African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools : Informing Research, Policy, and Practice 9781784412838, 9781783507832

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AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS IN PreK-12 SCHOOLS: INFORMING RESEARCH, POLICY, AND PRACTICE

ADVANCES IN RACE AND ETHNICITY IN EDUCATION Series Editors: Chance W. Lewis and James L. Moore III Recent Volume: Volume 1:

Black Male Teachers: Diversifying the United States’ Teacher Workforce
Edited by Chance W. Lewis and Ivory A. Toldson

ADVANCES IN RACE AND ETHNICITY IN EDUCATION VOLUME 2

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS IN PreK-12 SCHOOLS: INFORMING RESEARCH, POLICY, AND PRACTICE EDITED BY

JAMES L. MOORE III The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

CHANCE W. LEWIS The University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA

United Kingdom
North America
Japan India
Malaysia
China

Emerald Group Publishing Limited Howard House, Wagon Lane, Bingley BD16 1WA, UK First edition 2014 Copyright r 2014 Emerald Group Publishing Limited Reprints and permission service Contact: [email protected] No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without either the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying issued in the UK by The Copyright Licensing Agency and in the USA by The Copyright Clearance Center. Any opinions expressed in the chapters are those of the authors. Whilst Emerald makes every effort to ensure the quality and accuracy of its content, Emerald makes no representation implied or otherwise, as to the chapters’ suitability and application and disclaims any warranties, express or implied, to their use. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-78350-783-2 ISSN: 2051-2317 (Series)

ISOQAR certified Management System, awarded to Emerald for adherence to Environmental standard ISO 14001:2004. Certificate Number 1985 ISO 14001

CONTENTS LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

ix

DEDICATION

xiii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

xv

ENDORSEMENTS

xvii

FOREWORD

xix

INTRODUCTION TO EDITED VOLUME

xxi

CHAPTER 1 ACADEMIC AND PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES IN PreK-12 SETTINGS Samuel Beasley, I. S. Keino Miller and Kevin Cokley CHAPTER 2 HIGH ACHIEVING AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS: FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THEIR EXCELLENCE IN THE EARLY YEARS Iheoma U. Iruka, Donna-Marie C. Winn and Christine Harradine

1

27

CHAPTER 3 “TRYING TO FIND SELF”: PROMOTING EXCELLENCE AND BUILDING COMMUNITY AMONG AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES Derrick R. Brooms

61

CHAPTER 4 RAISING AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS: AN EXPLORATION OF PARENTAL EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES AND BELIEFS Lionel C. Howard, Jason C. Rose and Oscar A. Barbarin

87

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CONTENTS

CHAPTER 5 CHUTES AND LADDERS: YOUNG AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES NAVIGATING POTHOLES TO ACHIEVE ACADEMIC SUCCESS Dwan V. Robinson, Desiree´ Vega, James L. Moore III, Renae D. Mayes and Jacob R. Robinson CHAPTER 6 PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AMONG VULNERABLE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE YOUTH Emby Miller, Deanna L. Wilkinson, Sarah Cummings and James L. Moore III CHAPTER 7 A PERFECT STORM: HOW POSE, PERCEPTION, AND THREAT CONVERGE TO PERPETUATE DISCRIMINATORY DISCIPLINE PRACTICES FOR BLACK MALE STUDENTS Bettie Ray Butler, Derrick Robinson and Calvin W. Walton CHAPTER 8 COMMUNITY VIOLENCE AS A MEDIATOR BETWEEN AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT MALES’ PERSONAL CHALLENGES AND ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIORS Michael Cunningham, Kevin M. Barry and Charles S. Corprew III

107

125

151

177

CHAPTER 9 WHEN FEDERAL LAW AND STATE POLICIES COLLIDE: AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS ARE LADEN WITH MOMENTOUS CHALLENGES Keisha Fletcher-Bates

193

CHAPTER 10 CREATING A COLLEGE-GOING CULTURE FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES IN MIDDLE SCHOOL: A BLUEPRINT FOR SCHOOL COUNSELORS Erik M. Hines, Paul C. Harris and Dwayne Ham Sr.

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Contents

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CHAPTER 11 INSIDE THE BLACK BOX: AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS’ EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES AND OUTCOMES AS A RESULT OF PARTICIPATION IN CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION Edward C. Fletcher Jr.

243

CHAPTER 12 CLOSING THE SOCIAL STUDIES ACHIEVEMENT GAP FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES LaGarrett J. King and Lamont A. Flowers

267

CHAPTER 13 READERS THEATER AND THE “RECEIVEMENT GAP”: THE IMPACT OF THEATER-BASED INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES ON AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE’S READING ACHIEVEMENT Calvin W. Walton and Greg Wiggan

283

CHAPTER 14 AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION Samuel R. Hodge and Martha James-Hassan

303

CHAPTER 15 RACE
GENDER INEQUALITY ACROSS RESIDENTIAL AND SCHOOL CONTEXTS: WHAT CAN POLICY DO? Odis Johnson Jr.

343

ABOUT THE EDITORS

375

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

379

ABOUT THE SERIES EDITORS

391

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Oscar A. Barbarin

Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Kevin M. Barry

Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Samuel Beasley

University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA

Derrick R. Brooms

University of Louisville, Louisville, KY, USA

Bettie Ray Butler

University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA

Kevin Cokley

University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX, USA

Charles S. Corprew III

Loyola University New Orleans, New Orleans, LA, USA

Sarah Cummings

Gahanna Jefferson Schools, Gahanna, OH, USA

Michael Cunningham

Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Edward C. Fletcher Jr.

University of South Florida, Tampa, FL, USA

Keisha Fletcher-Bates

Columbus City Schools, Columbus, OH, USA

Lamont A. Flowers

Clemson University, Clemson, SC, USA

Dwayne Ham Sr.

District of Columbia Public Schools, Washington, DC, USA; Bowie State University, Bowie MD, USA

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Christine Harradine

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA

Paul C. Harris

University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA

Erik M. Hines

University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT, USA

Samuel R. Hodge

The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

Lionel C. Howard

The George Washington University, Washington, DC, USA

Iheoma U. Iruka

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA

Martha James-Hassan

Towson University, Towson, MD, USA

David J. Johns

White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans, Washington, DC, USA

Odis Johnson Jr.

University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA

LaGarrett J. King

Clemson University, Clemson, SC, USA

Chance W. Lewis

University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA

Renae D. Mayes

Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA

Emby Miller

The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

I. S. Keino Miller

Indiana University-Bloomington, Bloomington, IN, USA

James L. Moore III

The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

Derrick Robinson

University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA

Dwan V. Robinson

Ohio University, Athens, OH, USA

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List of Contributors

Jacob R. Robinson

Duke University, Durham, NC, USA

Jason C. Rose

Jacksonville Public Education Fund, Jacksonville, FL, USA

Desiree´ Vega

Texas State University, San Marcos, TX, USA

Calvin W. Walton

Central Piedmont Community College, Charlotte, NC, USA

Greg Wiggan

University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC, USA

Deanna L. Wilkinson

The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA

Donna-Marie C. Winn

University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill, NC, USA

This book is dedicated to my beloved uncle (Robert D. Miller), cousin (Kenneth L. E. Anderson), brother (Marcus T. Moore), son (James L. Moore IV), and nephew (Weston Miles Sullivan). You all have played a major role in shaping who I am and who I hope to eventually become. Because of you, I am forever inspired and motivated to use my talents and skills to improve the overall quality of life for black boys and men. Thank you for always serving as an inspiration!
James L. Moore III

This book is dedicated to my wife, Mechael Lewis, and my two beautiful daughters, Myra and Sydney Lewis, who allocated the necessary time and space for me to complete this significant project. I thank each of you for your continuous support and encouragement. I love you!
Chance W. Lewis

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS An edited volume of this magnitude could never be completed without support, encouragement, and inspiration from others. First, I take this opportunity to recognize my wonderful wife, Stephanie M. Moore, and three children, James IV, Sienna Ava, and Savanna Marie-Ann, for providing the needed space and time to complete this book project. Without their support, completing this book would have been impossible. Second, I wish to recognize my deceased mother, Edna M. Moore, and grandmother, Mable Miller, who were some of my greatest supporters and admirers. Although they are no longer here on Earth, nothing can ever weaken the special moments and experiences we shared. Third, I want to acknowledge my brother, Marcus T. Moore, and sister, Dr. S. Rochelle Moore, for their unwavering encouragement and assistance throughout my life. Fourth, I express my gratitude to my close extended family and friends, especially my Aunt Frances and Uncle WC Anderson. Fifth, I want to recognize my current and former students, as well as past teachers, professors, coaches, and mentors for being an intricate part of my life trajectory. Sixth, I wish to offer a special “shout out” to my students, staff, and supporters of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male, as well as my colleagues, students, and staff who have supported me in both the Office of Diversity and Inclusion and the College of Education and Human Ecology at The Ohio State University. Seventh, I want to recognize the authors who contributed to this edited volume and thank Emerald Press for including this book in its portfolio of published works. Eighth and above all, I thank my Creator for always extending opportunities to contribute to society.
James L. Moore III I would like to acknowledge my mother, Mrs. Brenda Clem Davis, who shared with me her love for teaching and how an educator can make a positive impact on a person’s life. Words cannot convey my appreciation enough. I also would like to acknowledge my grandparents, Dr. William W. Clem, Mr. Lloyd O. Lewis Sr., Mrs. K. Frances Thomas, and Mrs. Peggy Lewis, who also played a major role in my life. Although they all rest in xv

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peace, I am grateful for the time we spent together. Finally, I want to express my gratitude to my many current and former students for giving me the opportunity to work with them. I have found the experience both rewarding and exhilarating.
Chance W. Lewis

“African American male students in PreK-12 schools: Informing research, practice, and policy contributes greatly both to deepened understanding of the issues in the lives of African American boys and the identification of systemic and day-to-day solutions. The breadth of topics in this book demonstrates clearly for readers that solutions to African American student achievement must be found in schools, families, and the larger community context. The careful balance of discussing both risk and resilience in ways that are respectful of the African American cultural experience is like a breath of fresh air. This is a good book for any individual seeking to deepen their understanding of African American male achievement and to follow that understanding with committed action.”
Rhonda Tsoi-A-Fatt Bryant, Interim Director of Youth Policy, Center for Law and Social Policy, Washington, DC “Thank you for a timely and well researched book about the educational challenges facing Black males in America. Most importantly, however, are the thoughtful solutions offered to overcome those challenges. Certainly, society needs an analysis of the problem, but now more than ever it needs the strategies offered in this book if it strives to create a better future for Black boys.”
George L. Garrow Jr., Executive Director of Concerned Black Men National, Washington, DC “This much-needed book features comprehensive and insightful analyses regarding the systemic and political barriers that impede the educational and social progress of African American males. The editors and the writers combine their experience and knowledge in a forceful manner. With this publication, we have another important asset to inform our educational practices.”
Robert Gira, Executive Vice President of Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID), San Diego, CA “I am privileged to have the opportunity to write an endorsement for James L. Moore III and Chance W. Lewis edited volume book, African American male students in PreK-12 schools: Informing research, practice, and policy. This book addresses some of today’s most urgent educational and social issues facing African American males in schools, from academic and psychosocial development to exploring strategies for closing the social studies achievement gap for African American males. African American male students in PreK-12 schools: Informing research, practice, and policy is uniquely designed and one of a kind. The book contributes greatly to the research literature regarding the role educators have in developing African American males. I highly recommend this book for educators at all levels.”
Terence Hicks, Ph.D., Ed.D., Dean of Whitlowe R. Green College of Education at Prairie View A&M University, Prairie View, TX “In African American male students in PreK-12 schools: Informing research, practice, and policy, the authors and researchers make a powerful case for ridding our collective mind-set of deficit

thinking, while emphasizing the undeniable evidence of success factors essential for understanding the development of Black males. Building upon the pioneering work of previous research, current studies, and anecdotal stories from the voices of our young Black males, the book gives us a potent tool for those of us trying to leave a ‘counter-narrative’ legacy in the fight against the negative stereotypes used to castigate Black boys and men. The book represents important and fertile ground-breaking work for researchers and practitioners alike trying to gain greater insight and resolution to the most reprehensible issues facing all regions of our nation.”
Roy Jones, Ed.D., Associate Professor of Educational Leadership and Executive Director of the Call Me MISTER Program in the Eugene T. Moore School of Education, Clemson University, Clemson, SC “… an important book of research that can help guide educational practices to ensure all students learn. They have carefully studied the specific needs and learning styles of African American males and reviewed the current research in this area to create a thought-provoking analysis of one of the most important challenges in American education. If you want to develop the most effective educational policies and practices in your schools, this book can help you understand how best to reach and teach African American males.”
Heath E. Morrison, Ph.D., Superintendent of Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools, Charlotte, NC

TRANSFORMATIONAL MOMENTS: TAKING ADVANTAGE OF THE OPPORTUNITY TO SAVE OUR SONS Our ability, as a nation, to take advantage of the opportunities available throughout our global 21st century community depends in large measure on our ability to support African American educational excellence. The United States has long held fast to the belief that education paves the pathway to the American Dream
to opportunities and experiences that help Americans acquire the means to be successful, care for a family, and fully participate in a community. In the African American community, highquality education and developmental opportunities have enabled us to create jobs and new industries, overcome income and social gaps, and transcend as other significant challenges emerge. Students at any age, birth through adulthood, deserve meaningful opportunities that enable them to be successful at school and prepared for careers that can support them and their families. Regardless of zip code or genetic code, every child in America should have access to a high-quality education and the social and emotional support that prepare him or her for college and a career. The chapters, included in African American male students in PreK-12 schools: Informing research, policy, and practice, highlight promising and proven strategies supporting African American males beginning at birth. While learning lessons from what has worked, we still need to remember that there is still work to be done. While we should be careful not to generalize and suggest that all Black boys are in crisis, all Black boys can benefit from knowing that they are valued, supported, and protected
especially at home, school, and in their communities. As evidenced in the chapters that follow, all caring and concerned adults should ensure that Black boys are developing fundamental academic and social skills; learning and engaged in school and out-of-school settings; are supported in developing a strong sense of black masculine identity; and have parents, grandparents, and mentors who are committed to supporting their growth and development. Creating protective, safe, and productive xix

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environments for Black boys requires correcting myths that give life to the fallacy that they cannot achieve at extremely high levels. As a society, we should dispel myths like there are more Black men in prison than college. The chapters, included in this edited compilation, provide important facts, information, and other resources that can contribute to this effort. When I worked as a classroom teacher, some of my colleagues used myths and deleterious stereotypes of boys and men of color to convince themselves they did not have to put in the work to provide quality instruction to Black boys because they are presumed to end up dead or incarcerated. Changing the narrative around African American males requires telling more stories about the everyday examples of their achievement and success, resilience, and grit. We should talk about opportunities for boys and young men at all ages to support each other and continue to have conversations, in public and private, about the opportunities and obligations as a nation to expand opportunities. Additionally, we should support programs and people both inside and outside the African American community who are doing the work. Beyond simply talking about it, we have to move beyond the rhetoric to ensure that the gains made, during the early years, are sustained throughout a Black male’s lifespan. This includes ensuring that they have access to high-quality learning opportunities beginning at birth. Thus, it requires collective efforts of committed adults focused on implementing positive educational programs, policies, and practices designed to support African American males throughout their PreK-12 schooling and beyond. And, as we do this work, we should be careful to avoid neglecting our daughters in the process. Our Black girls and women need our care, love, and support too. These are only a few of the ways that me and many of the contributors of this edited volume are working to support African American males in schools and communities across the nation. Personally, I believe that this edited volume is a valuable resource on what parents, schools, and the public, more generally, can do to support African American males of all ages. I also trust that this edited volume will add substantially to the growing body of research on black boys and contribute to advancing the national dialogue on critical issues concerning education, economics, government, and diversity in America
issues that have significant implications for the future success of our schools, communities, and country. I am grateful for the opportunity to contribute to this edited volume, and I close with, “Teach The Babies!” David J. Johns

INTRODUCTION TO EDITED VOLUME Sixty years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954, the deck remains stacked against African American males in education. Across the PreK-12 educational enterprise, African American males are distinctive in the social and behavioral science literature. This corpus of knowledge offers a troublesome depiction of African American males (Ford & Moore, 2013; Gordon, 1999; Jackson & Moore, 2006, 2008; Noguera, 2008). Compared to white males and other minority males (e.g., Asian American), it purports that African American males experience a higher occurrence of school dropout, placement in special education, and school suspensions and expulsions; African American males also tend to encounter a greater degree of school failure (Cartledge, Gibson, & Keyes, 2012; Dixon-Roma´n, 2013), grade retention (Noguera, 2008), and academic disengagement and dissatisfaction (Harmon, 2002; Moore & Flowers, 2012; Moore, Henfield, & Owens, 2008). With this in mind, Noguera (2008) asserts: The existence of such patterns does not mean that Black male students are innocent victims of unfair treatment, but it does raise the possibility that in schools throughout the United States, the failure of Black males is so pervasive that it appears to be the norm and so does not raise alarms. (p. xvii)

