Aftershocks of the new: feminism and film history 9780813529967, 9780813529950

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (page ix)
Acknowledgments (page xi)
Introduction: Aftershocks of the New (page 1)
Chapter One The "Place" of Television in Film Studies (page 13)
Chapter Two Feminism and Film History (page 31)
Chapter Three German Film Theory and Anglo-American Film Studies (page 46)
Chapter Four After Shock, between Boredom and History (page 57)
Chapter Five Historical Ennui, Feminist Boredom (page 82)
Chapter Six World-Weariness, Weimar Women, and Visual Culture (page 95)
Chapter Seven Nazi Cinema at the Intersection of the Classical and the Popular (page 124)
Chapter Eight The Hottentot and the Blonde Venus (page 136)
Chapter Nine Film Feminism and Nostalgia for the Seventies (page 157)
Notes (page 175)
Works Cited (page 195)
Index (page 207)

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106 AFTERSHOCKS In other words, the suspicion of romantic ideals and sexual identities encouraged male artists to masquerade as sexual murderers in a sophisticated display of the emptiness of ideals. But it also, and simultaneously, enhanced the popular image of the prostitute as femme fatale and engendered a culture of sexual suspicion, danger, and fear. Thus were battlefield experiences brought back to the home front, and symptoms of war weariness transformed into images of sexual pathology. As Tatar so convincingly demonstrates, women who had escaped the shells and shrapnel of the trenches and survived the war with bodies intact were at once imagined as omnipotent sexual and social subjects (with the newly acquired right to vote) and as faceless and anonymous victims of sexual assault. This dynamic can certainly be described as misogynist, but there is more to Weimar visual culture than this, as I would like to suggest by looking at several key films of the Weimar era that locate war weariness in boredom and repetition rather than in cynicism or fantasies of violent assault.

WAR WEARINESS, CYNICISM, AND BOREDOM

Perhaps the place to begin—or rather, the place where all histories of the Weimar cinema have begun—is in 1920, with the release of The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari. Caligari continues to fascinate scholars who wish to establish Weimar cinema’s expressionist or avant-garde credentials, or to show how premonitions of national character are enacted in a fiction of tyrannical authority and the inevitable submission of the individual to larger forces and control. Kracauer’s 1947 study From Caligari to Hitler is undeniably the point of reference here, but even film scholars today look to this film to understand Weimar culture and its continuing appeal. In a 1997 lecture at the Goethe-Institut in London, Tony Kaes proposed a new reading of Caligari by looking at it not as simply avant-garde or expressionist or allegorical, but as direct evidence of the trauma of the Great War. Rather than understand the film retrospectively, from the perspective of Nazism (as Kracauer does in his book), Kaes suggested that Caligari be

understood as coming “after the shock” of war. The shaky and halting movements of the somnambulist Cesare, he argued, parallel those seen in images of shell-shocked veterans. The spatial disorientation, extreme angles, and anti-realistic settings of the film, he further claimed, were actually realistic reenactments of the soldier’s view from the trench. The centrality of psychoanalysis and psychotherapy in the film, moreover, are for Kaes rather direct references to the supposed cures for war weariness

WORLD-WEARINESS, WEIMAR WOMEN 107 and shell shock at that time—temporary cures that aimed to bandage the mental and physical anguish of soldiers and then return them to the front. The Cabinet of Dr. Caligari, Kaes concluded, locates death in murder, even mass murder. In his view, Caligari is thus a war film and an antiwar film, more indebted to the spirit of Dada than that of expressionism. When I asked him about Fritz Lang’s 1920 film Destiny, Kaes responded that while Caligari is progressive in its antiwar stance (and its understanding of death as murder), Destiny is reactionary in its fatalism (and in its view of death as fate). To be sure, this is a longstanding assessment of the film among scholars, who have often contended that Destiny confirms the Weimar cinema’s (and Fritz Lang’s) general obsession with fate in its various guises. It is seen as a film that relates in some ways to expressionist - concerns (it has, in fact, many similarities to Caligari, including the same set designers and many of the same actors, as well as similar motifs, such as the power of tyrannical authority and petty bureaucracies). But is also considered to be a film that looks further backward to German Romanticism (in its preoccupation with death, alchemy, and the supernatural) and forward to the Nazi years (in its appeal to monumental architecture and

