Africans in colonial Louisiana: the development of Afro-Creole culture in the eighteenth century 9780807119990, 9780807116869

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
Preface (page xiii)
Abbreviations and Short Titles (page xix)
1 Settlers, Soldiers, Indians, and Officials: the Chaos of French Rule (page 1)
2 Senegambia During the French Slave Trade to louisiana (page 28)
3 Death and Revolt: The French Slave Trade to Louisiana (page 56)
4 The Bambara in Louisiana: From the Natchez Uprising to the Samba Bambara Consipracy (page 96)
5 French New Orleans: Technology, Skills, Labor, Escape, Treatment (page 119)
6 The Creole Slaves: Origin, Family, lnaguage, Folklore (page 156)
7 Bas du Fleuve: The Creole Slaves Adapt to the Cypress Swamp (page 201)
8 The Pointe Coupee Post: Race Mixture and Freedom at a Frontier Settlement (page 237)
9 Re-Africnaization Under Spanish Rule (page 275)
10 Unrest During the Early 1790s (page 316)
11 The 1795 Conspiracy in Pointe Coupee (page 343)
Conclusion (page 375)
Appendix A (page 381)
Appendix B African nations of Slaves Accused of Crimes in Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana (page 398)
Appendix C Slaves Found in Pointe Coupee "Inventories Between 1771 and 1802: Breakdown by Origin, Nation, Sex, and Percentage in Population (page 402)
Appendix D Evidence of Widespread Survival of African Names in Colonial Louisiana (page 407)
Index (page 423)

Citation preview

Africans in Colonial Louisiana

G WEN DOLYN MIDLO H ALL

Africans in Colonial saa The Devel £ Afro-Creol LOUISIANA eee Ae Creole

LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS Baton Rouge

Copyright © 1992 by Louisiana State University Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America

Designer: Amanda McDonald Key Typeface: Palatino Typesetter: G&S Typesetters, Inc. Printer and binder: Thomson-Shore, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo. Africans in colonial Louisiana : the development of Afro-Creole culture in the eighteenth century / Gwendolyn Midlo Hall.

p- cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 8071-1686-6 (cloth) ISBN 8071-1999-7 (paper) 1. Afro-Americans—Louisiana—History—18th century. 2. Creoles— Louisiana—History—18th century. 3. Slavery—Louisiana— History—18th century. 4. Louisiana—History—To 1803. I. Title. IJ. Title: Afro-Creole culture in the eighteenth century.

E185.93.L6H16 1992 91-46648 976.3'00496073—dc20 CIP

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Louisiana Paperback Edition, 1995

04 03 02 O1 00 5 4

To the memory of my late husband, Harry Haywood (Haywood Hall),

1898-1985, son of slaves, a self-educated and brilliant theoretician and a fighter for the freedom of African-Americans and for all the exploited and oppressed throughout the world, and to our two children, Dr. Haywood Hall, Jr., and Rebecca L. Hall, Esq.

Contents

Preface xiii

Abbreviations and Short Titles xix CHAPTER 1 Settlers, Soldiers, Indians, and Officials: The Chaos of French Rule 1 CHAPTER 2

Senegambia During the French Slave Trade to Louisiana 28 CHAPTER 3

Death and Revolt: The French Slave Trade to Louisiana 56

CHAPTER 4 The Bambara in Louisiana: From the Natchez Uprising to the

Samba Bambara Conspiracy 96

Treatment 119

CHAPTER 5

French New Orleans: Technology, Skills, Labor, Escape,

CHAPTER 6

The Creole Slaves: Origin, Family, Language, Folklore 156 CHAPTER 7 Bas du Fleuve: The Creole Slaves Adapt to the Cypress Swamp 201 CHAPTER 8

Settlement 237

The Pointe Coupee Post: Race Mixture and Freedom at a Frontier

CHAPTER 9

Re-Africanization Under Spanish Rule 275

CHAPTER 10

Unrest During the Early 1790s 316 CHAPTER U1 | The 1795 Conspiracy in Pointe Coupee 343