The existing educational predicament of African American males has widespread social and economic implications on communities across the nation (Levin, Belfield, Muenning, & Rouse, 2007; Moore & Lewis, 2012; Noguera, 2008; Walker, Fergus, & Bryant, 2012). In spite of powerful research highlighting the negative educational trends, the national response has not matched the severity of the educational crisis for African American males (Walker et al., 2012). With the exception of the African American community, the response “barely registers a sense of outrage or concern” (Noguera, 2008, p. xviii). However, several organizations (e.g., Center for Law and Social Policy, Concerned Black Men, Council of Great City Schools, Children’s Defense Fund, Advancement Project, The Education Trust, and The College Board), university-based research centers (e.g., The Ohio State University’s Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Males, University of Pennsylvania’s Center for the xxi

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Study of Race & Equity, Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce, and University of California at Los Angeles’ Civil Rights Project), foundations (e.g., Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Inc., Schott Foundation on Public Education, Open Society Foundations, Annie E. Casey Foundation, The Kresge Foundation, Skillman Foundation, W. K. Kellogg Foundation, and Ford Foundation), and think tanks (e.g., Brookings Institute, Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, and Center for American Progress) have recognized the persistent negative educational trends among African American males. Educational progress is possible, but it requires a concerted effort on the part of American leadership across public and private sectors, including government, education, and business. Similar to other parts of the world, the United States is rapidly experiencing a major demographic shift. Ferguson (2007) posits, “There will be no racial majority group in the country by the middle of the present century” (p. 278). With this in mind, the future of the country rests in the success of its educational system (Moore & Lewis, 2012) and how it goes about ensuring that all children, including African American males, are extended a quality education and able to reach their academic potential through the American PreK-12 educational enterprise (Ferguson, 2007). What is certainly clear from existing research is that public and private sectors cannot continue to work independently of each other to address the educational crisis among African American males. Instead, the two sectors should work closely together to tackle the educational crisis. To continue business as usual is just not acceptable. “To be an African American male in school and society places one at risk for a variety of negative consequences” (Polite & Davis, 1999, p. 1). The consequences of failed educational practices, policies, and programs have, too often, resulted in disadvantageous life outcomes for African American males (e.g., underemployment, unemployment, and incarceration). Compared to any other demographic group, African American males have the lowest life expectancy (Phillips, 2010). There are many social meanings frequently attached to the intersection of “blackness” and “maleness.” These social meanings habitually brand Black males as pathological, lazy, violent, and unintelligent (Jackson & Moore, 2006, 2008). For African American males, these characterizations make it difficult to develop healthy identities and to navigate the social landscape of the American PreK-12 educational enterprise (Bailey & Moore, 2005; Moore & Owens, 2008). At an early age, Black males are frequently not given a chance to demonstrate their smarts and talents (Ford & Moore, 2013; Noguera, 2008, 2012). Instead, they are treated or engaged in ways that covey low expectations

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(Moore et al., 2008; Noguera, 2008). These educational practices are well-documented in the social and behavioral science literature (Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003; Gallant & Moore, 2008; Moore et al., 2008; Moore, Madison-Colmore, & Smith, 2003; Moore, Sanders, Bryant, Gallant, & Owens, 2009). Embedded also within this corpus of research is how deficit thinking and practices
among school personnel and others (e.g., family and peers)
may affect learning outcomes for Black males. What is needed to reverse deficit thinking and practices includes more than just lip service but “a complete interrogation of the thinking that has allowed such practices to operate without challenge” (Noguera, 2008, p. xx). This edited volume attempts to highlight those educational research, practices, and policies that weakens school and life outcomes for Black males. As editors, we hope that this volume helps inform the thinking of the readers, by explaining why existing educational practices, policies, and systems need a major overhaul in order for African American males to have a chance of succeeding in school and beyond. As the contributions of this edited volume reveal, educational progress among African American males is attainable, but, as a society, we must get smarter attending to the needs of African American males and better creating and implementing appropriate practices, policies, and systems that address the educational crisis among African American males. Across the nation, many school systems
urban, rural, suburban, charter, private, public, small, or large
need major assistance with educating Black males. As measured by test scores and other educational measures (e.g., grade point averages, course taking patterns, and school attendance), it is clear that too many school systems around the country need a major revamp in how they engage, teach, and work with Black males; create and implement educational policy in relation to Black males; and design programs and systems that advance academics, social, personal, and career development among Black males. Thus, no such change can occur without the aid of solid research and scholarship from education researchers and other social scientists that are sensitive and knowledgeable of the structural factors and social dynamics that often impede Black male achievement but also are experienced in conducting and producing sound education research. As editors, we assembled some of the nation’s best and brightest scholars to contribute to this edited volume. From Chapter 1 to Chapter 15, the contributors present powerful information that could be used to not only improve school results but also to increase life outcomes for Black males. Further, we believe that this edited volume is applicable to stakeholders in both the private and public sectors, such as parents, educators, community

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and business leaders, foundation leaders, researchers, and policymakers. From the very beginning, it has always been our hope that this edited volume would be both informative and useful to those individuals who are interested in improving the educational and social landscape for Black males. We also hoped that this edited volume would fuel a sense of urgency that manifests into action on behalf of Black males in schools and beyond. James L. Moore III Chance W. Lewis Editors

REFERENCES Bailey, D. F., & Moore III, J. L. (2005). Emotional isolation, depression, and suicide among African American men. In C. L. Rabin (Ed.), Understanding gender and culture in the helping process: Practitioners’ narratives from global perspectives (pp. 186
207). Belmont, CA: Thomson & Wadsworth. Cartledge, G. L., Gibson, L. G., Jr., & Keyes, S. E. (2012). Special education and disciplinary disproportionality of African American students. In J. L. Moore III & C. W. Lewis (Eds.), African American students in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement (pp. 75
93). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Dixon-Roma´n, E. J. (2013). The forms of capital and the developed achievement of Black males. Urban Education, 48(6), 828
862. Ferguson, R. F. (2007). Toward excellence with equity: An emerging vision for closing the achievement gap. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Education Press. Flowers, L. A., Milner, H. R., & Moore III, J. L. (2003). Effects of locus control on African American high school seniors’ educational aspirations: Implications for preservice and inservice high school teachers and counselors. The High School Journal, 87, 39
50. Ford, D. Y., & Moore III, J. L. (2013). Understanding and reversing underachievement, low achievement, achievement gaps among high-ability African American males in urban school contexts. The Urban Review, 45, 399
415. Gallant, D. J., & Moore III, J. L. (2008). Assessing ethnicity equity for first-grade male students on a curriculum-embedded performance assessment. Urban Education, 43, 172
188. Gordon, E. W. (1999). Foreword: The experiences of African American males in school and society. In V. C. Polite & J. E. Davis (Eds.), African American males in school and society: Practices & polices for effective education (pp. ix
xiii). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Harmon, D. (2002). They won’t teach me: The voices of gifted African American inner-city students. Roeper Review, 24, 68
75. Jackson, J. F. L., & Moore III, J. L. (2006). African American males in education: Endangered or ignored? Teachers College Record, 108(2), 201
205.

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Jackson, J. F. L., & Moore III, J. L. (2008). The African American male crisis in education: A popular media infatuation or needed public policy response? American Behavioral Scientist, 51(7), 847
853. Levin, H. M., Belfield, C., Muenning, P., & Rouse, C. (2007). The public returns to public educational investments in African-American males. Economics of Education Review, 26(6), 699
708. Moore III, J. L., & Flowers, L. A. (2012). Increasing the representation of African American males in gifted and talented programs. In S. Lewis, M. Casserly, C. Simon, R. Uzzell, & M. Palacios (Eds.), A call for change: Providing solutions for Black male achievement (pp. 67
81). Washington, DC: Council of Great City Schools. Moore III, J. L., Henfield, M. S., & Owens, D. (2008). African American males in special education: Their attitudes and perceptions toward high school counselors and school counseling services. American Behavioral Scientist, 51, 907
927. Moore III, J. L., & Lewis, C. W. (2012). Confronting the dilemmas of urban education: The scope of the book. African Americans in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions (pp. 3
10). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Moore III, J. L., Madison-Colmore, O., & Smith, D. M. (2003). The prove-them-wrong syndrome: Voices from unheard African-American males in engineering disciplines. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 12, 61
73. Moore III, J. L., & Owens, D. (2008). Educating and counseling African American students: Recommendations for teachers and school counselors. In L. Tillman (Ed.), Handbook for African American education (pp. 351
366). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Moore III, J. L., Sanders, K., Bryant, D., Gallant, D. J., & Owens, D. (2009). African American male students’ perceptions and use of high school counseling services. The National Journal of Urban Education & Practice, 3, 13
23. Noguera, P. A. (2008). The trouble with black boys: … And other reflections on race, equity, and the future of public education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Noguera, P. A. (2012). Responding to the challenges confronting black and Latino males: The role of public policy in countering the “crisis” and promoting success. In S. Lewis, M. Casserly, C. Simon, R. Uzzell, & M. Palacios (Eds.), A call for change: Providing solutions for Black male achievement (pp. 5
18). Washington, DC: Council of Great City Schools. Phillips, R. (2010). Foreword: An unhealthy legacy. In C. Edley Jr., & J. Ruiz de Velasco (Eds.), Changing places: How communities will improve the health of boys of color (pp. ix
xiii). Berkley, CA: University of California Press. Walker, R., Fergus, E., & Bryant, R. T. (2012). Great schools are not an accident: Standards and promising practices for educating boys of color. In S. Lewis, M. Casserly, C. Simon, R. Uzzell, & M. Palacios (Eds.), A call for change: Providing solutions for Black male achievement (pp. 231
246). Washington, DC: Council of Great City Schools.

CHAPTER 1 ACADEMIC AND PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES IN PreK-12 SETTINGS Samuel Beasley, I. S. Keino Miller and Kevin Cokley ABSTRACT In this chapter, the authors utilize both risk and resilience as conceptual frameworks to discuss the academic and psychosocial development of African American adolescent males. Given the amount of attention placed on the academic underachievement of African American males, they explore popular academic themes, such as academic disidentification and the role of teachers and parents. The authors examine psychosocial themes related to racial and athletic identity, the phenomenon of cool pose and “acting Black,” and the development of alternative masculinities. They conclude the chapter with recommendations for education research, practice and policy.

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 1
25 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002019

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INTRODUCTION African American males occupy a uniquely precarious position in the United States. As a group, they live in a society where they are placed on a pedestal for their athletic and entertainment accomplishments, while simultaneously being maligned for poorer academic outcomes, criminality, and being prone to violence (S. R. Harper, 2006; Hutchinson, 1994). Further, African American males embody what W. E. B. Dubois (1969) called “double consciousness.” They are ironically both pop culture icons and societal villains. As the authors, we contend that the rhetoric surrounding many major societal issues ultimately implicates African American males. Discourse related to closing the achievement gap often attributes the variance to the underperformance of African American male adolescents (Davis, 2003; Noguera, 2008; Stinson, 2006). When the problem of increasing rates of violent crime is discussed, young African American males are often viewed as the primary perpetrators (Berk, 2009; Covington, 1995; Paschall, Flewelling, & Ennett, 1998). The disproportionate incidence of poverty among African American families is attributed to the prevalence of singleparent households and missing Black males (Moynihan, 1965), while the theme of fatherlessness and Black males has been addressed by luminaries, such as President Barack H. Obama and Dr. Bill Cosby. Therefore, it is no surprise that the rhetoric focused on these societal issues may contribute to how African American males, especially adolescent males, view themselves. Generally speaking, the national dialogue on African American males reveals interesting dialectical tension on both risk and resilience. The theme of risk has been the dominant narrative associated with African American males for well over 30 years (Brown & Donner, 2011; Gordon, Gordon, & Nembhard, 1994). On the one hand, African American males are often characterized as “an endangered species” (Jackson & Moore, 2008; Parham & McDavis, 1987). This characterization arises from education statistics on poor high school graduation rates and underrepresentation in postsecondary education in concert with overrepresentation in other areas, including in-school and out-of-school suspensions, school expulsions, special education placements, unemployment and low employment, crime, and incarceration (Holzman, 2012; Lee, 1992). Ostensibly, the “endangered species” label is also related to the unacceptably high levels of Black adolescent male violence perpetrated against other Black adolescent males (Cokley, 1996; Wilson, 1992). The negatively focused statistics have been so dire that they elicit concerns that there is a conspiracy to destroy Black boys

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(Hutchinson, 1994) and assassinate the Black male image (Kunjufu, 1985, 1986, 1990). On the other hand, counter-narratives of resilience have begun to emerge and challenge deficit-oriented depictions of African American adolescent males (Toldson, 2008; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). The most vocal proponents of this counter-narrative argue that there are many myths that embody African American males and that education statistics are frequently skewed by focusing on deficits or negative elements of the Black male experience rather than highlighting the more positive experiences of this population (Toldson, 2008; Toldson & Lewis, 2012). This emphasis seems to be more than an example of the common expression of viewing the glass as halfempty or half-full. Some education scholars imply that, at times, there is even outright fabrication of statistics, when discussing the status of Black males (Toldson & Lewis). These same researchers argue that more emphasis should focus on understanding factors related to Black male success rather than on failure in this group. Across the United States, the dialectical narratives are not exactly polar opposites and are perhaps more different in what they choose to emphasize rather than the accuracy of statistics. For example, both narratives of risk and resilience acknowledge the tremendous odds facing African American males. There is general agreement that African American males disproportionately experience ecological risks, such as fatherless, single-parent families, and greater exposure to violence and trauma (Noguera, 2008; Wilson, 1992). There is also widespread recognition that African American males have lower grades, are disproportionately more likely to be placed in special education, suspended or expelled from schools, and are disproportionately represented in the prison industrial complex (Jackson & Moore, 2006). The statistics, in these instances, do not lie. However, the risk narrative, if not carefully and thoughtfully articulated, may perpetuate deficit thinking (Valencia, 1997), where African American males are blamed for their deficiencies while minimizing the role of structural inequalities. Clearly, more balanced and nuanced approaches in understanding the educational concerns of Black male adolescents are needed. Similar to the seminal monograph by Courtland Lee (1992), in this chapter, the authors utilize both risk and resilience as conceptual and theoretical frameworks to discuss the academic and psychosocial development of African American adolescent males. Given the amount of attention devoted to the academic underachievement of African American males, the authors explore academic themes, such as academic disidentification and the treatment of Black adolescent males by teachers and parents. They also

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explore psychosocial themes related to racial and athletic identity, the phenomenon of cool pose and “acting Black,” and the development of alternative masculinities. While risk factors are identified, the resilience aspects (i.e., pragmatic utility) of academic and psychosocial development are emphasized. The authors conclude the chapter with recommendations for education research, practice and policy.

ACADEMIC AND PSYCHOSOCIAL INFLUENCES ON BLACK MALE DEVELOPMENT Academic Identity Throughout popular and scientific literature, educational psychologists acknowledge the primacy of identity on the academic and psychosocial development of Black male learners (Cokley, 2006; Noguera, 2008). Academic identification examines “the extent to which an individual defines the self through academic performance, the centrality of the academic self to the overall self, and the extent to which academic outcomes impact the self in substantial ways” (Osborne & Jones, 2011, p. 142). Theoretically, when a learner identifies with school, their subsequent performance in this area affects both their global and academic self-concept. Thus, academic identification represents a critical component in the development and maintenance of a positive academic identity and self-concept (Osborne & Jones). Prior studies demonstrate that students who highly identify with school earned higher academic marks, missed fewer classes, and had less behavior problems than academically disidentified learners (Osborne & Walker, 2006). Given the strong relationship among academic identification, academic self-concept, and positive educational outcomes (Marsh & O’Mara, 2008), researchers have focused on these variables to understand racial and gender disparities in PreK-12 educational settings, which often disproportionately affect Black male learners in these learning environments. Available scholarship indicates Black males enter kindergarten with equivalent levels of academic identification as their same-race female counterparts (McMillian, Frierson, & Campbell, 2011). However, this level of academic identification and engagement rapidly dissipates for many Black males as they progress through the PreK-12 pipeline (Cokley, McClain, Jones, & Johnson, 2011; Osborne, 1997). In 1990, Kunjufu suggested that some Black males may begin to experience academic (dis)identification

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concerns as early as the 4th grade, which serves as a precursor to the subsequent academic and disciplinary issues they often face in secondary educational settings.

