not come to the altar without a female deacon. Furthermore, the analogy shows that the female deacons play a kind of intermediary role between the women and the bishop and male deacons – in the same way as the Holy Spirit is an intermediary between the people and the Father and the Son. This matches well the reinterpretation of διάκονος described in Chapter 4.a.1. Considered in the liturgical context, there is at least nothing charitable in their task.157 Finally, let us look at the so-called ordination prayer of the female deacon again (Chapter 4.b.2). In it, Miriam is listed among those biblical women who are held as ideals for the female deacons. We noted that in OT Miriam led the Israelite women to praise God. Similarly, specifically the consideration of ch. AC 2, 26 shows that the female deacon is seen as the first woman in the liturgical assembly. She is the only one who has a responsibility. She has to be honoured as God has to be honoured. The prophetess Miriam is told to lead the women not inside but outside the Temple. Similarly, the female deacon in AC does not seem to be a leader during the assembly, even among women. Nevertheless they have been instructed to come among the first women to receive the Holy Communion, but it is hard to argue for a role of leader there. Additionally, Hannah, either the mother of Samuel or the daughter of Penuel, was given as an ideal for female deacons in the so-called ordination prayer. Both alternatives of Hannah are prophetic figures in the Bible, who praise God in the temple. There is a connection between Hannah and the female deacons of AC in a liturgical context, I think. The temple is the place for worship in the Bible, like the church building is the place for worship to the congregation of AC. Both Hannahs seem to have had significant tasks in the temple as do the female deacons in the church See also Metzger (1983d), 276.

157

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building as well. There is, however, a difference between both Hannahs and the female deacons. The female deacons are not instructed to say anything out loud in the building, but both Hannahs pray aloud in the temple. On the contrary, the female deacons are prohibited from teaching in the assembly. However, we have to note that the women are likely not prohibited from prophesying in AC. Hence it possible to suggest that the connection between Hannahs and the female deacons implies that the female deacons prophesy during the liturgy. Unfortunately it is not possible to validate this suggestion. The compiler does not give enough information for a modern reader to solve the problem. It remains an open question as to whether the connection between the biblical prophetesses and the female deacons implies that the female deacons prophesy in the liturgical assembly.

5.d. Summary of Chapter 5 In Chapter 5, we began to consider what the female deacons are instructed to do and not to do in AC. At first, we concluded that the role of the female deacons is limited in many ways in AC. First and foremost, the female deacons are not permitted to teach, baptize, consecrate, lay hands upon or separate. I also suggested that the prohibitions have to be understood in a liturgical context. Hence, the question is not about teaching in general, but preaching. The female deacons are probably permitted to bless elsewhere, but not in the liturgical assemblies. The analysis also showed some similarity between the argumentations of the prohibitions. All of them seem to be linked to the subordinate position of the female deacon in the congregation. Although the liturgical role of the female deacons is cautiously limited, they still have specific tasks in the rite of baptism and during the liturgical assemblies. Even if they are prohibited from performing the very act of washing, they assist a bishop or a presbyter when a female candidate is being baptized. The female deacon anoints her and receives her when she emerges out of the water. In the liturgical assemblies, the female deacons are instructed to stand at the entrances for women. They guard the doors at the beginning of the worship and at the time of anaphora. If a woman cannot find a place in the building, the female deacons are obligated to help her. The function of the female deacons during the liturgical assembly is also described through two analogies in AC. Firstly, because the female

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Tasks in Liturgical Context

deacons are instructed to guard the doors of the church, they can be compared to some women in OT. On the other hand, along with priests and male deacons, and widows and orphans, they are supported by the congregation. From this viewpoint, they can be analogized with Levites. Secondly, the female deacons are analogized with the Holy Spirit. Just as the compiler of AC considers the Holy Spirit subject to the Son and the Father, the female deacons are in a subordinate position with regard to the male deacons and bishop in the liturgical assemblies. They also function as intermediaries between the women and the male deacons or bishop during the Eucharist.

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CHAPTER 6 TASKS LINKED WITH CHARITY

Along with the tasks connected to the liturgical context, the compiler assigns to the female deacons tasks that Metzger has defined as ‘the charitable service of the communities.’1 From the viewpoint of the reinterpreted concept of διάκονος considered in Chapters 1.a.2 and 4.a.1, however, Metzger’s definition seems to be far from evident. Recently, scholars have stated that it is an oversimplification to define early Christian διάκονος as a humble servant, an officer for works of mercy and love who helps the needy. For this reason, the claim that the female deacons have to perform tasks of charitable service in AC is of particular interest in this research. In Chapter 6, we move on to discovering the tasks of the female deacons assigned to them beyond the liturgical context in AC. The central question in the analysis is whether the tasks can be defined as ‘charitable’ or not. Before focusing on the tasks, however, we have to find out what charity signifies in the document.

6.a. Charity in The Apostolic Constitutions The compiler of AC thinks that charity plays a notable role in the life of the congregation. Everyone who is able to help give assistance to the needy is instructed to so (AC 4, 4, 1). Charity evidently has a biblical basis in AC. Based on the commandment known both in OT and NT (Lev 19:18, Mt 19:19), everyone is instructed to love their neighbours as them Metzger (1986), 56 writes: ‘Outre ces fonctions liturgiques, les diaconesses participaient au service caritatif des communautés’. 1

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Tasks Linked with Charity

selves and hence help the needy (AC 2, 36, 4). In AC 7, 12, 3, the congregation is commanded not to hesitate to give to the needy because ‘He who has compassion on the poor lends to God, and he will repay him according to his gift (Prov 19:17).’ The compiler instructs them to gather money from the faithful and distribute (διακονέω) it to the needy saints (AC 4, 9, 2). This instruction reminds me slightly of Act 11:29–30 which deals with providing help for brothers and sisters in another congregation.2 In AC, the bishop is the leader in helping the needy (AC 2, 25, 2–3; AC 3, 3, 2; AC 4, 2, 1). In AC 3, 4 the compiler commands the bishop to watch over and care for every widow. At the same time, he is instructed to do good to everybody, not distinguishing one from another. The compiler argues for the bishop’s responsibility by way of various σκοποί that are taken from OT. He refers to commands that God gave to Isaiah, David and Solomon. The bishop is in a responsible role in distributing charity. He needs to control whose offerings he receives and whose offerings he rejects (AC 4, 6, 1). If forced to receive a donation from an unfaithful person, he should spend it on wood and coal instead of distributing it further (AC 4, 10, 1). Who are the needy in AC to whom the compiler teaches a helping hand must be given? In AC, helping the widows and orphans is stressed (AC 3, 1–5; AC 4, 1–2; AC 4, 5, 1). Apart from them, the compiler mentions several other groups, for instance strangers, the friendless, the afflicted, slaves, captives, prisoners, the abused, the poor and proselytes (AC 2, 25, 2; AC 3, 3, 2; AC 4, 9, 2; AC 7, 29, 2). The analogy considered in Chapter 5.c.3 showed that the people to whom the compiler assigns some tasks in the liturgy are also permitted to live by way of the generosity of the faithful. The people can give help to the needy in various practical forms, according to the compiler. He often writes about tenths (δέκαται) and firstfruits (ἀπαργχαί) (AC 2, 26, 2; AC 8, 30, 1–2). They are described as OT-based metaphors that refer to the offerings (προσφοραὶ) the people are now instructed to give (AC 2,  26,  2).3 However, tenths and firstfruits do not seem to be just metaphors. In AC 7, 29, 1–3 the compiler gives a detailed instruction as to how the firstfruits and tenths have to be given. Among the firstfruits he lists, for example, wine, grain, oxen 2 See also Hentschel (2007), 348–49 and Collins (1990), 221. About charity in NT, see Eltrop (2009), 93–95. 3 In AC 2, 26, 6 and AC 8, 31, 1–3 offering is closely linked with the theme of honouring. Both passages demand that the people who give the offering should honour those who receive their parts of the offering.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

and sheep. The tenth is, instead, made up of money, clothing and property. The firstfruits are addressed to the high priest, that is, the bishop, whereas the tenth is earmarked especially for widows and orphans. In AC 2, 24 the question is also about food and garments. Furthermore, the bishop is instructed to intone a thanksgiving prayer for the firstfruits, which denotes an act of offering (AC 8, 40, cf. AC 8, 47, 3–5). The canons 3–5 forbid the offering of certain things and instruct how to deal with them instead (AC 8, 47, 3–5). The offering of firstfruits and tenths is based on the commandments in OT. People are instructed to bring the first products of their land into the house of the Lord (Exod 34:26). The compiler follows the instructions of the Pentateuch and lists grain and wine among the offerings (Lev 2:14, Num 18:12, Dt 18:4). Respectively, the canon concerning forbidden offerings in AC 8, 47, 3 corresponds with Lev 2:11–12. Paying the tenths is also originally commanded in the Pentateuch. The compiler of AC seemingly follows the instruction written in Deuteronomy: ‘Now if you finish paying all the tithe of your produce in the third year, you shall give the second tithe to the Leuite and the guest and the orphan and the widow, and they shall eat within your cities and be filled.’4 Along with Levites, the orphans and widows are mentioned in OT amongst those to whom the tenths have to be given. In the Pentateuch, helping the poor, along with the Levites, is found (e.g. Dt 14:29, 24:20– 21, 26). The compiler of AC has slightly updated the original commandments by adding instructions concerning money and garments, and reinterpreted the ‘Levites’ from the viewpoint of the contemporaneous congregation. In general, it is not possible to differentiate between early Christian and Jewish charity. It has to be regarded as a custom common to both Jews and Christians.5 The joint bedrock was laid in the common scriptures. Later on, the Jewish-based acts of charity were imitated first among Christians and subsequently among Roman pagans as well. In late antiquity, caring for the poor was, hence, a relatively new virtue, one which challenged the classical, pagan image of a ‘civic’ community. After the fourth century, organized Roman pagan poor relief was modelled on the activities of Jews and Christians.6 Dt 26:12. See also Lev 27:30–32. Hentschel (2013), 9. 6 Brown (2002), 2–6. Alikin thinks, instead, that the Christians adopted the practice of charity from certain clubs and associations in the Greco-Roman world. The practice became usual among them during the second century. Charity was practiced 4 5

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Tasks Linked with Charity

The joint foundation led to a convergence in the real social work in the early Church and ancient synagogue during the first centuries ad. In the social conditions of the Roman Empire they were challenged to respond to social deprivation, marginalization and impoverishment. Hence, feeding the poor, clothing the needy, receiving strangers and caring for widows and orphans were for both Jews and Christians mutatis mutandis common tasks.7 Klaus Müller has said that the charitable tendency in the life of the early Christians seems to come close to the classical Talmudic understanding of the works of love. He thinks that the rabbinical Jews and early Christians share a self-understanding in which the charitable tasks are essential. They also perceive the practice of social work in similar detail and concentrate on the different kinds of needy people among them. All in all, there are plenty of similarities between the Talmud and AC. Müller thinks that both developed the procedure concerning widows and orphans on a common basis, the regulations of OT.8 I think the similarities reflect the time of continuing interaction between Jews and Christians. From the viewpoint of this study, it is remarkable that the male deacons participate in the charitable work in AC too. The compiler thinks that they assist the bishop, who is the leader. The male deacons have a two-fold intermediary function. On one hand, the faithful are commanded to bring their sacrifices and alms to the bishop either themselves or via the male deacons (AC 2, 27, 6). On the other hand, the compiler writes that the male deacons are to distribute the alms to the needy. in many ways in the congregations. The Christians gave alms to the poor members. After the third century, they brought various kinds of food to the assembly and offered them to the bishop. The food was distributed to the clergy and the poor members of the congregation. They were also expected to give tithes (ten percent of their income) to the Church. Alikin (2010), 268–74. 7 Müller (1999), 372, 399. 8 Müller (1999), 372, 380. On the convergences and divergences between Jewish and Christian social work, see Müller (1999), 398–406 and Nagel (2005), 115. Müller has worked hard with this theme in his book Diakonie im Dialog mit dem Judentum. His results show the close parallels between Jews and Christians with regard to practical social work. Müller calls this work ‘Diakonie’. I think in his research he treats Diakonie synonymously with charitable work, love for one’s neighbour. For example, Müller (1999), 369 thinks that Jesus’ words in Mt 25:31–46 mark in the best way the reality of the Christians during the first centuries (‘diakonische Wirklichkeit der frühen Kirche’). I think charitable work is important, but it was not the only part of the work of deacons during that time. Therefore, the concept Diakonie cannot be used totally synonymously with the charitable or practical social work of the early Christians.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

The male deacon is instructed to do nothing without his bishop and give nothing without the bishop’s decision (AC 2, 31, 1). If a male deacon knows anyone who is afflicted he has to remind the bishop about them and then follow his instructions before giving alms or help to them (AC 2, 32, 1). Additionally, the people are commanded to signify their wishes to the male deacon instead of the bishop (AC 2, 28, 6). Here the context gives no further hints about the character of the wishes, but refers to the charity in the congregation, I think.9 Even if the compiler addresses many instructions concerning charity to the male deacons, the female deacons appear in this context as well. In AC 3, 14, the compiler first writes that a widow should pray for the one who gave alms to her, that is the bishop. However, in the very next clause a woman who is told to διακονέω, that is the female deacon, actually distributes the charity (AC 3, 14, 1–2, See Chapter 6.b). Along with that, the female deacons have been interpreted as having other charitable tasks in AC. In Chapters 6.b and 6.c we discover whether the tasks really are linked with charity and what the female deacons are actually commanded to do.

6.b. Visiting the Homes One of the tasks shared by female and male deacons in AC is visiting homes: ‘Whensoever you can’t send a deacon, who is a man, to the homes of women, because of the unfaithful, send away a female deacon, because of bad thoughts.’10 The bishop is instructed to send a male deacon to visit men, and a female deacon to visit the women, because of unfaithful people and bad thoughts. The owners of the houses do not appear in the document. Hence, we do not know whether they are faithful or unfaithful people. The compiler uses two Greek verbs, which have a similar basic sense, ‘to send’. When the compiler speaks of a male deacon, he uses the verb πέμπω, whereas, in the case of a female deacon, ἀποστέλλω. Why has 9 According to Alikin (2010), 271, the author of The Shepherd of Hermas assigns to the deacons the task of administering the congregation’s help to the needy. Ryökäs (2010, 56) differs. In his view, in the Shepherd of Hermas, the verb διακονέω does not mean just ‘serving’ but also responsibility that is given to διάκονος. That is delivering the money, which is consequently in indirect connection with charity. 10 Ἔστι γάρ, ὁπόταν ἔν τισιν οἰκίαις ἄνδρα διάκονον γυναιξὶν οὐ δύνασαι πέμπειν διὰ τοὺς ἀπίστους · ἀποστελεῖς οὖν γυναῖκα διάκονον διὰ τὰς τῶν φαύλων διανοίας. AC 3, 16, 1.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

he chosen to use different verbs and particularly in this order? Naturally, when trying to write fluently one does not wish to repeat oneself. However, we can ask whether the different connotations of the words affected the compiler’s choice. Generally speaking, the verb πέμπω can be used of a divine sending or sending out of a Christian minister. The verb ἀποστέλλω, on the other hand, can be used when speaking of people, especially messengers and those commissioned to perform a task and to act on behalf of the sender. Hence, the interpretational difference between these two verbs is that a person who can be sent by using πέμπω has to be a minister, or the sender has to be divine. In the case of ἀποστέλλω the criterion is less strict: This verb underlines that the people who are sent by using ἀποστέλλω, are specifically sent. The personality of the sender or the person who is sent does not play any role. However, it has to be taken into account that the verb ἀποστέλλω can also be used when the persons of God or men commissioned by God (such as the apostles in NT or the prophets in OT) are sent. In conclusion, the male deacons seem to be understood as being ministers, whereas in the case of the female deacons the aspect of ‘sending’ is stressed.11 A particular question raised by this v. AC 3, 16, 1 has been: Why are the female deacons sent to the homes of women? Scholars have given numerous explanations for this. I will scrutinize them and present my own view based on the analysis. Firstly, the passage has been interpreted as showing that one of the chief duties for a female deacon is ‘the assistance and the care of sick or crippled women in their homes.’12 In other words, the female deacon has a charitable task when she visits the women’s homes. This kind of interpretation is accurate when we read the corresponding commandment in DA 16.13 Regardless of the fact that the compiler of AC is basing this on DA, he has not repeated a sentence that, a little further on in DA, refers to the contents of the visits more explicitly. Therefore, it is possible Lampe (1961), 209, 1057. See also Metzger (1983b), 118. Gryson (1976), 60. 13 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 111. In DA, the female deacons are said to be necessary for the houses of pagans where Christian women are also living. The female deacons are permitted to go there and visit those who are sick. Martimort (1986), 39 interprets: They ‘serve them whatever their needs might be.’ The female deacons also bathe those who are recovering from illness. It has been thought that because of their illness the women were immobilized and could not go out. Therefore, the female deacons had to go and visit them. See Martimort (1986), 39, 42, 62. Also Müller (1999), 396 joins together the commandments in DA and AC and concludes that the visits in AC are made to the sick. 11