Conclusion 375 Appendix A_ Basic Facts About All Slave-Trade Voyages from

Africa to Louisiana During the French Regime 381

Vili

Contents

Appendix B_ African Nations of Slaves Accused of Crimes in

Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana 398

Appendix C Slaves Found in Pointe Coupee Inventories Between 1771 and 1802: Breakdown by Origin, Nation, Sex,

and Percentage in Population 402 Appendix D_ Evidence of Widespread Survival of African Names in Colonial Louisiana 407

Index 423

Note on Sources 413

Illustrations

PHOTOGRAPHS

John Law’s concession at Biloxi, 1720 4

Circumcision ceremony in Senegambia, 1720s 48 Fiche de désarmement of the first two slave-trade ships to Louisiana 61

Pilot’s log of le Duc de Noaille, December, 1727 81

Indians with a black slave among them, 1735 98

Indigo making in the French West Indies 125

Fragment of slave list 167 Inventory of the d’Hauterive estate 170

MAPS

Louisiana During the French Period 17

The Senegal Concession 30 Entrance to the Mississippi River at Balize, 1764 121

New Orleans, 1723 138 Location of St. Mal6 Maroon Communities, 1780s 214

Figures and Tables

FIGURES

1. Slave and Free Population of French Louisiana, 1721-1763 10

2. Slaves Landed in Louisiana by the French Slave Trade 35

3. Slaves on the Lafreniére Estate, 1769 184

4. Slaves on the Prévost Estate, 1769 185

5. Burials at Pointe Coupee, 1786-1802 261 6. Racial Designations of Creole Slaves at Pointe Coupee 263

7. Slaves Emancipated at Pointe Coupee, 1771-1802 268 8. Slave and Free Populations of Lower Louisiana, 1763—1800 279

9. Slave and Free Populations at Pointe Coupee, 1763-1803 282 10. Slaves at Pointe Coupee from Major Regions of Africa 285

1771-1802 287

11. African and Creole Slaves over Age 14 at Pointe Coupee,

12. Slaves from Senegambia at Pointe Coupee, 1782-1802 290

13. Slaves from Bight of Benin, 1782-1802 292 14. Slaves at Pointe Coupee from Minor Regions of Africa 293 15. African and Creole Slaves at Pointe Coupee, 1771-1802 295 16. African Women and Children at Pointe Coupee, 1771-1802 299

Coupee, 1771-1802 300 18. Creole Slaves at Pointe Coupee, 1771-1802 301 17. Percentage Male to Female Among African Nations at Pointe

— 1763-1790 | 309

19. Distribution of Slaves on Estates at Pointe Coupee,

TABLES

1. French Colonists Sent to Louisiana, 1717-1721 7

1718-1723 73 4. Mortality Aboard Slave Ships 77 2. French Slave-Trade Ships from Africa to Louisiana 60 3. Slaves Embarked in Africa and Landed in Louisiana,

X11

Figures and Tables

5. African Nations of Slaves Accused of Crimes 113

6. Compensation Paid to Executioner 132 7. Male-Female Ratio on Slave-Trade Voyages 172

in 1763 206

8. Population of French Settlements in Louisiana in 1746 177 9. Slave Distribution, Proportion of Slave to Free at Posts

10. Changes in Slave Populations at Two Posts 206 11. Sex Ratio Among Slaves at Bas du Fleuve and Chapitoulas 207

12. Slave Populations and Emancipations at Pointe Coupee 267 13. Nations of Fathers Found in Pointe Coupee Inventories 296