Academic Disidentification Past social psychologists suggest that academic disidentification represents one coping strategy some Black males utilize in response to chronic stigma and negative stereotypes in educational contexts (Major & Schmader, 1998). Major and Schmader posit that academic disidentification occurs over time and is evidenced through a weakening correlation between a student’s (academic) self-concept and their educational performance. Stated differently, academic disidentification represents the gradual process of psychological disengagement from educational pursuits; poor academic performance minimally influences the student’s academic identity and ultimately contributes to lower scholastic outcomes (Osborne & Jones, 2011). In 1998, Major and Schmader identified three phases associated with the disidentification process. They contended that one aspect of the disidentification process is the devaluing of school-related topics and interests. Selective devaluation of academics allows the student to limit the importance of the education domain when making subsequent self-appraisals (e.g., when their performance is significantly below standard in this area). Aligned with the devaluing aspects of the disidentification process is the need for discounting academic feedback (Major & Schmader). This category reflects students’ beliefs about the veracity of standardized examination scores, as well as teachers’ feedback regarding their current academic capabilities and scholastic performance. By discounting constructive academic feedback and the diagnosticity of tests and devaluing the importance of academic pursuits, it consequently becomes easier to disidentify from school or to decouple one’s personal identity and self-evaluation from one’s academic performance (Major & Schmader). Given the robust relationship between academic identification and subsequent academic performance, academic disidentification deleteriously influences later academic outcomes (Cokley & Moore, 2007). Although academic disidentification is problematic for all students, the disidentification process appears to be particularly salient for Black male adolescent learners (Griffin, 2002; Osborne, 1995, 1997). Disidentification is not as apparent in African American males’ early education years; however, extant evidence supports its powerful influence on the academic

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performance of Black males in secondary school settings (Cokley et al., 2011). Using a nationally representative sample of Black, Latino, and White high school students, Osborne (1997) documented a declining relationship between overall self-esteem and scholastic achievement among the 8th and 12th grades for all student gender and race pairings (except Latino females). Academic disidentification, however, was noticeable among the Black males in the sample. Other scholarship has empirically linked higher levels of academic disidentification to increased dropout rates among Black students (Griffin, 2002). More recently, Cokley et al. (2011) reported significant declines between academic self-concept and academic performance for Black males attending an urban high school, whereas the relationship between these variables significantly increased for Black females in the sample. Disturbingly, these gender differences in academic disidentification persist into college (Cokley & Moore, 2007). Hence, arresting its development during the PreK12 years may contribute to increased matriculation rates for African American males into tertiary educational contexts. One of the major limitations of the extant literature on academic disidentification among African American males is the limited knowledge on how psychosocial and environmental factors affect its development and progression. Major, Spencer, Schmader, Wolfe, and Crocker (1998) reported that beliefs about racial bias and ethnic injustice increase academic disengagement and external attributions for failure among Black male learners. Likewise, global perceptions of racial inequity predicted Black male students’ valuing of education and their beliefs about the diagnosticity of intellectual assessments (Schmader, Major, & Gramzow, 2001). These findings suggest that Black males who have internalized the “American Dream” rhetoric but are confronted with the harsh realities of systemic racial injustice (e.g., overcrowded and run-down facilities, less qualified teachers in predominately Black schools, and Eurocentric miseducation) may be at greater risk for discounting the feedback offered by standardized examinations and their teachers, devaluing the importance of remaining committed to the educational process, and disconnecting their identities from what they perceive as a flawed schooling system (Cokley, 2006). Furthermore, disidentification researchers have failed to grapple with the historical legacy of gendered racism and its influence on Black males’ academic identity. Based on past research, it is unclear how the racist messages about Black male learners may affect their academic self-concept and level of (dis)identification with the academic process. Both academic and psychosocial factors should be assessed simultaneously to avoid

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deficit-focused interpretations of Black males’ poor academic performance. Disidentification researchers also have not elucidated the academic and psychosocial factors that assist Black males, despite exposure to toxic, culturally anemic educational milieus, to achieve salutary academic outcomes. For example, although self-concept researchers recognize the importance of socializing agents (e.g., teachers and parents) on academic and psychosocial development of Black males (Osborne & Jones, 2011), there has been limited nuanced examination of the impact these agents have on academic outcomes with this population.

Teachers and Parents Currently, the teaching force for U.S. public schools is predominately White and female (Douglas, Lewis, Douglas, Scott, & Garrison-Wade, 2008). Given the history of U.S. race relations, social scientists assume that educators are not immune from internalizing and acting on ingrained biases about Black males (Trawalter, Todd, Baird, & Richeson, 2008). In an earlier study on teachers’ attitudes toward Black men, Foster (1995) found that educators were aware of common cultural myths and negative stereotypes about Black males. Awareness of these negative messages about Black males can influence teacher’s interactions with, reactions to, and interpretations of this group’s behaviors. Experimental results from an early study demonstrated that students utilizing a Black cultural walking style (e.g., stroll) were perceived as being lower in achievement, higher in aggression, and more likely to require special education services (Neal, McCray, Webb-Johnson, & Bridgest, 2003). It is quite likely that biased interpretations from PreK-12 teachers may contribute to negative outcomes among Black males (e.g., discipline gap and opportunity gap). Whether intentional or not, teachers conduct their classrooms using racialized gender prejudices and misconceptions (Douglas et al., 2008). Teacher biases may play themselves out in the classroom, and pupils, particularly Black male students, may be forced to deal with their teachers’ jaundiced views. In 2007, Wood, Kaplan, and McLoyd found that Black boys’ teachers endorsed lower expectations for their future educational attainment compared to Black females even when holding constant actual scholastic performance. These constricted beliefs about Black males’ academic potential may also affect their academic identification process. While students’ devaluing of academics was predicted by higher perceived negative teacher feedback, increased perceptions of teacher care predicted less devaluing of

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the academic process (Strambler & Weinstein, 2010). With this in mind, it is imperative that teachers create an engaging learning environment for African American males rather than isolating and demonizing them given that their actions may influence the academic identification and achievement process for Black males. Parents represent another critical influence on the academic and psychosocial development of Black male adolescents (Hrabowski, Maton, & Greif, 1998). Disturbingly, African American boys and their parents and teachers all endorsed lower educational expectations for Black males than Black females throughout the entire primary and secondary schooling process (Wood et al., 2007). Another study showed that, controlling for actual academic performance, Black boys’ mothers expected poorer scholastic performance from them, discounted their current intellectual competence, and endorsed limited projections of their future educational attainment compared to their daughters (Wood, Kurtz-Costes, Okeke-Adeyanju, & Rowley, 2009). Thus, familial influences may coalesce with teachers’ lowered expectations and mistreatment of Black males to constrain the optimal academic performance of Black male adolescents. Whether consciously and/or unconsciously, families may convey messages to Black males that academic success is more appropriate for Black females, which, in turn, influences how Black males approach the schooling process and may contribute to the current achievement gap. Family complicity with school’s racialized gender-tracking practices can inhibit optimal academic development for Black males (Greif, Hrabowski, & Maton, 1998). Greif et al. reported that, even among high-achieving Black males, parents had to proactively intervene to prevent course placements that did not match their son’s intellectual potential. Therefore, parents and educators need to be mindful of their role in co-creating negative self-fulfilling prophecies with Black male learners and set non-negotiable expectations for academic excellence (S. R. Harper, 2012). In other words, culling deficit-focused narratives in favor of ones focused on academic resilience can be pivotal in helping Black males achieve salubrious academic and psychosocial outcomes.

Academic Resilience Contrary to popular cultural myths and ubiquitous negative media coverage, all Black males in PreK-12 educational environments are not at-risk, endangered, or academically disengaged (Jackson & Moore, 2006). Indeed,

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a growing body of literature documenting positive outcomes among Black males communicates powerful and persuasive counter-narratives to the standard chronicles of Black male pathology, dysfunction, and underachievement (Gayles, 2006; Graham & Anderson, 2008; S. R. Harper, 2012; Toldson, 2008; Wright, 2011). This expanding literature base attests that many Black males academically thrive in PreK-12 educational settings, although they rarely receive comparable scholarly or mainstream attention as other education vulnerable students. Even among students labeled as “at-risk,” many Black male learners strongly identify with academics and achieve positive educational outcomes (Toldson & Lewis, 2012). Academic resilience involves the ability to academically achieve, despite the presence of miscellaneous risk factors (Rutter, 2006). Resilience researchers encourage educators to identify the mechanisms or processes that facilitate academic resilience (Cunningham & Swanson, 2010). A focus on the mechanisms that facilitate academic resilience and success among Black males offers useful insights to craft appropriate educational interventions. In his study of high-achieving Black males attending underresourced high schools, Gayles (2006) found that these young men were aware of anti-Black stereotypes but maintained this awareness as fuel to attain their academic goals. Therefore, awareness of structural barriers to Black scholastic success need not always signal immediate rejection or opposition to traditional academic pursuits (Akom, 2003); nor should it completely derail the drive to excel academically (Carter, 2008). While understanding the barriers and challenges to Black male academic success is a critical and valuable research endeavor, it is also imperative to seek out the strengths of this group to avoid presenting a one-dimensional portrait of this heterogeneous group (Roach, 2007).

CONTEMPORARY ISSUES RELATED TO ACADEMIC AND PSYCHOSOCIAL DEVELOPMENT Much of the extant research on Black males in PreK-12 settings has frequently neglected to situate the academic and psychosocial development and concomitant educational performance of this group within a sociohistorical and sociocultural context. This scholarship gives limited attention to the unique influence institutional, environmental, structural, cultural, and political variables have on the academic and psychosocial experiences of this population. In this section, the authors highlight five contemporary

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psychosocial issues and examine their unique connections to the academic identity and educational outcomes of Black males. The psychosocial issues include (a) racial identity development, (b) athletic identity development, (c) the “acting Black” phenomenon, (d) cool pose, and (e) alternative masculinities.

Racial Identity Development Positive racial identity development has important implications for Black males in PreK-12 educational contexts. Racial identity development has been defined as a “sense of group or collective identities based on one’s perception that he or she shares a common racial heritage with a particular racial group” (Helms, 1990, p. 3). Prior studies support the importance of positive racial identity development (Oyserman, Harrison, & Bybee, 2001; Worrell, Cross, & Vandiver, 2001) and have linked this variable to higher self-esteem and decreased levels of stress among persons of color (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997). For many African American males, racial identity development is especially important because it can promote resiliency and provide the needed foundation to facilitate positive coping when facing various societal barriers (Parham, White, & Ajamu, 1999). Past studies have shown that higher levels of racial identity development mitigate the effects of academic declines commonly seen in African American male students in primary and secondary school settings (Gutman & Midgley, 2000; Tatum, 2003). Those Black males who learn to view their academic achievement as an important component of their racial group membership are able to better navigate the schooling process (B. E. Harper, 2007). Similarly, Oyserman et al. (2001) identified positive in-group identification, awareness of negative out-group perceptions, and viewing academic achievement as part of one’s racial identity as three aspects of racial identity that promote higher levels of resiliency and academic achievement among Black male students. Consequently, racial socialization practices that encourage positive racial identity development contribute to the enhancement of coping strategies that can dilute anti-intellectualism (Cokley, 2002) and challenge conformity to misguided notions of Black intellectual inferiority. While education researchers do not suggest that racial identity development immunizes Black males from deleterious schooling practices (e.g., Steele, 1992), it is conceivable that through positive racial identity development the tools for positive academic and psychosocial coping are

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honed, thereby reducing the level of vulnerability to roadblocks that can negatively impact the academic advancement of Black male adolescents (Neblett, Chavous, Nguyen, & Sellers, 2009). Encouraging Black males to explicitly connect their Blackness with the information they learn in school through an inclusive curriculum may help to reduce the false dichotomy between being Black and being successful in school (Graham & Anderson, 2008).

Athletic Identity Development For many African American adolescent males, their athletic identity, if engaged in sports, intersects closely with their personal identity as athletic participation is encouraged and supported by others. Athletic participation frequently provides a source of social integration and identity for Black males functioning more like a religion and helps to create social networks that bind individuals to the community (Coakley, 2009; Hartmann, 2000). Athletics may offer a socially acceptable mechanism to channel aggression, a medium to learn the value of teamwork, and an opportunity to exercise or exert masculinity, all while receiving favorable affirmation and praise (Messner, 1990). During their formative years, many African American adolescents are encouraged to embrace athletic competition as a rite of passage toward manhood (McMahon & Watt, 2002). Sports, like football and basketball, are a part of the social fabric for many African American boys, thereby influencing their behavior, peer group selection, and racial identity development (Beamon & Bell, 2006; Harrison, Harrison, & Moore, 2002). In other words, sports represent an intricate part of the socialization process for many Black males throughout the United States. There are many explanations for why sports are salient among Black boys. More specifically, Edwards (1983) offers the following reasons: (a) Young Black males spend an inordinate amount of time honing their athletic skills with the belief that they too could become professional athletes; (b) Black males are exposed to few African American role models outside of the world of sports and entertainment; (c) Black families and communities tend to revel in athletic achievements, relative to other forms of accomplishment; and (d) Black males are more likely to see sports participation as a way of proving their manhood. One potential benefit of possessing a healthy athletic identity is that athletic competition provides Black males with opportunities to matriculate into a variety of postsecondary educational institutions (Bimper, Harrison, & Clark, 2013; S. R. Harper, 2006). Hence, encouraging athletic participation

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among African American boys may offer the means through which Black males enhance their ability to access higher education and utilize systems of support that are often unavailable to non-student-athletes (Steinfeldt, Reed, & Steinfeldt, 2010). Unfortunately, many Black high school super stars are groomed, with unrealistic expectations of becoming a professional athlete. Although becoming a professional athlete is not impossible, the number of athletes who actually make a professional team roster is strikingly low (Beamon, 2012). Left unchecked, significant numbers of African American males
with unbalanced levels of athletic identity
find themselves unprepared for alternate career opportunities when their professional athletic aspirations are shattered (Edwards, 2000; Harrison, Sailes, Rotich, & Bimper, 2011). With this in mind, it is critical that educators help Black males consider the limitations of only developing their athletic identity and neglecting their academic identity. Without this balanced perspective, maladaptive coping responses may emerge.

“Acting Black” Over 25 years ago, Fordham and Ogbu (1986) published their seminal article on “the burden of ‘acting White.’” The widely interpreted “acting White” phenomenon suggested that Black students shunned academic excellence because they identified it as middle-class, White standards and viewed it as an abdication of their racial group membership (Fordham, 2008). Further, those Black students who defied this oppositional stance to education may suffer social stigma, verbal ostracism, and estrangement from their same-race peers (Fordham, 2008; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Notwithstanding the popularity of this overly simplified explanation for Black education disparities, teachers, parents and other educational stakeholders should problematize the discussions of the “acting White” phenomenon among Black males. Only a few studies in the extant literature on the “acting White” phenomenon focus on the opposite side of this equation (e.g., “acting Black”). For instance, only one student in a sample of gifted Black students made positive attributions to the concept of “acting Black” (Ford, Grantham, & Whiting, 2008). It is a sad state of affairs, when even the most academically talented African American pupils are unable to connect their racial group to positive attributes, such as high scholastic achievement. Therefore, educators should question whether these deficit beliefs or attitudes develop in isolation of the negative historical and contemporary messages on African

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Americans’ cognitive abilities. The attributes Black male adolescents link to notions of “acting White” compared to those characteristics connected to their views on “acting Black” represent a site for critical inquiry and should not be divorced from the sociocultural and sociohistorical milieu that Black males are being schooled (Peterson-Lewis & Bratton, 2004; Stinson, 2011). Thus, the exclusion of a critical race perspective not only perpetuates a deficit focus but also fails to challenge the normative nature of Whiteness within educational settings and critically interrogate the hidden curriculum of mainstream schooling (Lundy, 2003). From a psychological standpoint, many of the attributes associated with the “acting Black” phenomenon appear to reflect an internalization of White supremacist projections about the academic acumen of African Americans (Peterson-Lewis & Bratton, 2004). Indeed, careful analysis of the attributes linked to the “acting Black” phenomenon implies that they are strikingly similar to the negative messages promulgated throughout history about the intellectual capacities of African Americans (Peterson-Lewis & Bratton). Based on the psychological and sociological literature, these projected messages are often internalized and retransmitted by other Black males, with reinforcement from other sources (e.g., textbooks, teachers, parents, and the media; Wood et al., 2007). Hence, it should come as no surprise, when some Black males associate schooling with Whiteness and subsequently disidentify from the scholastic process.

Cool Pose In their seminal work on Black masculinity and identity processes, Majors and Billson (1992) argued that cool pose represents one of the coping strategies Black males forge in response to chronic societal devaluation and the thwarting of their access to traditional means of expressing masculinity. Cool pose is characterized as “ritualized forms of masculinity that entails behaviors, scripts, physical posturing, impression management, and carefully crafted performances that deliver a single, critical message: pride, strength, and control” (p. 4). Majors and Billson posited that Black males utilize the cool pose to deny, disguise, and suppress their true feelings in the face of racial injustice. Outsiders perceive the cool posing male as an emotionless, aloof, and nihilistic individual, who is unconcerned about acquiescing to traditional forms of authority (Majors & Billson). Stated differently, the cool pose masks internal self-doubt, insecurity, personal anxieties and even depression with a veneer of assertive self-confidence and exaggerated

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race pride. Although cool posing can contribute to self-destructive patterns in academic settings, Black males may be socially rewarded for engaging in certain forms of hypermasculine posturing (Czopp, Lasane, Sweigard, Bradshaw, & Hammer, 1998), such as honing their athletic talents rather than their cultivating their intellectual abilities. While cool pose offers useful theoretical insights for understanding the identity development of Black males and some aspects of the theory may be applicable to the diverse continuum of “Blackness” and “maleness,” its salience and relevance may be limited for certain subgroups of contemporary Black males (Henfield, 2012). It may, for instance, have limited explanatory power for many middle and upper-class Black males or queer Black male youth. Henfield further highlights that Black masculinity informs not only race but also gender, class, sexual orientation, and geographical location. Cool pose, as initially conceptualized, fails to incorporate the influence of the aforementioned other dimensions of personal identity on the coping strategies Black males utilize in response to their unique racial realities and how these different realities subsequently shape their academic and personal identities. Consequently, cool pose may erroneously characterize Black males as enacting only reactive (and often maladaptive) strategies to deal with their surroundings. Accounting for and challenging the restrictive portrayals of Black males in academic settings and the broader sociocultural context represents one way to reduce the impact of these potentially limiting expectations, ultimately exposing alternative avenues for enacting a positive Black male identity.