its insistence on the necessity to submit to irrational authority). But if Caligari is a postwar film that reflects on trench warfare and shell shock, then Destiny is equally a film about the war years—not the military front

but the home front; not the experience of fighting but that of boredom and waiting; not male identity and shell shock but female identity and the ubiquity of suffering and repetition. Destiny begins by introducing a young couple who travel by carriage

and stop at the inn of a small town, “lost in the past” (as the intertitles explain). An uncanny stranger joins them first in the carriage and then again at the inn. Via flashback, we learn that this stranger had long ago bought land bordering the nearby cemetery and surrounded it with a huge wall, with neither door nor gate. We then return to the inn, a veritable male preserve populated by various dignitaries of the town. At one point, the woman gets up to pay a visit to the kitchen (where she plays with kittens). When she returns, her lover has disappeared, as has the stranger. Terrified, she hurries to the huge wall, where she swoons and then faints. Soon after, she is found by the town’s aging pharmacist, who takes her to his home. There he prepares a tonic, but the woman, in her despair, lifts a poison cup to her lips. Just before she drinks it, however, she seems to dream a long dream, in which the huge wall reappears.

This time there is a door, and behind the door a seemingly endless

108 AFTERSHOCKS | flight of steps. At the top of the steps, the woman meets the hooded stranger, whom she now recognizes as Death, and implores him to reunite

her with her lover. He leads her to a dark room filled with burning candles, each representing a human life. Her wish will be granted, he says, if she can prevent three burning candles from being extinguished. What

follows are three separate stories that show Death triumphing over the woman in various places and times: a Moslem city, Venice of the Renaissance, a fantastic China. Three times she is given narrative agency and three times she fails to reverse the catastrophic course of events. Again, the woman implores the mercy of Death, whereupon he offers her a last chance: if she can bring him another life, he will return that of her lover. At this point, the woman’s dream ends, with the pharmacist snatching the poison cup from her. The pharmacist intimates to the woman that he himself is weary of life; when she asks him to sacrifice his life for her lover’s, he throws her out. A beggar and several old women in a hospital likewise refuse to make such a sacrifice. Fire breaks out in the hospital and after the adult

patients take flight, they learn that a baby has been left behind. The woman fights her way through the flames to save the child. Death, keeping his promise, extends his arm to take the child, but the woman hands the baby to the happy mother, who waits at the window outside. Death then guides the woman through the blaze to her dead lover and, via superimposition, the lovers take leave of their bodies and wander off together, spiritually united in a dreamscape—literally an empty space— and with this, the film ends. Destiny's German title—Der Miide Tod or “weary death”—led at least one contemporary critic to title his review “The Tiresome Death.” Destiny is without question indebted to an earlier, less classical style of filmmaking, marked by a slowness of pace, requiring a different mode of attention on the part of the viewer. But if it is a boring film, its tedium is especially interesting for us, since the woman’s fate is bound up in tedium and in traditional notions of femininity and the maternal (a moral and spiritual superiority not limited to biological mothers). Throughout the film, the woman is at the center of attempts to destroy and create community. And only through her death is community reestablished in the little village, precisely as it was in the various framed tales, which are only resolved by expelling a variety of dangerous and exotic others (including, of course, the woman herself). The narrative thus insists that female desire and volition are not only impossible but quite literally beside the point: Death cannot be avoided, history and narrative

WORLD-WEARINESS, WEIMAR WOMEN 109 cannot be rewritten, and Love is only stronger than Death in fantasies of self-destruction.

