African Clusters in India (South Asia in Context) [1 ed.] 1032196602, 9781032196602

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Series Page
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
List of Acronyms
Part I: Introduction
Chapter 1: ‘African Clusters,’ Spatial Exclusion, and ‘African’ Identity in India
Introduction
African Migrants and the African Cluster in Khirki Extension: An Introduction
Intercultural Interaction and Adaptation
Intercultural Conflict
The African Cluster as Social-Spatial Exclusion: A Conceptualization
African Migrants and Spatial Segregation
Spatial Segregation as Social Exclusion
Overview of the Book
Note
Bibliography
Part II: The Emergence of African Clusters in India
Chapter 2: India-Africa Relations: Delineating Post-colonial and Neoliberal Ties in Global South
Introduction
Africa-India and Its Post-colonial Ties
India-Africa Ties in the Era of Liberalization: Emergence of Global South Partnerships
The Economics of India-Africa Forum Summits
Trading in Agriculture
Trading in Pharmaceuticals
Cooperation in Science and Technology
Infrastructure Development
Indian Ocean and Shipping
The Political Dimensions of India-Africa Forum Summits
The Indian Diaspora in Africa
Africa as a Strategic Partner for India: An Argument
Conclusion
Note
Bibliography
Chapter 3: Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration from Africa to India
Introduction
Early Century Migration from Africa
Religion and Migration
Collective Memory and Social Construction of Migration Pattern
The Contemporary Patterns of Migration: Bilateral Ties and Its Impacts
Business/Employment
Education
Health and Medical Reasons
Marriage
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Chapter 4: The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees: Mapping the Impacts of Civil War and Internal Political Crisis
Introduction
Somali Refugees in India: The Civil War as the Push Factor for Migration
Factors Determining Choice of Country: Migration from Somalia
Somali Refugees and the UNHCR
Somali Refugees and the Indian Government
Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Religion
Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Family and the Community
Somali Refugees in India: Lived Experiences of Discrimination and Exclusion
Advocating for Refugee Policy in India with Reference to Somali Refugees
Conclusion
Bibliography
Chapter 5: Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters: Locating Housing Segregation, Gated Communities, and Discriminatory Practices
Introduction
African Migrants and the Gated Societies: Locating Exclusionary Practice of Resident Welfare Associations (RWA)
The African Migrants and Their Choices in Housing: The Rationale for Spatial Concentration
Chicago School and the Study on Race: Locating Race and Re-reading Housing Segregation
Othering, Spatial Segregation, and Spatial Concentration of the African Migrants
Conflation of the African Identity, Racial Discrimination, and Housing
The Politics and Economics in Exclusionary Practices: Why the Migrants Found Housing in These Irregular and Unauthorized Localities?
Conclusion
Note
Bibliography
Part III: Race, Representation, and Othering: Lived Experiences from the African Cluster
Chapter 6: African Migrants and Discrimination: Locating the Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion
Introduction
Intersectionality as an Approach
Intersectionality of Race and Class: Mapping the Hostile Treatments towards African Migrants
The Intersectionality between Race, Class, and Gender: Locating the ‘Intra-categorical Complexity’ in Reference to African Women
Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion: Mapping the Hostile Treatments towards the Somali Refugee Women in India
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Chapter 7: African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives on Racial Discrimination: Locating Critical Race Theory
Introduction
The Midnight Raid on the African Cluster: Community Conflicts and the State
The ‘March of Justice’: Emergence of Resistance and Solidarity among the African Migrants
The Death of Olivier: The Turning Point When Unreported Racial Attacks Resurfaced
The Call for Protest: Mapping the Negotiations between MEA, Embassy, and Association of African Students in India
Cancellation of the ‘March for Justice’
African Migrants and Their Narratives on Discrimination and Hostility
State and Its Position over the Hostility on African Migrants: Mapping the Contesting Narratives
How Bilateral Ties and Economic Policy Sidelines Racial Discrimination?
An Enquiry into CRT in India
CRT vs. the Liberal Law in India
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Chapter 8: Discursive Representation and Othering of the African Identity: Race as a Signifier
Introduction
Language Its Representation and Constructions: Race as a Signifier
The Discursive Discourse on the African Identity: Locating Power, Hierarchy and Discrimination
Reiterating Stereotypes and Conflation of Identity: The ‘Othering’ of the African Identity in the Indian Media
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Chapter 9: The Pan-African Identity in India: The Emergence of Collective Identity through Solidarity Networks and African Kitchens
Introduction
African Kitchens and the Emergence of the Collective Identity
Pan-African Identity: The Formation of the Political Identity at the Diasporic Level
Local Hostility and the Emergence of Pan-African Identity
The Functionality of the Pan-African Identity: Solidarity and Informal Networks
Clusters as Sites of Informal Networks
Negotiating Discrimination and Othering
Conclusion
Notes
Bibliography
Part IV: The Way Forward
Chapter 10: De-colonizing Colour Consciousness: Theorzing Race and Racism in India
Introduction
African Migrants and Their Adaptation to Their Host Culture: Mapping Cultural Assimilation and Multiculturalism
Colonialism and the Social Construction of the Binary of Primitive vs. the Civilized: Locating Racism
Colonialism and Racism
Scientific Racism: An Introduction
Colonization of Africa and Its Representation: Locating the Sociocultural Perspective on Race
Colonialism and Internalization of Inferiority-Superiority: Locating Universalism
Colonialism and Consciousness of the ‘Black Self’: Tracing Mental Inferiority
Race as a Signifier: Mapping the after Effects of Colonization
De-colonizing Colour Consciousness for Multiculturalism: An Argument
Conclusion
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

African Clusters in India

African Clusters in India examines the discrimination and stereotypes faced by African migrants in India. It outlines the narratives of the migrants and demonstrates how their ‘African identity’ gets associated with drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. The book brings to the fore how African migrants experience racial profiling based on a conflated African identity and how this identity gets generalized irrespective of the different nationalities and leads to social exclusion. This monograph argues that the antagonistic urban environment gives rise to the formation of a pan-African identity as a response to cultural biases and stereotypes. Thus, it explores the role of language, culture, and politics of representation to show the process of ‘othering’ and exclusion in India. Drawing on lived experiences of the migrants, the volume engages with the larger discourse of globalization, liberalization, and migration within the global south. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of critical race theory, ethnography, urban sociology, African studies, and South Asian studies. Koyal Verma is currently working as an Assistant Professor at the School of Liberal Arts, Bennett University. She has taught at Delhi University in colleges like Miranda House, Hindu College, and Maitreyi College, as well as Ambedkar University Delhi and Jawaharlal Nehru University. She has done research for projects funded by Yale University, UNESCO, Ford Foundation, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). Her areas of specialization are urban sociology, migration studies, diaspora studies, and race and ethnic studies.

South Asia in Context

South Asia in Context is a multidisciplinary series which offers a platform for groundbreaking research in new and established frontiers in South Asian Studies from scholars across the world. It informs on and spotlights the diverse culture, history, society, emerging economy, religion, and geography as well as politics of the various South Asian countries. Bringing together contributions from across the humanities and the social sciences, the Series aims to provide a critical and in-depth analysis of the many histories, current affairs, and possible futures as well as challenges faced by the region. The books in the series are grounded in extensive theoretical and empirical research, covering both micro and macro themes of global and local relevance. They contribute to the expanding oeuvre of contemporary South Asian Studies and bring into focus hitherto unexplored areas of research. Books in the series are published simultaneously in UK/US and South Asia editions, as well as in e-book format. Please contact [email protected] if you wish to submit a new proposal. Indigenous Question, Land Appropriation, and Development Understanding the conflict in Jharkhand, India Gautam Pingali African Clusters in India Koyal Verma For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/South-Asia-in-Context/book-series/SAIC

African Clusters in India

Koyal Verma

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Koyal Verma The right of Koyal Verma to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Verma, Koyal, author. Title: African clusters in India / Koyal Verma. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2023. | Series: South Asia in context | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2022045846 (print) | LCCN 2022045847 (ebook) | ISBN 9781032196602 (hardback) | ISBN 9781032233345 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003276845 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Africans--India--Social conditions. | Urban black people--India. | Sociology, Urban--India. | Marginality, Social--India. | Group identity--India. Classification: LCC DS432.A25 V47 2023 (print) | LCC DS432.A25 (ebook) | DDC 305.896/054--dc23/eng/20221117 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022045846 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022045847 ISBN: 978-1-032-19660-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-23334-5 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-27684-5 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845 Typeset in Sabon by SPi Technologies India Pvt Ltd (Straive)

Contents

Preface Acknowledgments List of Acronyms

vii ix xi

PART I

Introduction 1 1 ‘African Clusters,’ Spatial Exclusion, and ‘African’ Identity in India

3

PART II

The Emergence of African Clusters in India

17

2 India-Africa Relations: Delineating Post-colonial and Neoliberal Ties in Global South

19

3 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration from Africa to India

38

4 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees: Mapping the Impacts of Civil War and Internal Political Crisis

53

5 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters: Locating Housing Segregation, Gated Communities, and Discriminatory Practices

68

vi Contents PART III

Race, Representation, and Othering: Lived Experiences from the African Cluster

81

6 African Migrants and Discrimination: Locating the Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion

83

7 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives on Racial Discrimination: Locating Critical Race Theory

98

8 Discursive Representation and Othering of the African Identity: Race as a Signifier

112

9 The Pan-African Identity in India: The Emergence of Collective Identity through Solidarity Networks and African Kitchens

125

PART IV

The Way Forward

139

10 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness: Theorzing Race and Racism in India

141

Index

159

Preface

This book is based on the contemporary ‘African Clusters’ in India. Historically, since the sixth and seventh centuries BC, people of African descent have been migrating to India. The ‘Siddi Community’s’ cultural integration is well documented. They have integrated into Indian society by assuming various roles and responsibilities. Nonetheless, in the modern era, African migrants are experiencing urban segregation, exclusion and gentrification. Therefore, the purpose of this book is to outline and analyse the discrimination, stereotypes, and social exclusion faced by African migrants in urban areas. It outlines the lived experiences of the migrants through narratives and the issues encountered by them in India. It further illustrates how the ‘African identity’ is associated with drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. These stereotypes generate cultural conflicts and contestations between the African immigrant community and the local host community. In addition, it gives rise to spatial exclusion and segregation of the African community through the formation of ‘African clusters.’ This book outlines the role of culture, language, and representational politics in social and spatial exclusion. This book draws from the Chicago School. It is based on urban ethnography to analyze spatial exclusion and gentrification in the South Asian context. Ironically, the global world is less familiar with the narratives and perspectives of African migrants residing in India. In the west, issues of racial discrimination have received attention, but in India, this is a topic that still requires academic discussion and inquiry. There is a dearth of racism theory from the perspective of the east, the global south, or South Asia. This monograph, therefore, addresses this knowledge gap. The book aims to describe the connection between race, racial clusters, and spatial exclusion in India. It outlines the historical and contemporary migration patterns from Africa to India with a focus on the politics of the global south. It further comprehends the mechanisms underlying the formation of racial clusters in India. It also outlines the contexts of discrimination that migrants face based on their lived experiences. It maps the processes through which the social construction of African and pan-African identity

viii Preface is formulated. It further demonstrates how African clusters function as sites for negotiating marginalization. This book will also contribute to the discussion on Sustainable Development Goals and will contribute to de-colonization. With reference to the ‘African Cluster,’ this book advocates for ‘de-colonizing colour consciousness’ in the global south. Dr. Koyal Verma

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Centre for the Study of Social Systems (CSSS), Centre for African Studies, and Jawaharlal Nehru University for their unwavering guidance and support throughout my academic journey. My heartfelt gratitude goes to my professors, Prof. Renuka Singh, Prof. Vivek Kumar, Dr. Bimol Akoijam, Dr. G. Srinivas, Prof. Maitrayee Chaudhuri, Prof. Susan Viswanathan, Prof Tanveer Fazal, Prof. Nillika Mehrotra, Prof. Surinder S Jodhka, and Prof. Dipankar Gupta. Prof. Sanjay Srivastava deserves a special mention for lending me his invaluable insights and support during and after my Ph.D. I would like to thank my colleagues at Hindu College, Maitreyi College, and Miranda House of Delhi University for their encouragement and with whom I have had numerous discussions. I would especially like to thank Dr. Gopi D. Tripathy, Dr. Anurita Jalan, and Dr. Mala Kapur Shankardass who were the most encouraging during my research and fieldwork. Of course, all my colleagues at Delhi University, too numerous to mention here, have been invaluable in shaping the ideas presented in the book. I would also like to thank everyone at the School of Human Ecology Ambedkar University Delhi, especially Dr. Suresh Babu for the many discussions on issues of urban ecology. I would like to mention that the numerous engagements I had with my colleagues, peers, and professors on issues of migration, integration, and identity have allowed me to build and expand some of my arguments. I want to thank Dr. Indranil Chakraborty and Jatin Gandhi for their motivation, especially during the final stages of the book. My special thanks to Prof. Alka Parikh at Bennett University for her support and my colleagues, especially Dr. Saurabh Todariya who has been very encouraging. I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to Aakash Chakrabarty for his invaluable support during the writing of this book. I also want to thank Melissa Brown Levine for giving me her comments and making some very insightful observations and suggestions. I would like to express my gratitude to the library and staff at Delhi University (Department of Sociology and the Department of African Studies), JNU, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and NMML, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, for giving me their assistance. I would especially like to thank the Khoj Foundation in Khirki Extension for allowing me to use

x Acknowledgments their library and resources for my research. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to my Somali friends, Hafees, Abdul, Yasir, and Yuusuf, for opening up their hearts and worlds to me. I would like to thank my friend Dr. Joshua Boit whose insights on Kenya and Africa in general were invaluable throughout my research and writing process. I would like to thank Neha Wadhawan, Kaustav Banerjee, Amit Thorat, and Alessandra Mezzadri for their unconditional support and advice. I would also like to thank Pranjal Patil, Aditi Kumar, and Sunita for lending me their creative insights and encouragement during my research and writing in Jawaharlal Nehru University. The most important push I received during the writing phase was in the form of love and encouragement from Manpreet Walia and Sheffali. I want to thank Manmeet Kaur and Pratishtha Dobhal for all the creative inspiration. I would also like to express my academic gratitude to the feminist scholarship and academic writings of Angela Davis, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, and Oyèrónkẹ́ Oyěwùmí. Their insights have contributed to my understanding of the field. Last but not least, I thank my family and friends for being a constant source of motivation and inspiration. Without their unwavering support, this book would not have been possible. A special thanks to the Kumar family. Most importantly, I want to thank Dev and obviously my words fall short. Thank you for seeing me through every phase of this research and writing. Finally, I present my book African Clusters in India, and I look forward to an intense academic engagement.

Acronyms

ANC ASSOCHAM AU CII DPA EXIM Bank FICCI HIV IAFS ICAR ICT IMF IOR IT LDC LOC MCI MEA MoU NAM NEP 1991 NEPAD OVL PPP PTA SADC SDG SDG 1 SDG 10 SDG 11 SDG 16 SDG 17 SDG 3 SDG 4

African National Congress Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India African Union Confederation of Indian Industry Development Partnership Administration Export-Import Bank of India Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry Human Immunodeficiency Virus India-Africa Forum Summits Indian Council of Agricultural Research Information and Communication Technology International Monetary Fund Indian Ocean Region Information and Technology Least Developed Countries Line of Credit Medical Council of India Ministry of External Affairs Memorandum of Understanding Non-aligned Movement New Economic Policy 1991 The New Partnership for Africa’s Development Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited Public-Private Partnerships Preferential Trade Zone Southern African Development Community Sustainable Development Goals No Poverty Reduced Inequalities Sustainable Cities and Communities Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions Partnership for the Goals Good Health and Well-Being Quality Education

xii Acronyms SDG 8 TCIL UN UNHCR WHO WTO

Decent Work and Economic Growth Telecommunications Consultants India Limited United Nations United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees World Health Organization World Trade Organization

Part I

Introduction

1 ‘African Clusters,’ Spatial Exclusion, and ‘African’ Identity in India

Introduction Does the formation of ‘African clusters’ in urban environments reflect prejudice and spatial inequality? India has signed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) for 2030 and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination of 1965. Seventeen principles for inclusive and sustainable development are outlined in the SDG 2030. This book aims to provide insights and suggestions for achieving sustainable development. This book intends to contribute to policy debates on inclusive human settlement and racial discrimination by examining ‘African clusters’ in India’s Khirki Extension. The aim of this study is to comprehend the larger processes of discrimination and spatial inequality that threaten the inclusiveness of human settlements. It further examines the discrimination and othering of African migrants. It investigates social and spatial exclusion in greater depth using both lived experiences and theoretical constructs. It is argued that the social construction of African identity and the politics of representation both contribute to exclusionary processes and impact the integration of African migrants into India’s urban host society. In this book, ‘African migrants’ refers to those who have migrated to India from various African countries and ethnic groups, including Somalia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DR), Cameroon, Nigeria, and South Africa. In addition, this volume aims to contribute to policy debates regarding urban inclusion and resilience, thereby contributing to the discussion of reducing poverty, facilitating health and well-being, mechanisms to access good quality education, ways to secure decent work and economic growth, reducing inequalities, facilitating justice, and enquiring into how the sustainability of communities can be secured or is currently being challenged. In other words, SDG 1, SDG 3, SDG 4, SDG 8, SDG 10, SDG 11, SDG 16, and SDG 17 will receive valuable lessons from this book.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-2

4 Introduction

African Migrants and the African Cluster in Khirki Extension: An Introduction It is significant to note that people of African descent have been migrating to India since the sixth and seventh centuries. The historical migration has also led to people of African descent, known as the Siddi community, to establish permanent settlements along the Western coast of India (Basu 2002). The Siddi community has successfully integrated into the host society. But, in the contemporary era, there has been a new form of settlement that challenges cultural integration. At present, there is a high concentration of African migrants in the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension, Delhi, India. This is due to the fact that African migrants have difficulty finding housing in other parts of Delhi. Hence, this has led to the concentration of African migrants in specific regions. In fact, there are specific alleys, lanes, and buildings in the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension where housing is available to the migrants, resulting in the formation of African clusters. Interestingly, this urban neighbourhood has even acquired the name “Little Africa”1 due to the large number of African migrants settling here. Further, it was observed that there was a connection between real estate agents and landlords, who knew where housing was readily available for rent. In fact, the African community had to reach out to real estate agents and brokers through networks of friends who had rented from them. Consequently, the migrants settled in the same residential areas. However, it could be argued that the spatial concentration in Khirki Extension was not the result of free choice, but rather an urban process. This resulted in the emergence of spatial clusters. In addition, because Khirki Extension was itself an unauthorized housing colony, it provided housing for the African migrants at cheaper rents. The housing was unauthorized due to the fact that there was a lack of permission for construction from authorities. Hence, the buildings were constructed haphazardly for the purpose of rent. This was one of the reasons why landlords and real estate agents in Khirki Extension preferred to rent out apartments to African immigrants. Further, due to prevalent stereotypes, a number of gated communities in Delhi unanimously decided not to provide housing to African migrants. Khirki Extension became one of the few urban areas in Delhi where migrants could find housing, albeit at a cost. Khirki Extension was undeveloped prior to this migration influx, but its local economy flourished as a result of African migrants who rented housing at twice the market rate. The migrants, on the other hand, resided in narrow alleyways because only a few landlords, primarily those eager to earn money, offered their houses for rent. However, the housing was dilapidated, as it was unauthorized construction. The drainage systems and pipes were in poor condition, sewage water was leaking into the roads, creating a bad stench in the gully. Moreover, the apartments received little to no sunlight; the water supply was unreliable, and the houses lacked ventilation because they were constructed in small lanes that were adjacent and faced each other with no space in

‘African Clusters’  5 between, other than the front. In addition, the housing was in poor condition, as if it had been constructed only for temporary purposes. The landlords charged African migrants higher rents because they were able to capitalize on the migrants’ inability to find housing in other areas of Delhi. This was one of the primary factors contributing to the formation of an African cluster in this urban neighbourhood. Consequently, the migrants spatially concentrated into clusters. Since the settlements of Khirki Extension were unauthorized, the rents were significantly less. In comparison to other areas of Delhi, this neighbourhood provided migrants with more affordable housing. Although unauthorized, this urban area’s central location made it a prime point. It was connected to the rest of the city by a metro line. This urban setting was cosmopolitan due to the proximity of a shopping mall and a well-known hospital in the neighbourhood. It became a viable option for immigrants to remain in this city neighbourhood due to the aforementioned factors. In addition, the option of living within an African community made it viable for safety and for building future networks. These were some of the factors that led to the settlement of African immigrants in this region. Intercultural Interaction and Adaptation There were numerous cultural exchanges between the African immigrants and the native population. The African community made efforts to assimilate and adapt to the way of life and to the culture of the host society. In fact, some of the migrants had opened ‘African’ shops to serve the immigrant community. They sold items such as African spices, groceries, and even home-cooked meals and indigenous cuisines. Several African kitchens were established. In this light, Khirki Extension could be seen as a prime example of multiculturalism. In order to adapt to the host society, the migrants altered their way of life. The African immigrants readily adhered to the fixed cultural norms and rules of the host society. In fact, numerous migrants attempted to learn Hindi. Many African migrants also reported adjusting their food habits and eating patterns. They missed the cuisine of their home countries but adapted to the cuisine of India. There were cultural interactions and exchanges on multiple levels. Many respondents reported having Indian friends and enjoying a life in India. Even more, they described how these neighbourhoods were ideal for both the native and immigrant populations to learn about diversity. In certain instances, it was observed that few members of the local Indian community frequented African shops and boutiques. This demonstrated that there was potential for learning and exchanges between the local and African communities. From the perspective of the African community, which was itself so diverse on a diasporic level, the presence of these shops could be considered a site of multiculturalism. These African shops were accessible to all African migrants, as well as the Indian locals who were curious to see and try various African products. A small number of Indians explored and purchased African spices and groceries. In a similar manner, the African community

6 Introduction explored and tried Indian food and vegetables, some of which were distinct from those of the native country and some of which were very similar. A migrant from Rwanda who stays with her husband says, I love the Indian chapati (bread), it’s not something that we get in my country. I love it. I also enjoy purchasing native foods such as arbi, cassava, and banana chips. As a result, we find it easier to live in Delhi. Finding similar foods at the market gives me a feeling of “home away from home”. I also enjoy visiting shopping malls. It is directly across from our home. I go there with my husband. It compensates for the difficulties in the city. When we first moved to Khirki, we went there every day. I ate from KFC almost every day. The zinger burger at KFC is my favourite, so I eat there a lot. But apart from the intercultural adaptation, exchanges, and interactions, the African migrants were experiencing a great deal of hostility from the local community. Intercultural Conflict The African migrants who were settling in Khirki Extension migrated from different countries of Africa such as Somalia, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Cameroon. Even though the migrants came from different countries, their identities were conflated and confused, and they were all referred to as Kallu, Kalla, or Habshi. Interestingly, according to the ArabicPersian lexicon, Habshi literally refers to people from Abyssinia or Ethiopia. It originated from a historical setting to refer to the ancient group of migrants who crossed the Indian Ocean from East Africa to India. It arose in the context of nationality in lieu of the migrations that took place in the early centuries. In the contemporary context, ‘Habshi’ is associated with negative ideas and problematic associations of criminal, dangerous, primitive, and unlawful. This was a common inference that ultimately led to the othering and racial profiling of the migrant community. The local Indian community was unable to distinguish between different nations and ethnicities. So, in a way, Kallu, Kalla, and Habshi were not simply words that were used to refer to the African community in India, but in fact, these became signifiers. Both Kalla and Kallu translate literally to black in Hindi. The term ‘Habshi’ is often used to describe African migrants to associate them with drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal immigration. The local community used the term ‘Habshi’ as a signifier to identify it with stereotypes and preconceived notions. In this context, race operated as a floating signifier (Hall 1997a), and language became a vehicle for representing people, objects, and things whose significance was derived from cultural practices and shared meanings. In this context, multiple ways of representation could be viewed as “acting as language” (Hall 1997b:4). In the contemporary

‘African Clusters’  7 context, Habshi has emerged as a signifier for drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. In the contemporary urban environment, these connections, representations, and associations had profound effects on the African community. They resulted in racial segregation, categorization of the ‘other,’ and geographical exclusion from various gated communities. This book analyzes race as a sociocultural construction. The social construction of race is manifested in urban space through language, othering, and spatial exclusion. Spatial exclusion could be analyzed through different policies employed by gated communities in Delhi to demonstrate the many forms of segregation and exclusionary practices within the neighbourhoods. For example, landlords from elite gated communities refused to rent out their homes based on stereotypes. In this context, an outline is developed to study the dominating beliefs, perspectives, and preconceptions regarding migrants through the narratives of local residents living in the same neighbourhood. Furthermore, this book examines the experiences of African migrants who thought that despite their efforts to integrate into the host society, were mistreated. Not only did the migrants face discrimination from the locals but also from the state and state actors, such as Delhi’s law minister and the police. This book enquires into the complex process of the emergence of African clusters in the urban environment. It co-relates the emergence of clusters with the African identity. It examines how cultural, economic, and political factors contribute to the social construction of the African identity. It focuses on methods of representation and construction of stereotypes. It also emphasizes the significance of language and analyzes the intricacies of social systems, social organizations, and social structures in the construction of the African identity (Baldwin 1964; Cox 1959; Du Bois 1967; Fanon 1952; Hall 1997b; James 2012; Silva 1994). The social construction of African identity is reflected through social systems and exclusionary practices within the urban space of Indian society.

The African Cluster as Social-Spatial Exclusion: A Conceptualization There is a significant proportion of migration of people from all over the world into cities in quest of better opportunities (Hannerz 1996). In this context, the question is how cities can become more inclusive and sustainable in the face of ongoing demographic shifts. The India-Africa bilateral ties have largely contributed to the migration of people from Africa into India. The African clusters have emerged because of demographic shifts and migration flows within the global south regions of Africa and India. However, the emergence of African clusters should be viewed as an outcome of urban discriminatory practices and a form of segregation in the Indian context. Migrants find it challenging to acquire accommodation in Delhi’s metropolitan neighbourhoods due to existing preconceptions. This has led to the creation of spatial clusters. The African cluster arose as a manifestation of social and spatial exclusion. This segregation and exclusion were caused by a variety of factors. This book outlines the migrants’

8 Introduction narratives, which include several incidences of racial profiling, othering, and violence, which further contributed to the formation of clusters. African Migrants and Spatial Segregation In studies on segregation and spatial division, a number of perspectives exist specifically to understand the processes and factors that give rise to divisions in urban space (Castells 1977). The lines of division between groups can be based on “income, nationality, class, wealth, occupation, race, colour, ethnicity, language, personal cultural preference or lifestyle” (Marcuse 2005:15). This manifests in the divisions of space which result in the formation of clusters. Marcuse demonstrates that spatial processes have resulted in many patterns of clustering such as gated communities, ethnic enclaves, religious communities, and ghettos, but these lines of division between clusters have to be analyzed from acceptable forms to unacceptable forms of division. Marcuse defines the clustering process as follows: Clustering is the concentration of a population group in space. Clustering is the generic term for the formation of any area of spatial concentration. Segregation is the process by which a population group, treated as inferior (generally because of race), is forced, that is, involuntarily, to cluster in a defined spatial area, that is, in a ghetto. Segregation is the process of formation and maintenance of a ghetto. Racial segregation is segregation based on race. Most ghettos in the United States are racial ghettos. Market segregation is the parallel process, operating through the real estate market, thereby, segregating those of lower income into class ghettos. (Marcuse 2005:16) At the same time, the process of segregation can take place through spatial, social, economic, cultural, and political factors. Spatial segregation can also be seen as operations of the market in capitalist societies. Marcuse argues that clusters can be formed on the basis of class, income, race, nationality, language, and power. The different forms in which it takes place can result in exclusion. He states, to quote, Quartering is the division of urban space into quarters by the operation of the private market in real estate and housing, based on the income or wealth of households. Quartering is the process of formation of class clusters, and may bring about or reinforce segregation. Congregating is the voluntary coming together of a population group for purposes of self-protection and advancement of its own interests, other than through domination or exclusion. Congregating is the process of formation of an enclave. Withdrawal is the voluntary and deliberate separation of a socially and economically dominant population group. Withdrawal reinforces segregation. Withdrawal is the process that

‘African Clusters’  9 leads to the formation of an exclusionary enclave. Walling out is the extreme physical form of withdrawal. Walling out may be involved in the formation of an exclusionary enclave, and is also involved in the formation of a citadel. Fortification is the voluntary coming together of a population group for purposes of protecting, strengthening, and symbolizing dominance. Fortification is the process of forming a citadel. Confinement is the deliberate, intentional separating out of a socially and economically subordinate group and its restriction to a specific location. Confinement is the extreme social, economic, and/or legal form of segregation, and may be involved in the formation of a ghetto. Walling in is the extreme physical form of confinement and may be involved in the formation of a ghetto. Desegregation is the elimination of barriers to free mobility for residents of a ghetto. Integration is the intermixing of population groups with ongoing, positive and nonhierarchical relationships among them. (Marcuse 2005:16–18) Hence it can be argued that the different forms of clusters emerge based on choice, preservation, self-protection, confinement, walling in and out, ghettoization, and segregation based on dominance and power. But in the formation of clusters, what is significant is the factor of choice. The element of voluntary choice has been underlined as a crucial factor in the definition of different types of clusters. The question of choice, such as whether a population chooses to form a separate concentration or whether it is forced to stay within the confines of a cluster is an important factor in determining the nature and formation of clusters. With reference to the African migrants, there were two important aspects that could be studied in the establishment of clusters. First, the African community was unable to find housing in other urban areas. Khirki Extension was one of the only few urban neighbourhoods where they could access housing, and that too at a higher rent; therefore, they lived in a cluster in this region. Second, after experiencing hostility, discrimination, abuse, and harassment throughout the city, the African community preferred to live in the same neighbourhood. Apart from choice, clustering also emerged on the basis of politics, culture, economy, and hierarchy of power and positions. Lines of division forming patterns of clustering may be based on the division of groups on the basis of race, class, nationality, income, occupation, wealth, religion, language, ethnicity, cultural preferences, lifestyle, age, and gender. There may be many more categories for division, but these divisions need to be understood more empirically in space. Hence, careful attention is required to the many factors that lead to the formation of spatial patterns and divisions, such as cultural, social, political, and economic. It is necessary to highlight the major reasons that contribute to spatial forms in urban space, such as clusters, ghettos, and gated communities. With reference to the African migrants, this book highlights these conditions for spatial patterns – that is, cultural factors and power relations – in detail (Marcuse 2005). It embarks on a

10 Introduction discussion about the African clusters in India and how it represents spatial segregation. The clusters provide an entry point to a discussion on urban spatial segregation. For this, it may be first useful to analyze the various factors and variables of spatial segregation and exclusion. Spatial Segregation as Social Exclusion Due to cultural differences, many gated communities denied African migrants housing. Thus, a connection is made between the spatial patterns of housing and culture. This context highlights three primary variables that facilitate spatial patterns: culture, economy (land-use patterns), and hierarchical divisions. First, in the context of culture, generally, differences in language, food, and clothing styles are the first observable signs of culture. There may also be divisions based on race, country, or nationality; tribe of origin or parentage or descent; religion or belief; and way of life. While there may be disparities based on economic conditions and other social variables within cultural divisions, these factors may not play a role when cultural homogeneity is the dividing factor (Harrison 1995). Second, divisions based on economic functions have a significant effect on spatial patterns. They are the result of physical, organizational, or economic reasoning, such as land-use patterns giving rise to the allocation of regions to, for example, businesses, farms, and residential areas. Based on economic activity, different space allocations are determined, such as separate facilities for manufacturing and retailing or wholesaling. This creates the conditions for industry and occupation-based clustering. It may also necessitate that individuals move closer to transportation routes, thereby making their jobs more accessible. When workers are required to reside in close proximity to their workplaces, residential segregation may occur. Additionally, companysponsored housing for industrial workers can contribute to clustering. Third, variations in hierarchical position can represent power and dominance relationships and manifest as imperial enclaves. Class plays a role in the determination of differentiated status. Income is also an indicator of class. These are socioeconomic status indicators used to describe underlying power and prestige relationships. There are also numerous facets of power, such as political power, legal power, and social power that create conditions for clustering. In numerous instances, the aforementioned three categories may overlap and contradict one another. While urban processes can create separate living spaces for different ethnic groups, such as black/white, Jewish/Arab, and imperial/indigenous, they can also generate conflicts when socioeconomic and cultural differences intersect (Varady 2005). Segregation can be understood through marginality within the urban space (Park 1937). Park examines spatial patterns in terms of ‘culture marginality,’ ‘social role marginality,’ and ‘structural marginality.’ These concepts outline the processes that intersect in the urban space and create circumstances for segregation and exclusion. ‘Cultural marginality’ results from a culture’s hierarchical standing. Acceptance/rejection or belonging/

‘African Clusters’  11 isolation, in-group/out-group can be used to define the relationship between two cultures. With overlapping experiences of economic pressures, heterogeneity, social change, and migration, there may be feelings of isolation, disorientation, and alienation among migrants or the general public. Second, ‘social role marginality’ might result from a lack of membership in a reference group. In the case of women, it might manifest as a difficulty to enter particular professions or to join specific clubs or groups. It can also occur as a result of adolescent experiences between childhood and maturity that do not fit into one certain role. It could also represent gypsies, bohemians, and anarchists who do not fit into traditional positions. Third, ‘structural marginality’ refers to societal segments that lack political, economic, or social authority. These three categories of marginalization also illustrate diverse modes of segregation and the causes that give rise to urban space divisions. This book will examine the relevance of these concepts in the emergence of the African clusters in India. In this context, this book examines the broader issue of how cities might be made more inclusive to achieve ‘inclusive human settlements.’ This book explores how social and structural dynamics translate into urban space, giving rise to exclusionary behaviours and segregation, and how these phenomena are influenced by power and urban policy (Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Lefebvre 1991; Sassen 2006; Srivastava 2014).

Overview of the Book The global south partnerships and bilateral ties between Africa and India offer a vast array of opportunities for migration from Africa to India in the modern era to explore business and education prospects in private-public institutions. However, upon arrival in India, migrants encounter varying degrees and types of othering. Moreover, this results in not only demographic shifts but also urban space transformations. This monograph uses ethnographic data to reflect on urban space, migration, globalization, and race. The New Economic Reforms and liberalization policies of 1991 have paved the way for private players and industries to form global partnerships. This book is situated in the context of how globalization, which provides individuals with vast options and channels, also generates contestations and entanglements. How, then, are global cities preparing for future inclusivity in this context? Can cities be sustainable and inclusive in the face of shifting demographics and growing economic demands? This book depicts how African migrants come to India in search of better opportunities. In addition to the diverse opportunities brought about by globalization, recent global migrations have also taken the form of forced migrations due to war, political instability, and the breakdown of state machinery. Because of global migrations caused by issues such as conflict and crises, the importance of migration studies has grown in the age of neoliberalism. There is a lack of comprehensive global policy frameworks that focus on issues such as the living conditions, vulnerability, and access to basic resources faced by

12 Introduction migrant communities during their adaptation and resettlement process, as well as the issues of identity, ethnicity, gender, marginalization, and vulnerability. Many governments are reluctant to accept ethnic groups displaced by war because of the economic strain they put on the country’s economy. There is, however, a need for a comprehensive understanding of asylum seekers and refugees in order to comprehend trauma, memory, and the lived experience of violence while coping with war and conflict as part of the daily lived experience of adaptation and resettlement in countries of destination. In this book, the perspective of Somali refugees and asylum seekers from East Africa illuminates this context. There is also a growing concern regarding the nature and extent of media portrayal of ethnic groups. It can be said that numerous representations have contributed to xenophobia and exacerbated differences between immigrant and host populations. This facilitates a deeper comprehension of culture and representation. As part of its analysis, this book generates a discourse on global migration through a series of migration-related discussions and debates. This monograph will add to the discussion of the SDGs, such as SDG 1, SDG 3, SDG 4, SDG 8, SDG 10, SDG 11, SDG 16, SDG 17. This book is organized according to the chapters listed as follows. The first chapter describes and introduces India’s ‘African clusters.’ It identifies the factors that contribute to clustering. It conceptualizes African clusters through urban ethnography perspectives such as (Marcuse 2005; Park 1937; Varady 2005). It locates the African cluster as a form of social and spatial exclusion and segregation by drawing on the theoretical frameworks of scholars who have studied segregation in urban space, such as (Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Lefebvre 1991; Sassen 2006). The second chapter focuses on India-Africa bilateral relations in order to provide context for migration from Africa to India. It broadly locates the post-colonial and neoliberal ties that give rise to economic and political partnerships between India and Africa. It begins by outlining the post-colonial ties between Africa and India, which point to the rebuilding of relationships with African nations following India’s independence. It highlights the IndiaAfrica relations during the liberalization era, which gives rise to global south partnerships. It then proceeds to analyze the economics and political aspects of ‘India-Africa Forum Summits,’ which are modern forms of strategic cooperation in various fields of science and technology, computer sciences, agricultural sciences, pharmaceuticals, and Indian Ocean sciences. Fourth, it emphasizes the political significance of ‘India-Africa Forum Summits.’ Here, the emergence of political and economic ties between Africa and India in the context of neoliberalism is examined. It contends that neoliberal partnerships provide pathways for contemporary migrations. The third chapter focuses on the historical and contemporary patterns of migration from Africa to India. It begins with a history of migrations from East Africa to India via the Indian Ocean. It investigates whether there is a link between historical migration patterns and contemporary African diaspora networks. It also emphasizes the role of religion and the spread of Islam across the Indian Ocean to demonstrate how it plays an important

‘African Clusters’  13 role in the formation of transnational networks. It then proceeds to outline the migration that occurs in the contemporary era due to bilateral ties. Bilateral ties provide avenues and opportunities for business, education, medical, and health-care migration. Marriage is also examined as a factor in migration. The contemporary migration patterns are examined through the lived experiences of African migrants, beginning with their journey from their home countries to their destination countries. It offers a viewpoint on African migration in the age of globalization and liberalization. It focuses on the major pull factors that attract African migrants to come to India. The fourth chapter analyzes the push factors of migration. It sheds light on the issue of forced migration of Somali refugees from East Africa by focusing on the effects of civil war and political crisis, which act as major push factors. It emphasizes the circumstances that force refugees to flee. As a result, it first draws attention to Somalia’s civil war and internal political crisis. Further, it examines how India is not a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. This has a significant impact on the refugees negotiating with the Indian state. It describes the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ role in facilitating the rehabilitation of Somali refugees in India. It stresses that, in the absence of state support, transnational migration networks are formed in order to obtain assistance from informal networks. It also emphasizes the role of religion in refugee groups’ adaptation to host societies. It emphasizes the importance of family and community in the adaptation process. Despite the refugee’s efforts to integrate into the host society, the chapter focuses on the discrimination and exclusion experienced by Somali refugees. Somali migrants migrate from their home country under ‘forced’ migration conditions as a result of the civil war and thus live in India under extreme conditions of exclusion based on their refugee status. In many cases, the state considers these forced migrations to be illegal because the Indian state does not recognize them as refugees because it is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. Hence, with reference to Somali refugees, the need for a comprehensive refugee policy is stated. It aims to contribute to the debates on forced migration from the perspective of Somali refugees. The fifth chapter depicts the formation of ‘African clusters’ and the spatial exclusion experienced by African migrants in India. It was observed that housing was a major issue for African migrants from various countries. Why do migrants face this particular housing challenge? It enquires whether this form of exclusion is related to racism. It goes on to discuss the social construction of African identity in India, as well as its impact on urban settlements and housing access. In this context, it first provides an overview of housing segregation and settlement patterns in the Western world through debates on racism and exclusion. It draws its theoretical framework from Western scholarship because there hasn’t been enough work on racial discrimination and housing segregation in India. Further, it emphasizes the gentrification process. It investigates the processes of segregation in India through the formation of gated communities. It then locates the conditions

14 Introduction for the emergence of African clusters, as well as the rationale for their formation in India. It also highlights how the local community perpetuates othering of the African identity in urban spaces and elaborates on the exclusionary practices of housing associations such as Resident Welfare Association. The sixth chapter examines the everyday lived experiences of African migrants in relation to the intersectionality of race, class, and gender. Intersectionality has been used as a method to understand multiple levels of discrimination. Hence, lived experiences are analyzed through an examination of the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and ‘religion’ with reference to the African community in India. Hence, intersectionality as an approach is outlined. Further, it locates the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and religion to highlight and analyze the experiences of African migrants in order to map the hostile treatment they face in India. The seventh chapter focuses on African migrants, the state, and competing narratives about racial discrimination. It situates critical race theory by investigating the role of the state and local community in the perpetuation of racism. Violence against the African community has been widespread in India. Hence, it begins with an outline of the various forms of violence perpetrated by the local community, the state, and the police. In this context, it first describes the midnight raid by the state on African migrants. The Delhi law minister led a midnight raid without a valid search warrant. As a result of their daily lived experiences of discrimination and hostility, African migrants in India formed a bond. Hence, This resistance emerged to challenge racial discrimination and stereotypes. It focuses on how the African community organized a “March for Justice.” The death of a young Congolese boy prompted the African community to speak out against unreported racial attacks. It called for a “March for Justice” to draw attention to the violence perpetrated against them. In terms of speaking out about their experiences in India, this was a watershed moment for the migrants. It then proceeds to examine African migrants’ perspectives on racial discrimination; the state’s position on racial discrimination and racial attacks is demonstrated. It challenges the Indian state’s view on discrimination and attacks on the African community as minor law and order issues rather than racial ones. Critical race theory is situated in this context to highlight the systemic bias in the representation of racism and racial discrimination and the failure to recognize racism is a significant issue for India’s African community. Chapter eight demonstrates how race influences the social construction of African identity. African migrants in India are referred to as ‘Kalla,’ which literally translates to black. Habshi is another term commonly used to describe migrants. Race functions as a signifier and is linked to drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. One of the primary causes of discrimination and exclusion in the African community is the politics of representation. Language plays an important role in the formation of stereotypes, prejudices, and biases. Language is a system of representation. it is a medium for representing objects, events, or people by means of shared meanings, cultural codes, and practises. Language provides a representational model that is divided

‘African Clusters’  15 into two approaches: semiotics and discursive. Semiotics refers to the poetics of language, whereas discursive refers to the impact of language on people, objects, and events, according to Hall (1997b). In this context, the chapter begins by outlining the role of language and its representation of race in India. It discusses the political implications of cultural stereotypes. Further, it discusses language’s discursive role in perpetuating racism and exclusion. It locates power, hierarchy, and discrimination in order to comprehend representational politics. It then moves to discuss the issue of identity conflation and the role of media in the representation of African identity. It is argued that language as a mode of representation, particularly the discursive aspects of language, leads to the conflation of African identity and the construction of the image of Habshi with problematic associations and stereotypes. The ninth chapter focuses on the emergence of pan-African identity in India. The emergence of a ‘pan-African identity’ in India is facilitated by the formation of solidarities and networks facilitated by everyday lived experiences. Here, local hostility plays an important role in creating a united and assertive identity. that emerges in the face of stereotypes and racial discrimination. Hence, ‘African kitchens’ in India emerged as safe spaces for African migrants to meet and gather. It also subsequently led to the formation of a collective identity. Lastly, identity plays an important role in the formation of diasporic solidarity networks. Given the hostile urban environment, cases of violence, othering, stereotyping, and ‘racial profiling’ of the African community, this chapter contends that the host society played a significant role in the emergence of a pan-African identity. The tenth chapter attempts to theorize race and racism in India. It makes the case for ‘de-colonizing colour consciousness’ and suggests ways to address it. In this context, it begins by examining how African migrants strive for adaptation in the host society. It examines the migrants’ cultural assimilation process in order to highlight their efforts. However, there was hostility toward the migrant community. The root cause of hostility is further investigated. It raises the question of how colonialism and its binary of black and white have indoctrinated the idea of colour consciousness. This binary generates ideas and images of what is good and bad. Further, it also examines racism in India through the lens of colour consciousness. It also emphasizes the role of biological determinism in perpetuating scientific racism. Further, it gives perspective on the colonization of Africa and representation of the colonial subjects through images. It highlights colonialism and the internalization of inferiority and superiority to demonstrate universalism. It concludes b emphasizing the concept of ‘de-colonizing colour consciousness’ in South Asia and its importance to address racism.