Alternative Masculinities By shifting to focus on the development of alternative masculinities among Black males, teachers can identify aspects of masculine identity development that may cultivate optimal academic and psychosocial outcomes among Black males, while also incorporating the unique impact of contextual influences. In the Age of Obama, the challenge of problematizing Black male identity may become easier as President Barack H. Obama offers a highly visible cultural symbol of Black male possibilities (Henfield, 2012). The creation of a positive Black male identity requires both Black males and America to reimagine the boundaries and intersections of race, gender, class and location and to critically interrogate mainstream (mis) representations of manhood in general and Black masculinity in particular (Henry, 2004).

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To achieve this objective, Henfield (2012) asserts that Black males need to learn to carefully analyze popular media caricatures of Black males and explore how these messages may inform their academic and personal identities. He further contends that they should also assess how their perceptions Black manhood may differ from messages disseminated in society about their group. The messages received from popular entertainment sources exert a powerful influence on the identities of Black males (Ward, 2004). Critically examining the propaganda transmitted by the mass media and understanding how these messages are internalized and acted upon can be helpful for understanding how they shape identity for Black males. Furthermore, positive Black manhood development should be divorced from the homophobic, misogynist and patriarchal messages embedded in traditional notions of Western masculinity, which only serve to limit the plethora of expressions Black masculinity may take (hooks, 2003). Using this approach, teachers can encourage Black males in PreK-12 educational settings to broaden their visions of themselves and their futures. Challenging the ideas of what constitutes authentic Black maleness should also be a priority. Both teachers and parents can encourage Black male adolescents to develop an academic identity that is committed to traditional academic values alongside a critical analysis of the oppressive social forces that impinge on their lives. Black male adolescents with this complex identity are likely to evidence enhanced academic resilience and ultimately produce optimal academic and psychosocial results.

IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH, PRACTICE, AND POLICY Research Almost 20 years ago, Gordon et al. (1994) reviewed the extant social science literature on the outcomes of African American males and lamented the skewed, deficit-focused perspective it offered. Following their lead, future educational researchers emerged to reframe the questions that are asked about Black males in primary and secondary educational settings. These researchers have initiated the scholarly project to displace narratives of risk with narratives of resilience among Black male learners. Rather than persistently pondering why Black males academically disidentify at higher rates than their White male peer group, researchers

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should empirically examine the factors that increase academic identification, intellectual engagement and scholastic achievement among this group. Extrapolating from the college student engagement literature (e.g., S. R. Harper, 2012), education scholars can examine the impact of educationally purposeful activities on the academic outcomes of Black male adolescents. Future education researchers should study Black male high achievers and highlight the practices, attitudes, and beliefs that contribute to the successful outcomes of the group. Schools, districts, and states with graduation rates above the national average for Black males should be carefully researched to understand the practices being utilized to exceed expectations. Noncognitive factors (e.g., positive academic self-concept, realistic self-appraisal, long-range goals, strong support person(s), leadership experiences, and ability to handle racism) should be assessed because they have been linked to positive academic outcomes and connected to alternative way for conceptualizing Black males’ strengths (Sedlacek, 2010). Researchers examining Black males with this approach deliberately undermine deficit-focused perceptions while simultaneously providing educationally valuable information (Holzman, 2012). Utilizing a critical race lens, researchers should assess how individual, family, community, and institutional factors coalesce to generate positive Black male academic and psychosocial outcomes. Schmader et al. (2001) found that systemic racial inequality contributes to Black students’ devaluing and discounting academics. Identification of the external variables that contribute to or reduce the disidentification process is pivotal for prevention efforts. Future research could examine the efficacy of early disidentification detection systems and explore interventions that can retard this troubling phenomenon. Relatedly, researchers can empirically examine how modifications to traditional educational practices enhance the academic identity and academic performance of Black male pupils. This strengths-based approach is vital for subsequent educational interventions. Further, by considering the chronic negative messages promulgated about Black males, examining the impact of gendered racism on the academic process for Black males would be a fruitful research endeavor (Cokley, 2006). Additional qualitative and quantitative information is needed on how negative expectations of Black males among teachers and parents affect various educational practices (e.g., racial tracking and school discipline practices) and how these socializing agents’ attitudes are internalized and impact Black males’ educational experiences (Lynn, Bacon, Totten, Bridges, & Jennings, 2010). An intersectional approach is necessary to simultaneously examine the impact

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of race, gender, social class, and other dimensions of personal identity on Black males’ outcomes. Additional scholarship is needed that takes a closer look at the influence of psychosociocultural variables, such as racial identity development and athletic identity development and how they interact with notions of “acting Black” and the cool pose. To date, it is empirically unclear how these variables
combined with societal denigration and low expectations of teachers and parents
connect to the lower academic engagement and scholastic performance of Black males in compulsory educational settings. Confronting negative and limiting expectations from parents, teachers, and peers, in addition to those disseminated by various media outlets, likely has a negative cumulative effect on the academic identification and self-concept of Black males (Cokley, 2006). More studies are needed to examine how athletic participation and athletic identity development influences academic aspirations and future achievement. Therefore, scholars should assess the ramifications for Black males of holding an athletic status as the most salient and primary identity and identify strategies to help these young men expand their constricted identity. To this end, challenging one-dimensional portrayals of Black males may reduce reliance on athletic identity as a default identity option and increase the development of alternative and positive masculine identities.

Practice Primary and secondary school teachers represent the first line of defense for identifying the promise and challenges of Black males. As such, it is critical that educators strongly believe in the academic potential of their Black male pupils and hold them to non-negotiable standards of academic excellence (S. R. Harper, 2012). These attitudes encourage academic engagement, which is the optimal antidote to academic disidentification. Considering that disidentification is conceptualized as a gradual process, teachers who promptly recognize its characteristics can apply prophylactic measures to arrest this harmful process sooner. Other inoculations against disidentification include demonstrating the practical applicability of the materials covered in class, connecting materials covered in class to personally relevant issues in the students’ lives, fostering a sense of caring and belongingness within the school, and utilizing culturally relevant pedagogy and practices with this population (Cokley et al., 2006; Ladson-Billings,

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1994). For example, based on the link between students’ identities and Hip-Hop’s pervasive influence, some scholars contend that Hip-Hop, when used by teachers in a thoughtful manner, provides a valuable platform to introduce culturally informed instruction and pedagogy that centers students’ cultural experiences (Petchauer, 2009). The recruitment, training, and hiring of a diverse teacher workforce is vital to the educational process. The recruitment and hiring of Black male instructors represents a critical aspect of the multi-prong approach to addressing academic concerns of Black male pupils. All teachers should be trained to be culturally sensitive and competent in teaching diverse children (Irvine, 2003), which necessitates an awareness of the specific issues related to educating Black male adolescents. Continuing education courses that focus on Black male adolescents allow in-service teachers to stay abreast of the latest research, cutting-edge interventions, and proven practices for working with Black male adolescents. Another purpose of this training can be to provide instructors with ongoing education about the presence of negative stereotypes of Black males and how these internalized biases, if left unexamined, can detrimentally impact their work with Black male learners (Foster, 1995). These efforts may help to improve student
teacher relationships given that awareness of one’s personal biases and attention to the multiple psychosocial issues that impact Black males can help students to feel understood and cared for by their instructors (Toldson, 2008). Prior scholarship indicates the value of fostering strong school-homecommunity partnerships. Connecting what happens in academic settings to community concerns is a critical component for increasing academic commitment and engagement (Zimmerman, Ramirez-Valles, & Maton, 1999). Zimmerman et al. encourage teachers and other educators to assist their students in developing academic projects that utilize information acquired in class to address local concerns. Moreover, educators should possess knowledge of available community resources, which is pivotal for ensuring students have access to all pertinent educational services (e.g., after-school enrichment services and mentoring). When teachers are knowledgeable about the local resources designed to address the unique needs of Black males, they can meet the needs of their students in a comprehensive manner sans exhausting their personal resources. Socioemotional functioning and well-being of Black males are often overlooked factors in the academic process although they influence their academic and psychosocial functioning. Professional counseling, especially in the group format, can offer Black males a safe space to deal with pressing psychosocial dilemmas, such as cool posing, “acting Black,” balancing

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athletic and academic identity, and dealing with biased attitudes from teachers and parents (Harper, Terry, & Twiggs, 2009). This psychoeducational counseling, combined with other interventions like same-race mentoring, can contribute to the development of critical consciousness concerning Black male academic and social issues and the subsequent reconceptualization of Black male identity (B. E. Harper, 2007).

Policy Brown and Donnor (2011) contended that reliance on deficit-focused educational policies actually exacerbates Black males’ contemporary scholastic concerns. These two authors further encouraged policymakers to avoid instituting individual, deficit-focused policies in favor of policy initiatives that incorporate the institutional, structural, social, political, and economic issues at play to improve the educational and social status of Black male adolescents. These authors also asserted that educational policy that excludes a nuanced historical and contemporary analysis of the role of gendered racism in producing educational disparities sustain extant disparities and thwart efforts to facilitate effective change. Further, education policies that feature an exclusive focus on the risks associated with Black males’ schooling outcomes obfuscate the equally important information on resilience and positive outcomes within this population. Many of the education issues discussed on Black males involve the misuse of psychological tests. For example, the overrepresentation literature on Black males in special education focuses largely on the misuse of intelligence tests, achievement tests and behavior inventories (Skiba et al., 2008). The misuse of these tests has been criticized for placing a disproportionate number of ethnic minority students, especially Black male students, in special education tracks and educable mentally retarded classes. There have been several court cases that have successfully challenged the use of these tests as being biased (Hobson v. Hansen, 1967; Larry P. v. Riles, 1979). In terms of education policy, there needs to be continued efforts to make policy changes on how psychological tests contribute to misdiagnosing Black males and placing them in educational tracks that essentially consign them to a subordinate status in life. In 1991, Barker stated that, “the problems of Black males are multidimensional, and cannot be divorced from the roots of the black community and mainstream America” (Barker, 1991, p. 65). A complex, multidimensional challenge like improving Black male academic and social

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outcomes requires multi-faceted, multidimensional interventions. Through these partnerships and coalitions, education policymakers are able to shape and change the academic and social outcomes of young Black males, replacing existing narratives of risk with a focus on resilience.

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751.

CHAPTER 2 HIGH ACHIEVING AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS: FACTORS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THEIR EXCELLENCE IN THE EARLY YEARS Iheoma U. Iruka, Donna-Marie C. Winn and Christine Harradine ABSTRACT Using a national data set from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study
Birth Cohort, we examined factors associated with approximately 700 young African American boys’ pre-academic skills. The factors examined included (a) family characteristics, behaviors, and beliefs; (b) nonparental care literacy activities; and (c) child health, aggression, and approaches to learning (e.g., curiosity, independence, and persistence). High achieving boys are contrasted with other boys, along the following dimensions: familial, early childhood program, child characteristics and practices and their pre-academic skills, and whether the association was moderated by achievement status. Regression

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 27
59 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002020

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analyses indicated that some aspects of family, preschool, and child characteristics were associated with African American boys’ early outcomes, especially parental caretaking (e.g., bathing and brushing teeth) and approaches to learning (e.g., persistence and attention). Recommendations for educational practices and policies were offered.

Numerous studies have documented that, as a group, African American1 boys have lower school cognitive ability, academic achievement, readiness skills, and high school graduation rates than girls (Aud, Fox, & Kewal Ramani, 2010; Haskins & Rouse, 2005; West, Denton, & GerminoHausken, 2000). Past studies have shown differences, prior to kindergarten entry, with African American boys; they are seen as less academically prepared compared to their White peers, especially in early literacy, language, and numeracy skills, (Joe & Davis, 2009; Matthews, Kizzie, Rowley, & Cortina, 2010; Rashid, 2009) and less proficient in reading and mathematics (Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2010). While it is important to understand the ways in which many boys of color may be struggling, it is equally, if not more, significant to understand African American boys who excel by examining factors that contribute to their early promise. To this end, the factors that contribute to the early success of African American boys can provide great insight on how to best assist young African American boys on achieving academic excellence (Harradine, Coleman, & Winn, 2014). Hence, it is critical to examine those factors that are positively predictive of their cognitive abilities and achievement, especially in the early years, because of the potential for staving off negative outcomes such as school retention and dropout and contact with the criminal justice system (Blanton & Dagenais, 2007). In this study, we specifically examined three domains: (a) parenting practices and beliefs (e.g., parent
child literacy activities, opportunities for stimulating activities, parental affection, discipline strategies, and kindergarten expectation for child), (b) preschool environment (e.g., frequency of literacy activities), and (c) child characteristics and social and learning behaviors (e.g., health, aggression, and approaches to learning), and their link to language and academic outcomes for African American boys. Additionally, we examine whether these domains differ for African American boys who are showing early signs of excelling compared to their lower achieving peers. As one of the few studies focused on positive development of African American boys, this study has the potential to push the education field forward in examining specific aspects and processes that

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positively influence positive early development of African American boys rather than just focusing on the existence of educational and noneducational barriers and weaknesses.

CURRENT STATE OF AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS In recent years, many reports and studies have focused on the poor state of many African American boys (e.g., Coley, 2011; Lewis, Simon, Uzzell, Horwitz, & Casserly, 2010; Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2010). In fact, a recent special issue in the Journal of Negro Education focused on the woeful educational attainment of many African American males (Joe & Davis, 2009; Rowley & Bowman, 2009; Toldson, Fry Brown, & Sutton, 2009). As has been the educational trend, many African American males are falling behind, when it comes to their income and personal wealth, educational status, and high school graduation rates (Ross et al., 2012). At the same time, the percentages of African American males in prison and high school dropouts are astronomically disproportional to their percentage in the population (Aud et al., 2010). From the 2007 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), 14% of African American children scored proficient or above compared to 43% of White children, with this academic gap continuing from fourth to eighth grade (Aud et al., 2010). There are also racial disparities in the population of students who are identified as gifted and talented (Ganda´ra, 2005; Hargrove & Seay, 2011). In most instances, Asian and White students are overrepresented in the gifted and talented classes compared to their African American peers (Ganda´ra, 2005). Based on the 1997 K-12 Gifted and Talented data, Asians and Whites comprised 3.1% and 64% of the PreK-12 classroom population but comprised 6.6% and 76.6% of the gifted and talented program, respectively. In comparison, African American children made up 17% of the PreK-12 classroom population and were underrepresented in the gifted and talented program at 6.6%. Generally speaking, because boys were underrepresented in gifted and talented programs, it can be expected that African American boys are underrepresented in this program. There are a host of reasons for the underrepresentation of African American children in gifted and talented programs, including actual lower performance and the use of disciplinary practices that are not responsive or relevant to gender and culture, which result in students being misjudged and having their access to opportunities that address their strengths or needs restricted

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(National Research Council, 2002); teacher perception, and inability to recognize, refer, and identify gifted and talented African American boys (Kohler & Lazarı´ n, 2007; McBee, 2006); use of inappropriate instruments to gauge academic potential (i.e., using instruments that rely heavily on verbal skills to assess general cognitive abilities); and failure to use multiple sources of information and types of measures (Coleman, Shah-Coltrane, & Harrison, 2010; Harradine et al., 2014). What is often not positively reflected in the literature are the many African American males who graduate from high school, attend college, graduate with college and advanced degrees, and identified as gifted and talented (Aud et al., 2010; Ganda´ra, 2005). More specifically, over 23% of Black males have some college education, with 16% of them with an undergraduate or graduate degree. The graduation rates for African American males tend to range from 47% to 80% as of 2006
2007 (Aud et al., 2010; Toldson et al., 2009). By focusing on the success of African American males rather than their failures, social scientists can provide educational policy and practice guidance and understanding about the conditions that may lead to positive outcomes and that could be replicated, scaled, and systematized.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This work is guided by Bronfenbrenner’s Bio-Ecological Theory about the interconnectedness between and across systems for the optimal development of the child, including the home, school, neighborhood, and community (Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000). The bioecological nature of this approach indicates that the home and school contexts (i.e., a child’s Microsystems) are most directly linked to a child’s optimal development. Other systems of the bioecological model include the Macrosystem, which is the broadest environment and focuses on the cultural values, customs, and norms in the system (e.g., a child’s ethnicity) that may inhibit or facilitate access to resources and opportunities that impact a child’s development. Considering race, gender, and socioeconomic status, Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST; Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann, 1997) is another theoretical and integrative model on minority children’s development (Garcı´ a Coll et al., 1996) that guides this study. Generally speaking, a child’s experiences are often influenced by his or her race/ethnicity and gender (Garcı´ a Coll et al., 1996; Spencer et al., 1997).