12

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Tasks Linked with Charity

that the compiler of AC has perceived the visit in a different way. He does not give any hint as to whether the female deacons should visit for the same reasons or not.14 Secondly, Madigan and Osiek have defined the visits as ‘pastoral’.15 Unfortunately, they do not clarify the term more clearly, but write that ‘the pastoral visitation’ requires a considerable mobility for a female deacon and responsibility toward women in the community. In another context (when analysing AC 3, 19, 1) they write about the tasks of the female deacons in ‘pastoral care’. Therefore, I assume that Madigan and Osiek are referring to similar tasks also in the context of visits. They seem to think that the female deacons were required for pastoral counselling in the homes of women.16 If we read v. AC 3,  16,  1 once again, word by word, we note that there is no hint of caring or pastoral counselling. The female deacons are just sent to visit the homes. Therefore, for me, the two hypotheses given above might result from a presupposition, according to which the noun διάκονος is perceived as a charitable servant. As a consequence, we have to look for other ways to explain the need for these visits. The compiler thinks that if a man visited the home of a woman, it would provoke bad thoughts. The repetition of the preposition διὰ (‘διὰ τοὺς ἀπίστους… διὰ τὰς τῶν φαύλων διανοίας’) in the sentence gives me to understand that the ‘bad thoughts’ would appear among the unfaithful people. Does this passage reveal anything about the character of the visits? Would a man visiting the home of a sick woman arouse mean thoughts? Many other kinds of explanations might also come to one’s mind, because so many kinds of things might have caused bad thoughts among (unfaithful) people. But, in this case, none of them can be argued for. Therefore, this passage alone does not indicate accurately what the female deacons actually do in the houses. We need to find more evidence in order to get a better understanding. A little later the compiler offers this instruction: ‘If anyone of you needs, the deacons visit all, who ask them to visit, and announce to your bishop about the afflicted. Because

Gryson (1976), 60. See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 111. Martimot (1986, 62) suspects that by the time of AC there was no real difference between the male and female deacons with regard to many of the kinds of service the bishop might require of them. For this reason, the compiler has made an alteration while copying v. AC 3, 16, 1 from DA into AC. 15 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 112. 16 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 112–13. 14

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Tasks Linked with Charity

you [deacons] are his [bishop’s] soul and sensation, active and obedient in everything to him as your bishop, father and teacher.’17 Apparently, the compiler writes about the same kind of visits in this verse as well. It is uncertain whether or not the noun τοὺς διακόνους refers to both male and female deacons. Because the command in the previous verse was extended to concern also the female deacons, the instruction here can be applied to them as well. According to the compiler, the deacons have to visit all those who ask them to do it. The command reveals that someone must ask the deacons to come; the deacons will not come automatically without a call. I think the question is therefore more likely to be about the visits to the homes of faithful rather than unfaithful people. The obligation to inform the bishop about the visits indicates that despite visiting the homes alone, the deacons are still working subject to the bishop. This reflects the idea that they are the bishop’s agents. By characterizing the deacon as the ‘mind and soul’ of the bishop, this idea is emphasized. The reasons for the compiler to highlight the mandate of the deacons might be known: Collins states that the early Christian deacons were not always exemplary men. Some of them had taken advantage of or neglected their office. Some of the presbyters had looked on the deacons in an antagonistic and even hostile way because of their association with the bishop.18 The passage reveals that the deacons have to inform the bishop about the afflicted people (τῶν θλιβομένων) whom they met during the visits. It is my view that we encounter one of the key words here. By defining θλιβομένος comprehensively we can get more information about the character of the visits in question. Therefore, I searched for all occurrences of the participial noun θλιβομένος in the document. I found seven other verses in which it has been used, so a comparison between them is possible and even reliable. My conclusion is that the participle is used in the document in a relatively strict sense. It refers to those people in the community who are in need and hence allowed to receive free-will offerings or alms. The widows have been qualified as ‘afflicted’ several times, but the participle has been used about other people as well. The congregation is ordered to help its members (called ‘faithful’) who are in 17 Χρὴ οὖν ὑμᾶς τοὺς διακόνους ἐπισκέπτεσθαι πάντας τοὺς δεομένους ἐπισκέψεως, καὶ περὶ τῶν θλιβομένων ἀναγγέλλετε τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ὑμῶν · ψυχὴ γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ αἴσθησις εἶναι ὀφείλετε, εὔσκυλτοι καὶ εὐήκοοι εἰς πάντα ὄντες αὐτῷ ὡς ἐπισκόπῳ ὑμῶν καὶ πατρὶ καὶ διδασκάλῳ. AC 3, 19, 7. 18 Collins (1990), 70, 243.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

material deprivation. This indicates that the visits really have some kind of link with the charitable attitude in the congregation.19 As already noted at the end of Chapter 6.a, the female deacons are instructed on how to give alms to widows in AC 3, 14. The compiler uses the word θλιβομένη of a widow. I think the task here is in connection with the instruction to visit the homes. But the widows, who do not want to live according to the command of God are concerned with asking, who has served and who have received.20 After she has heard, she casts a blame upon the female deacon saying: Did not you see that I am nearer you and more afflicted than her, who crept to you? Why did you prefer her instead of me? This is what she says, and it is foolish, for it was not the human will that occurred, but the precept of God. She [the female deacon] bears witness to her that it belonged to the nearer, who is estimated to be in a greater lack and more naked than her. The woman is obliged to think about the commander and keep silent about and not to find fault with the female deacon, after she has gone into her home and throwing her face supplicated to God to lay aside her [the woman’s] sin.21 In the first sentence of AC 3,  19,  7 there are three επισκ-rooted words: ἐπισκέπτεσθαι, ἐπισκέψεως, τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ. I suggest that the words refer to the bishop’s responsibility: The bishop is responsible for a visit, but a deacon is instructed to pay the visit on the bishop’s behalf. For instance, deacons might first visit all the houses and then tell the bishop about those houses which are in need of the bishop’s visit as well. – In AC 2, 25, 2, the participle θλιβομένος is used about the people who are allowed to receive free-will offerings together with, for example, the poor, orphans and widows. In AC 2, 27, 6, it has been used about those who are able to get a part of the alms. The compiler says in AC 2, 28, 1 that the deacons (οἱ διάκονοι) know who these kinds of old women are. This might refer to male as well as to female deacons. In AC 2, 31 and 32, the participle is used in the context of almsgiving again. In AC 3, 4, 2, the participle has not been used of the widows but of other people who suffer from poverty or disease and are consequently in need. They will receive a part of the free-will offerings. In AC 4, 8, 3, it is used concerning those who receive the alms, probably the widows and orphans. 20 In AC 3, 14, 2 ἡ διακονησαμένη and αἱ λαβοῦσαι are mentioned separately. The first refers to a woman who has done διακονία (see Chapter 4.a), but the second noun is more complex to translate. According to Lampe, the verb λαμβάνω means ‘to take, receive, receive money, marry’. Because the female deacons are not allowed to marry ‘those women who have married’ could also be a suitable translation. If we follow Lampe, the marriage could be the epithet which makes ἡ διακονησαμένη differ from αἱ λαβοῦσαι. However, the context of the verse reveals that the question is about receiving, not marrying. See Lampe (1961), 791. 21 Ἀλλ᾽αἱ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν Θεοῦ ζῆν θέλουσαι χῆραι φροντίζουσιν πολυπευστεῖν, τίς ἡ διακονησαμένη καὶ τίνες αἱ λαβοῦσαι, καὶ μαθοῦσα ἐπιμέμφεται τῇ διακονησαμένῃ λέγουσα, ὅτι οὐκ ἤδεις, ὅτι ἐγώ σοι μᾶλλον ἐγγυτέρα παρ᾽ ἐκείνην ὑπῆρχον καὶ μᾶλλον παρ᾽ ἐκείνην θλιβομένη; Διὰ τί οὖν προετίμησας ἐκείνην ἐμοῦ; Ταῦτα δὲ λέγει ἄφρων ὑπάρχουσα, οὐ νοοῦσα, ὅτι οὐκ ἀνθρώπου τοῦτο θέλημα γέγονεν, ἀλλὰ Θεοῦ πρόσταγμα. 19

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Tasks Linked with Charity

Although the compiler does not explicitly say that the female deacon is visiting a house here, I think the instruction gives extra evidence on the visits addressed to the male and female deacons in AC 3, 16, 1. The visits likely are in connection with alms. It is unclear whether the deacons bring the alms to the needy during the visits or whether they just get to know the extent of the need or who are in need. When it comes to the prohibition that the male deacons are not allowed to visit women’s homes, this would make it understandable. If a woman, especially a widow, received alms from a man in a private house, it would more easily cause suspicion among the unfaithful, that is to say, people outside the congregation. The instruction addressed to the female deacons to visit the homes of widows gives the impression that the female deacons are allowed to make the decision themselves as to which of the widows in need will receive the charity. However, in AC 2, 31, 1 the male deacon is not allowed to give anything if the bishop does not know about it. It is still unsure, but probable, that this commandment also concerns the female deacons. I think the deacons make the decisions by themselves but in cooperation with the bishop. The compiler is aware of the problems that this practice may cause. In AC 3, 14 a widow murmurs: ‘Did not you see that I am nearer you and more afflicted than her, who crept to you? Why did you prefer her instead of me?’ There seems to be some schism among the widows. Not all of them are satisfied with the decisions made. The passages raise other questions too. The female deacons are only described as having given alms to widows, not to every woman. Nonetheless, in AC 3, 19, 7 the female deacons are ordered to visit homes of women more generally, not widows in particular. Probably their visits to the homes of widows included almsgiving, but there are also other women in need whom they visit. In spite of this, giving alms seems to be at least one reason for the visits which the female deacons are instructed to undertake. Nevertheless, there is still one aspect that has to be considered. In Chapter 5.a.1, we concluded that the women were prohibited from teaching in a liturgical context. The prohibition is expressed in a special connection to the widows. In AC, widows and virgins are prohibited from visiting the homes of the unfaithful. Madigan and Osiek think Εἰ γὰρ μαρτυρεῖ αὕτη, ὅτι ἐγγυτέρα ὑπῆρχεν καὶ ἐν πλείονι ἐνδείᾳ ἐξητάζετο καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτὴ γυμνὴ ἢ ἐκείνη, ὀφείλει νοεῖν τὸν διαταξάμενον καὶ ἀποσιγήσασα καὶ μὴ μεμψαμένη τὴν διακονήσασαν, εἰσελθοῦσα εἰς οἶκον ἑαυτῆς καὶ ἐπὶ πρόσωπον ἑαυτὴν βαλοῦσα ἱκετεῦσαι τὸν Θεὸν ἀφεθῆναι αὐτῇ τὸ πλημμέλημα. AC 3,14, 2–3.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

that the prohibition indicates that some women, especially widows, were exercising teaching activity in private houses.22 In DA, on the other hand, the women are prohibited only from teaching about the dogmatic topics: The widows are allowed to discuss with the unfaithful, and to reply to their questions concerning the gospel.23 Because the teaching activity is prohibited only in the liturgical context in AC (AC 3, 6, 3–4), and because at its source non-liturgical teaching activity is known, the female deacons’ visits to the homes in AC might include teaching along with almsgiving and blessing. My suggestion is not excluded, but not validated either. To summarize, when a female deacon visits the homes of women, she has an intermediary function. She works in close connection with the bishop because she is sent by him and has to inform him about her visits. The visits are linked with the custom of giving material support to the needy in the congregation, that is, charitable activity. In this context, the focus of the female deacon’s activity is not only to be an intermediary διάκονος of the bishop, although she has to inform the bishop about the needy. She also seems to be the intermediary between the material support and the needy. Therefore, in this context female deacons can be said to be διάκονος of both the bishop and the alms. As already stated, usually these kinds of visits have been understood as ‘charitable’. In this case, the two paragraphs considered in the analysis counterpoint each other; the task of visiting in AC 3, 16, 1 is in connection with helping the needy in AC and includes almsgiving. The visits might, however, have other functions as well. As a result, from this particular viewpoint, the task of the female deacon considered here can be defined as ‘charitable’.

6.c. Charitable Serving? Finally, in AC there is one passage, AC 3, 19, 1 in which the female deacons seem to be linked particularly closely with service in a charitable sense. In this passage, the compiler briefly refers to several tasks of the female deacons by using words that denote service.24 The close link be Madigan & Osiek (2005), 109. Synek (1993), 153–54, 161. See also Penn (2001), 173–74. 24 Collins (1990), 69. According to Zagano (2013), 34, the verse is about the ‘charitable extra-liturgical ministry’ of female deacons. According to Madigan and Osiek (2005), 113, the compiler stresses the tasks ‘in pastoral care’ in the paragraph. Dumi22 23

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tween the tasks and service comes out when the divergent translations of the passage are compared with each other:25 – And let the deaconess be diligent in taking care of the women; but both of them ready to carry messages, to travel about, to minister, and to serve;26 – la diaconesse s’occupera du service des femmes et les uns et les autres s’occuperont de la proclamation, des voyageurs, du service et de l’assistance;27 – Die Diakonin soll sich um den Dienst an Frauen kümmern und beide sollen sich um die Verkündigung, die Reisenden, um den Dienst und die Unterstützung kümmern;28 – la diaconessa sia premurosa nel prendersi cura delle donne: l’una e gli altri disponibli in ogni circostanza che richieda ambasceria, viaggio, ministero, assistenza;29 From the viewpoint of reinterpreted διάκονος, we have to react with criticism to translations that link female deacons with service because of its connotation to charity. Hence, in my version of AC 3, 19, 1 I first, temporarily and intentionally, neglect to translate the keywords. Let the male deacons be unblemished in everything, like the bishop, only more active, proportionate to the people of the Church, so that they could serve the powerless as workers without cause for shame. And let the women θεραπεύειν valuably, and both of them for the sake of ἀγγελίαν, ἐκδημίαν, ὑπηρεσίαν and δουλείαν, as the Lord has said through Isaiah: ‘The righteous servant justifies many.’30 trascu (2015), 10–11 writes about the tasks in AC 3, 19, 1 as pastoral care as well as social assistance. 25 Cf. Sormunen (1952), 35, who writes ‘Nainen s.o., diakonissa, olkoon ahkera palvelemisessa ja naisten auttamisessa,’, which in English means ‘The woman, that is, a deaconess, has to be diligent in service and helping women.’ 26 Donaldson (1886), 432. 27 Metzger (1986), 161. 28 Hammann (2003), 77. 29 Spada & Salachas (2001), 91. 30 Ἔστωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ διάκονοι ἐν πᾶσιν ἄμωμοι ὡς καὶ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, μόνον δὲ εὐσκυλτότεροι, ἐν πᾶσιν ἄμωμοι ὡς καὶ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, μόνον δὲ εὐσκυλτότεροι, ἀνάλογοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἵνα καὶ τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις ὑπηρετεῖσθαι δύνωνται ὡς ἐργάται ἀνεπαίσχυντοι · καὶ ἡ μὲν γυνὴ τὰς γυναῖκας σπουδάζουσα θεραπεύειν, ἀμφότεροι δὲ τὰ πρὸς ἀγγελίαν, ἐκδημίαν, ὑπηρεσίαν, δουλείαν, ὡς καὶ περὶ τοῦ Κυρίου Ἡσαΐας ἔλεγεν φάσκων · ‘Δικαιῶσαι δίκαιον εὖ δουλεύοντα πολλοῖς.’ AC 3, 19, 1.