Note 1 India TV News Desk, April 01, 2014, 7:32 IST. “Khirki Extension Is a Little Africa in Delhi.” https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/khirki-extension-isa-little-africa-in-delhi-in-pics--33083.html

16 Introduction

Bibliography Baldwin, James. 1964. The Fire Next Time. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books. Basu, Helene. 2002. Indian-Siddi African Diaspora: A Query. In Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World (pp. 1–40). California: University of California. Castells, Manuel. 1977. The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach. (A. Sheridan, Trans.) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Cox, C. Oliver. 1959. Caste, Class & Race: A Study in Social Dynamics. New York: Monthly Review Press. Du Bois, W.E.B. 1967. The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study. New York: Schoken Books. Fanon, Franz. 1952. Black Skin White Masks. London: Pluto Press. Hall, Stuart. 1997a. Race, The Floating Signifier. Northampton, MA: Media Education Foundation. Hall, Stuart. 1997b. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage Publications. Hannerz, Ulf. 1996. Transnational Connections: Culture, People, Places. London: Routledge. Harrison, F.V. 1995. The Persistent Power of “Race” in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism. Annual Review of Anthropology, 24, 47–74. Harvey, David. 1985. The Urbanization of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of Capitalist Urbanization. Oxford: Blacwell Publishers. James, C.L.R. 2012. A History of Pan-African Revolt. Oakland, CA: PM Press. Kempen, Ronald. 2007. Divided Cities in the 21st Century: Challenging the Importance of Globalisation. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 22(1), 13–31. Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell. Marcuse, Peter. 2005. Enclaves Yes, Ghettos No: Segregation and the State In David P. Varady (ed.) Desegregating the City: Ghettos, Enclaves, & Inequality (pp. 15– 30). New York: State University of New York Press. Park, E. Robert. 1928. Human Migration and the Marginal Man. American Journal of Sociology, 33, 881–893. Park, E. Robert. 1937. Introduction. In E. V. Stonequist (ed.), The Marginal Man (pp. xiii–xviii). Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press. Sassen, Saskia. 2006. Urban Sociology in the 21st Century. Chicago: University of Chicago Working Papers. Savage, Mike, Warde, Alan, and Ward, Kevin. 2003. Urban Sociology, Capitalism and Modernity. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Silva, E. Bonilla. 1994. Rethinking Racism: Towards A Structural Interpretation, Centre for Research on Social Organization. Michigan: Working Paper Series. Srivastava, Sanjay. 2014. Entangled Urbanism: Slum, Gated Community and Shopping Mall in Delhi and Gurgaon. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Varady, P. David. 2005. Desegregating the City Ghettos, Enclaves, and Inequality. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Part II

The Emergence of African Clusters in India

2 India-Africa Relations Delineating Post-colonial and Neoliberal Ties in Global South

Introduction The global south ties between India and Africa have given rise to economic and political partnerships. The contemporary migration patterns between Africa and India have emerged out of these alliances. Migration predominantly takes place based on bilateral ties and neoliberal partnerships between the two regions of the global south. So, in this context, first, the post-colonial ties between Africa and India are outlined. Second, the chapter highlights the partnerships in the era of liberalization. It highlights the role of the state and shows how crucial it is to understand the migration process through its role. The purpose is to show how migration takes place on the basis of global south partnerships for economic trade and political alliances between India and Africa. This specifically facilitates migration for education, health, business, government collaborations, and student exchanges. These come under the major pull factors that attract African migrants to India in the global context. The contemporary neoliberal ties give rise to opportunities in industries like science and technology, agricultural sciences, computer science, shipping industry, and Indian Ocean studies. The partnership between India and Africa outlines the specific arenas of cooperation and strategies in which India and Africa are cooperating. Africa is a strategic partner for India in the neoliberal era, and the economic ties that have been forged with the continent are crucial for both India and Africa. These bilateral ties between Africa and India reflect capacity development, financial inclusion, trade, and technology exchange. These components are essential to achieve SDG 17.

Africa-India and Its Post-colonial Ties After Independence, India-Africa ties became more formal and concrete. Prior to India’s Independence, the relationship between the two regions was more diverse and wide-ranging. The post-colonial relationship between India and Africa was forged based on interaction and constant migration of people, ideas, and growing trade potential. In the past, both India and Africa had been subjected to colonialism and exploitation. Both had DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-4

20  The Emergence of African Clusters in India common historical linkages, which tied them together through ideas of resistance against racial discrimination and colonization. Both suffered colonial exploitation based on which they borrowed ideas, strategies, and support in the struggle against colonial exploits and colonial rule. Both regions witnessed migrations during the colonial period and saw the communities of respective regions occupying positions of prominence in the host countries. Although it may be argued that there had been numerous struggles and resistances between the two regions, these issues were resolved with time. A large part of the migrant population in recent times has integrated into both of these regions, which is telling of the example of the integration of migrant communities (Dubey 2016). Further, while India was the first to gain colonial independence, it supported African regions towards their liberation and anti-racial struggles. To add to the history of cooperation between the two regions, the Non-aligned Movement (NAM) brought the countries together in cooperation against world powers and domination. The history of their cooperation was also marked during the Cold War period. Post its Independence, India initiated the South-South cooperation based on its considerable high-level technological power, which further contributed to its economic cooperation with Africa based on sharing of technology and knowledge for economic growth. As mentioned earlier, there were differences that emerged in both regions, but these differences were resolved, giving rise to future economic cooperation. Africa saw India as a power, and the ‘India Rising Model’ was recognized by Africa. This allowed for the free exchange and sharing of development-oriented practices and strategies, which India had gained over the period of its Independence. In this regard, India was seen as a model and recognized as a friendly power. Further, Indian diplomacy and foreign affairs worked towards cooperation with Africa ever since its Independence, and political and economic ties were built slowly with different countries. It may be noted that initially Africa was seen as a single region, and the policy towards Africa was uniform. Nonetheless, the Indian policy was always sensitive towards African interests (Dubey 2016). A large diaspora living in Africa in the Anglophone regions, Francophone and Arab Africa also gave impetus to growing economic ties between India and Africa. The Indian communities living in various parts of Africa are communities that have emerged as prominent and are seen as a significant force bringing together economic growth to the regions. Based on these commonalities of past struggles and experiences, India and Africa forged their ties in the global era. Their partnership is seen as an example of South-South Partnership. This partnership has grown to become formal in terms of business enterprises and cooperation. An outline is made of the economic ties between India and Africa which highlight the relations that have grown since 1991 when India adopted a new economic policy that opened up its domestic market. This phase has been seen as a phase in which Indian and African ties became concrete and formalized with policy frameworks guiding as blueprints for economic cooperation in the global era.

India-Africa Relations  21

India-Africa Ties in the Era of Liberalization: Emergence of Global South Partnerships In India, the New Economic Policy (NEP) of 1991 ushered in economic, political, and technological changes and transitions. The NEP had a significant impact on Indian diplomatic and foreign policy (Dubey 1989). The policy’s implementation provided India with elements of multilateralism that dated back to the Nehruvian era. In the global era, these were revitalized. Although during the Nehruvian period, India perceived Africa as one singular region, and therefore, it adopted a uniform policy for all the countries based on the fact that both had suffered colonial exploitation, imperialism, and then the alliance through non-alignment. However, since 1991, economic and political interests have shifted in nature, resulting in a more pragmatic approach to Africa as a continent and individual African countries as separate nations. Africa-India relations have grown significantly in the twenty-first century, particularly since 1991, when India emerged as an important participant in the global economy. It is worth noting the recent global cooperation between India and Africa exists in the form of IndiaAfrica Forum Summits. This is because, during the summits, a detailed plan for India’s development assistance, grants, and loans to African countries was laid out. It should be noted that India’s role in development assistance to African countries differs significantly from that of Western countries. Policy frameworks in India and Africa are developed on the basis of mutual ties and relationships. These ties have materialized as South-South Partnerships in the form of India-Africa Forum Summits. Trading ties began very concretely in 2001 when trade projections were made. In the era of globalization, India and Africa established even more rigorous economic trade exchanges, and these trading relations were critical to the Indian state. The growth projection since 2001 outlines the concrete steps taken toward formalizing economic ties. While India promised assistance to African development, it also expressed interest in African minerals. As a result, it was critical for India to develop mutual cooperation with Africa for trading purposes, particularly for crude oil imports (CII & WTO Report 2013). The development of mutual interests resulted from India’s interest in African minerals and fuels. The expanding trade and investment between India and Africa have recently taken a new turn. It has resulted in the establishment of a new relationship between the two countries. It has resulted in new initiatives and activities, many of which have been placed in the private sector. The private sector has been conducting business in Africa under the auspices of the CII (Confederation of Indian Industry). The CII coordinates both public and private initiatives for the formation of PPPs (Public-Private Partnerships). The CII also facilitates joint ventures between Indian and African companies. It accomplishes this through India-Africa Conclaves, which facilitate collaboration and project partnerships. The funds for these joint ventures are coordinated by the CII-EXIM Bank. India and Africa have already collaborated on nine of these Conclaves, which have occurred

22  The Emergence of African Clusters in India since 2005. Since these ventures were organized through India-Africa Conclaves, the number of project partners has grown. The Conclaves offer opportunities for business collaboration. The EXIM Bank is critical in facilitating funds for companies to carry out their projects. The EXIM Bank has also released funds for development projects and provided LOCs (lines of credit) to African institutions to help them finance their projects, among other things. African countries, like India, were forced to accept IMF (International Monetary Fund) and World Bank (World Bank)-monitored structural adjustment programmes. African countries were under pressure to adopt a market economy in order to achieve economic growth and development. This has also resulted in negative growth in many African economies since the 1980s and continuing into the 1990s. This was not the case in regions where political stability was lacking. Other African economies expanded. During this period of liberalization, India-Africa ties became more concrete, with the Indian private sector entering African markets. It was during this period that economic and political ties between India and Africa began to strengthen. In the 1990s, Manmohan Singh’s government implemented SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme) under the auspices of the IMF and the World Bank. India made the decision to liberalize its economy and abandon the mixed economy model that it had previously used as its growth model. As a result, there was a shift in foreign policy. Scholars demonstrate how India also changed its foreign policy towards the diaspora communities (Dubey 2016). The transformation of relations with Indian diaspora communities in Africa ushered in a slew of new business opportunities and investments, transforming business relations in both regions. India developed programmes such as “long-term bonds” to raise billions of dollars. Such programmes facilitated economic changes and investment, resulting in a more privatized economy. Since 1992, the Indian government has also issued LOCs and preferential trade zones (PTAs). Another $1 billion was set aside for African regional cooperation in 1996, and a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with SADC “Southern African Development Community” was signed in 1997 to further this effort. The “Focus Africa Program” was established in 2002, and the $500 million “TEAM 9 Initiative” was announced in 2003 (Dubey 2016). Furthermore, since 2001, India has supported the vision for NEPAD “New Partnership for Africa’s Development” in the development of India-Africa relations through the global south. This was to help Africa achieve its developmental goals. India has set aside $200 million for the “New Partnership for Africa’s Development” in order to strengthen economic ties with Africa. This was started as a growth model for India to expand its market reach in Africa through cooperation in mining, motor vehicles, agriculture, and ICT (Information and Communication Technology). NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) lays the groundwork for large-scale projects between India and Africa. In the 1990s, the CII (Confederation of Indian Industry), ASSOCHAM (Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of

India-Africa Relations  23 India), and FICCI (Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry) recognized the importance of Africa in terms of business opportunities. These institutions identified business opportunities and launched programmes like ‘Made in India’ across Africa (Beri 2003). Many business agreements and joint ventures are being formed as a result of these initiatives between Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, Mauritius, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Ethiopia. Because of its policies, India’s trade with Africa increased to $100 billion in 2015, up from $5 billion and $60 billion in 2012. In fact, India’s trade contacts with Africa have been extensive over the previous years. India is Africa’s fourth-largest trading partner (Zuma 2013). Prior to the 1970s, trade between India and Africa focused on traditional commodities such as jute and textiles, as well as less traditional commodities such as iron and steel, as well as non-traditional commodities such as pharmaceutical products, cosmetics, and pharmaceutical ingredients. Since the 1990s, hydrocarbon products, metals, and chemicals have been important imports for India, whereas raw cotton, pearls, and other semi-precious stones, dyeing and tanning supplies, raw cashew nuts, and rock phosphate were imported. The volume of trade between India and other countries has increased steadily. Nigeria, Egypt, Angola, and South Africa have all established commercial ties with India. Furthermore, India and Africa have emerged as significant players in energy cooperation. This is the primary reason for India-Africa economic and political collaboration (Dubey 2016). After the United States, China, and Japan, India consumes the sixth most energy in the world. As a result, in order to sustain itself and achieve its economic goals, India must increase its energy resources. The Middle East accounts for 70% of India’s oil imports (Fee 2006). As a result, future investments in energy assets are required. India is interested in Africa’s energy potential. Currently, Africa, particularly North Africa, supplies approximately 24% of the country’s crude oil needs. OVL “Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited,” one of India’s largest foreign investments, has invested $3 billion in Sudan. Furthermore, it conducts frequent trade with the Ivory Coast, Senegal, Egypt, Libya, Gabon, Nigeria, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Given its growing oil interests, India is looking to expand cooperation in refining, storage, distribution, and transportation across the continent. Africa could provide electricity to India. As a result, India has pledged to assist with capacity development, science and technology sharing, and food security. This is how relationships between Africa and India are being formed. As a result of this liberalization, economic relations with Africa have been established. The development of India-Africa relations is being driven by the business sector. The paradigm of liberalization, privatization, and globalization has strengthened Indian-African relations. Understanding economic factors to understand the various tie-ups within different industries, as well as political factors such as the role of diaspora communities as driving forces for partnerships, may be critical within this paradigm to highlight its impact on migration and the creation of opportunities.

24  The Emergence of African Clusters in India

The Economics of India-Africa Forum Summits The India-Africa Forum Summits provide an understanding of the various partnerships that exist between India and Africa in critical industries and economic arenas such as agriculture, pharmaceuticals, science and technology, infrastructure development, Indian Ocean economics, and shipping. In 2008, the first India-Africa Forum Summit was held. It represented the first formal partnership formed between the two regions. It took place in New Delhi from April 4 to 8, 2008. India and Africa agreed that the IAFS (IndiaAfrica Forum Summit) would be held every three years. The First IAFS was attended by 14 African countries, with India as its partner. The second IAFS was held in Ethiopia’s capital city of Addis Ababa. It took place in the month of May. Along with India, 15 African countries attended. From October 26 to 30, 2015, New Delhi hosted the third IAFS. These three summits marked the beginning of formal cooperation between India and Africa. The partnership has existed since India’s liberalization, and by 2000, India had provided technical assistance in Africa’s agricultural sector. This sector was regarded as one of the most important for collaboration, with significant potential for business projects. At the 2008 summit, India and Africa agreed to strengthen cooperation in areas such as water management, land development, food security, breeding technologies, agro-based processing machinery, combating agricultural plant diseases, and conducting scientific experiments and training projects. The India-Africa Summits aimed to strengthen cooperation on three levels: AU “Africa United,” REC’s “Regional Economic Communities,” and “bilateral cooperation” (Biswas 2016). It was agreed in 2011 that India and Africa would collaborate on agricultural productivity research. This would be in reference to the previous food security agreement reached in order to reduce rising food prices in Africa and India. India agreed to share its agricultural science research knowledge. ICAR (Indian Council of Agricultural Research) agricultural farming experts have visited Africa to investigate ways to improve their agricultural practises. Furthermore, India agreed to provide 75 scholarships to African students attending Indian agricultural universities each year. In 2010, the Department of Agricultural Research, ICAR, and the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research signed an MoU to collaborate in agricultural sciences and research. During the second IAFS, India agreed to provide LOCs worth approximately “US$ 5.4 billion to support developmental practises in African countries.” It was agreed that India and Africa would exchange scholars, experts, scientists, and technologies. India also agreed to strengthen capacity-building and knowledge-sharing programmes. The India and Africa Summits represent formal structured cooperation between the two regions, with the highest leaders meeting for economic and political cooperation. The Summits provide a forum for governments to identify and expand areas of cooperation. During the 2011 and 2014 Summits, the governments followed a structured “Framework of Cooperation” and then a “Framework for Enhanced Cooperation.” The

India-Africa Relations  25 Framework served as a guideline for all development projects. Least Developed Countries (LDCs) were identified for development through these forums. Political, economic, and developmental cooperation were the three main areas of agreement. Governments in the twenty-first century are attempting to unite on the agenda of development and economic interests. In 2012, India and Africa’s South-South cooperation was recognized at the Busan Partnership for “Effective Development Cooperation.” Agriculture, PPPs through grants and loans extended by EXIM Bank, pharmaceuticals, and ocean management were identified as areas for cooperation. The discussion that follows outlines the areas of cooperation in detail by displaying business partnerships and countries’ positions with regard to area-specific agreements. It also emphasizes India-Africa ties and its South-South Partnership in the global world order. Trading in Agriculture Agriculture was one of the main sectors in which Indian-African bilateral policy was formed. Both India and Africa shared equal interests in agriculture, which is a significant part of both their economies. Additionally, in 2014, India imported $1.56 billion worth of agricultural products from Africa (Biswas 2016). Cashew nuts from East, West, and Southern Africa were the most common imports into the country. Because of the decline in the domestic cashew processing industry, the cashew nuts were imported from Africa and processed in India. With a yearly value of $2.19 million, wood was the second most popular building material imported in 2014. Despite the fact that India is one of the world’s leading producers of cash crops like cotton and tea, it also imports goods like cocoa, coffee, and tea from Africa. India’s textile industry is expanding, and there is a need for expansion, based on this import (Biswas 2016). Further, according to the (CII/WTO 2013) report, the African cashew is a product of high demand. In 2012, a Singapore-based multinational company called Olam, opened a 30,000 metric ton processor in Bouake in the Ivory Coast followed by Korhogo and Bondoukou in the same year. To add to that, processors were opened up in Ghana and Nigeria as well. The company expanded its capacity of processing up to 125,000 metric ton per year. Africa has been a major food producer in the past, but recently, due to the decline of exports since the 1990s, it is compelled to rely on imports of food to meet its own domestic demand. This is the case with grains, so in 2011– 2012, it imported 20.8 MT; its domestic production was 103 MT. It relies acutely on the import of wheat, which is grown only in a few countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. It also relies heavily on imports of rice from Thailand and Vietnam for cheaper imports than the United States. This is putting a lot of pressure on the region and a strain on the budget for imports. “Nigeria imported 3.9 million metric ton of grain in 2011–2012. It is working to boost its domestic production of maize, rice, wheat, and sugar to become self-sufficient” (CII/WTO 2013). However, for food imports, it relies on

26  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Southeast Asia. A major issue emerging out of land rights in Sub-Saharan Africa causes a hurdle for many large-scale projects to succeed such as, for example, establishing food export plantations. Such projects could lead to growth in the economy, especially in the Chinese and Asian markets. But, as of now, India is supporting Sub-Saharan Africa for its food security rather than the other way around. However, potentially, Sub-Saharan Africa has great potential for expanding its market in exports that are related to nongrain agriculture, such as high-quality tea from Kenya and Ethiopia, coffee from Uganda, and various horticulture-based goods from East Africa. In 2014, India’s exports of agricultural products to Africa were twice the amount of imports from Africa. In textiles, India imports cotton lint and exports fabrics and yarn, which account for 28% of the total imports. Almost up to 25% of cotton from India is exported to Egypt and 12% to Senegal and Mauritius. India trades cotton and other goods with West Africa, such as Nigeria, Ghana, and Ivory Coast. Sugar, rice, fish, and meat are among the other products exported to Africa. However, as noted by the EXIM Bank, the true scale of exports and imports goes unaccounted for due to informal trade in foodstuffs from Africa to India and India to Africa. It has been observed that the demand for rice, the staple of the African diet, has steadily increased. Due to increased consumption, the food supply is insufficient (Economic Times 2014). Each year, it imports up to 10 million metric tonnes of rice. In terms of rice exports, India competes with Thailand. Thailand is the world’s leading rice exporter. However, a significant amount of rice from India is traded to Africa (Eco Bank 2013). India trades rice throughout North and East Africa. In Nairobi’s Eastleigh district, traders run informal networks that facilitate a significant amount of informal trade (Biswas 2016). They deal in a lot of rice and sugar, as well as other foodstuffs and goods destined for Central and East Africa. According to Eco Bank’s 2013 reports, informal networks such as the Hawala lending network, as well as businessmen and traders operating primarily in a hard cash economy, give rise to the cash-and-carry business. Furthermore, this traffic is facilitated by a network of trading routes that stretches from South Sudan and Kenya to Tanzania, Central and Southern Africa, and beyond. Despite recent sugar export bans due to poor harvests, a wide range of food products, including large quantities of sugar from India, pass through these informal trading network chains. Trading in Pharmaceuticals India’s pharmaceutical industry is very competitive and draws markets of developing countries that are looking for cheap and low-cost drugs. One of the major exports of India to Africa is pharmaceuticals. It exports as much as 11.1% of its pharmacy products to Africa. Indian companies are very large providers of general drugs across the world. The Indian Pharmacy industry produces drugs at a very low cost. These low-cost drugs are in great demand in the markets of many developing countries, which need

India-Africa Relations  27 cost-effective, health-care pharmaceutical goods so that their population can afford health care. India ranks high in technology among developing countries. Since the liberalization of the Indian economy from 1991 onwards, the expansion of the private players in the pharmaceutical industry has given India a great boost. Many African countries rely on Indian pharmaceuticals. A rise in both communicable and non-communicable diseases in Africa has led to a $30 billion increase in Indian pharmaceutical exports. Abbott, Novartis, SanofiAventis, Pfizer, and GSK were among the multinationals in Africa that sold pharmaceuticals on the continent’s domestic market. When Indian pharmaceuticals were sold at low prices, demand for Indian pharmaceuticals increased. African pharmaceutical imports reached 17.7% in 2011, an increase from 8.5% in 2002, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). There is a growing demand for low-cost, effective Indian medicines because of this growth (Pharmbiz 2013). Adcock Ingram, Aspen, and CiplaMedpro, all South African pharmaceutical companies, have long dominated the African domestic market, but they now have to compete with the lower prices offered by Indian manufacturers. As a result, they are unable to meet the standards for good practises that are necessary to ensure high output (Biswas 2016:51). Furthermore, none of them have been granted “prequalification status” by the WHO. These domestic pharmaceuticals have been purchased by many non-profit organizations, but they are now refusing to purchase essential drugs like anti-infectives, preferring Indian manufacturers because they are less expensive. In 2012–2013, Indian pharmaceutical exports totalled $14.7 billion, an increase of 11% and a 55% lead over Western regulated markets. More than a fifth (56%) of India’s total bulk exports include Ayurveda and herbal products (Pharmabiz 2013) – the United States accounts for 22% of total Indian herbal product exports, followed by Africa at 16%, and commonwealth states at 8%. In 2016, the United States exported a total of approximately $25 billion worth of pharmaceuticals. Life-saving medicines for diseases such as HIV have also been developed at low cost in India, according to MCI, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), and FICCI. The low cost of the drugs is particularly welcome in emerging markets like China and India. There are three pharmaceutical companies that are specifically targeting the African market: Cipla, Ranbaxy, and Dr. Reddy’s. Founded in 1977, Ranbaxy is the world’s largest pharmaceutical company from India. This opened the door for other Indian manufacturers, many of whom now supply in Africa as a result of this decision. Since 2011, Ranbaxy’s sales in Africa have increased significantly. It has widened its customer base by supplying to Nigerian customers. Five-star pharmaceutical company Ranbaxy has had a manufacturing facility in Johannesburg, South Africa, since 2010. To meet the specific needs of the African market, Ranbaxy launched nine new products there. South Africa’s Medicine Control Council has given it the go-ahead to build a manufacturing facility. It has expanded and improved its South African manufacturing facility. It has five offices, subsidiaries, and a workforce of more than 1,000 employees. In Africa, the network has

28  The Emergence of African Clusters in India grown to 44 countries. CiplaMedpro, Cipla’s South African subsidiary, has made a name for itself throughout Africa. By the end of June 2012, it had grown to serve a $123 million market, a 28% increase in just six months. It is Africa’s third-largest company. Anti-malaria and anti-retroviral drugs will be produced in Ugandan joint ventures with Ugandan chemical industry manufacturers valued at “$32 billion” (Biswas 2016:51). The Indian brand Dr. Reddy’s has also made significant growth and progress. It entered the African market in 2004 through a subsidiary. It is the 18th largest company for drugs and pharmaceutical products today according to the African Business Magazine (2012). They have grown from competitive prices. It has used five elements, which gave impetus to its growth. Entry as a subsidiary and then control over market, local talent, brand image, countries, and target payers. They sell their products primarily through non-governmental organizations and government tenders. They have a strong market presence in East Africa. They have WHO prequalification and sell affordable HIV medicines. They are expanding their range according to the demands in a variety of therapy areas. Jean Pierre O. Ezin, an official in the African Union (AU), says that Africa wants to intensify its ties with India in areas of human capital and technology so that the continent that embodies 54 countries can develop its own indigenous technology instead of being a buyer from other countries. The AU is pushing for a road map for growth in science and technology to enhance its economic growth. Cooperation in Science and Technology In 2008, the IAFS laid the foundation for cooperation between India and Africa in science and technology. A strong initiative was taken by India to share technical support with Africa for regional development. The MEA in partnership with the Department of Science and Technology and FICCI outlined the collaboration with AU. It was agreed that India would cooperate with institutions in Africa to strengthen their science and technology institutions by transferring technology and providing fellowships such as C.V. Raman Fellowship. In the 2011 IAFS, it was agreed that out of $700 million, $185 million would only be dedicated to science and technology. India agreed to not only transfer technology but also share its technical knowledge with AU. The aim of this initiative is to develop and create opportunities for capacity building along with the development of human resources. By building these strong linkages with institutions in Africa, India would contribute to strengthening the human resources in different countries of Africa in their research and development. India committed to extending outreach in education to countries such as Ghana, Burundi, Uganda, and Botswana in the year 2011. It promised to develop four sectors such as information technology, communication, administration and planning, and foreign trade (IndiaAfrica Connect n.d.). A follow-up was done in March 2012, in New Delhi, when the ministers of science and technology came together for a conference

India-Africa Relations  29 and Tech Expo. India extended its help in strengthening institutions in Tunisia, Benin, and Gabon. It committed to training African researchers by sharing technical knowledge. Consequently, in 2008, the Pan-African e-Network was launched. The e-Network incorporates three elements: tele-education, tele-medicine, and voice over IP (VVIP) connectivity. Forty-eight countries in Africa can access this network. The first phase began with 12 countries and then the gradual coming together of 48 countries. The external affairs minister formally inaugurated the e-Network on February 26, 2009. It was inaugurated in the presence of high commissioners and ambassadors of Africa. This tie-up was symbolic of a unique cooperation between SouthSouth Partnerships. As per the plans of this project, India would provide a satellite hub for connectivity to Africa for the formation of an e-Network. This network would provide access to expertise from India’s super speciality hospitals and universities to Africa. The second phase of this project was in 2010, a network was built with 12 countries of AU at TCIL1 Bhawan, New Delhi. The 12 countries included, “Botswana, Burundi, Ivory Coast, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Libya, Malawi, Mozambique, Somalia, Uganda and Zambia” (Pan-African e-Network Project, 2010 Press Release). Through the network, a brief interaction took place on the e-Network regarding bilateral matters. This network linked all the ministers of 12 countries in the second phase to the services offered by India such as tele-medicine and tele-education. The Pan-African e-Network marks the cooperation and formal bilateral ties between India and Africa. This project demonstrates the vision of the biggest distance learning and exchange project engaged through tele-education and tele-medicine. This e-Network provides VVIP connectivity through a secure satellite network. Further, this network connected 48 countries in Africa. It is through this e-Network project that India would be providing technical assistance, enhancing capacity building, and sharing technical knowledge with Africa. This project would allow the education of about 10,000 students over a period of five years in various courses besides medicine, information and communication, science and technology, etc., through expert knowledge from Indian universities and super-specialty hospitals. This network would connect medical practitioners in Africa with experts. This project was conceived by the late Dr. A.P.J. Kalam, former president of India in 2007 at a budget of US$125 million. This cost would cover the supply, installation, testing, hardware, software, satellite bandwidth, and support for providing the services of tele-medicine and tele-education. The Pan-African e-Network project is mainly supervised by the MEA, along with TCIL, which is in charge of implementing the project. Telemedicine services and tele-education services have already been guided and are ongoing through super-specialty hospitals from India to Africa. Sessions are conducted on a regular basis for strengthening the project from 11 Indian super-specialty hospitals. More than 654 sessions had been conducted as of 2009 (Pan-African e-Network 2009). More than 2,000 students are already enrolled in different universities for these tele-education

30  The Emergence of African Clusters in India courses such as MBA, finance, diploma courses, IT, M.Sc. Regular live sessions are conducted from India to Africa. Interestingly, in many African countries, Indian media is very famous. Communications, technology, and media offer many opportunities for African markets. Indian media with its plethora of newspapers and satellite channels, which offer more than 80 channels of news and entertainment, are extremely popular in Africa. India alone has about 90,000 newspapers. African media is also growing and is seeking partnerships in infotainment. These are areas which have growing potential for bilateral ties (Biswas 2016:54). The media has become a boom, and India’s partnership offers further knowledge and technology sharing. Infrastructure Development It has been noted that the infrastructure in Africa has been laid down by China in recent times. However, in the process of development of infrastructure, India is playing a significant role in Africa at the moment, particularly in the domains of satellite, cable, mobile, and broadband coverage. Further, Dr. Sood, the author of “Emerging Economy Report,” said that India has an opportunity to contribute to development-related work in Africa, which is carried out by China. India can capitalize on the market opportunity and strengthen ties with Africa based on development-related issues (Biswas 2016:48). According to the South African Regional Poverty Network (2008), China is laying out the infrastructure for Africa in many countries of East Africa, and in the West, they have a market reach, but in the service sector, there are a great number of jobs emerging, which are based on providing efficient services. This opportunity for India can be converted and capitalized. For Africa, having infrastructure support may not be enough that China is providing successfully. Hence, India has been attempting to work on the lines of service development. This can be further developed with respect to other emerging areas and fields. Its contribution to developing science and technology institutions is considerable. Indian sector companies are looking at the African market with a serious attempt to capitalize on it. As mentioned earlier, many private players have already taken over the African markets, this can be seen as an example for other private Indian players. Recently, Tata Motors expanded in areas like Senegal and Ivory Coast. It offers a range of motor vehicles, especially heavy motors like buses. It has a 50% share in medium and heavy motor vehicle segments. Tata Motors also has a manufacturing plant in South Africa (CII/WTO 2013). Further, tourism is another emerging sector. Tata Group has already capitalized on it to a great deal by contributing to the hospitality sector in Zambia and South Africa. Indian Ocean and Shipping In the twenty-first century, the Indian Ocean affairs have gained significance. The reason is clearly due to the growth of the Asian economy and the need for trading for raw materials. The Asian market is dependent on Africa

India-Africa Relations  31 for the purpose of energy trade (Vines and Oruitemeka 2008). The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become significant and strategic for engagement in the sea. Through bilateral and trilateral efforts with countries like Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles, and coastal regions of Kenya, Tanzania, and Mozambique, India positioned itself strategically in order to gain control and access to the Indian Ocean. Since the 1990s, India has focused its foreign policy on Bangladesh, China, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan to strategically emerge as a regional power. All these efforts are made to strengthen power and control for economic growth. The Indian Ocean is significant for India’s economic growth. A majority of Indian trade happens by sea. Trading oil happens through the sea. Eighty-nine percent of the oil arrives through the sea to India. “The Indian Navy patrols the zone of Mauritius since 2003” (Berlin 2006:72). India signed an MoU with Seychelles for cooperation in defence for patrolling the waters. It is important for the regions to have no disturbance or threat in communication for economic growth. The Indian Navy also combats piracy and counterterrorism in the regions that are closer to Africa of the Indian Ocean. It is also through the Gulf of Aden that India’s oil and fertilizers are commuted. According to official government figures, Indian imports via the Gulf of Aden are worth $50 billion annually, while exports are worth $60 billion. As a result, since it directly affects India, the safety of maritime trade can be considered a national concern. Piracy off the coast of Somalia has been a threat to shipping since the early twenty-first century, roughly at the same time as the civil war in the country. India has also been threatened by this. The Indian Navy has been conducting anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden since October 2008 in an effort to maintain command and control and safeguard Indian shipping. An anti-piracy campaign is a major focus for the Indian Navy, which patrols the coast (Gokhale 2011). The Indian Navy has protected 1104 ships, including 139 Indian vessels and 965 vessels from 50 different countries. The entire Internationally Recommended Transit Corridor is guarded by merchant ships. The Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, for example, is one forum where India takes part in the fight against piracy. This was an effort to bring people together to discuss maritime issues. For this purpose, India has set up bilateral and multilateral initiatives. India’s initiatives and strategic cooperation with East African countries such as Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Kenya, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mozambique, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, and Tanzania are led by these countries. For the sake of trade, India values this partnership enormously.

The Political Dimensions of India-Africa Forum Summits In the global world order, India and Africa have agreed to support each other. India and Africa have jointly agreed to support each other in the re-organization of world institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, WTO, UN, and the Security Council. Africa and India have agreed to be partners in supporting each other unanimously. Both agree that world organizations

32  The Emergence of African Clusters in India and world institutions have not included India and Africa in their policy. India and Africa have both come to an agreement that they would support each other’s claims in the Security Council of the UN. They agree that the UN Security Council must be restructured for the inclusion of countries of Africa and India for legitimate representation of the countries. India and Africa agree to mutually support each other. India and South Africa have become partners for additional financial institutions to be visualized through the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) bank. These are the multiple ways in which India and Africa are attempting to emerge as democratic powers through numerous forums. The countries control and negotiate through cooperation with each other for the climate control regimes that scrutinize India and Africa in their trade and manufacturing. They work together in cooperation to overcome the challenges of developing countries in the global era. Both are working towards gaining a legitimate power and position in the global world order, which to a large extent is controlled and monopolized by the countries, which emerged as powers after the Second World War. The Indian Diaspora in Africa The Indian government has changed its policy on the diaspora in recent years (Large 2013). The Indian government has recently re-established its relations with the Indian community living abroad, recognizing its potential in bringing growth to the country. Since 1991, India has re-engaged with the overseas Indian community. Recognizing the crucial role that overseas Chinese played in bringing rapid economic growth to China’s economy, India has decided to re-establish its relations with the diaspora communities. In 2004, the government created the “Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs” and launched an annual Pravasi Bharatiya Divas aimed to acknowledge and bank on the financial gains and knowledge of the Indian community living overseas. A large body of the Indian community lives in South Africa. Durban has the largest Indian community on the continent, which is about 1.3 million. This is viewed as the biggest city with an Indian population. A strong historical link exists between “African National Congress” and the “Indian Congress Party.” South Africa is a leading African economy, and it is represented at global bodies such as G20 and also BRICS. The Indian diaspora in South Africa is one of the wealthiest diaspora communities (Machado 2014). Indian corporate investments in South Africa are one of the highest (Davis 2012). It has corporate investments such as Reliance Communications, Tata Group, Mahindra, and Cipla and Ranbaxy pharmaceuticals. South Africa offers an environment with developed legal and financial sectors for the Indian private sector to grow. In 2012, bilateral trade reached $14 billion, which makes South Africa one of the biggest markets in exports (CII/WTO 2013). In South Africa, Indian investment has exceeded $6 billion since 2012. A specially designed forum for CEOs is regularly held for meeting senior business players (Alves 2007). Investors and players such as Ratan

India-Africa Relations  33 Tata and Business Unity South Africa organize these forums. This includes participants from the Indian community living in South Africa. A significant economic player in South Africa is also the Gupta family. The Gupta family shares close ties with the South African presidency and is now popularly known as “Guptagate” (Davis 2012). Further, a large Indian community is also living in East Africa. In Uganda, a large community of Indians faced persecution in 1972, so very few Indians are left in Uganda. However, a large Indian community lives in Kenya (Taylor 2012). It has gained recognition and significance in recent times due to the presence of a large community of Sikhs from India. While the Indian diaspora adds to the relations between India and Africa, however, the trading links have gone beyond just the diaspora community, which does play a significant role. Relations have built between Ethiopia and Sierra Leone in recent times. Further, it may be argued that the diaspora community is not a major reason for Indian business. For instance, the Indians who are doing trade in Africa are not necessarily doing business with the Indian community there or substantially benefiting from their presence. Indians are looking for business opportunities and growth through other networks. The social and political environment in Africa can vary with each country, so it is seen that the Indian communities are either completely out of the mainstream or in many cases also completely integrated, so to partner with the diasporic communities can be either very beneficial in the cases where the Indian community has flourished as a business community or can incur losses at the hands of the community that stays off the mainstream and may be subjected to bias. The challenges for Indian investors in Africa are many. Some of these challenges include a poor business environment, lack of investment agreements in the bilateral trades, limited resources in terms of capital, and the most important fact that it still remains a small market (Indian Chamber of Commerce 2012–2013; CII/WTO 2013). Indian investors face challenges to access the oil sector or the mining sector. A very significant role is played by the private sector in accumulating wealth for the nation, and, therefore, it also relies on the government in many ways. The Indian government has taken steps for increasing the growth and regulating the market with its private players. The South-South Partnership mainly takes place through the EXIM Bank and CII. The role of other private firms may also be seen as significant.

Africa as a Strategic Partner for India: An Argument The previous discussion relating to India and Africa’s partnership outlines the specific areas of cooperation and strategies that India and Africa are partnering in. It is clear that in the neoliberal era, Africa is a strategic partner for India, and the economic ties that are forged cannot be risked by India. This is the legal and formal position of the state with regard to African relations where diplomacy, foreign policy, and economic ties are seen as the most crucial.

34  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Analysis of India and Africa’s ties highlights how Africa is a strategic partner for India (Taylor 2016). PPPs are motivated primarily by economic motivations, and the concerns about solidarity, development, and cultural partnerships are mostly sidelined (Price 2011). For the most part, Indian firms operating in Africa adhere to the bottom line. The collaborations have resulted in a private sector boom, with the state encouraging the private sector to develop partnerships. Normative considerations are absent from the private sector’s operations. Because of this, India’s diplomacy will continue to be reactive and insular (Taylor 2016). On the other hand, China’s strong diplomacy boasts an External Affairs Ministry of 6,000 diplomats, according to the LA Times (2011). Hence, the scale of Chinese investments in Africa has increased dramatically in the last several years. To expand partnerships, the MEA decided in 2003 that a separate body should be established to oversee Indian aid and development projects abroad. It was decided to re-establish this body in 2007–2008. The “Development Partnership Administration” was established within the MEA as a new department (henceforth DPA). The purpose of the DPA was to bring together all of India’s aid-related activities and to distribute responsibility among the various ministers of the MEA. Infighting and rivalry among MEA and ‘Ministry of Finance’ ministers over where to locate this agency delayed the plan for its establishment. DPA was re-established later to work around the concept of launching, implementing, and evaluating. In addition, Secretary of the MEA Raghavan was made in charge of the DPA. Further, building capacity is an area of responsibility for the DPA. Territorial divisions in charge of the Ministry continue to play a major role in deciding which projects to pursue, and DPA is a key player in this process. When it comes to putting these plans into action, DPA has primary responsibility. The fact that DPA is a part of MEA shows just how important economic diplomacy is to the many global initiatives that it manages. Among MEA’s many responsibilities, the most critical is to organize, coordinate, implement, and monitor economic ties and partnerships. Consequently, it bears a greater responsibility for coordinating diplomatic relations and protecting the economic interests of the country. The DPA is gaining a foothold in government projects. PPP funds are coordinated by organizations like the CII and EXIM Bank, which the MEA works closely with. It is the DPA’s job to handle many of these projects, but it is yet to be seen if DPA has any impact on the MEA’s bureaucratic operations and functioning (Taylor 2016). Further, the most important role of MEA lies in handling the South-South Partnership. With the ‘South-South Partnership model’ the state as an actor is seen to be working primarily in building economic ties rather than a focus on wholesome development. In this regard, the South-South Partnership has been seen in the light of being rhetorical. The state has enabled the private sector and only strengthened ties which are economic. The mutual ties are symbolic of only mutual economic ties. Taylor (2016) argues that Indian diplomacy is conventional, and it has not been able to expand into other arenas, such as cultural spheres. In this context, the role of MEA is of

India-Africa Relations  35 utmost importance as while it protects economic interests of the state, it must also focus on cultural spheres. The role of MEA is crucial in this regard (Taylor 2016). Further, there is a need for Indian diplomats to adapt and change to the new cultural environment. They have been trained in a manner which is generally known as “out-dated diplomacy” or “traditional diplomacy” (Taylor 2016) Moreover, MEA has been infamous for the ministers being status-obsessed and for bureaucratic rigidity (Joshi and Kumar 2011). They argue that it is essential that the diplomats be acquainted with economic diplomacy and Indian foreign policy outside of the purview of “traditional diplomacy” and also focus on the cultural sphere specifically with regard to African relations. This is essential to navigate relations with African countries rather than policy advice derived from Western capitals and their hegemonic theories. Culture does not grow in a vacuum (Hall 1993). Culture, economy, politics, and the state are all interlinked.

Conclusion Recent global south partnerships between India and Africa have led to the formation of economic and political partnerships. Contemporary migration from Africa is primarily influenced by bilateral ties and alliances between the two regions. Africa and India partnerships and ties shed light on the significance of the state’s role in the migration process. Here, migration occurs due to global south ties in the fields of education, business, health care, and student exchanges. In a global context, these are the major pull factors that attract African migrants to India. The neoliberal ties create opportunities in fields like science and technology, agricultural sciences, information technology, and the shipping industry, among others. Africa is a strategic partner for India in the neoliberal era, and the economic ties that have been forged with the continent are significant in the formation of future alliances for both geopolitical regions.

Note 1 TCIL refers to Telecommunications Consultants India Limited.

Bibliography African Business Magazine. 2012. Indian Company Take [sic] Firm Grip in Africa. 27 November. https://african.business/2012/11/economy/indian-company-takefirm-grip-in-africa/ Accessed December 11, 2022. Alves, Philip. 2007. India and South Africa: Shifting Priorities. South African Journal of International Affairs, 14(2): 88–100. Biswas, Aparajita. 2016. Indian Investors Seeking Markets and Business Prospects, in Dubey and Biswas ed. India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future (pp. 41–60). New Delhi: Springer. Beri, Ruchita. 2003. India’s Africa Policy in the Post-cold War Era: An Assessment. Strategic Analysis, 35(3): 452–464.