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In the early years, there are differences between the interests and preferences of boys and girls, with boys less likely to be engaged in academically stimulating activities compared to girls who are more likely to be engaged in language-enriching activities, particularly when given a choice (Tonyan & Howes, 2003). Additionally, classroom organization, rules, and activities and teachers expectations do not necessarily coincide with the needs and preferences of African American boys. They range from cooperative learning arrangements (Boykin, Tyler, Watkins-Lewis, & Kizzie, 2006), hands-on learning, and gross motor and physical activities (Barbarin & Soler, 1993). What follows is a brief summary of the research on family characteristics, practices and beliefs; preschool factors; and child health and child social and learning behaviors concerned with achievement of African American boys.

Family Characteristics, Practices, and Beliefs The detrimental impact of poverty on children’s development is well cited in the research literature. In fact, some studies have shown that family income and maternal education are strongly linked to children’s outcomes, regardless of race/ethnicity and gender (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; BrooksGunn & Duncan, 1997). In one study focused on African American males using the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Cohort (ECLS-K), researchers found that socioeconomic status (e.g., family income, education, and occupation) was one of the strongest predictors of children’s cognitive outcomes above and beyond other factors (e.g., parenting behaviors and beliefs and attendance in a center-based early childhood program; Joe & Davis, 2009). Some social scientists have theorized and found that the reason income and maternal education are linked to poor child outcomes are because of the following: (a) the “investment model,” whereby low wealth families are less likely to be able to invest in their children’s development through access to stimulating materials or learning opportunities, such as music class, creative arts, and sports (e.g., Lugo-Gill & Tamis-LeMonda, 2008); (b) the stress resulting from low income and economic hardship is associated with poor parenting, such as more harsh disciplines and parent
child interactions (Conger & Conger, 1992; Conger et al., 1993); and (c) the children with less educated mothers are less likely to be exposed to a language-rich environment (e.g., contingent conversations), which may limit their early language development but is linked to poor child academic and social outcomes (Hart & Risley, 1992, 1995).

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Though many of these studies rarely examine the pathway by race/ethnicity and gender combined, they still provide insight about the link between family income and maternal education with children’s early outcomes. Parent Involvement Beyond income and maternal education, another factor found to be positively predictive of the academic achievement and social competence is parental involvement. As the first and primary setting for children’s academic and social development, parenting behaviors and beliefs and the home environment are seen as critical aspects of optimal development, and, without exception, they are also true for African American boys (Boyd-Franklin & Franklin, 2000; Brooks-Gunn & Markman, 2005). Thus, parental involvement is defined in many ways, such as parents’ dedication of resources to the child within a given domain, which may depend on the parent’s values, time commitments, and availability of resources (Grolnick & Slowiaczek, 1994). Parental involvement is also multidimensional and has varied definitions and purposes. In one instance, it is defined as active engagement in student learning, such as bringing learning activities to the home, volunteering at the school, and being involved in the school’s parental organization (Christenson, Rounds, & Franklin, 1992). Epstein (1990) outlined six types of parent involvement: (a) parents’ responsibility for children’s basic needs, (b) schools’ obligation to communicate with the parent about the child’s progress in school, (c) parents’ involvement in the school, (d) provision of learning activities at home, (e) parents’ involvement in a decision-making role in school associations, and (f) parents’ collaboration and exchanges with community agencies to improve children’s learning environment. Social science research on African American families indicate that they are more likely to be involved in the home with the child and in varied ways beyond attending school events and meetings (Eccles & Harold, 1996). Another aspect of parental involvement is parents’ provision for language-rich and stimulating opportunities, such as reading and telling stories and providing opportunities for children to engage in athletics, dance, creative arts, and musical performances. These activities all have been consistently associated with the cognitive, academic, and social development of children (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2004; Se´ne´chal, LeFevre, Thomas, & Daley, 1998; Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000) and for African American males’ reading skills in kindergarten based on the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study
Kindergarten Cohort data (Joe & Davis, 2009). Those parents who provide cognitively enriching learning

High Achieving Black Boys

33

opportunities are more likely to have children with advanced achievement, cognitive and social abilities, and higher motivation to learn (e.g., Bornstein, 1995; Broberg, Wessels, Lamb, & Hwang, 1997; Cairns, Cairns, Xie, Leung, & Herne, 1998; Iruka, Gardner-Neblett, Matthews, & Winn, 2014; Luster & Dubow, 1992). Additionally, education researchers have found positive effects of parents’ provision of learning opportunities across ethnic and socioeconomic groups (e.g., Bradley, Corwyn, Burchinal, McAdoo, & Garcı´ a Coll, 2001). However, past studies also suggest that African American and lower income families are less likely to provide language-rich environments and stimulating learning opportunities (Hart & Risley, 1995; Heath, 1983; Votruba-Drzal, 2003). Thus, these parenting dimensions have shown to be important in the academic achievement and social development of children (Yeung, Linver, & Brooks-Gunn, 2002). However, many of these studies have not focused on preschool-aged African American boys nor have they simultaneously examined the multiple dimensions of parental beliefs and behaviors. By investigating these dimensions and on different levels of achievement, education researchers may be able to better target support and interventions to specific parenting behaviors and practices that are found to promote early positive academic outcomes among African American boys.

Parental Affection and Discipline Developmental, ecological, and attachment theorists, historically, have emphasized the importance of children’s relationships with caregivers as important transactional processes in their development and success (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), and these secure attachments and close relationships between children and mothers, during the early years, provide a foundation for children to explore and interact with their environment and others under uncertainty (Bowlby, 1988). In 2001, Hill found that mothers who were warm and affectionate with their children were likely to have children with stronger school readiness outcomes compared to children who experienced more maternal hostility. This is further supported by Mandara’s (2006) review of academic achievement that found an authoritative parenting style was associated with African American boys’ higher academic achievement, in contrast with an authoritarian parenting style. Authoritarian parenting style is disproportionately associated with African American families (Iruka & Barbarin, 2009). However, the social science literature is unclear as to which styles of parenting produce positive outcomes for African American children.

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One type of parenting style combines especially “harsh” and controlling parenting practices with warmth and support, a style that is sometimes called “no nonsense parenting” or “tough love.” This parenting style integrates affection and control and has been found to be beneficial for African American children’s development (Brody & Flor, 1998; McLoyd & Smith, 2002). However, many studies on parental discipline have focused on older African American children and harsher discipline practices rather than on the repertoire of discipline strategies that parents may use with their children. Parental Expectation for Children’s Success Parents’ expectations for their children’s academic success has been shown to be predictive of current achievement and future success for children (Marjoribanks, 1988; Seginer, 1983); however, a past study with African American parents found that parents reported lower expectations for boys than girls (Wood, Kaplan, & McLoyd, 2007). In a study involving 41 thirdand fourth-grade African American students, Halle, Kurtz-Costes, and Mahoney (1997) found that the expectations of parents were more predictive of reading and math achievement for children, even after controlling for their academic self-concept and maternal education. The researchers also found this to be true in comparison to parents’ achievement-fostering behaviors. They further noted that the lack of influence of parents’ achievement-promoting behaviors may be due to their lack of household and community resources. With the mixed research findings concerning parental expectations, more studies are needed, especially focused on African American boys prior to kindergarten entry.

Preschool Classroom Environment A significant proportion of children ages 3- to 5-year-old, in comparison to infants and toddlers, are in weekly out-of-home care prior to kindergarten entry (73% vs. 42
53%, Iruka & Carver, 2006). As a microsystem that is directly connected to children development, the quality of the out-of-home environment is critically important. Many studies, since early 2000, have noted that early learning experiences in childhood can positively impact their development and learning (e.g., Magnuson & Waldfogel, 2005; Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, & Vandergrift, 2010). One of the oldest early childhood intervention programs, the Carolina Abecedarian

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High Achieving Black Boys

Project (Pungello et al., 2010), continues to provide evidence from a sample of predominantly disadvantaged African American children. More specifically, Carolina Abecedarian Project rendered data that illustrate, when children are in high-quality early education programs they are apt to be more successful. This success is defined as graduating high school and attending college, lower rates of teen pregnancy, and less involvement with the criminal justice system (Pungello et al., 2010). Similar findings also have been supported by the Perry Preschool Program (Schweinhart & Weikart, 1997). Examination of the impact of early childhood education for a more ethnically
and economically diverse sample of children, using the NICHD Study of Early Child Care and Cost Quality and Outcomes studies substantiate the findings that quality early education experiences are generally associated with positive benefits for children (e.g., NICHD Early Child Care Research Network & Duncan, 2003; Peisner-Feinberg et al., 2001; Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Steinberg, & Vandergrift, 2010). These well-known early intervention programs and studies provide evidence that sensitive care giving, language opportunities, and stimulating experiences in these learning contexts seem to counteract the challenging homes and neighborhoods, where African American children often reside. However, these studies did not specifically examine the positive development of African American boys. Thus, an important aspect to consider is whether opportunities to engage in enriching language and literacy activities are positively associated with early outcomes for African American boys.

Child Health Children’s physical health cannot be ignored; it is an important component of optimal development for children (Currie, 2005; Taras, 2005). African American children have higher rates of asthma, and it tends to be exacerbated by inadequacy of medical treatment compared to their White peers (Beal, 2004). This insufficient medical treatment frequently results in higher death rates for manageable conditions, such as asthma and diabetes (Akinbami & Schoendorf, 2002; Tsoi-A-Fatt, 2010). Thus, national surveys have found that 23% of African Americans compared to 20% of White children do not have health insurance (e.g., Beal, 2004). African American children are likely to be insured through public programs (e.g., Medicaid), and their quality of care may suffer for those receiving less immunization and inadequate health care visits as a result of lower reimbursement rates of these programs (Beal, 2004). Thus,

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children’s health has been found to be associated with their cognitive development, absences from school, and later academic outcomes (Spernak, Schottenbauer, Ramey, & Ramey, 2006). Therefore, there is a need to consider health outcomes when considering the early development of African American boys.

Child Social and Learning Behaviors In addition to understanding contextual variable on children’s development, recent work has begun to focus on social and learning behaviors as a way to study academic achievement for children (e.g., Duncan et al., 2007; Matthews, Ponitz, & Morrison, 2009). Social and learning behaviors are thought to help children manage, focus, and direct their attention and activities toward academic achievement in socially acceptable ways (Duncan et al., 2007; Matthews et al., 2009). Some of the specific approaches to learning behaviors (e.g., eagerness, attention/engagement, curiosity, persistence, creativity, independence, and problem-solving flexibility) that children use to manage, focus, and direct themselves are observable in the early years (Anderson & Messick, 1974; Fantuzzo, Perry, & McDermott, 2004). Children who are able to direct their learning in socially appropriate ways are less likely to be aggressive and disruptive in the classroom and are able to display positive approaches during learning experiences. “Approaches to learning” has also been termed “learning-related skills” (Mathews, Kizzie, Rowley, & Cortina, 2010) and “learning behaviors” (e.g., Fantuzzo et al., 2004). All in all, “approaches to learning” are observable behaviors displayed by children, when confronted with new or challenging tasks or activities. “Approaches to learning” is also viewed as having a central role in children’s development of knowledge and skills across developmental domains (e.g., emergent literacy and numeracy and socioemotional development; Isquith, Crawford, Espy, & Gioia, 2005). Since late 1990s, numerous studies have indicated that children who are able to attend to task demands and difficulty and novel stimuli are better equipped to adapt to continuously changing academic and social demands (Blair & Razza, 2007; Gianvecchio & French, 2002; Graziano, Reavis, Keane, & Calkins, 2007). The aim of this chapter is to examine familial, preschool, and child factors that are positively associated with African American preschool-aged boys’ receptive and expressive language and language/literacy and math/numeracy skills prior to kindergarten entry. A key aspect of this study was to identify

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High Achieving Black Boys

African American boys who possessed early promise (i.e., high achievers) in their pre-academic skills as indicated by high scores on both their literacy and numeracy assessments (e.g., Munn, 1994). In examining how high achievers differ on familial, preschool, and individual factors, we also analyzed the relation among these factors and how they may differ from high achievers and other achievers (e.g., average and low achievers combined).

METHODS Data Elements The data for the current study were drawn from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study
Birth Cohort (ECLS-B), a study of a nationally representative sample of 14,000 children born in 2001 (Bethel, Green, Nord, & Kalton, 2005).2 The ECLS-B includes data on children’s health, development, care, and education, from birth through kindergarten entry. The dataset was produced and sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) and the Institute of Education Sciences (IES) but includes sample information on children and their parents, child care providers, and teachers. To select a nationally representative probability sample of children born in 2001, births were sampled within a set of primary sampling units (PSUs), including race/ethnicity, metropolitan area status, region, and income (Bethel et al., 2005). Children were mostly sampled through registered births from the National Center for Health Statistics vital statistics. Further, all of the children were sampled, except children born to mothers less than 15 years of age, who died before the 9-month assessment, and adopted prior to the 9-month assessment.

Participants The target sample for this chapter included all 700 boys from ECLS-B data whose parents identified them as African American/Black. The average age of the boys was 52.5 months (standard deviation (SD) = 4.3 years old), and the majority of them were enrolled in out-of-home care (e.g., 64% in center-based and 36% in home-based programs). Thirty percent of the children lived in households where the mother was married, and 63% lived in households where the mother was never married.

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IHEOMA U. IRUKA ET AL.

MEASURES AND PROCEDURES Family Characteristics, Beliefs, and Behaviors Income-to-Needs Ratio and Maternal Education Socioeconomic status was operationalized by family income and maternal education from the preschool wave of data collection. An income-to-needs ratio (INR) was created by dividing family income by the federal poverty guidelines for family size, using information provided during the parent interview (e.g., Pungello, Iruka, Dotterer, Mills-Koonce, & Reznick, 2009). An INR of 1 indicates a family was at the poverty threshold, and an INR of 2 signifies that a family is two times above the poverty threshold. Maternal education was based on six categories from mothers’ reported highest education level (1 = less than high school; 2 = high school diploma/ GED; 3 = vocational or technical program/some college; 4 = B.A./B.S. degree; 5 = Some graduate work; 6 = M.A./Ph.D./professional degree). Parent Child Literacy Activity was based on composite of three items collected during the preschool wave that asked parents the frequency in which they read books, told stories, and sang songs with their child. The response options ranged from 0 = never to 4 = everyday. The internal consistency for this score was 0.62 (Cronbach’s alpha). Opportunities for Organized Activities Parents were asked seven questions, during the preschool wave, about whether their child engaged in activities outside the home, such as athletics, dance, music, drama, art, performing arts, and crafts. The response options were 0 = no and 1 = yes. Items were summed to create a composite score. Caretaking of Child was based on a composite of eight items collected, during the preschool wave, that asked parents the frequency in which they performed caretaking activities for their child, such as helping child bathe, helping child to bed, playing outside, helping child get dressed, helping child brush their teeth, and taking the child to religious services. Response options ranges from 1 = not at all to 6 = more than once a day. The internal consistency for this measure was 0.61 (Cronbach’s alpha). Parental Positive Affect was based on composite of four items collected during the preschool wave that asked parents the extent to which various statements described them. These questions assessed whether parents express affection with hugs and kisses, are easy going with the child, have no trouble sticking to the rules, and have the energy to make their child behave. Response options ranged from 1 = not at all like me to 5 = very much like me. Responses were recoded so that higher scores indicate more

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High Achieving Black Boys

positive affection between parent and child. The internal consistency for this measure was 0.36 (Cronbach’s alpha), which is lower than the acceptable level of 0.60. However, it is consistent with the low alpha found for a similar variable by Raver, Gershoff, and Aber (2007). Number of Discipline Strategies During the preschool wave, parents were asked whether they used particular discipline strategies, including spanking, time-out, hitting back, talking, ignoring, working it out, making fun of child, apologizing, giving warning, and yelling. The response options were 0 = no and 1 = yes. Items were summed to create a composite score. Kindergarten Readiness Beliefs Parents were asked 15 questions focused on how important it was for children to have particular skills before entering kindergarten, which were collected during the preschool wave. The 15 questions focused on children being able to finish tasks, count to 20 or more, be a good problem solver, use pencil/paint brush, follow direction, write their name, and communicate verbally. Response options ranged from 1 = not at all important to 5 = essential, which were composited into one variable. The internal consistency was 0.90 (Cronbach’s alpha). Preschool Environment Preschool Literacy Activities Information about literacy instructions in the early education program was gathered during the preschool wave from center-based teachers and family child care providers. Through 11 questions, they were asked about the frequency children engaged in specific reading and language activities, such as learning the names of letters, practicing writing the letters of the alphabet, learning the conventions of print, and writing their own names. The response options ranged from 0 (never) to 5 (everyday). The internal consistency for literacy-based activities, composite of the items, was 0.86 (Cronbach’s alpha). Child Characteristics and Social and Learning Behavior Child Health During the preschool wave, parents were asked four questions about whether their child had certain illnesses, including diagnosis for asthma,

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IHEOMA U. IRUKA ET AL.

respiratory illness, gastrointestinal illness, or ear infection. The response options ranged from were 0 = no and 1 = yes. Items were summed to create a sum of number of health challenges. Child Social and Learning Behavior During the preschool wave, teachers or providers were asked to respond to questions about the frequency of children’s aggressive behavior in the past 3 months, such as annoying other children, being physically aggressive, disrupting others, exhibiting temper tantrums, and acting impulsively. Teachers and providers were also asked to respond to questions about the frequency of children’s approaches to learning behaviors (e.g., children’s observable responses to new or challenging tasks or situation) in the past 3 months, including children’s persistence, attention, and concentration with work. The response options ranged from 1 = never to 5 = very often. The internal consistency for caregiver-rated child aggression was 0.89 (Cronbach’s alpha) and 0.79 (Cronbach’s alpha) for caregiver-rated child “approaches to learning.”