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Along with their male counterparts, the female deacons are instructed to be active in their work.31 Zagano reads the instruction as addressed equally to male and female deacons. Compared to DA, the compiler of AC does this in a more explicit and insistent way. Zagano thinks that the tasks of male and female deacons are parallel to each other.32 One could think that the compiler might have used the verb διακονέω, but it does not appear here or in any other passages concerning female deacons in AC. Instead, the compiler uses various verbs to describe their tasks in the verse under consideration. The adjective ἀμφότερος in the plural form means ‘both of two’, so the following nouns ἀγγελίαν, ἐκδημίαν, ὑπηρεσίαν and δουλείαν concern both male and female deacons. In addition to these, only the female deacons are instructed to θεραπεύειν. Worth noting too is the preposition πρὸς. It is not clear whether it is used only in connection with ἀγγελίαν or with the whole list of tasks. Either way, the usage of the preposition reveals the compiler’s thinking about the tasks. The deacons might not be completely finished in their tasks, but they have to aim at finishing them.33 The instruction addressed to the female deacons in the passage is very concise. It mainly consists of five verbs, whose objects most probably are other women. The compiler simply lists the verbs one after another and does not describe their meaning more fully in the context of the passage. This compactness has been seen as one reason for dismissing their analysis.34 Nevertheless, through a careful and elaborate consideration, the verse reveals a lot about the tasks of the female deacons in AC, I think. In Chapters 6.c.1–6.c.5, I go through the usage of the verbs in detail from the viewpoint of the whole document. As a result, I define the tasks to which the five verbs refer as accurately as possible. As a result, it is possible to evaluate the extent to which they refer to charitable activity.

31 Madigan and Osiek outline that the compiler envisions ‘active ministry’ for both male and female deacons. They say it includes ‘preaching and travel to reach those in need of their ministrations.’ Madigan & Osiek (2005), 113. In DA, the content of the commandment is similar. There the women are ordered to be especially diligent in their service to other women and the men. See Martimort (1986), 39. 32 Zagano (2013), 33–34. 33 Luraghi (2003), 155–64 has considered the usage of the preposition πρὸς in detail. 34 Gryson (1976), 60.

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6.c.1. Θεραπεύειν How to translate the first verb in the foregoing list in AC 3,  19,  1 – θεραπεύω? The verb has been seen as synonymous with διακονέω in its meaning ‘to serve’.35 Nevertheless, there are abundant alternatives for a translator. In addition to ‘serving’, in the early Christian documents the verb refers to worshipping, healing in a physical or spiritual sense, applying a remedy, caring for and looking after.36 The divergent choices do not tell us how the compiler of AC might have used the verb. To discover this, I searched for all θεραπ- occurrences in the document. In this way, it is possible to draw more plausible conclusions about the contemporaneous connotations in the verse under consideration. In the document, θεραπ- rooted words appear as nouns and verbs altogether 15 times in total. Moses is said to be God’s θεράπων (AC 2, 32, 2).37 However, the compiler does not mean that God needs a therapist for Himself. By contrast, Moses’ role as θεράπων is in connection with his intermediary function. The murmuring of the Israelites was not against him, but against God through him. Evidently and primarily, the verb θεραπεύειν is linked to the bishop’s responsibility in the document. He has to θεραπεύειν all those in need in the congregation (AC 2, 18, 7; AC 2, 20, 3; AC 2, 20, 11; AC 2, 24, 2; AC 2, 37, 2; AC 2, 41, 5; AC 4, 2, 1). The bishop is instructed to use several means in his tasks of θεραπέυω. The means have to be suited to the needy (AC 2, 20, 11; AC 2, 41, 5). The compiler instructs using many means to resolve various problems. The same instructions reveal what kind of problems are in question. The bishop’s tasks of θεραπεύειν are carried out through words. The bishop has to direct his words against the sin in the congregation which is the underlying problem. Through words the bishop reproves, expresses threats of judgment and exhorts fasting. In AC 2, 20, 3 θεραπεύειν is linked with teaching. The final means at his disposal is to exclude the member in question, so that the whole body of the Church does not become corrupted (AC 2, 41, 5–7). The means that the bishop is instructed to refer primarily to the relationship between God and a man rather than between two men. All in all, the instruc Collins (1990), 77. Lampe (1961), 645. See also Frisk (1960), 663. According to Beekes (2010), 541 the noun θεράπων (‘attendant, servant’) belongs to the Pre-Greek substrate language. 37 In v. AC 2, 32, 2 the compiler refers to Num 12:8, in which God is said to ask Aaron and Miriam ‘Πῶς οὐκ ἐφοβήθητε κατα λαλῆσαι κατὰ Μωϋσῆ τοῦ θεράποντός μου;’. In AC 6, 3, 1 Moses is also called as God’s θεράποντος: ‘Καὶ ἐπανέστησαν Μωϋσεῖ τῷ τοῦ Θεοῦ θεράποντι.’ 35

36

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tions concerning the bishop and θεραπεύειν reveal that the verb is understood comprehensively in the document. The instructions presented above cohere well with the translations in the dictionaries presented earlier. Also in AC, the verb θεραπεύειν often means healing. The means which the bishop is instructed to use clearly refers to the spiritual understanding of the verb. In the document the object of θεραπεύειν is called νόσος (AC 2, 20, 3; AC 4, 2, 1), which can refer to sickness, which in its nature is physical (being affected by demons), mental or moral.38 Hence, νόσος has been translated as ‘distress’ and ‘anguish’.39 For us modern thinkers, it would sound reasonable to make a distinction as to what kind of sickness the bishop was instructed to θεραπέυω. I think, however, that this was not a relevant question for the contemporaries of the compiler. Their conception was probably not so itemized as we nowadays are apt to think.40 Not all the occurrences of θεραπεύειν in AC can be translated as healing, however. Those occurrences are very divergent. Probably the only overarching link between them is that they do not exist in a context that is directly connected with the congregation. On two occasions a more reasonable translation seems to be ‘to worship’. The first concerns demons and the other Pilate (AC 2, 28, 8; AC 5, 14, 13). In a description of a good wife the most accurate translation would be ‘to take care of ’ (AC 1, 8, 5). Now we have an overview of the usage of θεραπεύειν in AC and are able to ruminate on how to understand the verb in AC 3, 19, 1. The verb is used in a context that is directly connected with the life of the congre Lampe (1961), 922. Liddell, Scott & Jones (2011). 40 In DA, the bishop is instructed to ‘heal those that are sick in sin’ and ‘help those who are very sick.’ Hence, he seems to be considered as a healer, too. However, the bishop is not the only healer in the congregation. In AC 3, 14, the female deacon is instructed to bless a widow so that God would release her from her sins (see Chapter 6.b). The verse has been seen as a variation that is based on DA and hence in connection with healing. Actually, ministry to the sick seems to have had three dimensions among early Christians: ministry by the whole community to the sick, ministry by particular individuals with a charisma of healing, and ministry to the sick by the leadership of the churches. Barret-Lennard (2005), 143–44. Therefore, we have to make a distinction between healing in general and the bishop’s or deacon’s responsibilities. In addition, Ryökäs (2015), 66 points out that we have to avoid confusing healing with nursing. We do not know what the early Christian conception of nursing was like. For example, in the thirteenth century, the priests and deacons are commanded not to practice surgery. This is a later source and probably does not describe the context of AC, but it indicates that we cannot know whether the compiler of AC understood healing and nursing synonymously. 38 39

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gation, so it seems to refer to healing here. By using the verb in connection with the female deacons, the compiler implies that a female deacon shares and continues the bishop’s work. As his agent, she is allowed to heal. Probably the means at her disposal in her work are similar to those of the bishop presented above: words of reproof, threats of judgment and an exhortation to fast. But, as already noted in Chapter 5.a.4, the female deacons are not permitted to ἀφορίζω, which refers to a temporary exclusion from the assembly as a penance (AC 8, 28, 8).41 I think ἀφορίζω is similar to the final means, excluding a member from the assembly (AC 2, 41, 7), and is left to the bishop. Hence, the female deacons continue the bishop’s healing work, but not in all its forms. In AC 3, 19, 1, we are not told when and where the female deacons conduct healing and who their ‘patients’ are. The task seems to be so evident in the congregation that the compiler does not need to explain it further. However, to translate it as ‘serving’ probably does not do justice to the task. The comprehensive understanding of the verb makes it possible to link it with the other tasks of the female deacons in AC. I think the task of visiting the homes could include θεραπεύειν or be understood as θεραπεύειν in general. In AC 3, 19, 1 the verb seems to include all the other tasks that have been listed. The verb is therefore very comprehensive. By ascertaining the meanings of the other tasks in the list, we might get a more accurate understanding of θεραπεύειν as well.

6.c.2 Ἀγγέλλειν The following noun, ἀγγελία, is specifically worth studying because its usage in AC 3, 19, 1 has not been widely noted in previous research.42 The lack of research might result from the uniform translations in dictionaries. In them ἀγγελία is commonly translated as ‘message’.43 However, I think that the other occurrences in AC might illuminate the understanding of the noun in the verse under consideration. What kind of ‘messaging’ are the female deacons instructed to do? The compiler does not use the form ἀγγελία in other verses, but the verb ἀγγέλλω appears in the document with various prefixes, for example with ἐπ- and εὐ-. However, the significance of a verb often changes when prefixes are added. Therefore, in my analysis I concentrate mainly on See also Madigan & Osiek (2005), 115. Ryökäs & Voitila (2013), 137. 43 Liddell & Scott (1996), 7; Frisk (1960), 8. See also Beekes (2010), 9. 41

42

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αγγελ-occurrences. The search for them reveals that other nouns based on the verb help us to outline the meaning of ἀγγελία in AC 3, 19, 1. In AC, the noun ἄγγελος is used mainly of angels, which are created by God and are under his governance (e.g. AC 2, 55, 1; AC 6, 12, 5; AC 7, 32, 4; AC 7, 35, 3; AC 7, 38, 7; AC 8, 12, 8; AC 8, 12, 27; AC 8, 12, 30; AC 8, 36, 3; AC 8, 38, 2; AC 8, 41, 5). Angels are understood as messengers between God and people. This is expressed indirectly in a passage which declares that God spoke to Moses directly and not through, for instance, angels (AC 8, 46, 5). Angels are contrasted with demons: The orthodox scriptures are said to be by angels, the heretical ones by demons (AC 6, 16, 3). The noun ἄγγελος is also used about Satan’s angels, which Christians have to renounce (AC 5, 4, 1; AC 7, 41, 2). Additionally, ἄγγελος is used as a reference to Jesus. He is described as God’s beloved  Son,  God the Word, and as ἄγγελος of his great council (AC 2, 24, 3; AC 5, 16, 3; AC 8, 12, 7).44 Jesus is understood as the angel of the Father (AC 5, 20, 12). Hence, he is understood as God’s messenger. The role is confirmed in a verse in which he is called both ἄγγελος and προφήτης, the angel and prophet of the Father (AC 2, 30, 2). Jesus’ role as God’s messenger matches Collins’ understanding of the noun. Collins defines the angels as heavenly messengers who are ‘sent on a mission’.45 The compiler compares Jesus’ role as God’s messenger with the male deacon’s role in regard to the bishop. As the Son is the Father’s messenger and prophet, the male deacon is the messenger and prophet of his bishop. The compiler declares the comparison by stating that all the things which the male deacon is to do should be made known to the bishop and be finally ordered by him (AC 2, 30, 2). The role of angels, Jesus as ἄγγελος of God, and male deacons as ἄγγελος of the bishop, imply an intermediate action. All of them are understood as a medium that connects the sender with the recipient. The task assigned to the female deacons in AC 3, 19, 1 is hence justified as being comprehended in a similar way: ἀγγελία refers to a task in which she is an intermediate position. Although I have chosen not to analyze the verb ἀγγέλλω with prefixes in this study, I have had to make one exception. In the same context with ἀγγελία in AC 3, 19, 1 the compiler mentions the verb with a prefix. Similarly, he gives us one example about the content of the task of ἀγγελία. In AC 3, 19, 7, he writes: ‘If anyone of Cf. Esa 9:6. Collins (1990), 216.

44 45

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you needs, the deacons visit all, who ask them to visit, and announce to your bishop about the afflicted.’46 In Chapter 6.b we considered the task of visiting that comes out in this verse. Here it is necessary to focus on the verb ἀναγγέλλω instead. It consists of the verb ἀγγέλλω and the prefix ἀν-. Contrary to some other prefixes, the prefix ἀν- does not radically change the meaning of the verb here. I translated it as meaning ‘to announce’. The task of ἀγγέλλω implies that the deacons have to report to the bishop about the people in need of their visitation. In other words, the deacons are intermediaries. They carry an oral message from the afflicted to the bishop. However, I think, the task of ἀγγέλλω in AC 3, 19, 1 might refer to messaging in a larger sense than v. AC 3, 19, 7 leads us to understand. According to Ryökäs and Voitila, carrying messages as a mandated person was an important task for the deacon at least from the first to the fourth century. In several early Christian sources, deacons act as messengers for their bishop. The deacons are described as transmitting messages usually from one bishop to another. It is likely that the female deacons in AC shared this work with their early Christian predecessors.47 Additionally, the next task in the list, ἐκδημίαν, seems to be in connection with ἀγγελία in AC 3, 19, 1 (See Chapter 6.c.3). This argues for interpreting the task of ἀγγελία in a wider context than AC 3, 19, 7 implies. In ancient times, messages were basically similar to letters today, a form of communication between the sender and the recipient, between two people or groups of people. During the first centuries the Christians were not able to use the public institution for carrying letters (cursus publicus), so they had to organize delivery themselves. At that time, sending a letter was a precarious business. It involved long distances on foot or by boat. The messenger had to be completely trustworthy. Hence, the messenger who carried letters from the sender to the recipient required a significant mandate.48 The regular role of the early Christian deacons coheres with ἀγγελία addressed to the female deacons in AC 3, 19, 1. I conclude that their task is to carry messages from the senders to the recipients. This means, for example, carrying a message from people in need of a visitation to the bishop in the congregation. The preposition πρὸς in AC 3, 19, 1 indicates 46 Χρὴ οὖν ὑμᾶς τοὺς διακόνους ἐπισκέπτεσθαι πάντας τοὺς δεομένους ἐπισκέψεως, καὶ περὶ τῶν θλιβομένων ἀναγγέλλετε τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ὑμῶν· AC 3, 19, 7a. 47 Ryökäs & Voitila (2013), 136–41. 48 Koet (2019), 73–77. See also Ryökäs & Voitila (2013), 136–39.

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that the focus is on the issues relating to the messaging, not the result of the message process. I think that the compiler assigns the female deacons a task that partially belongs to the charity of the congregation. However, based on the context of the document, the task seems to be more than v. AC 3, 19, 7 leads us to believe. The task can be understood in a larger sense. This leads me to conclude that the task does not belong only to the area of charity in the congregation, but rather to the area of communication instead. Next we will see, what kind of practical consequences the task of ἀγγελία produces in the life of female deacons in AC.