36  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Berlin, Donald. 2006. India in the Indian Ocean. Naval War College Review, 59(2): 58–59. Castles, Stephen, Miller, J. Mark, and Ammendola, G. 2003. The Age of Migration International Population Movements in the Modern World. New York: Guilford Publication. CII Africa Enclave. 2014. Conclave Synopsis: 10th CII-EXIM Bank Conclave on India-Africa Project Partnership: Developing Initiatives, Enhancing Relations. CII/WTO. 2013. India-Africa: South-South Trade and Investment for Development. Published by World Trade Organization and Confederation of India Industry. Davis, Sharon. 2012 SA and India – Growing Partners in Trade. Wits Business Journal. Dubey, Ajay. 1989. Indo-African Relations in the Post-Nehru Era (1965–1985). Delhi: Kalinga Publications. Dubey, Ajay. 2016. India-Africa Relations: Historical Goodwill and a Vision for the Future. In Ajay Dube and Biswas, Aparajita (ed.), India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future. New Delhi: Springer. Dubey, Ajay and Biswas, Aparajita. (2016). India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future. New Delhi: Springer. Ecobank. 2013. India’s’Soft Commodity Trade with Africa: Vital Flows. May 7. https://ecobank.com/upload/20130507124126775286SpyNkHjM8m.pdf Economic Times. 2014. India Likely to Export 18 Million Tonnes Rice, Wheat in 2013/14: Report 24 February. https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/ economy/agriculture/india-likely-to-export-18-million-tonnes-rice-wheat-in2013/14-report/articleshow/30948844.cms Accessed December 11, 2022. Fee, Florence. 2006. Asian Oils in Africa: A Challenge to the International Community (Part 2 of 2). Middle East Economic Survey, 49(18): 77. Gokhale, Nitin. 2011. India Takes Fight to Pirates. The Diplomat. In S. Gopal (ed.), 1984. Selected works of Jawaharlal Nehru. Second Serious (2nd ed., pp. 87–108) New Delhi: Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund. Hall, Stuart. 1993. Culture, Community, Nation. Cultural Studies, 7: 349–363 Harvey, David. 2007. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. India-Africa Summit. 2011. Africa-India Framework for Enhanced Cooperation. 2nd Africa-India Forum. Addis Ababa. Joshi, P and Kumar R. 2011. A Survey of Positive and Negative Aspects of the Indian Administrative Bureaucratic System. International Journal of Indian Culture and Business Management, 4(6): 6580684. Large, Dan. 2013. India’s African Engagement. In Chris Alden (ed.), Emerging Powers in Africa. LSE-IDEAS Special Report, June. Los Angeles Times. 2011. India Courts Africa, long wooed by China. May 25. https://www.latimes.com/world/la-xpm-2011-may-25-la-fg-india-africa20110525-story.html Accessed December 11, 2022. Machado, Pedro. 2014. Ocean of Trade South Asian Merchants, Africa and the Indian Ocean, c. 1750–1850. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MEA. (2009, February 26). Press Release. Pan-Africa e-Network: http://www. panafricanenetwork.com/Portal/PressDetails.jsp Accessed July 30, 2017 MEA. (2010, August 16). Hon’ble Shri S.M. Krishna, External Affairs Minister Inaugurates Government of India’s Pan-African e-Network Project (2nd Phase). Pan-Africa e-Network Project: http://www.panafricanenetwork.com/Portal/ PressDetails.jsp Accessed May 30, 2017

India-Africa Relations  37 Pan-African e-Network Project. 2009. India in a joint initiative with the African Union has launched e-Network project, which will support tele-education, telemedicine, e-commerce, e-governance, infotainment, resource mapping and meteorological services. Press Release. Delhi: Govt. of India. Pharmbiz. 2013. India, China cos [sic] Fast Expanding Presence in Africa. 14 November. Press Release. 2010. Hon'ble Shri S.M. Krishna, External Affairs Minister Inaugrates Government of India's Pan-African e-network project (2nd phase). New Delhi: Govt. of India. Price, Gareth. 2011. For the global good: India’s developing international role. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs. South African Regional Poverty Network. 2008. The Tata-fication of Africa: Indian Corporations Will Drive Innovation and Investment in Africa. April 10, 2008. Taylor, Ian. 2012. India’s Rise in Africa. International Affairs, 88: 779–798. Taylor, Ian. 2016. India’s Economic Diplomacy in Africa. In Ajay Dube (ed.), India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future (pp. 99–114). New Delhi: Springer. Vines, A. and Oruitemeka, Bereni. 2008. India’s Engagement with the African Indian Ocean Rim States. Programme Paper London: Chatham House. Zuma, Nkosazana Dlamini. 2013. Opening Statement of Her Excellency as a Chairperson of the African Union Commission at the 3rd Africa-India Trade Ministers Meeting, Sandton, Johannesburg.

3 Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration from Africa to India

Introduction The historical migration patterns from East Africa to India via the Indian Ocean have led to the formation of human settlements on the west coast of India. Here, religion plays a significant role in the emergence of transnational networks. In the contemporary era, migration is analyzed through lived experiences of African migrants, beginning from their journey from their home countries to the country of destination. In this process of migration, this chapter closely looks at the role of religion. It provides a perspective on African migration in the era of globalization. Globalization and migration have been studied widely across disciplines and extensive work has been done on it (Castles and Miller 2009; Harvey 1985; Rao 1970; Sassen 2002). However, the focus on the global south and its unique context is missing. Thus, the migration patterns between Africa and India are highlighted. It demonstrates how migration occurs as a result of global south partnerships established for economic trade and political ties between India and Africa in the contemporary era. Education, health care, business, government cooperation, and student exchanges are all made easier because of these tie-ups. In the global era, these are the major factors that attract African migrants to India. Further, African migrants seek opportunities outside their homelands based on factors such as lack of educational opportunities and lack of employment and business opportunities in their home countries. Marriage also becomes a significant factor in migration. In this context, migration plays an important role to achieve economic growth, employment, decent work, and social protection, i.e. SDG 8, and to access better education, i.e. SDG 4. The role of migration in promoting SDG 4 and 8 is described and outlined here. Here, the contemporary migration processes can also be linked to historical migration to understand how they create transnational networks for building migration patterns based on historical links. But the role of “aspiration” and “exposure” in migration cannot be ignored (Ogujiuba Kanayo 2019).

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-5

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  39

Early Century Migration from Africa The early century African migrations have been recorded and documented through the Indian Ocean, especially from East Africa to the western coast of India (Basu 1998; Hawley 2008; Oka 2002). These migrations signified historical trade exchanges which resulted in permanent settlements of the trading communities. The presence of people of African origin and descent in India predates the Afghani and Turkish invasion of North India via the ancient trade route across the Indian Ocean (Oka 2002, 2006). The early century African migration occurred on dhows – that is, wooden boats. The dhow was employed in commerce and exchange. Since pre-colonial times, ivory, beads, cat skin, goats, dates, and oil have been traded between East Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. This historical trade and migration resulted in the establishment of a permanent settlement of the Siddi in India. It is known that the Siddi are descendants of the Bantu people of East Africa. Arabs brought Siddis from the east coast of Africa to India during the seventh century BC. Later, the Portuguese brought them to the west coast of Gujarat. In fact, a small number of the Siddi community was still shipped by the Portuguese following the abolition of the slave trade. They were brought to the western coast of Gujarat, Malabar, Maharashtra, Goa, and Karnataka. On arrival to the west coast of India, the local rulers employed them as servants and bodyguards. The women served as servants to queens and aristocratic women. In many instances, the Siddi maids were even given to Rajput brides as part of their dowry, and they moved with them to their husbands’ homes (Basu 1998). As a result, in modern-day Hyderabad, there is a sizeable African diaspora known as Chaush, which is predominantly Muslim and of Hadhrami Arab descent. The Hadharami travelled through the Indian Ocean from the coast of Swahili and the horn of Africa to the Malabar Coast of India. They arrived in India and integrated into the Nizam’s military forces in Hyderabad. This historical perspective allows us to establish a connection between early migration and trade in antiquity. In the present context, the African diaspora is rebuilding numerous networks. On arrival in India, a large number of African migrants establish networks based on historical ties. Religion and Migration Historical migration patterns and the role of religion are deeply interconnected. Islam spread across the Indian Ocean, particularly from Africa to India during the long voyages by sailors and saints. Many of the voyages have been documented as part of Islam’s spread. This gave birth to the Siddi community’s diffusion of saints, Sufis, priests, and fakirs from East Africa (Basu 1993). Diffusion of religious ideas and traditions gave rise to cross-cultural interactions. In this context religion not only became the motivation and factor for migration but also a means for exchange and settlement. Since the sixth and seventh century BC, Hyderabad has had a

40  The Emergence of African Clusters in India sizable African diaspora community. The sailors, merchants, Sufis, and priests sailed across the Indian Ocean from the Swahili coast and the horn of Africa in the early centuries and settled in Hyderabad. Moreover, they also spread across South Asia, including Pakistan and Sri Lanka. They arrived in India and integrated by spreading and disseminating religious and cultural ideas and traditions. Religious practices, observances, rituals, traditions, and customs of African migrants and diaspora were widespread on the west coast of India. In the current context, religion may be argued to have facilitated a specific pattern of historical migration from Africa to India. Further, one could argue that it has facilitated the adaptation, assimilation, and integration of the African diaspora that migrated in different historical periods. Apart from Gujarat, there is a significant African diaspora in the Indian city of Hyderabad. Chaush is the community that has settled in Hyderabad. The Chaush are known to be members of the Muslim community who acquired the status of religious drum beaters. The Nizams invited them to beat the drums during rituals and festivals (Basu 1998, 2002). In fact, the Chaush are famous for their Marfa music and dance traditions. These traditions are performed at festivals and weddings. Therefore, a focus on the role of Islam is important at multiple levels for the African diaspora, as it indicates how the spread of Islam became a factor of migration across the Indian Ocean region since antiquity. Thus, cultural analysis of Islamic traditions, beliefs, ideas, customs, and practices is relevant to analyze how they travelled across the Indian Ocean from Africa and transformed to meet new environments. Further, in the process of exchange, many ideas and traditions also experienced transformation in terms of their performances and practices. The early century exchanges and migrations, illustrate that there may have been changes in religious practices due to cultural adaptation in the host society, yet there is continuity of certain customs and folk traditions since the early centuries resulting in hybridization. There are similarities in the cultural and religious practices of the African diaspora from the country of descent. Basu (1998) demonstrates that the practices of religious-cultural traditions, rituals, customs, sacred ideas, concept of devotion, and ideas of mysticism have a common descent. However, there is a transformation and change that has taken place over time with regard to different practices, particularly in the case of the Siddi, Chaush, and Hadhrami communities in India. It can be argued that religion plays an important role in the everyday lives of the African diaspora, even while it takes different cultural forms and expressions serving an important purpose. The forms of religion and cultural practices go through a change in the host society and in the process innovate. This has been seen in the light of cultural hybridity (Cancilini 1995). Thus, religion renews itself in the act of drawing on its tradition. In this regard, it may be significant to highlight tradition and innovation with regard to how religious communities adapt and shape their social and cultural contexts. To understand religion, migration, and cultural adaptation, the perspective of human ecology is significant to draw interconnections (Park 1915).

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  41 Human ecology facilitates an understanding of the relationship between natural, human, social, and cultural environments to study the dynamics of social life. The human ecology perspective derives from the conceptual framework of habitat. Thus, the idea of adaptation to different environments emerges as not only a consequence of demographic shifts but also human settlements occurring through displacement, migration, slave trade, and more recently conflict, violence, and persecution. Park (1915) and Wirth (1945) highlight the significance of studying community as a physical fact. They recognized the relationship between geography and biology so as to expand the analysis to social life and mental life. Thus, human ecologists have evolved theories for the exploration of human concentration and dispersion of people, cultures, and identities. They argued that, unlike plants and animals, human beings build and shape their own environment. For example, industrialization, modernization, globalization, urbanization, and migration can be understood as illustrations of that human and socio-cultural environment. Collective Memory and Social Construction of Migration Pattern Cultural memory, rituals, and symbols play an important role in the formation of identity. For instance, cultural elements that are commonly held as symbols, traditions, and ideas, help to recollect aspects of reality which contributes to identity formation (Warburg 1905). Historians, anthropologists, and sociologists demonstrate the significance of symbols and religious motifs to retrace images to understand social reality in the present context (Assmans 2006; Halbwachs 1992). They demonstrate the significance of motifs and their emotive impulses, which have the capacity to communicate the psychology of the era in which they are recalled. Art historians such as Warburg are attracted by ancient art and mythical figures. The interest in images and their interpretation outside the canon of arts has received wide academic attention giving rise to transdisciplinary approaches. Recent scholars interpret the metaphors and motifs in terms of how they travel across time and space. The intriguing way of blending art with religion and culture has become a model for academic scholars to interpret images and objects to understand the identity of a community. The Siddis recollect objects and elements of African heritage and culture which are exhibited in musical traditions which show resemblance to the African heritage of songs, rhythms, drum beats, and dance forms (Kraidy 2005). Interestingly, the emergence of dhow culture owes its origins to these traditions from early century trade migrations between Africa and India. The wooden ‘dhow’ as an object has been studied in various disciplines, such as history, anthropology, and cultural studies. Its importance as a means of transportation has been recognized, but more importantly, its significance as a cultural object cannot be missed (Sherrif 2010; Basu 2008). Hence it is argued that the ‘dhow’ as an object must be analyzed to study the culture and identity of the community (Assmann 2006; Halbwachs 1992). Thus, the significance of the ‘wooden

42  The Emergence of African Clusters in India dhow’ is not only realized as a historical means of trade and transportation but also as a means of social interaction and communication. Early trade exchanges existed between East Africa and India through the wooden ‘dhow.’ The wooden ‘dhow’ was an ‘animate’ object that marked important relations and social interactions between sailors, traders, and saints, especially at the ports of western India and East Africa. The wooden dhow had a major role to play as a means of social interaction and further contributed to the emergence of ‘dhow cultures’ among migrants who migrated and settled at the ports of Africa and India. This section highlighted the aspect of religion and memory to understand the animate objects, cultural practices, and traditions that the African migrants recollect in India which help them to form a significant part of their cultural identity. The use of motifs, metaphors, art, and ideas must be the primary object to analyze the recollection of images, practices, and religious concepts (Warburg 1905). In fact, Warburg’s approach signifies a constant self-reinvention of metaphors. His work gives rise to stylistic analysis which is critical of traditional approaches. His approach demonstrates how the method of art history can be effectively utilized in cultural studies. The connection between historical migrations, identity formation, and contemporary patterns of migration help to understand the African community in India through history and the present.

The Contemporary Patterns of Migration: Bilateral Ties and Its Impacts The African cluster in India was a result of substantial growth of the migrant population over a period of time (Castles et al. 2009; Okpewho and Nzegwu 2009). Intriguingly a direct relationship could be drawn between the push and pull factors of migration from Africa to India, namely, historical migrations, neoliberal ties, global south partnerships, civil war, PPPs, booming of firms, and simultaneous opening up of business opportunities, giving rise to a new era of global south migration. As a result of privatization, many sectors and industries expanded their market reach, such as the health-care sector and education sector. Privatization of health-care such as Max Health,1 for instance, that expanded its outreach to the markets of Africa is important to note. Many private education firms boomed with the expansion of the market such as NIIT2 and other private communication and technology-based institutes in India. These institutes boomed after privatization as they expanded globally. The New Economic Policy steered a new phase of India’s economic growth (Ahluwalia 2007). In fact, it reflected economic and political changes not only in India but also in other developing countries experiencing parallel changes that had a history of colonization such as African countries. These changes were clearly visible in migration patterns in the global south. Considering the expansion in opportunities such as business, education, and health-care sector in the neoliberal era, the contexts under which migration was taking place could be understood better. In the Indian context, it can be argued that the New Economic

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  43 Policy1990 paved the way for the private sector and the public sector to enter into trade and investment with foreign companies. The new investment within the private sector gave rise to new strategies and labour flexibility. The corporates re-oriented themselves for a greater and more competitive environment. Moreover, firms renovated their existing infrastructure, and this was seen as a desirable investment by the multinationals and corporates. The firms have been re-organizing themselves through new financial sector reforms creating a market appeal to raise a large volume of capital internationally to finance further expansion and modernization. The investment has been getting stimulated by joint ventures and partnerships that are increasing investment in domestic firms through global tie-ups and partnerships (Ahluwalia 2007). Hence, liberalization and globalization can be seen as important factors in bringing social transformation. In this context, African migration to India is analyzed to understand the opening up of opportunities with political and economic partnerships between the two regions of the global south. These economic transformations have taken the shape of pull factors of migration. As noted, the major pull factors of migration are the business opportunities, as well as avenues created through the privatization of the education and health sectors. Interestingly, the education and health-care sector partnerships provided opportunities, ways, and access to migration from different countries of Africa to India. As previously highlighted, it was education, medical, and business opportunities that were the main reasons for migration in the new era of globalization and liberalization. In fact, in this context, it can be argued that based on these new possibilities, large migrations of people whether forced or unforced, are taking place around the world, and this is inevitable (Harvey 2007a). Moreover, he further argues that migrations and movements are unstoppable. Different countries may adopt different policies to control it or stop it with tight immigration laws and controls, but this movement is unstoppable in the global era. This also shapes the shifting patterns of urbanization in the twenty-first century. Harvey argues that in this light, space is restructured and reformulated by global processes, and it is crucial to recognize the global process of capitalist urbanization even in the context of countries that have followed a “non-capitalist path” previously and non-capitalist urban form (Harvey 2007b; Sassen 2002). These economic changes and transformations could be seen in the emergence of the African clusters in India. The African cluster provides an important context for understanding spatial processes that get reorganized, transformed, and restructured in the neoliberal era through migration and consequently urbanization processes. In this regard, globalization, migration, and urbanization are interlinked (Rao 1970). In fact, Harvey examines the urbanization process spatially to highlight the production of space in the new era and the emergence of political consciousness (Harvey 1985; Lefebvre 1991). Taking neighbourhoods, regions, nation-states, and power blocs as focal points, the urbanization process can be observed as a specific object of analysis. In this context, Harvey argues that in global urbanization, the study of

44  The Emergence of African Clusters in India political and legal spheres is no longer sufficient. Rather, the study of urbanization in a global context focuses on the shifting flows of labour power, commodities, money capital; spatial organization of production; transformation of space relations; and information flow (Harvey 2007a). He analyzes that the city in this sense has lost its legal and political power and geopolitical influence, and those distinctive urban economies have now merged into megalopolitan’ concentrations, and this is a part of the urban process. Urbanization can vary greatly depending on how capitalist growth and possibilities are realized, created, opposed, or proposed (Harvey 2007a ). Because of the way urbanization processes and possibilities are realized, they are definitely linked with the changing global processes. In the Indian context, the global south partnership between India and Africa has been expanding rapidly since the 1980s, giving rise to a new era (CII/WTO 2013). With India’s adoption of New Economic Policy (NEP), partnerships between the two global south regions have been growing continuously. The global south bilateral partnership shows a relationship between India’s adoption of liberalization, privatization, and globalization model and Africa’s cooperation. Thus, the flow of migration between the two regions of the global south has been increasing. Between 2006 and 2010 there was an increase in migration on the basis of business. African migrants coming to India increased from “137,000 to 197,000” growing annually at about 10% (CII/WTO 2013). Besides business and tourism India and Africa host a sizable migrant population. A large population of Africa is also living informally in India. In the year 2000, the countries that were on top for migration from Africa were Uganda 11,575, Kenya 6,801, South Africa 9,041, Zambia 5,007, Nigeria 6,095. However, a sizeable population remains unrecorded due to informal migration. This generates a significant concern for migrants who are living in hazardous conditions due to their informal migration status, including high rates of poverty and overcrowded living conditions in small apartments. A sizeable population also includes refugees from Somalia and those migrants seeking asylum (CII/ WTO 2013, Report on Urban Profiling of Refugee Situations in Delhi, 2013). The countries that were on top for migration from India were: Democratic Republic of Congo with 24,192, Mauritius 8,185, Mozambique 6,312, Tanzania 7,151, and South Africa 17,047. Kenya, Uganda, Zambia, and Madagascar were also destinations that received the Indian population in high numbers. Hence an enquiry regarding the various factors that facilitated migration is outlined in the following discussion. The discussion also outlines the lived experiences of African migrants living in India and the reasons for their migration. Business/Employment In the present context, migrants from different countries of Africa come to explore the new boom in business opportunities in the private sector in India. Particularly, migrants from Uganda, Tanzania, Ghana, Nigeria, and

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  45 Congo DR have been migrating for business opportunities. For instance, one of the migrants from the Democratic Republic of Congo said that she was based in Khirki Extension in Delhi. Her business was in exports and made her travel to different parts of India as well. She was married to a Gujarati man. The man was based in Gujarat for most of the year, and she was travelling. Her business was exporting hair wigs from India. They had a baby girl. Since they were both business partners, they were constantly travelling from Africa to India for business. Their business was expanding not only across Africa but also Europe. She could speak Gujarati and Hindi very fluently. Further, interestingly many of the African migrants were also establishing informal business enterprises in India. Their small-scale business ventures were located particularly in Khirki Extension. Some of the migrants had small enterprises such as salons, parlours/barber shops which were well known for haircuts, hair weaving, and hairstyling in the neighbourhood. It was noticed that men particularly from countries of Africa visited these barber shops for grooming since they had specific needs. These shops were very popular. In fact, in one of the interviews, what came up was that the Indian barbers were not very familiar with the hair difference and were unable to cut the hair accurately. They were cutting their hair too close to their skin, which caused cuts from razors. Hence, the migrants preferred to visit their own specific salons. These salons were usually located in small one-room rented apartments. Some of the migrants also had small informal business enterprises in fashion. These shops included clothes and shoes. In fact, laundry services were also popular as business start-ups. Grocery shops were common enterprises where food products and goods from Africa were available for the migrant community living in Delhi. African kitchens also provided a working opportunity. These were different business opportunities that the migrants from Africa had created for themselves. A respondent from Nigeria says, India is comparatively a better country to live in and I even plan to settle here. I am here because the people are good. My dream is to open a school here and start my business in the education sector. People here cooperate and understand things. I like India. It is a great country to stay. Supporting each other’s business prospects such as African shops helped the migrants to build economic ties. It also facilitated the building of close bonds and simultaneously forge a sense of ‘community.’ Moreover, the African shops were supplying goods and services to the wider population of the migrant community living in Delhi. For instance, all the migrants visited a barbershop which was started by a Nigerian migrant living in Khirki Extension and was now a popular choice among all the migrants from different countries of Africa. It was interesting to observe that the migrants went to this particular barbershop, as they believed that only he could cut their hair accurately. Another African beauty salon stated that that the

46  The Emergence of African Clusters in India women from Africa had particular trends in hair weaving and fashions which only African salons could understand. The hair weaving was done by a Nigerian lady for all the migrants. Apart from that, informal business enterprises were also encouraged and given a boost by the community. These were some of the informal business set-ups and start-ups opened by the African community. However, particularly in the case of Somali refugees, they were not allowed to do business, as they did not have work permits. But at the same time, they were allowed to work through permissions granted by UNHCR. They were allowed to work within a specific wage range in a month due to their refugee status, but they were not allowed to do business. Many of them worked as interpreters at Max Hospital. This was a job that many of the boys were doing to earn some money. For other African migrants, another work opportunity was in the IT sector, which was available for many of the countries based on bilateral partnerships. There were many professionals who were working in Gurgaon3 in various IT companies and firms. Education Many migrants were attracted to the new scale of opportunities that had opened up in the education sector. A significant number of private institutions and universities boomed with the expansion of universities under globalization such as NIIT and private institutions offering computer science courses and IT-related programmes in India. These institutions offered attractive courses for the students. Moreover, science and pharmacy-related courses attracted the migrants to a great extent. Courses in agricultural sciences also attracted many migrants from different countries in Africa. Further, courses in engineering and management were also popular choices among the students. The private institutions and universities boomed after liberalization and globalization as they expanded their reach to different countries of Africa. The new financial investment within the private sector had given impetus to investment within the education industry as well. In fact, many educational loans were made available to students through private partnerships and tie-ups with financial agencies making opportunities accessible to students from different countries. Many private institutions had extended their partnerships with universities as well so that they could also provide scholarships. Hence students migrated for degrees such as bachelor’s degrees in sciences; IT (information and technology) degrees; master’s degrees in humanities, social sciences, and liberal arts, such as politics, journalism, philosophy, international relations; and Ph.D. degrees. A large section of the population of students migrated from Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Rwanda, Uganda, Congo DR, and Ghana. The students from Somalia were here on refugee status. Further, central universities like Delhi University, India, and Jawaharlal Nehru University gave scholarships to students. A large population was enrolled in central universities. Moreover, apart from Delhi, there were other states in India as well that were offering

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  47 courses in both private and government universities. IT degrees were very popular, as they were accepted in all the home countries. The IT degrees were regarded as specialized, which raised the chances for better employment in the respective native countries. Privatization of education facilitated migration. A respondent from Kenya says, IT degrees from India are well recognized all over Africa, and people come to study and they prefer to go back as they have high paying jobs there, better than India. The Assistant Professors there get 70,000– 80,000 Rupees but in India they get only 30–40,000. That is why we prefer to go back. Sometimes, you might have to do an additional degree like in the case of law but if you study from India you get recognized at jobs such as Foreign Relations and Diplomatic relations. We can get jobs as Ambassadors at various Embassies. Many private institutes also offered language courses such as Hindi. These institutes were located in Delhi or in the (National Capital Region) NCR4 such as Noida and Gurgaon. Education emerged as a major reason for migration. Educational degrees were also accepted in Africa, and many migrants narrated that on getting a degree from India such as in the field of sciences and mass communication and technology, getting jobs in different countries of Africa was easier. For education in particular, in the case of the Somali migrant population, access was provided by UNHCR, as they were on refugee status or seeking asylum. Their applications were being handled by the UNHCR. However, unfortunately it provided access to only a few government schools that accepted refugee ID cards. The UNHCR provided the refugee community protection in Delhi. For example, in case the children from the refugee community were denied access to school then the UNHCR intervened. They provided legal advice and protection to the migrants. Many Somalis who had migrated with their families were under this protection. In addition, there were also migrants who narrated that they went to schools in South of India such as Hyderabad, Mysore, Bangalore, Chennai, and Pune before coming to Delhi. This reflected an internal migration pattern among the Somali refugee community. Health and Medical Reasons A substantial proportion of the migrant population had come to India to access the medical and health-care system. The migrants who were getting medical treatment from Max Hospital Saket, Delhi, were living in Khirki Extension, as it was in close proximity to the hospital. Since they had to make frequent visits to the hospital, it was easier for them to stay in the vicinity. Many of the migrants were accompanied by one or more family members who came for the treatment. Max Super Specialty Hospital has been in partnership with different countries in Africa. It has been organizing

48  The Emergence of African Clusters in India medical camps in different countries of Africa. Through these medical camps, it has been raising awareness about various diseases. So, migrants were here for treatment of diseases and surgeries for gastro illness-related disorders, diabetes, heart diseases, and for bariatric surgeries. In fact, for any special treatments that were required by the patients through camps in Africa, they were further advised to come to India for advanced treatment and care. Since Max Hospital is a private hospital, it has many tie-ups. It has tie-ups with pharmaceutical companies. The privatization and liberalization policy gave rise to many partnerships in African countries. The regular medical camps were organized for particular diseases such as heart and gastro-related ailments. This was a major reason why many of the migrants were coming to India on medical grounds. Migrants from Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, Somalia, and Cameroon were here as in some of these countries medical camps were regularly being organized, while for others such as Somalia, since there was a civil war going on in the country, access to health-related infrastructure was not easily available. What emerged as an interesting observation was the use of ‘medical tourism’ as a reason for migration. This had become popular. Marriage Many of the African migrants shared how they were interested in settling down permanently in India. They were open to the idea of marriage with Indian girls. This was not very common, but slowly gaining mileage. But what was significant in this context was the attitudes of the Indian parents. In many of the cases, it was observed that the parents of the Indian girls were not giving consent to the marriage propositions. For instance, in the following case, a boy from Kenya was interested in a Gujarati girl from India. They had met at the university. They had been dating for two years. To quote, I proposed to a girl for marriage. I told her that I’ll be your husband. Even she wanted to marry me, we use to joke. She use to say “I’ll come to Kenya”, I said who’ll take you to Kenya? She use to say, “You will”! Then we use to make a joke. For 2 years we were dating. Then she told me one day her parents are arranging her marriage. I was surprised. But I went to her marriage. She was telling her husband; he wants to take me to Kenya. I told her husband that now that you have taken her away from me, you better take good care of her. And then I gave them my blessings and told them how they should live in life. So now I can be a friend to her and she can be happy. The respondent mentioned that he wanted to marry her but her parents did not agree and decided to marry her to an Indian boy in an arranged set-up. Another respondent, who was Nigerian, was married to a Russian woman. They were both settled in India. They were living in Khirki Extension, at

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  49 the time, which was post-midnight raid5 in January 2014. He was very upset and angry after the raid. He felt that people in Khirki Extension had turned antagonistic towards African migrants and so he was planning to shift to Chattarpur with his family. He is currently living with his wife and baby girl in Chattarpur. He prefers living in India rather than Nigeria. He said that in India, when injustice happens, at least we can protest, but in Nigeria, it is not possible. The government there is very corrupt according to him. Even though there is democracy, the politicians are making money. He did not want to go back to Nigeria. He said, his country had many problems due to which he did not want to go back. According to him, the people in power made money because of government corruption. They sent their children abroad to study and transferred all the wealth of the country into their own personal accounts. He preferred to stay in Delhi. He felt that there were many problems in Delhi as well, but this was a much better place to stay according to him. Another major reason for living in Delhi, Khirki Extension was that he was married to a Russian girl. He said that living in any other part of the world would be very expensive. Living in India was a feasible economic option for him as he was pursuing a successful career in acting. He narrated that in Nigeria, Indian movies were very popular and that is how he got fascinated by Hindi films and acting. Once a week, cable TV in Nigeria telecasts Hindi movies with subtitles. The people in Nigeria fondly and very keenly wait for that day in the week when they can watch a Bollywood film. He came to India specially to become an actor. As an actor, he played short roles in many famous Bollywood movies. He said that he had worked with Amir Khan. The name of the film in which he acted was Dangal. He played the role of the Nigerian wrestling coach. His movie was about to release, and he was very excited about that. He said that he was quite satisfied in Delhi, as there was a general acceptance of his marriage choice, even though he felt that he experienced racial discrimination, unlike his wife, who was Russian. But they both felt that India was a great place to stay. However, he said that in India, people were racist. He was very vocal about his views and gave many interviews on TV against racism in India. Another interesting illustration of marriage that emerged was also of a respondent from Nigeria whose wife is Mizo. They met through chat sessions on Yahoo! Messenger. They both started chatting across two continents and became closer through the platform of Yahoo! Messenger. They got married in India in 2009 when he flew down to get married to her. He is very happy to be married to an Indian girl he said. Today, he runs an African restaurant and lives in India through an X entry visa, which you get when you marry an Indian citizen. His visa can be extended on a yearly basis for five years. They have children, a boy and a baby girl. He said that he wants to take his wife to Nigeria but till now, they have never been to Nigeria as a family. Their business is doing well in India, which is an African restaurant. It has been serving Nigerian food since 2010. The respondent narrated that for business purposes, a migrant from Africa could not buy

50  The Emergence of African Clusters in India property in India unless it was a big firm or a multinational company. Small informal business entrepreneurs could not buy property and could only do business with an Indian partner who could buy property in their name. This is also another reason why many of the business enterprises in India are informal.

Conclusion The contemporary African migrations indicate that African migrants come to India for business opportunities, education, health care, and marriage as the basic factors of migration. The chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the contemporary flows of migration specifically with reference to the era of globalization, privatization and liberalization. It shows how global south partnerships for economic trade and political ties between India and Africa cause migration. In the modern era, these partnerships facilitate government cooperation, student exchanges, and industry partnerships. More importantly, migration patterns were also examined from a historical perspective. An analysis was made of the settlements of the Siddi community established along India’s western coast, including Gujarat, Karnataka, the Malabar Coast, Maharashtra, and Goa, as a result of early century migration from East Africa to India via the Indian Ocean. These transnational networks were further understood by placing a focus on the role of religion, which is crucial to understand for the development of networks. Moreover, the role of memory in producing a collective conscience was examined by analysing cultural objects like the wooden dhow, and musical art forms, customs, traditions and beliefs. It was argued that these traditions transform when they meet new cultural environments leading to cultural hybridity, wherein some forms, ideas and practices are retained while new habits, customs and traditions are acquired. Yet, there is continuity in practices of art forms that are of African origin. It is impossible to overstate the importance of “conditions of area, structural and social psychological attributes” in migration (Ritchey 1976).

Notes 1 Max Hospital as a health-care specialty is an outcome of privatization of medical care industry. Max Hospital in India is expanding. More recently with globalization, it has opened up its franchise in many different countries of the world, including Africa. 2 NIIT is an institute of technology that offers skills in management and training to students, institutions, and enterprises worldwide. 3 Gurgaon is a famous IT hub for companies and professionals working in corporate firms and international organizations. It comes in the Delhi NCR area. 4 National Capital Region which includes regions of Gurgaon and Noida 5 On January 15, 2014, a midnight raid was made on the African community on the pretext that they were involved in drug rackets and prostitution. African migrants were forcefully made to come out of their homes at midnight while a mob led by the Delhi law minister and police raided their homes.

Historical and Contemporary Patterns of Migration  51

Bibliography Ahluwalia, Singh Montek. 2007. India’s Economic Reforms. In K.R. Gupta (ed.), Studies in Indian Economy (Vol. II, pp. 5–30). New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors. Alpers, Edward. 1997. The African Diaspora in the Northwestern Indian Ocean: Reconsideration of an Old Problem, New Directions for Research. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Assmann, January 2006. Religion and Cultural Memory. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Basu, Helene. 1993. The Siddi and the Cult of Bava Gor in Gujarat. Journal of the Indian Anthropological Society, 28: 298–300. Basu, Helene. 1998. Hierarchy and Emotion: Love, Joy and Sorrow in a Cult: Black Saints in Gujarat, India. In Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu (eds.), Embodying Modernity, Locality and the Performance of Emotion in Sufi Cults (pp. 1–25). New York: Routledge. Basu, Helene. 2000. Theatre of Memory: Performance of Ritual Kinship of the African Diaspora in Sind/Pakistan. In A.R. Boeck (ed.), Culture, Creation and Procreation in South Asia (pp. 25–55). Berghahn: Oxford. Basu, Helene. 2002. Indian-Siddi African Diaspora: A Query. In Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World. University of California. Bhatia, Sunil. 2011. Lost in Translation: Cultural Hybridity, Acculturation and Human Development. Human Development, 54(6): 400–407. Cancilini, Nestor Garcia. 1995. Hybrid Cultures: Strategies for Entering and Leaving Modernity. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Castles, Stephen and Miller, Mark. (2009). The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World. (4th ed.). New York: Guilford. CII/WTO 2013. India-Africa: South-South Trade and Investment for Development. Published by World Trade Organization and Confederation of India Industry. Dubey, Ajay. 2016. India-Africa Relations: Historical Goodwill and a Vision for the Future. In Ajay Dube (ed.), India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future (pp. 11–40). New Delhi: Springer. Halbwachs, Maurice. 1992. On Collective Memory. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. Harvey, David. 1985. Consciousness and the Urban Experience: History and the Theory of Capitalist Urbanization. Maryland: John Hopkins University Press. Harvey, David. 2007a. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Harvey, David. 2007b. City Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action. City, 1: 38–61. Hawley, C. John. 2008. India in Africa, Africa in India: Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanism. Bloomington: Indian University Press. Johnson, Christopher. 2012. Memory, Metaphor and Aby Warburg’s Atlas of Images. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kraidy, Marwan. 2005. Hybridity or the Cultural Logic of Globalization. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Kundu, Amitabh and Saraswati, Lopamudra. 2012. Migration and Exclusionary Urbanisation in India. Economic & Political Weekly, XLVII, 26&27: 219–227. Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell. Ogujiuba Kanayo, P.A. (2019). Push and Pull Factors of International Migration: Evidence from Migrants in South Africa. Journal of African Union Studies, 8(2): 219–250.

52  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Oka, R.C. 2002. Trade and Traders in East Africa, A.D. 1500–1800. Paper presented at the 102nd Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, New Orleans, LA. Oka, R.C. 2006. Network or Bust: Network Stability through Co-operation for Trade Continuity among Merchant Communities of Afrasia. Paper presented at 106th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, San Jose, CA. Okpewho, Isidore and Nzegwu, Nkiru. 2009. The New African Diaspora. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Park, Robert Ezra. 1915. The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behaviour in the City Environment. American Journal of Sociology, 20(5): 577–612. Park, Robert Ezra. 1928. Human Migration and the Marginal Man. The American Journal of Sociology, 33(6): 881–893, The University of Chicago Press. Park, Robert Ezra. 1936. Human Ecology. American Journal of Sociology, 42(1): 1–15. Pieterse, Nederveen. January 2004. Globalization and Culture: Global Melange. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Rao, M.S.A. 1970. Urbanization and Social Change, New Delhi: Orient Longman. Ritchey, P. Neal. 1976. Explanations of Migration. Annual Review of Sociology, 2: 363–404. Sassen, Saskia. 2002. Global Networks, Linked Cities. London/New York: Routledge. Stephen, Castles, Haas, de Hein, & Miller, Mark. 2009. The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (4th ed.). New York: The Guilford Press. Urban Profiling of Refugees Situations in Delhi. 2013. Refugees from Myanmar, Afghanistan and Somalia and their Indian Neighbours: A Comparative Study. JIPS, UNHCR and Feinstein International Centre. Warburg, Aby. 1905. Artistic Exchanges between North and South in the Fifteenth Century. Wirth, Louis. 1945. Human Ecology. American Journal of Sociology, 50(6): 483–488.

4 The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees Mapping the Impacts of Civil War and Internal Political Crisis

Introduction The role of armed conflict, totalitarian regimes, expulsions, and extraditions in forced migrations cannot be ignored (Stola 1992). The factors that cause Somali refugees to flee are outlined in this chapter. It henceforth highlights Somalia’s civil war and internal political crisis. It also states that India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the status of refugees, which has an impact on refugees negotiating with the Indian government. Second, it outlines the roles of various agencies, institutions, and humanitarian organizations in facilitating the rehabilitation of Somali migrants. It is argued that Somali migrants are ‘forced’ to migrate from their home country due to the civil war and thus, have to live in India under extreme conditions of exclusion based on their refugee status. It shows how Somalis flee their country to escape the political crisis that threatens their lives. However, in many cases, the state views these migrations as illegal because it does not recognize them as refugees because it is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. Although Somali refugees are protected by the UNHCR, they receive very limited benefits. They seek protection from organizations such as Human Rights Law Networks, which help them to rehabilitate and resettle in India so that they can access basic resources such as education and health care. It should be noted that civil war and internal political crises can be impediments to achieving SDG. The civil war has had an adverse impact on the well-being and health, decent work conditions and economic growth, increased inequalities, facilitated poverty, which have made communities unsustainable, and challenged peace and justice. In other words, the civil war has impacted SDGs 1, 3, 4, 8, 10, 11, and 16. The perspective of Somali refugees will be used to examine the implications of forced migration.

Somali Refugees in India: The Civil War as the Push Factor for Migration Migrants are often forced to flee their homes due to the severity of political unrest and sectarian strife (Shellman 2004). According to the Human Rights Law Network Report (2007a), 400,000 Somali refugees have fled from DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-6

54  The Emergence of African Clusters in India their homeland to avoid violence and instability. Somalia is witnessing its worst humanitarian crisis in 16 years, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Since 1991, when President Siad Barre was overthrown from power, Somalia has been without a government. As a result of this, competing tribes and militarist groups have turned on each other, plunging the nation into civil war. Since the year 2000, several efforts have been made to restore peace, but all have failed. In order to proclaim a coup against the corrupt Islamic Courts Union of Mogadishu in January 2007, the United States supported the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia to create a transitional federal government, but the weak transitional administration struggles to assert its power over the nation. In reality, it endures regular onslaught from its adversaries. Somalia’s civil conflict is now killing thousands of people. The civil conflict has displaced millions of asylum seekers who have fled the nation. Currently, Somalia is rife with extrajudicial murders, human rights breaches, arbitrary imprisonment, forced disappearances, and torture. Widespread acts of gender and sexual violence, exploitation of women, and abuse and violence against minorities and marginalized groups exist. Since 2007, the number of Somali refugees has grown owing to these challenges. The civil war and political instability of the government in Somalia have given rise to a heavy flow of migration. In this context, migration has to be seen in the light of forced migration. Due to the violence perpetrated by the government and dissidents, it becomes even more important to analyze the question, “What motivates a person to leave his own country, property, freedom, and livelihood, among other things, in order to move to a new location?” (Shellman 2004). In this context, a narrative of a migrant who left his country to come to India is presented to illustrate his lived experience of the conflict and the circumstances under which his family was forced to migrate to India. He says, Before coming to India, I was living in Nairobi, Kenya. They were shooting people in Somalia. There was fighting going on! So we shifted to a place where there was no fighting in Somalia. But after the violence spread, we had to move to Nairobi. My mom and I shifted there. My uncle’s wife suggested that we move to India. She said, “people in India are good”. So we decided to move to India. I got my Visa. My uncle said that he would arrange the travelling! My father lives in Dubai since 1999 due to the shooting and fighting that started. My aunty talked to my father in Dubai. So he sent some money to my aunty and we came here. Asylum seekers and refugees from Somalia migrate under coercive conditions to escape violence and persecution in their home country, but ironically, the Indian government does not recognize them as refugees upon their arrival. One of the respondents explained that they were unable to return to their country. Migrants had no other option but to seek asylum in their destination countries. Due to ongoing violence and conflict, returning to

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  55 their home country is not a viable option. In this scenario, it was impossible to work and live a stable life. He said, We cannot go back to our country. There is a civil war going on in Somalia. No one knows about it! In Somalia, you cannot work even for yourself, because the dissidents will say you have to consult us. You don’t know where they will get your phone number. If you want to work, they won’t let you! They will say be careful! They get your no. and follow you. They say we know all the details of your family. They threaten us. That’s why I live here. My mother and my two sisters are in Nigeria right now. They also use to live in India, but they had to go back to Africa. The legal status of refugees in India is governed by the Foreigners Act 1946 and the Citizenship Act 1955. These Acts do not recognize the differences between foreigners and refugees fleeing political persecution and war. These Acts apply to all non-citizens equally. Under this Act, to be found without a valid residence permit and travel documents, a person is considered to be a criminal. The offenders are liable to be punished with detention and deportation. Moreover, in India, the status of refugees is not governed by any formal codified model of conduct, but rather by administrative and political decisions. While some groups are given a few benefits, such as temporary permits to be legally employed and legal residence, others are completely denied access to essential resources and, in fact, criminalized. Somali refugees fall into this category. Since India is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, the Indian government does not take any responsibility for the rehabilitation, resettlement, and socio-economic integration of the refugees. Factors Determining Choice of Country: Migration from Somalia The Indian state does not recognize Somali migrants as refugees. However, paradoxically, an increase in the pattern of migration of people from Somalia has been specifically observed despite the fact that the Indian government does not take any responsibility for the Somali asylum seekers. This brings to focus the question, What are the factors that determine their choice in selecting India as a country of destination? There has been an increase in the flow of migration from Somalia to India, even though the state takes no responsibility for the migrants’ integration. In this light, it may be relevant to draw a connection with transnational networks and the African diaspora in India that integrated such as the Siddi, Chaush, and Hadhrami (Basu 2002). It was observed that many of the Somali migrants lived in Indian cities like Hyderabad, Mysore, Bangalore, and Chennai before finally migrating to Delhi. For instance, a respondent who lives in Delhi said he went to high school in Mysore where he met his friend before migrating to Delhi. He says,

56  The Emergence of African Clusters in India I came to India when I was thirteen. I met my friend in Mysore, who is like my brother now. We studied together. He shifted to Delhi after finishing school and when I had to move to Delhi I contacted him. He was living in this settlement, so I also came here. The narrative shows how networks are built in India which allow the migrants to access resources and adapt. As highlighted, the previous respondent found housing in the same settlement as his friend by tapping into the same resources. This also contributed to the formation of an African cluster in India which took the form of a community and network. These networks became support groups. An in-depth understanding is necessary for analyzing informal networks that are built on the basis of race, religion, culture, traditions, language, nationality, etc. A connection can be drawn to the different dynamics of the informal networks that are formed. For instance, another migrant mentioned how he lived in Hyderabad for six years. The cities in the coastal regions were preferred by the Somali refugee families. This brought to light the relationship between ancient historical migration that took place from East Africa across the Indian Ocean, which gave rise to the settlement of communities of African descent (Basu 2002). While his family lived in Delhi, he went to school in Hyderabad. He says, I first came to Hyderabad to study. I was eleven when I came to India. Somalia was not safe. We had to shift out of there due to the political situation. The roads are very unsafe there. My mother, brother and sister came with me. I completed my education and came to Delhi. I studied for six years in Hyderabad before I came to this settlement in Khirki Extension. I consider myself to be very lucky that I stay here with my family. Everybody is not that lucky. They have broken families; some relatives live here and there. Nobody lives in the same country. My mother, brothers and sisters are living here with me. This brings to focus the connections that the community has and how migrants move within networks. The narrative provides an idea about the migration pattern within India. It reflects how migration takes place with family as well as on the basis of community networks. The narratives help to reflect and understand the lived experiences of migrants from the home country to the country of destination. Further, it helps to understand internal migration patterns. However, the resources under which the Somali migrants live in India are extremely scarce. Apart from economic challenges, they also face discrimination based on religion, race, and class. The Somali community is extremely vulnerable and faces social exclusion and isolation. Moreover, Somali women face even more extreme forms of marginalization and isolation due to the intersectionality of race, class, gender, and religion. They live in a community within the African cluster in India which is socially and spatially segregated. Given this background, one tends to wonder why Somalis are seeking asylum in India despite these discriminations.