Child Outcomes Receptive and Expressive Language The ECLS-B preschool language assessment comprised items that examined children’s receptive language skills. The children’s receptive language was based on 15 (of 16) Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (PPVT)
Third Edition items (PPVT-III; Dunn & Dunn, 1997). It was administered during the preschool data collection wave, and it asked children to select one of four pictures that represented the stimulus word. One PPVT item was removed from scoring, due to the presence of differential item functioning. Scores for this sample ranged from 4.62 to 13.63, and the average unweighted score was 8.40 (SD = 1.97). Children’s expressive language was based on the Let’s Tell Stories subtest of the PreLAS® (Duncan & DeAvilla, 1998); it was used during the preschool data collection wave. Two short stories were read to the child. After each story, the child was asked to retell the story, making reference to a set of pictures provided as prompts. The field interviewers tape-recorded the child’s response, and trained coders subsequently scored based on scoring ranges, from 0 (no response, which included “I don’t know”) to 5 (articulate, detailed sentences, vivid vocabulary, and complex constructions).

High Achieving Black Boys

41

Further, scores for this sample ranged from 0 to 5, and the average unweighted score was 2.34 (SD = 1.04). Language/Literacy The language and literacy assessment, developed for use in the ECLS-B, examined children’s emergent and early literacy and focused on phonological awareness, letter sound knowledge, letter recognition, print conventions, and word recognitions during the preschool year. The literacy assessment contained 37 items. The average unweighted t-score for literacy was 50.44 (SD = 10.42) with scores ranging from 32.41 to 86.20. The reliability of the literacy score was 0.81. Math/Numeracy The preschool year math assessment was based on a two-stage adaptive instrument with two levels. The adaptive two-stage design allowed for a single, common set of items (core or routing items) to be administered to all children, with supplemental items (second stage) administered only to children who performed very poorly on the core items (and received additional items at a much lower level) or very well on the core items (and received additional items that were more difficult than in the core). The low form included shape, counting fingers, counting objects in pictures, and counting with counters. The high form included word problems with counters, word problems with pictures, and number sentences. The routing test included examples with relative/size quantity, pattern matching, continue patterns of counters, counting, and number recognition. For children who performed poorly (i.e., less than 11 correct) on the initial set of 28 items, a supplemental basal form containing 9 easier items was administered to preclude a floor effect. A supplementary ceiling form with 8 items was used to avoid a ceiling effect for children who gave correct answers to at least 21 items of the core form. The unweighted average score for numeracy was 50.17 (SD = 10.40), with scores ranging from 21.45 to 84.15. The reliability for the overall numeracy score was 0.88, 0.86 for the first stage prior to routing, 0.70 for the low form, and 0.62 for the high form.

Determination for High Achieving African American Boys The study’s purpose was to examine African American boys who demonstrated signs of early achievement. Because of this purpose, we identified

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these “high achievers” by selecting African American boys who were at least 0.5 an SD or above on both the language/literacy and math/numeracy assessment previously described from the full sample of approximately 4,200 boys assessed during the preschool wave, which also included Hispanic, White, Asian, and Native American boys. Language/literacy and math/numeracy were selected because there was a larger range for these measures, were highly intercorrelated (0.77), and were aligned with the academic skills expected of children prior to kindergarten. Thus, one SD above the mean did not allow inclusion of a large number of African American boys. The average score for language/literacy and math/numeracy for males in the ECLS-B dataset was 49.5 (SD = 10.5) and 49.3 (SD = 10.6), respectively. African American boys who had scores of 54.75 on the language/literacy and 54.60 on the math/numeracy assessments were designated as high achievers; those other African American boys were categorized as average and low achievers. More specifically, 14% of the African American boys were categorized as high achievers, and 86% were categorized as average to low achievers. We chose to collapse the average and low achievers because the primary focus was on the high achievers.

RESULTS Preliminary Analysis Descriptive statistics for the entire African American male sample and by achievement status is presented in Table 1. On average, this was a lowincome sample and moderately educated sample, with mothers having on average some technical or vocational training beyond high school or earning a GED. Further, on average, parents reported engaging in some literacy activities (e.g., telling stories and singing songs), home activities (e.g., playing together), and showing positive affection (e.g., hugs and kisses). Parents, on average, also did not report their children engaging in many organized activities (e.g., athletics or dance). Parents also reported using a variety of discipline strategies (e.g., time-out, talking, and yelling), and they, on average, reported that their sons had less than one health issue (e.g., asthma and gastrointestinal issues). For those African American boys who attended preschool programs, their caregiver reported a moderate amount of time spent on literacy-based

N = 700. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01.

52.5 1.65 2.51 0.64 2.79 0.56 4.39 3.99 6.24 4.14 0.77 3.82 19.45 14.31 7.58 2.13 46.43 45.09

Mean 4.34 1.76 1.05 0.48 0.67 0.87 0.69 0.54 1.46 0.48 0.92 0.9 7.09 3.25 1.51 0.96 9.55 9.32

SD

Overall

44.30
63.90 0.13
12.43 1
5 0
1 1
4 1
6 1.63
5.88 2
5 0
11 2.20
5 0
4 0
5 8
40 4
20 4.66
13.63 0
5 32.58
76.72 21.45
76.47

Range 55.26 3.02 3.24 0.81 3.06 0.89 4.43 4.13 5.95 4.33 0.67 4.03 15.67 16.16 9.17 2.68 62 60.25

Mean 3.99 2.74 1.16 0.39 0.67 0.89 0.61 0.49 1.33 0.49 0.81 0.66 6.22 2.85 1.19 0.86 5.18 5.03

SD

High Achievers (n = 150)

51.91 1.34 2.32 0.61 2.74 0.53 4.38 3.96 6.33 4.09 0.8 3.77 20.48 13.75 7.21 1.99 41.96 41.17

Mean 4.19 1.33 0.95 0.49 0.67 0.88 0.7 0.53 1.5 0.48 0.94 0.94 7.07 3.17 1.34 0.95 5.99 6.67

SD

Average and Low Achievers (n = 900)

Descriptive Information for Study Variables Provided by Achievement Status.

Age Income-to-needs ratio Maternal education Program type (center = 1) Parent
child literacy activity Child organized activity Caretaking of child Parent affection with child No. of discipline strategies Kindergarten readiness for child No. of child health issues Literacy activities in classroom (teacher-rated) Child aggression (teacher-rated) Child approaches to learning (teacher-rated) Receptive language Expressive language Language/literacy Math/numeracy

Table 1.

44.07** 75.97** 7.73** 12.35** 15.75** 11.01** 0.32 2.63** 4.43* 4.08** 1.43 4.07* 24.56** 30.51** 149.34** 36.13** 780.39** 587.35**

F

High Achieving Black Boys 43

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activities (e.g., learning the letters and writing the alphabets). The African American boys were rated by their preschool teacher/caregiver as somewhat aggressive and having moderate levels of approaches to learning skills. The African American boys also scored low on their receptive and expressive language assessments and were nearly 0.5 SDs below their peers, including other ethnic groups and girls, on their early literacy and numeracy skills as indicated by their t-scores. Examination of whether the high achievers and average and low achievers differed on family, preschool, and individual child factors was conducted. Table 1 details these differences. With the exception of parents’ caretaking of children and the number of health challenges, high achievers were likely to be in more language- and literacy-enriched homes and preschool programs and engaged in organized activities than average and low achievers. Additionally, high achievers were also likely to be rated by caregivers as having stronger approaches to learning and fewer problem behaviors than average and low achievers. High achievers were also significantly older, came from higher income households, and likely to have mothers with more education than average and low achievers. Correlation analysis for the sample is presented in Table 2. Generally, family INR, maternal education, attendance in programs, literacy activities Table 2. Correlation for Study Variables.

1. Income-to-needs ratio 2. Maternal education 3. Program type (center = 1) 4. Parent
child literacy activity 5. Child organized activity 6. Caretaking of child 7. Positive affection with child 8. No. of discipline strategies 9. Kindergarten readiness for child 10. No. child health issues 11. Literacy activities in classroom (teacher-rated) 12. Child aggression (teacher-rated) 13. Child approaches to learning (teacher-rated) N = 700. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01.

Receptive Language

Expressive Language

Language/ Literacy

Math/ Numeracy

0.26** 0.21** 0.16** 0.09* 0.08 −0.11** 0.03 −0.02 0.16** −0.07 0.16**

0.18** 0.12** 0.05 0.01 0.09* −0.11** 0.06 0.01 0.08* −0.02 0.13**

0.35** 0.34** 0.19** 0.19** 0.05 0.01 0.11** −0.15** 0.23** −0.09* 0.12**

0.28** 0.29** 0.19** 0.13** 0.10* −0.07 0.11** −0.14** 0.21** −0.09* 0.05

−0.22** 0.25**

−0.20** 0.23**

−0.24** 0.28**

−0.21** 0.31**

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High Achieving Black Boys

in the home and child care environment, involvement in outside activities, parental affection, high beliefs about kindergarten readiness, and approaches to learning skills were positively associated with language and pre-academic skills of African American boys.

Regression Analyses We conducted regression analyses to determine if family, preschool, and individual child factors were predictive of language and pre-academic skills for the African American boys and to assess if the relationship varied for high achievers compared to average and low achievers. Additionally, separate analyses were conducted for each child outcome. Receptive Language The final regression model accounted for 43% of the variance in receptive language. This final model for receptive language indicated that age was positively associated with African American males’ receptive language, with older children having higher receptive language. Table 3 details this occurrence. However, surprisingly, caretaking activities (e.g., parents’ helping children to bed and bathing) were negatively associated with receptive language for African American boys. There was no evidence that the association between family, preschool, and child factors and boys’ receptive language differed by achievement status. Expressive Language The final regression model accounted for 30% of the variance in expressive language. Child age, participation in organized activities, and literacy-rich preschool environment were associated with expressive language among the African American boys (see Table 3). Similar to receptive language, parent caretaking activities were negatively associated with boys’ expressive language. Thus, an interaction between positive parental interaction and achievement status indicated that high achieving boys benefitted more from positive parental affection compared to average and low achievers (B = 0.70). Language and Literacy Skills The final regression model accounted for 68% of the variance in language/ literacy skills among the African American boys. Family INR, parental expectations for kindergarten readiness, and children’s approaches to

N = 700; d = effect size. *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01.

Intercept Age Income-to-needs ratio Maternal education Program type (center = 1) Parent
child literacy activity Child organized activity Caretaking of child Parent affection with child No. of discipline strategies Kindergarten readiness for child No. of child health issues Literacy activities in classroom (teacherrated) Child aggression (teacher-rated) Child approaches to learning (teacher-rated) Achievement status (high achiever =1)

Parameter

−0.02 0.03 0.45

2.73* 0.09** 0.04 0.04 0.002 0.05 0.09 −0.35** −0.12 0.04 0.21 −0.10 0.15 0.01 0.03 4.52

−0.01 0.03 0.43

1.36 −0.36 0.02* .06 0.04** 0.06 0.03 0.09 0.02 0.18 −0.19 0.11 0.01 0.08 0.15* 0.10* 0.23 −0.28** 0.13 0.01 0.05 0.03 0.16 0.08 0.07 −0.02 0.08 0.15*

B

0.01 0.02 3.34

1.01 0.01* 0.04 0.06 0.13 0.08 0.06* 0.08* 0.10 0.04 0.12 0.05 0.06*

SE

d

SE

B

Expressive Language

Receptive Language B

d

B

7.15 16.48* 0.09 0.34** 0.29* .06 −0.26 0.43 1.03* 0.90 0.19 0.57 −0.10 0.39 0.41 0.52 −1.41** 0.64 1.24 0.25 −0.35 0.79* 0.18 1.07 0.37 −0.90* 0.43 −0.02

SE

0.10

0.15

0.11

0.04

d

0.07 0.15* 0.04 23.25* 6.00

7.44 0.09* 0.30 0.45* 0.94 0.60 0.41 0.54* 0.66 0.26 0.83 0.38* 0.46

SE

Math/Numeracy

0.04 0.06 0.03 0.45** 0.14* 0.05 0.34* 50.14* 22.14* 5.25 55.96*

18.74** 0.15 0.59* 0.02 1.05 0.16 0.16 −0.41 0.29 −0.25 0.47 −0.42 1.76* −0.55 0.16 0.47 0.04

d

Language/Literacy

Table 3. Final Regression Analyses Predicting African American Boys’ Language and Pre-academic Outcomes with Effect Sizes.

46 IHEOMA U. IRUKA ET AL.

47

High Achieving Black Boys

learning were positively predictive of language/literacy skills among African American boys (see Table 3). In closing, there was no evidence that the association between family, preschool, and child factors and boys’ receptive language differed by achievement status. Math and Numeracy Skills The final regression model accounted for 65% of the variance in boys’ math/numeracy skills. Age, maternal education, and children’s approaches to learning were positively associated with African American boys’ math/ numeracy skills (see Table 3). However, parental caretaking and number of health issues were negatively associated with the African American boys’ math/numeracy skills. To this end, there was no evidence that the association between family, preschool, and child factors and boys’ receptive language differed by achievement status.

DISCUSSION The aim of this study was multi-faceted: (a) to examine how high achieving African American males differed from average and low achievers on family, preschool, and individual child factors; (b) to determine if family, preschool, and individual child factors were associated with receptive and expressive language and emerging language/literacy and math/numeracy skills among African American preschool-age boys; and (c) to determine if the association between family, preschool, and individual child factors and child outcomes varied by achievement status. Therefore, we grouped African American boys into two groups: (a) those showing early signs of academic achievement based on their language/literacy and math/numeracy scores, which were referred as high achievers and (b) others called average and low achievers. In addition to examining if the high achievers and average and low achievers differed on family, preschool, and individual characteristics and behaviors, the relationship between these factors and African American boys’ outcomes were also examined. The findings from the study indicated that some aspects of families, early education, and boys themselves were associated with their early outcomes. Second, it was discovered that high achievers differed from average and low achievers on many of these aspects. Third, there was no indication that the family, preschool, and boys’ characteristics functioned differently for high achievers compared to average and low achievers.