14. Afro-Indian Network at Pointe Coupee 339

Preface

Southern history has long played the role of myth reinforcing racism. While a great deal of progress has been made since World War II in

rewriting the history of the Chesapeake and the Carolinas, the history, especially the colonial history, of Louisiana has been badly neglected. This neglect stems partially from the Anglophone orientation of American historians. All the documentation for colonial Louisiana is in French and Spanish. Both languages are necessary to study the Spanish, as well as the French, period. The manuscripts are scattered about in France, Spain, and Louisiana. Furthermore, Louisiana history, especially the history of race relations, cannot be fit into neat,

rigid categories. In colonial Louisiana, there was more chaos than order. The study of any one historical question taken out of context leads to serious distortions. Colonial Louisiana was a complex, changing society that responded to a great extent to international pressures. “National” history must be transcended, and colonial history treated within a global context. In Louisiana, it is especially important to avoid treating the formation of slave culture in isolation, as if it were sealed off from the rest of society and the world. Culture is a dynamic process. The definition of culture as socially acquired knowledge, as, according to Goode-

nough, “what people have to learn as distinct from their biological heritage . . . whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members”! is far too static. Eric R. Wolf’s redefinition of culture as “a series of processes that construct, reconstruct, and dismantle cultural materials, in response to identifiable determinants,” is closer to the mark.” In the Americas, new cultures were formed through intense, and often violent, contacts among peoples of varied nations, races, classes, languages, and traditions. The Europeans in this equation were far from omnipotent. 1. W. H. Goodenough, “Cultural Anthropology and Linguistics,” in Report on the Seventh Annual Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language, ed. P. L. Garvin (Washington, D.C., 1957), quoted in R. A. Hudson, Sociolinguistics (Cambridge, Eng., 1980, 74. 2. Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley, 1982), 387.

XIV

Preface

It is wrong to assume that there was an all-powerful, static, national

culture and society brought over by the European colonizers into which non-Europeans were more or less socialized and acculturated.°

Cultural influences intensely interpenetrated the extremely varied population of the Americas. Like the Indians and the Africans, Europeans were acculturated by the peoples, and by the world, they encountered. Patterns of behavior and response among newcomers, whether Eu-

ropean or African, were molded by the situation they encountered when they arrived. The cultural assumptions they brought with them were often useless and had to be modified or discarded. In French Louisiana, there was a long period of chaos and violence. These conditions selected the most plastic, open, flexible elements from among

the distinct cultures of the red, white, and black peoples who met and mingled. Almost-constant warfare and frequent famine subjected acquired beliefs and standards of behavior to enormous stress. The shift from French to Spanish and then to American rule did not allow for a stable model of behavior and belief that could be enforced by the larger social structure. The Louisiana experience calls into question the assumption that African slaves could not regroup themselves in language and social communities derived partly from the sending cultures. This study focuses to some extent on the changing patterns of introduction of Africans of specific ethnic groups, ages, and genders and the conditions

they encountered that allowed them to adapt and reinterpret elements of the cultures they brought with them. It firmly embraces a dynamic, developmental approach to culture formation and explicitly rejects a structuralist approach, avoiding a masculine vision of power

and control, which assumes that culture is a static thing passed on and enforced from the top of the social hierarchy. Culture is a creation of the folk and is passed on to a great extent by parents, especially by

biological mothers and women who played the role of mothers for whites as well as for Afro-Creoles. Cultural materials were more or less functional in a dynamic world and were preserved or discarded mainly in response to their usefulness to the agonizing process of survival while a new world was being created. Culturally, all Americans owe a deep debt to Africa.

Colonial Louisiana left behind a heritage and tradition of offi3. For an influential contrary view, see Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies: Studies in the History of the United States, Latin America, South Africa and Australia (New York, 1964).