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  57 However, informal networks help in building support. While there is no state support, informal networks become useful. Moreover, it becomes significant to understand the role of international institutions in handling refugee migration. The claim that economic hardship is the leading cause of forced migration is refuted by UNHCR data. A comparative analysis is conducted among numerous factors, and based on evidence, it is determined that generalized violence causes more forced migration than human rights violations. Ethnic rebellion plays a major role in the migration of small groups, etc. (Schmeidl 1997).

Somali Refugees and the UNHCR In general, host countries face difficulties in “policy making, directions, execution, and legitimacy” due to a significant increase in the flow of refugees. This is where the role of international organizations like UNHCR, United Nations Children’s Fund, World Food Program, Amnesty International, and Red Cross Society comes into play (Gordenker 1983). In India, Somali migrants live as asylum seekers and refugees. They get a few benefits from UNHCR. The role of UNHCR is essential to analyze in the integration process. While the Indian government does not recognize the refugee status of the Somalis, the UNHCR is giving them basic assistance on humanitarian grounds. The UNHCR makes limited provisions in education, health care, and employment for those who are identified as refugees. As a result, the children of the Somali refugees are allowed to attend government schools. However, this is only limited to those who are identified as persons of concern. Moreover, the majority of refugees do not have awareness about the different schemes that can support them and hence are not able to access programmes offered by UNHCR. But to facilitate education, the UNHCR makes reimbursements for textbooks, uniforms, and transportation. The reason it provides access to government schools in India is because the schools are subsidized. Secondly, to provide access to health care, check-ups are administered, but only from government hospitals, which are also subsidized. For these expenses, UNHCR reimburses cash payments against bills provided by refugee families. Earlier, UNHCR also reimbursed for private clinics, but since 2008, it has changed its policy. It does not reimburse bills for private hospitals, as they are more expensive. But at the same time, one needs to remember that the refugees face practical and cultural barriers in accessing medical care (Nakama 2005). In India recently, UNHCR has also modified many of its other programmes. For example, it has changed its model from providing regular subsistence allowance to promoting skill training and job placement programmes for refugee livelihood. Third, in providing employment opportunities, it runs programmes that can help to generate a minimum income to pay rent for housing and other basic needs. Somalis generally pay a rent of rupees 4,000–5,000 per month for oneroom apartments in Delhi, which they share. As mentioned earlier, a majority of Somali refugees include women and children. For instance, one of the

58  The Emergence of African Clusters in India families observed was composed of one elderly lady, with her daughter, who had three children. The daughter worked in the Don Bosco Ashalayam (DBA) training centre and earned 11,000 rupees a month. This income is not sufficient; hence, there is a high dependency on the community for basic costs and expenses. The Somali community in India supports each other in the provision of basic needs. This is the reason why refugee families prefer to live in the same settlement and on sharing basis, as one stream of income is not sufficient for their survival. They live under extreme conditions of poverty. Somali Refugees and the Indian Government The Indian government, unfortunately, does not have a uniform policy for the rehabilitation of all refugee groups; hence, it adopts differential treatment towards different refugee groups. A few refugee groups are given subsidies based on India’s relationship with the country of origin. For example, Tibetan refugees are provided with a few subsidies by the Indian government. As a result of its ad hoc approaches and politico-administrative decisions for temporary relief of refugees facing crises, India does not have a uniform policy for all refugee groups. This gives rise to differential treatment. But India also does not interfere with the functioning of UNHCR providing aid to the refugees. According to UNHCR (2011), there are many refugee groups that are present in India, such as refugees from Afghanistan, Myanmar, and Somalia. The Somalis apply for refugee status with the help of UNHCR. In India, as mentioned earlier, they receive education in government schools at the elementary and higher secondary levels. But the government of India does not recognize them officially. It does not recognize them with a status of refugees, as it puts additional economic pressure on the government. On receiving refugee status, the government would have to provide subsidies directly, which at the moment are provided by the UNHCR. This is the reason why the Indian government is not proactive in helping them to settle. Hence, their status in India becomes illegal. Many respondents cited that they experienced delays in government procedures. So, eventually, they have to leave, looking for opportunities in other countries. But some of them do continue to live in the country, but their status is considered illegal, which makes their everyday experience even more precarious. They find jobs with great difficulty. Some of them work as labourers in kitchens. They work under exploitative conditions and accept whatever they are paid. This makes their economic condition precarious because either they have to accept the exploitative working conditions or leave the country. Such conditions make their experiences fraught with violence and exploitation. Moreover, they also face racial discrimination. One of the respondents cited that he felt on coming to India his problems would end, but instead he feels that now his problems have increased. The respondents explained that it was impossible to survive alone and without the support of the Somali community living in an informal settlement, as they share

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  59 rents, electricity bills, etc. This also contributes as a major reason for the growth of informal work and business activities regarded as illegal by the government. This is one of the main reasons why there is always suspicion of migrants living in India. A common stereotype is that they are involved in drugs. They keep a low profile so that they do not get into trouble with the police, who keep asking them for documents. The situation for Somali refugees in India is ambiguous. They face challenges at multiple levels. They have very limited employment opportunities in India. The government does not allow them the right to work, even if they have residence permits. Some get work permits only if they are recognized as refugees by UNHCR. However, a few non-governmental organizations working in partnership with UNHCR generate employment based on projects. The Somali refugees work as translators. They also work in the craft sector, which has a niche market, but it is not lucrative. Making products such as candles, notebooks, jute bags is income generating. In Delhi, DBA is helping Somali refugees. In addition, the Young Men’s Christian Organization also provides youth training for vocational jobs. The Social and Legal Information Centre provides help and legal advice. Many of the Somalis living in Delhi get jobs in the UNHRC on projects related to community development programmes. Working as interpreters is a part of the many UNHRC jobs offered to the refugee community. Working as interpreters as mentioned was also a common job preference, but not all refugees could get these jobs. Many migrants came here for medical health-care reasons, and so a few of the migrants worked as translators in Max Hospital, as they did not have work permits. Medical health-care and education acted as major pull factors for the migrants. Interestingly many of the Somali migrants were going to cities in South of India to pursue their education, such as Hyderabad, Bangalore, and Mysore. They were able to build social networks through the common schools they went to. In fact, as mentioned earlier, one of the migrants was able to find housing in Delhi based on the fact that he had met his friend in South of India where their friendship grew. They played football together and built strong unity and solidarity that allowed him to come to Delhi and settle down more easily. He also discussed how he preferred to live with his friend, as he felt safer. They were also able to cook food together as they discussed how they missed the native food. One of the Somali respondents cited that he prefers to live in Delhi more than any other city in India. Many of the Somali refugees living in Delhi speak Hindi. English is also spoken but many of the refugees have to learn the language to assimilate as they have no other choice. In fact, it was observed that while talking to shopkeepers at the local grocery store, the Somalis could bargain and communicate quite smoothly in Hindi. Children walking with their mothers in the market also picked up Hindi. So this brought to attention the fact that since the government did not help with the rehabilitation process, the role of family and community became significant as they helped each other to settle and adapt to the new country and culture.

60  The Emergence of African Clusters in India This discussion brings to focus two points. First, how an assimilation effort was made by the Somalis to adapt to the new way of life and culture. Many Somali refugees made an effort to learn Hindi. They also adapted to the food by making common linkages and associations with Indian food. They missed the food from their own country but adapted nonetheless. Second, simultaneously there was also an effort to build a community and create a collective consciousness. For instance, some of the Somalis in the neighbourhood cooked food and bought groceries. Somali kitchens in the neighbourhood were a good example of creating a sense of community.

Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Religion Transnational and solidarity networks play a significant role in facilitating refugee migrations. These networks assist with funds for arrival, familiarization with the destination country, and “circumventing the legal procedures” in the country (Doraï 2003). The role of religion, ethnicity, and culture is also crucial for refugees. In order to understand complex situations and the experiences of refugees and asylum seekers in India, the role of religion, ethnicity, and culture is twofold. First, how the ethnic community comes together to support each other through the formation of community networks, and, second, how the community supports itself in times of antagonism in the host society, such as local community violence and reactions. The refugees encounter varied experiences of othering, discrimination, and exclusion which they withstand together. Moreover, the process of building networks through religion is also essential to highlight. Religion plays an important role for refugees. First, it helps refugee groups form strong bonds and networks. These informal networks come into use during advice and support related to the migration process. It provides the opportunity to inquire about future prospects and possible transit routes. In the case of Somali refugees, many of them considered India as a transit country to move to first-world countries like Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. For instance, in one of the cases, it was observed that a Somali migrant wanted to move out of India and shift to the United States because his uncle was there who had agreed to support him. Moreover, his own family agreed to help him from Dubai with finances and paperwork. There were agencies in India that helped with the process. Many of the respondents said that they got their paperwork done in India. They had identified agencies that helped them. They also provided legal help and aid. Some of the respondents narrated that in India, they could get the necessary documents and get visas from agencies that charged them exorbitantly but assured them that the paperwork could help them reach countries in Europe, the United States, and Canada. The agencies supplied documents and maintained migration routes between countries. This migration pattern is referred as a two-stage flight (Day and White 2002). The Somali refugees living in the same neighbourhood acquire access to these networks. In fact, a large group of Afghan refugees also resided in

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  61 this neighbourhood. There was a strong presence of Muslims in this neighbourhood. During festivals such as Ramadan and Eid, one could find interesting cultural interactions. In fact, during festivals, one could find the streets buzzing with activity in this neighbourhood till midnight. The community of Somali migrants formed a tight-knit group, and they made an effort to congregate, especially during festivals. This neighbourhood was popular for informal gatherings and meetings owing to a range of Somali kitchens and informal spaces created by the community for eating, leisure, and interaction. Through observation of the refugee narratives and their presence, it was observed that there was multicultural and cross-cultural interaction. Many of the respondents said that they had Indian friends and liked being in India. Many explained how these informal spaces provided a great space for the exchange of ideas. Second, informal networks and spaces play a significant role in contributing to mental health and stability as refugees generally have a past experience of trauma due to experiences of war, violence, and persecution. In these situations, the role of informal networks is invaluable especially with regard to sharing personal experiences with each other that further provide psychological safety. Transnational Migration Networks: The Role of Family and the Community It has been argued that the sociology of forced migration must be “transnational and interdisciplinary.” It must seek to analyze forced migration as a “social process” in which “human agency” and “social networks” play a significant role. It must emphasize the importance of family, kin, transnational networks, and economic standing in migration (Castells 2004) ). The building up of strong relationships in the destination country is facilitated by transnational networks, which also help during asylum and refugee application processes. The Somali refugees living in India form a united group by building informal networks. Since most of the migrants do not live with their families at Khirki Extension, a feeling of community is created for those who do not have close family members. In fact, there are very few migrants who live with their families. Families have been torn apart by the civil war and political turmoil in Somalia. Moreover, fleeing the nation implies that even within the same family, there is a disparity in the number of people who are able to migrate. Because of this, there are only a few Somalis living with their entire families. As a result, they develop informal networks and links across India to find support in their integration and also to provide for their emotional stability. Despite their collective grief over their country’s civil war, these informal networks certainly help them adjust to their new surroundings. This is how a close-knit community emerges among the Somali refugees (Shum Terence 2014). It has been suggested that war takes away everything that provides a person with a sense of purpose and meaning, such as family, property, and employment (Day and White 2002). In fact, many respondents narrated

62  The Emergence of African Clusters in India that their families were very important to them and expressed their longing for their loved ones who resided in other countries, such as Kenya, the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Middle East. Since the beginning of the conflict in the early 1990s, Somali refugees have been arriving in India and seeking the protection of the UNHCR. They are settled in different cities of India, such as Hyderabad, Pune, Bangalore, Mysore, and Chennai. Among the refugees and asylum seekers who are migrating, a large number include children and women. In fact, kinship, family members, and people from the same community contribute to cumulative causation in the form of transnational networks (Day and White 2002). This also allows subsequent flows of migration via the creation of familial links. Networks make it easier to relocate and settle. Somali Refugees in India: Lived Experiences of Discrimination and Exclusion Somali refugees experience discrimination and exclusion at various levels in their host society. They have to negotiate marginality and precarity at levels such as social, economic, and political. With regard to the political factor, their legal status as refugees in India is not recognized by the government, so they have to deal with fears and anxieties about their status. They constantly face the fear of deportation, threat of forcible repatriation, anxieties of expulsion, and detention. This makes their experience more precarious. They stay very isolated so as to avoid any confrontation with the local community. In case there is any trouble at the local level, they know they would not have the support of the police. Further, the Indian government does not support them economically with rehabilitation and integration, which makes it even more difficult to survive. Moreover, they are constantly struggling to assimilate into the local culture but face differences due to religion. Given the fact that India is predominantly a Hindu majority, their status becomes more differentiated through religious discrimination. They become more vulnerable to community slurs and social harassment. Further cultural factors multiply their marginality and makes them more vulnerable to ethnic and racial discrimination. They have to encounter many stereotypes and linkages with race, such as the linkage with the word Habshi by the local community, which has further associations with negative ideas such as, criminal, dangerous, primitive, and unlawful. The lived experiences of Somali women are even more complex. The linkage of race, ethnicity, and religion makes their experience in India more difficult. Multiple factors contribute to their susceptibility to prejudice, including racial profiling and discrimination. First, on account of their race, they are subjected to forms of discrimination. Second, gender-based discriminations make them more vulnerable, and third, they experience class-based discrimination. Somali refugees in India live in dilapidated housing. Moreover, their homes are socially and spatially segregated while they live within an African cluster. As Muslim women, they

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  63 are especially more susceptible to prejudice in a culture dominated by Hindus. In this situation, their colour, socio-economic status, gender, and religion render them vulnerable to prejudice. While having to deal with all these cultural complexities in India, living on a refugee status or as asylum seekers makes it even harder for them to survive politically. Understanding their identity via multiple-axis framework, such as racial, class-based, gender-based, and religious-based oppression, made it useful to analyze their experience. Being Muslim in a mostly Hindu nation heightened their vulnerability. Due to these complex interactions, which manifested in not just discrimination but also marginalization and exclusion, the condition of Somali women deteriorated further.

Advocating for Refugee Policy in India with Reference to Somali Refugees Due to India’s non-signatory status with respect to the UN Refugee Convention, no comprehensive national legislation exists in this arena. India, on the other hand, takes a friendly stance toward the Buddhist refugees by adhering to certain international standards. Tibetans’ religious affairs are handled by a cabinet minister who heads the “Department of Religion and Culture of the Tibetan Administration.” They are further protected by the constitutional mandate of “freedom of religion” practise and propagation (Routray 2007). But unfortunately, refugees of other ethnicity or nationality are treated differently. India hasn’t signed refugee conventions or protocols, but the existing constitutional framework (right to equality before law, fair trial, practise and propagate own religion, protection of life and liberty, etc.), administrative practises, and judicial pronouncements benefit refugees; however, India needs to develop robust refugee policies to avoid ambiguity and inconsistency in government orders (Bhattacharjee 2008). In India, Somalis constitute the largest African community. Somalis who reach Delhi apply for refugee status under the UNHCR mandate. UNHCR recognizes Afghan, Palestinian, Burmese, and Somali refugees for protection. However, Somalis experience the greatest challenges in India. They are unable to find housing, basic employment for survival, medical treatment, and access to education. This happens for two reasons. First, a majority of the refugees from Somalia struggle to speak in English or Hindi. Secondly, they are discriminated against on the basis of their race. The majority of the Indian population refuses to give their homes on rent to the African community and especially Somalis from Africa. Other refugee groups such as Afghans tend to integrate with the population on the basis of physical characteristics, but the Somali population stands out. There are major stereotypes about skin colour and illegal activities. In this sense, race acts as a signifier (Hall 1997). Most Indians tend to signify black with stereotypes such as drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, piracy, and association with illegal activities. Hence it is difficult for Somalis to seek employment and basic

64  The Emergence of African Clusters in India housing facilities. In fact, finding employment even within the informal sector is difficult, as employers are reluctant to give them work on the pretext that they would attract police attention. For Somali women, finding access to basic resources such as transport, education, and employment is even harder as they don’t speak English or Hindi and, hence, are extremely isolated from the community. They do not have residence permits and travel documents recognized by the Indian state, which adds to their isolation and exclusion. Due to this situation, the UNHCR provides Somali refugees with a subsistence allowance. They receive a paltry sum Rs 2,225 as a subsistence allowance (Human Rights Law Network 2007b). This is given to the principal applicant. The dependents are provided with Rs 750 for the first six months of application (ibid). After six months, the sum is also reduced to Rs 1,400 for the principal applicant (ibid). Nonetheless, the subsistence allowance is not enough to cover the basic needs of Somali refugees. Some Somali refugees have even described problems with access to UNHCR, as they are so vulnerable and isolated. These issues highlight Somali refugee problems in India. Most of the research on refugees is based on their prevailing condition (Aronson 1987; Murshid 2012), solutions for alleviating the refugee crisis (Jones 2017), refugee family planning (Oxford University Press 1994), and refugee marriages (Zbeidy 2020). But the refugees’ lives are improved by the presence of their families. As a “safety net,” it plays a variety of different roles in their life and keeps the cultural roots unbroken. However, the members of the family are constantly at risk of being separated or dying. The refugees’ agony doesn’t end once they arrive at their destination country, as they are forced to adapt to their new surroundings. This is when the importance of family is most evident (Wilmsen 2011). Hence the refugee policy should take this aspect seriously. The Sikh, Christian Afghan, and Rohingya refugees in Delhi can explain a lot about surviving, finding work, institutional frameworks, government support, and spatial realities, among other things. For refugees, it is impossible to ignore the significance of citizenship and a sense of self-identification (Jessica Field 2017). Muslim migrants are referred to as “infiltrators” instead of “refugees.” Afghanistan and Sikhs are supported by UNHCR in their quest for nationality, but refugees are unable to obtain work permits without a passport and visa. The UNHCR does not have jurisdiction over this (Bose 2004), As a result, the refugee policy should prioritize providing opportunities for employment, as the lives of refugees are at risk without it. Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination Act of 1965 is an important legislation that outlined the methods for addressing various forms of racial discrimination in housing, employment, public access, etc. It should be noted that social workers play a crucial role in achieving greater justice in global and local institutions against racial prejudice. (Tang 2003). Hence, more credit must be given to civil society institutions and organizations that are helping refugees in their integration.

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  65

Conclusion The effects of India’s non-signatory status to the 1951 UN Convention on the status of refugees are stated here. The non-signatory status has a disproportionately negative effect on Somalian and other refugee groups that are unable to obtain rehabilitation assistance. In addition to their economic struggles, they also face racial discrimination. It is argued that Somali migrants are ‘forced’ to migrate, and as a result, they live in India under harsh exclusionary conditions due to their refugee status. The chapter shows how Somalis flee their homeland to escape the life-threatening political crisis. As India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Convention relating to the status of refugees, these migrations are frequently considered illegal by the government. UNHCR safeguards Somali refugees, but they receive few benefits. Humanitarian organizations such as Human Rights Law Networks assist them in rehabilitating and resettling in India so that they can gain access to basic resources such as education and health care. Somali refugees are struggling in India amidst the realities of war in their home country and mental health issues resulting from persecution and violence. Somalia’s civil war has compelled a massive exodus of people. Currently, Somalis are one of the largest African diaspora groups present in India.

Bibliography Aronson, Louise. 1987. Health Care for Cambodian Refugees: The Role of Refugee Intermediaries. Practicing Anthropology, 9(4): 10–11, 17. Basu, Helene. 2002. Indian-Siddi African Diaspora: A Query. Cultural Exchange and Transformation in the Indian Ocean World. University of California. Besteman, Catherine. 1996. Representing Violence and “Othering” Somalia. Cultural Anthropology, 11(1): 120–133. Bhattacharjee, Sourabh. 2008. India Needs a Refugee Law. Economic and Political Weekly, 43(9): 71–75. Black, Richard. 2001. Fifty Years of Refugee Studies: From Theory to Policy. The International Migration Review, 35(1): 57–78. Bose, Ashish. 2004. Afghan Refugees in India. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(43): 4698–4701. Castells, Manuel. 2004. The Network Society: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Chapman, P. Howden. 1979. Housing and Inequalities in Health. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 56(9): 645–646. Day, Kate and White, Paul. 2002. Choice or Circumstance: The UK as the Location of Asylum Applications by Bosnian and Somali Refugees. GeoJournal, 56: 15–26. Doraï, Mohamed Kamel. 2003. Palestinian Emigration from Lebanon to Northern Europe: Refugees, Networks, and Transnational Practices. Refuge: Canada’s Journal on Refugees/Refuge: Revue canadienne sur les réfugiés, 21(2, Special Issue: Palestinian Refugees): 23–31. Edwards, M. Baldwin. 2008. Towards a Theory of Illegal Migration: Historical and Structural Components. Third World Quarterly, 29(7): 1449–1459.

66  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Foner, Nancy. 2005. In a New Land: A Comparative View of Immigration. New York: New York Univ. Press. Ghoshal, A. and Crowley, T.M. 1983. Refugees and Immigrants: A Human Rights Dilemma. Human Rights Quarterly, 5(3): 327–347. Gordenker, Leon. 1983. Refugees in Developing Countries and Transnational Organization. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 467(1): 62–77. Hall, Stuart. 1997. Race, The Floating Signifier. Masonic St. Northampton: Media Education Foundation. Hannerz, Ulf. 1996. Transnational Connections: Culture, People, Places. London: Routledge. He, Ming Fang and Phillion, Joann. 2001. Trapped In-Between: A Narrative Exploration of Race, Gender, and Class. Race, Gender & Class, 8(1): 47–56. Hein, J. 1993. Refugees, Immigrants, and the State. Annual Review of Sociology, 19: 43–59. Human Rights Law Network. 2007a. Report of Refugee Populations in India 2007. Human Rights Law Network. Human Rights Law Network. 2007b. Report of Refugee Populations in India 2007. Human Rights Law Network. Jenkins, J. Craig and Schmeidl, Susanne. 1995. Flight From Violence: The Origins and Implications of the World Refugee Crisis. Sociological Focus, 28(1): 63–82. Jessica Field, A.D. 2017. Urban Refugees in Delhi: Identity, Entitlements and WellBeing. International Institute for Environment and Development. http://dspace. jgu.edu.in:8080/jspui/handle/10739/1061 Accessed on December 12, 2022. JIPS. 2013. Urban Profiling of Refugee Situations in Delhi. Geneva: JIPS. Jones, Will. 2017. Europe’s Refugee Crisis: Pressure Points and Solutions. American Enterprise Institute Report. https://www.aei.org/research-products/report/europesrefugee-crisis-pressure-points-and-solutions/ Accessed on December 12, 2022. Kearney, Michael. 1986. From the Invisible Hand to Visible Feet: Anthropological Studies of Migration and Development. Annual Review of Anthropology, 15: 331–361. Murshid, Navine. 2012. Refugee-Camp Militarisation in Bangladesh and Thailand. Economic and Political Weekly, 47(47/48): 103–108. Nakama, Yoku. 2005. Reproductive Health among Refugees: Case Studies from New Delhi. Economic and Political Weekly, 40(5): 5380–5385. Oxford University Press. 1994. The Family and Refugees: Family Planning. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 13(2/3): 284–297. Routray, B.P. 2007. Tibetan Refugees in India: Religious Identity and the Forces of Modernity. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 26(2, Refugees and Religion): 79–90. Schmeidl, Susanne. 1997. Exploring the Causes of Forced Migration: A Pooled Time-Series Analysis, 1971–1990. Social Science Quarterly, 78(2): 284–308. Shellman, Stephen M. 2004. Fear of Persecution: Forced Migration, 1952–1995. The Journal of Conflict Resolution., 48(5): 723–745. Shum Terence, C.T. 2014. Refugees Transnational Mobility: A Study of Asylum Seeking in Hong Kong and Urban Thailand. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 33(4): 50–80. Silverman, E. B. 1993. Refugees, Immigrants and the Future: A State Perspective. Defense of the Alien, 16: 177–180. Stola, D. 1992. Forced Migrations in Central European History. The International Migration Review, 26(2, Special Issue: The New Europe and International Migration): 324–341.

The Forced Migration of Somali Refugees  67 Tang, Kwong Leung. 2003. Combating Racial Discrimination: The Effectiveness of an International Legal Regime. The British Journal of Social Work, 33(1): 17–29. UNHCR 2011. A Year of Crises. Report on the Global Trends. https://www.unhcr. org/statistics/country/4fd6f87f9/unhcr-global-trends-2011.html Accessed Decemeber 12, 2022. United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). n.d. https://www.unocha.org Accessed December 12, 2022. Wilmsen, Brooke. 2011. Family Separation: The Policies, Procedures, and Consequences for Refugee Background Families. Refugee Survey Quarterly, 30(1): 44–64. Zbeidy, D. 2020. Marriage, Displacement and Refugee Futures: Marriage as Aspiration among Syrian Refugees in Jordan. Etnofoor, 32(1): Futures, 61–76.

5 Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters Locating Housing Segregation, Gated Communities, and Discriminatory Practices

Introduction The racial system impacts residential and school segregation, education, labour market, housing and mortgage markets, credit, consumption markets, health services, criminal justice system, and incarceration. These subsystems are the underlying causes and perpetrators of racial discrimination. Hence the significance of laws such as the “Fair Housing Act, Community Reinvestment Act, Equal Opportunity Act, 1964 Civil Rights Act, Affirmative Action, etc.,” to limit the spread of racial prejudice cannot be understated (Reskin 2012). But what happens when there are no laws to govern and control racial discrimination? Hence the settlement patterns of African migrants in Delhi in the form of African clusters are identified as a case study. The chapter further examines the relationship between housing and African identity to analyze spatial exclusion. It was observed that housing was a major issue encountered by the migrants of Africa. But why do the migrants face this particular challenge in housing? Here a co-relationship is drawn between housing segregation and racism manifested through social exclusion. The chapter analyzes the social construction of African identity in India and its impact on urban settlements or access to housing. In this context, the following discussion highlights the ethnographic studies of the Chicago School (DuBois 1967; Marcuse 2005; Park 1950; Warde and Ward 2003) and scholarly contributions to the concept of gentrification (Castells 1977; Harvey 1985; Sassen 1991; Srivastava 2014) to understand the implication of housing segregation. It also analyzes the rationale for the formation of ‘African clusters,’ particularly in a neighbourhood in Delhi. It further analyzes othering and its various forms. It also enquires, how race operates as a signifier? It is argued here that the emergence of an African cluster owes its rationale to culture and representation of the African Identity within the cultural sphere. Race acts as a major signifier. Further, the chapter demonstrates how stereotypes and politics of representation lead to othering and social-spatial exclusion. The local community or host society actively constructed the stereotype that if they gave their homes to the migrants, they would be involved in prostitution, cannibalism, and DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-7

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  69 drugs. Hence, the host society was reluctant to rent their homes to the “Africans” who were also addressed as “Habshis” in India.

African Migrants and the Gated Societies: Locating Exclusionary Practice of Resident Welfare Associations (RWA) In India, the African migrants are residing in Khirki Extension located in south Delhi within a cluster. This cluster is formed of migrants who have migrated from different countries of Africa such as Somalia, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Congo DR, Cameroon, Nigeria, and South Africa. The migrants live within their own network groups and with family members. While the migrants live within the same cluster, differences in terms of language, culture, nationality, political beliefs, religious beliefs, food eating habits, and lifestyles are observable. The African migrants from the same country with similar lifestyle patterns and food eating preferences tend to cluster together generally in the form of occupancy of particular apartments and buildings in particular lanes. One of the areas in which the African migrants are living in the form of a cluster is known as Hauz Rani, located within Khirki Extension. There is a noticeable population of Somali migrants living here. This area is also characterized by a Muslim population living in the locality. Although the African nationals were concentrated in other parts of Khirki Extension, as well in different lanes, but due to many ongoing cultural clashes between the migrant group and the local population, African migrants were made to vacate from those buildings. Further, African migrants lived on a sharing basis within the cluster. Many of the migrants narrated that it turned out to be cheaper to live on a sharing basis. The migrants preferred to live in the same neighbourhood, streets, and locality for their safety. Cases of abuse and violence were rampant against the migrant community in the city; hence, they felt safe living in the same neighbourhood with other African migrants. Over time, there was also a proliferation of African kitchens, restaurants, boutiques, tailor shops, saloons, barbershops, and grocery shops catering to the needs of the African community. African migrants were running these informal business enterprises. For example, the African community preferred to go to African barbershops, as their hairstylists understood their specific needs. While there was a clear diversity of cultures, nationalities, politics, religion, customs, beliefs, etc., there was a common identity that emerged among the African migrants. Moreover, few African kitchens were very exclusive and closed to the local host population due to previous raids on the community. Here one could even find the emergence of sub-cultures and a common collective identity. These characteristics helped to understand the complex process of identity formation and later its representation. The African cluster demonstrated characteristics of a collective identity and community; however, this also symbolized social marginality and exclusion based on the fact that the migrants were only able to find housing in particular neighbourhoods. This certainly gave rise to the formation of a collective identity, but this emerged out of discriminatory practices

70  The Emergence of African Clusters in India of the local community and host society. For instance, in similar studies shown in the context of the United States, where even though formal procedures were in place to combat housing discrimination, the problem persisted. In the United States for instance, when conducting research on housing discrimination, researchers typically used the paired-testing methodology. Due to the lack of identifying housing discrimination with reference to “racial and ethnic discrimination in the ethnic market,” this method was criticized. Separate black-white neighbourhoods have formed due to the segregation of black and white households in the rental market (Friedman 2015). One notable outcome of urbanization is the formation of community associations to protect the interests of the elite class (Harvey 1985). Harvey argues that this sounds harmless until the regulatory practices and exclusionary attitudes of the community associations are analyzed carefully. These practices indicate a “web of servitude regimes that regulate land use and mediate community affairs in what often amounts to a form of contracted fascism.” Mike Davis (1990) in City of Quartz, shows that the walls may have come down in Eastern Europe, but they are being erected in all the cities of the world, giving rise to gated communities. These practices are evident everywhere, and even in countries that are developing, such as Mexico, Sao Paulo, Lagos, Cairo, Calcutta, Bombay, Beijing, and Shanghai. Similarly, the emergence of gated communities on one side and illegal colonies on the other side signifies the urbanization divide (Srivastava 2014). Srivastava examines the city through the analysis of multiple conflicts between slums and RWAs, which powerfully protect the urban middle class. He juxtaposes the concept of citizenship and the nation-state, the middle class, and the urban poor to point to exclusionary processes working within the nexus of the state through power. He analyzes the exclusionary processes of the urban middle class against slums via the practices and activities of RWAs such as demolitions. He highlights this through the discourse on “the Right to the City” as would Harvey (2007) and Lefebvre (1991). He examines the incompatibilities between the materialism of the middle class and the plight of the urban poor in slums. The African Migrants and Their Choices in Housing: The Rationale for Spatial Concentration The emergence of the African cluster was also due to the operation of the housing market nexus. The property dealers and the landlords charged African migrants extra rent. The property agents were aware of those areas where housing would be available for them. They had a close understanding and agreement with the landlords. In most areas of Delhi, housing was not easily available, but the housing market and the property agents operated through a nexus in Khirki Extension. The property agents had the latest information on exactly where to search for housing. They had the most updated information about the houses that were up for rent. So, the migrants were compelled to take their help as they had no other way of finding houses but

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  71 to go to them. In fact, the African migrants said that the property agents charged them double like the landlords. Hence, a clear nexus was observed between landowners and property agents. The property agents were also subletting the houses to the African migrants on behalf of the landlords. In many cases, the landlord did not even meet the tenants, as the property agents worked as middlemen. The landlords were only concerned about the rental income they would get, and particularly in Khirki Extension, they did not care who was staying as long as they were getting a higher rent. The migrants had contacts of property agents who would help them with housing. For instance, if a migrant were looking for accommodation, the same network of property agents would help them. It was clear that there was a close relationship that had formed between property agents and landlords in Khirki Extension. The property agents would inform the landlords about the tenants, and between the landlords and the property agents, there was an understanding of how much rent to quote and the scope for bargaining. Mostly, it was seen that the African migrants did not have much bargaining power. In some of the elite gated communities, RWAs had taken a strong decision to not give housing to the African migrants. Since the RWAs had taken a strong decision, individual owners and landlords who were interested in making money and business were also threatened by the RWA and hence strictly prohibited. The RWA would give a warning to those who were giving their houses. For instance, the president of RWA from an elite gated community in Vasant Kunj said, We issue a strict warning to the agents and landlords who are giving their houses to Africans. We tell them directly that, “Are you going to take responsibility for them?” If something happens in this locality then we will come to you and blame you! If you are ready to take full responsibility for them, then you can keep them. Strict instructions were issued to all house owners in elite gated communities. The role of the RWA is clear in demonstrating its exclusionary practices and segregation forms. The RWAs play a significant role in making decisions on behalf of all the members of a particular colony. This is the reason why African migrants become dependent on property agents and dealers. They have to go to these property dealers for housing options. This highlights how clustering was taking place in the urban space of Khirki Extension due to the exclusionary practices of RWAs and local community in Delhi. This perspective brings back the focus on Harvey (2007), who argues that the exclusionary practices of associations imply exclusion and exclusionary urban policies adopted by the dominant society. Racial systems impact various other systems like housing, health, employment, and access to public spaces (Mathew 2017; Reskin 2012; Small and Pager 2020). They argue how these systems are the causes and the perpetrators of racial discrimination, othering, and social-spatial exclusion. Harvey argues that in cities of the third world, there is something different that is going on, which is a qualitative shift as well as a quantitative shift at one go (Harvey 1985).

72  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Accordingly, these cities have gone through even a bigger shift in one generation than cities like Chicago or London in a matter of ten years. Global processes have powerfully shaped the urban space of developing countries through liberalization and privatization. Though an important element within the urban space of these shifting landscapes is the human experience. In order to understand urban space, the aspect of human experience in the urban space needs to come to focus (Harvey 1985). Harvey further argues that exclusionary practices by communities are becoming stronger with labour migrations. ‘Urban apartheid’ as an example throws light on the oddities that continue in the new age in different forms. Urban formations are shaping up through exclusionary practices of the new elites. New forms of exclusionary practices are taking place through formations of associations or communities to protect the interests of a ‘particular class and community.’ In this regard he argues, [O]ver 32 million people in the United States currently live in a residential community associations and more than half of the housing currently on the market in the fifty largest metropolitan areas in the United States and nearly all new residential development in California, Florida, New York, Texas, and suburban Washington, D.C. is governed by a common-interest community, a form of residential community association in which membership is mandatory. (Harvey 1996)

Chicago School and the Study on Race: Locating Race and Re-reading Housing Segregation As mentioned earlier, there has been an emergence of African clusters in Delhi. This emergence of African clusters can be attributed to a large number of factors. But there are only a few studies that link ‘race’ with ‘housing patterns.’ Since there has not been any work on contemporary settlement patterns of African migrants in India, the chapter draws from the studies on ghettos and racial clusters of ethnic minorities in the United States. The study of Black Philadelphia pioneered by W.E.B. DuBois formed the crucial component for Chicago School scholars to take up critical studies on racial minorities and the process of exclusion. DuBois’s The Philadelphia Negro made an important impact on earlier theories that were laden with stereotypes and negative images of black life. His work laid the foundation for empirical work and arguments for democratization during the early twentieth century. In his work on ‘the veil,’ he literally unveiled racial dualism (DuBois 1967). His work is known for pragmatism and empirical knowledge also giving rise to pragmatist Philosophy. Influenced by this pragmatism, Chicago School scholars also produced a large body of work demonstrating pragmatism and made Chicago a sociological laboratory. The Chicago School sociologists worked on crime, slums, and poverty, and the work was directly addressing the problem of race. Starting from the work of Burgess to

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  73 the comprehensiveness and creativity of Thomas and Znaniecki’s study, the Chicago School scholars became known for their approach. Their engagement with the problem of race led to the culmination of work by Park on the different dimensions of race using macro- and micro-approaches (Park 1950). The micro-side tradition of Chicago School was pioneered by Mead, and it contributed to Blumer’s work on the many symbolic dimensions of race (Blumer 1958). Chicago School sociologists broke the myth of the biological dimension of race that had plagued the earlier works on race and asserted the position of how race was a social construction and not a “natural” phenomenon. This view influenced the following work An American Dilemma (Myrdal 1996). Myrdal’s work became recognized and exercised political influence due to the groundwork laid by Chicago School scholars. It was due to Chicago School sociologists that studies on race took the streets and made the streets the very field for studying problems of race, poverty, crime, and slums. Prior to the work of Chicago scholars, in the twentieth century, race was still defined through the biological dimension in the United States. In fact, the defence of racial hierarchy and slavery was given strength using racial angles. The shift in the perspectives on race took place due to the growing demands of democracy, owing to the changes in labour demands; the biological perspective became obsolete. Since the socio-political environment was changing, there was a wave of anticolonial movements, spreading democratic demands even to former colonies of slaves that were considered “backward.” The increasing mobility of both economic and geographic demands and the First World War brought a shift in perspective on race. Further, the Chicago School sociologists brought a change in the way race was addressed in America and, moreover, brought the question of race to the very focus of urban theory. In fact, this shift impacted race theories as well as urban studies. The Chicago School scholars took to the streets and started analyzing the co-relationship between race and the city, which gave rise to different approaches to urban ethnography. This also brought a paradigm shift and started addressing racial issues. Further, studies conducted by Chicago School illuminated the idea of race and its treatment in the urban space. Power, privilege, and economic and cultural factors defined the politics of segregation. The Chicago School addressed the idea of race in the urban space and regarded the field as text and the city as laboratory, which made its work more empirical. It contributed greatly to understanding the city and how it was segregated and divided on racial lines. Taking the influence from the Chicago School this section analyzes the co-relation between race and housing segregation in the Indian context. Othering, Spatial Segregation, and Spatial Concentration of the African Migrants In India, the process of othering of the African identity in the urban space gave rise to their spatial exclusion. The African identity was perceived as dangerous, negative, and objectionable by the local residents based on

74  The Emergence of African Clusters in India differences which could be interpreted through cultural factors. This led to spatial distancing and social exclusion of the community. In fact, this not only led to the process of othering but also gave rise to racial prejudices which were further associated with stereotypes such as cannibalism, drugs, prostitution, and illegal migration. There were many narratives that were pointing at these stereotypes leading to xenophobia and violence in the neighbourhood. Some of the narratives are illustrated as follows. A Muslim local resident who lived in this neighbourhood says, Yeh insaan ka gosht khate hein! (They eat human flesh!) You know it is believed that human flesh is very tasty, if you eat it once, you will never touch any other meat as it is said to be so tasty, that is why these habshis eat human meat. They eat human babies. Once a group of habshis requested an auto driver to come up and help them carry their luggage till the third floor of their apartment, and then they just slit his throat and ate him up! The police came and caught them and put them in jail. These habshis are like that, they eat human flesh. As elaborated in the quote, stereotypes became a dominant discourse that led to the process of exclusion and othering of the migrant community. As a result, the local residents forced the migrants to vacate their rented homes and apartments. Cannibalism was one of the several stereotypes that drove the landlords to forcefully vacate the buildings occupied by the African migrants. In fact, there were instances of xenophobia that even resulted in mob lynching and public beating. Another local resident from Khirki Extension said, I beat one habshi who teased a chinki girl on the road. She shouted for help and I chased that habshi. He ran very fast. These habshis run very fast you know. Then I caught him and started beating him, but you know they have very thick skin, no matter how much you beat them they don’t get hurt. I had to hit him on his head to injure him so that he would stop retaliating. Otherwise, no matter how much you hit them they don’t get hurt. They have very thick skin. I have beaten at least 10–12 habshis. He further stated, The blood flowing in their veins is very different. These guys just get drunk and enjoy themselves, what all they eat, they don’t have any other work except to eat, drink and enjoy. They don’t work even in their own countries, they are not use to doing any work, they do fraud, wrong business, sell drugs and enjoy. Their business is sinful. It was surprising that the local community was so xenophobic towards the migrant community. In fact, this process not only created cultural differences leading to violence but also created the very conditions for the

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  75 formation of an African cluster. There were stereotypes about drugs, alcohol, and prostitution. The local residents wanted to keep a distance from the migrants as they believed they were involved in drug peddling. A local shopkeeper said, At night, after 11:00 p.m. if you come out any time till 2:00–3:00 p.m., you find them drunk on the roads. This neighbourhood gets very loud and the streets become very bad at night. You cannot come out because they are fighting, shouting and screaming. They fight and make a lot of noise. Our women and children are very scared of them. Who wants to have such elements in their neighbourhoods, you tell me? We are very unhappy. They listen to loud music. They don’t sleep. They are awake all night. They sleep in the day and make noise at night. They are drinking and smoking. They even sell drugs to other people in our locality. I have a daughter and a son. They are seeing all this in the neighbourhood. This is what they are going to learn and pick up! What they see! These images and representations were indicated by the local community. Unfortunately, this also took the form of a midnight raid1 on the African community in Khirki Extension in the year 2014, by the Delhi law minister. He is still standing trial for this unwarranted raid. These processes led to the social and spatial exclusion of the migrant community from urban neighbourhoods. Moreover, there were also speculations about their illegal migration status. A local property agent said, The Africans overstay their visas and some of them engage in illegal activities. Half of the Africans in Khirki are staying illegally. They lose their passports and don’t have valid documents. That is why they pay extra money because everyone knows that they are staying here illegally. As property dealers we don’t ask them for papers. That’s how the deals are made. They know and we know—that they are staying here illegally, so that’s how it goes! Nobody likes them! Conflation of the African Identity, Racial Discrimination, and Housing The local community said that they used police force and threats to keep the African migrants in check. But still, they were very unhappy that the police acted very slowly towards their complaints about their illegal activities. While on the other hand, the migrants experienced various forms of discrimination due to stereotypes and racial prejudices like “all Africans do illegal business.” They felt that their identity was conflated at many levels. Many of the migrants said that they tried their best to cooperate with the local community, but still, local people did not like them. For instance, one of the Somali migrants said that he came to India seeking a “peaceful and stable” country and for a better life. He escaped the conflict in his home

76  The Emergence of African Clusters in India country thinking it would bring an end to his troubles, but upon coming here, he encountered a new set of problems. One Somalia migrant stated that, in January 2014, he opened a small shop in Khirki Extension. However, he mentioned that dealing with the police was extremely difficult for him. The police had the reputation of coming for regular ‘raids’ of their enterprises, shops, and salons, claiming that they were illegal enterprises. He further stated that the midnight raid had drastically hit his business, as the number of regular customers dropped sharply. The African migrants felt that the local community did not shy away from taking advantage of their status and disposition in society. They felt that they were overcharged, discriminated, and exploited in multiple ways. They had to pay extra rents and higher prices for commodities and services. Another Somali migrant outlined the rip-offs that they had to experience in the city, he says, All the auto drivers take advantage. They take you here and there. Then they charge you more money. They take us on longer routes and pretend that they don’t know the way, or pretend that they cannot understand us. I speak in Hindi now and can explain directions, but still he doesn’t understand. Then in the middle of the road, he starts shouting. But now I can bargain. I can tell when he is trying to dupe me. I don’t pay him because I know that the price is 50% less than what he asks. It is important to note that the local community lacked awareness regarding the status of refugees and asylum seekers in India. Very few local residents were aware of the political situation in Somalia and why Somalis were migrating to India. It was based on a lack of understanding about the legal status of refugees and asylum seekers in India that the auto-rickshaw drivers, property dealers, and landlords were calling them illegal migrants. And this gave them a reason for demanding higher prices because they believed that all the African migrants were staying illegally in India. It can be argued that because the local community was perceiving the African identity to be dangerous, illegal, and sinful, racial prejudice was increasing. More importantly, race became a signifier for illegal activities like drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal migration. Racial prejudice had started to impact the African community and their chances of getting housing in most of the gated societies. The Politics and Economics in Exclusionary Practices: Why the Migrants Found Housing in These Irregular and Unauthorized Localities? Exclusionary practices in the host societies have resulted in the formation of gated communities and ethnic-racial clusters. This could be understood in the context of the formation of African clusters, particularly in Khirki Extension of South Delhi, India. However, it may be noted that the formation of African clusters gave rise to major changes in the local political economy, particularly of Khirki Extension. In the 1990s, rapid changes

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  77 could be observed due to the New Economic Reforms and changes in urban policy and governance. Privatization, liberalization, and globalization gave rise to changes in real estate and growth in the housing sector. A rise in demand for housing made by private real estate owners began to take place rapidly in Khirki Extension. This particular urban region witnessed changes in transportation with the emergence of commercial activity in not only the surrounding area but also within the neighbourhood itself, making this urban area a perfect hub for housing. Moreover, ever since 2007, the emergence of a grand shopping complex in the vicinity, multiplex cinemas, a private hospital, and a metro line for transportation made this area perfectly suitable for housing. However, Khirki Extension is part of Lal Dora land, and therefore, housing is unauthorized in this area. ‘Lal Dora’ is the land designated to the people by the Delhi government for ancillary purposes such as grazing or keeping livestock. Prior to the changes brought through liberal policies, this area was a part of a village area, and today is considered a peri-urban area. The government does not permit any construction in this area, as it comes under the green belt. Any construction in this designated land is considered illegal and unauthorized. Hence, the rents here are cheaper than in other urban neighbourhoods, as the housing construction here is illegal. Therefore, the drainage systems, water pipes, and housing structures are shabbily built to house migrant populations. In fact, with the emergence of the shopping malls and the super-specialty private hospital popularly known as Max Hospital in the vicinity, the migrant population particularly from Africa gradually started to migrate to Khirki Extension. The transport and connectivity into the city were also very convenient from here. The process of segregation can be better understood with reference to the ethnographic studies conducted by Chicago School. In the United States, a dual feature characterized American urbanization. The acceleration of metropolitan concentration and the spatial diffusion of activities and population, with a suburbanization, caused a reduplication of the large city into new zones. This process captured the dynamics of urbanization. These transformations had profound consequences for the spatial distribution of social characteristics. The shift towards the better suburbs, towards new houses and distant quarters, requiring a very advanced individual set of amenities and capacities for individual mobility, was possible above all and exclusively for the new middle strata. They benefited from economic expansion and the creation of a whole range of tertiary jobs, opening up career possibilities for the whites, and, therefore, making possible the option of individual credit for buying a one-family house. Moreover, the advantage of high-speed motor vehicles made it possible for the middle class to live in the suburbs. The dwellings, thus, abandoned by whites were reoccupied by a new population made up of rural immigrants, particularly from the South, and lower strata, at the bottom of the income scale and/or victims of ethnic discrimination, in particular, the blacks. An examination of non-white housing showed that within the black minority, the segregating city centre/

78  The Emergence of African Clusters in India suburb model could apply and that it also had to be elaborated by a specific analysis of spatial segregation within the ghetto. In the North of the United States, the further away one’s home was from the city centre, the more one’s economic level was rising. But the reverse phenomenon occurred in the ghettos in the South, South-West, and West of the country (Taueber and Tauebar 1936). Furthermore, Tauber and Tauber (1936) and Stonequist (1937) highlight that in the United States, suburbanization led to the white dominant class moving out of the city centre and leaving the urban centre dilapidated and broken. Racial minorities occupied these dilapidated city areas. This process led to the case of American ghettoization. This was also the process by which racial minorities experienced exclusion, segregation, inequality, and estrangement. While in the Indian context, it can be said that the Indian elite and middle strata preferred to reside in the gated communities with exclusionary policies, while the irregular and unauthorized areas were left to be rented and occupied by migrants.