6.c.3 Ἐκδημεῖν The compiler instructs the female deacons to perform ἐκδημίαν after ἀγγελία in AC 3, 19, 1. What does this noun mean? Unfortunately, there are no other ἐκδημ-rooted words in the document and therefore it is impossible to compare the usage with other occurrences this time. To outline the meaning of ἐκδημέω we have to put our faith in the dictionaries. Because the noun ὁ δῆμος refers to ‘land’ and ‘territory’ (as opposed to the town),49 and the prefix ἐξ- commonly to ‘out’,50 ἐκδημέω has been understood as departing, travelling or being abroad.51 Being in exile has also been associated with the verb.52 So, how does travelling, being abroad or in exile go together with the female deacons in AC? In antiquity, women travelling was not that strange. There were several reasons for women to travel: to conduct business, including commerce, to visit family, to attend religious festivals, to seek cures – to mention only a few. Despite the representation of women as travellers, their travelling aroused anxiety. For free women, travelling meant leaving the safety, both actual and cultural, of the domestic realm. The very act of travelling might suggest that a woman was renouncing her gendered responsibilities, namely the care of the home and of her husband, children and larger household.53 Beekes (2010), 325. Beekes (2010), 433. 51 Liddell & Scott (1996), 504; Lampe (1961), 426. 52 Liddell & Scott (1996), 504; Lampe (1961), 426. 53 Kraemer (2011), 254. See also Marjanen (2005), 503–05. Pilgrimages became more popular during the fourth century. There were several women among the pilgrims, who have been mentioned by name in the sources: Paula, Eustochium, Melania the Younger and the Older Fabiola and Egeria. See Laato (2011), 92–93, 97–118, 129–47. 49 50

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Travelling in antiquity was accompanied by risks and hazards. The apostle Paul describes dangers he had been exposed to during his journeys (2 Cor 11:25–27). From this viewpoint, it may seem surprising that women, for example διάκονος Phoebe (see Chapter 4.a.1), could also have ventured forth.54 In NT, we actually encounter several travelling women: Prisca and Junia (Rom 16) as well as Mary, Joanna and Susanna and the women who followed Jesus (Lk 8:1–3). Avoiding improper implications has also been seen as an important notion for the travelling women. In NT, the women are often told to travel in pairs, with male company.55 Later on, women’s travel might have become related to the representations of celibacy and asceticism: A celibate woman who travels is less likely to be accused of leaving her gendered obligations to her husband, children and household. Such women have also been seen as less vulnerable to threats to their chastity.56 It is reasonable to interpret ἐκδημίαν in AC 3, 19, 1 as a task associated with travelling. As we noted in Chapter 4.b.1, the female deacons in AC are instructed to be either virgins or widows. Likely they do not have to remain unmarried in order to be able to travel, but their unmarried life enables them to do so. It has been assumed that the female deacons are instructed to travel outside the city.57 The suggestion is impossible to validate with certainty here. However, in AC 3, 19, 2 the deacons are instructed to imitate Christ, who gives his life (quoting Mt 20:28). This implies that travelling could be a dangerous business. Travelling outside the city might be even more dangerous than inside the city. The task might include both, but more probably it refers to travelling further afield. What was the reason for the female deacons to travel? The compiler does not tell us directly. Madigan and Osiek suggest that they travel in order to ‘reach those in need of their ministrations.’58 Although they do not identify the people in need more precisely, the reason is potentially Marjanen (2005), 503. Kraemer (2011), 254. See also Marjanen (2005), 504. 56 Kraemer (2011), 254–55. 57 Torres (2010), 627. 58 Madigan & Osiek (2005), 113. Along with travelling, Madigan and Osiek (2005), 113 suggest that in AC 3, 19, 1 the female deacons are instructed to preach. Unfortunately, they do not state which one of the five tasks in the list they associate with preaching. Contrary to this, I concluded in Chapter 5.a.1 that the female deacons are prohibited from preaching. 54 55

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correct. As we noted in Chapter 6.a, the compiler instructs the congregation about charity. Even if the bishop is regarded as being responsible for the charity, at least the male deacons assist him in charitable activities. I think it is possible that, in AC, the female deacons are asked to travel in order to deliver material support. The task might also be in connection with their visits to the homes (Chapter 6.b). Furthermore, Marjanen comments on two ancient papyri that derive from the fourth century. The papyri speak about travelling women but also refer to them as letter couriers. Both of them are letters of recommendation by nature. The first is written on behalf of a Christian woman called Taion and addressed to a presbyter in Egypt. In the other letter, a father requests the unnamed addressees to welcome his daughter, Germania. Neither letter reveals the purposes of the journeys, but they can be assumed to refer to woman travellers who carry the letters.59 Therefore, I think it is reasonable to assume that ἀγγελία, the task of carrying messages, includes a presumption of travelling. Hence, the tasks of ἀγγελία and ἐκδημία in AC 3, 19, 1 are tied inseparably each other. The female deacons had to move from place to another in order to deliver a message. The compiler does not mention, however, whether the female deacons are thought to travel alone or, for example, with male deacons.

6.c.4. Ὑπηρετεῖν From the viewpoint of charitable connotations, the noun ὑπηρεσία is probably the most challenging one in the list of AC 3, 19, 1. The verb ὑπηρετέω has generally been translated as ‘to serve’.60 Based on the supposed common meaning of ‘to serve’, the verbs ὑπηρετέω and διακονέω have been interpreted synonymously.61 In AC, the compiler uses ὑπηρετ-rooted words in both verbal and nominal forms. The verb appears both with and without the prefix ἐξ-. In the passages where the ὑπηρετ- word appears, the compiler does not usually emphasize the word itself but its object. For example, the male deacons are instructed to ὑπηρετεῖν the infirm (AC 3, 19, 1), the bishop (AC 2, 28, 6), and both the bishop and presbyters (AC 3, 11; AC 3, 20, 2; AC 8, 30, 2). Marjanen (2005), 504–05. Liddell & Scott (1996), 1872; Frisk (1970), 970; Beekes (2010), 1534. 61 Collins (1990), 77. It has been proposed that the terms διάκονος and ὑπηρέτης together form a Hellenistic alternative to the Jewish term ‘elders’. However, the words do not have any history of synonymity. Collins (1990), 236. 59

60

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What kind of action does the verb refer to, then? First, we should note that, in some cases, the ὑπηρετ- rooted words seem to have been used synonymously with the διακ-family.62 In two contexts, the plural noun ὑπηρέταις has been used synonymously with male διάκονοι (AC 3, 11, 1–3; AC 6, 17, 1–2). The task of the deacon is said to be to ἐξυπηρετεῖν, which is amplified to διακονεῖν (AC 3, 20, 2). Nonetheless, this passage can also be interpreted in another way, reading διακονέω as one way among others in the field of ἐξυπηρετέω. The verb ὑπηρετέω also appears in divine contexts. The compiler uses it when describing the Son’s activity in relation to the Father. The Son’s role in creation is characterized as ὑπηρετεῖν to the Father (AC 5, 20, 13). In another context, the passage is almost the same, but the Son is said to ὑπηρετεῖν the Father both in creation and His providence (AC 8, 12, 30). Furthermore, the widows are directed to be the objects of ὑπηρετέω (AC 4, 8, 1). They are to receive alms, which is expressed by way of the verb. The verb is used in this context in a passive form, so we cannot know its subject. There can also be various subjects working together. As we have noted earlier, the bishop was responsible for helping the needy, including widows, but he worked with assistants. The bishop is also instructed to be ὑπηρετικός by nature. The adjective is mentioned in the same list with ‘generous’, ‘kind to widows’, ‘hos62 Burtchaell (1992), 277–78 thinks that the early Christians differentiated from their Jewish counterparts by nomenclature, not by structure at an early stage. Hence the early Christians continued with Jewish synagogue functions in their worship. They retained the functions unchanged but gave them new titles. According to Burtchaell, ὑπηρέτης is one example of this custom. The term is the older Greek equivalent to ‫חזן‬. This comes out several times in the gospel accounts. ‫ חזן‬is the Jewish assistant of the temple and synagogue. The Christian communities provided themselves with comparable functionaries, but selected an alternative title. That was not ὑπηρέτης, but διάκονος. Burtchaell (1992), 317. In this research, I cannot take a stand on NT verses to which Burtchaell refers. Burtchaell’s note helps us, however, to understand the synonymous understanding of the ὑπηρετ-rooted words and the διακ-family in AC. Correspondingly with Burtchaell, Olson (2005), 24–25 thinks that the offices of the Christian elder, bishop and deacon might have been carry-overs from the assistants or Levites in the Jewish temple. In the context of the temple or synagogue, the assistant had been developed into an employee, who had many uses. He was ‫חזן‬, who was a combination, for example, of master of ceremonies, Hebrew teacher, scribe, welfare officer and gravedigger. Stewart (2014), 124 criticizes Burtchaell’s thinking. According to him, the problem with Burtchaell’s position is that it assumes a monolithic development of Christian ministry. ‘It is hypothetically possible,’ Stewart writes, ‘that they there were such offices in some synagogues in some communities, and that they in turn influenced the development of Christian office. Such a picture, however, is localized, and the evidence for synagogue organization in the formative period of Christianity is slight.’

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Tasks Linked with Charity

pitable’ and ‘having no cause for shame’ (AC 2, 4, 1). Both ὑπηρετικός and εὐδιάκονος are mentioned in the list. The immediate context would therefore easily lead to the conclusion that ὑπηρετικός is used in the meaning of humble service. However, the wider context does not support this deduction. The compiler generally stresses the power of the bishop. He has to be honoured like God. His superior power also comes out, for example, through the various titles which have been given to him in the document: teacher, minister, keeper of knowledge, lord, master, father, high priest, governor, king, the mediator between God and the congregation.63 Because the superior position of the bishop is so strongly emphasized in the document, a demand to give it away through humility would be contrary to this ideal. Therefore, ὑπηρετικός in the meaning of humble service seems improbable. The etymology of ὑπηρετέω reveals a suitable standpoint to the interpretation of its use in AC as well. The verb was originally a sailor’s expression.64 It has been used about the body of rowers and the crew on a ship.65 In some contexts, the allusions to ‘staff’ and ‘crew’ remained.66 I think one of the most important things in the duty of the rowers was their cooperation. They had to work well together to succeed in their task. I hypothesize that ὑπηρετέω is associated with co-operation in AC. The close link between διακονέω and ὑπηρετέω provides the first way to test the hypothesis. Many of the ὑπηρετ-occurrences concern the tasks of the male deacons during the liturgy, in which they can been interpreted as being instructed to co-operate well with the others. I think the adjective ὑπηρετικός indicates that the bishop has to be ready to be co-operative, too. From the divine viewpoint, the Son and the Father co-operate in creation. I conclude that we can speak about co-operative service, when we speak about ὑπηρεσία in AC. Moreover, the word ὑπηρεσία can be characterized as a bureaucratically loaded term. Commonly it has been used to designate specific officers in the middle and lower levels of legal, military, and governmental systems. This reinforces the orientation of the ministry in the Church as well: The deacons should carry out their tasks as Jesus, who conducted only the will of the Father, did. Therefore, the male deacon is ‘to do 63 Penn thinks that the compiler emphasizes the power of the clergy. From my viewpoint, the power of the bishop is more clearly expressed in AC. Penn has put together the superior titles of the bishop mentioned in AC. See Penn (2001), 179. 64 Frisk (1970), 970; Beekes (2010), 1534. 65 Liddell & Scott (1996), 1872. 66 Beekes (2010), 1534.

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nothing of himself ’ but ‘to serve the bishop’.67 This standpoint hence reinforces my emphasis on co-operation. To sum up, the verb ὑπηρετέω can be translated as ‘to serve’ in AC, but it is closely linked with a co-operative connotation. The person, who is ὑπηρετικός, has to be ready to work with others. Therefore, the male deacons who are instructed to ὑπηρετεῖν are called to serve during the liturgy. However, they do not perform the tasks alone, but rather serve in close connection to the bishop. How does my conclusion match the instructions that are given to the female deacons in AC? In the document, ὑπηρετέω is the only verb which occurs several times with regard to the female deacons. We have a unique opportunity to exploit various verses to obtain a more coherent impression, but still have to keep in mind that the usages are not selfevidently comparable. First, let us go back to AC 8, 28, 6 which we have already considered in the prohibition of blessing (Chapter 5.a.3). Here the female deacons are instructed to ἐξυπηρετεῖν the presbyters during the baptism of women. In some cases, the prefix ἐξ- might slightly change the meaning of the verb.68 Here, however, the context has been described so that the prefix does not seem to change the meaning very much. The object of the verb has been given as well: It is the presbyter. Consequently, the female deacon has to serve the presbyter during the rite of baptism. The female deacons’ task during the baptism of a woman is described in more detail in another passage of the same book (AC 3,  16,  2–4, see Chapter 5.b). Here again, the female deacons are instructed to ἐξυπηρετεῖν the presbyters. The presbyters are said to be in need of service. ‘Serving’ in this context refers to co-operative working with the presbyters. They are instructed to carry out the task of baptism together, with the female deacon assisting the presbyter. The presbyters are not the only people whom the female deacons are instructed to ὑπηρετέω. In AC 8, 28, 8 the female deacons, readers and singers are called ὑπηρέται. This time, the female deacons are not instructed to serve the presbyter, but rather the male deacons. The passage refers to the liturgical assembly. As we have already noted, the tasks assigned to the female and male deacons were partly similar (Chapter 5.c.2). The female deacon works co-operatively with the male deacon, Collins (1990), 70, 21. For example, according to the dictionaries ὑπηρετέω can be translated as ‘to be a servant, minister, serve,’ whereas ἐξυπηρετέω ‘to serve, obey, minister and assist in/to the utmost.’ See Lampe (1961), 503, 1444; Liddell, Scott & Jones (2011). 67 68

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now also expressed by way of ὑπηρετέω. In this context, ὑπηρέται includes, however, a clear link to the subjectivity of the male deacons. The female deacons are prohibited from blessing (εὐλογέω) and from excluding anybody from the assembly (ἀφορίζω). Only the person who is allowed to bless and exclude has the authority to do this. Therefore, the female deacons who are ὑπηρέται are instructed to serve co-operatively with the male deacons, but are nevertheless subservient to them. In AC 3,  19,  3 there is a phrase in which the object of the verb ὑπηρετέω is more opaque than in the occurrences above. The compiler writes about ‘serving the needy’ (τὸ ὑπηρετεῖσθαι τοῖς δεομένοις).69 When I considered the task of visiting the homes in Chapter 6.b, I demonstrated that a couple of verses later, in AC 3, 19, 7, the needy refers to those individuals who are allowed to receive some material support in the congregation. Because AC 3, 19, 3 and AC 3, 19 7 are closely linked to each other, I think that the needy in v. 3 are the same people as in v. 7. In v. 3, both male and female deacons are instructed to serve the needy by delivering alms and free-will offerings. This matches the task, assigned to both of them, of visiting the homes.70 In this case, the meaning of the verb ὑπηρετέω seems to come close to the traditional understanding of ‘service’. It is true that, by using the 69 Collins notes that here ὑπηρετέω is used instead of διακονέω. However, διακονέω still appears in the passage which follows immediately after. It is a citation from Mk 10:45, in which ‘the Lord himself establishes the standard of the deacon’s ministry.’ After the citation, the compiler uses the verb διακονέω again along with the meaning ‘to minister to the needy’. Nevertheless, Collins points out that the occurrence is an allusion to Mark, not an everyday ecclesiastical expression for helping those in need. Collins (1990), 70. Unlike Collins, Metzger (1986), 161 thinks that the compiler refers to Mt 20:28 (‘just as the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.’) in AC 3, 19, 3. This verse is parallel to Mk 10:45 in content, however. In both biblical verses, the verb διακονέω is used as well. What is meaningful, is that AC 3, 19, 3 leads us to interpret that the compiler is able to use the verbs ὑπηρετέω and διακονέω interchangeably. In the text written on his own, he uses ὑπηρετέω, but immediatedly after that, when quoting NT, the verb used is διακονέω. 70 Collins explains that, by way of AC 3, 19, the compiler aims at protecting the charitable work in the Church against the avarice and sloth to which the deacons had previously been exposed. The compiler does it by referring to their position as the ‘mind and soul’ of the bishop. The bishop is the person who has the primary responsibility. Collins (1990), 69. The compiler does not reveal his intentions behind the chapter in question because he does not mention the malpractice that Collins suggests. The explanation is not excluded, however. The bishop’s power and responsibility is largely emphasized in the document. Therefore, the reference to the bishop’s leadership here does not necessarily refer to a specific problem in the congregation, but rather describes the general tendency in the compiler’s thinking in the document.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

verb, the compiler instructs the deacons to help the needy. However, the compiler does not seem to think that the focus is on their charitable attitude. Actually, they have to ὑπηρετεῖν because they are instructed to co-operate with the bishop. In the very beginning of ch. AC 3,  19 the compiler compares the deacons to the bishop in their faultlessness. In v. 3, the verb ὑπηρετέω refers, thus, to the co-operation between the bishop and the male and female deacons. One task which is included in their co-operation is linked to the deliverance of material support. The primary object of ὑπηρετεῖν is the bishop, the needy being the secondary. So far, we have noted that the analysis of the document as a whole reveals that ὑπηρεσία has various objects. They are presbyters, male deacons, the bishop and the people who are permitted to receive alms. The tasks described with the verb were also analysed. The verb refers to serving, but has a co-operative connotation. The female deacons are instructed to serve the presbyter during the baptism of women. They work co-operatively with the male deacons during the assembly. The female deacons are also instructed to serve the needy, which means delivering alms. However, the primary object of her service is the bishop; she has to work for him.71 Finally, ὑπηρεσία is one of the tasks that is assigned to the female deacons in the verse under consideration (AC 3,  19,  1). What does it mean here? When we look at the verse, all of the aspects outlined above are theoretically possible. The direct context gives no hint as to whether the compiler refers to a single task or all of them. From my viewpoint, the most valid interpretation is that the compiler uses the verb in the same way as he uses it later in the same chapter, namely in the sense of serving the bishop and the needy. The following verses of AC 3, 19 confirm the hypothesis to translate ὑπηρετέω as serving with a co-operative connotation. In verses 3 and 6, the compiler enlightens the task of ὑπηρεσία by referring to biblical paragraphs. In AC 3, 19, 3, I think, he demands an inclination to serve. At first he instructs the male and female deacons to serve ‘just as the Son of Man did not come to be served, but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many (Mt 20:28).’ He then instructs the deacons not to doubt if they have to lay aside their soul for a brother or a sister because ‘greater love has no one than this: to lay down one’s life for one’s friends (Jn 15:13).’72 In v. AC 3, 19, 6 the compiler instructs the deacons on how 71 Cf. Hentschel (2013), 190, who defines that Christ was not διάκονος of men but of God. 72 AC 3, 19, 3.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

they have to serve. They must not complain and cause disagreement, but rather serve lovingly as if they were serving the Lord, not people. This commandment is hence validated by referring to Eph 6:7–8. The compiler also encourages the deacons by claiming that they will receive their reward (τὸν μισθὸν τῆς διακονίας) ‘on the day of your bishop’ (ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ἐπισκοπῆς ὑμῶν).73 The context gives no further hint about what day of the bishop is. In spite of this, the task of ὑπηρεσία seems to be in connection with the co-operation of deacons and the bishop in this verse as well. All in all, in AC, ὑπηρεσία is linked with charitable activities in the congregation in AC, but not always. In spite of that, the connection with charity is obvious. The task of ὑπηρεσία in the verse under consideration does not, however, reveal any task that is unknown elsewhere in the document.