Destiny, it would seem, is therefore a very different kind of document of Weimar culture. It is devoid of the physical violence and cynicism of

the Lustmord paintings by Grosz and Dix. And it lacks the liberated, openly sexualized female protagonist we have come to associate with so many other Weimar films. While Destiny might appear, at first, to offer premonitions of fascism (or rather, premonitions of women’s place in fascism), it also seems, at least in narrative terms, quaintly old-fashioned, indebted to an earlier, less modern, at least, less urban, age. But when we consider a later Weimar film, like Metropolis, also directed by Lang and released in early 1927, we can see the persistence of Destiny's influence as well as the irresistible pull of a counter-force of erotic provocation. Of course, both films ultimately contain the exoticism and otherness they nevertheless evoke. In Metropolis, however, we see traces of the modern cynical consciousness Sloterdijk describes—the sophisticated, knowing

wink that acknowledges that “not to be deceived means to know that everything is deception”—and the way this cynicism is put to rest in fantasies of spiritual renewal.

I refer here, of course, to the split and doubled character Maria: the false, seductive, and decadent Robot who winks at the camera at the success of her deceptive performance as a real, sexualized woman, and her human, nurturing, maternal counterpart who preaches the virtues of patience, perseverance, and self-denial. Much has been written about this film, particularly concerning its treatment of sexuality and technology,

and not only in relation to the Robot Maria but also as figured in the Luddism of the workers who turn into a raging—and ragingly feminine — machine-destroying mob.” As is well known, the workers’ wives are seen for the first time in the film once the riot is underway; the Foreman tries to stop them, saying, “You fools, don’t you know that by destroying the machines, you destroy yourselves?” He refers to the collapse of the central powerhouse, the flooding of the workers’ homes, and the danger posed to their children as a result. But the Foreman’s words—and the film’s Luddism—have much wider significance than this. Just as the real Maria’s sexuality is drained to fuel the erotic deceptions of the Robot-machine, so, too, are the workers drained of energy, affect,

and will. They emerge in the film’s closing moments as an ornamental, hierarchical wedge, an aesthetically pleasing part of the mise-en-scéne,

organized to witness the formation of the couple and the healing of the breach between capital and labor. But ironically, in destroying the

110 AFTERSHOCKS machine, it is they who have become machinelike, deceived by the deception of this pseudo-unity and community. In what would appear to be the absolute limit case of cynical reasoning, the final sequence of Metropolis leaves us with the image of a faceless mass whose revolutionary impulses have been purged, just as the real Maria is purged of sexuality, volition, and control. But if Metropolis can be described as a cynical film, it is also a film about waiting—about workers who wait and then revolt in the name of change and renewal, and who experience the passing of time as mere tedium and

duration. (Recall the ten-hour clocks, the night and day shifts, and the relentless repetition of industrial routine.) This notion of waiting was in fact analyzed in great detail by theorists in the Weimar period, most notably by Kracauer, who described the postwar years in Germany as ones of exhaustion and indifference, involving the experiences of both shellshocked veterans and supposedly liberated working women. In an essay entitled “Those Who Wait,” he explains that “those who decide to wait neither close themselves off from the possibilities of faith like the stubborn disciples of total emptiness, nor do they force this faith like the soul searchers who have lost all restraints in their longing.” What he means to signal here, I think, is precisely what I have been trying to analyze: the relationship of cynicism and boredom to the capacity for recognizing and producing change. Kracauer sees in boredom both the “total emptiness” of cynicism and the “loss of restraint” in spiritual renewal. Both are trajectories of the modern age, and both are present as potentialities in the cultural moment after the shock of war and before the institution of National Socialism. Importantly, Kracauer suggests a third alternative or strategy for thinking through the boredom of the present in its relationship to stasis and change, “waiting,” which alone offers what he calls “a certain guarantee that one will have, so to speak, an existence at one’s disposal.” ' What might this mean in the context of the world-weariness and the supposed sexual decadence of the Weimar years? More precisely, what might this mean for Weimar women, who were certainly not guaranteed any existence or subjectivity in the work of postwar artists like Grosz and Dix, or even in the films, like Destiny and Metropolis, that were ostensibly (or at least in part) addressed to them? In an essay on Pabst’s Pandora’s Box, Mary Ann Doane acknowledges the pervasiveness of the sexual cynicism analyzed by Sloterdijk but nonetheless asks a question similar to the one I raise here: “Where is the place