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Generally speaking, we found different aspects associated with their language and pre-academic outcomes, such as (a) family
socioeconomic (e.g., income and maternal education), caretaking activities, and beliefs about kindergarten readiness; (b) preschool
literacy activities; and (c) individual
age, engagement in organized activities, health issues, and approaches to learning skills. The findings in relation to income and maternal education are consistent with past studies that found a strong link between family income and children outcomes (Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Duncan, Ziol-Guest, & Kalil, 2010); however, in this study, the effect size was small and closely linked to pre-academic skills but not language skills. This study finding suggested that African American boys from higher income and more educated households were likely to have stronger academic skills prior to kindergarten entry; however, past studies have shown that the Black
White test gap still remains even after accounting for family socioeconomic status (e.g., Kao & Thompson, 2003), indicating that the advantage may not last over time. Parental expectations for kindergarten readiness were associated with emergent language/literacy among African American boys. These academic and social skills are often assessed to determine if children are kindergarten ready. Therefore, parents who reported that it was important for children to be kindergarten ready (e.g., being able to finish tasks, count to 20 or more, write their names, or be a good problem solver) were likely to have sons who had higher emergent literacy. This finding supported the notion that parent high expectations were associated with better outcomes, especially in literacy rather than math/numeracy, which may speak to parents’ strengths (Fan & Chan, 2001; Marjoribanks, 1988). Though many of previous studies focused on older children and did not specifically focus on kindergarten readiness, the findings in this study suggested that parents who held high expectations of what it meant to be “kindergarten ready” may have been more active in ensuring that their sons were ready. In contrast, the more parents engaged in caretaking activities for their sons, the lower the boys’ language and pre-academic skills. This finding may suggest that parents were not providing enough opportunities for their sons to be independent and to explore their environment, which limits early language and development (McWayne, Fantuzzo, & McDermott, 2004). Turning to the preschool environment, it was found that the literacy environment was associated with expressive language among the African American boys. This finding was consistent with previous studies (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003, 2004). However, this study

High Achieving Black Boys

49

addressed a limited aspect of the preschool environment. More studies are still needed focusing on more aspects of the preschool environment experienced by boys (e.g., teacher
child interactions). Many characteristics and behaviors of boys were associated with their language and pre-academic skills. Expectedly, older boys are likely to have better auditory and oral skills and numeracy skills compared to those younger children. Engagement in organized activities was associated with better expressive language, suggesting the value of organized activities in strengthening boys’ ability to develop their oral language (Mahoney, Larson, Eccles, & Lord, 2005). Health challenges were also associated with lower math skills among the boys, suggesting that health issues may compromise cognitive functioning or may reduce attendance in preschool, where they are likely to engage in numeracy-based activities (e.g., McCormick et al., 2006). The approaches to learning skills were also significantly predictive of pre-academic skills among the African American boys. This finding was consistent with previous studies, showing that learning behaviors (e.g., engagement, persistence, eagerness, and learning independence) are predictive of later academic achievement above and beyond socioeconomic status and intelligence (Fantuzzo, Bulotsky-Shearer, McDermott, McWayne, & Frye, 2007; Matthews et al., 2010; McWayne et al., 2004; Yen, Konold, & McDermott, 2004). In 2010, Matthews and colleagues found that approaches to learning behaviors accounted for academic achievement gaps based on racial and gender lines. The researchers also suggested that approaches to learning skills were “most proximal for improving early literacy outcomes specifically” (p. 767). With the exception of caretaking of child and number of health issues, high achievers were significantly different than average and low achievers in family, preschool, and individual characteristics and behaviors. However, these differences in the microsystems of high achievers compared to average and low achievers operated differently, indicating if these aspects can be strengthened for all African American boys there is a higher likelihood that all children have the potential for displaying early excellence. As the first known study to examine young African American boys who showed early signs of high academic achievement, this finding suggested that environments of high achievers were significantly different than average and low achievers, which may be due to family characteristics (e.g., income and education) that provide opportunities for enriching experiences (Gershoff, Aber, Raver, & Lennon, 2007; Raver et al., 2007). That is, households with more income and education may be more capable of financially providing opportunities for African American boys to be

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engaged in enriching and stimulating activities, attend high preschool programs, and participate in organized activities, as well as have the knowledge, ability, and time to provide a literacy-rich environment and high expectation for kindergarten readiness. Using the investment model as a framework, many education researchers have argued that the reason for the socioeconomic achievement gap is due to less than optimal home environment and parenting practices. This study somewhat supported this investment model by finding that African American boys who demonstrated early signs of high academic achievement were likely to come from higher income families and likely to provide varied and stimulating experiences and higher expectations. However, it should also be noted that 18% of the high achieving African American boys were from low-income homes (i.e., family income 100% below the poverty threshold) and 30% had mothers with a high school diploma or less. In summary, this study provides evidence that parenting behaviors (e.g., caretaking, kindergarten readiness beliefs) and approaches to learning skills were associated with two or more outcomes for language and pre-academic skills among African American boys. In particular, parents may view caretaking activities as a protective factor for their sons in light of the harsh environment they are likely to experience, even in the early years. However, the intensity, frequency, and quality of some of these caretaking behaviors may undermine boys’ ability to be autonomous and better prepared for the obstacles they are likely to encounter in school and nonschool contexts. For example, rather than engage in contingent conversations, parents may opt to focus on the tasks at hand. Although minimal in effect size, approaches to learning skills (e.g., persistence, eagerness, and engagement) do matter for African American boys, above and beyond age, race/ethnicity, SES, and other parenting, preschool, and individual child factors. In particular, approaches to learning skills are thought to be observable and responsive to intervention (Barnett, Bauer, Ehrhardt, Lentz, & Stollar, 1996). Thus, a more comprehensive examination of African American parents’ caretaking activities and boys’ approaches to learning are specific areas for further exploration and intervention.

Limitations of Study Even though this study is unique in its examination and concentration on factors linked to optimal development among African American boys and how these factors may or may not function differently for high

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51

achievers compared to average and low achievers, this study still has shortcomings. First, the types and kinds of variables available to researchers in the ECLS-B dataset are limited. Many of the home/family measures were parent-reported, and some of the internal reliabilities were low (e.g., parental affection). Second, there was only one measure of the preschool environment, which was only gathered if children attended out-of-home care. Thus, complete information was not available on the children who were in parental-only care. Because social and learning behaviors among the African American boys were captured through caregivers, other information was missing for those children in parent-only care. Hence, there is a need for measures that are collected through multiple methods and sources (e.g., independent observations). The study results also are limited by the way we calculated children’s achievement status. That is, we balanced the need to be stringent by using both language/literacy and math/numeracy scores as a criterion, but also ensuring that the sample for high achievers was large enough to ensure unbiased estimates. To this end, we wanted to be consistent in identifying high achieving boys through objective measures. The use of only pre-academic measures ignores social and learning behaviors, arguable very important and relevant skills for kindergarten. Additionally, the results are only correlational and not causal; all measures were captured at one time point and were not time-varying because they did not allow us to examine longitudinal associations. Therefore, more studies in this area are needed that include other processes linked to other positive outcomes in older African American boys (e.g., racial socialization, classroom instructional quality, parent
child closeness, family mobility, school quality, and community safety and resources).

EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS This study provides evidence that more studies are needed, particularly focused on young African American males who are showing early signs of excellence rather than the traditional focus on boys who are struggling; however, this study does provide evidence that some aspects of children’s microsystems are relevant for their development, but they are not equivalent for all outcomes. In addition, parenting behaviors (e.g., caretaking)
seemingly beneficial for all children
appeared to function differently for African American males, emphasizing the need for deeper exploration into

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the social contexts and lives of young African American boys. Specifically, more culturally relevant research is needed to comprehensively capture the contexts of young African American males, including the home and preschool environment. Further, rather than controlling for race and gender, more studies should examine if findings on early pre-academic outcomes are equivalent for African American boys compared to their other children.

EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS The findings, from this study, emphasized the importance of expanding experiences, strengthening their learning approach and ability to deal with challenges, and ensuring language and literacy-rich environments among African American boys. For those programs supporting families, this may include understanding parents’ rationale and perceptions of engaging in parental activities to ensure they are appropriately aligned with student needs. It may also require that parents closely examine how some of their behaviors may undermine optimal development for African American boys. As noted by the Kellogg-funded “Promoting Academic Success for Boys of Color” project to promote academic excellence among African American boys, it is critical that boys experience protection, affection, correction, and connection from the caring adults in their lives (Winn et al., 2012). Boys need to be protected from threats to their physical, emotional, and cultural identities. They also need appropriate affection that is affirming, caring, and nurturing of their physical, social, emotional, and cultural identity (Stevenson, 1997). They need intentional correction that promotes healthy, adaptive behaviors, while confronting maladaptive behaviors that undermine the physical, emotional, cultural identity, humanity, and voice of African American boys. Finally, African American boys need social, emotional, and cultural connections in their lives that build strong social and cultural capital (Winn et al., 2012).

EDUCATIONAL POLICY IMPLICATIONS This study emphasized the importance of not just focusing on African American boys with challenges but also concentrated on those African American boys showing signs of early excellence. This emphasis likely

53

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requires that school systems re-examine how they identify, recruit, and assess students for gifted and talented programs, because they are likely to overlook young African American boys with potential for great success in these advanced academic programs (Harradine et al., 2014). Further, given the importance of family income and maternal education to African American boys’ development, new or revised educational policies are needed to increase opportunities for upward mobility and educational opportunities for African American families. The value of these opportunities would likely allow parents to provide more varied and enriching opportunities for their children, including ensuring that children are in high quality, enriching, and nurturing preschool environments and participating in organized activities. As discussed previously, there is a need for closer examination of educational policies. Stated differently, are there educational policies that impede or harm African American boys’ physical, social, emotional, and cultural identity? For instance, do the no tolerance policies impact how African American boys are unfairly treated in comparison to their peers? In this vein, it is critical that schools and institutions begin to disaggregate their data to determine the impact of policies and programming on their African American male population. Disaggregation of data by race, gender, language, and poverty status, as a starting point, would allow schools and institutions to determine whether certain policies have unintended consequences for some subgroups. Furthermore, it would also allow one to see the potential positive or negative impact certain policies are having on a segment of the population, directly or indirectly. Winn and colleagues (2012) note that, “clear data on when and how the opportunity gap for many African-American males begins and progresses is illusive, frequently being embedded in statistics for ‘all boys’ or ‘African-Americans’ … [Disaggregating] data can facilitate the creation of clearer understandings of the academic and social-emotional performance of African-American boys relative to other subgroups, and support the use this information to inform practices and drive more effective policy making in order to achieve equity.”

NOTES 1. In this study, African American and Black are used interchangeably. 2. Due to the restrictive nature of the ECLS-B dataset, exact sample size numbers cannot be given to protect the identity of participants.

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1879.

CHAPTER 3 “TRYING TO FIND SELF”: PROMOTING EXCELLENCE AND BUILDING COMMUNITY AMONG AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES Derrick R. Brooms ABSTRACT This chapter reports on findings from a study that explored the experiences of African American young men who graduated from Du Bois Academy, an all-boys public charter secondary school in the Midwestern region of the United States. The chapter considers issues of African American male persistence and achievement and how they are impacted by school culture. Specifically, the author discusses how school culture can help shape these students’ educational experiences and aspirations. Using student narratives as the guide, a description of how Du Bois Academy successfully engaged these African American male students is provided. The students articulated three critical components of school culture that positively shaped their high achievement and engagement: (a) sense of self, (b) promotion of excellence, and (c) community building.

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 61
86 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002021

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The student narratives provided a frame for promoting positive school culture that enhances the educational experiences and academic aspirations of African American male students.

INTRODUCTION The participation, retention, performance, and graduation of African American males in education are salient topics in the research literature (Harper & Associates, 2014; Jackson & Moore, 2006; Toldson, 2008). Much of the previous attention on African American males focused on their academic deficiencies, pitfalls, and shortcomings. More research is needed to highlight the importance of school environments where all students can benefit, including African American males. Generally speaking, school environments play an important role in how students are socialized toward education and educational attainment (Lynn, Bacon, Totten, Bridges, & Jennings, 2010; Milner IV, 2007; Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008). Examining the school environment is one way to better understand the educational experiences of African American students. As they enter their school buildings, schools are positioned to contribute to their sense of self, sense of belonging, and academic aspirations. In particular, the educational outcomes for African American males have been noted as a major cause and concern for educational practitioners, researchers and policy makers. Recent data revealed that African American males possess a low graduation rate in comparison to other racial/ethnic male peers (Holzman, 2012). This data, couple with other social and political realities of African American males, give cause for greater investigations of their educational experiences. In 1990, Kunjufu argued that African American males are often systematically programmed for educational failure, which negatively impacts their academic performances. Uwah et al. (2008) found African American males’ feelings of encouragement and educational aspirations were significant, positive predictors of their academic self-efficacy. Thus, researchers continue to recognize the significance of race in the academic success of African American students (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995; Carter, 2003; Ferguson, 2001; Fordham, 1996; Hemmings, 1998; Howard, 2003; Nasir, McLaughlin, & Jones, 2009; Noguera, 2003; Spencer, 1999). In examining school contexts, public charter schools are often scrutinized for not being able to determine whether there is any quantitative

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improvement in student achievement. In regard to single-gender schools, the overwhelming majority of research tends to focus on how they differ from coeducational institutions and classrooms. For this study, emphasis is placed on examining school subject matter and structure and various student characteristics (Bracey, 2007; Mulholland, Hansen, & Kaminski, 2004; Salomone, 2006). While single-gender schools have been the subject of much research, there is a dearth of studies that critically examine student experiences within these educational spaces. To fill this void in the scientific literature, the researcher examines qualitative interview data from 20 African American male students who attended an urban, all-boys public charter secondary school. The interview data focused on the educational perceptions and experiences of African American males, with particular attention on academic success and aspirations. The findings suggested that the African American males entered the charter school to learn more about themselves as “African American” and “male” students. Thus, some were ambivalent about going to college. Along the way, the African American males learned powerful lessons about themselves as African American males. Many of the African American males raised their academic performance as a result of the school’s expectations, and some also felt strongly connected to their peer group through various components of the school structure. These findings underscore the importance that the school culture plays in connecting to students’ sense of self and academic performance, which ultimately encouraged them to strive toward success.

RESEARCH METHODS Research Setting Du Bois Academy (pseudonym) is a college preparatory, 9th through 12th grade school located in an urban, low-income community. Designed as a single-gender charter school, Du Bois Academy opened its doors in the mid2000s and accepts any male student in the district. The single-gender design of Du Bois Academy was based on contemporary research and realities that revealed the low high school graduation completion for African American males, especially in high-need, urban communities. In 2010
2011, its student body included approximately 550 students. As a result of residential segregation patterns, the school comprised a 100% African American male

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student body, and 75% of the students were eligible for the federal free and reduced lunch program. Since its inception, Du Bois Academy has maintained a 90% or higher graduation rate. In an effort to ensure continuous student success, Du Bois Academy offers a college preparatory curriculum based on exemplary practices in language arts, writing across the curriculum, and interpersonal skills. The college preparatory curriculum is delivered within an extended school day. Additionally, the students participate in an orientation program, wear uniforms, attend daily school-wide and small group meetings, and engage in other school-related activities that are geared toward helping students achieve, such as after-school tutoring, ACT Prep classes, and specialized mentoring.

Student Participants This study comprised of twenty, college-aged African American males who all attended and graduated from Du Bois Academy. A purposeful sampling method (Merriam, 1998) was utilized to ensure that the African American male students in the study provided vivid examples and information about their educational experiences and the different elements, programs, and activities within the school that enabled them to successfully complete their high school education. Table 1 provides more in-depth details about the African American male participants. All of the study participants were enrolled in college during the time of the interview. Further, the African American male participants comprised of ten college juniors, seven college sophomores, and three college freshmen. Additionally, they attended 14 different colleges and universities.

Interview Data Collections The presented study is based on twenty, in-depth interviews with African American male college students. Researchers note that the interview method is a useful research approach for unraveling the stories behind participants’ experiences (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006; McNamara, 2009). To this end, the African American male participants were identified using the three sampling techniques: (a) purposeful, (b) convenience, and (c) snowball (Creswell, 1998). Utilizing a semistructured and open-ended protocol, each interview was designed to capture breadth and depth of

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Table 1. Description of Study Participants. Name Pseudonym Michael Montez Ishmail Bryce Craig Robert James Dejuan Jamal Jonathan Chris Orlando Aaron Malcolm Justin Tony Willie Nate Greg Deonte

College

HS GPA 2.8 2.7 3.4 2.7 3.3 3.5 2.8 2.9 3.8 2.7 3.6 3.0 3.4 2.9 2.7 2.8 3.1 3.1 3.3 2.6

Classification Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Junior Sophomore Sophomore Sophomore Sophomore Sophomore Sophomore Sophomore Freshman Freshman Freshman

College

College Major

Indiana State Columbia College University of Illinois Indiana State Denison Eastern Illinois Columbia College Western Illinois University of Virginia East West University of Rochester Benedictine (IL) Fisk Wabash Northern Illinois Western Illinois Fisk Howard Howard Western Illinois

History Visual Arts Psychology History Communication Psychology African American Studies Psychology Education Behavioral Science Anthropology Undecided Business Philosophy Business Undecided Music Production Undecided Undecided Undecided

student experiences in which the school culture was an important part of the conversation. Further, each interview ranged from 60 to 90 minutes. After each interview, the African American male participant was provided with a copy of the interview transcript for member checking (Cho & Trent, 2006). Member checking occurred throughout the study. It allowed the researcher to continuously analyze the interview data throughout the data collection process. The interviews were transcribed, analyzed, and coded using appropriate research measures (Weiss, 1994). As a way to protect the participants’ confidentiality and identity, the researcher asked them to select a pseudonym to be used in lieu of their actual names.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION The in-depth, semistructured interviewing research method allowed the African American male participants to speak about their educational experiences at length. Many of the student participants shared how the

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school culture shaped their individual and collective educational experiences. In discussing the school’s culture, a number of student participants shared accounts of how they thought the school promoted strong African American male identity and high academic aspirations. Many of the African American male participants connected past experiences and lessons at Du Bois Academy with their current collegiate experiences. Further, the African American male participants identified three critical components of school culture that positively shaped their educational experiences and aspirations. Sense of self, promotion of excellence, and building community were three of the primary things continuously mentioned. As students spoke about each of these components, they shared what they learned about themselves and the type of young men that they wanted to become. As Noguera (2003), Milner (2007), and Duncan-Andrade (2009) have suggested, African American males often enter school with a wealth of talents and possibilities. What schools frequently reflect to them, the educational opportunities they allow, and how students are embraced or not impact student experiences and their academic performance (Ferguson, 2001; Harper & Davis, 2012; Noguera, 2003). Throughout the interview data, many of the African American male participants mentioned the school culture and how it contributed to their personal, social, and academic successes. These views are expressed in the following sections.