Conclusion In this chapter the settlement patterns of African migrants in Delhi were explored. It was argued that the housing segregation in the urban space is also accompanied by the non-availability of other basic amenities, which further gives rise to inequalities and thus challenges sustainable societies or communities, i.e. SDG 6, SDG 10, and SDG 11. Further, the connection between housing and African identity was examined in order to analyze spatial exclusion. It was observed that housing was an important issue for African immigrants. The relationship between housing segregation and racism was explored. The chapter examined the social construction of African identity in India through narratives of the local community building stereotypes, and its impact on urban settlements and access to housing. The ethnographic studies of the Chicago School were referred to in order to understand the concept of gentrification and to comprehend the implications of housing segregation. The chapter examined the rationale underlying the formation of ‘African clusters’ in Delhi. In addition, it examined the various types of othering processes. The emergence of an African cluster was a product of spatial segregation. This segregation and exclusion could be analyzed through the exclusionary practises of landlords and RWAs, which led to gentrification and the formation of gated communities that did not permit African migrants on the basis of stereotypes. This was one of the factors that led to the formation of African Clusters.

Note 1 The Midnight Raid: The Indian Express, New Delhi, January 17, 2014, 5:13 am “‘They Held Us in Taxi for 3 Hrs.,’ Took Urine Samples, Said Black People Break Laws.”

Re-reading ‘African’ Clusters  79

Bibliography Banerjee-Guha, Swapna. 2009. Neoliberalising the ‘Urban’: New Geographies of Power and Injustice in Indian Cities Economic and Political Weekly, 44(22): 95–107. Blumer, Herbert 1958. Race Prejudice as a Sense of Group Position. The Pacific Sociological Review, 1(1). https://doi.org/10.2307/1388607 Accessed December 11, 2022. Castells, Manuel. 1977. The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach. (A. Sheridan, Trans.) London: Edward Arnold. Davis, Mike. 1990. City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. Los Angeles, CA: Verso DuBois, W.E.B. 1967. The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study. New York: Schoken Books. Friedman, Samantha. 2015. “Commentary: Housing Discrimination Research in the 21st Century.” Cityscape, 17(3): 143–150. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26326966. Ghertner, D. Asher. 2011. Gentrifying the State, Gentrifying Participation: Elite Governance Programs in Delhi. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 35(3): 504–532. Harvey, David. 1985. The Urbanization of Capital: Studies in the History and Theory of Capitalist Urbanization. Oxford: Blacwell Publishers. Harvey, David. 1996. The Environment of Justice, in Vanderheiden Steve ed. Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference (pp. 366–402). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Harvey, David. 2007. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lefebvre, Henri. 1991. The Production of Space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell ltd. Marcuse, Peter. 2005. Enclaves Yes, Ghettos No: Segregation and the State. In David P. Varady (ed.), Desegregating the City: Ghettos, Enclaves, & Inequality (pp. 611–613). New York: State University of New York Press. Massey, D.S. and Denton, N. 1993. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of an Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Matthew, D. C. 2017. Racial Injustice, Racial Discrimination, and Racism: How Are They Related? Social Theory and Practice, 43(4): 885–914. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/26405310. Myrdal, Gunnar 1996. An American Dilemma: The Negro and Modern Democracy. New York: Routledge. Park, Robert Ezra. 1928. Editorial Preface. In Louis Worth (ed.), The Ghetto. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Park, Robert Ezra. 1937. Introduction. In E.V. Stonequist (ed.), The Marginal Man (pp. xiii–xviii). Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press. Park, Robert Ezra. 1950. Race and Culture. Glencoe: The Free Press. Social Forces, 29(2): 212–213. Park, Robert Ezra, Ernest, Burgess W. and McKenzie, D. Roderick. 1967. The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Reskin, Barbara. 2012. The Race Discrimination System. Annual Review of Sociology, 38: 17–35. Sassen, Saskia. 1991. The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

80  The Emergence of African Clusters in India Small, Mario L. and Devah Pager 2020. Sociological Perspectives on Racial Discrimination. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 34(2): 49–67. https:// www.jstor.org/stable/26913184. Stonequist, Everett. 1937. The Marginal Man. A Study in Personality and Culture Conflict. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Srivastava, Sanjay. 1996. Modernity and Post-coloniality: The Metropolis as Metaphor. Economic and Political Weekly, 31(7): 403–412. Srivastava, Sanjay. 2014. Entangled Urbanism: Slum, Gated Community and Shopping Mall in Delhi and Gurgaon. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Tauuber, Alma and Taeuber, Karl. 1936. Residential Segregation in U.S. Cities, Santa Barbara: CSISS Classics. Warde, Alan and Ward, Kevin. 2003. Urban Sociology, Capitalism and Modernity. Hampshire: Palgrave-Macmillan.

Part III

Race, Representation, and Othering Lived Experiences from the African Cluster

6 African Migrants and Discrimination Locating the Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion

Introduction The marginalization of African migrants is analyzed through the lens of structural intersectionality. Intersectionality has been studied using two different approaches: structural intersectionality and political intersectionality. According to structural intersectionality, society has multiple layers of inequalities, and political intersectionality chooses a set of these inequalities to be the focus of policies and governance (Verloo 2015). In this context, the everyday lived experiences of migrants are examined in order to comprehend the various forms of structural and political intersectionality. Intersectionality of race, class, and gender has been used as a method to understand discrimination in the West (Choo and Ferree 2010; Collins 1990; Crenshaw 1989; Egwuom 2014). Intersectionality is examined through the lens of lived experience. This chapter first describes the intersectionality methodology in order to illustrate its application. Second, the intersectionality of race and class is highlighted to understand marginality. It demonstrates how discrimination based on race and class overlap. Third, it presents the narratives of African women. African women’s lived experiences have been examined in order to better understand their experiences of discrimination based on the intersectionality of race, class, and gender. For example, the local community/host society assumed that all African women were involved in drugs and prostitution. Because of these stereotypes, they faced police harassment as well as sexual harassment and abuse from men in both communities (the local as well as the African). African women migrants from Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Somalia, Burundi, Ghana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Sudan were interviewed. Furthermore, it was discovered that, regardless of different countries, nationalities, ethnicities, politics, language, or religious beliefs, all migrants shared common experiences of discrimination. Fourth, the experiences of Somali refugee women are examined through the lens of race, class, gender, and religion. The issues of discrimination and racism in India have received very little attention from contemporary mainstream academia. The Indian government, on the other hand, is hesitant to acknowledge any form of racism in India. As a result, this DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-9

84  Race, Representation, and Othering accentuated gender disparity created inequality between groups and impacted the community’s sustainability. In other words, discrimination based on gender or race can imperil SDGs 5, SDG 10, and SDG 11.

Intersectionality as an Approach Intersectionality has been called a theoretical “buzzword” (Davis 2014). However, it is most crucial to understand how intersectionality can be used as a methodological approach and theoretical analysis to examine inequality and oppression (Choo and Ferree 2010). While on the one hand, there is a consensus on using this approach across disciplines as a research approach, the application of this approach has been ambiguous. Hence, it may be useful to first clarify the differences in how scholars have used this approach in their own research and second in seeing how intersectionality could be used to understand power, institutions, relationships, culture, and interpersonal interactions. It may be relevant to understand the use of this approach in sociological research by identifying three types of analysis of intersectionality with distinct approaches: They are first “group-centered, second process-centered, and third, system-centered practices which provide a useful framework for examining the global usage of intersectionality, and a way of thinking intersectionally about variations in political approaches to gender” (Choo and Ferree 2010:130). Intersectionality as an approach has emerged as a response to how feminist researchers either focused on one form of technique or were unable to recognize methodological gaps. It set out to examine anti-categorical complexity, inter-categorical complexity, and intra-categorical complexity as ways of addressing social relations. Anti-categorical complexity emerged in reaction to critics who claimed that women were underrepresented in women’s studies. Inter-categorical complexity was created to investigate the pre-existing disparities across social groupings in order to comprehend their connection. Intra-categorical complexity was created to examine cases in detail in order to comprehend “narrative and theoretical interventions.” Recent studies on intersectionality approaches have been examining the differences between the older and contemporary domains of intersectionality. Intersectionality has been an important anti-racist and feminist approach to understanding marginality. In the light of anti-racist and feminist studies, feminist scholars argue that any theory that fails to include the specific way in which women are subjugated would necessarily fall short in its analysis because the intersectional experience is bigger than the sum of racism and sexism (Crenshaw 1989). Thus, intersectionality frameworks must be utilized as the very foundation for translating women’s experiences and also the black experience into tangible demands that must be rethought and recast in order to include the experiences and concerns of black women in feminist theory and anti-racist policy. Crenshaw argues that “because the intersectional experience is greater than the sum total of racism and sexism, any analysis that does not take intersectionality into account cannot address the particular manner in

African Migrants and Discrimination  85 which black women are subordinated” (Crenshaw 1989). Thus, for feminist theory and anti-racist policy discourse to embrace the experiences and concerns of black women, the entire framework has to be used as a basis for translating “women’s experience” or “the black experience” into concrete demands. She further highlights how single-axis frameworks in anti-racist policies and feminist theory further marginalize black women. She argues that black women have been excluded from feminist theory and anti-racist policy discourse because of their overlapping experiences that were not adequately reflected, and the experience of that intersection amounts to double or treble the experience of discrimination. Thus, she claims that this framework should be used to address a wide variety of issues since the restricted scope of analyzing prejudice tends to marginalize individuals who do not fall into neatly circumscribed categories. Using anti-racist politics and feminist philosophy, she argues that racism and sexism can be addressed more comprehensively. She argues that unfortunately anti-racist politics and feminist philosophy have been structured around racism as it is experienced by black men or/black middle-class men, and sexism as it is experienced by white women. In this regard, the single-axis approach further marginalizes black women in movements and campaigns that claim to be part of a single community by making it more difficult to eradicate racism and sexism. Feminist scholars argue that from its epistemological origin, intersectionality thus, has a twofold connection and suggests a dynamic relationship between theory and empirical data: firstly, it developed as a challenge to hegemonic imaginations and social theories through deeply grounded personal social experiences of black feminists. Seen from this view, it motivates researchers to use their embodied feelings and experiences for academic knowledge production. Secondly, as a critical theoretical concept, it also helps to reflect upon hegemonic imaginations in the field (and in our own thinking; Egwuom 2014). It is because of this dynamic and twofold connection to reflexivity that intersectionality is a particularly useful concept in research on identity, difference, and inequality. Recently, scholars have pointed out that intersectionality has emerged as an important paradigm that examines multiple levels of discrimination at the institutional level and at the level of representation (Chow 2011; Helma 2015; Verloo 2015).

Intersectionality of Race and Class: Mapping the Hostile Treatments towards African Migrants Discrimination based on race and class was highlighted by African migrants living in the African cluster in Khirki Extension. Firstly, the respondents said that they had to face more instances of discrimination, as they were often stereotyped for being drug peddlers in urban neighbourhoods such as Khirki Extension and, more generally, in India. This became a major reason for facing racial profiling and discrimination at airports and housing localities in India. They faced racism from the local community, state authorities, and the police. Secondly, the African community was facing

86  Race, Representation, and Othering discrimination based on their identity, as it was associated with stigma, and this gave rise to additional problems and cultural differences, which translated to negative attitudes, ideas, and images, produced and circulated via media. Race had become a signifier. Using this analysis and framework, incidents of racism on streets and public spaces in India have been analyzed. In this regard, one of the respondents referred to an incident of three African boys travelling in a metro. He outlined the biasness of the people towards them. He says, They were in the metro when some people started accusing them of teasing a girl. They had not teased the girl and no evidence was found on CC TV footage. But the Indians accused them and started beating them violently. The people in the metro coach ganged up on them. When the three boys tried to escape from the metro coach, people from outside caught them and joined them in the public lynching. The boys somehow managed to get on top of a Police booth to save themselves but no police official came to help them! They were standing on top of the booth and people were screaming and shouting from below. A police official came to the scene, instead of stopping the crowd and controlling the mob, he just smirked and left. The mob continued to beat the boys. The African boys screamed for help and begged the people to stop. No police intervention! Is this the way to treat us? This is the way the public in India gets together in beating and lynching. We feel so scared! The three boys had serious injuries and no complaint was filed against the public who beat them. Such incidences make us even more aware of the discrimination. How can we forget this? The respondent was from Kenya. He had come to India to pursue his education. He talked about the incident of the three African boys getting beaten up at the Rajiv Chownk Metro Station,1 as it had really disturbed him. He suggested that this incident clearly reflected racism. Another student from Nigeria also outlines the experience of harassment in public spaces, He says, In India there is a lot of racism. In university campus spaces the racism is not there as much as there is on the streets outside in Delhi. The streets are filled up with people calling us all sorts of names like habshi and abusing us in Hindi. Over time I have started understanding the abusive words used for us. We don’t say anything to people while walking on streets, but as we walk there are people commenting and staring at us all the time. We have started ignoring it now as there is no point in fighting. It’s better to ignore the comments as you never know the street mentality and the mob mentality. They can group together and beat you at any time and the police won’t do anything. They only stand on the side and laugh. When you run to them for help, they don’t register your complaints. In fact, they harass us even more by asking us all

African Migrants and Discrimination  87 sorts of questions. They think we are wrong so we have even stopped going to the police. However, in the campus the atmosphere is much more friendly. People stare at us but no one says anything. On contrary, not all migrants from Africa face discrimination. A respondent from Kenya stated the privileges that are associated with being a student at a central university. He says, Many African students get ICSSR scholarship of 25,000 rupees who are studying in Central Universities like JNU and Delhi University. They don’t need to raise any problems because they are comfortable and pampered. The ministers take them out for lunch so they never raise grievances. They hardly report any problems, as they are safe in their university campuses. On the University campus, they live with the intellectuals and privileged class. They have access to good food, money and comfort. They never have any problems. Simultaneously, the class hierarchy among African migrants is also established. A migrant woman said, I came to Max hospital, but I do not expect to receive treatment. It is too expensive. Ours is a large family. Children require funds for their education, and we require funds to survive in India. The treatment at Max hospital would cost between 15 and 20 lakhs, and I cannot afford it. We have a Somali community in Khirki that can help, but the state does not provide us with any assistance and protection. UNHCR provides us with a refugee card, so we try to survive in limited resources. As a result, it is critical to conduct an intersectional analysis in order to investigate the factors that contribute to discrimination. The migrants implied the differential ways through which people of different classes and races face hostility and discrimination. They stated that incidents were part of the everyday lived experiences of the African community in India. They faced racial violence on the streets. But interestingly a respondent suggested that the upper-class black men such as the African diplomats working in the embassy did not face this everyday street violence. They lived in private mansions and were much safer compared to those living in the African cluster. They had private cars at their disposal. He suggested that there was a difference in their experiences. He narrates and contrasts the experiences faced by the senior diplomats which are quite different as compared to the general migrants living in a cluster. He says, The ambassadors, however, are not subject to the same violence as we are because they have their own VIP cars that are accompanied by tight security. When they visit malls, they simply indicate what they want and receive it. When they visit restaurants, they receive preferential

88  Race, Representation, and Othering treatment, whereas we, poor students, face a great deal of abuse and violence on the roads, in shopping malls, and in restaurants. I discussed these issues and nearly everything else occurring in India with our own Kenyan Ambassador. If you leave the high commission or diplomatic protection, you will encounter the same problems on the street. The treatment of Africans by Indians is very poor. I cannot fathom why people are so racist. Why do people not recognise that we are also human beings? We also share their blood! At airports, we are screened as if we were criminals! When I was leaving the airport to travel to India, the officer in charge asked me to step out of line for a security check. They repeatedly inspected my luggage as if they were searching me for something. In fact, they warned others around me to be cautious around me. My first encounter with discrimination occurred immediately upon entering India at the airport. On the way to my friend’s residence, the taxi driver fleeced me. From the airport to the Saket Select City Malls, he charged me three thousand rupees. When the fare should not exceed 1,000 Indian Rupees. He charged me triple the price. This brings to focus political intersectionality that identifies the multiple levels of inequality and provides the contexts for social justice and also structural intersectionality that asserts that there are several layers of disparities which need to be carefully analyzed. The experience shared by both respondents in the previous narrative shows how they faced racism. They felt that they had to face it more than the ministers. Their everyday experiences were different from the African ministers and ambassadors. There were differences that existed along the lines of class. There existed a class of diplomats and bureaucrats working in the embassies of different countries of Africa coming on positions of ambassadors and high commissioners. They did not face as many problems as the African migrants living in low-income areas. According to the respondents, the African ministers lived in VIP bungalows in government-allocated areas of Delhi. They belonged to high-income groups with high security, official cars, and servants at their disposal. They did not face the street violence like the other migrants. The respondent revealed that there exists a privileged class within the African community that lived in secure housing. Whether it was the university campus which was more secure or the VIP housing such as government accommodations, the privileged class had fewer instances of discrimination. He highlighted issues related to class and politics of space to demonstrate how housing becomes a key indicator of class and its relation to lived experiences. The respondent said that the African diplomats who lived in private houses in official embassy areas had privileges of the upper class such as security, and, therefore, they do not experience violence and abuse on the streets like other migrants of the African community. Therefore, in order to make these distinctions of experiences, it is important to analyze discrimination and exclusion through class analysis. In fact, the restricted scope of analyzing prejudice tends to marginalize individuals who do not fit into

African Migrants and Discrimination  89 neatly confined categories, Crenshaw (1989). She shows how racism can be tackled in a more comprehensive manner using anti-racist politics. However, unfortunately, anti-racist politics has been organized around racism as experienced by black middle-class men, especially in policy interventions, which excludes and marginalizes other groups in the scale of life chances, access, and opportunities. In this context, intersectionality emphasizes the complex set of relationships between multiple dimensions and subject formations (McCall 2005). intersectionality has been used not only in gender studies but also in multidisciplinary discussions about inequality and difference (Winker and Degele 2011). Intersectionality should be used to investigate the extent of marginalization and exclusion. However, actual investigation and data analysis are required to supplement the complicated theoretical ideas of intersectionality. So, there is a need for intersectionality frameworks to be founded on the idea that social boundaries exist and that categories of race and class are connected on several levels of experience and representation.

The Intersectionality between Race, Class, and Gender: Locating the ‘Intra-categorical Complexity’ in Reference to African Women It is crucial to identify the perspectives of marginalized individuals and place them at the centre of the analysis (Choo and Ferree 2010). This is significant because it gives a voice to previously marginalized groups (Collins 2005). Nonetheless, it is essential to go beyond merely “content specialization” when assisting disadvantaged groups and subgroups. Additionally, it is essential to analyze powerful groups. There could be numerous global intersections. It has been argued, for instance, how intersectionality can throw light on the marginality of different groups to demonstrate intersectional discrimination, for instance, in the case of ‘San’ (Bush) women in Namibia, demonstrating how their own self-construction makes it difficult for them to relate to foreign international groups working on indigenous women (Sylvain 2011). The second approach is “process-centred,” which emphasizes interactions and social relationships. This may involve a comparative analysis of inequalities that examines selected interaction effects among intersecting dimensions. This can assist in focusing on ‘unmarked categories.’ This can be used in quantitative and qualitative studies involving immigrants in global contexts. Further, additional literature employing this methodology has demonstrated the operation of sexist behaviour against racialized groups that were regarded as backward. In fact, in this case, the use of census data for research into the intersections of ethnicity, race, gender, and class in occupational segregation and disparities between groups can also be helpful (Bose 2012). Third, the “system-centred approach” outlines the practise of intersectionality to dissociate inequalities within institutions, such as economic institutions and social class equations or gender and family, in order to illustrate how systems produce intersectional effects. This intersectional effect is demonstrated in Globalization

90  Race, Representation, and Othering and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modernities (Walby 2009). Several groups working internationally on gender justice or social justice issues in the global south have employed this strategy. The ‘intra-categorical complexity’ has been employed to understand the status of African migrant women in India. Here, intersectionality is defined as “the relationships between multiple dimensions, modalities, and subject formations.” In contrast to the dominant feminist discourse, three approaches to addressing complexities are identified, including “anti-categorical complexity,” “inter-categorical complexity,” and “intra-categorical complexity.” Anti-categorical complexity is formed in response to critics who believed that women were underrepresented in women’s studies. Inter-categorical complexity was created to investigate the pre-existing disparities between social groups to comprehend their relationship. Intracategorical complexity was created to examine cases in depth to comprehend “narrative and theoretical interventions” (McCall 2005).The African women respondents from the urban neighbourhood of Khirki Extension described some disturbing instances of discrimination that had occurred to them when relating their personal experiences. In addition, they mentioned that it was distressing to hear about instances of violence against other women in different cities of India, let alone to experience it personally in their own neighbourhoods. They described their personal experiences in the context of the daily occurrence of humiliation, racial insult, and violence in India. Respondents indicated that they were affected. To quote one of the respondents, When I walk the streets, people refer to me as a prostitute. I make no new friends here. People are very cruel to me! They refer to me as black and spit at me! A Ugandan woman who is 26 years old and works as a hairstylist recounts the horrifying experience that her friend had in Khirki Extension in Delhi. In her statement, During the recent midnight raid, my friend was forced to give her urine sample in front of everyone on the street. The residents of Khirki Extension demanded this, asserting that we are all prostitutes.2 This was extremely humiliating. An attack of this nature makes us feel terrible. I am a hairstylist, I have a job, I earn my living, and when I am humiliated in this manner, I feel enraged and insulted! People in India are dangerous and can do anything to us, I feel helpless. They bully us, tease us, call us prostitutes! Why are all African women assumed to be prostitutes? This narrative is illustrative of the anger and frustration that is felt by African women who are subjected to street violence in the form of accusations. They had the impression that no matter who you are or where you

African Migrants and Discrimination  91 were from, residents of Khirki Extension would abuse, insult, and use derogatory names regardless of the profession or the country they came from. Every single one of the women had to contend with the same mentality. A respondent from Nigeria said, Once, as I was walking down the street in Khirki Extension, I heard a voice in the distance yell, “Go back to your country!” I do not comprehend why we are the target of so much hatred. We are referred to by a variety of names, including Habshi, which I first heard when I arrived in India. Locals taunt, scream, and yell curse words at us, which makes us angry, but we ignore them! We are terrified that if we say anything, they will strip us like they did to the Tanzanian girl in Bangalore. No one will assist us, including the police, if we are injured. Due to the fact that we reside in a different country, we are unable to protest or fight back. In my native country, I never accept insults. I retaliate. There are numerous factors that contribute to stress for African women, including adult victimization, employment, and finances, among other things. This nexus caused women to suffer anxiety attacks and other mental setbacks (Perry et al. 2013). The local community’s attitudes toward African women were antagonistic. The African women believed that not even the police came to assist them in their fight for justice. If there was any instance of abuse or violence on the streets, African women were the first to be blamed. In fact, numerous African women reported that police harassment was a significant problem in India. To escape police harassment, they were required to pay increased fines and, at times, even bribes. Not only were African women treated with disdain, but they were also constantly judged. This brings to light concerns raised by Collins (2015), who stresses that intersectionality frameworks must serve as the basis for translating women’s experiences and the black experience into reformulated concrete problems in order to include the experiences and concerns of African women in feminist theory and anti-racist policy. Moreover, a respondent who migrated from Rwanda and relocated to the urban area of Delhi recently states, The situation for women like me is not favourable. I believe we are unpopular in this country. People frequently stare at me as I walk down the street. The taxi drivers refuse to accept the correct fare. They call you names like Kaalu. They do horrible things, and you cannot intervene. But I cannot afford to leave my one-bedroom apartment as I share it with my friend because the monthly rent is only 7,000 rupees. Between the two of us, the rent is significantly lower than in other parts of the city. The aforementioned respondent travelled to India in 2011 to pursue a bachelor of business administration at Lovely Professional University in Punjab. A couple of months ago, she moved to Khirki Extension in Delhi.

92  Race, Representation, and Othering She reported that she had endured enough sexual harassment in India and could no longer tolerate it. She added that she does not believe in contacting the police. She reiterated that in India, African women were subjected to constant sexual harassment on the streets and double discrimination based on their race. In addition, as stated previously, they received no assistance from the police. A respondent from Nigeria said, People ask me “How much?” when I’m out in public. African women are assumed to be prostitutes by everyone. This is how people treat us, despite the fact that we are studying in India. Even the women of India refer to us as prostitutes. Each of the neighbours is involved in making us feel this way. They are silent towards us. They believe we do not bathe and are unclean. However, this skin is black and not soiled! In the same context, another African woman stated, I did not pay attention to vulgar/obscene comments on the roads because sexual harassment is common in India. I am hearing obscene sounds that I cannot understand, but I am aware that they are sexist and racist. African women faced racial and gender discrimination in the form of negative attitudes and prejudices held by local women and men who believed they were involved in drugs and prostitution. It was observed that African women faced double the amount of street harassment based on race and gender. The local community viewed African women as “prostitutes” and held a strong prejudice against them. Racism and sexism were both targets of discrimination. Consequently, the level of harassment doubled. In India, African women were unfortunately publicly shamed. To illustrate, the fact that the Ugandan woman was forced to provide a urine sample in public to prove that she was innocent of prostitution revealed multiple levels of violation and humiliation. Here it can be rightly said that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nation, and age are not mutually exclusive, but rather mutually constructing phenomena. Intersectionality is a “knowledge project that focuses on power and social inequality.” First, as a study of power relationships. Second, as a way to analyze social issues. Third, to facilitate social justice (Collins 2015).

Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and Religion: Mapping the Hostile Treatments towards the Somali Refugee Women in India Religion possesses a distinct axis in the dominance matrix, one that functions independently of racial structure (Purkayastha 2012). In this regard, Collins argues, “Rather than beginning with gender and then adding other variables such as age, sexual orientation, social class, and religion, black feminist thought should view distinct systems of oppression as components of one overarching structure of dominance” (Collins 1990:222). This

African Migrants and Discrimination  93 strategy has continued in the intersectional strategy. In feminist scholarship, oppression that occurs within the category of religion is referred to as “gendering within a religion.” However, Purkayastha (2012) demonstrates how transnational feminists have recently argued against this stance, arguing that the oppression of religion and race must be viewed through intersectionality frameworks. She argues that the assumption of religious oppression must be reconsidered. Religion is used to create racial profiles across and even within nations. The belief that certain religions promote terrorism and violence has contributed significantly to racial profiling. Therefore, she argues that religious oppression must be viewed through the lens of intersectionality in order to recognize the complexities critically and transcend Euro-American thought. The complexities of transnationalism must be understood across nation-states and also within and between nation-states in order to move beyond the Euro-American paradigm of “women of colour.” In the social sciences, theoretical concepts of gender have typically been developed in relation to gender arrangements and gender regimes in white, middle-class European, and American social contexts. This is the case with Western feminism’s reliance on nuclear families and the male breadwinner model. In indigenous and tribal contexts with diverse family structures and relational dynamics, these models may not hold true. Therefore, the formation of ‘African women’ as a category and ‘gender oppression’ as a significant type of oppression must be reformulated in a theoretical premise, and she asks to what extent a gender analysis reveals or conceals other types of oppression (Oyewumi 2002:2). Given the methods used to develop intersectionality, this re-formulation can be viewed as an intersectional move in and of itself, i.e. black feminist scholars encouraging interpretive researchers to use their own subjectivity, bodies, tacit and implicit knowledge, positioning, and specific perspectives (Collins 2005). While subjectivity promotes the development of empirically grounded, “messy” concepts that can be used to nuance and advance social theory. It requires an open-ended reflexivity and provides perspective for an engagement with theory based on personal experiences and empirical data. This effort towards open-endedness of concepts that critically theorize structural systems of dominance has become relevant. Such attempts can point out “blind spots” of difference and dominance and are therefore crucial for reflexive research practise (Schurr and Segebart 2012). Using this reformulated framework of intersectionality, analysis of the social and political context of Somali women residing in Khirki Extension within the African cluster is made clearer. A considerable number of Somali refugees reside in the African cluster. In fact, Somali women comprise a significant portion of the refugee population. However, they are typically not as visible in public as their male counterparts. In public spaces, they wear burqas. They adhere to rigorous religious cultural norms as well. During Eid, a similar discovery was made. During this time, many of them observed Ramadan and fasted. During the holy month of Ramadan, they shopped for clothing and food, fruits and vegetables for their families and communities.

94  Race, Representation, and Othering It appeared that religious festivals were occasions to purchase new clothing. Purchasing fruits and vegetables for ethnic dishes and preparations brought families and communities together, without question. It was observed that many Somali women could communicate in Hindi with local shopkeepers. In the grocery stores, they could negotiate in Hindi. The area, particularly where they stayed (Hauz Rani) in Khirki Extension, is populated by Muslims, as a sizeable portion of the Indian Muslim population can be observed to reside here. In India, Muslims constitute a minority. Many of the Somali women who reside in this cluster occupy the same lanes with other Somali families living in the vicinity. Many of them lived with their children and distant cousins, uncles, and brothers. It was evident that the family members did not all reside in the same nation. A Somali woman who was interviewed during fieldwork was living with her two children on a refugee identification card, while her husband resided in Dubai. He had married again and settled there. He even had children in Dubai. As described in the preceding chapter on Somali refugees, they did not want to return home because of the political climate and civil war. Due to the presence of a large Muslim population, particularly in the lanes that were closest to the mosque, the women had adapted to this particular neighbourhood. The intersectionality framework was utilized to comprehend the lived experiences of Somali refugee women in India. Their susceptibility to racial profiling and discrimination was multidimensional. First, on the basis of their race, they encountered discrimination. Second, they faced discrimination based on gender and, third, discrimination based on class, considering the condition of their housing in a socially and spatially excluded African cluster. Fourth, and most importantly, they faced increased discrimination because they were Muslim, a minority religion in India. In their case, therefore, race, class, gender, and religion rendered them extremely vulnerable to discrimination. In addition, they were refugee status holders. The experience of Somali women could be analyzed by comprehending their identity through multiple-axis framework analysis, including race, class, gender, and religion-based oppression and marginalization. Being Muslim in a predominantly Hindu country made them more vulnerable. Religion and ethnicity intensified their precarity. As a result of these complex relationships, which manifested not only in prejudice but also in marginalization and exclusion, the situation of Somali women deteriorated further. One of the Somali respondents disclosed that she was battling cancer. Intersectionality helps to shed light on social relations of dominance and power in the social, political, and cultural context in order to analyze lived experiences. It could be argued that this level of analysis is underexplored in the study of the daily lived experiences of marginalized groups, particularly refugee women. This method illuminates the ‘blind spots’ of power and dominance. In addition, the epistemological foundations of intersectionality strongly support the notion that lived experience can challenge and expand preconceived notions of power, inequality, and difference. Recently, Verne (2012:192–193) called attention to a challenge

African Migrants and Discrimination  95 that anthropological epistemology entails: “to try to seriously, holistically, and intensely understand social and cultural life in the field on its own terms, as opposed to subsuming it under an existing social theory or concept.” Verne (2012) calls for a creative interplay of theoretical concepts, close engagement with the lived experience of individuals, and a truly hermeneutic approach to interpretive research. An anthropological approach to research entails taking seriously both the lived experience and self-descriptions of the research participants (to the extent that the researchers can understand them) as well as the subjectivity and bodily experience of the researcher’s own self, whose cognitive, emotional, bodily, and spiritual reactions and positionings are central to the research instrument (Breidenstein et al. 2013). This type of relational analysis sheds light on the complex and ambiguous set of relationships between individuals that develop through face-to-face social interaction and are embedded in large social processes. In this context, the development of intersectionality as a concept is a significant step.

Conclusion The method of intersectionality was used to investigate the everyday experiences of African migrants. This chapter defined intersectionality as a method and approach for investigating the various levels of discrimination. The intersectionality of race and class was highlighted using this framework to illustrate marginality in terms of lived experience. It demonstrated how racial and class discrimination exacerbated marginalization. It emphasized African women’s accounts and lived experiences in order to understand discrimination based on the intersectionality of race, class, and gender. The local community/host society, for example, assumed that all African women used drugs and prostituted themselves. They faced police harassment as well as sexual harassment as a result of these stereotypes. Furthermore, regardless of their respective countries, nationalities, ethnicities, politics, languages, or religious beliefs, all migrants shared common experiences of discrimination. Discrimination and exclusion were experienced by Somali refugee women. The intersectionality of race, class, gender, and religion was used to examine their experiences of discrimination and vulnerability. It emphasized the importance of identifying religion as a distinct axis on the domination matrix in transnational contexts, as religion increasingly serves as the basis for racial profiling. This is exemplified by the case of Somali refugee women in Delhi.

Notes 1 NDTV News Updated: 02 October, 2014 “Delhi: Mob Attack on African Students at Metro, No Arrests Yet” http://www.ndtv.com/delhi-news/delhi-mobattack-on-african-students-at-metro-no-arrests-yet-674009. 2 The Indian Express, New Delhi, January 17, 2014, 5:13 am. “‘They Held Us in Taxi for 3 Hrs.’, Took Urine Samples, Said Black People Break laws.”

96  Race, Representation, and Othering

Bibliography Bose, E. Christine. 2012. Intersectionality and Global Gender Inequality. Gender and Society, 26(1): 67–72. Breidenstein, Georg, Hirschauer, Stefan, Kalthoff, Herbert and Nieswand, Boris. 2013. Ethnografie. Die Praxis der Feldforschung. Konstanz. Choo, Hae Yeon and Myra Marx Ferree. 2010. Practicing Intersectionality in Sociological Research: A Critical Analysis of Inclusions, Interactions, and Institutions in the Study of Inequalities. Sociological Theory, 28(2): 129–149. Chow, Yiu Fai. 2011. Moving, Sensing Intersectionality: A Case Study of Miss China Europe. Signs, 36(2): 411–436. Collins, Hill Patricia. 1990. Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge. Collins, Hill Patricia. 2015 Intersectionality’s Definitional Dilemmas. The Annual Review of Sociology, 41: 1–20. Collins, Patricia Hill. 2005. Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism. New York: Routledge. Collins, Patricia Hill. 2012. Social Inequality, Power, and Politics: Intersectionality and American Pragmatism in Dialogue. The Journal of Speculative Philosophy, 26(2): 442–457. Crenshaw, Kimberla. 1991. Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color. Standford Law Review, 43(124): 1241–1299. Crenshaw, Kimberle 1989. Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine. Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics, University of Chicago, Legal Forum 1989: 139–167. Davis, Kathy. 2014. Intersectionality as Buzzword: A Sociology of Science Perspective on What Makes a Feminist Theory Successful. In H. Lutz et al. (eds.), Framing Intersectionality: Debates on a Multi-faceted Concept in Gender Studies. Farnham: Ashgate. Egwuom, I. Carstensen. 2014. Connecting Intersectionality and Reflexivity: Methodological Approaches to Social Positionalities. Erdkunde, 68(4): 265–276. Helma, Lutz. 2015. Intersectionality as Method. DiGeSt. Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies, 2(1–2): 39–44. McCall, Leslie. 2005. The Complexity of Intersectionality. Signs, 30: 1771–1800. Oyewumi, Oyeronke. 2002. Conceptualizing Gender: The Euro-Centric Foundations of the Feminist Concepts and the Challenge of Epistemologies. Jenda: A Journal of Culture and African Women Studies, 2(1). https://www.africaknowledgeproject. org/index.php/jenda/article/view/68 Accessed December 12, 2022. Perry, Brea, Harp, Kathy, and Oser, Carrie. 2013. Racial and Gender Discrimination in the Stress Process: Implications for African American Women’s Health and Well-Being. Sociological Perspectives, 56(1): 25–48. Purkayastha, Bandana. 2012. Intersectionality in a Transnational World. Gender and Society, 26(1): 55–66. Schurr, Carolin and Segebart, Dorte. 2012. Engaging with Feminist Postcolonial Concerns through Participatory Action Research and Intersectionality, Geographica Helvetica, 67(3): 147–154. Sylvain, Renee. 2011. At the Intersections: San Women and the Rights of Indigenous People. The International Journal of Human Rights, 15(1): 89–110. Verloo, M. 2015. Intersectionality and Positive Action. DiGeSt. Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies, 2(1–2): 45–50.

African Migrants and Discrimination  97 Verne, J. 2012. Ethnographie und ihre Folgen fur die Kulturgeographie: eine Kritik des Netzwerkkonzepts in Studien zu translokaler Mobilitat. Geographica Helvetica, 67(4): 1850194. Walby, Sylvia. 2009. Globalization and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modernities. London, UK: Sage. Winker, Gabriele and Degele, Nina. 2011. Intersectionality as Multi-level Analysis: Dealing with Social Inequality. European Journal of women’s Studies, 18(1): 51–66.

7 African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives on Racial Discrimination Locating Critical Race Theory

Introduction Historical forms of racial discrimination may persist in the form of institutionalized discrimination, including organizational and legal forms, in the present day. Minor forms of discrimination can have serious consequences, whether or not the victims are aware of them (Small and Pager 2020). The lived experience of the African migrants will be analyzed to understand their experiences of racial discrimination. Violence against the African community has been widespread in India. On January 16, 2014, the Delhi law minister conducted a midnight raid on the African community. African women were accused of prostitution and drug use during this raid. A mob also attacked three African students at a Delhi metro station on October 2, 2014. Olivier, a Congolese man, was murdered in Delhi on the eve of his birthday in 2016. A Tanzanian girl living in Bengaluru, India, was publicly stripped in February of that year after her ‘African brother’ fled following a fight with locals. In this case, the Tanzanian girl was told she would have to pay for her African brother’s fight (ironically the man was from Sudan and not even her brother). She was stripped and paraded through the streets. In 2017, four African boys were charged with cannibalism in Noida. In 2020, a media post by Darren Sammy, former captain of a West Indies cricket team, came to the fore when he called out the members of the Indian cricket team referring to him as “Kallu.” The social media exposure of Indian cricket team members referring to him as “Kallu” was a watershed moment during the “Black Lives Matter” movement, exposing racism experienced not only by African Americans but also by African people around the world. Because of the severity and magnitude, only a few of these cases received widespread media coverage and public attention. Regardless, many cases have gone unreported. Furthermore, the migrant community has asserted that these are racial attacks. However, in each of the preceding cases, the Indian government flatly refused to acknowledge their racial identity. Hence, critical race theory (CRT) is situated in this context. CRT has proven to be an effective tool for investigating inequality within Western social structures and social systems (Bell 1987; Delgado and Stefancic 2000). In India, CRT is used to examine the narratives and counter-narratives of both DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-10

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  99 the state and the African community. The chapter begins with a description and analysis of the midnight raid. It analyzes the local community’s views as well as their perceptions of the African community. It then emphasizes the overview of African migrant narratives as a counter-discourse. It also identifies bilateral trade agreements between India and Africa in order to understand the political and economic factors that shed light on the Indian state and its intent to deny racism in India. It is argued that there has been a structural and systemic bias in how violent acts against members of India’s African community have been represented. Addressing racial bias is critical to achieving SDG 10’s goal of “reduced inequalities.”