XV

Preface

cial corruption, defiance of authority by the poor of all races, and violence, as well as a brutal, racist tradition that was viewed by its ruling groups as the only means of containing its competent, wellorganized, self-confident, and defiant Afro-Creole population. But it also left behind a tradition of racial openness that could never be entirely repressed. I wish to acknowledge the help of colleagues who were kind enough to read chapters and drafts of this manuscript, giving much-needed help and encouragement. Among my colleagues at Rutgers University, my obligations to Robert A. Rosenberg of the Edison Papers run deep for his enthused, generous attention to my early problems with the database. Rudolph M. Bell, Paul G. E. Clemens, Tilden G. Edelstein, Gerald N. Grob, Allen M. Howard, the late Warren Susman, and Trian Staionavitch, all of the History Department, and Andres Perez y Mena of the Department of Puerto Rican and Hispanic Caribbean Studies have all read portions of earlier versions of the manuscript. Colleagues throughout the profession have been extremely generous with their time and attention. Stanley Engerman read an early draft chapter by chapter, sending prompt and detailed comments. Michael Craton, David Geggus, Arnold Hirsch, John Holm, Morris F. Goodman, Joseph Logsdon, Patrick Manning, Ann Pérotin Dumon, Paul Lachance, Richard Price, John Singler, Ibrahim K. Sundiatta, Emilia Viotti da Costa, and Eric R. Wolf all read portions of an early draft. John H. Clarke allowed me to read to him the chapter on Senegambia and gave helpful suggestions. I am deeply indebted to Ira Berlin for a careful reading of a recent draft, giving frank and extremely useful comments and suggestions. Eugene D. Genovese worked graciously within the framework of my short press deadline, sending his insightful comments upon the final version of the manuscript. David Hackett Fischer sent encouraging words about the importance of the book. I wish to thank the Rutgers Research Council, the Rutgers Faculty Academic Studies program, the Rutgers President’s Coordinating Council on International Programs, the United States Fulbright Commission, the National Endowment for the Humanities Travel to Collections program, and the Program for Cooperation Between the Ministry of Culture of Spain and United States Universities for making it possible for me to travel to Europe and work in archives in France and Spain. I also wish to thank the Louisiana Endowment for the Humanities for financial assistance toward preparing the illustrations. Paul Estrade of the Institut des Etudes Hispaniques et Hispano-

xvi Preface

Américaines of the University of Paris VIII and the Equipe de Recherches Histoire des Antilles Hispaniques was kind enough to invite me to spend a most stimulating year working with him and his col-

leagues. Enriqueta Vila Vilar of the Escuela de Estudios HispanoAmericanos and Justina Sarabia Viejo of the University of Seville were most gracious and helpful to me during my research in Seville. Hernan de Granda of the Departimiento de Filologia, Universidad de Valladolid in Spain, extended his department's hospitality to me during my research at the Archivo de Simancas. Jean-Pierre Paute of the

University of Dakar was most kind and helpful to me in polishing my oral French during my lecture tour of Francophone Africa, and Mohamed m’Bodj of the History Department, University of Dakar, gave me the privilege of intellectual exchange with him and with his graduate students. I wish to acknowledge my obligations to the following persons and archives: above all, the Archives Nationales in Paris and its wonderful

staff, who bent all the rules for me while I spent several months studying some very difficult documents; the Archive du Port de Lorient; the Archivo General de Indias in Seville; the Archivo de Simancas; the Archivo Hist6rico Nacional in Madrid; the Amistad Col-

lection at Tulane University, where I was most effectively assisted by Ulysses S. Ricard, Jr.; the Historic New Orleans Collection, where Dr. Alfred E. Lemmon guided me around the microfilm collection of Spanish documents; Steven G. Reinhardt at the Louisiana Historical Center of the Louisiana State Museum; the New Orleans Public Library, where I was generously assisted by Colin Hamer; Sally Reeves of the Notarial Archives, Orleans Parish Civil Court; Una Daigre of the Catholic Life Center of the Archdiocese of Baton Rouge; and the Family History Center of the East Brunswick, New Jersey, branch of the Mormon Genealogy Library, which allowed me to consult invaluable microfilm copies of documents from Pointe Coupee Parish, and where Helen J. Rogers extended every courtesy to me, squeezing me in with busy, dedicated genealogists. Several women outside the profession have given me invaluable help. Vilma Perez, Secretary of the Department of Puerto Rican and Hispanic Caribbean Studies, Rutgers University, gave me her goodnatured support. Lois Katz Brown has been consistently enthusiastic and supportive. Janine Netter, friend of my youth in Paris, gave me her hospitality and enthusiastic interest in my work when I returned to Paris after thirty-two years. My sister, Razele Lehmann, took care of my affairs while I was abroad and has always been there for me.