6.c.5. Δουλεύειν The final term which the compiler uses while instructing the female deacons in AC 3,  19,  1 is δουλεία. The noun derives from the verb δουλεύω, which has commonly been translated as ‘to be a slave’ or ‘to serve’.74 Hence, the noun δουλεία has been interpreted as ‘slavery’ or ‘servanthood’.75 In AC the compiler uses δουλεύω occasionally. He refers to the Sermon on the Mount: ‘No one can serve two masters. Either you will hate the one and love the other, or you will be devoted to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve both God and money.’76 The citation is expressed explicitly three times in the document (AC 7, 1, 1; AC 7, 6, 5; AC 8, 47, 81). There is also an indirect reference to the citation in which the verb is used about a widow who δουλεύω mammon instead of God (AC 3, 7, 4). Furthermore, the Christians are instructed to δουλεύω the Lord with fear (AC 5, 10, 1). The wives are instructed to δουλεύω their husbands with fear and love (AC 6, 29, 1). None of the occurrences reveals much about the specific meaning of the verb. Based on the occurrences considered it is impossible to achieve a coherent picture AC 3, 19, 6. See Frisk (1960), 412 and Beekes (2010), 349. 75 Liddell & Scott (1996), 446; Beekes (2010), 349. 76 Οὐδεὶς δύναται δυσὶ κυρίοις δουλεύειν· ἢ γὰρ τὸν ἕνα μισήσει καὶ τὸν ἕτερον ἀγαπήσει, ἢ ἑνὸς ἀνθέξεται καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου καταφρονήσει. οὐ δύνασθε θεῷ δουλεύειν καὶ μαμωνᾷ. Mt 6:24. 73 74

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Tasks Linked with Charity

of the content of the verb. Regardless of that, one thing is common to all of the occurrences: The subject of δουλεύω is in a subordinate position. In AC, the nouns derived from δουλεύω are used more frequently than the verb itself. The noun ὁ δοῦλος appears both in secular and spiritual contexts. Firstly, from a secular viewpoint, the compiler instructs what δούλοι should make of their masters and how their masters should treat them in a Christian way. Δούλοι are described and reminded to be subject to their masters, as Eph 6:5 urges (AC 2, 14, 12; AC 5, 20, 7; AC 7, 13).77 Δοῦλος brings good will to his master with the fear of God (AC 4, 12, 1). Respectively, the Christian masters should not command Christian δοῦλος with the bitterness of soul (AC 7, 13, 2).78 They are also directed to work for only five days a week (AC 8, 33, 2–3). In contrast, the Christians are instructed not to unite with slaves (AC 8, 34, 13). The tasks of secular δοῦλος are not described in more detail in the document. In spite of this, in one passage a concubine is called δούλη, but it is improbable that this would describe the tasks of all δούλοι (AC 8, 32, 12–13). As a result, in the secular context I would generally translate the noun as ‘a slave’. The compiler instructs its readers to treat slaves in a special way in AC. In addition to the instructions mentioned above, the compiler pays special attention to slaves in the ecclesiastical community. They are allowed to receive a part of the offerings in the community (AC 4, 9, 2). In an intercession, those that are in bitter δουλεία are mentioned separately in addition to those who have been banished or who are in prison (AC 8, 10, 15; AC 8, 12, 45). I think that ‘bitter servitude’ (AC 8, 10, 15) refers to the slaves who do not have righteous masters. In general, slaves seem to be under special observation in the congregation. Namely, if someone is coming ‘to the word of the Lord’ (τῷ κυριακῷ λόγῳ),79 he has to be brought to the bishop or to the presbyters and the deacons and be examined as to why he wants to attend. His manners and life have to be examined. The compiler instructs that, in the specific case of a slave, he has to be asked who his master is. If the master is one of the faithful, he 77 AC 8, 39, 3 and AC 8, 46, 2 reinforce the connotation of subordination regarding the noun δοῦλος even if the noun in that form does not appear in them. In AC 8, 39, 3 the compiler uses a neuter form in a blessing prayer in which all things are said to be in a subordinate position to God (τὰ σύμπαντα δοῦλά σου). As in AC 8, 46, 2 the compiler uses the verb δουλεύω in describing how the units of time and heavenly bodies are subordinate to the uses which have been appointed to them. 78 In the verse, a man is called δούλῳ, whereas a woman is ἢ παιδίσκῃ. 79 It is clear to which ritual κυριακός λόγος refers. According to Donaldson (1886), 494 the question is about baptism. I think the context might be a liturgical assembly as well.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

has to be asked whether he can give his slave a good character. If he does, the slave is able to attend (AC 8, 32, 2–3). Secondly, the compiler has used the noun ὁ δοῦλος in a spiritual sense in AC. Christians in general are defined as such, both in the singular and plural. The Christians are designated as δούλοι of the triune God (AC 6, 16, 2; AC 8, 37, 6). To be a δοῦλος of God is considered as a matter of honour to a Christian: The faithful and honest ones are said to be examples to the people in their thankfulness (AC 7, 25, 1). The patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob are also described as δούλοι (AC 7,  26,  3). Along with the general usage, the term appears in references to a particular Christian. The awakened δούλοι in Lk 12:35–37 are perceived as ideals to the bishop in the community. The bishops are also called fellow-δούλοι (σύνδουλοι, AC 5, 10, 1). The δοῦλος -occurrences are particularly common in the so-called ordination prayers (AC 7, 48, 4; AC 8, 5, 6; AC 8, 6, 12; AC 8, 16, 4–5; AC 8, 18, 2; AC 8, 20, 2; AC 8, 21, 4; AC 8, 22, 3–4; AC 8, 35, 1; AC 8, 41, 5). In the prayer for a female deacon, she is called δοῦλος of God (AC 8, 20, 2). To summarize, to be a spiritual δοῦλος is seen positively from the aspect of Christian identity. I think in these contexts that the noun has to be translated as ‘servant’ instead of ‘slave’. The noun δουλεία, on the other hand, appears in a negative light in the document. Those, who believe in Christ, are freed from it (AC 6, 21, 1; AC 7, 38, 9; AC 7, 39, 3). By using δουλεία, the compiler refers to being a δοῦλος of the Law, as opposed to believing in Christ. The Jews are seen as an example of it. They are said to have drawn δουλεία upon themselves voluntarily (AC 6, 24, 2). The noun is also used in a citation referring to Psalm 103. Here the noun refers to the ‘δουλεία of men’, but it is difficult to make a more detailed definition (AC 4,  5, 2). It does seem, however, that most occurrences of the noun δουλεία would be translated as ‘slavery’ rather than ‘servanthood’. All in all, none of the occurrences analysed, neither subjective nor verbal forms, secular nor spiritual, precisely suit δουλεία in AC 3, 19, 1. The female deacons are not secular slaves. Every Christian is a δοῦλος of God. The verbal forms do not give a coherent picture of the contents of δουλεία either. Common to all occurences, however, is the connotation of subordination. The very form δουλεία is seen in a negative light in the other occurrences of AC. Is the task for the female deacons in the verse under consideration linked, then, with ‘slavery’ or ‘servanthood’? The common usage of the noun δουλεία refers to the former, and the usage of the noun δοῦλος to the latter alternative.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

At the end of AC 3, 19, 1 the compiler argues for the tasks of the female deacons by quoting Is 53, 11: ‘my righteous servant will justify many.’ Here the compiler repeats the verb δουλεύω. Because the task of δουλεία is associated with the prophecy of Isaiah, the compiler thinks the female deacons share the work of Christ. They all have the same task of δουλεία. From this it follows, that δουλεία in the verse under consideration can be translated as ‘service’. We noted that the connotation of subordinate functioning comes out when the compiler uses the verbal forms of δουλεύω in the document. The connotation is also probable in the two nouns that are used of female deacons in AC (AC 3, 19, 1; AC 8, 20, 2): In both the subordination is understood as being related to God.  Earlier, as we have noted (Chapters 5.a.1, 5.a.2 and 5.c.4) the female deacon is understood as a woman subordinate to men and a deacon subordinate to the bishop and male deacons in the congregation. Is the connotation of δουλεύω therefore in connection with the perceived subordinate position of the female deacons among the people in the congregation? Unfortunately, any extra evidence for this is missing. Consequently, I have to conclude that for certain, the subordination included in δουλεία is understood at least as belonging to the relationship between God and a female deacon. Furthermore, we have to note that, according to Collins, in ancient sources the word διάκονος was not connotated with humility and subservience (Chapter 1.a.2). In the verse under consideration, subordinate service is, however, one of the female deacons’ tasks and is strongly linked with humility. In AC 3, 19, 4–5 the deacons are namely demanded to imitate Christ in their subordinate service. The compiler continues by quoting Mt 20:26–27: ‘whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant, and whoever wants to be first must be your slave.’ According to the compiler, Christ himself is a real ‘righteous one who is well subject to many.’ Here again, he makes mention of Esa 53:11. The compiler continues by referring implicitly to John 13, in which Jesus washes his disciples’ feet. For the compiler, this is an example of the tenderness of Jesus’ brotherly love, which the Christians show to each other. He asks rhetorically, how can the deacons be ashamed to do the same to the infirm and weak brothers, if Christ has thus been lowered.80 Conclusively, the final task in the list under consideration, δουλεία, refers to a task of subordinate service. In other words, the female deacons have to serve in a subordinate and humble way. My analysis gave no AC 3, 19, 4–5.

80

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Tasks Linked with Charity

hint as to whether the task of δουλεία refers to a particular task or not. More likely is that the question is rather about a role that the female deacons are charged to play when carrying out their tasks. Like ὑπηρεσία, the task of δουλεία in AC 3, 19, 1 does not reveal any task of the female deacons not found in other passages of the document.

6.c.6 Final Remarks We have carefully considered the five tasks of female deacons in AC 3, 19, 1: θεραπεύειν, ἀγγελία, ἐκδημία, ὑπηρεσία and δουλεία. It was demonstrated that in this verse the female deacon is instructed to heal by using words (θεραπεύειν). She has to carry messages (ἀγγελίαν). Travel (ἐκδημίαν) is also assigned to her. Furthermore, the female deacon was demonstrated to have tasks of service: Her service (ὑπηρεσίαν) is not performed in a humble, but rather in a co-operative way.81 The female deacon also has to serve (δουλείαν) in a subordinate manner.82 In conclusion, I am able to complete my translation of the verse under consideration: Let the male deacons be in all things unblemished like the bishop, above all active, parallel to the multitude of the community, so that they could serve the powerless without cause for shame. And let the women heal valuably, and both of them for the sake of messaging, travelling, serving co-operatively and serving, as the Lord has said through Isaiah: ‘The righteous servant justifies many.’83

The compiler continues with passage AC 3,  19,  2 describing how the male and female deacons should carry out their tasks listed in v. 1. Each of the deacons has to know his/her proper place and perform it with serious attention, in unity of mind and soul, and knowing the wages of 81 Also the nouns δουλεία and θεραπεία have commonly been interpreted to have a collective sense. Collins (1990), 153–54. 82 According to one classification, the words linked to Greek slaves can be divided into two groups on the grounds of their connotations. Firstly, δουλ- belongs to one group of words which connote the slave’s subjection, their low social status and their relationship to a household. In addition, there are two groups of other terms which only occasionally connote a slavish condition. To the first one belongs ὑπηρετ-, which expresses assistance or cooperation but which does not connote the kind of activity involved. The other group comprises, for example, θεραπ- and διακον-, which does have connotations. The activity designated by θεραπ- is observable particularly in medical and religious contexts. It is characterized by concern and trust. See Collins (1990), 92–93. – I compared the tasks analysed with the occurrences of the same verbs in John Chrysostom’s letters to female deacons in Pylvänäinen (2018), 73–90. 83 AC 3, 19, 1.

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Tasks Linked with Charity

being a deacon. By so doing, the deacons manifoldly imitate the example of Jesus Christ. In the following verses 3–6, the compiler refers to several biblical paragraphs so as to confirm his argument (Mt 20:26–28; Esa 53:11; Jn 13:4–5, Jn 13:14–15; 1 Pet 12:2; Eph 6:7–8). We analysed the verses more closely in Chapters 6.c.4 and 6.c.5. To me, it seems that the tasks of the female deacons in AC 3, 19, 1 are in an indirect connection to their biblical role models in the so-called ordination prayer (Chapter 4.b.2). As Deborah worked with Barak in the war, the female deacon is commanded to ὑπηρεσία, serve co-operatively. As Huldah talked about God’s will to the company of the priest Hilkiah, the female deacon is sent to θεραπεύειν and ἀγγελία. As we have seen, the associations between the tasks of prophetesses and those of the female deacons in AC do not come very close to each other. The tasks of the female deacons seem to be dependent on the current need in the congregation, but this does not prevent the compiler from arguing for the need by referring to the biblical female figures. All in all, it is striking that the compiler uses the term διάκονος as it has previously been used mainly in the Greek sources. Similarly, he does not hesitate to give reasons for the female deacons in the context of OT. Because his context was coloured by the interaction between Jews and Christians, the compiler does not see a problem in mixing both traditions in the document. Probably, he has not even made such a distinction between those traditions as we tend to do. Concerning v. AC 3, 19, 1 I established that some tasks of the female deacons can be defined as charitable. Along with the task of visiting the homes considered earlier, here the tasks that include θεραπεύειν, ἐκδημία and ὑπηρεσία were demonstrated to have charitable connotations. The noun ἀγγελία is not linked with charity, but rather communication in the congregation, whereas the object of δουλεία remains as an unresolved problem.84

6.d. Summary of Chapter 6 In Chapter 6, we focused on the tasks of the female deacons not assigned to them in a liturgical context and which have earlier been defined as charitable service. At first, we outlined the charitable activity in AC For more about the relationship between deacons and charity in AC, see Pylvänäinen (2018), 167–70. 84

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Tasks Linked with Charity

and the role of male deacons in it. Then we considered the instruction in which the female deacons are sent to visit the homes of the faithful women. The compiler seems to indicate several purposes for such visits. They might include almsgiving, at least to the widows. Additionally, it appeared to be presumed but not validated that the female deacons might teach the women when paying them a visit. All in all, the visits to women’s homes are in indirect connection with charitable service in the congregation. AC 3, 19, 1 is particularly challenging from the viewpoint of charity in the congregation. The verse includes five words that have traditionally been interpreted to be in close connection to charitable activities. I analysed the words one by one in the context of the whole document, and concluded that the words can be translated accurately as healing, messaging, travelling as well as co-operative and subordinate service. Some of the tasks were revealed not to be in connection with charity in the congregation: I suggest that messaging and subordinate serving do not have charitable connotations: The task of messaging refers to the carrying of letters or oral messages between two congregations. Hence, messaging is neither part of the liturgy nor charity in AC, but rather refers to the communications of the congregation. The task of subordinate service emphasizes the position of the female deacon as God’s servant. The tasks of healing, travelling and co-operative service cannot be defined as plain charitable tasks, but seem to be linked with charity. Healing might have helped sick people and the female deacons serve cooperatively, for instance, with the bishop when organizing the deliverance of alms to the widows in the congregation. When delivering them, the female deacons might have had to travel, but the task of messaging might also have included travelling as well. Accordingly, travel also has an indirect connection with charitable service.



CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS

In Chapter 7 I summarize the results of the research and consider them as a part of the broader field of early Christian studies. This research responds to some challenges but also raises new questions. Hence, we need to consider both the significance of these results and their implications for future research.

7.a. Main Results The aim of this study was to discover the tasks assigned to female deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions. AC is a church order that originated in Antioch and was completed in ad  380. The document is a compilation consisting of several sources which have been remoulded into one text. Because the compiler has also added a great deal of unique material into the text, it is a self-contained document, the content of which is incoherent. The process of compilation is apparent in the case of female deacons: The compiler has not just remoulded the instructions given previously in DA, but has added many instructions to the document. For a researcher, the composite character is challenging to analyse, and consequently generalizations have to be made with care. In Chapter 3, we noted that AC was defined as a heterodox Arian document for centuries. Recently, the interpretations concerning its theology have multiplied. Argumentation against Arian readings has been proposed, as well as, among other things, the presence of Neo-Arian and orthodox verses in the document. The document has also been shown to reflect in many ways a Jewish Christian interaction that was typical of Antiochene life during the fourth century: AC contains prayers that originate in synagogues; the compiler commands the congregation to celebrate



Conclusions

the Sabbath and Sunday side by side; and the way the compiler uses Scripture creates a fruitful basis for interaction between Jews and Christians. One starting point for my study was that the document should primarily be read within its context. That meant, for example, taking the interaction between Jews and Christians that influenced the document into account. As the consideration in Chapter 3 shows, in previous research the compiler’s attitude to Jewish influences has been defined in various ways. Recently, many scholars have thought that the compiler regarded himself as a Christian who is reacting dichotomously to the Jewish Christian influences in his congregation. However, I think that we are not able to presume that he has a well-defined attitude to contemporary Jewish customs and beliefs – AC reflects variable attitudes towards them. This indicates that the compiler was part of the multifaceted Jewish Christian culture and context. He reminds me of teenagers who rebel against their parents, strongly attacking some of their ideas and practices that are contrary to their own viewpoint, yet still part of the family. Their nascent independence emerges from those roots, either consciously or unconsciously, forming their own identity and way of thinking. In the same manner, AC reflects unique thinking and practices. The compiler partially attacks Jews (via anti-Jewish verses), but similarly the Christian life that the document mirrors is firmly rooted in the interaction between Jews and Christians. To me, the congregation portrayed in AC seems to be independently Christian, but not entirely segregated from its Jewish roots and neighbours. The mosaic character of the document comes out in the instructions concerning female deacons: The compiler has used manifold concepts when referring to them in AC. Chapter 4 demonstrated that most of the concepts originate primarily in Scripture. The concept of διακόνισσα is, however, significantly more recent, being used for first time in the fourth century. Despite the multiplicity of terms, I concluded that the compiler refers to the same group of women in the congregation. Furthermore, in AC, the female deacons appear as anonymous women. From the perspective of women in the congregation, they still play a special role in the document. The compiler instructs that they have to be unmarried, either virgins or widows. The prerequisites concerning their life seem to be linked to their responsibilities in the congregation. Their unmarried status might enable them to perform some of their tasks. The female deacons are also considered to be chosen women in the community, which comes out in the so-called ordination prayer prescribed in the document. The liturgical tasks include the role of the female deacons in the baptism of women and liturgical assemblies. The female deacon assists



Conclusions

the bishop, male deacon and presbyter when a female candidate is being baptized by anointing her and receiving her when she emerges from the pool. During the rite of baptism, the tasks of female and male deacons are parallel, only the gender of the candidate is different. At the beginning of the liturgical assembly, as well as at the time of anaphora, the female deacons have to guard the doors through which women enter the church building. They also have to usher the women into their place in the building and be present when a woman approaches the bishop or male deacon during the Eucharist. Compared to the male deacons, the role of the female deacons in the liturgical assembly is limited. Unlike their male counterparts, the female deacons are not directly involved in the liturgy. Rather, they maintain order during it. The compiler describes their role in the assembly by comparing them with the Holy Spirit: Both play an intermediary role. The female deacons work in a subordinate position to the bishop and male deacons and assist them by being responsible for the assembled women. In the liturgical context, the female deacons work co-operatively both with the presbyters and male deacons. They assist the presbyters during the baptism of women and the male deacons during the liturgical assembly. The compiler mentions the task several times in the document. I translated that as ‘co-operative serving’. The compiler also presents several prohibitions, which have to be interpreted in a liturgical context. The prohibitions are either addressed to women in general or to the female deacons in particular. Hence, the female deacons are not allowed to teach in liturgical assemblies, baptize, consecrate, offer or separate. The prohibitions are linked with the female deacon’s subordinate position in the congregation. Although what the female deacons have to do and what they must not do does not come out clearly in AC, they still are people of status in the liturgical context. In a non-liturgical context, the compiler instructs the female deacons to visit the homes of women as well as to heal, carry messages, travel and serve. Some of these tasks were shown to have charitable connotations. By using the verb ‘healing’ in connection with the deaconesses, the compiler implies that a deaconess shares and continues the bishop’s work. As his agent, she is allowed to heal. Probably the means at her disposal in her work are mainly similar to those of the bishop. The deaconesses are not, though, permitted to exclude a member temporarily from the assembly as a penance. This task is left to the bishop. I concluded that the female deacon plays an intermediary role in a visit – she is διάκονος of both the bishop and the alms. She has to inform



Conclusions

the bishop about the visits. Here the tasks of the female and male deacons are parallel. I concluded that the visits of female deacons are in connection with delivering alms to needy women. The possibility of teaching cannot be excluded. Additionally, both female and male deacons are instructed to travel, whereas healing is assigned only to female deacons. Healing and travel might be linked to visiting, but because of inconsistencies in the document, that kind of conclusion cannot be made with any certainty. In spite of this, healing, travelling and co-operative serving were shown to be tasks that are indirectly linked with charity. The female deacons, along with male deacons, are also instructed to serve and to carry messages in non-liturgical contexts. The service here refers to the subordinate position of the deacon in relation to God. The task seems to be in connection with a humble attitude towards God. The task of messaging means carrying messages from the people in need to the bishop in the congregation. However, the task of messaging probably means also carrying messages from one congregation to another. The compiler does not seem to link these two tasks merely with charity. Carrying messages aids communication in the Church. The analysis shows that the tasks of the female deacons in AC mainly match the reinterpreted conception of διάκονος in NT. The female deacons can be understood as agents and assistants, especially in relation to the bishop. They play an intermediate role between the bishop and the women in the congregation which is evident in several instructions. It seems that the compiler assigns them tasks that are needed in the congregation at that time. Hence, despite the fixed title of female deacon, the tasks assigned to them are not fixed. In outline, the tasks of the female deacons can now be compared to those of their male colleagues. The non-liturgical tasks of the female and male deacons seem to have close parallels. The compiler instructs them to visit, travel and serve side by side. From a charitable viewpoint, healing is the only task that is assigned to the female deacons but not to male deacons. I think the bishop heals the men rather than the male deacons. Furthermore, both male and female deacons are sent to carry messages. Their tasks during the rite of baptism have close parallels as well. During the baptism of a woman, the male deacon anoints the forehead of a female candidate and the female deacon carries out the rest of the tasks assigned to deacons. The compiler does not instruct the female deacon to be present during the baptism of a man. From my viewpoint, the greatest differences in their tasks are in the context of the liturgical assembly. To sum them up, the female deacons are not directly involved in the liturgy, whereas the male deacons play a leading role at the altar. Nevertheless, I would like to point out that, in this study,



Conclusions

I aimed at discovering only the tasks of the female deacons. The compiler might have instructed male deacons about tasks that have no parallel with their female counterparts in the document and therefore have not come out in this study. Their tasks in AC would be worthy of a separate study. The female deacons are instructed to carry out some tasks that are in connection with charity. The analysis of the instructions concerning charity in the congregation show that taking care of the needy is an emphasis that the early Christians and Jews shared. Based on OT, they were responsible for giving alms to widows and orphans, for example. The bishop, as leader, has the primary responsibility for charity in AC. In the instructions addressed to the female deacons, taking care for the needy is not especially emphasized, nor is their role in the congregation openly argued for by way of Jewish Christian rhetoric. This, I think, is surprising, because charity in the congregation has Jewish roots. In AC, charity seems to be the link between the female deacons and the Jewish Christian interaction in the context of the document. The compiler focuses on the role of female deacons in liturgical contexts, but this does not exclude tasks outside the liturgy. The charitable tasks of female deacons are not highlighted, but still exist. We have to note that the number of instructions in AC does not tell us about the division between the liturgical, charitable and communicative tasks and their number in the real world. For one reason or another, the compiler has focused on the liturgical tasks of the female deacons more explicitly than the charitable and communicative ones. Anointing Baptism Receiving Liturgical

Doorkeeping

No charitable connections Non-liturgical

Assemblies

Placing

Messaging

Mediating

Subordinate serving Visiting

Charitable connections

Liturgical Healing Non-liturgical Travelling Co-operative serving

Figure 7.1. The tasks of the female deacons in AC.



Conclusions

Consequently, the title of this book – Agents in Liturgy, Charity and Communication. The Tasks of Female Deacons in the Apostolic Constitutions – summarizes the main task and results of the research. I have concluded that the female deacons in AC can be understood according to the reinterpretation of διάκονος as agents. When considering their tasks, I originally categorized them into liturgical and charitable groups. This approach shows, however, that the task of carrying messages fits neither of them. Hence, the female deacons can be profiled as agents in the fields of liturgy, charity and communication in the congregation.

7.b. Further Reflection The starting point for this study was to face two ongoing challenges in the field of early Christian studies. Recently, scholars have begun to consider the relationships between Jews and Christians during the first centuries ad from a wider perspective. The interaction between them is now regarded as continuous and mostly peaceful and, hence, the Jewish Christian beliefs and practices are manifold and prevalent. Additionally, the verb διακονέω, and its connotations in NT, has been reinterpreted. The verb has been revealed not to mean loving one’s neighbour and doing charitable service, but is used without any specific meaning referring to tasks of agency and attendance. The reinterpretation therefore challenges us to study the deacons in the later early Christian documents from a new perspective. Similarly, the Jewish Christian interaction underlying them needs to be considered. This reinterpretation has not yet been considered in relation to the deacons in AC. So far, the research has focused on the sources prior to AC. This study revealed that the verb διακονέω is not used in connection with the female deacons in AC, but rather that their tasks have been described using other verbs. The tasks are, however, in line with the reinterpreted understanding of the verb and its connotations. Consequently, this research increases the reliability of the reinterpretation paradigm. In my research, it emerged that AC can be interpreted through the Ways that Never Parted model. Previously it has been demonstrated that the compiler’s attitude to Jews is not purely negative, but AC includes various hints of Jewish Christian interaction. Such interaction was not the main object of the study, but it offered a way of interpreting the context of the document. For its part, the consideration of Jewish Christian interaction in AC confirms the probability of the model.



Conclusions

In Chapter 1, I pointed out that the reinterpretation of διακ-rooted words is in line with the Ways that Never Parted model, although these two new paradigms have not been explicitly linked prior to this study. I  think this linkage is worth taking into account in further research. The early Christian church orders, as well as other sources, need more study from the perspective of reinterpretation. Similarly, the tasks of early Christian deacons cannot be dissociated from their Jewish Christian background. At the beginning of this study, we also noted that the research concerning the female deacons in AC has previously focused on the question of their ordination and ministry in particular. In the analysis, it emerged that their tasks have been considered, but not carefully enough. I  encountered several previous misunderstandings that seem to result from a one-sided consideration: the context of the verse or the use of the concept in the whole document had not been taken into account. Therefore, this study certainly highlights a new perspective on the tasks of the female deacons in AC. My aim was not, however, to fully explicate their ministry as expressed in the document. A  more comprehensive study could build on this research on the tasks of female deacons in order to understand their ministry as a whole. The aim of the research was carefully framed around the tasks of the female deacons. During the research process, I tried to keep my balance between defining the topic of the research precisely as well as doing justice to the source. In other words, I tried to concentrate on the tasks of female deacons, but constantly had to think about what could be said about female deacons without considering the other functionaries in the congregation, including the male deacons and the bishop. In the final analysis, I think, the tasks of the female decons cannot be understood separately from the other people in the congregation. Accordingly, more research is needed. In future, the tasks of the female deacons have to be considered clearly in parallel with their co-workers in AC. This research focused specifically on AC. Regardless of that, the results of the research reveal aspects that are worth taking into account. Firstly, it emerged that the compiler of AC used DA as his source when he instructs the female deacons in the document. The verses that correspond with DA were taken into account in the analysis, but DA was not considered in its own right. Accordingly, the results do not tell us anything about the tasks of the female deacons in DA, and only a little about the development of those tasks during the era between DA and AC. Furthermore, in the analysis I mostly took into account the early



Conclusions

Christian texts that previously had been demonstrated to be the compiler’s sources. Generally speaking, in Patristics it is common to compare the documents more freely without this kind of close relationship to each other. For example, scholars have compared the usages of a single word in texts written by many church fathers. This kind of comparison could have been more highlighted in my study as well, especially because its origin is now well outlined. For instance, it could be reasonable and fruitful to compare AC with the texts written by John Chrysostom or Ephraim of Syria. In this research, the tasks of the female deacons were analysed using Metzger’s edition of AC. The results do not concern other editions of the document. Likewise, the tasks of early female deacons discussed here are also limited. The customs might have varied from time to time and from one community to another. For this reason, we cannot draw all-encompassing conclusions about the ministry of female deacons in the early Christian centuries based on a single, yet influential, source. Such overarching conclusions can be drawn only when every possible document has been researched thoroughly. There is still much to discover during the twenty-first century.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Ancient and Medieval Authors Clement of Rome, Epistola I ad Corinthios (J.-P. Migne, 1857, Paris, PG 1, Tomus I). Constitutiones Apostolorum — Les Constitutions Apostoliques. Tome I. Livres I et II. SC 320, Paris. — Les Constitutions Apostoliques. Tome II. Livres III–VI. SC 329, Paris. — Les Constitutions Apostoliques. Tome III. Livres VII–VIII. SC 336. Paris. Ignatius of Antioch, The Letters [Alistair Stewart (trans.) 2013] New York. Photius, Bibliotheca (J.-P. Migne, 1860, Paris, PG 103, Tomus III).

II. Modern Authors Aejmelaeus, A. (2012) ‘Corruption or Correction? Textual Development of the MT of 1  Samuel 1,’ Textual Criticism and Dead Sea Scrolls Studies in Honour of Julio Trebolle Barrera [Otero & Morales (ed.)], Leiden, 1–17. Alikin, V. A. (2010) ‘The Earliest History of Christian Gathering. Origin, Development and Content of the Christian Gathering in the First to Third Centuries,’ Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 102, Leiden. Anderson, R. S. (2000) ‘Antroplogia, kristillinen,’ Modernin Teologian Ensyklopedia [McGrath (ed.)], Helsinki, 22–27.

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Barnett, J. M. (1995) The Diaconate. A Full and Equal Order [rev. edn], Valley Forge. Barrera, J. T. (1998) The Jewish Bible and the Christian Bible. An Introduction to the History of the Bible [Wilfred G.  E. Watson (trans.)] Leiden. Barret-Lennard, R. (2005) ‘The Canons of Hippolytus and Christian Concern with Illness, Health, and Healing,’ JCES 13, 137–64. Becker, A. H. & Reed, A. Y. (2007) ‘Introduction,’ The Ways that Never Parted. Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages [Becker and Reed (ed.); 2nd edn] Minneapolis, 1–33. Beekes, R. (2010) Etymological Dictionary of Greek [2 vols], Leiden. Behr-Sigel, E. (1991) The Ministry of Women in the Church [Fr. S. Bigham (trans.)], Redondo Beach. Berger, T. (2013) Gender Differences and the Making of Liturgical History: Lifting a Veil on Liturgy’s Past, Farnham. Beyer, H. W. (1935) ‘διακονέω, διακονία, διάκονος,’ Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament [Zweiter Band. Hrsg. von Kittel], Stuttgart. 81–93. Boddens Hosang, F.  J.  E. (2010) Establishing Boundaries. ChristianJewish Relations in Early Council Texts and the Writings of Church Fathers, Leiden/Boston. Boyarin, D. (1999) Dying for God. Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism, Stanford. — (2001) ‘Introduction: Judaeo-Christianity Redivivus,’ JECS 9, 417– 19. — (2004) Border Lines. The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity, Philadelphia. — (2007) ‘Semantic Differences; or, “Judaism”/“Christianity”,’ The Ways that Never Parted. Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages [Becker and Reed (ed.)) Minneapolis. 65–85. Bradshaw, P. F. (1993) ‘Liturgy and “Living Literature”,’ Liturgy in Dialogue [Bradshaw & Spinks (ed.)], Cambridge, 138–53. — (2002) The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship. Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy [2nd edn], New York. — (2012) ‘Women and Baptism in the Didascalia Apostolorum,’ JECS 20, 641–45. Brandt, O. (2011) ‘Understanding the Structures of Early Christian Baptisteries,’ Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism. Late Antiquity, Early Judaism, and Early Christianity [Hellholm et al. (ed.)], Berlin, 1587–1610.