The Midnight Raid on the African Cluster: Community Conflicts and the State Critical scholars have shown how racism is a part of social institutions, and therefore, it is necessary to understand race. According to Bonilla-Silva (1994), racism reflects the racial social structure of society. The racialized social structure calls for a comparative examination throughout time. To pay attention to the dynamics of race and racism within social systems, it is necessary to examine social formation. This is how a structural analysis can be conducted. Bonilla-Silva shows that race as a category must be understood in terms of how it became autonomous as a category after civilizations experienced racialized and racist social systems; it must be analyzed as a category in the context of the social construction of racial systems. In addition, since race, class, and gender are fundamental elements of the complex matrix of social systems, they help to put the interests of the dominant class, dominant race, and dominant gender in context. Hall (1980) illustrates that expressing race, gender, and social class results in a “complex oneness.” Bonilla-Silva (1994) contends that the prominence of the category of race and its study does not diminish the importance of other categories in the matrix of social systems. Bonilla-Silva (1994), Cox (1945), and Hall (1980) have shown that race has a significant role in the development of racialized systems. When analyzing social systems, other systemic components and concepts, such as patriarchy and capitalism, and therefore (gender and class), are as relevant. Bonilla-Silva illustrates that in order to analyze racism, it is necessary to evaluate the dynamics of social systems, which disclose the nature and goals of the system. This social system approach to racism will help us to understand CRT in India. On the night of January 16, 2014, a midnight raid took place in the African cluster located in Khirki Extension of Delhi. The raid was led by the law minister of Delhi, who claimed that African women living in Khirki Extension were involved in prostitution. This midnight search was carried out without a valid search warrant. The targets were the Ugandan women residing in a particular building. They were compelled to come out in shame. They were molested in public. In fact, the police later reported that during the midnight raid, nine Ugandan women fell victim to the mob. The

100  Race, Representation, and Othering midnight raid was a manifestation of the local community’s anger and resentment towards African women. As one of the local residents mentioned, the midnight raid was an outcome of the pressure exerted by the local community on the law minister of Delhi to address the deteriorating neighbourhood caused by illegal activities. The midnight raid exemplified this growing resentment, but the locals felt that even stronger measures should have been taken by the authorities to control the African community. A local resident said, Forget drugs! In these narrow alleys, from late at night until early in the morning, they get drunk, talk loudly, and after barbecuing on the bonfire, litter the entire neighbourhood. They make the entire place dirty. The statement was made by a 46-year-old woman who lives with her husband in Khirki Extension. The local community felt that the African migrants listened to loud music, engaged in parties, and consumed drugs regularly. According to the local community perception, all migrants were of the same nature, so prejudice existed. In fact, the local Indian community was incapable of distinguishing between the various nationalities of African migrants, perceiving them as identical. They were incapable of distinguishing nationalities in Africa. For example, if a dispute arose between migrants from two different African nations, it was viewed as a dispute between ‘their own’ community and people! The local community believed that migrants engaged in frequent fights with one another, especially at night, during which they made a great deal of noise. In fact, following a fight between two African nationals, a group of locals, including a woman aged 57 and a woman aged 55 from Haryana, decided to contact the police. Despite their numerous complaints to the local police, they believed that their concerns were ignored. The efforts of the law minister, Mr. Somanath Bharti, to crack down on the drug and prostitution trade were applauded by this group of locals. Somnath Bharti was a true hero in their eyes. Another neighbourhood resident says, The police are quick to pounce on the illegal activities of the Indian community but they take no notice of the drug racket being run by the Africans in Khirki. Local residents were extremely dissatisfied with the police. Even after numerous complaints were lodged against the African migrants, it was stated that no strict measures were being taken against them. One such respondent was a 32-year-old stationery store owner located near the cluster where the midnight raid occurred. He stated that he was thrilled that the law minister had finally taken action against them. He praised Somnath Bharti’s efforts in the raiding of the location. However, the midnight raid had a significant impact on the African community. Many questions arose, including why this unwarranted midnight raid occurred in

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  101 the first place and what this raid signified. What effect did this raid have on the day-to-day lives of the migrants? The African community felt targeted and disliked as a consequence of the midnight raid. They believed they were not being treated well in India and had expected India to be a more welcoming nation. In fact, they claimed that they were living in extremely difficult conditions in Khirki Extension because the local community did not like them and frequently targeted them. After the midnight raid, many African migrants wanted to leave Khirki Extension for this reason in particular. However, interviews revealed that finding housing in other areas of Delhi was even more difficult. Their experiences in India were harrowing, and they described living under a great deal of pressure in this area. They felt unwelcome in the local community. On the other hand, the local community had concluded that the entire African community was involved in drug trafficking and illegal activities. The local community believed that African immigrants were unable to comprehend Indian culture. They should adhere to the cultural norms and recognize that the Indian culture is conservative, and hence, act accordingly. One of the locals commented, These Africans! They just don’t know how to dress. They dress indecently, and have you seen their women? Have you seen how they dress? They should at the very least be aware of the local dress codes; they should dress decently! The women dress provocatively and then complain about our men. Further, in addition to cultural differences, the Somali refugee community particularly faced additional challenges due to their refugee status. They were targeted as undocumented illegal immigrants, and the local community harassed them further. They were under pressure to pay a higher rent. The landlords discovered a valid reason to double their rent. But following the midnight raid, two events emerged in Khirki Extension: first, the clashes and growing conflicts in this urban space intensified. After the raid, the locals felt a legitimate authority over the African migrants. They could now blame them legitimately for drugs and prostitution. Although the media and student groups from universities where African students were enrolled criticized the law minister of Delhi for conducting the raid, these cultural clashes continued, and the raid was applauded locally. The African community ‘othering’ began to manifest on a larger scale. Secondly, the African migrant community felt unwelcome by the local community, and the midnight raid further discriminated against them. Interestingly, the community united in opposition to racial discrimination after the raid. They felt compelled to act in response to this racial discrimination. The African community in Khirki Extension formed numerous groups, such as African associations, to combat the escalating racial violence and discrimination. African associations were established to combat racial discrimination and humiliation even at the diasporic level.

102  Race, Representation, and Othering

The ‘March of Justice’: Emergence of Resistance and Solidarity among the African Migrants This section describes the perspective and position of African migrants toward the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the light of ongoing racial attacks and violence. As previously described, the cultural differences between the local community and the African community in Delhi grew and serious cases of racial violence arose, resulting in public lynching and mob violence. In a few of these extreme cases, African nationals were beaten to death. In 2016, a considerable number of conflicts occurred in Khirki Extension under these conditions. Racial profiling, othering, and discrimination were evident in the neighbourhood due to cultural differences. The local community was outspoken in their opinions, claiming that African nationals engaged in illegal activities. They continued to express concerns regarding drug use and prostitution in Khirki Extension. This is also why the African nationals were subjected to a midnight raid. Although the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) held the law minister responsible for this act because he conducted the raid without search warrants and prior notice, the Indian government did not apologize to the African community. As previously stated, African respondents felt singled out and shared their experiences about cultural stereotyping. In fact, the African migrants stated that they were making efforts to integrate into the local community. In contrast, racial tensions, racial violence, racial attacks, abuse, public beating, mob violence, and lynching were on the rise as a result of the escalation of racial differences. The immigrants protested that they were falsely accused. As a result of the midnight raid, the growing cultural divide between the Khirki Extension local community and the African community widened. The Death of Olivier: The Turning Point When Unreported Racial Attacks Resurfaced Although the MEA assured African nationals that it would raise awareness in the areas where they resided, but no action was taken. This was followed by the death of a young Congolese1 man named Olivier who was beaten on the streets of Delhi. He was beaten to death around midnight at 11:30 pm while waiting for an auto. At midnight, Olivier’s birthday commenced, and at 11:45 pm, 15 minutes before his birthday, he passed away. This occurrence stunned the African community. It began releasing a series of stories about unreported and unrevealed racial assaults in Delhi via informal groups, channels, and African organizations. Using mass media, the migrants expressed their opinions in public. A media campaign was conducted. There were revelations of severe violations committed by the local community and police. The MEA2 was once again requested to comment on these racial assaults after stories of violence and injustice against the African community became public knowledge. There were slogans, which were being circulated in the mass media, such as, “We are not safe, it could be anyone’s turn tomorrow.”3

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  103 The Call for Protest: Mapping the Negotiations between MEA, Embassy, and Association of African Students in India On May 31, 2016, a ‘March for Justice’ was called for to commemorate the resistance to these racial attacks and discrimination. The African community in Delhi issued a call for a Peaceful March for Justice, which was organized by the African Student Association and other independent actors who spearheaded an anti-racism movement. The names and phone numbers of coordinators from Khirki Extension, universities such as Delhi University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, and Chattarpur were circulated. There was free transportation from various pick-up points which was arranged for the March for Justice. The news of this March for Justice spread not only throughout Delhi but also throughout other regions of India where the African community lived and faced racial discrimination. Many students from outside of Delhi also came to this March. The call to assemble at Jantar Mantar was scheduled to occur between 10:00 am and 12:00 pm. This March, however, was cancelled. This was because on the evening of May 31, 2016, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Nigerian Embassy, and other African embassies called the ‘March for Justice’ coordinators to cancel the protest. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs dispatched the police to the location to ensure that no protest occurred. However, it was difficult to ignore the African migrants’ eagerness to participate in the protest. A student from Kenya stated, I will fight for the cause of justice! Even if the march is cancelled, I will go to the police station to request permission to hold the peaceful March at Jantar Mantar. I have encountered racism numerous times. A respondent from the Association of African Students in India said, Our expectations are that when we are coming to study in India, the people and the police should know about the diversity of Africa. We are coming from different countries. We expect a safe environment for all of us. That’s all! Is that too much to ask for! Cancellation of the ‘March for Justice’ As a result of Olivier’s violent assault and death, the African community united to form an identity that emerged as a collective and assertive identity. The ‘March for Justice’ was being organized by the migrants despite individual, regional, political, and cultural distinctions. The African migrants were of the opinion that the March for Justice was cancelled due to pressure from the MEA. The MEA assured the African Ambassadors that action would be taken, so they forced the organizers, including the African Students Association, to cancel the protest. They guaranteed that measures would be taken to ensure the safety of students in India. One of the respondents, who

104  Race, Representation, and Othering represented the African Students Association, met with the Kenyan ambassador. He went with an appeal to represent all African students’ interests. According to him, he had been assured that concrete action will be taken. They will take responsibility for the safety of all migrants, he said. They will convey all concerns and issues to the Indian government. The ambassador stated that if the people had protested, there would have been extensive media coverage and the news would have spread, so the demonstration had to be cancelled. The ministers assured the students that swift action would be taken. They stated that in every city where there was violence, the police commissioner would personally investigate the incident. Typically, in the Indian context, a First Information Report (FIR) is filed at the police station, and then police action is followed. But the ambassador assured the student representatives that the police commissioner himself would assist African students to file FIRs in future cases as promised by the MEA. But nevertheless, many Congolese students were dissatisfied with this stance because they demanded justice for Olivier, who was murdered on the eve of his birthday. After Olivier’s death, the Nigerian Embassy organized a number of meetings with students, Ambassadors, and High Commissioners from other African nations. This murder case became emblematic of the fears the African community in India had for their safety. The ambassadors informed the African students that the Indian government was also exerting significant pressure on them to cancel the March. Important to note, however, is that on the day that news of Olivier’s murder spread, there was a spontaneous flash protest March. This served as a symbol of African sentiment and alerted the Indian government to the anger of African students.

African Migrants and Their Narratives on Discrimination and Hostility The African community believed that violence against them was racially motivated, but the Indian government refused to recognize this. To comprehend the state’s position, it is necessary to analyze the bilateral relations4 between Africa and India. It can outline the factors that may affect the Indian government’s stance on racial discrimination. Though it was a pivotal moment when the Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed its concern for racial violence when incidents were rapidly increasing, the state was compelled to take a stance on the issue because it believed that such incidents would jeopardize bilateral negotiations and treaties. As it was creating a negative public perception of India, reports of racial violence were simultaneously suppressed in the public sphere and the media. In order to demonstrate its concern for the African migrants, the state promised that community sensitization programmes would be developed and implemented in the urban neighbourhoods where they were residing in order to educate the local community and the police. These promises were also made in Khirki Extension, particularly after the midnight raid and numerous attacks. This was done to safeguard its relationships with Africa. However, the

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  105 state’s stance consistently was that these were simple crimes arising from cultural differences. These could be managed through local community awareness campaigns. Even a Tanzanian migrant expressed his displeasure regarding the efforts of the government. He stated, Locals take the law into their own hands and begin to assault us. They believe we have made a mistake. Frequently, the local community believes that it is their right and duty to punish us all. Some assaults are motivated solely by suspicion. We may not have committed a crime, but we are punished for belonging to a community that engages in illegal activity. For instance, a woman from my community was publicly disrobed on the streets of Bangalore. This is public disgrace. She had not committed a crime, but was sexually humiliated publicly because she was African. You may be aware that Tanzanians are very gentle and soft individuals. They have difficulty speaking for themselves! The locals must be punished for their violation of our rights. But the Indian government makes no effort to control this violence and help us! A student from Kenya also voiced his concerns against growing hostility and violence against African migrants. To state, When I arrived in India three years ago, I encountered racism at the airport. The security checks conducted on me were extremely intrusive. I was instructed to exit the line and step aside. People in my vicinity were warned to avoid me because I could be dangerous. The second time was when some Indian boys kicked and punched me in the chest. The police refused to register my complaint when I went to the station to file one. Instead of being frightened, they threatened me and said I could file a complaint against them if I so chose, and then they began to laugh at me. I requested protection until I reached the main road, where I had been beaten, but they declined. This was disheartening. I have learned that if you want to stay safe and survive in India, you must learn Hindi. The landlord of my apartment in Khirki Extension was initially very kind to me, but when he overheard people speaking negatively about me, he began keeping close tabs on me. Since then, he wants to monitor everything, including my food, clothing, and friends. I have numerous friends, some of whom are also Indian, but he has a problem with all of them. I have many friends. I am registered on a traveler’s website called Couch surfing, so I have many friends who stay at my home, but he keeps an eye on me and tells me, “You have too many friends.” My scooter is generally parked at the back entrance of my house. If an Indian is seated behind me, then people warn my Indian friend to be careful. Due to my friendly nature, many Indians approach me, but my neighbours have a problem with me and warn the Indians to stay away.

106  Race, Representation, and Othering

State and Its Position over the Hostility on African Migrants: Mapping the Contesting Narratives Migrants felt that the local community could make racial attacks and get away with them in the current social climate. In situations involving mob violence, for example, the local community is not held accountable, and no arrests are made. The local community is not punished for taking law into their own hands. The African community felt that India should have strict anti-discrimination laws to protect them. According to them, racial violence could be controlled by strict laws or policies. The African community believed that if locals could be legally punished for violating migrants based on their racial identity, racial violence could be reduced. This reasoning pointed to two dimensions: first, the state’s role in matters of racial discrimination and violence, and second, the state’s nature. Why is the Indian government not labelling these incidents as acts of racial violence? Another Kenyan student also shared his experience of racial discrimination and his agony with the embassy and the government. He stated, I had written a letter to the Prime Minister in February 2016, when the incident occurred in Bangalore and a Tanzanian girl was publicly beaten and stripped. She was not to blame. A man from Sudan fought with the locals, resulting in his beating. He fled, and when this girl arrived on her own vehicle from the back, they tackled her, began beating her, and stripped her naked in public. She was told that her brother had fled and that she would be held responsible. Following the occurrence, I had sent a letter to the Prime Minister. If something had been done at the time, I believe Olivier would still be alive today. We African students are now terrified by the escalating violence. I want to speak with my Kenyan Ambassador. I’m familiar with her. I would like to speak with her because she is unaware of these issues. They are afraid that if we meet our ambassador, we will tell them about our problems. They do not want us to reach out to them because they are soft towards us. So they do not permit us to speak with our ambassador. When I make an appointment to meet the Kenyan Ambassador, I am informed that she left five minutes ago. I receive numerous calls from the (MEA) office, but I am aware that nothing will be done. The moment they hand me a glass of water, my anger and frustration vanish. They do it intentionally. Now I tell them no, I will not take water; I will first explain my problem and then drink water. With water, they calm you down, which is unacceptable. This is a common practice.

How Bilateral Ties and Economic Policy Sidelines Racial Discrimination? It is possible to connect the position of the government with the political and economic ties with Africa. India and Africa have emerged as two major players in trade of pharmaceuticals and energy cooperation. Hence, the new

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  107 economic policies motivate the state in its position towards hostility against African migrants in India. India utilizes the sixth-most energy in the world, after only the United States, China, and Japan. As a result, India needs to enhance its energy resources in order to maintain itself and advance towards its economic ambitions. According to Dubey (2016), this was a primary motivator for forming partnerships with Africa. Indian oil imports from the Middle East are 70%, according to Fee (2006). Investing in energy assets is necessary for the future. Hence, India is clearly interested in Africa’s energy potential in this respect. Currently, Africa, especially North Africa, supplies roughly 24% of the country’s crude oil needs. OVL “Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited,” one of India’s biggest foreign investments, has invested $3 billion in Sudan. Further, it also does business regularly with the Ivory Coast, Senegal, Egypt, Libya, Gabon, Nigeria, and the Republic of the Congo. Given how India has oil interests, it is eager to expand collaboration in refining, storage, and distribution, as well as exploration and transportation to the continent. African energy is a potential source of energy for India. This is why India is prepared to offer loans, grants, etc., to Africa since India needs to reciprocate, and this has to be distinct from conventional export and import as in the past. This is how Africa and India are forming partnerships. The establishment of commercial links with Africa is the outcome of liberalization. The expansion of the India-Africa partnership is propelled by the business community. Moreover, economic liberalization, privatization, and globalization have strengthened ties between India and Africa. In fact, economic relations with Africa have been established as a result of its growing interest in business. The business sector is the driving force behind the development of India-Africa relations. They have been bolstered by liberalization, privatization, and globalization. In this new phase, India cannot afford to jeopardize its relations with Africa. Hence, the incidences of racial violence could possibly hinder foreign relations, especially between the countries of Africa. It is for this reason that the MEA is diplomatic about its stand on racial discrimination in media. It is also pacifying the African community in India by reassuring them of sensitization programmes to be run by the government. This is one of the major reasons why the MEA is refraining from acknowledging these cases as racial in public forums. It has also been covering many cases of racial discrimination by stating its position that all attacks cannot be termed racial.5 It is in this light that the nature of the state gets revealed as neoliberal failing to acknowledge racial discrimination. It can be argued that political and economic interests are crucial factors governing India’s position against racial discrimination. Within this context, understanding the economic factors and political factors as driving forces for partnerships makes clear India’s position.

An Enquiry into CRT in India The Indian government has been persuading in public platforms that India does not have cases of racial discrimination, and those cases of violence are

108  Race, Representation, and Othering only issues of local crime. A case such as a crowd assaulting three African students at a Delhi metro station is not regarded as a racial attack by the state. The death of Olivier, a Congolese youth, who was murdered on the streets of Delhi on the eve of his birthday in 2016 is not considered a racial attack by the state. In February 2016, when a Tanzanian girl in Bengaluru, India, was publicly stripped and paraded on the streets, this was not regarded as racial. Four African boys who were attacked in a mall and charged with cannibalism in Noida in 2017 were not to be seen in the light of racial discrimination by the state. Thus, it is not surprising to understand the state’s political-legal position in this context. The African migrants felt that the Indian state did not recognize racial violence and also did not offer any legal support or protection. In this context, how do we again revisit the role and the nature of the Indian state with regard to the African migrants looking for justice? CRT vs. the Liberal Law in India CRT arose from the study of law. It provides a critical examination of racial discrimination and racism. As a framework for inter-disciplinary research, CRT has emerged as relevant. Intersectionality, which can also be seen as closely linked to CRT, demonstrates the multidimensionality of oppression and argues that race cannot be studied in isolation from other oppressive systems. In this regard, both CRT and intersectionality emphasize critical analysis and the recognition of the numerous forms of oppression faced by people of colour. It is argued that a one-dimensional approach to analyzing race is insufficient. The beginning of CRT was Derick Bell’s intervention in the legal discourse. A black lawyer and professor, Bell, intervened by radically altering the perception of racial discrimination. He argued that liberal law tends to view racism as irrational and intentional, and discourages race consciousness. In contrast, CRT takes a radical stance by mobilizing race consciousness as a strategy for empowering people of colour. CRT emerged within the context of the American system, where it was recognized how deeply racism was ingrained in the American system, but it has also been applied to contexts involving larger social systems. For this research, CRT served as a lens for analyzing how institutional racism was embedded in the dominant culture. CRT adherents challenge further law discourse, which claims to be neutral, by revealing the “legal truth” by examining meritocracy and liberalism as engines of self-interest, privilege, and power. CRT emphasizes the existence of institutional racism and how meritocracy both protects privilege and gives rise to systemic inequalities, as demonstrated by Rabaka (2010). CRT has deconstructed and reconstructed methods of analysis. In order to comprehend the application of CRT, Delgado (1994) has outlined several methods for studying structures and systems within its scope. Counter-narratives have been identified as crucial in this regard. In addition, the CRT perspective demonstrates how dominant social and cultural ideologies perpetuate racial violence and justify it by empowering

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  109 individuals to punish so-called potential criminals. In the context of India, every African immigrant is viewed as a potential drug dealer, prostitute, cannibal, or illegal immigrant, and the local community members punish the criminals by publicly beating them. The cultural understanding that perpetuates racial discrimination and infiltrates legal systems must be understood; otherwise, a midnight raid on African migrants led by the law minister of Delhi cannot be justified. The relationship between culture and law is evident. In the context of inequality, structural violence, and social exclusion, CRT establishes a relationship between urban space, politics, and governance. Regarding racism in India, the role of the state, economic institutions, and social systems must be analyzed. While the Indian government refuses to acknowledge that the attacks on the African community represent racial violence and discrimination, the MEA exerts additional pressure on the migrants to cancel the demonstration. Moreover, the incidents were portrayed as criminal cases, not as acts of racial violence. This invites reflection on the nature of the state. When the midnight raid on Khirki Extension occurred, even though it was a case of racial targeting and racial humiliation, the government did not recognize it as such; instead, numerous cases were filed against Somnath Bharti for conducting the raid without a search warrant. The police and Bharti came under scrutiny for forcibly conducting the raid without proper documentation. Instead of apologizing for the racial targeting of a population, the government prosecuted Bharti for not following the proper legal procedure when conducting a raid. It must be noted that because of “government sanction, private regulation, and judicial interventions,” racial segregation in American society was addressed. Things got out of hand again after these regulatory forces withdrew their support, leading to a faster rate of ghetto growth in the context of the United States. Nonetheless support for “affirmative action,” fair housing provisions, and effective implementation are needed to combat segregation even within the Indian context (Miller 1965).

Conclusion In this chapter the government’s role in cases of racial attacks and violence was analyzed. The chapter investigated the nature of the neoliberal state in order to determine how it protected its economic interests without jeopardizing its bilateral ties with African nations. In order to protect its public image and its own interests, the government portrayed instances of racial violence as simple criminal acts. The relationship between India’s economic policy towards Africa and its official position on racial discrimination was evident. It was evident from the state’s official stance that it was protecting its political and economic ties with Africa by firmly stating the idea that there is no racial violence or abuse in India. The official position of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was that attacks on African migrants were not racially motivated. Clearly, the Indian government could not jeopardize its economic ties with Africa and develop a racist reputation. In light of this,

110  Race, Representation, and Othering the perspectives of migrants were emphasized. They believed there were no effective anti-discrimination laws in India to protect them. The Indian government’s diplomatic stance on racial violence was maintained. In fact, a movement against racial discrimination and racial violence arose following the beating death of an African immigrant in Delhi. In order to highlight the systems and institutions that perpetuate violence and discrimination, the role of the state was analyzed through the lens of CRT.

Notes 1 The Indian Express, Kedar Nagarajan, May 22, 2016, Published: 2:03AM “Congo Man Beaten to Death: He Came to Delhi Looking for a Better Life.” 2 The Wire, May 26, 2016, “African Envoys Threaten to Stop Sending Students; Indians in Congo Face Backlash.” 3 https://www.facebook.com/peopletree/posts/10154340863981004. 4 India-Africa Summit 2008, 2011, 2015. 5 Indian Express, 05 April 2017, 09:05 pm, “All Attacks on Africans Can’t Be Termed Racial: Sushma Swaraj in Lok Sabha.”

Bibliography Bell, Derrick. 1987. And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice. New York: Basic Books. Bonilla-Silva, Edward. 1994. Rethinking Racism: Towards a Structural Interpretation. Michigan: Center for Research on Social Organization. Capron, A. 2014. Mob Attacks African Students in Indian Metro. France 24. http:// observers.france24.com/en/20141001-african-students-mob-indian-metro Accessed July 5, 2016 Cox, Olivier. 1945. Race and Caste: A Distinction. American Journal of Sociology, 50(5): 360–368. Crenshaw, Kimberle. 1991. Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color. Standford Law Review, 43(124): 1241–1299. Delgado, Richard. 1994. Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Delgado, Richard and Stefancic, Jean. 2000. Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge (2nd ed.). Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Dev. S. 2016. Tanzanian Girl Stripped, Beaten in Bengaluru; ‘Deeply Pained’ Says Sushma Swaraj. The Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Tanzanian-girlstripped-…galuru-deeply-pained-says-Sushma-Swaraj/articleshow/50839297.cms Accessed July 5, 2016 Du Bois, W.E. and Aptheker, H. 1985. Against Racism. Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press. Dubey, Ajay. 2016. India-Africa Relations: Historical Goodwill and a Vision for the Future. In Ajay Dube (ed.), India and Africa’s Partnership: A Vision for a New Future (pp. 11–40). New Delhi: Springer. Epperson, Terrence. 2004. Critical Race Theory and the Archaeology of the African Diaspora. Historical Archaeology, 38(1): 101–108. Fee, Florence. 2006. Asian Oils in Africa: A Challenge to the International Community (Part 2 of 2). Middle East Economic Survey, 49(18): 77.

African Migrants, the State, and Contesting Narratives  111 Giles, Michael. 1977. Percent Black and Racial Hostility: An Old Assumption Reexamined. Social Science Quarterly, 58(3): 412–417. Gulati, S. 2015. Bharti a Folk Hero in Khirki Extension. http://indianexpress.com: http://indianexpress.com/proEle/author/sumegha-gulati/ Accessed July 5, 2016. Hall, Stuart. 1980. Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms. Media, Culture and Society (pp. 57–72). London: Academic Press Inc. Haney Lopez, I.F. 1994. The Social Construction of Race: Some Observations on Illusion, Fabrication, and Choice. Harvard Civil Rights/Civil Liberties Law Review, 29: 1–62. Harvey, David. 1973. Social Justice and the City. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Harvey, David. 2012. Rebel Cities: From the Right to the City to the Urban Revolution. London: Verso. Høivik, T. 1977. The Demography of Structural Violence. Journal of Peace Research, 14(1): 59–73. HT Correspondent. 2017. Attacks on Africans in Greater Noida racist, India didn’t sufficiently condemn them: Envoys. Hindustan Times. http://www.hindustantimes. com/india-news/attacks-on-africans-in…ntly-condemn-them-say-envoys/ story-5rHwD3F62tCeajmWMT6ZhL.html Accessed July 7, 2017. Krivo, L.J., Peterson, R.D. and Karafin, D. 2006. Perceptions of Neighborhood Problems in Racially and Economically Distinct Neighbourhoods. In R.D. Peterson, L.J. Krivo and J. Hagan (eds.), The Many Colors of Crime: Inequality of Race, Ethnicity and Crime in America (pp. 93–107). New York: New York University Press. Lefebvre, Henri. 1996. The Right to City. In E. Kofman and E. Lebas (eds.), Writings on the Cities (pp. 147–159). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Miller, L. 1965. The Protest against Housing Segregation. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 357: 73–79. Nagaraja, K. 2016. Congo Man Beaten to Death: He Came to Delhi Looking for a  Better Life. http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/delhi/congo-man-beaten-tod…sonda-ketanda-olivier-came-delhi-looking-for-a-better-life-2813065/ Accessed July 4, 2016. Nandi, J. 2016. Coping with Bias, These Students Keep Their Cool, Focus on Goals. The Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/Coping-withbias-th…2.cms?utm_source=twitter.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_ campaign=TOI Accessed January 19, 2017. Rabaka, Reiland. 2010. Against Epistemic Aparthied: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Disciplinary Decadence of Sociology. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Rai, S. 2015. ‘It’s Like I Have a Disease’: Citizens of African Nations Talk of the Racism They Face in India. First Post. http://www.firstpost.com/india/like-disease-citizensafrican-nations-talk-racism-face-india-2249316.html Accessed July 5, 2016. Small, Mario L. and Pager, D. 2020. Sociological Perspectives on Racial Discrimination. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 34(2): 49–67. https:// www.jstor.org/stable/26913184. The Hindu. 2017. The Mob’s Bias: Attack on Nigerian in Noida Reflects Our Racial Prejudices. The Hindu. http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/the-mobsbias-attack-on-nigerian-in-noida-reflects-our-racial-prejudices/article17752895. ece Accessed June 4, 2017. Van Dyk, S. (1993). The Evaluation of Race Theory: A Perspective. Journal of Black Studies, 24(1): 77–87.

8 Discursive Representation and Othering of the African Identity Race as a Signifier

Introduction Race plays a significant role in the social construction of African identity. In India, the African migrants are referred to as ‘Kalla,’ which literally translates to black. Another word commonly used to refer to the migrants is ‘Habshi.’ Race acts as a signifier and gets associated with drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. The politics of representation is one of the major reasons for the discrimination and exclusion of the African community. Even language plays a role in the construction of stereotypes, prejudices, and biases. Language is a system of representation (Hall 1997b). Language is a medium for the representation of objects, events, or people through shared meanings, cultural codes, and practices. Language provides a model of representation, which constitutes two approaches: semiotics and discursive. While semiotics refers to poetics of language, discursive refers to the impact of language on people, objects, and events (Hall 1997b). In this context, the role of language and representation of race and the politics of stereotype needs to be analyzed. Moreover, the discursive role of language in perpetuating racism and exclusion is stated. It locates power, hierarchy, and discrimination as closely linked to language. The conflation of identity and the role of media in the representation of African identity cannot be ignored. It is argued that language as a mode of representation, and more specifically, the discursive aspects of language give rise to the conflation of African identity and construction of the image of Habshi. Racial inequality is one of the major themes of this chapter, and a discussion around this can contribute to the discussion of SDG 10, i.e. reducing inequality between groups.

Language Its Representation and Constructions: Race as a Signifier The local community referred to the migrants from different countries of Africa as ‘Kallu, Kalla, Habshi.’ The word ‘Habshi’ was commonly used for the African community. ‘African’ as an identity in the Indian context got associated with the image of Habshi, which further got associated with connotations like dangerous, primitive, and unlawful. This was the context DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-11

Discursive Representation and Othering  113 within which race emerged as a floating signifier (Hall 1997a). The local community used ‘Habshi’ as a signifier to associate it with stereotypes such as drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal migration. It is in this context that language becomes a representational system. It becomes a medium for representing people who are given meaning by cultural practices and shared meanings (Hall, 1997b). The practice of representation occurs within a “shared cultural space in which production of meaning takes place through language, that is, representation” (Hall 1997b:6). It takes place within shared cultural practices. It takes place in a manner which does not guarantee that the meanings would remain stable or the same forever. This is because power also intervenes in the form of discourse that leads to changes in meanings (Oncu and Weyland 1997). In Khirki Extension for instance, even though the migrants came from different countries of Africa, they were clubbed as Habshi. This also gave rise to racial profiling. Based on this identity, the entire African community in India faced racial attacks and discrimination. The African migrants explained that racial profiling and stereotyping in India were very common for them. They narrated that the police, local authorities, and local residents, all assumed that the migrants were involved in illegal activities. There was a generalization that was made about the African community. It was assumed that all the migrants were engaging in drugs, drinking, and prostitution and earning money through illegal business activities. The question of how race emerged as a signifier became more evident through stereotypes. Many African women migrants narrated instances where they were asked, “How much?” The men in the urban neighbourhoods thought that they were all prostitutes and treated them with verbal abuse and humiliation. In fact, this stereotype was the main reason for the midnight raid that was conducted in Khirki Extension. The extent of this racial profiling was evident even at the level of the state, where it was the Delhi law minister who conducted the midnight raid, and without a valid search warrant. Women were treated even more severely by the local community. This form of racial profiling also translated into urban segregation and spatial exclusion. In fact, given the similarity of experiences of racial profiling, there was a unity that was observed among the African community living in Khirki Extension. Each of them faced similar treatment. Each one was verbally abused and called Kalla. In this context, language emerged as a means of conveying a meaning (Hall 1997b). It became a medium for the representation of people, whose meaning was further derived from cultural codes, cultural practises, and shared concepts. The various modes of communication can be viewed as “working like language.” If one were to comprehend the question, “What is language, and how does it function?,” language could then be understood as a system of representation (Hall 1997b:4). Language is fundamentally a “practise of signification.” For instance, photography can be viewed as a representational system. It is possible to analyze museum exhibitions and displays as if they were language. In other words, the display is “A

114  Race, Representation, and Othering representational system whose functions are comparable to those of language” (Hall 1997b:4). Music is analogous to a language. It uses emotions and concepts to generate meanings. The image of people attending a football game with their bodies and faces painted can be interpreted as “functioning as a language” that identifies group membership in a particular national culture or local community. The relationship between representation and knowledge and identity is closely linked. How does one become conscious of what is French, English, or German within this knowledge and belonging domain? These are known as signifying practises. It would be impossible to comprehend the “lifeworld” or assume identities without it. The production and dissemination of meaning are facilitated by language and culture. Since the cultural turn, however, the traditional definition of culture, which was ‘things’ that exist in the material world and how they have clear meaning in the natural world in which they exist, has shifted. This method of analysis is known as social construction because the meaning of language is examined as being produced and constructed as opposed to existing (Haney Lopez 1994). Urban neighbourhoods operated from dominant ideologies and stereotypes about African migrants. The ‘African’ identity was associated with drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism. This was also the reason why the African migrants faced racial prejudice. There were stereotypes about how they are practicing cannibalism. The local residents often put pressure on the landlords, urging them not to give their homes on rent to the African community. There were also scares and stereotypes about drugs and prostitution. These were the stereotypes by which dominant ideas and stereotypes were circulated. In fact, in many cases, all African migrants were assumed to be Nigerians. In the local community, Nigerians were targeted the most, as they had the image of drug dealing. All the migrants were either addressed as Nigerian or Habshi. Habshi had become an identity in itself, and the Nigerian identity had come to be linked with drugs. This is how stereotyping took place in the urban space. Due to stereotypes and racial profiling in urban neighbourhoods, African migrants were not rented houses easily. In Khirki Extension, housing was available, but the migrants had to pay double, while in other housing neighbourhoods, landlords completely refused to give their houses. Although after the midnight raid, many of the migrants were asked to vacate by the local community due to growing prejudices in the neighbourhood. These prejudices grew with construction of language that identified the migrants as Kalla or Habshi. The migrants also had to face people’s anger and resentment that came with language construction. Because of prevailing stereotypes about African migrants, the local residents were very vocal about their opinions. They believed that the crime rate had increased, and illegal activities were on the rise in the neighbourhood. They were voicing opinions like how their children were growing up in bad company and influence; therefore, parents were keeping their children away from the African community. They applauded the efforts of the law minister who conducted a midnight raid,1 which the local community

Discursive Representation and Othering  115 believed was a great move. In fact, it was the local pressure that had resulted in the midnight raid. It was a group of local residents who directed the law minister to specific houses, lanes, and buildings in which they wanted the raid to take place. The growing perception of the African migrants had become so negative that even the domestic workers in the neighbourhood refused to work in their houses. There were many stereotypes that were being constructed about them. A dominant stereotype was that they ate human flesh, which scared domestic workers and auto-rickshaw drivers. Such stories generated negative images of the migrant community and became the very reason for discrimination. There was also a strong association of Habshi with immoral and criminal. These discriminating ideas also became the reason for their spatial exclusion. There were numerous cultural differences which led to clashes between the native population and the African migrants. As a result of these cultural differences, there was a social construction of stereotypes and local perceptions regarding for instance, the dressing styles of African immigrants. ‘Africans,’ according to the local community, did not know how to dress with respect to local cultural codes, especially the women dressed indecently according to the host society. Through assertion of power it was made clear to the African women that they should conform to local cultural values and orthodox sentiments. It was asserted that they should at least be aware of local dressing standards and adhere to them. According to local residents, women were wearing revealing clothes. They believed that such attire made the local boys look at them with lust. In fact, a local resident stated that African women get molested because they did not dress up decently in the first place, and, hence, they should not complain about harassment. She said, The women are not dressed properly. It’s a conservative neighbourhood. There are children in the area. Why don’t they cover up with decency? They dress provocatively. That is why men and young boys gather in the streets to stare at them. I have two young boys and see them witnessing all this! But what can I do? How can I stop them when the women are exposing their bodies on the streets? The street culture has deteriorated to the point where we feel as if we are living in a brothel. I’m not sure why the landlords are renting out their properties to the Africans! It is necessary to link language and culture in ways to understand how they correlate to shared ideas, dominant beliefs and power structures. Locals believed that the women’s attire violated the cultural norms of Indian society, while a Nigerian respondent stated that this was her style and the ‘Nigerian way.’ According to her, this was the normal attire in Nigeria, where she grew up. She stated, In Nigeria women dress like this. They wear what they like! This is how we dress. Nobody teases us like this in Nigeria. Besides, if anybody dared to tease me in my country, I would never tolerate it.

116  Race, Representation, and Othering What the local community deemed inappropriate; a Nigerian woman migrant deemed absolutely appropriate. Evidently, a power struggle could be understood in terms of control of values, belief systems, and practices of the migrant community by placing the values of the host society as supreme. The expectation of the local community was that the migrant community should adhere to the rules of the host society. Due to these entanglements, migrants were subjected to harassment on the streets, which made them extremely helpless. But over-generalization and conflation of identity were taking place for the African community. It could be argued that cultural perceptions contributed to the othering of the African community. But it is in this hostile environment that an assertive African identity began to emerge against racial discrimination, prejudices, and stereotypes.

The Discursive Discourse on the African Identity: Locating Power, Hierarchy and Discrimination There are distinctions between semiotics and discursive modes of language. It can be argued that semiotic is concerned with the production of meaning in language, as well as the ‘poetics.’ While the repercussions and effects of language and its representation is discursive. Discursive can be understood as the politics of language. Discursive may be explained as the politics of representation, while semiotics is the poetics of language, which seeks to comprehend how meanings are generated. Discursive is concerned not just with how language generates meaning, but also with power-related discourses that may govern behaviour, build identities, and determine how objects should be represented or conceived. It emphasizes the historical particularity or “regime” or the source of its force. This is also known as the “discursive” trend in cultural studies (Hall 1997b:6). It is this discursive dimension of language and practice of signification that led to social constructions of the African identity. This social construction and representation have had a deep impact on the African community. The impact of this discursive representation is that the African community finds it difficult to live in neighbourhoods in Delhi due to the operations of language, its representations, and constructions. The impacts of words such as Habshi and their interlinkages made their living in the city difficult. As highlighted previously, they were not able to find housing easily in the city due to these stereotypes about them. A migrant from Congo DR looking for housing in an elite gated community says, It is very tough to find a house in Delhi. The people are very racist. I don’t get it why Indians are so racist? I thought it was a friendly country. But people don’t give us their houses. After the midnight raid in Khirki Extension many of us are looking for apartments outside now, people here are very bad! They shout at us, spit at us and abuse us. We are treated very badly in Khirki after the raid. The African community is slowly shifting out. There are a few property agents who help us to find houses, and they charge us double. Usually, they show us houses in the same neighbourhood.

Discursive Representation and Othering  117 In the Indian context, representation played an important role in the social construction of ‘African’ identity. The terms such as Habshi, Kallu, and Kalla were commonly used to refer to the African community. As part of everyday lived experiences in the city, such names were common, along with verbal abuse in the streets. Even in the neighbourhoods where the migrants lived such as in Khirki Extension, it was common for migrants to hear Habshi, Kallu, Kalla as names. One of the Respondents from Nigeria narrated that initially he did not understand Hindi but on hearing the word Kallu repeatedly, he understood that this word was used for him. In fact, he explained how Kallu was one of the first Hindi words he ever learnt. The phenomenon of language and representation can be understood here in the context of its signification. The operations of language, as in the discursive aspects of language, help to understand the process of construction, especially of the African identity. In this case, it is not simply the language and how it produces certain meanings for actors in society, which are the poetics or semiotics of language, but the use of words like Habshi or Kalla, which emphasize the discursive aspects of language. A link could be drawn with the construction of identity through language as in the Western context to discriminate against black people, such as, for example, words like Negro or nigger to refer to people of African origin. It has been demonstrated how such significations have been used to construct identity within power regimes that produce particular meanings that reflect hegemony and power (Bakhtin 1993). Semiotics is not the sole process through which language acts (Brandist 1996). It is discursive. Discursive is a strategy for referencing or producing knowledge or practice, as a set of images and ideas that give the means of referring to or speaking about a particular object or social activity. They are known as discursive structures. In the two perspectives, that is, semiotics and discursive aspects of language, language functions as a representational model wherein semiotics becomes the study of signals and the means through which culture imparts significance. Hall contends that discursive forms affect our behaviour in relation to a socially significant subject or activity in a certain situation (Hall 1997b). It is fundamental to its discursive representation, meaning, and culture. These are the very basic differences between semiotics and discursive approaches. Semiotics is concerned with the formation of meaning via language and poetics. Nonetheless, discursive refers to the ramifications and consequences of representation, or, more particularly, its politics. Semiotics is the poetics of language, which aims to grasp how meanings are formed. Discursive is not just concerned with how language produces meaning but also with power-related discourses that may influence behaviour, construct identities, and dictate how things should be represented or perceived. It highlights the historical specificity or regime or the power that produced it (Brandist 1996). In India, Kallu or Kalla was used to refer to the African migrants within the context of power. It could be seen how racism operated through the use of language. Moreover, this process of construction also represented hierarchy in the stratification system (Bonilla-Silva 1994). The rank ordering of people in the light of purity and pollution gave the local community power

118  Race, Representation, and Othering within the cultural system over the African community due to the social construction of black identity (Haney Lopez 1994). Further, the binary of black and white, in which black is represented as dark and dangerous, while white is represented as pure and divine, could also be seen in the light of colonialism (Fanon 1952). The representation of black through colonial images, photographs, and media has given rise to othering processes.

Reiterating Stereotypes and Conflation of Identity: The ‘Othering’ of the African Identity in the Indian Media “Why is Otherness such an alluring subject of representation?” What kinds of activities associated with representation signify racial difference and ‘Otherness’ (Hall 1993)? How do we analyze the discursive structures and grasp the regimes of representation that the media use to convey difference? How is race portrayed in relation to gender, sexuality, and social class? How do issues of representation relate to power? (Guyer 2000; Hall 1993). This framework analyses how culture, language, media, and representation are interlinked (Hall et al. 2005). Culture is a fundamental or constitutive process that is as important as material or economic ‘base’ in creating historical events and is not only a reflection of the natural world (Baldwin 1964). The interlinkage helps to explore questions related to African identity, which was represented through media and local images. Language played a significant role in the construction of hierarchy and difference. The construction of ‘Other’ happened through language and the use of words such as Kalla and Habshi, which further got represented in the media through images. The African identity was explored through the local community perspective in which the ‘Other’ was created through the construction of stereotypes and differences in culture. ‘Otherness’ was created through representation, culture, and language. The role of media could be noticed as significant in the construction of images and in the representation of African identity through cultural arenas. Hence in understanding its role, a focus was made on culture and its linkages with representation. Does a particular culture produce images and meanings within a particular circuit of culture? Does power play an important role in the representation of a particular object, people, or event? This section attempts to analyze the representation of photographs and media representation of the migrants as ‘Habshi.’ In the local context, the word ‘Habshi’ had become a signifier. The local community had constructed the ‘African’ identity as the ‘Other,’ as was observed in the Indian context. A ‘culture circuit’ was used to convey the message in the media and in the local community. An important part of this framework is to understand the process of creating the ‘Other’ and then how it is represented. The theoretical models to analyze the ‘politics of othering’ can be analyzed in this context to examine representation. Black/white is a symbol of the difference between ‘black’ and ‘white,’ according to Saussure’s relational theory of meaning in language. It’s important to note that in this context, meaning is contextual. Symbolism is

Discursive Representation and Othering  119 conveyed by the difference between black and white. We understand what it means to be British not only in terms of nationality but also in terms of how it distinguishes us from the Other (Hall 1997b:238). Not German, not American, not Jamaican is what it means to be British. Aside from the fact that they can be accused of being reductionist and oversimplified in their rigid two-part structure, the power aspect also reflects something – that is, there are very few neutral binary oppositions. There are two poles of power. Power is relational. However, when we refer to “white/black or masculine/ feminine, man/woman, upper class/lower class, British/alien,” the balance of power is skewed in a relational sense, which is why we use these terms (Hall 1997b). In the Indian media, representation of the African community had been oversimplified and generalized. What was interesting to observe was the representation of the African identity in the popular media such as local Indian newspapers, reports, news channels, journal articles, and photographs used along with reportage. Analysis of media reportage particularly in relation to the reportage of the case of the midnight raid in Khirki Extension brought out interesting revelations. The several media reports that were closely analyzed during the raid in Khirki Extension, Delhi, represented the migrants in a negative way. There were interviews of the local residents that were reported in newspapers to express their dismay against the African community. The newspapers represented a very negative image of the African community, carrying the voices of the local residents who displayed their concern over the growing crime rate in the neighbourhood and the deterioration of cultural values due to the increase in drug peddling and prostitution. There was a sensationalization of media reporting as opposed to sensitive reporting, especially with regard to women. While some newspapers marginally included the voices of the migrant community, most of the papers overstated the stereotypes. There was a continuous flow of representation in the media of the African migrants involved in drugs and, therefore, reports about how they were arrested, beaten, and lynched as they were involved in illegal activities. In 2014, when the midnight raid occurred, the African community was distraught over the images created about them. An African migrant from Tanzania stated, A controversy like Khirki Extension is shocking, and especially how people have been accused of running drugs and prostitution rackets. After the raid, a majority of the landlords wanted us to vacate immediately. They were suspicious, judgmental and believed that we are dangerous. There were all sorts of rumours and this was very disturbing. It was evident that the migrants were against general stereotyping, and they were constantly struggling against the images and stereotypes of the ‘African’ identity. The newspapers were reiterating negative images and representing stereotypes. There was representation of Africans in the context of

120  Race, Representation, and Othering illegal activities. In 2014, after the midnight raid, the newspaper reports represented the migrants as dangerous2 and how innocent people were scared of them. Further, in 2017, four Nigerian boys were beaten in Noida3 on account of cannibalism. The media reportage again highlighted the stereotype, and there was a repeated association with cannibalism. The death of an Indian boy in a neighbourhood of Noida4 due to drug overdose was also linked with Nigerians living next door portrayed as drug dealers. The Nigerian students studying at a university in Noida were made the target of wrath. This again found a certain kind of reportage and media representation of ‘Africans’ being represented with images of drug dealing. The images that were being circulated and produced in media were a generalization of the ‘African’ identity and that was, in turn, fixing the ‘African’ identity into a stereotype. A Congolese national says, All Africans are blamed for being drug dealers and prostitutes. This way of calling us names and shaming us is not good. There are many different sites where meanings are created and then circulated through what is known as the ‘cultural circuit.’ Understanding our place in the world and the people around us, as well as who we are as individuals, is only possible through a strong sense of meaning (Hall, 1997b). Every social interaction generates and exchanges a unique set of meanings. Cultural meaning is created in a variety of ways through media, particularly in global communication channels that use complex technologies and spread meanings across cultures at an unprecedented scale. Adding value to the cultural objects we encounter in our daily lives is only possible when we give them appropriate expression and consumption. As a result of our use of meaning, we establish the standards by which we conduct our daily activities. It establishes rules and regulations for our social interactions. Controlling and attempting to control the thoughts and actions of others turns those in power into a production site for meaning. Consequently, ‘cultural circuits’ are created. With reference to the African migrants, images that generally circulated in the newspapers demonstrated local stereotypes. It was observed, however, that regardless of different countries, nationalities, ethnicities, politics, languages, and religious beliefs, the media presented a confusing picture. The migrants came from countries such as Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Somalia, Burundi, Ghana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, Nigeria, and Sudan; however, the Indian media failed to portray the diversity and confused the identities. The local community too clubbed the different cultures and diversity of Africa into one category. The local community was not able to distinguish between different nationalities. A local community resident said, [T]hey fight amongst their own kind, they do not know how to get along amongst their own people! How can you trust them?