My son, Leo Yuspeh, has been enthusiastic and supportive of my

XVil

Preface

work during the times when parts of him came back. I wish to acknowledge my debt to my father, the late Herman L. Midlo, for shared interests and the example he set, and to my mother, Ethel Midlo, a strong and independent-minded woman whose help was never lacking, even when she did not approve.

Abbreviations and Short Titles

Acts Acts and Deliberations of the Cabildo of New Orleans, Spanish Transcription, 5 volumes, in Louisiana Collection, New Orleans Public Library

AN Archives Nationales, Paris ANC Section Coloniales, Archives Nationales, Paris ANM Section Marine, Archives Nationales, Paris

APL Archives du Port de Lorient, France DB Free Databases created by the writer from Original Acts, Pointe DB Inventories Coupee Parish, Pointe Coupee Parish Courthouse, New Roads, Louisiana, microfilm edition by the Mormon Genealogy Society, consulted at the Family History Center in East Brunswick, New Jersey

GM, AS Secci6n Guerra Moderna, Archivo de Simancas, Spain

LH Louisiana History LHQ Louisiana Historical Quarterly Mina, OAPC _ Testimonio del Proceso criminal de los Negros rebueltos de este Puesto contra los blancos de dicho Puesto, June, 1792, Doc. 1758. Spanish transcription by Ulysses S. Ricard, Jr., in Ricard Family Papers, the Amistad Research Center, Tulane University, New Orleans Mina, AGI Papeles de Cuba, Legajo 168A, fols. 354—501 (399-546), Archivo General de Indios, Seville, March 26, 1792, through April 8, 1794. Spanish transcription by Ulysses 5. Ricard, Jr., in Ricard Family Papers, the Amistad Research Center, Tulane University, New Orleans

MPA Dunbar Rowland and A. G. Sanders, eds. and trans., Mississippi Provincial Archives: French Dominion (3 vols.;

Jackson, Miss., 1919-1932), Vols. I-III. Patricia Kay Galloway, ed., and Dunbar Rowland and A. G. Sanders, eds. and trans. Mississippi Provincial Archives: French Dominion (2 vols.; Baton Rouge, 1984), Vols. IV-—V

OAOP Original Acts, Orleans Parish, in Notarial Archives, Civil Courts Building, New Orleans

XX

Abbreviations and Short Titles

OAPC Original Acts, Pointe Coupee Parish, Pointe Coupee Parish Courthouse, New Roads, Louisiana

PC, AGI Papeles Procedentes de Cuba, Archivo General de Indias, Seville

RSC, LHC Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, manuscripts housed at the Louisiana Historical Center of the Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans

RSC, LHQ Heloise H. Cruzat, trans., “Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly, Vols. II—XXII

SD, AGI Papeles de Santo Domingo, Archivo General de Indias, Seville

SHA Service Historique de l’Armée, Chateau de Vincennes, France

SJR, LHC Spanish Judicial Records, manuscripts housed at the Louisiana Historical Center, Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans

SJR, LHQ Laura L. Porteous, trans., “Index to Spanish Judicial Records,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly, Vols. VI-XXV

Trial, OAPC Procés contre les esclaves du Poste de Pointe Coupée, May 4-29, 1795, fols. 1-265, Original Acts, Pointe Coupee Parish, Pointe Coupee Parish Courthouse, New Roads, Louisiana

Africans in Colonial Louisiana

C H A PT ER 1 Settlers, Soldiers, Indians, and Officials The Chaos of French Rule

Capon vive longtemps. The coward lives a long time. —from Lafcadio Hearn, Gombo Zhébes: Little Dictionary of Creole Proverbs

2

Africans in Colonial Louisiana

The colonization of the Americas was the earliest stage of the internationalization of the world. New cultures were formed through the encounter of peoples from Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Varying

social and cultural patterns emerged, determined to a great extent by the economy, labor demands and necessary skills, the physical environment, the priorities of the colonizing power, the racial, national, gender, and age structure of the population, and the level of peace, security, and stability prevailing in the various colonies.' Louisiana, first colonized by France, was a strategic colony, where military considerations outweighed economic concerns. French control was extremely fragile. French Louisiana was a chaotic world where the cultural materials brought by Africans often turned out to be the most adaptive. The founding of French Louisiana must be understood within the context of the French empire in North America. France’s primary concern was to prevent England from gaining control of the mouth of the Mississippi River.? By colonizing the Mississippi Valley, France intended to outflank and surround the British mainland colonies along the Atlantic coast. With control of Canada, the St. Lawrence waterway, and the Mississippi Valley, France could dominate the continent.