WORLD-WEARINESS, WEIMAR WOMEN 111 of the female subject in such a configuration? Can she share in the cynicism whose function is to bandage a wounded male identity? Or does she

‘act, instead, as the symbol of all the losses and catastrophes afflicting modern consciousness?” Through close analysis of the Pabst film, Doane ultimately comes to the latter conclusion. Modernity and self-conscious modernist strategies, she says, “do not necessarily promise anything to the woman; or, if they do, that promise is always already broken. Pandora’s Box, fairly classical in much of its design, does not, in its modernist moments, escape the power-knowledge relations of the problematic of sexual difference.” »

Interestingly, the pivotal sequence for Doane’s analysis of Pandora’s Box resonates with the Georg Grosz photograph with his wife-to-be Eva Peter

(both texts, of course, reference the Jack the Ripper story). To be sure, Doane typically fastens on metacinematic moments in her film analyses. But, in her reading of Pandora’s Box, the assessment of the place of the female subject in sexually cynical structures depends precisely upon an interpretation of a purposely ambiguous and fleeting mise-en-scéne, the setting of Schon’s death. Similar to the Grosz—Eva Peter photograph, this sequence evokes a scenario of the female subjectivity and narcissism in

the mirror. Lulu gazes admiringly at her own image, begins to take off __ her wedding gown, and starts to remove her necklace. As she bends down to set it aside, the ghostly, clearly tormented, and horrific image of Schon

appears in the mirror. “The free and joyful sexuality represented by Lulu,” Doane points out, thus “seems to call forth in response its weighty, cumbersome other, signaled by the presence of Schon and his problematic of sexual guilt” (159). In a self-consciously modernist gesture, the film thus reveals that the woman is there by virtue of the other, that she is a projection of male desire, and that male desire is dependent on a certain image of female sexuality. The film’s cynicism is therefore inextricably linked to its modernism— to its self-conscious revelation of the device. Its “knowing sophistication” or “enlightened false consciousness” is thus bound up with its knowledge about the libidinal economies of desire, and its failure to do anything different with them. Doane says that “the film seems to recognize and even attempt to analyze the dialectic of subjectivity and objectivity which underpins sexual desire” (161). And yet, given the sudden appearance of Jack the Ripper in the film’s final sequences, it ultimately succumbs to a story about a man’s internal struggle with himself. At the beginning of her essay, Doane asks, “Is not cynicism a necessary moment in the development of

112 AFTERSHOCKS feminist theory? Insofar as cynicism involves an active suspicion of romantic ideals and the sexual identities they dictate and an interrogation of the

mores and moralisms of a patriarchal order, it would seem to ally itself with the feminist enterprise.” But the feminist enterprise is about practice as much as theory, she concludes, and since cynicism is about resignation to the status quo, “cynicism as an operational strategy for feminist theory

has its limits” (144). |

| If cynicism has its limits, and I agree with Doane that it does, the selfconscious, knowing sophistication of the Weimar era—wherein not to be deceived is to know that everything is deception—nonetheless has wider permutations and dispositions, especially for women and for feminism— in both Weimar culture and our own. I would argue, in fact, that boredom as much as cynicism or coldness helps us to understand the knowing so-

phistication of Weimar representation—representation often made for and by Weimar women, which existed alongside and yet outside of the Lustmord legacy.