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Van Rompay, L. (2008) ‘The East (3): Syria and Mesopotamia,’ The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies [Ashbrook Harvey & Hunter (ed.)], New York. 365–86. Voitila, A. (2015) ‘Diakonoi in the Greek-speaking World until 1st c.  ce,’ DT 3, 216–29. http://dts.fi/files/2009/10/DT3-15.pdf (accessed 06.11.2019). Wagner, G. (1972) ‘Zur Herkunft der Apostolischen Konstitutionen,’ Mélanges Liturgiques Offerts au R.P.  Dom Bernard Botte O.S.B, Louvain, 525–37. Weinrich, W. (2012) ‘“It Is Not Given to Women to Teach”. A Lex in Search of a Ratio,’ Women Pastors? The Ordination of Women in Biblical Lutheran Perspective. A Collection of Essays [Harrison & Pless (ed.) (3rd edn)], Saint Louis, 461–95. Wijingaards, J. (2011) The Ordained Women Deacons of the Church’s First Millennium, Norwich. Wilken, R. L. (1983) John Chrysostom and the Jews. Rhetoric and Reality in the Late 4th Century, Berkeley. Woods, J. (2000) ‘Slippery Slopes and Collapsing Taboos,’ Argumentation 14, 107–34. World Council of Churches (1982) Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry. Faith and Order Paper No. 111. Geneva. Young, F. (2012) ‘The Apostolic Constitutions: A Methodological Casestudy,’ Exegesis and Theology in Early Christianity. Variorum Collected Studies Series CS1013, Farnham, 105–15. Zagano, P. (2007) ‘Women and the Church: Unfinished Business of Vatican II,’ Horizons 34, 205–21. — (2011) ‘Women Deacons: Future,’ Women Deacons. Past, Present, Future, New York, 69–104. — (2015) ‘Ordain Catholic Women as Deacons,’ Harvard Divinity Bulletin 43. https://bulletin.hds.harvard.edu/articles/summerautumn2015/ordain-catholic-women-deacons (accessed 06.11.2019). Zagano, P. (ed.) (2013) Ordination of Women to the Diaconate in the Eastern Churches. Essays by Cipriano Vagaggini, Collegeville.



INDEX

Index of Biblical Books Exodus 29:7 176 40:13–15 176 Leviticus 2:11–12 209 2:14 209 16:32–33 193 19:18 207 27:30–32 209 Numbers 1:50–53 193 3:5–39 193 12 147 18:3–7 193 18:8–32  195, 220 18:12 209 19 177 20:1 147 Deuteronomy 14:28 143 14:29  143, 209 18:4 209 26:12 209 Isaiah 53, 11  236 Joshua  21 195

1 Samuel 1:1–2:10 148 1:9 148 1:19 148 2:1–10  148, 150 2:22 185 1 Kings 19:15–16 176 2 Kings 22:14 150 22:15–20 151 Proverbs 10:14 126 19:17 208 1 Maccabees 11 126 Matthew 3:13–17 162 6:24 233 13:52 70 19:19 207 20:26–27  236, 238 20:28  226, 231–2, 238 25:31–46 210 28:18–20 162 Mark 1:9–11 162



Index

10:45 231 12:28–34 17 Luke 2:25–35 148 2:36–38 148–9 4:16–30 17 8:1–3 226 12:35–3 235 John 4:9 17 13:4–5 238 13:14–15 238 15:13 232 16:13 201 18:20–35 17 Acts of the Apostles 9:36 132 11:26 18 11:29–30 208 16:14 132 21:9  132, 149 Romans 6:3–4 178 12:7 131 13:1–5 159 15:25 131 15:31 131 16:1–2  130–1, 152, 226 16:3–15  132, 226 1 Corinthians 3:5 131 11:3 158 11:5  149, 156 14:26–40 159 14:34  150, 156

4:39 156 16:15  131, 149–50, 156, 158–9 2 Corinthians 1:21–22 178 3:6–9 131 4:1 131 5:18 131 8–9 131 11:23 131 11:25–27 226 Ephesians 5:21 162 5:22–33 159 6:1–9 159 6:5 234 6:7–8  233, 238 Philippians  1:1 131–2  4:2–3 132 Colossians 3:18 159 1 Timothy  3 129, 137 3:8–11  135–8, 152, 154 5 143 5:3–16 143 Hebrews 3:2 89 7:7 168 James 2:1–4 183 1 Peter 3:1 159 12:2 238

Index of Passages Cited AC 1 AC 1, 3, 11  168 AC 1, 6, 1–13 111 AC 1, 7, 10 157

AC 1, 8, 1  158 AC 1, 8, 5  221 AC 1, 8, 10 169 AC 2



Index

AC 2, 1  57 AC 2, 4, 1  229 AC 2, 5, 4–7 111 AC 2, 6, 6  157 AC 2, 6, 12  157 AC 2, 11, 1  157–8 AC 2, 14, 12  234 AC 2, 16, 1  124 AC 2, 16, 2  157–8 AC 2, 16, 4  170 AC 2, 17, 1  124 AC 2, 18, 7  167, 220 AC 2, 20, 3  220–1 AC 2, 20, 11  220 AC 2, 24  209 AC 2, 24, 2  115, 220 AC 2, 24, 3  223 AC 2, 25  191, 194 AC 2, 25, 2  208 AC 2, 25, 3  190, 208 AC 2, 25, 5  191 AC 2, 26  193–4, 196, 198– 200, 202–4 AC 2, 26, 1  200 AC 2, 26, 2  192, 208 AC 2, 26, 3  36, 124, 192, 194 AC 2, 26, 3  124 AC 2, 26, 4  124, 197, 200 AC 2, 26, 5  124, 197 AC 2, 26, 6  197, 201–3, 208 AC 2, 27, 6  210, 215 AC 2, 28, 1  124, 215 AC 2, 28, 6  211, 227 AC 2, 28, 8 221 AC 2, 30 124 AC 2, 30, 1  110 AC 2, 30, 2  152, 223 AC 2, 31  215 AC 2, 31, 1  211, 216 AC 2, 32  168, 215 AC 2, 32, 1  211 AC 2, 32, 2  220 AC 2, 36, 2  104

AC 2, 36, 4  208 AC 2, 36, 6  179 AC 2, 37, 2  220 AC 2, 39, 6  109 AC 2, 41, 2  167 AC 2, 41, 5  220 AC 2, 41, 5–7 220 AC 2, 41, 7  222 AC 2, 43, 1  167 AC 2, 47  104 AC 2, 47, 1  125 AC 2, 25, 2  215 AC 2, 54  104 AC 2, 55, 1  223 AC 2, 57  88, 179, 184 AC 2, 57, 2  187 AC 2, 57, 3  179 AC 2, 57, 4  179, 181, 184 AC 2, 57, 4–10  124, 190 AC 2, 57, 10 179, 183, 191 AC 2, 57, 11–13 184 AC 2, 57, 15  124 AC 2, 57, 19 167 AC 2, 58 124 AC 2, 58, 5  182 AC 2, 58, 6  133, 182–3, 185 AC 2, 59 104 AC 2, 59, 1  157–8, 179 AC 2, 59, 3  54, 104–5 AC 2, 59, 4  104 AC 2, 61  53 AC 2, 61, 1  96–7, 108 AC 2, 61, 3  97 AC 2, 62  53 AC 2, 62, 3  108 AC 3 AC 3, 1  141–2, 208 AC 3, 2  141–2, 208 AC 3, 3  141–2, 208 AC 3, 3, 2  208 AC 3, 4  141, 208 AC 3, 4, 2  215 AC 3, 4, 6–9 109



Index

AC 3, 5  141, 208 AC 3, 6  142, 158 AC 3, 6, 1  156–7 AC 3, 6, 2  157–8 AC 3, 6, 3  142, 156, 158, 217 AC 3, 6, 5  156, 158 AC 3, 7, 4  233 AC 3, 7, 6–7 141 AC 3, 7, 8 157 AC 3, 8 144 AC 3, 8, 1  133, 145 AC 3, 9 164 AC 3, 9, 1  161 AC 3, 9, 2  162 AC 3, 9, 3  157, 162 AC 3, 9, 4  162, 169 AC 3, 10, 1  167 AC 3, 11  227 AC 3, 11, 1–3 228 AC 3, 11, 3  136 AC 3, 14  123, 144, 211, 215–16, 221 AC 3, 14, 1  211 AC 3, 14, 2  123, 211, 215–16 AC 3, 14, 3  123, 216 AC 3, 15, 5  124 AC 3, 16  53, 124, 161, 171–2, 174, 177–8 AC 3, 16, 1  123–4, 138–9, 172, 175, 177, 211–13, 216–17 AC 3, 16, 2  164, 172–5 AC 3, 16, 3  139, 167, 172–3, 176, 200, 230 AC 3, 16, 4  139, 161, 164, 172–3, 230 AC 3, 17  53, 178 AC 3, 17, 1  178 AC 3, 17, 4  157 AC 3, 19 178, 231–2 AC 3, 19, 1  136, 138, 213, 217– 18, 220–7, 232–3, 235–9 AC 3, 19, 2  226, 237 AC 3, 19, 3  231–2

AC 3, 19, 4–5 236 AC 3, 19, 6  232 AC 3, 19, 7  214–16, 223–5, 231 AC 3, 20, 2  157, 227–8 AC 4 AC 4, 1–2 208 AC 4, 2, 1  208, 220–1 AC 4, 4, 1  207 AC 4, 5, 1  208 AC 4, 5, 2  235 AC 4, 6, 1  208 AC 4, 8, 1  228 AC 4, 8, 3  215 AC 4, 9, 2  208, 234 AC 4, 10, 1  208 AC 4, 11, 1  157 AC 4, 11, 4  111, 157 AC 4, 12  57 AC 4, 12, 1  234 AC 4, 14  141 AC 5 AC 5, 4, 1  223 AC 5, 7  80 AC 5, 7, 30 157 AC 5, 10, 1  233, 235 AC 5, 13, 1  51, 53 AC 5, 14, 1  51 AC 5, 14, 13  221 AC 5, 15  57 AC 5, 16  97 AC 5, 16, 3  223 AC 5, 17, 1  96–7, 108 AC 5, 17, 2  97, 108 AC 5, 17, 3  51 AC 5, 18, 3  105 AC 5, 19, 8  96 AC 5, 20, 2  54 AC 5, 20, 3  51, 101 AC 5, 20, 7  234 AC 5, 20, 12  223 AC 5, 20, 13  228 AC 5, 20, 14–17 114 AC 5, 20, 15  149



Index

AC 5, 20, 19  54, 105 AC 6 AC 6, 3, 1  220 AC 6, 4, 1–2 115 AC 6, 6  96 AC 6, 6, 6  96–7 AC 6, 7  96 AC 6, 8  96 AC 6, 10, 2  157 AC 6, 11  80, 97 AC 6, 11, 2  198 AC 6, 12  49, 106, 115 AC 6, 12, 5  223 AC 6, 14  80 AC 6, 14, 1  145 AC 6, 15, 1  174 AC 6, 15, 6  53 AC 6, 16  101 AC 6, 16, 2  235 AC 6, 16, 3  223 AC 6, 17, 1–2 228 AC 6, 17, 4  140 AC 6, 18, 3  97 AC 6, 18, 11  48 AC 6, 19 106 AC 6, 20 106 AC 6, 21  106 AC 6, 21, 1  235 AC 6, 22  106 AC 6, 23  106 AC 6, 24, 2  235 AC 6, 25, 1  97 AC 6, 29 159 AC 6, 29, 1  233 AC 7 AC 7, 1  61 AC 7, 1, 1  233 AC 7, 2, 8 109 AC 7, 3, 5  109 AC 7, 6, 5  233 AC 7, 12, 3  208 AC 7, 13  234 AC 7, 13, 2  234 AC 7, 22  53, 61, 178

AC 7, 23  105 AC 7, 23, 3–4  54, 104 AC 7, 25  61 AC 7, 25–30  88 AC 7, 25, 1  235 AC 7, 26  61 AC 7, 26, 3  235 AC 7, 28, 3  157 AC 7, 29, 1–3 208 AC 7, 29, 2  208 AC 7, 30 104 AC 7, 30, 1–2 104 AC 7, 31  199 AC 7, 31, 1  157 AC 7, 32, 4  223 AC 7, 33  64, 88, 92, 99–100, 171 AC 7, 34  64, 88, 92, 99–100, 171 AC 7, 35  64, 88, 92, 99–100, 171 AC 7, 35, 3  223 AC 7, 35, 8–10 100 AC 7, 35, 9 169 AC 7, 36  64, 88, 92, 99–100, 102, 105, 171 AC 7, 36, 1–7 100 AC 7, 36, 5  105 AC 7, 37  64, 88, 92, 99–100, 171 AC 7, 37, 2  148 AC 7, 37, 4  148–9 AC 7, 38 64, 88, 92, 99–100, 171 AC 7, 38, 1  97 AC 7, 38, 7  96, 223 AC 7, 38, 9 235 AC 7, 39  53, 64, 172 AC 7, 39, 3  97, 235 AC 7, 39, 4  167 AC 7, 40  53, 64, 80, 171–2, 177 AC 7, 41  52–3, 64, 80, 171–2, 174, 177



Index

AC 7, 41, 2  223 AC 7, 41, 7  87, 199 AC 7, 42  53, 64, 171–4, 177 AC 7, 42, 1  173 AC 7, 43  53, 64, 171–2, 177 AC 7, 44  53, 64, 96, 171–3, 177 AC 7, 44, 3  96, 167 AC 7, 45  53, 64, 172–3 AC 7, 46  52, 64, 84 AC 7, 47, 3  83 AC 7, 48, 4  235 AC 8 AC 8, 1, 20–22 159 AC 8, 2, 9 148–9, 151–2, 160 AC 8, 3–46 62 AC 8, 4  57, 62 AC 8, 4, 5  199 AC 8, 5  62, 86, 88 AC 8, 5, 3  157 AC 8, 5, 5  88, 199 AC 8, 5, 6  88, 235 AC 8, 6  62, 88, 167, 188 AC 8, 6, 2–14 124 AC 8, 6, 14  186 AC 8, 7  62, 88, 167, 188 AC 8, 7, 9  124, 186 AC 8, 8 62, 88, 167, 188 AC 8, 8, 6  124 AC 8, 9 62, 88, 167, 188 AC 8, 9, 11  124 AC 8, 10 62, 88, 186, 188 AC 8, 10, 7  52 AC 8, 10, 9 36 AC 8, 10, 10 53 AC 8, 10, 15  234 AC 8, 11  62, 87–8, 186, 188 AC 8, 11, 2  91 AC 8, 11, 3  97 AC 8, 11, 11  124–5, 186 AC 8, 11, 12  190 AC 8, 12  62, 87–8, 92, 101, 187 AC 8, 12, 1  124