At the end of the seventeenth century, France, Britain, and Spain rushed to claim the strategic Mississippi River Valley.? France explored down the Mississippi River from her Canadian settlements and staked her claim, establishing a beachhead at Biloxi, in 1699, on what is now the Mississippi coast of the Gulf of Mexico.

France was ill equipped to begin this ambitious undertaking. The country was exhausted by the wars of Louis XIV. The War of the

Spanish Succession began in 1702, shortly after Louisiana was founded, and raged for more than a decade. France’s population had 1. For a discussion of some of these factors in the formation of slave culture in Anglo North America, see Ira Berlin, ‘Time, Space, and the Evolution of AfroAmerican Society on British Mainland North America,” American Historical Review, LXXXV (1980), 44-78.

2. For an excellent, recent study of French colonial policy and its impact upon Louisiana, see Mathé Allain, “Not Worth a Straw”: French Colonial Policy and the Early Years of Louisiana (Lafayette, La., 1988).

3. W. J. Eccles, France in America (New York, 1972), 158; Verner W. Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (1928; rpr. New York, 1981), 47-70.

3

The Chaos of French Rule

been drained and reduced to dire poverty and its treasury bankrupted by protracted warfare. An ambitious continental power with no natural boundaries to protect its frontiers, France was reluctant to

allow the departure of its “useful” population. This vast colony, which included the entire Mississippi Valley, was therefore thinly populated by whites, many of whom were the rejects of French society—the defiant ones, both civilians and soldiers, who challenged and threatened the brutal and exploitative social structure of prerevolutionary France. Others were Canadian courreurs du bois, fur traders who lived in Indian villages and often took Indian women for wives. Many French settlements of lower Louisiana began in Indian villages.*

The first census of Biloxi, dating from December, 1699, lists 5 officers, at least 2 of whom were Canadians, 5 petty officers, 4 sailors, 19 Canadians, 13 pirates from the Caribbean, 10 laborers, 6 cabin boys, and 20 soldiers. With this motley crew, France established her claim

to the entire Mississippi Valley and the coast of the Gulf of Mexico between the Spanish colonies of Florida and New Spain (Mexico). The colony developed slowly. According to a census taken on August 1, 1706, Louisiana had a total of 85 French and Canadian inhabitants, 48 of whom were in the pay of the king. On August 12, 1708, there were,

in all of Louisiana, 278 persons in French settlements, including 80 Indian slaves of both sexes, 14 major officers, 76 soldiers, including 4 army Officers, 13 sailors, including 4 marine officers, 3 Canadians, one

of whom served as interpreter for the Chickasaw language, 1 valet, 3 priests, 6 workers, and 6 cabin boys (mousses) who had been brought in to learn Indian languages, as well as to serve on sea and land. The garrison totaled 120 men. Aside from Indian slaves and military personnel, there were only 24 male settlers, 28 women, and 25 children, none of whom had been assigned land. The Canadian courreurs du bois were the best-adapted colonizers, but they were not considered legitimate settlers. The 1708 census mentions ‘over 60 wandering Canadians who are in the Indian villages situated along the Mississippi River without the permission of any governor and who destroy by their bad and libertine conduct with the Indian women all that the missionaries and others teach the savages about the divine mysteries of the Christian Religion.’”’® 4. Marcel Giraud, “France and Louisiana in the Early Eighteenth Century,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXXVI (1949-50), 657-74. 5. Charles R. Maduell, Jr., The Census Tables for the French Colony of Louisiana from

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A 1764 map of the entrance to the Mississippi River documents the hazards faced by ships in this stretch of water. Courtesy The Historic New Orleans Collection, Museum/Research Center, Acc. No. 1980.172.