TRANSITORY MOODS: SEXUALITY, RACE, BOREDOM

It might at first seem counterintuitive, even perverse, to describe Weimar culture in terms of boredom, particularly given the view of this time registered in the Lustmord images as well as in popular culture. Louise Brooks, the U.S. star of Pandora’s Box, refers in her memoirs to Berlin nightlife, with “girls in boots advertising flagellation,” clubs that displayed

“an enticing line of homosexuals dressed as women,” another with “a choice of feminine or collar and tie lesbians,” and the “collective lust which roared unashamed at the theater.” ‘° It is perhaps begging the obvious to say that Berlin in the 1920s would hardly seem to warrant the epithet boring—especially in view of such inflated and exorbitant claims for its sexual decadence outside the constraints of law or convention. And yet another observer, writing in the 1920s, provides us with a different view. In his Weimar diaries, Bertolt Brecht wrote, “How this Ger-

many bores me,” lamenting his lot of living in a mediocre land with a languid intelligentsia. He then asks: “What’s left?” only to answer: “America!” '” For Brecht, Weimar was a culture in which everything seemed to have happened—war, civil war, inflation, depression—and yet, it was a

culture in which, simultaneously, nothing at all seemed to have fundamentally changed. Importantly, in this passage Brecht links Weimar culture dialectically to the United States. If America is what’s left, and what’s

WORLD-WEARINESS, WEIMAR WOMEN 113 truly new, it will nonetheless become, in his later writings, much like the Weimar culture he lamented earlier: a curious mixture of old and new, of rapid change and nearly unbearable stasis, as much a source of stimulation as of boredom. Historian Peter Gay frames the issue in a different, if related, way: “In August of 1914, the Western world had experienced a war psychosis: the war seemed a release from boredom, an invitation to heroism, a remedy for decadence.” * The postwar period released Germans from this boredom, returning them to decadence, which persisted in being figured, from the twenties to today, almost exclusively in sexual terms. There are reasons for this, of course, which become apparent in theoretical, avant-garde, and popular cultural texts by and for women. Many of these texts reject cynicism and coldness to reclaim boredom as an aesthetic and affective mode with a critical edge and resistant potential, particularly where sexuality and gender are concerned. In this regard, it is important to reference perhaps the single most significant essay for contemporary feminist and queer theorists who want to call attention to the construction, indeed, the constructedness, of femininity for women. Joan Riviéré’s 1929 essay “Womanliness as a Masquerade,” written in the context of Berlin psychoanalytic debates, seems to partake of the same kind of knowing sophistication theorized as cynicism by Sloterdijk. For example, it is well known that Riviéré theorizes femininity as a performance of sexual difference by women who wish for masculinity and who then

“put on a mask of womanliness or femininity as a defense to avert the anxiety and retribution feared by men.” ” Like Sloterdijk, Riviéré thus acknowledges that identity resides not in biology or sexual essence but in the mask, the game, and the deceptiveness of performance. But is this really cynical reasoning? It is, in part, if we focus solely on the “enlightened false consciousness” of Riviéré’s patient, a woman who

wishes for masculinity (for power and intellectual authority), only to mask that wish through the performance of femininity. And yet, as a psychoanalytic text, Riviéré’s essay is not really about strategies of conscious deception at all, even though its status as a historical document reveals much about conscious and unconscious strategies of self-deception and denial. Riviéré’s essay in fact marks a moment in German history (as early

as 1929) when the decade-long experimentation with gender roles— which involved women’s appropriations of masculine styles, gestures, and

prerogatives—was in the process of being reversed and superceded in a performance of womanliness in all aspects of cultural life.