Discursive Representation and Othering  121 Ideas and meanings were produced through ‘cultural circuits’; however, it could be argued that the Indian media played a significant role in contributing to the images that represented a conflation of identity. This identity was represented as black and along with it an association of drugs, prostitution, violence, cannibalism. The media conflated all nationalities and mostly there was an over-generalization of ‘African’ identity prompted by the local perception. One repeatedly came across accusations made against the ‘Africans’ in general. Just like there was an over-generalization of the African identity, there was an over-generalization of the activities. Students, business entrepreneurs, professionals working in companies all faced the same attitude from the local people. This perception that all the migrants are living here illegally and not conforming to the Indian way of life was emphasized by the local media. Here one can relate to the idea of cultural circuits. It is the cultural actors who give meaning to individuals, objects, and events. Things do not have inherent significance or a single, unchanging meaning. It is the actors who impart significance. Meaning is derived from how we use objects or things, how we say what we say, how we think and feel about objects or things or people, how we use language, and how we represent. Through the framework of interpretation, we give meaning to people, objects, and events. Cultural practices are not genetically encoded, cultural practices are those that are meaningfully interpreted by social groups (Hall 1997b). Structuralists have argued that categories produce meanings (Douglas 1968, Strauss 1979) They argue that when things appear in the wrong categories, or when they do not fit into a category, they can produce an apparent disorder. For example, Mercury, which is both metal and liquid gives rise to a mixed category; a mixed-race individual, who is neither black nor white, provides a category that is hybrid, ambiguous, unstable. The symbolic boundary keeps categories ‘pure’ and gives culture its meaning and identity, but this gets unsettled when things do not stay in their right place. It is like breaking unwritten codes because what matters is the right place, such as, for example, how dirt is fine in the garden but not in a bedroom. When things do not appear in their appropriate place, it is like breaking the codes, a sign of taboo, pollution, or transgression of symbolic boundaries. Making a clear difference leads to the symbolic closing of the ranks and stigmatizing or expelling anything that is not in its place or out of place by calling it impure or abnormal. With reference to the African identity, there were categories through which the identity was being fixed. A common perception projected by the media was that all Africans are living without documents such as valid visas and passports. This further provoked the local community to raise questions regarding the validity of their migration status. It was in this context that the construction of what constitutes legal or illegal emerged. It was assumed that they are all illegal migrants, and they are over-staying their visas. In fact, the status of their passports and visas was demanded every now and then to threaten them, especially by the police, since it was assumed that they were over-staying their visas, that

122  Race, Representation, and Othering they were living illegally, that they were always scrutinized and treated with suspicion by the local community. On many occasions, the migrants reported how the police came and broke their small businesses, such as beauty parlours, saloons, African kitchens, and grocery shops, on the pretext that they are doing illegal business. Such local perceptions also affect the migrant’s everyday life experiences. The ‘African’ identity was constructed within such contexts, and this construction of African identity was reflected by the media. This is how an analysis of the ‘circuit of culture’ could be made where meanings were produced through categories and through perceptions. In the Indian context, the attempt was to understand how the process of construction of the African identity was taking place within a culture and how it was represented. In what context does it form and what were the different dimensions and associations that were linked to the process of the formation of African identity in the Indian context? What were the fixed cultural perceptions and categories that defined the African identity in India? The attempt has been to outline that representation using local perspectives emerging from newspapers.

Conclusion Several stereotypes were associated with African identity. They were known as Kallu, Kalla, and Habshi by the locals. The image of Habshi became associated with the African identity, which was further associated with the dark, primitive, dangerous, and illegal. This was the context in which ‘race became a signifier’ in India (Hall 1997a ). The term ‘Habshi’ came to be associated with negative stereotypes. Language evolved into a system of representation through which African identity in India was created. It evolved into a medium for depicting African identity through events and objects with meanings derived from dominant ideas and shared meanings. The Indian media echoed these representations as well. The discursive representation of African identity influenced the African community in urban areas, where they were abused and humiliated by being referred to as Habshi, Kalla, and Kallu. In fact, it was against these stereotypes and interconnections that several protests in the city grew, and an identity-based anti-racial discrimination movement emerged. These solidarities arose as a result of a shared identity in order to combat these negative images and stereotypes. Hall (1980) and Franz Fanon (1952) use psychoanalytic theory to explain racism. This analysis was used to comprehend the concepts of ‘difference’ and ‘Other’ in racial representation. They take into account the linguistic, cultural, social, and psychic dimensions of understanding otherness. On the issue of ‘difference’ and ‘Otherness,’ first and foremost, it was this analysis of ‘difference’ and ‘otherness’ that was crucial in understanding how difference was constructed negatively. This explained the representation’s hostility, aggression, and negative feelings toward the ‘Other’ (Hall 1980). Bakhtin, like the Saussureans, studied and analyzed language as a system in the 1940s. ‘Othering’ was conceptualized in this context

Discursive Representation and Othering  123 through perspectives such as the division of binary opposites by which meanings are assumed and differences become fundamental (Strauss 1979), “the object of her desire” (Lacan and Sheridan 1977), looking at oneself from the perspective of the Other (Fanon 1952).

Notes 1 Gulati, S. 2015. Bharti a Folk Hero in Khirki Extension. Retrieved July 11, 2016, from http://indianexpress.com: http://indianexpress.com/proEle/author/ sumegha-gulati/. Somnath Bharti, the Delhi law minister was crowned hero after he conducted the midnight raid on the African community. The local community applauded his efforts in cracking down on the community. 2 Hindustan Times, January 20, 2014 9:28 IST “‘Scared’ of Africans, Khirki Extension Locals Back Somnath Bharti.” 3 The Wire, March 31, 2017, “Africans Are Cannibals, and Other Toxic Indian Tales.” 4 Mail Online, March 28, 2017, 17:00 BST, “Hundreds of Indians Rampage through Shopping Mall and Attack African Migrants in Revenge for Teenagers Overdose Blamed on Foreign Drug Dealers.”

Bibliography Bakhtin, M.M. 1993. Toward a Philosophy of the Act. (Trans. V. Liapunov). Austin: University of Texas Press. Baldwin, James. 1964. The Fire Next Time. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books. Bonilla-Silva, Edward. 1994. Rethinking Racism: Towards a Structural Interpretation. Michigan: Center for Research on Social Organization. Brandist, Craig. 1996. Gramsci, Bakhtin and the Semiotics of Hegemony. New Left Review, 216: 94–109. de Saussure, Ferdinand. 1959. Course on General Linguistics. New York: Philosophical Library, Inc. Douglas, Mary. 1968. Religion and Myth: Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. American Anthropologist, 70(2): 391–393. Fanon, Franz. 1952. Black Skin White Masks. London: Pluto Press. Guyer, Paul. 2000. Critique of the Power of Judgment. (Trans. E. Matthews). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hall, Stuart. 1980. Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms. Media, Culture and Society, 2: 57–72. Hall, Stuart. 1993. Culture, Community, Nation. Cultural Studies, 7: 349–363. Hall, Stuart. 1997a. Race, the Floating Signifier. Masonic St. Northampton: Media Education Foundation. Hall, Stuart. 1997b. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage Publications. Hall, Stuart, Hobson, D., Lowe, A. and Willis, P. 2005. Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972–79. London: Routledge. Haney Lopez, I.F. 1994. The Social Construction of Race: Some Observations on Illusion, Fabrication, and Choice. Harvard Civil Rights/Civil Liberties Law Review, 29: 1–62.

124  Race, Representation, and Othering Lacan, Jacques and Sheridan, Alan. 1977. Ecrits. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Oncu, Ayse and Petra Weyland (eds.) 1997. Space, Culture and Power. New Identities in Globalizing Cities. London/New Jersey: Zed Books Ltd. Strauss, Claude-Levi. 1979. Myth and Meaning. Michigan: Schocken Books.

9 The Pan-African Identity in India The Emergence of Collective Identity through Solidarity Networks and African Kitchens

Introduction The emergence of ‘African’ kitchens, bars, boutiques, and exclusive African shops selling spices, dry fish, and African products was an intriguing feature of the ‘African clusters.’ What do these spaces symbolize? Hence, the role and significance of ‘African’ kitchens, bars, boutiques, and parlours are analyzed. Second, the chapter discusses the role of Othering and stereotypes in the emergence of collective solidarity among African migrants. The solidarity of the African community is explained through the lived experiences of racial violence and discrimination. This experience gave birth to an assertive identity in the face of stereotypes. Third, the chapter defines Pan-African identity and how it emerged to deal with marginalization. Here, it is asserted that the hostile urban environment, i.e. the host society, played a significant role in the emergence of a Pan-African identity. Hence, at the diasporic level, the ‘Pan-African identity’ emerged. Most importantly, it is contended that the African kitchen represents a safe space for the community to meet and interact. Here the role of this ‘collective identity,’ which is Pan-African in India, can be used to help achieve the SDG 10 and SDG 11 goals by challenging racial inequalities.

African Kitchens and the Emergence of the Collective Identity The African community is not homogeneous but rather diverse in India. African migrants come from different countries and live within urban neighbourhoods where cultural-social exchanges take place in terms of ideas, beliefs, lifestyles, and sharing of concerns for political problems in countries of origin. Such conversation and discourse take place within the ‘African kitchens,’ which are ‘exclusive.’ Most importantly these spaces emerge as safe spaces for interaction among African migrants. These ‘spaces’ are analyzed as sites of multicultural interactions among the African community. Moreover, there are very limited opportunities and avenues for African migrants for recreation, leisure, and interaction. Hence, the emergence of African kitchens, bars, boutiques, parlours as ‘exclusive’ spaces appear as the only ‘safe spaces’ for social interaction. The migrants coming DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-12

126  Race, Representation, and Othering from different countries in Africa said they had to make arrangements for food. In fact, many of them who were students living in shared accommodation with their friends and living independently of their own families had to cook their own food. A respondent from Somalia says, I prefer living with my friends as I can cook and eat the food that I relish. We don’t get the food we normally eat in our country in India, but the dosa (rice pancake) is very similar. I like dosa as it is a bit like the food we eat back home. But in Africa women are the real cooks. The men will cook food that somehow only they can manage to eat, that’s how the joke goes! The women are the main chefs. They say that men cook only because they are hungry. In India, we cook when we miss our food. We make the bread with suji (food grain) white one, to eat with dry meat and vegetables, lentils and pepper. We eat with soup. It’s very nice. The way we boil meat is very nice! Ethiopian food is also very similar. But the food they eat is very spicy. If you want to taste you can get Ethiopian food in the Ethiopian embassy. It’s one of the best East African food joints. But the African migrants’ food preferences and eating habits were enormously criticized by the local community. Food preferences emerged as a major cultural issue for the local community. For instance, regarding food, there were many stereotypes that existed. The local community complained that the smell and odour that came out of the African kitchens while they were cooking and preparing their meals were pungent and strong. The local residents said that they did not like the smells coming out of their kitchens. This contributed to the build-up of various stereotypes about food eating habits and consumption patterns of the African community. The problems that the local community shared was majorly aimed at food habits and consumption patterns. There were many complaints about the smells coming out of the African kitchens. One of the local community respondents said that her kitchen was facing an African lady’s kitchen. When she cooked food, there was a strong smell and a whiff that came out of her kitchen. She said that it came straight into her house. It smelt like burning flesh, and there was a lot of smoke that came out. She said that the meat had a stink. One of the domestic workers who works in the area also said that she did not want to work in the homes of African migrants, as she did not like cleaning the utensils. She narrated that she was not sure what the meat was. There were common stereotypes and differences about food preferences. Another respondent from Somalia says, Delhi is not the place to eat. I miss my own home food! You have to miss it, right? I cook at my place, sometimes I cook spaghetti. I cook spaghetti with chicken. Delhi is not the place for good food. Because I grew up in Hyderabad, I like the food there and it’s not expensive like Delhi. I took my Indian friends to the African kitchen. We were chilling!

The Pan-African Identity in India  127 They were hungry so they said let’s go somewhere else and eat, I said no, we eat here in the African Kitchen. I want you try African food. They said yea, ok! The soup was spicy, and she said, “Oh’ no! We can’t eat spicy!” I laughed, you are Indians, and you cannot eat spicy food. We Somalians eat a lot of fish. In India we eat dry fish. We are from the Coast. I am from the South. You know Somalia has the biggest ocean. It has the Indian Ocean. So, we eat a lot of fish, sea fish. A respondent from Kenya says, I eat at odd hours; I’m not able to eat properly in India. Not eating at regular intervals. I know what I’m supposed to do, but my weakness is that I cannot do regular cooking and eating. I don’t spend more than 5 minutes in the kitchen. I buy vegetables but they get spoilt. And in 2 weeks I make maybe 2 vegetables. I’ll buy milk, get bread, eat milkbread-milk-bread. There’s jam, I’ll buy Kissan. Even my mom knows about my eating habits, she says your wife will come and set you! I don’t have an eating disorder, but I do not eat properly. I cook food in my house sometimes, I don’t eat spices, my mum takes spices, but she puts in her plate, not mine. She knows I won’t eat. I’m not a foodie so my roommate does the cooking sometimes, but when he cooks, everything will get messed up. He cooks and spoils the kitchen. When he enters – almost everything is finished. When the food is ready, I go into the kitchen and start cleaning. When I come back from the university, I eat but the food is cold. I will clean everything. I shout at him and tell him you have to be responsible, but he says no, I cook, I say you make everything dirty. So, I spend 1 hour 20 minutes every day in cleaning! That is why I prefer eating out. There were numerous kitchens and restaurants that catered to the diverse African community, such as the ‘African kitchens’ where a large part of the migrant community went for eating and socializing. The African kitchens were informal spaces created for community socializing, leisure, eating, and drinking. These were informal enterprises run by the members of the African community to create avenues for them to socialize in the evenings. The African kitchens were located in apartments and individual homes but operated as restaurants. The rooms of the apartments operated as private spaces with televisions that were always on while migrants were eating, drinking, and spending leisure time. Not many people knew about them except the members of the African community. Another reason why they did not stand out as commercial was because they operated in apartments and were kept low-key. In many cases, these apartments were on the top floors of the building. However, the migrants also tried to keep these spaces low in profile and away from public awareness as there had been many raids and incidences. The forceful closing of these kitchens had been rampant due to local community pressure, so the African community kept them

128  Race, Representation, and Othering low-key. Also, these spaces were not entirely commercial due to various technical reasons. They operated as spaces for meetings and spaces for ‘chilling.’ Interestingly all the migrants visited these spaces. They were generally open to all the members of the African community. However, there were also specific kitchens catering to certain nationalities only. But there was a sense of common culture and a common unity that was generated from these spaces. If there were any differences or conflicts among the migrants, they were resolved in these spaces. What emerged from these spaces was that since the migrants were facing an antagonistic environment in India, these kitchens emerged as safe spaces for the migrants with an absence of abuse, harassment, and racial discrimination. The migrants frequently faced racial discrimination in restaurants, bars, and pubs where they were often stopped for tight scrutiny and checks due to the prevailing stereotype of drugs. So, these African kitchens provided safe leisure spaces where they were not harassed. An important point to be made here is that the African kitchens unlike grocery stores or barbershops were restricted in their access as compared to other spaces. Many of them did not allow the local community inside the closed doors. For instance, a person from the local community could only visit if there was an African migrant accompanying them. These spaces had become hubs and operated as subcultures. They stood out from the dominant culture and dominant ideology of the host society. These spaces operated as interesting spaces for understanding identity questions. James (2012) argues that Pan-African is the analysis of the lives of the people from Africa through a multiple perspective. It concerns not only the African continent but also those living in other parts of the world. It includes the study of Africa, the Caribbean, Africans living in America (AfricanAmerican), and Africans living throughout the world. It is not confined to any geographical area. Pan-Africanism focuses on the people of Africa wherever they are in Asia, the Pacific Islands, or South America. The primary way of its organization is racial and cultural. Pan-Africanism includes a diverse field of study starting from slavery, colonization, oppression, imperialism, self-determinism, emancipation, and liberation. In the Indian context, to understand this Pan-African identity, an understanding of the African diaspora is also essential in order to study the migration and movement of not just people but also the movement of different cultures. People from different countries of Africa come to India and explore, discover, and understand each other within a particular space and context. In fact, many African migrants said that they learnt about different countries of Africa and the varied African cultures on coming to India. Meeting people of different nationalities and learning about their particular cultures brings a sense of unity and solidarity among the migrants through common kitchens and informal spaces. Hence to understand this identity, a connection between migration, culture, and politics was made, within which a formation of a Pan-African identity emerges. The Pan-African identity also gave rise to the formation of African clusters where African migrants from

The Pan-African Identity in India  129 different countries of Africa came to live within the same neighbourhood. There was a preference given to locations where an African community resided. There were many reasons for that, such as, informal spaces for interaction for the African community like common convenient stores, African shops, and African kitchens. The presence of African kitchens, restaurants, bars, boutiques, tailor shops, saloons, parlours, and superstores, which used the name ‘African,’ boldly highlighted the sign boards in Khirki Extension, gave a sense of solidarity to the African migrants. More importantly, migrants from Africa also ran these enterprises. It is in this context that the Pan-African identity also developed. Interestingly, as mentioned earlier, there were many informal spaces such as the ‘African kitchens’ and some African shops which were completely closed to the local Indian community. In this context, could these spaces be seen as assertive spaces demonstrating identity politics? It is possible to analyze the formation of an African subculture itself as assertive, imbued with a power for a strong identity movement. The March for Justice, discussed in Chapter 7, could be seen as a movement surfacing from this political identity. Further, as mentioned in the earlier chapters, there was a process of assimilation and integration that was taking place in the urban space of Khirki Extension wherein the migrants who came from different countries of Africa made an effort to assimilate with the local cultures, yet there was a continued sense of resentment for the ‘other.’ This led to the spatial clustering of the community, which also contributed to the formation of a new African identity leading to PanAfrican identity. It is in this context, that the concept of Pan-Africanism is conceived.

Pan-African Identity: The Formation of the Political Identity at the Diasporic Level The African migrant community’s diversity could not be overlooked. Differences in ethnicity and religion can help explain the African community’s diversity. The African community included both practising Muslims and Christians. The presence of the local Indian Muslim population provided a sense of belonging to the ethnic and religious characteristics of the Muslim migrant community. Many Muslim migrants from Africa, including Somalia, Sudan, and parts of Nigeria, were participating in religious festivals that the local Indian population also observed. There was a large Muslim population from India in Khirki Extension, particularly in Hauz Rani. During festivals like Ramadan and Eid, there was an interesting cultural mix of the Muslim population. Khirki Extension was also home to a sizeable Afghan refugee population. As a result, during Muslim festivals, the streets were alive with activity until midnight. A Pentagon Church in the Khirki Extension neighbourhood provided a space for Sunday prayers and congregations for the African Christian population. One of the respondents expressed gratitude for the ability to attend church in

130  Race, Representation, and Othering nearby areas such as Dr. Ambedkar Colony, Andheria Mode, and Chhatarpur. He stated that there were a few churches in Delhi where Congolese nationals could pray in French and Nigerians could pray in English. Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries, a Nigerian choir, also held prayers in Hindi at Khirki Extension. This was a special gesture to allow the local Indian community to participate. One respondent stated that he wanted his Indian friends to visit his church and that the church should conduct their prayers in Hindi on occasion so that people would see that not all Africans were bad and accept them as good people. Because of the wide range of nationalities among the African immigrants that congregated in the same neighbourhood, it was possible to observe the mixing of people from various countries in Africa. Many respondents stated that African diplomats and ministers working in the embassy lived in wealthy areas, in large mansions with security guards, personal drivers, and chauffeured cars. They belonged to the upper class and had high incomes, but they did not live in Khirki Extension. In comparison to other elite gated societies in Delhi, this is a more affordable neighbourhood. Many people could afford to live in gated communities, but they couldn’t get housing because of negative stereotypes about African migrants. This resulted in clustering as well. It is worth noting here that the Pan-African identity emerged within this diversity of religion, gender, and class. Here one tends to wonder, what is the nature of the Pan-African identity that is gaining traction? With the current multiplicity of cultures, ethnicities, politics, religions, and beliefs among the African migrants in India, how is the PanAfrican identity formed? What processes aid in the formation of this identity? What do the migrants in Delhi make of their newfound identity? Are informal, multicultural African spaces the reason for the emergence of Pan-African identity? Pan-African identity emerged in Delhi, particularly in the urban neighbourhood where African clusters formed as a result of cultural, social, spatial, economic, and political factors. Cultural processes played a significant role in the formation of political identity in the Indian context. This identity emerged as a strong assertive identity as well. The processes of Othering and, hence, the formation of a collective identity for the ‘African’ migrants created a sense of community. While migrants from various African countries attempted to integrate into the local culture, they were still subjected to racial profiling, which led to the formation of a collective identity that could be studied on a diasporic level. For the first time, C.L.R James used the term Pan-African or Pan-Africanism in 1945. He coined the term PanAfricanism to describe the global struggles of black people. He mentioned it at a Congress held in Manchester in 1945 to demonstrate African political unity. But the most important aspect of this definition of Pan-Africanism is the concept of community, which is realized in the form of a ‘community of interest.’ So, the significant point is the shift from a community in itself to a community for itself. He defines it as follows,

The Pan-African Identity in India  131 Since the famous Fifth Pan-African Congress held at Manchester in 1945, the term Pan-Africanism has been applied to the question of political unity on the African continent. The original meaning included the idea of “community” of interest among African people all over the world. (Martin 1972:191) African identity emerged from two processes – that is, first from the local construction entrenched in suspicion and stereotypes and, second, the process in which the African identity emerged as an identity that struggled against stereotypes. This is conceptualized here as the Pan-African identity.

Local Hostility and the Emergence of Pan-African Identity As mentioned, within the African community, there were differences in nationalities, religions, ethnicity, politics, culture, and so on. The African identity that emerged in the Indian context was to fight the racist attitudes. It became an identity that was fighting against discrimination in India that was deeply rooted in racism. A sense of solidarity was seen in which unity formed based on the similarity of experiences and everyday interactions. The African migrants narrated that as soon as they arrived in India, racism became an everyday reality. Starting from the experiences of discrimination at the airport, to police stations and the local community, their experiences were distraught with abuse and attacks. The migrants narrated how names were called out to them from behind, such as saand (bull), Habshi,1 while they were walking down the streets. It was surprising to hear how the migrants recalled Hindi abuses that were hurled at them, and those were the very first words they learnt. They narrated that they were abused in public; especially the African women narrated how they were asked, “How much?” by locals, which meant that every African woman was seen as engaged in prostitution. This was a common experience that emerged for most of the African women. One of the African women said that she didn’t make any Indian friends, as they were offensive. In another incident relating to cannibalism and drug abuse, which was reported in the newspapers, it was shown how four men from Nigeria2 were brutally beaten, and they were attacked by the local community only on the grounds of suspicion. The attacks were made on the excuse that they had supplied drugs to an Indian boy who died of an overdose. Prior to this incident in the same case, there was suspicion that the migrants themselves had eaten up the boy when he had gone missing. In this case, the locals barged3 into their home and scrutinized the refrigerator to see if they had eaten up the boy and kept the leftovers in their fridge. It was under such circumstances that a strong and assertive identity emerged to fight the injustices based on unity and solidarity. This identity emerged as a Pan-African identity. One of the African migrants said,

132  Race, Representation, and Othering We are all like brothers. We are from different countries. We study about different countries in Africa just like you study about different countries in Asia and the world, even we study! There are economic ties between the countries of Africa. We feel united in India when we come. We have different culture, ethnicity, language but we are all like brothers in India. After the death of Olivier, there was a movement of solidarity that emerged within the African community. The African community became united at multiple levels. Firstly, there was a unity that formed between migrants from different countries of Africa based on the fact that their experiences as a community were very similar in the city based on common experiences of racism. Words such as Kalla and Habshi were used for all the migrants who had come from different countries in Africa. Hence, ‘African’ as an assertive and political identity emerged to demand rights. Secondly, during this phase, various African Associations emerged which were ready to address the problems of all the African migrants in Delhi and form solidarities. Thirdly, based on colour, the local community started to refer to the migrants as ‘Kalu, Kala, and African.’ Therefore, the ‘African’ as an identity also emerged as a point of reference and a signifier for both the local community and migrant community, but the meanings for both communities were different. In fact, many of the migrants from the African community also said that they started learning about the cultures of different countries in Africa after they came to India. They also started forming a solidarity network because physical characteristics were taking on a social character. The formation of this African identity was an important event. So, a strong politics of identity emerged around the ‘African’ identity. For the migrants, it was like brothers from different countries. For the local community, it was drug peddlers, illegal migrants, and prostitutes. In the local sphere, ‘African’ was associated with everything that was illegal, bad, and criminal. It was to stand against such discrimination and prejudice that several protests in the city grew, and an identity-based movement began to surface. Othering of the African community by the local community as a response to difference in culture and lifestyle patterns was taking place. On the other hand, African migrants were experiencing a different culture of the host society and also at the same time exploring their own cultural identities in a foreign country. There was a self-exploration of identity and culture that was of African origin but more Pan-African due to the consequences of living in a foreign land. The dominant culture of the society largely overriding the ‘African culture’ also created certain outcomes and therefore produced differences in practice of culture and lifestyle. These circumstances provided the context for the formation of collective identity, which became more prominent in African kitchens, bars, shops, salons, parlours, and boutiques. Most of these spaces were specific and exclusive in their appeal to African migrants only, such as, for instance, the hair weaving shops. The hair weaving was done according to the fashions

The Pan-African Identity in India  133 and styles of specific countries. Moreover, in Khirki Extension, it was observed that the African community had specific barbershops that could cut their hair, as the migrants felt that Indian barbers could not understand their hair, and many of them would cut off their skin, as they didn’t know how to cut it due to lack of experience, so the migrants preferred their own barbershops. Further, there were African shops that sold specific products that were popular among the African community such as spices, dry fish, oil, and food items, and, hence, they were generally and most frequently only visited by the African community. So, a collective identity in the diaspora started to emerge. Moreover, the image of Habshi was interlinked with cannibalism. It was, in fact, against such interlinkages that several protests in the city grew and an identity-based movement against such stereotypes and racial discrimination surfaced. These solidarities emerged on the basis of a collective identity for fighting against these forms of racial discrimination. Interestingly, this solidarity also emerged amidst the differences in nationality, religion, and political contexts of the African community (like some countries had political unrest while others were more stable). In this context, a strong African identity emerged at the diasporic level. This ‘African’ identity also emerged as an assertive identity against racial discrimination. This helped to analyze the socio-cultural contexts of migrant communities living in countries outside of their own native countries or homelands, and their consequential identity formations (James 1945). In short, it could be argued that the Indian context was giving rise to a multicultural Pan-African identity. Here, it could be argued that the African cluster was formed on the basis of an African identity at a diasporic level.

The Functionality of the Pan-African Identity: Solidarity and Informal Networks Clusters as Sites of Informal Networks Pan-Africanism contributed to the formation of solidarity and informal networks. It is possible to state that the Pan-African identity itself also contributed to the establishment of African clusters, in which African migrants from several countries settled in the same neighbourhood. Preference was given to places where an African population existed. There were several causes for this, including the prevalence of African kitchens as informal spaces for meetings. Apart from that, African stores and business enterprises also provided a good reason for clustering. Moreover, African migrants also operated these businesses which the migrant community wanted to support. This was an important economic factor that gave rise to the opportunity for the community to create work prospects. This economic factor emerged as a major reason for the African clusters. Further, what emerged as a major reason for clusters becoming spaces of empowerment was first that living in the same locality helped the migrants to build

134  Race, Representation, and Othering solidarity networks and groups at the level of the African diaspora. These groups also took the shape of informal associations and organizations that helped the African community to remain connected as one community. Intriguingly, this African solidarity evolved despite variations in nationality, religion, and political settings. From here, a strong African identity formed at the level of the African diaspora. Additionally, the ‘African’ identity arose as a forceful identity. In fact, in India, racial clustering also emerged as a form of subversion of power and a source of unity to establish community and identity at the level of the African diaspora. The emergence of racial clusters while on the one hand could be seen as a manifestation of exclusionary practices and ‘Othering,’ on the other, could also be seen as the reason for growing African unity among community members and the emergence of subcultures and African identity as a source of power. Here the relationship between the emergence of a collective African identity with racial clusters is stated. It can be argued that ‘racial clusters’ which marked exclusion (both social and spatial) are certainly a result of Othering processes. But the racial clusters also serve as sites for the formation of networks or Pan-Africanism to fight the hostile urban environment and stereotypes. The migrants from the African community were not able to get housing in gated communities in other urban housing areas. This is also how clustering took place. This was also why clustering is Empowering in this context. Negotiating Discrimination and Othering Negotiating discrimination and Othering was a process and there were a number of ways by which it was taking place. One of the major reasons that emerged was the issue of security. Living in the same network area provided a sense of safety for the people. It gave people a sense of protection and solidarity from the hostile environment in which comments were made at them such as Habshi, Kalla, Kallu. The migrants explained that such incidents of abuse, use of bad language, and calling of names were commonly experienced by everyone at marketplaces or restaurants or transportation hubs like auto stands, taxi stands, and metro stations. Negative comments were made to the migrants irrespective of the country they came from. Racial Profiling was taking place where every migrant from Africa was seen in a negative light. They were all seen as drug dealers, and women were seen as involved in prostitution. Such stereotypes about the entire community were formed very strongly, and the African community felt that living together and fighting discrimination helped them to survive on a daily basis. Be it paying extra for taxi rides, having trouble with the police or security officials at the airport, or local residents who wanted to keep their children away from the influence of ‘African people,’ all of these incidences gave them a sense of estrangement. Indeed, the African community could name a lot of incidents that made them feel disliked and socially excluded. Such discrimination was often felt to be racial as perceived by many of the

The Pan-African Identity in India  135 migrants but not acknowledged by the state. The African community urged that these cases were racial, but the state, the police, and the Ministry of External Affairs claimed that these incidences were simply criminal attacks and the result of cultural conflicts between the locals and the African migrants, and said that it would be incorrect to call them racial. The African community reiterated that racial and sexual abuse, public beating, lynching, and harassment were very common in India. So, it was against this injustice that mass media campaigns in line with Black Lives Matter emerged. For instance, in a media post by Darren Sammy, the former captain of the West Indies cricket team, named the members of the Indian cricket team who referred to him as “Kallu.” He asserted that he did not know what it meant when he was being referred to by that name. In fact, he thought that it meant ‘strong stallion.’ Sammy revealed his experience of racism during the Indian Premier League, a 20-cricket match series. He played for the Sunrisers Hyderabad for a short stint between 2013 and 2015. The revelation of the Indian cricket team members who tagged him as “Kallu” on social media became significant. Sammy had emerged as a strong voice in the social movement of Black Lives Matter, which exposed structural and institutional racism experienced by not only African Americans but also black people around the world. This experience echoed the voices of the African community in India. To deal with Othering and exclusion, identity-based movements also erupted at different points against racial discrimination. This solidarity arose on the basis of a shared identity to combat various types of racial prejudice.

Conclusion There were different types of cultural interactions within the African cluster. On the one hand, there was Othering of the African population by the local community because of differences in lifestyle. African migrants, on the other hand, were experiencing a distinct culture in India while simultaneously discovering their own cultural identities. A Pan-African exploration of African identity and culture occurred as a result of the effects of living in a foreign country. The ‘African culture’ being largely ousted by the dominant culture also produced particular outcomes and, consequently, disparities in cultural practises and ways of life. These conditions fostered the emergence of subcultures, which gained prominence in African restaurants, bars, shops, salons, parlours, and boutiques. Almost all of these establishments catered specifically and exclusively to African migrants. In addition, there was simultaneous assimilation and acculturation, with African migrants adapting to the Indian way of life, but the emergence of a ‘PanAfrican identity’ was based on the antagonistic urban environment postulated by the host society. The migrants from various nations exhibited a variety of characteristics. However, despite differences in nationality, culture, religion, and ethnicity, African migrants shared a common goal of overcoming negative stereotypes. In spite of their efforts to assimilate, the

136  Race, Representation, and Othering African immigrant community in India recounted encountering difficulties. Despite the presence of multiculturalism and cultural interaction in the urban space of Khirki Extension, it was observed that the African culture was viewed as different resulting to othering of the community. The African community was treated differently based on their eating habits, clothing, and way of life, etc. Despite the African community’s efforts to assimilate with local cultures, they were stigmatized. In this light, the development of Pan-African identity was outlined. Moreover, despite their differences, migrants formed a political identity and a community. Racial profiling and Othering created a sense of political belonging, unity, and solidarity among the migrants. Migrant solidarity emerged in opposition to the stereotypes of African identity that were commonly held. Racism and other forms of injustice bound the migrants in India together. Racism, violence, humiliation, discrimination, and social exclusion were common experiences for migrants. As a result, migrants from various African countries came together, regardless of their differences.

Notes 1 Firstpost, May 18, 2015, updated 12:56 pm. “Its Like I Have a Disease’ Citizens of African Nations Talk of the Racism They Face in India.” 2 The Indian Express, Express News Service, April 4, 2017, 10:55 am. “Attack on Africans in Greater Noida: African Envoys Hit Out, Govt. Says Aberration.” 3 HuffPost, March 27, 2017, 9:01 am IST. “Nigerian Students in Greater Noida Accused of Cannibalism, Neighbours—Barge in to Search Refrigerator.”

Bibliography Adi, Hakim. 2002. The African Diaspora, ‘Development’ & Modern African Political Theory. Review of African Political Economy, 29(92): 237–251. Brettell, C.B. 2001. Anthropology of Migration and Multiculturalism. New Directions by Steven Vertovec. Anthropos, Bd, 105(H.2): 690–691. Castells, Manuel. 2004. The Network Society: A Cross-cultural Perspective. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Curtin, P.D. 1979. The African Diaspora. Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques, 6(1): 1–17. Diedrich, M., Henry Louis, G., and Pedersen, C. 1999. Black Imagination and the Middle Passage. New York: Oxford University Press. Du Bois, W.E. and Aptheker, H. 1985. Against Racism. Massachusetts: University of Massachusetts Press. Feracho, L. (2008). From Black Power to Hip Hop: Racism, Nationalism, and Feminism by Patricia Hill Collins. The Journal of Negro Education, 77(1): 83–85. Fine, G.A. and Kleinman, S. 1979. Rethinking Subculture: An Interactionist Analysis. American Journal of Sociology, 85(1): 1–20. Foran, John. 2001. Studying Revolutions through the Prism of Race, Gender, and Class: Notes toward a Framework. Race, Gender & Class, 8(2): 117–141. Giles, Michael. 1977. Percent Black And Racial Hostility: An Old Assumption Reexamined. Social Science Quarterly, 58(3): 412–417.

The Pan-African Identity in India  137 Gordon, E.T. and Anderson, M. 1999. The African Diaspora: Toward an Ethnography of Diasporic Identification. The Journal of American Folklore, 112(445): 282–296. Hall, Stuart. 1980. Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms. Media, Culture and Society, 2: 57–72. Hall, Stuart. 1996. New Ethnicities. In D. Morley and K.H. Chen (eds.), Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies (pp. 441–449). New York: Routledge. Hall, Stuart and Jefferson, T. 1991. Resistance Through Rituals Youth Subcultures in Post-war Britain. Birmingham: Routledge. Halpern, B. 1965. Ethnic and Religious Minorities: Subcultures and Subcommunities. Jewish Social Studies, 27(1): 37–44. Harrison, F.V. 1995. The Persistent Power of “Race” in the Cultural and Political Economy of Racism. Annual Review of Anthropology, 24: 47–74. James, C.L.R. 1989. Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’ouvertu D E San Domingo Revolution (2nd ed.). New York: Vintage Books. James, C.L.R. 2012. A History of Pan-African Revolt. Oakland, CA: PM Press. Lavie, S. and Swedenborg, T. 1996. Displacement, Diaspora and Geographies of Identity. (S. Lavie and T. Swedenborg, Eds.) Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press. Manning, Patrick. 2009. The African Diaspora: A History Through Culture. New York: Columbia University Press. Martin, Tony. 1972. C. L. R. James and the Race/Class Question. Sage, 14(2): 183–193. Mohan, A.B.-W. 2002. Africa, the African Diaspora & Development. Review of African Political Economy, 29(92): 205–210. Okpeh Ochayi Okpeh, J. 2011. Beyond Racial Myths, Prejudices and Stereotypes: Reconstructing African/Black Diaspora Studies in a Changing World. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 20: 104–123. Olukoshi, A. 2006. African Scholars and African Studies. Development in Practice, 16(6): 533–544. Palmer, Colin A. (2000). Defining and Studying the Modern African Diaspora. The Journal of Negro History, 85(1/2): 27–32. Taylor, Charles. 1994. Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Part IV

The Way Forward

10 De-colonizing Colour Consciousness Theorzing Race and Racism in India

Introduction What are the root causes of racism and segregation in India? There are limitations to the earlier theories on racism. Hence, it is pertinent to develop a structural theory of racism based on radicalized social systems. Such a social system involves analysis of racist actors placed in economic, political, social, and ideological categories. This framework of analysis emphasizes the subtle and indirect forms of racial discrimination rather than overt forms. The structural theory is also concerned with the “reproduction of racial phenomena in contemporary societies” and how racialization leads to the development of stereotypes. (Bonilla-Silva 1997). It is in this context that this book seeks to contribute to social policy by including the perspectives of migrants confronting racism in India. It was observed that race had become a predominant metaphor for illegal immigration, prostitution, cannibalism, and drugs in the urban environment, particularly in the urban neighbourhoods of Delhi. Thus, the focus is made on the processes and structures that contribute to the formation of race as a signifier. The social construction of race identifies the contexts in which race is produced by thoroughly examining cultural and historical events. The chapter examines several social constructs of identity, such as colonial history, its influence on social structures, institutional procedures, psychological distress, and the daily lives of persons who encounter racial prejudice. It can be argued that colour consciousness plays a crucial role in racial discrimination in India. This colour consciousness may be traced back to Indian colonialism when the imperial force conditioned its captive citizens with colour consciousness. Incomplete and poorly comprehended de-colonization has had negative effects on postcolonial cultures (Gohain 2011). De-colonization can further contribute to reducing inequalities and create partnerships and collaborations between societies which have a collective history of colonization thereby contributing to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 10 and 17.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003276845-14

142  The Way Forward

African Migrants and Their Adaptation to Their Host Culture: Mapping Cultural Assimilation and Multiculturalism How does the host society respond to migrant culture, and how do African migrants understand and interpret local cultures? What are the processes that occur in the urban space that allow for cultural exchanges and interactions? The interaction of cultures or the meeting of two cultures in the Indian context is examined to understand the consequent processes. An analysis is carried out in order to comprehend processes such as assimilation and acculturation. However, with reference to the African community in India, despite the efforts made by the community, the members of the host society still showed their resentment. The larger question is why? The literature on ‘cultural assimilation’ focuses on the factors that promote or hinder cultural assimilation. The term ‘cultural assimilation’ refers to “becoming alike” and “accepting the laws, rights, and duties” of the land migrated and settled on. It does not imply that the people abandon their own identity completely, but that they resemble the natives’ behaviour and practices so closely that it is difficult to tell them apart. The role of natives, immigrants, governmental organizations, and administrative authorities in the assimilation process is critical. These factors interact with one another and frequently work in opposite directions, making assimilation a difficult journey (Bunle 1950). The friction caused by non-assimilation between natives and immigrants necessitates an assimilation policy. Differential policies do not achieve the best social outcomes for migrants. The social policy model is advantageous to both migrants and natives (Kónya 2007). There is a distinction between assimilation and assimilationism (in which a dominant social group seeks assimilation of outsiders by appealing to its superior culture, (Callan 2005). One of the studies locates immigrant resistance to cultural assimilation using a case study on Western Germany and its immigrants. It suggests policies that could be implemented to improve the welfare of migrants (Isaac 1950). Friendship and the depth of social networks with natives have an effect on cultural assimilation. Immigrants’ social fabric and networks with natives, such as “birth of a child, period of stay in host country, employment, residential mobility, acquiring education,” have an effect. Immigrants who have native friends are more culturally assimilated than those who do not (Giovanni Facchini 2015). The concepts of ‘Acculturation’ and ‘assimilation’ are not the same. Acculturation occurs when immigrants assimilate into a dominant group in their host country. In addition, there is the role of dominance in acculturation. Dominance is considered ‘contingent,’ and it can occur in three situations, for example, first, when one culture can recruit people from another culture with lower job profiles. Second, when members of one culture deny people of another culture access to higher-level positions and opportunities, and, third, when members of one culture are able to obtain positions of admission and power in order to manage members of another culture (Raymond et al. 1974). The subjective well-being of immigrants after assimilation into

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  143 the host country, such as life satisfaction, is determined by factors such as income, health, marital status, working hours, and so on. Assimilation is critical to ensuring the well-being of immigrants. The benefits of cultural assimilation are shared not only by first-generation immigrants but also by subsequent generations. A policy framework in which immigrants’ assimilation is made easier and less stressful by involving “language courses, cultural activities between natives and immigrants, and spreading awareness through educational programmes” (Angelin et al. 2015). Assimilation has been labelled as homogenizing and creating ‘bland civilizations’ over the years. However, multiculturalism does not simply refer to the presence of various cultures in one location but also to the recognition of members of minority cultures by members of majority cultures. The importance of bilingualism and language assimilation cannot be overstated; immigrants, in general, ‘adapt’ to English and eventually stop speaking their native language. However, this isn’t always the case also; sometimes the general increase in the population of a particular country’s immigrants results in their native language becoming an important part of the host country’s culture (Alba 1999). Second, the literature suggests various types of cultural assimilation; such assimilation can be classified into four types: “attitudinal assimilation, behavioral-receptional assimilation, identification assimilation, and civic assimilation.” The traditional model of assimilation, in which an immigrant from a different culture is likely to blend into the culture of the new locationhas been questioned , particularly in terms of habits, such as, food habits (Reilly 1983). Migration and mobility were thought to be the same concept with similar consequences; however, this myth has been debunked.. Further, because of migration, new cultures are introduced into society. With the emergence of new cultures as a result of the blending of various cultures, migrants share a connection with the natives and forge a new socioeconomic-cultural-political understanding with them (Park 1928). The distinction between social and cultural assimilation is illustrated by the case of Puerto Rican migrants. When immigrants blend in their “basic groups and fields of social relations” with the social structures of the host country, this is referred to as social assimilation. This allows them to participate in the social affairs of society and assume positions of responsibility. Cultural assimilation occurs when migrants choose to forego some aspects of their culture in order to adjust to the new society and adopt the cultures and practises of the new society. Some aspects of their old cultural identity, however, are still retained but may not be strictly adhered to (O’Flannery 1961). Cultural factors played an important role in essentializing African identity in India. But more importantly, what also emerged was that the African community was making an effort to assimilate and adapt to the local ways. They narrated that as a community, they were conscious and aware that they must observe the local cultural patterns. They also narrated how they made efforts towards assimilation. Assimilation has been analyzed as a process of interaction between two different cultures within which constant

144  The Way Forward negotiations take place. It has been defined, as “a process of boundary reduction that can occur when members of two or more societies, ethnic groups or smaller social groups meet” (Yinger 1994:43). Yinger argues that four principles can help us develop a useful analytical tool, applicable across time and groups. These are, first, to understand and analyze assimilation as a descriptive concept and not as evaluative. For instance, “the study of assimilation is simultaneously the study of dissimilation” (Yinger 1994:43). Second, “assimilation refers to a variable and not an attribute.” Third, “assimilation is a multi-dimensional process.” Fourth, “[e]ach process is reversible. Although there are powerful forces toward assimilation in many societies, groups become more dissimilar under some conditions. Cultural lines of distinction that seemed to be fading are sometimes renewed” (Yinger 1994:43). Further, Yinger identifies the significant variables that affect assimilation and dissimilation. The variables may affect the speed and intensity of these processes. He argues that the role of the state in this regard is also important to note. Yinger also argues that the emergence of the state signifies a dominant social structure within the context of which multicultural relationships occur. To understand the process of assimilation as a descriptive analysis and not simply as an evaluative concept, a respondent from Africa demonstrated his Indian way of life through his preparations for an evening party with his friends. He had invited some of his Indian friends from the university. He was from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He was preparing his home for an evening gathering. He was making every effort to prepare his house for the celebration. In his two-room apartment in Khirki Extension, which he had leased, there wasn’t too much colour, the walls were cream, and the hallway seemed drab. But the crimson couch served to lift the spirits. Having made the effort of cleaning up and decorating, he happily gave himself a pat and said, Ye achha hai! (This is good)! His remark in Hindi was symbolic of the fact that African migrants were making an effort to socially assimilate within the culture of their host society. There was an effort that could be seen by the migrants to create a home away from home. For instance, in the previous case, the Congolese migrant was organizing dinner for his friends, which was soup with bread made with traditional herbs and spices bought from an African shop in the neighbourhood. He is a B-Tech student at the Apeejay Institute of Technology in Delhi. He is Congolese by nationality and has many Indian friends. To learn Hindi, he took a course on reading, writing, and speaking. He took a course for two months at the In-lingua Institute in South Extension, Delhi. In fact, in the same year, he also taught French at the same institute. He said he learnt Hindi as it helped him to interact better with his Indian friends and the local community. It helped him to understand the local culture. He is one of the many migrants from Africa who is staying in Khirki Extension. When asked about his response to the midnight raid, he said that the incident had left the African community living in Khirki completely terrified and extremely scared, but he said that it was no surprise. It was normal to face

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  145 incidents of abuse and violence. He said that he has gotten used to it and learnt to ignore it. Next, on the issue of making an effort to mix with the local cultures and make an effort to understand the culture of the host society, ‘the Indian way of life,’ it was interesting to specifically take into account the responses of the African student community, as they had come to seek education. It was interesting to get their response on the midnight raid, as the entire African community living in Khirki was allegedly accused of being involved in illegal activities. It was during this time that an observation emerged with regard to the efforts that were being made by the African community to adjust to a new country and the processes by which they had adapted and brought changes into their lifestyles to assimilate into a new culture of the host society. A student of the African Student Association said, We teach Hindi and encourage all the Africans to learn Hindi. We actually encourage Africans who are living in India, to learn Hindi so that they can assimilate with the people of India. We try our best to learn from the culture and follow all the rules and norms of the culture in India. We have Indian friends. We like the food here and eat the local food; we try our best to assimilate with the people. We hold regular meetings to discuss how we can become a part of the local community and modify our own habits if needed to respect the local community sentiments. A respondent from Kenya said, Not all the people from Africa are drug dealers and party in the night. These are bad images of us that the people are producing. There might be few who are doing that but that doesn’t mean all of us are taking drugs and listening to loud music. We are sensitive and understand that our neighbours get disturbed. We play music but it is never loud and also, after 10:00 p.m. we shut the music. We tell all our friends to do the same. In fact, the African Students Association in Delhi is very active. The Association only supports those who are abiding by the rules in India. We have told the students that if they get into trouble, we will only come to help you if you will live and understand the norms of Indian society. Another respondent says, In Nigeria, the culture is very different. On the streets playing loud music is common and part of the culture, but in India people don’t like it, and we know that we live in an Orthodox Society, so we abide by the local norms. We do not play loud music and if anyone from the community does that then we tell them not to do it. We do not support them if they hurt the local community sentiment. We try our best. We stop supporting people who are disruptive.