It has been claimed that the French settlers wiped out by the Natchez Indians in 1729 were “far above the usual run of immigrants of that

period. Among these people were artisans and agriculturists of a class sadly needed then in Louisiana.” ! The survival of French Louisiana was due not only to African labor but also to African technology. The introduction from Africa of rice seeds and of slaves who knew how to cultivate rice assured the only

reliable food crop that could be grown in the swamplands in and around New Orleans. Converting swamps and tidal wetlands into rice paddies involved complex technology. Oryza glaberrima, a species

of wet rice, was first domesticated along the middle Niger probably 1. Bienville and Delorme to [?], Biloxi, May 4, 1721, in Ser. Al 2592, fols. 109-10, SHA; Henry P. Dart, “A Great Louisiana Plantation of the French Colonial Period, 1737-1738,” LHQ, VII (1925), 591.

122

Africans in Colonial Louisiana

during the second millennium B.c., independently of Asian rice. There was a secondary region of domestication that intensified its productivity. It was located between the Sine-Salum and the Casamance River, which empties into the Atlantic between the Senegal and Gambia rivers. By the sixteenth century, residents along the Gambia grew rice in the alluvial soil, using a system of dikes that harnessed the tides. By 1685, every house had a rice nursery nearby, and the riverbanks had been transformed into causeways with rice appearing above flooded fields. This wet, or swamp, rice had a much higher yield than did dry rice. A large supply could be grown in a small area. The transformation of swamps into rice fields required a great deal of knowledge and skill as well as labor. Large dams made of earth and wood were built along the riverbanks. Their height depended upon the tides in particular areas. Valves, made of tree trunks

narrowed into a cone at one end, were fitted into the dikes. These valves allowed water to drain outward only. The valves closed against seawater on the outside and drained excess rainwater from the pad-

dies when the water reached the height of the drain. In tidal wetlands, the rice paddies were left fallow for the first few years to allow the accumulated rainwater to reduce the salinity of the soil.’ There has been considerable speculation about the influence of African technology and African slaves upon the introduction, cultivation, and processing of rice in South Carolina. The case for introduc-

tion, from Africa into Louisiana, of rice and its techniques of cultivation and processing is much stronger. The captains of the first two ships that brought African slaves to Louisiana in 1719 were instructed to try to purchase three or four barrels of rice for seeding and several blacks who knew how to cultivate rice, which they were to give to the directors of the company upon their arrival in Louisiana. By 1720, rice was growing in great abundance all along the Mississippi River; within a few years, rice was exported to the French West Indies. By 1721, the Kolly concession on the Chapitoulas coast just

north of New Orleans produced six hundred quarters of rice from fourteen quarters that had been sown. This concession had forty-six black slaves and two Indian slaves. The production of rice quickly expanded. An advertisement for a lease for the Pailhoux plantation provided that the lessee was to leave six barrels of rice in culture and sixteen barrels of rice or corn for victuals. Settlers near New Orleans 2. Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545-1800 (Oxford, Eng., 1970), 20-22.

123

French New Orleans

contracted to furnish one hundred barrels of rice in straw to the king’s warehouse for four francs two sous a barrel.° In French Louisiana, there was always rice. It was cultivated in and

around the capital. Heavy rains and floods that destroyed corn and other crops often spared the rice. When Indian warfare forced settlers

to flee the countryside, when maritime shipping was cut off, when flour did not arrive from the Illinois country because of ice blockages or warfare along the Mississippi River, there was rice. William Perry, an English sailor held in New Orleans in 1758, reported that English ships had taken a troop ship from France and all but one of sixteen store ships laden with provisions and ammunition heading for New Orleans. There was a “great scarcity of provisions, and Flower, and every other Sort but Rice, of which there is plenty.’”’* Rice was sometimes exported to the French islands and to Spanish Pensacola. But this did not mean that the slaves and poor settlers always got rice. After a storm destroyed some stored rice, there was a shortage, and officials stockpiled rice in the warehouses to keep the price up. The hoarding of food and other merchandise by several directors of