This returns us to questions of setting, context, and mood—to the

114 AFTERSHOCKS affective (rather than the libidinal) economies that surfaced briefly in the German 1920s. In this regard, it is interesting to compare cynicism or even coldness (which are associated with German culture in the 1920s) with discourses of “cool” (which are often linked to African American subculture, particularly bebop jazz and Miles Davis and the United States in the 1940s). Like “coldness,” “cool” has been theorized as an adaptive mechanism and form of self-armoring, an expression of bitterness, anger, and distrust, and a reaction against years of mistreatment and discrimination. . “Cool” is also typically described as a “mask” (not unlike Riviéré’s masquerade), and yet, unlike the feminine masquerade, coolness is specifically masculine, even a form of macho posturing, linked to African American male outsider culture of the post-World War II period. Significantly, ele' ments of African American cool found expression earlier, in the years following World War I. Weimar culture in particular was fascinated with questions of race deriving from U.S. as much as German culture—and the Nazis were later able to channel this fascination and obsession into both racist discourses (about Degenerate Art, for instance) and murderous practices. In the 1920s, however, discourses on race in Germany were far more

, contradictory and complex, involving both the racist hysteria during and after the Rhineland occupation (in which French colonial troops were popularly represented as “weapon-toting gorillas in French uniforms”) as well as a protest against it. In the realm of avant-garde art, moreover, the weariness with European civilization, especially following the war, as well

as the satiation with Western art on the part of many cultural thinkers, led to an interest in exotic art, including that of Africa.” It also led to a demand to take that art out of the ethnographic museums and grant it the aesthetic recognition it deserved. Along with this retrieval of African art, | there was also an intense interest in popular culture on the part of many Germans, who were especially drawn to the energy and modern sensibility they experienced in African American jazz.” This popular cultural phenomenon was also a by-product of war, since jazz had been imported to Germany when the United States deployed black troops in Europe during World War I, still segregated into their own units. It is in this context—in this setting and within this momentary cultural mood—that we can perhaps best appreciate many of Hannah Héch’s Berlin photomontages of the 1920s. As is well known, Hannah Hoch was the only woman among the group of artists who made up the legendary Dada circle in Berlin (which included Grosz as well as Raoul Hausmann and

WORLD-WEARINESS, WEIMAR WOMEN 115 John Heartfield). Her work, moreover, is quite distinctive and notably different from that of her male contemporaries, particularly in its incisive, playful, and often ironic treatment of gender roles.” This can be seen in what is perhaps her most complex and undeniably most famous photomontage, Cut with the Kitchen Knife Dada through Germany’s Last Beer Belly

Epoch. ‘This work depicts a cross-section of German culture circa 1920, bringing together representatives of the former empire, the military, and the new moderate republican government in the “anti-Dada” section in the upper right, while grouping communists and other radicals together with the Dadaists in the lower right. These mostly male figures are paired

with image fragments of women—indeed, New Women—women in movement (dancers, athletes, actresses, artists) who animate the work both formally and conceptually. This is, after all, the work of a thoroughly

modern female artist, aware and yet outside of the Lustmord tradition, cutting through what she hoped would be the last beer-belly cultural epoch, and with a kitchen knife, no less. Hoch’s work is without question both fascinating and complex. But it is her 1925 collage entitled Love in the Bush (Liebe im Busch) that resonates most profoundly with the moods of Weimar culture I have been describing. Love in the Bush features a hybrid image of a black man-child as well as a composite image of Weimar’s New Woman that blurs traditional malefemale distinctions. Arguably, this work condenses several art and enter-

tainment forms, such as cabaret, tribal art, ethnographic museums, and jazz, that were extremely popular in Berlin of the 1920s. But, as art historian Maria Makela points out, this collage doubtlessly references the French occupation of the Rhineland and the ensuing “bastard controversy of the 1920s. This controversy, she explains, brought with it “racist propaganda about 40,000 ‘black savages’ roaming the Rhineland at will, raping the women, infecting the population with all manner of tropical and venereal diseases and—worst of all—fathering ‘mischlingskinder’ or children of mixed race.” The controversy reached its height in 1923, — when territorial forces also occupied the Rubr and President Friedrich _ Ebert denounced their presence as an “injury to the laws of European civilization.” ”

In this context, Makela sees Love in the Bush as a truly radical work,

since it suggests not only that “the white woman enjoys the embrace she is receiving but that she may have initiated it” as well. And this “at a time when many Germans were describing all liaisons between black men and white German women as rape” (85). Interestingly, Love in the Bush

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