146  The Way Forward The narratives show how the African migrants particularly the students are making an effort to assimilate with the local cultures. An effort is made to understand the local norms. Many of the migrants who are studying in different universities in Delhi, many of them which are private universities, say that they come to India to learn and study. They are sensitive towards the local cultures and respect the local rules, laws, and customs. A student respondent from DR Congo says, I think India is a great country. I have seen police personnel suggesting to our girls not to be out late in the night, to avoid any kind of problems. It is very clear that India will always be a great country, but some people need to change their perception towards the people from Africa, the majority of Africans come here to study, they feel that education is what brings them to the city. The city offers opportunity for all people! It should be more progressive in outlook and the people should be more open. The city should belong to everybody! We pay for our education, we pay rent, pay all our bills and buy things just like everybody else! Then why should there be a difference? The students who are coming from different countries of Africa to pursue education believed that since they were here to learn, they are happy to cooperate with the people. They are ready to sacrifice comforts of home and learn in a foreign country. Many felt that in India there were great opportunities. A student says, Be it education or accessing health services, for us it is very cheap here compared to the US or European countries. Once you are away from home, a few things happen but that doesn’t mean we will leave and go. A student from Cameroon said, I am a student in NIIT. I am studying computer science. I like India! Racism is everywhere in the world. It’s about how you make adjustments yourself. I cooperate with the locals in fact I have many local friends here. They even give me their children for babysitting. We have great friendship. My experiences are good. But when I hear about my brothers and sisters getting hurt, I feel bad. But what can we do, there is a lot of cultural difference? People lack exposure. Just like we cannot generalize that all Africans are bad people, similarly we cannot generalize that all Indians are bad people. People are good and bad everywhere in the world, it’s not only particularly India, it is in the world. Racism is everywhere. Further, many students who were coming to India seeking education said that it was cheaper to access education in India. In many countries in Africa, such as Kenya, the fee structure is more expensive than in India. One would

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  147 have to pay more for courses in Kenya. Apart from that, being in a foreign country also gave the students exposure to world politics, especially for those who were seeking diplomatic jobs in foreign affairs. Therefore, they felt that adjusting to a different country is part of the learning process. However, many felt that they were making the best efforts from their side to adapt to the difference in culture, but the local community was still seeing them through stereotypes and spreading negative images of Africans. The narratives highlighted a range of views starting from acceptance of racism in which the students/migrants had come to terms with it and tried to make sense of it by saying that racism was everywhere. There was a certain acceptance of the harsh attitudes of the local people. The student’s representatives narrated how they explain to all fellow migrants that they had to live by the local norms of Indian culture, and if they did not abide by the local ways of the society, then they would have to pay a fine, or a warning was given to them that no African will come to help if they did not follow the norms of the local community. An effort was made to adapt to the local traditions, customs, and norms. Many said that they were making efforts to learn Hindi and even told fellow migrants to learn Hindi. The earlier narratives highlight a paradox in the context of cultural studies according to Yinger (1994). He demonstrates that when coercive policies or practices exist against distinctive cultural groups, at the same time paradoxically peaceful processes that reduce the differences between members of interacting ethnic groups also come to the fore. He argues how assimilation can exist as both a peaceful process and a coercive force. Such a trend would illustrate the presence of a paradox: “[W]hen the powerful assimilative forces are matched by renewed attention to sociocultural differences, acculturation is not necessarily matched by integration” Yinger (1994:43). While it emerges that an effort is being made by the African migrants to assimilate with the local culture, a negative image production simultaneously takes place. This also produces a contestation. To understand culture and cultural processes, assimilation in the urban space brought to attention multiple interactions, negotiations, peaceful processes and contestations. Irrespective of the efforts made by the African migrants, still there existed hostility among the local population against these migrant populations. Here one tends to think why? It is worth noting here that most studies and literature on cultural assimilation fail to outline the role of colonization, colonial mindset, and its impact on the cultural integration of migrants in the third world.

Colonialism and the Social Construction of the Binary of Primitive vs. the Civilized: Locating Racism Critical scholars have argued that racism has a historical context with political struggles that are both independent of class and also in close relation to class intersections (Solomos 1986). Racism is primarily a product of ideologies that have come from a specific set of historical roots such as colonialism

148  The Way Forward that divided the world into a binary of civilized and primitive. Racism is an outcome of ideological and political practices (Hall 1997). Although the notion of race may be traced back to its origins, which demonstrate that it was originally used to refer to a “breeding population,” it may be more relevant to emphasize how it is socially produced. The process of social construction emphasizes the historical dimension of experience and identity. In addition, the social constructionist viewpoint examines race in relation to class, gender, economic structures, social bonds, and ideology within capitalist social structures and relationships. The concept of social construction offers a structural study of race and racism. In fact, a reference to the autonomy model in the study of racism is essential. It emphasizes that race cannot simply be reduced to class and economic structures (Solomos 1986; Fanon 1952). It must be seen as independent of class and other social relations to be able to understand the origin of colour consciousness. It is necessary to go beyond class to understand racism, however its interlinkages to economic structures and social systems within capitalist social orders must be closely examined (Solomos 1986; Hall 1997). Colonialism and Racism The sociocultural perspective on race describes how race is formed in a, social, cultural, and institutional setting. It was expanded further by offering an anti-structural-functional interpretation of race and how it has been constructed to explain the social processes of racism (Hall 1980). Hall illustrates the need for analyzing the historical origins of racism, such as colonialism and imperialism, as well as the processes through which racism became accepted. Racist laws and regulations produced advantages and practises and barred racial minorities from positions of power via the use of scientific reasoning. In addition, the manufactured images and depictions made black people look incapable of holding key positions. These were also shown through a thorough examination of racism. In addition, colonialism was crucial to understanding how race, class, gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation were connected with oppression. Moreover, Hall illustrates why it was necessary to “de-essentialize the black subject” and deconstruct the images and representations of dominant cultures. Fanon explains race within the framework of the colonial experience and the internalization of colonialism by the colonized in Black Skin, White Masks (Fanon 1952). This history is analyzed using the concept of “psychoanalytic deconstruction,” in which he analyzes race based on his own personal experience with racism and colonial subjectivity. He demonstrates that “your past,” “your culture,” and “your very self” are shown as “ugly” and “wicked” and that “you do not have a favourable opinion of yourself.” This Western image of the “self” is not the “self,” but rather its “otherness.” A shift in the identification process causes you to loathe your own image and become your “other.” In the representation of ‘other,’ which got identified with nature, a construction of symbolism took place in the form of binary opposition of

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  149 the ‘primitive’ and ‘civilized.’ In fact, Enlightenment classified societies on the scale of evolution, which was from barbarism to civilization (Hall 1997:239; Long 1774 quoted in McClintock 1995:22). Scientific Racism: An Introduction The scientific and biological determinist perspective traced the origins of the word “race” through biology and determined that “it reflected the notion of a transmissible biological type.” It also imparted the notion of descent or shared ancestry, which refers to the transmission of shared genetic material or shared characteristics from one generation to the next. This perspective echoes the dominant scientific vocabulary of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which promoted racial concepts and legitimized natural differentiation. For example, George Buffon (1701–1788) introduced the term “race” to natural science and the English language to refer to humans. Using skin colour, body form, and height, he categorized six distinct human groupings. In addition, he evaluated the disparities between “white people” using the criteria of sorts and stocks. Using scientific data standards, he divided individuals into several groups or types. The DarwinWallace theory emerged in the nineteenth century with the publication of Origin of Species (1859), which rebuilt typological thought in terms of ideal types or archetypal patterns in nature. This collection featured comparisons of the population to ideal types. Analysis of the mixing of parent “genes” and “blood” during reproduction also contributed to the advancement of scientific understanding. The demographic discrepancies were caused by genetic interbreeding. In the twentieth century, scientific explanations of race were eliminated from cultural forms between racial groups, which had previously been controlled by these notions of race and scientific racism. Franz Boas (1931) and his pupils, to their credit, argued that there was no scientific reason or causal connection between culture, language, and race. In the field of linguistics, racial interpretations of a causal link between syntax, grammar, and cultural development have been challenged further. The biological or naturalist notion of the progression of races on a scale of civilization spawned scientific racism. Colonization of Africa and Its Representation: Locating the Sociocultural Perspective on Race Exotic literature dubbed the Negro race as the ‘primitive tribe’ (Hall 1997). This produced a problematic yet popular representation through colonial literature on Africa in the nineteenth century. Advertising used visual images and representation through popular forms and created an imagination of the colonized, racializing the subjects through commodity racism. These popular imaginations were projected with the white man as an adventurer and explorer, while the black man was depicted as exotic represented in maps, drawings, photography, diaries, newspapers, etchings, and adventure

150  The Way Forward novels. A representation was made of how the black man was uncivilized and associated with devil worship, cannibalism, and savagery. This was advanced through the biological logic based on anatomical and physiological real and imagined characteristics, with emphasis on cranial, facial angles and characteristics which were associated with mental deficiencies and inferiorities. Moreover, the pro-slavery writings produced anxieties such as the fear that inter-racial marriages would lead to the degradation of the white race if slavery were to be abolished (Fanon 1952). Proponents of slavery exploited this argument as propaganda against anti-slavery abolitionists. Such racialized discourses are based on binaries. There was a powerful opposition between ‘white’ that represented civilization and black that represented savagery that served as an indicator of absolute difference between human species or human ‘types.’ In the eighteenth century, anthropology became interested in establishing causal connections between the debates on race and culture. As the notion that ‘blacks’ are barbarians became fixed, the sociocultural distinctions became dependent on heredity. Since genetic differences were not directly observable, they were inferred from physical characteristics. Sociocultural distinctions were subsumed by the human body’s identity. Hall contends that “the body became the totemic object, and its visibility established the causal link between nature and culture” (Hall 1997:249). The development of visual discourses, popular representation, and the portrayal of “different” came to be known as the ‘Other.’ The body and its difference were shown for everyone to see. Through racist knowledge, this is how distinctions were naturalized and how differences in the body became discursive. This is how the term ‘Otherness’ was created and disseminated. Primitivism was linked to a lack of culture, which was attributed to hereditary incapacity and biology. The black body was associated with stereotypes such as primitivism, cannibalism, devil worship, and barbarism. Hall claims, “Black individuals were reduced to descriptors of their physical features – wide lips, fuzzy hair, large face, and nose” (Hall 1997:249). The sociocultural perspective on race identifies how race is constructed within the economic, social, cultural, political, and institutional context. It is imperative to analyze the historical roots which are responsible for racism, such as colonialism and the mechanisms by which racism became legitimate (Hall 1980). Racist laws and policies gave rise to privileges and practices through scientific rationality and created the exclusion of black minorities from spaces of power. Further, the representation and images that were constructed made black people look incompetent of holding important positions. These were also to be seen through careful attention to the study of the social construction of race. It is also necessary to understand how oppression intersects through race, class, gender, ethnicity, and sexuality. Hall 1997, 1980) further shows how it is important to “deesentialise the black subject” and deconstruct the images and representations portrayed by dominant cultures. It is in this context that the social construction of black identity can be understood. This analysis provides the

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  151 background for understanding colonial representations that penetrated images. It is from here that a genealogy of representation can be traced and colour consciousness be understood. This colour consciousness has given rise to racism, Othering, and spatial exclusion in the Indian urban space. Colonialism and Internalization of Inferiority-Superiority: Locating Universalism Fanon (1952) highlights the history of colonialism and explains how colonialism inculcates inferiority complexes in black people via racism, driving them to resemble their oppressors. The “colonized subject” views colonialism as superior and attempts to imitate it. Fanon emphasizes his resistance to racism from the perspective of a “colonized subject.” His study is influenced by Marxism, psychoanalysis, literary criticism, and medical dissection. He provides a psychoanalytic explanation for the black dilemma using Freud, Jung, and Adler as references to build his theory. All of this takes place within the framework of psychoanalysis. Fanon’s views of “internalization of inferiority” and “self-awareness” are crucial contributions. Fanon criticizes the Western concept of civilizational history. He contends that the West portrays history as a vast river, with the rest of the globe as its insignificant tributaries. According to Fanon, non-Western history is distorted in textbooks and other media sources. It depicts black as a threatening colour with cultural origins in witchcraft, devil worship, and primitivism. To illustrate the barbarian, a portrayal of an ‘uncivilized’ and barbaric people is created. On the other hand, Western civilization is considered to be civilized and moral, utilizing scientific facts to justify Western universalism. Fanon finds this type of universalism problematic. “Can non-Western civilizations establish their own self-definition using the same methods and tools that fooled Western civilization?” Fanon is concerned about “anti-Western universalism.” This sort of universalism, which glorifies Western superiority, depicts it as scientific, and professes its universality, is contrary to his beliefs. Western civilization is depicted as superior, and so black people must adopt Western methods of speaking and acting. The black man’s concept of self is based on the reference points and grammatical structure of the European language he speaks, and it only gets Whiter in direct proportion to his command over the Western language. Colonialism and Consciousness of the ‘Black Self’: Tracing Mental Inferiority When blackness is nonexistent in speech and language, it is difficult for a black man to develop a “black self.” Fanon states, “This whiteness is what makes me burn. As I sat by the fire, I am conscious of my uniform. I had not seen it. Indeed, it is nasty. Who can explain to me what beauty is?” Fanon highlights this “epidermalization” or, as he calls it, “internalization.” A “sensitization” process occurs when a white guy colonizes a black man. A

152  The Way Forward breakdown and ego collapse befall him. In order for the white community to recognize him as a man of dignity, he seeks to mimic the white man’s demeanour. This is what causes his uneasiness. He demonstrates that the mental inferiority of black males extends beyond their physical appearance. White becomes a symbol of “Purity, Justice, and the Truth” in his hands; “Whiteness” characterizes civilization, modernity, and humanity. Blackness is the opposite of whiteness in every way. For him, the African-American becomes a symbol of immorality, and he “finds himself disliking the AfricanAmerican.” According to him, “darkness” is a metaphor for “collective unconsciousness.” It symbolizes sin, corruption, and gloom. Using Roget’s Thesaurus, he shows that there are 134 positive synonyms for whiteness and 120 negative synonyms for blackness, such as forbidden, dirty, and dangerous. Using the archaic idioms “white lie” and “black lie,” he illustrates that “black” and “white” have separate meanings and that “white” lies are permissible, but “black” lies are heinous, , and unforgivable. He demonstrates how language itself constructs the universe into black and white. As evidence, he cites the fact that God, who forgives sins, is himself white with pink cheeks. In contrast to the positive associations with white, the binary negative is connected with immorality and the African race. To attain morality, one must stop being black. Race as a Signifier: Mapping the after Effects of Colonization It was observed that particularly within the urban space of Delhi and generally within Indian urban neighbourhoods, race emerged as a signifier for drugs, prostitution, cannibalism, and illegal migration. The processes by which race got constructed as a signifier and the factors that constituted its building could be in fact, identified through colonial representation. This representation gave rise to a social construction in India. Hence, the perspective on the social construction of race must identify the different contexts within which it is constructed and a close examination of the cultural and historical processes. It must take into account the various aspects of the social construction of identity, such as the history of colonization, its impacts on social systems, institutional processes, psychological issues , and everyday experiences of the people who are racially discriminated against. The process of social construction points to the historical dimension of experience and identity. Further social construction perspective ought to focus on race with respect to class, gender, economic structures, social relations, and ideology within capitalist social structures and relations.

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness for Multiculturalism: An Argument Chicago School ethnographies on race can throw light on racism and colour consciousness. Prior to the urban ethnographies of Chicago scholars, race was still universally defined by the biological dimension in the

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  153 twentieth century. Biological determinism strengthened the defence of racial hierarchy and slavery. The shift in perspectives on race occurred as a result of the increasing demands by democratic movements and the changes in labour demands, rendering the biological perspective questionable . The wave of anticolonial movements gave impetus to democratic demands in the former colonies of “slaves” that were deemed “backward,”. Increased economic and geographical mobility, as well as the First World War, prompted a shift in perspective on race. The Chicago School brought race to the forefront of the city which had an influential effect on race theories. In fact, it brought to light segregation in housing based on race. The politics of segregation were defined by economics, power, privilege, , and cultural factors in the context of race. The Chicago School addressed the concept of race in the urban environment and contributed significantly to the understanding of the city’s racial segregation. However, the major factor of African-American segregation, exclusion, and housing still continue to be motivated by racism. The Chicago School ethnographies highlight how the post-emancipation era of the black population around the world can still be linked to contemporary housing discrimination. Black people began migrating after the First World War in search of better living conditions for themselves and their families, yet the situation didn’t change, and they were still forced to live a life of poverty. The majority of them lived in rural areas without basic amenities. Along with other races, they lived in ghettos, isolated from the white population. Separate residential facilities became a reality as a result. The post-Second World War era also saw a stringent policy of a differential system wherein a dearth of urban homes caused the majority of the housing to go into the hands of the whites only. Although the Fair Housing Act of 1968 was launched, but it had its lacunas and ineffectiveness (Taeuber 1988). Thus, with reference to urban housing, Chicago School ethnographies are useful, but the question that arises in the Indian context is, How can urban spaces/ neighbourhoods be made more inclusive? Can urban neighbourhoods recognize the diversity of the migrant community? Can action-oriented programmes aid in increasing awareness of Africa’s diversity and preventing identity confusion in the current era? How can the cultural disparities that lead to cultural disputes and conflicts between migrants and host communities be addressed? How can public areas be utilized to promote intercultural dialogue? What cultural programmes can promote discussion in metropolitan communities inhabited by African immigrants? How could the state facilitate policy mechanisms so that African migrants do not face housing discrimination? It was observed that housing colonies and societies were propagating racial profiling by implementing selected practices and regulations. The formation of cultural differences and preconceived notions gave rise to the phenomenon of ‘Othering’. Regardless of the inherent cultural variations, the host community classified all African migrants into one category. African immigrants migrate from several African nations, such as Somalia, Rwanda,

154  The Way Forward Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya, Congo, Cameroon, Nigeria, and South Africa, each with its own religion, language, culture, beliefs, customs, and so forth. But the migrants were conflated into one category. In fact, one could see the establishment of African clusters as a product of exclusionary practises, identity conflation and “Othering.” With reference to Khirki Extension, Delhi, there were African migrants from various countries mixing together and learning about each other’s cultures, but there was also existence of dominant culture of the host society with its own set of norms and rules that African migrants had to learn and follow. But the community of African migrants was so diverse, cultural interaction was occurring on several multicultural levels. The African migrant community was composed of students, refugees, informal business owners, and those seeking medical care at Max Hospital in Delhi. It was observed that Khirki Extension comprised of two types of multicultural interaction processes. One, there were Indian residents who were either indifferent to African businesses or occasionally interested enough to visit the shops once in a while. This intermingling revealed the potential for local and African groups to interact with one another and engage in cultural exchange. Second, from the perspective of the already diversified African population, the existence of these establishments could be considered a site of multiculturalism as the migrant populations learnt and exchanged ideas from each other. For instance, African businesses, particularly grocery stores and African kitchens, marketed African spices, dishes and consumer products to all the migrants which gave the diverse groups an opportunity to interact with each other. The African stores were accessible to all African migrants, as well as members of the local Indian population who were sporadically curious about the numerous African goods. What type of diverse multicultural interaction might this be? Even though there was occasional interaction with the local population, but still the migrants experienced discrimination, negative attitudes, stereotypes and racial prejudice from the host community. It is in this context a collective identity emerged, that is – Pan-African. This identity emerged to facilitate a solidarity amongst the African migrants from all the different countries. According to several migrants, there were no rules or regulations in place to safeguard them against racial violence and prejudice. Hence, de-colonization of colour consciousness is regarded as an important approach to achieving multiculturalism, especially in India. In the West, concepts regarding the legal and political acceptance of ethnic diversity, generally known as “multiculturalism,” evolved as a means of replacing ancient patterns of ethnic and racial hierarchy with new relationships of democratic citizenship (Kymlicka 2012). The notion of multiculturalism deserves special consideration in India due to the presence of a diversified African community from several African nations. Moreover, in the context of diversity, Indian society itself is diverse. Hence the focus needs to be on the ‘de-colonization of the mind’ to achieve greater cultural integration of various identities. A quick review on the literature of de-colonization suggests that there

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  155 has been a lopsided focus on the t structural level. Literature suggests, the first phase of de-colonization began when the British Raj left South Asia and the three successor states of India, Pakistan, and Ceylon, now known as Sri Lanka joined as full members of the Commonwealth, (Srinivasan 2007). De-colonization requires the removal of colonial policies from institutional and discursive structures (Prakash 1999). Following independence, the aspects of de-colonization studied were related to the education system that shaped the young generation (Elder 1971), as well as the impending breakdown of British administrative power (Singh 1984), The de-colonization discourse also analyzes and focusses on Europe and America’s literary hegemony, while Indian literature continues to lag behind, as is the case with Latin America and Africa (Singh 1992). French India’s de-colonization was a significant example of Indian nation-building as well as a new chapter in the decline of French imperialism (Yechury 2015). With regard to decolonization, a survey and assessment of political development in India, Pakistan, and Ceylon are also undertaken (Bose 2004). Perspectives on de-colonization has been reflected in development studies (Nayak 2016, Sen 2017). The intellectual challenge posed by the concept of modernity was one of the main difficulties faced by postcolonial India on its path to de-colonization (Raina 2012). De-colonization as an approach is even used to examine the transboundary water conflict between India and Bangladesh (De 2014). Furthermore, the process of de-colonization is fraught with difficulties. The restructuring of connections between indigenous political parties in India and the British colonial state, for example, is an essential aspect of the de-colonization process, but this aspect is often overlooked in historiography (Gondhalekar and Bhattacharya 1999). To comprehend the representation of East Africa, an examination of the textual narratives of the Indian Ministry of Indian Overseas Affairs reveals a paradoxical use of colonial ways of thinking to rewrite its history (Dickinson 2012). Scholars have also argued for an examination of India, Pakistan, and Ceylon as Dominions within the Commonwealth following de-colonization rather than republics upon independence (Kumarasingham 2013). It is evident from this section that the literature on de-colonization focuses mostly on the structural level. What about de-colonizing some perspectives and biases embraced by the colony? Colonialism and its inherent prejudices may pose a threat to the cultural integration of the immigrant population not only in India but also around the globe. To comprehend the cultural assimilation of migrants, a study of race and racism in relation to de-colonialization is crucial. The impact of colonization on racism can be understood with reference to the relative autonomy model of race. The relative autonomy model shows how race functions in the capitalistic social structure and at the same time reproduces social relations. Racism is not a universal phenomenon. Racism arises at certain historical specific junctures. Further, racism cannot be understood in abstraction, but it must be understood within social relations (Solomos 1986). Hence de-colonization is an important component to address racism globally.

156  The Way Forward

Conclusion How did racism and discrimination emerge in India? When it comes to housing, racial minorities do not have the freedom to choose where they want to live. Racial disparities widen as a result of such segregation. Policymakers must devise effective methods for firmly embedding and rigorously implementing more equitable housing practises (Seitles 1998). This book investigates the underlying causes of racial discrimination. By including the perspectives of African migrants who have faced racism, this book promotes social policy. Race is a metaphor for illegal immigration, prostitution, cannibalism, and drug use in Delhi’s urban neighbourhoods. This book investigated how race came to be used as a signifier. The social construction of race was identified and its contexts understood by analyzing cultural and historical events. It investigates colonial history and its impact on social structures, institutional procedures, psychological distress, and racial prejudice in everyday life. Colour consciousness has aided racial discrimination in India. This colour-conscious mindset can be traced back to the time of Indian colonialism when imperial forces indoctrinated their captive population with a colour-conscious mindset. Thus, postcolonial cultures are afflicted by a lack of de-colonization understanding (Gohain 2011).

Bibliography Alba, Richard. 1999. Immigration and the American Realities of Assimilation and Multiculturalism. Sociological Forum, 14(1): 3–25. http://www.jstor.org/ stable/685012. Angelini, Viola, Laura Casi, and Luca Corazzini. 2015. Life Satisfaction of Immigrants: Does Cultural Assimilation Matter? Journal of Population Economics, 28(3): 817–844. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44280380. Bonilla-Silva, Edward. 1997. Rethinking Racism: Toward a Structural Interpretation. American Sociological Review, 62(3): 465–480. Boas, Franz. 1931. Race and Progress. Science, 74: 1–8. Reprint, in Race, Language and Culture, pp. 3–17. New York: Macmillan. Bose, S. 2004. Decolonization and State Building in South Asia. Journal of International Affairs, 58(1): 95–113. Bullard, Alice. 2008. Sympathy and Denial: A Postcolonial Re-reading of Emotions, Race, and Hierarchy. Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques, 34(1): 122–142. Bunle, Henri. 1950. The Cultural Assimilation of Immigrants. Population Studies, 3(Cultural Assimilation of Immigrants: Supplement): 5–11. Callan, Eamonn. 2005. The Ethics of Assimilation. Ethics, 115(3): 471–500. De, Bikramjit. 2014. Water Management in the Age of Decolonization: An Account of the Development of the Ganges and Teesta Water Dispute in South Asia. Journal of the Indian Law Institute, 56(3): 348–375. Dickinson, Jen. 2012. Decolonising the Diaspora: Neo-colonial Performances of Indian History in East Africa. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 37(4): 609–623.

De-colonizing Colour Consciousness  157 Elder, Joseph. 1971. The Decolonization of Educational Culture: The Case of India. Comparative Education Review, 15(3): 288–295. Fanon, Franz. 1952. Black Skin White Masks (C. L. Markmann, Trans.) London: Pluto Press. Friedman, Samantha. 2015. Commentary: Housing Discrimination Research in the 21st Century. Cityscape, 17)3): 143–150. Galster, G.C. and Carr, J.H. 1991. Housing Discrimination and Urban Poverty of African-Americans. Journal of Housing Research, 2(2): 87–123. Gaziano, Emanuel. 1996. Ecological Metaphors as Scientific Boundary Work: Innovation and Authority in Interwar Sociology and Biology. The University of Chicago Press, 101(4): 874–907. Giovanni Facchini, E.P. 2015. Migration, Friendship Ties, and Cultural Assimilation. The Scandinavian Journal of Economics, 117(2): 619–649. Gohain, Hiren. 2011. Two Roads to Decolonisation: Tagore and Gandhi. Economic and Political Weekly, 46(31): 23–26. Gondhalekar, N. and Bhattacharya, S. 1999. The All India Hindu Mahasabha and the End of British Rule in India, 1939–1947. Social Scientist, 27(7/8): 48–74. Hall, Stuart. 1980. Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms. Media, Culture and Society, 2(1): 57–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/016344378000200106. Hall, Stuart. 1997. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage Publications. Isaac, Julius. 1950. Problems of Cultural Assimilation Arising from Population Transfers in Western Germany. Population Studies, 3 (Cultural Assimilation of Immigrants: Supplement): 23–37. Kónya, Istvan. 2007. Optimal Immigration and Cultural Assimilation. Journal of Labor Economics, 25(2): 367–391. Kumarasingham, Harsh. 2013. The “Tropical Dominions”: The Appeal of Dominion Status in the Decolonisation of India, Pakistan and Ceylon. Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 23: 223–245. Kymlicka, Will. 2012. Multiculturalism: Success, Failure and the Future. Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute. Long, Edward. 1774. The History of Jamaica or General Survey of the Antient and Modern State (Vol: III). London: Facsimile Publisher. McClintock, Anne. 1995. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest. New York: Routledge. McGlynn, C. 2008. Multi-culturalism or Integration? Fortnight, 458: 13–14. Miller, L. (1965). The Protest against Housing Segregation. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 357: 73–79. Nayak, A. K. 2016. The Mahanadi Multipurpose River Valley Development Plan in India: A Project of Decolonisation and Nationalism. World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues, 20(4): 76–93. O’Flannery, Ethna. 1961. Social and Cultural Assimilation. The American Catholic Sociological Review, 22(3): 195–206. https://doi.org/10.2307/3709117. Park, Robert Ezra. 1928. Human Migration and the Marginal Man. American Journal of Sociology, 33: 881–893. Prakash, Amit. 1999. Decolonisation and Tribal Policy in Jharkhand: Continuities with Colonial Discourse. Social Scientist, 27(7/8): 113–139. Prashad, Vijay. 2007. The Darker Nations: A People History of the Third World. New York: The New Press.

158  The Way Forward Raina, Dhruv. 2012. Decolonisation and the Entangled Histories of Science and Philosophy in India. Polish Sociological Review, 178: 187–201. Raymond, H. C. Teske, Jr., and Nelson, Bardin H. 1974. Acculturation and Assimilation: A Clarification. American Ethnologist, 1(2): 351–367. http://www. jstor.org/stable/643554. Reilly, Michael. (1983). Ethnic Migration, Assimilation, and Consumption. Journal of Consumer Research, 10(3): 292–302. Robert, J. Blyth. 2003. The Empire of the Raj India, Eastern Africa and the Middle East, 1858-1947. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Seitles, Marc. 1998. The Perpetuation of Residential Racial Segregation in America: Historical Discrimination, Modern Forms of Exclusion, and Inclusionary Remedies. Journal of Land Use & Environmental Law, 14(1): 89–124. Sen, Siddhartha. 2017. Colonising, Decolonising, and Globalising Kolkata: From a Colonial to a Post-Marxist City. Netherlands: Amsterdam University Press. Singh, Anita Inder. (1984). Decolonization in India: The Statement of 20 February 1947. The International History Review, 6(2): 191–209. Singh, Namvar. 1992. Decolonising the Indian Mind. Indian Literature, 35(5(151)): 145–156. Solomos, John. 1986. Varieties of Marxist Conceptions of ‘Race’, Class and the State: A Critical Analysis, in John Rex and David Mason ed. (pp. 84–109). Theories of Race and Ethnic Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Solomos, John and Back, Les. 1995. Marxism, Racism and Ethnicity. American Behavioral Scientist, 38(3): 407. Srinivasan, K. 2007. Rethinking India’s Leadership Role in the Commonwealth. Indian Foreign Affairs Journal, 2(4): 33–47. Taeuber, Karl. 1988. The Contemporary Context of Housing Discrimination. Yale Law & Policy Review, 6(2): 339–347. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40239288. Williams, N. 1949. Discrimination and Segregation in Minority Housing. The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 9(1): 85–102. Yechury, Akhila. 2015. Imagining India, decolonizing “L’INDE FRANÇAISE,” c. 1947–1954. The Historical Journal, 58(4): 1141–1165. Yinger, J. M. 1994. Ethnicity: Source of Strength? Source of Conflict? New York: State University of New York Press.

Index

Adler 151 Africa-India: Forum Summits see economics of India-Africa Forum Summits; global south ties 19; political dimensions 31–33; post-colonial relationship 19–20; strategic partners 33–35; ties in the era of liberalization 21–23 African clusters 7–14, 87, 99; and the gated societies 69–72; midnight raid on the 99–101; race and housing pattern see housing segregation and race; social construction in India 68 African community 98–99, 104, 106, 112, 116, 119; in India 6, 14, 42, 87–88, 104, 107, 113, 135, 142 African identity: discursive discourse on the 116–118; with drugs, prostitution, and cannibalism 114; in the Indian media 118–122; racial discrimination 116; termed as Habshi, Kallu, and Kalla 111 African kitchens 15, 125–129 African migrants 4, 14; call for protest 103; death of Olivier 102; discrimination and hostility 104–105; hostility on 106–107; March for Justice 103; racial profiling 102; and spatial segregation 8–10 African women 83, 89, 90, 91–93, 95, 98–99, 113, 115, 131 agriculture trading 25–26 anti-racist 84–85, 89, 91; policy 85; politics 85, 89 attitudinal assimilation 143 Bakhtin, M.M. 122 Barre, Siad 54 Basu, Helene 40

becoming alike 142 behavioral-receptional assimilation 143 Bell, Derick 108 Bharti, Somanath 100 bilateral cooperation 24 black experience 84–85, 91 Black Lives Matter 98, 135 black self 151–152 Blumer, Herbert 73 Boas, Franz 149 Bonilla-Silva, Edward 99 breeding population 148 Buffon, George 149 cannibalism 6–7, 14, 63, 68, 74, 76, 98, 108, 112–114, 120, 121, 131, 133, 136, 141, 150, 152, 156 Chaush 39–40, 55 Chicago school 68, 72–73, 77–78, 152–153 civic assimilation 143 Collins, Patricia Hill 91 colonialism and the social construction: after effects of colonization 152; breeding population 148; class intersections 147; colonization of africa and its representation 149–151; consciousness of the ‘black self’ 151–152; internalization of inferiority-superiority 151; racism 148–149; scientific racism 149 complexities of transnationalism 93 contemporary patterns of migration: business/employment 44–46; education 46–47; global south bilateral partnership 44; health and medical reasons 47–48; liberalization 43; mrriage 48–50; privatization 42; urbanization 43–44 Couch surfing 105

160 Index Cox, Olivier 99 Crenshaw, Kimberla 84, 89 critical race theory (CRT) 14, 98–110; in India 99, 107–108; vs. the liberal law in India 108–109 cultural assimilation 15, 142–144, 147, 155 cultural marginality 10 culture circuit 118, 120–121, 122 Darwin-Wallace theory 149 Davis, Mike 70 death of Olivier 102, 108, 132 de-colonizing colour consciousness for multiculturalism 152–155 de-essentialize the black subject 148 Delgado, Richard 108 Dr. Sood 30 Dubey, Ajay 107 DuBois, W.E.B. 72 early century migration from Africa: collective memory and social construction 41–42; historical trade exchanges 39; religion and migration 39–41 economics of India-Africa Forum Summits: cooperation in science and technology 28–30; formal cooperation 24; Indian ocean and shipping 30–31; infrastructure development 30; pharmaceuticals 26–28; trading in agriculture 25–26 epidermalization 151 Euro-American paradigm 93 Ezin, Jean Pierre O. 28 Fanon, Franz 122 Fee, Florence 107 feminist studies 84 First Information Report (FIR) 104 Freud 151 gated societies and African migrants: choices in housing 70–72; Hauz Rani 69; urban apartheid 72 Globalization and Inequalities: Complexity and Contested Modernities 90 Habshi 14 Habshi 6, 14, 62, 74, 86, 91, 112–118, 122, 131–134 Hadharami 39–40 Hall, Stuart 15, 99, 122, 148–149 Harvey, David 43, 70 Hauz Rani 69

history of migrations 12 housing segregation and race: Chicago School 72–73; conflation of the African identity 75–76; politics and economics in exclusionary practices 76–78; race and its treatment 73; spatial exclusion 73–75 identification assimilation 143 India-Africa bilateral relation 7, 12 India-Africa Forum Summits (IAFS) 12, 24 India-Africa relations 12, 19–35, 107 Indian diaspora in Africa 32–33 Indian ocean and shipping 30–31 informal networks, sites of 133–134 infrastructure development 24, 30 intercultural conflict 6–7 intercultural interaction and adaptation 5–6 intersectionality 84–85; of race and class 85–89; between race, class, and genders 89–92; of race, class, gender, and religion 92–95 intra-categorical complexity 84, 89, 90 James, C.L.R. 128, 130 Jung 151 Kalam, A.P.J. 29 Kalla 14, 112–113, 117–118 Kallu 117 Khan, Amir 49 Khirki Extension 4–5, 9, 90–94, 99, 101, 104, 113, 117, 119 Lefebvre, Henri 70 Little Africa 4 local hostility 15, 131–133 locating universalism 151 long-term bonds 22 Lovely Professional University 91 March for Justice 14, 103, 129 Marcuse, Peter. 8 Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) 27, 102, 107, 135 Ministry of Foreign Affairs 102–104, 109 minority religion in India 94 multiculturalism 5, 136, 142–143, 152–156 Myrdal, Gunnar 73 negotiating discrimination 134–135 Nehruvian era 21 New Economic Policy (NEP) 20–21, 42, 44

Index  161 The New Economic Reforms 11, 77 New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) 22 1951 UN Refugee Convention 13 non-aligned movement (NAM) 20 non-capitalist path 43 Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Videsh Limited 23, 107 othering 3, 6–8, 60, 65, 68, 71, 73, 74, 78, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 100–102, 104, 106, 108, 112–123, 134–135, 153–154 Otherness 118 Pan-African identity 15, 154; African kitchens 125–129; emergence of 131–133; functionality 133–135; political identity at the diasporic level 129–131; solidarity 125 Park, Robert Ezra 41, 73 patterns of migration: contemporary patterns see contemporary patterns of migration; early century migration from Africa 39–42; historical 38 period of liberalization 22 pharmaceuticals trading 26–28 political identity at the diasporic level 129–131 political intersectionality 88 primitive tribe 149 Purkayastha, Bandana 93 Rabaka, Reiland 108 racial and gender discrimination 92 racial clusters 72, 76, 134 racial discrimination 98, 101, 106–107, 109, 113, 116 racism 13–15, 49, 68, 83, 85–86, 89, 92, 98, 103, 105, 108–109, 112, 117, 122, 131–132, 135–136, 141–156; acculturation 142; binary of primitive vs. the civilized see colonialism and the social construction; colour consciousness 152–155; cultural assimilation 142–144; culture of the host society 144–147; de-colonization 141; dissimilation 144; in India 109; and sexism 92; social constructs of identity 141 Raghavan 34 Rajiv Chownk Metro Station 86 refugee policy in India 13, 63–64 Resident Welfare Association 14, 69

safe spaces 15, 125, 128 Sammy, Darren 134 science and technology, cooperation in 28–30 sensitization 104, 107, 151 shared identity 122, 134 Siddi community 4, 39, 50 Siddis 39–41, 50, 55 Singh, Manmohan 22 socioeconomic status 10 Somali migrants in India: factors determining choice of country 55–57; humanitarian crisis 54; legal status of refugees 55 Somali refugee: civil war and internal political crisis 53; in India 13; see also Somali migrants in India; refugee policy in India 63–64; transnational migration networks 60–63; and UNHCR 57–60; women in India 94 South-South Partnership 20 spatial segregation as social exclusion 10–11 strategic partners, India-Africa 33–35 structural intersectionality 83, 88 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 3, 141 system-centred approach 89 Taeuber, Karl 78 Tanzanian migrant 105 Tata, Ratan 32 Tauuber, Alma 78 Thomas 73 traditional diplomacy 35 transnational migration networks: experiences of discrimination and exclusion 62–63; religion 60–61; role of family and community 61–62 UNHCR and Somali refugees: humanitarian grounds 57; the Indian government 58–60 Verne, J. 94, 95 Warburg, Aby 42 Wirth, Louis 41 women’s experience 84–85, 91 wooden dhow 42, 50 xenophobia 12, 74 Yinger, J. M. 144, 147 Znaniecki 73