AC 8, 12, 3  187, 190 AC 8, 12, 4  190 AC 8, 12, 7  83, 223 AC 8, 12, 8 198, 223 AC 8, 12, 27  84, 223 AC 8, 12, 30  223, 228 AC 8, 12, 33  97 AC 8, 12, 39  97 AC 8, 12, 43  36, 53 AC 8, 12, 45  234 AC 8, 12, 50  84 AC 8, 13  57, 62, 88, 188 AC 8, 13, 2  124 AC 8, 13, 4  36 AC 8, 13, 11  124 AC 8, 13, 12  124 AC 8, 13, 13  124 AC 8, 13, 14  53, 124, 133, 139, 145, 187, 204 AC 8, 13, 15  124, 187, 204 AC 8, 13, 16  124, 187, 204 AC 8, 13, 17  187, 204 AC 8, 14  62, 88, 188 AC 8, 14, 1  124 AC 8, 15  62, 87–8, 188 AC 8, 15, 3  88 AC 8, 15, 6  124, 167 AC 8, 15, 7  98, 124, 167 AC 8, 15, 8  124, 167 AC 8, 15, 9  84, 124, 167 AC 8, 15, 10  124, 167 AC 8, 16, 2  167 AC 8, 16, 3  84 AC 8, 19 34–5, 62, 145, 154 AC 8, 20 34–5, 62, 145, 154 AC 8, 20, 1  146, 150, 185, 191 AC 8, 20, 2  146, 185, 191, 235–6 AC 8, 21, 1  167 AC 8, 22, 2  167 AC 8, 22, 3–4 235 AC 8, 23  57, 62 AC 8, 23, 2  167

Index

AC 8, 24  62, 141, 145 AC 8, 24, 2  167 AC 8, 25  62, 145 AC 8, 25, 1  149, 167 AC 8, 25, 2  149 AC 8, 26, 2  167 AC 8, 28  62, 162, 167 AC 8, 28, 3–4  166, 170 AC 8, 28, 6  16, 166–7, 169–71, 174, 187, 230 AC 8, 28, 7  36, 170 AC 8, 28, 8 170, 222, 230 AC 8, 29, 2  124 AC 8, 30, 1–2 208, 227 AC 8, 31, 1  208 AC 8, 31, 2  36, 208 AC 8, 31, 3  187, 208 AC 8, 32  57, 62 AC 8, 32, 2–3 204, 235 AC 8, 32, 12–13 234 AC 8, 32, 14  96 AC 8, 33  57, 62 AC 8, 33, 2  104, 234 AC 8, 33, 3  54, 234 AC 8, 33, 4  54 AC 8, 33, 6  51, 53 AC 8, 34, 13  234 AC 8, 35, 1  235 AC 8, 35, 2  124 AC 8, 36, 1  124 AC 8, 36, 3  223 AC 8, 37  62, 188 AC 8, 37, 4  124, 167 AC 8, 37, 5  124, 167 AC 8, 37, 6  124, 167, 235 AC 8, 37, 7  124, 167

AC 8, 38  62, 188 AC 8, 38, 1  124 AC 8, 38, 2  223 AC 8, 39  62, 188 AC 8, 39, 1  124, 167 AC 8, 39, 2  80, 124 AC 8, 39, 3  80, 124, 234 AC 8, 39, 4  124 AC 8, 39, 5  124 AC 8, 40  62, 209 AC 8, 41  62, 188 AC 8, 41, 1–6 124 AC 8, 41, 5  223, 235 AC 8, 44, 1–2 125 AC 8, 46, 2  234 AC 8, 46, 5  223 AC 8, 46, 6  194 AC 8, 46, 9 125 AC 8, 46, 11  124 AC 8, 46, 13  36, 125 AC 8, 46, 17  124 AC 8, 47  64, 76, 97–8, 124, 174 AC 8, 47, 3–5 209 AC 8, 47, 7  97 AC 8, 47, 37  51 AC 8, 47, 39 125 AC 8, 47, 50 157 AC 8, 47, 64  105 AC 8, 47, 65  97, 108 AC 8, 47, 70  97 AC 8, 47, 71  97, 108 AC 8, 47, 81 233 AC 8, 47, 85  64, 109 AC 8, 49 174 AC 8, 50 174

Index of Subjects Anointing  164, 172–8 Antioch  18, 52–6, 80, 106, 108–9 Apostolic Canons  64, 75–6, 97–8

Arian  55–6, 79–92 Assembly, liturgical  103–4, 179–96, 230–2, 243–4



Index

Bishop  47, 55–6, 111, 128–30, 133, 145, 152–3, 157, 164, 166–8, 172–8, 182, 187–8, 191–2, 196 200, 208–11, 213–15, 220–2, 228–9, 231, 243–5 Charitable  26–30, 39–40, 143–4, 207–11, 217–19, 238–9, 243–6 Church order  33, 59–68, 241 Clergy  35–6, 57, 198, 229 Clement of Rome  48–9, 55 Communication  29, 224–5, 238, 244 Compilation  43, 51–7, 58–9, 65, 88, 117, 136, 144, 241 See also Compiling Compiling  50, 117 Cursus honorum  36–8, 66 Deacon, male  26, 34, 123–5, 152, 164, 166–75, 181–4, 188, 191–6, 196–204, 210–11, 211–12, 218– 19, 223, 227–32, 23–9, 243–5 Decency  141, 165–6, 168–9, 174 Διάκονος  27–9, 37, 121–5, 125–34, 236, 244, 246 Didache  58–65, 95, 177 DA  49, 59, 62–4, 95, 104, 107, 113, 116–7, 129, 132–3, 142, 156, 164–5, 175, 177, 182, 192, 197–8, 212, 217, 221, 247 Door  166, 170–1, 180–1, 183–7 Eucharist 60, 88, 145, 170–1, 186–7, 243 See also Holy Communion Heretical  52, 81–2, 97 Holy Communion  170–1, 186–7, 204 Humble  29–30, 141, 207, 229, 236–7 Intermediary  37, 125–8, 130–2, 188, 204, 210–11, 217 Jews  17–25, 31–32, 94–119, 176–7, 209–10, 242 Jewish Christian  21–5, 38, 63, 72, 82, 94–5, 106–8, 112–13, 241–2

Judaism  18, 20–5, 31–2, 82, 91, 95–8, 107–8, 111 Liturgy  60, 87, 110, 155–206, 229, 242–5 Living literature  68–72 Manuscript  64, 72–7, 83, 85, 87, 92, 121–3, 133, 186 Ministry (of deacon)  26, 33–8, 126, 129–33, 189–91, 200, 202, 217, 219, 231, 247 Needy  26–7, 39, 207–17, 231–2 Ordination  15, 34–7, 47 See also Ordination prayer Ordination prayer  87, 94, 144–53, 184–5, 235 Parting of the Ways model  17–19, 31–3, 98, 101 Phoebe  130–2, 152–3, 226 Poor  26–7, 39, 182–3, 208–10 Presbyter  124–5, 129, 157, 161, 166–7, 169–173, 190–2, 197, 200–1, 230 Pseudepigraphical  43, 48–51, 61, 70, 84, 145 Reinterpretation of διακ -rooted words  28–33, 37, 125–9, 132, 246–7 Subordination  129–30, 152, 159–60, 162–3, 233–7 Social-charitable understanding of Diakonie 26–9 Sabbath  99–108, 179, 241–2 Scripture (the)  59, 63–4, 68, 70, 109–16, 146–53, 157, 159–60, 190, 242 Service at table  27–30, 125–7 Σκοπός  113–16, 153, 157, 162, 176, 185, 208 Syria  21, 33, 51–2, 60–1, 83, 102, 113, 180–1 See also Syriac Syriac  62, 125, 201 Tenths  191, 208–9 See also  Tithes



Index

Tithes  143, 192, 210 Torah  95, 99–103, 109–113, 116–118, 157–8 Virgin  133, 140–1, 144–5, 156–8, 191–197, 216

Ways that Never Parted model  20– 5, 31–3, 38, 94–5, 98, 246–7 Widow  62, 133, 140–52, 156–8, 191–7, 207–11, 214–17, 221, 228

Index of Authors Aejmelaeus, A.  148 Aland, K.  132 Alikin, V. A.  194–5, 209–11 Anderson, R. S.  101 Barnett, J. M.  28, 37, 66, 137 Barrera, J. T.  64 Barret-Lennard, R  61, 221 Becker, A. H.  18–21, 31–2 Beekes, R.  202, 220, 222, 225, 227, 229, 233 Behr-Sigel, E.  201 Berger, T.  163, 181, 203 Beyer, H. W.  27–8, 30–1, 126 Boddens Hosang, F. J. E.  38, 97–9 Boyarin, D.  18, 21–5, 106, 113 Bradshaw, P. F.  49, 51, 53–6, 59–62, 64–72, 75, 82, 85–6, 92, 102–3, 165, 174–6 Brandt, O.  177 Brandt, W.  27–8, 30 Bremmer, J. N.  142, 144 Brooten, B. J.  160 Brown, P.  209 Brunner, P.  158 Burtchaell, J. T.  33, 149, 189, 228 Capelle, D. B.  79, 84–5 Cardman, F.  94, 133, 137, 156, 165, 197–8 Chétanian, R. V.  77 Clark, E. A.  94 Clement of Rome  48–9, 55, 64, 81 Cohick, L. H.  142, 160 Collins, J. N.  27–33, 125–32, 139, 189, 194, 197, 200, 208, 214, 217, 220, 223, 227, 230–1, 236–7

Colson, J.  197, 201 Connolly, R. H.  133 Cox Miller, P.  198, 201 Cross, F. L.  36 Daley-Bailey, K.  31 D’Angelo, M. R.  94 Di Berardino, A.  166 Doens, I.  155, 187 Donaldson, J.  168–9, 172, 186, 203, 218, 234 Dumitrascu, N.  217–18 Dunderberg, I.  26–9, 31 Edwards, M.  84 Eisen, U.  71, 134, 136, 142, 145, 160, 181, 188, 190, 218 Ekenberg, A.  21, 39, 60–1, 71, 95, 99–103, 106–7 Elert, W.  186–7 Elm, S.  71, 144, 165 Eltrop, B.  208 Engelbrecht, E. A.  143, 147–8, 151, 183, 185, 195 Fiensy, D. A.  55, 60, 64, 66, 96–102, 171 FitzGerald, K. K.  16, 35, 172–3, 189 Fonrobert, C. E.  21, 95, 116, 118, 125 Förster, H.  156–7, 162–4 Frankfurter, D.  20 Fredriksen, P.  19 Freese, J. H.  82 Fresnillo, J.  150 Frisk, H.  220, 222, 227, 229, 233 Fuhr, R. A. Jr.  40 Funk, F. X.  73–5, 79, 91–2, 133, 186, 199, 201



Index

Gaillardetz, R. R.  37 Gärtner, B.  192 Gavrilyuk, P.  92 Gibaut, J. St. H.  37 Goodman, M.  19, 25 Grisbrooke, J. W.  181 Gryson, R.  36, 55, 123, 131, 133, 135–6, 138, 140–5, 159–60, 162–3, 174–7, 182, 188, 195, 197–8, 201, 203, 212–13, 219 Hakola, R.  20 Hällström, G.  187 Hammann, G.  218 Harris, E.  15–16 Heine, R. E.  64 Hentschel, A.  25, 27, 29–30, 37, 61, 125–31, 139, 208–9, 232 Hill, R. C.  64 Huizing, P. J.  34 Ignatius of Antioch  55, 106, 197–9 International Theological Commission  15–16, 39, 189 Jacobs, A. S.  18, 24 Jacobson, H.  148 Jefford, C. N.  61 Jenkins, C.  150 Johnson, M. E.  171 Jolkkonen, J.  40–3 Jones, H. S.  33, 168, 221, 230 Karras, V. A.  136, 141 Kleinig, J. W.  37, 159 Koet, B. J.  30, 129, 224 Kopecek, T. A.  56, 60, 73–6, 82–90, 92, 99 Kotila, H.  72 Kraemer, R. S.  94, 163–4, 225–6 Kraft, R. A.  21, 40–1 Krawiec, R.  141 Laato, A. M.  134, 187, 225 Laato, A.  177–8 Lampe, G. W. H.  33, 166–8, 170, 176, 184–5, 203, 212, 215, 220–1, 225, 230

Latvus, K.  26, 28–30, 39–40, 126, 129, 131 Lenk, M. E.  64, 99–100, 102–113, 115, 118 Liddell, H.  33, 168, 202, 221–2, 225, 227, 229–30, 233 Livingstone, E. A.  36 Loosley, E.  181 Lorenz, R.  22, 82, 100–1 Luraghi, S.  128, 219 Lyman, J. R.  86 Macy, G.  27, 132, 138 Madigan, K.  35, 40–1, 62, 125, 131–9, 141, 143, 145, 157–8, 161– 2, 164–7, 170–1, 174–5, 182–4, 187, 190, 192, 197–8, 200, 202–3, 212–3, 216–7, 219, 222, 226 Malkavaara, M.  26 Mansi, J. D.  73, 81, 135 Marjanen, A.  131, 225–7 Martimort, A. G.  35, 42, 52, 55, 62, 69, 82, 99, 113, 123, 132–3, 135–6, 140, 149–50, 156–7, 165, 171, 174–7, 184–5, 192, 197–8, 201, 212, 219 Martin, D. B.  19, 93 Maxwell, J. L.  140, 184 Mayer, J.  73 McCabe, E.  132 McDowell, M. G.  35, 132, 141 McElwee, J. J.  16–7 McKay, H. A.  106 Mentxaka, R.  155 Merz, A.  132 Methuen, C.  62–3, 133, 142, 160, 184, 197, 199 Metzger, M.  33, 35–6, 42, 47–59, 61–66, 69–71, 73–77, 79–93, 96–102, 104–7, 110, 121–3, 133, 139, 148, 167–70, 172, 181, 185–7, 194, 198–9, 203–4, 207, 212, 218, 231, 248 Mowczko, M.  131



Index

Mueller, J. G.  49, 54, 61, 66–8, 96–7, 101–2, 110, 112–18, 158, 171, 173, 191–5, 198, 200 Müller, K.  143, 183, 210, 212 Murphy, E.  30 Murray, M.  19, 22–3, 38, 63, 99–102, 104, 106–7 Nagel, N.  199, 210 Nestle, E.  132 Neusner, J.  18–9, 21 O’Connell, G.  17 O’Loughlin, T.  16 Olson, J. E.  26, 129, 133, 135, 137, 143–4, 155, 171, 186, 188, 190, 228 Orsy, L. M.  34 Osiek, C.  35, 40–1, 62, 125, 131–9, 141, 143, 145, 157–8, 161–2, 164–7, 170–1, 174–5, 182–4, 187, 190, 192, 197–8, 200, 202–3, 212–3, 216–7, 219, 222, 226 Penn, M.  71, 142, 156, 158, 162, 217, 229 Photius 81–2 Pihlava, K.  94 Pohjola, J.  36 Pylvänäinen, P.  36, 146, 189, 237 Rahner, H.  179 Raunistola-Juutinen, E.  16, 133, 201 Reed, A. Y.  19–24, 31–2 Reininger, D.  34–5, 38, 131, 133, 187, 198–9, 201 Roewe, B.  17 Rouwhorst, G.  102, 105, 109, 179 Ryökäs, E.  26, 29–30, 37, 40, 44, 128, 130, 211, 221–2, 224 Salachas, D.  218 Schaff, P.  81 Schaibley, R.  162–3 Schneemelcher, W  145 Schöllgen, G.  141, 144, 156, 165 Scott, R.  33, 168, 202, 221–2, 225, 227, 229–30, 233 Shephardson, C.  23

Skarsaune, O.  104, 108 Smyth, H. W.  124 Sormunen, E.  218 Spada, D.  218 Sperry-White, G.  42 Starnizke, D.  29, 126 Steely, J. E.  22 Steimer, B.  33, 48–9, 51–3, 55, 57–62, 64–8, 72–4, 81–6, 88, 90, 92–3 Stewart, A. C.  60, 67, 228 Stewart-Sykes, A.  129 Stiefel, J. H.  137–8 Strack, H. L.  116 Stemberger, G.  116 Strecker, G.  22–3, 95, 113 Swan, L.  134, 139, 189 Synek, E. M.  36, 50, 55, 57, 65–6, 80, 82, 94, 104, 110–11, 116–18, 133, 147, 149, 152–3, 156–8, 163, 198, 217 Torres, J.  73, 123, 132–3, 135, 137, 226 Trevett, C.  160 Tropper, A.  21 Turner, C. H.  51, 73–4, 81, 83–5, 87, 89, 92, 194 Väisänen, M.  177 Van der Horst, P. W.  99–100, 102, 118 Van Rompay, L.  141 Voitila, A.  125, 128, 130, 222, 224 Wace, H.  81 Wagner, G.  86–8 Weinrich, W.  152, 158 Wijingaards, J.  177 Wilken, R. L.  22–3, 25, 54, 72, 80, 96–7, 108, 118 Woods, J.  42 World Council of Churches  37 Young, F.  43, 47, 60, 64, 70–1, 179 Zagano, P.  16, 152, 155, 164, 166, 202, 217, 219

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