the company, who then sold the goods for exorbitant prices in the town, was leading to a mass exodus from the colony. Salmon concluded, ‘’A large number of small settlers and workers are asking us for passage to return to France. If I had agreed to their demands the colony would be deserted.” Salmon reported that famine had led to several thefts by blacks, including two committed by the slaves of former governor Périer. These two slaves had broken into the storehouse of the king during the night and were caught with sacks filled with rice that the king had bought from the Company of the Indies. Although it was said that under the Code Noir they deserved death, the Superior Council of Louisiana concluded that “if we hang all the blacks who steal, not one will be saved from the gallows because they

are all more or less thieves. And on the other hand, they declared 3. Peter H. Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 Through the Stono Rebellion (New York, 1974); Daniel C. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and the Slave Trade in Colonial South Carolina (Baton Rouge, 1981); Instructions pour le S. Herpin Commandant du Vaisseau I’Aurore destiné pour la Traite des Négres a la Coste de Guynee, July 4, 1718, in Ser. B42B, fols. 201-204, ANM; Nancy M. Miller Surrey, The Commerce of Louisiana During the French Regime, 1699-1763 (1916; rpr. New York, 1968), 268, 373; Jay K. Ditchy, trans., “Early Census Tables of Louisiana,” LHQ, XIII (1930), 219, 223; January 21, 1727, in RSC, LHQ, Ul (1920), 430; January 20, 1736, in RSC, LHQ, V (1922), 377. 4. Henry P. Dart, ed., “New Orleans in 1758,” LHQ, V (1922), 56.

124

Africans in Colonial Louisiana

that they only stole so they would not die of hunger.” Périer’s manager was blamed for these thefts because he did not feed the slaves. Rice was selling for 180 livres per quarter, which was expensive even for the poor white colonists. The Superior Council, the colony’s governing body, self-righteously proclaimed that this was no excuse for letting the blacks die of hunger. The two slaves were condemned to the lash and to be marked with the fleur-de-lys.° Indigo grew wild along the rivers of Senegambia, where it was processed into a vivid, blue dye with which cotton cloth was colored. Indigo grew wild in Louisiana as well. In 1712, a settler noted the existence of wild indigo in Louisiana but stated that neither the few Frenchmen settled there nor the Indians understood its preparation. While it has been claimed that techniques for producing indigo were first introduced by the Jesuits in 1727, this date is too late. Experiments in processing wild indigo began in 1721, two years after the arrival of the first slave ships from Africa. It is reasonable to conclude that African slaves with long experience in processing indigo in Africa first introduced and applied this technology in Louisiana. It was not the cultivation but the processing of indigo that required knowledge and skill. The plant grew two and a half feet high and was harvested twice a year. It was cut and brought to a twenty-foot-high, open shed and was processed through three vats arranged to allow water to run from one to the other. Water and indigo leaves were allowed to rot in

the highest vat, which was frequently inspected, and the indigo maker had to choose the precise time to open the spout and let the water run into the second vat. If it remained too long in the first vat, the water would turn black. The indigo was beaten in the second vat until the indigo maker, through long experience, knew when to stop. The water was then allowed to settle, and the indigo formed a sediment at the bottom of the vat. As the liquid became clear, it was run off in gradual stages through spouts placed one beneath the other. The indigo was then removed from the vat and placed in cloth sacks. The remaining liquid seeped through the cloth, which was then dried on boards and cut into little squares, packed into barrels, and shipped to the French islands and thence to France. By midcentury, a cultivated variety of indigo, imported from the French West Indies, was in use. While there were up to four crops a year in the French Caribbean, there were no more than three in Louisiana, and the indigo was 5. Salmon to the Ministry of the Colonies, December 14, 1731, in Ser. C13A 15, ANC; Salmon to the Ministry of the Colonies, July 18, 1733, in Ser. C13A 17, fol. 152, ibid.

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