SENSE OF SELF As noted by Davis (2003), early schooling experiences have an important role in the socialization of African American males. These early years are crucial in understanding academic performances, achievement trajectories, and school engagement (p. 532). As they matriculate, high school becomes a central organizing experience for this student population. It is also a critical period for personal, social, and academic socialization (Brooms, 2013). In 2006, Jenkins asserted that educational factors should always be considered when developing specialized programming and services for African American males. Similarly, Howard (2003) argued that improving avenues of access and equity significantly enhance how students perceive their academic environments and the forces that influence them. An important aspect of Du Bois Academy included school experiences where African American males could develop a strong sense of self. Throughout the interviewing, the African American male students reflected

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on the impact of attending an all-boys school, lessons they learned about Black masculinity, and how they developed their sense of self on their schooling experiences. Reflecting on his freshman year of Du Bois Academy, Michael, a current college junior, opened by saying: I was just trying to find myself. It was a new stage of my life, and I was trying to discover what I was trying to do. I was just trying to figure things out [about] being in high school because it was a new experience.

As Michael indicated, his entre´e into high school was a time of discovery. The transition from middle school years to high school years is a critical juncture in the lives of students (Brooms, 2013; Roderick, 2003; Somers, Owens, & Piliawsky, 2008). African American males often struggle in successfully transitioning from middle school to high school (Simmons, Black, & Zhou, 1991). They also frequently encounter poor academic outcomes (Akos & Galassi, 2004) and become disillusioned with school (Osterman, 2000). Michael’s assertion strongly conveyed that he was just trying to stay afloat and determine the best approach to tackle the rigors of high school. Stated differently, it was quite clear that Michael did not have a clear plan or roadmap for his future. The following excerpt, “trying to discover what I was trying to do,” illuminated this point. What was offered and promoted in his high school was critical for students to understand, see, and believe what might be possible. In continuing to discuss his freshman year and clarifying his idea of “finding himself,” Michael further asserted: I knew high school would be different, and I just wanted to surround myself with people of like minds and like aspirations … I was trying to discover what I liked, what I liked to be around, what type of person I am, and what type of person that I’d like to be … learning my strengths and weaknesses.

Throughout the interviewing process, Michael offered several key points that are worth noting. First, he understood high school was different than his previous educational experiences. Second, because of the difference in educational settings and expectations, he intentionally surrounded himself with schoolmates who possessed similar educational outlooks and aspirations. Although he was unclear of how to approach high school, Michael did have the wherewithal to connect with other African American males who possessed similar academic trajectories. Third, he described “finding himself” as learning and exploring his sense of self. For many of the young men, transitioning to ninth grade was not simply about this moment in time. Instead, it was conceived in relation to how

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they perceived their futures. In offering his thoughts about his freshman year, Montez, a current college junior, stated: At this time, I was fighting the decision of wondering if I would go to college or not. I wasn’t around people that had gone to college and that sort of put a halt on my aspirations. My stepdad had gone, but, at this time of growing [up], I wasn’t around him that much. So, I didn’t see the impact it had on him and what it could potentially have on me in college.

What Montez presents in this excerpt seemed quite instrumental in his understanding what Du Bois Academy had to offer him. Stated differently, he did not simply say that he was wavering between whether or not he would attend or was interested in college. Instead, Montez submitted that he “was fighting the decision.” Given this context, it is very likely that he struggled to make a decision about college until he was able to confront his fears and anxieties about attending. Further, based on Montez’s school experiences at Du Bois Academy, it is clear that its school culture helped contribute and/or reinforce his decision to attend college. Listening to Michael and Montez recall their freshman experiences upon entering Du Bois Academy, two fundamental questions were pondered. First, how do schools help students develop a sense of self? Second, how do schools promote academic excellence and college aspirations? At high schools where academic excellence and college aspirations are not widespread, permeated, and embraced, African American males are likely to underachieve (Jordan & Cooper, 2003). On the contrary, schools where these characteristics are strong, African American males and their schoolmates tend to have higher self-actualization, academic achievement, and college matriculation rates (Ford, Moore, & Whiting, 2006; Uwah et al., 2008; Whiting, 2006).

All-Boys School Environment The all-boys school environment of Du Bois Academy was a critical component that was believed to contribute on how the African American males in this study experienced and explored their sense of self. For many of them, attending high school was an important academic, social and personal occurrence. As a result, school choice was significant. Past studies have noted the importance of school context for African American males (Brooms, 2013; Ferguson, 2001; Griffin, Yamamura, Kimura-Walsh, & Allen, 2007).

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In relation to this study, many of the African American males mentioned a variety of reasons for attending Du Bois Academy and also stated that they embraced the all-boys school context that it offered. More specifically, Chris, a current college sophomore, made note of the all-boys school environment as he reflected on his experiences with the following excerpt: For me, I approached it [Du Bois Academy] pretty much as a new challenge and a new opportunity. I wasn’t worried about being at an all-boys school. Some guys complained, but I felt like I could be more focused. I felt like it could be a new opportunity, so I wasn’t lashing back or being a rebel without a cause.

Furthermore, Chris also indicated that he approached the all-boys school environment as a new challenge and opportunity. Instead of bringing attention to potential challenges, he embraced the new opportunity and became more focused in succeeding. Several other students shared similar viewpoints as Chris. For example, Ishmail, a current college junior, stated: “I thought it was fine because it was good to be around people who were just like me and had the same race as me as well. I thought it was fun because we could all relate.” Orlando, a current college sophomore, shared: At first you think about you’re surrounding by all guys, but, once you get into doing your own thing, you don’t really think about it. You build a relationship with the people you’re in school with and you keep going.

Aaron, a current college sophomore, similarly shared: For me … I wasn’t really reluctant to it. I went to the high school fair, and I met a few people from the high school. Then, I went to the open house, and I didn’t have much of a problem with it … there’s not any girls, but I wasn’t worried about it. But, I was excited to go because I figured that I could be more focused without girls.

Bryce, a current college junior, also asserted: Honestly, [during] my seventh and eighth grade experiences, I had all-male classes. So, I thought it was going to be like the same thing, and it turned out to be that way. To me, it wasn’t a big thing because [the school personnel] made us understand what it would be like.

In expressing their considerations in attending an all-boys school, the African American male students revealed a lack of concern for the singlegendered environment. In fact, most of the students reflected on the positive attributes that the school might offer. For Ishmail, the single-gendered school environment offered him an opportunity to be surrounded with a

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peer group who shared both his race and gender identities. Orlando noted that students fall into a pattern that might be similar to a coeducational school as they become accustomed to the single-gendered environment. Similar to Chris, Aaron expressed his excitement for the single-gendered environment because he “could be more focused without girls,” while Bryce set his expectations based on his previous experiences in singlegendered classrooms. Further, for both Aaron and Bryce, the school personnel played a significant part in acculturating African American male students to the single-gendered school environment. In speaking about his experiences at Du Bois Academy, Chris offered: For the most part, it was a good service for us. If you look at the literature, Black males are lower than Black women in some categories [but] not all. And, in school, this is important. It served its purpose by showing us that we [Black males] didn’t have to be a statistic or be relegated to a gang life because you can accomplish more. I think that’s really important for Black males to see and hear … We all go through it differently … even if you were in a gang, you could know how another gang member might struggle because we’re all in the same boat … trying to go forward.

In the excerpt cited here, Chris articulated that the single-gendered focus of the school offered students a unique opportunity to learn about themselves. In noting that the school was a “good service” to African American males, he also shared that students could change both the narrative and expectations about young Black males. Chris thought it was very important for Black males to see that they did not have to be a statistic or get stuck in a life that involved gang activity. To this end, Du Bois Academy offered the young males a new vision of “Blackness” and “maleness” and what they could accomplish in school and beyond. Similarly, Malcolm, a current college sophomore, noted the benefits of attending a single-gender school with the following statement, I think they’re very necessary just for some males to grow. Not every male can handle a co-ed schooling system. I think it’s a good idea; it definitely helped me learn and it helped me grow up a little bit.

Malcolm revealed that attending Du Bois Academy helped him learn and mature. He also noted that single-gendered schools were necessary in helping males grow. Based on the interview findings, many of the African American males embraced the “single-gendered” school environment and saw it as a learning space that offered immense opportunities to learn. In the next section, the African American males revealed lessons learned at Du Bois Academy in relation to being a Black male.

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Black Maleness and Masculinity As a single-gendered school comprised of all African American males, students had great opportunities to learn about their African American history and the significance of race and gender in American society. Numerous opportunities were presented for educators to contextualize Black masculinity and manhood into the curricula, as subjects of discussion, and programming efforts as well. In 2009, Murrell noted the importance of salience in connecting identity to academic achievement. At Du Bois Academy, the students were afforded opportunities to activate their identity agency in ways that were quite different in other school contexts. In a school comprised of all African American male students, modes of Black masculine self-expression included various possibilities. More importantly, Du Bois Academy students possessed numerous opportunities to learn about the social, academic, and personal parameters of their racial and gender identities. In discussing what he learned about being an African American male, while attending Du Bois Academy, Craig, a current college junior, offered: I just learned that there’s some serious obstacles that black males in particular have to face. There’s some different situations and different circumstances to find ourselves in sometimes … like a woman downtown is more likely to clutch her purse because I’m on the sidewalk. Just learning different stereotypes and ideologies of being a black male is important especially when you’re attending predominantly white schools like mine. So, when you come in you’re not shocked because you come from a school like who taught you those lessons … The school highlighted my race, and I’m aware of my race at all times. I recognize[d] that when certain things happen[ed] that [it] might not be a coincidence … I learned that I can do whatever I wanted to no matter what background I came from and just being aware of my race.

According to Justin, a current college sophomore, he proffered: [I] learned that, in this society, it’s hard to be a black male. You have to put more weight on your shoulder. You have to tackle things at a better angle or a more efficient angle. Sometimes, we don’t have the same support system, and we have to make things work. We’re not exposed to a lot of resources and things that might make your life better.

Similar to Craig, Justin noted that he learned about the difficulties of being an African American male in U.S. society. He further suggested that, although African American males may lack support, they still needed to find ways to make things work. Comparing the two males, they both learned about the challenges that existed for African American males and were taught critical skills to successfully navigate many affronts that they might encounter. At Du Bois Academy, Craig, Justin, and many other

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students were introduced to powerful African American male role models and lessons and examples in how “Blackness” and “maleness” intersect in American society. Similarly, Nate, a current college freshman, offered, “I learned that [Black males are] looked at very different. You’re looked at in a different scope. I don’t think there’s anything wrong with Black masculinity.” In speaking about his learning, Malcolm asserted: There’s a lot of things that go in to being a man … being able to take care of yourself and taking care of other people, [and] being accountable to yourself and others. Learning how to provide for others … It’s not hard
being a man and trying to become one. There’s a lot of things that you face, a lot of obstacles, a lot of things to learn, [and] a lot of things to get better at.

For many of the students, a key learning opportunity on Black masculinity was through extracurricular activities. Tony, a current college sophomore offered the following statement on what he learned about Black masculinity at Du Bois Academy: I think I learned that it doesn’t … because we had different activities, we didn’t have all these sports, but we had chess club and debate. And, I guess that told me that masculinity isn’t relegated to physical things. Masculinity is being a leader, being able to be a father. It wasn’t just about being physical and making babies. Being a man is much more than the ability to procreate; being a man is pretty much about being able to take care of yourself and your family and making an impact on somebody else’s life.

Tony further highlighted that the diversity of activities helped him learn that his masculine identity did not have to be connected exclusively to sport activities. As a result, he was able to imagine masculine identities that moved beyond physicality and generally highlighted in school contexts and beyond. In learning about masculinity, he envisioned multiple possibilities such as being a leader, father, provider, and contributor. These learning experiences provided Tony an alternative lens to view Black masculinity (Akbar, 1992). Other students also noted components of the academic curriculum and the role teachers, administrators, and other staff had in developing his understanding of Black masculinity. For instance, Aaron noted: I learned about being a black male in the programs and activities I was involved in and the African American history course. And, the presence of positive Black males in front of us had a big impact on my racial identity and masculinity and just seeing from different males how they lead their lives and seeing them was different than what you see normally.

Tony and Aaron both shared the importance of activities and programming efforts at Du Bois Academy. However, Aaron elaborated that his African American history course allowed him to explore topics, people,

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and events that moved beyond mainstream depictions of Black men. In her early research, Ladson-Billings (1995) stressed the importance of culturally relevant teaching and maintained that it was critical that educators help students understand their social realities. Similarly, Gay (2000) acknowledges the importance of culturally responsive teaching as a key strategy to engage diverse student populations. In addition to pedagogy, more salient for Aaron than Tony was the importance of having positive Black male role models consistently present in his school among teachers and peers. Further, he suggested that the presence of these role models had a “big” impact on his own racial identity and masculinity. Supportive relationships with faculty, staff, mentors, and peers are a key variable in facilitating African American males’ high school success and preparation for college (Brooms, 2013). The presence of African American males in the school, opportunities to learn about African American men and masculinity, and engaging in activities that did not rely on physical dominance provided students with critical opportunities to learn about self. Speaking on what he learned about himself at Du Bois Academy, Robert, a current college junior, stated: I just think I learned about myself in general. Being able to succeed, I learned about that … I just learned that I could push through and succeed because of the challenges I faced. I learned how to deal with struggles [and] learned how to overcome them.

The demographics of Du Bois Academy’s personnel provided students with visuals and powerful narratives of African American males who had faced challenges and overcame obstacles. This was true for Robert as well. Given the plethora of Black male faculty, Robert was able to tap into a diverse set of individuals who could speak from his racialized and gendered perspective. With African American males facilitating the learning process coupled with the school’s single-gendered focus, many of the students learned about the meaning and significance of Black male identity. This learning magnified their sense of self because of the academic curriculum, as well as the many conversations, discussions, and programming efforts that highlighted the ways in which their racial and gender identity mattered in society. As indicated by many of the student participants, learning about Black male identity equipped them with self-awareness and skills to navigate various terrains in which they might be engaged in educational contexts and beyond. The learned life lessons were critical in the maturation of the African American males. They learned coping and decision-making skills. Additionally, the students revealed that they absorbed a great deal about the range

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of possibilities that existed for them as both students and Black males. In closing, learning about themselves had important implications for the ways in which they could be inspired to achieve academic excellence.

PROMOTING EXCELLENCE In addition to developing the students’ sense of self, a second important component of the Du Bois Academy school experience was the advancement of academic excellence. Building students’ college aspirations and making academic performance a hallmark of the school were the two primary means in which academic excellence was promoted. As noted in Montez’s reflections about his beginnings at Du Bois Academy, he offered that he walked in the door as a freshman “fighting the decision” about college. Michael’s transition to Du Bois Academy, similar to the other students, was timely in his academic developmental stage and critical in his college aspirations (Woodland, Martin, Hill, & Worrell, 2009). The following is a representative sample of how students were acculturated to Du Bois Academy and what these processes meant to their educational experience. The orientation program, academic curriculum, and physical space were instrumental in promoting academic excellence among the African American males. The physical space of the school was decorated intentionally with college paraphernalia to create visual cues for the school’s college preparatory mission. Throughout the study, the African American male students spoke, at great length, about the myriad ways the school encouraged academic excellence and the corollary impact of these. Summer Program The first step to acculturating students to Du Bois Academy was through a three-week freshman orientation program. The orientation program offered several major benefits. It is usually conducted in August, weeks prior to the first day of school. The orientation program required that the students attend school for a half-day on Monday through Thursday. Bryce noted: I liked that a lot! It eliminated trying to get used to new faces and people all in one day. So, I enjoyed that, and I enjoyed the trips. I was able to learn a little bit more about the school without worrying about class so that was very beneficial to me.

As indicated by the aforementioned excerpt, there were two main benefits from Bryce’s participation in the summer program. First, it allowed

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him to transition to the new learning environment and permitted him to learn new faces and people across several weeks as opposed to the rush of a traditional first day of school. Second, Bryce noted that the orientation program allowed him to acquire more information about the school without trying to balance academic demands at the same time. Similarly, Malcolm shared that the orientation program was a positive experience for him and his classmates. More specifically, in the below dialogue between Malcolm and the researcher, these sentiments were illustrated: Malcolm:

Researcher: Malcolm:

I thought it was a good experience; it gave us a taste for what was coming when we first got to school … I guess it’s one of those things … I feel like … in some kind of way we needed that. What do you think you needed? Just because of the way [the] school was supposed to work … Once the older class got back to school, it was supposed to be some kind of culture in the school, so the [orientation] program could prep the freshmen to know what’s coming … that’s what I’m thinking it could have been about.

Entering into a new academic space can be a challenge for students. Malcolm saw the orientation program as a critical feature of the school that facilitates the transition process for the students. Upon further discussion, he offered that the program was important in lining up students’ expectations for what was to come. Ishmail provided the following remarks: I think it was useful more so in trying to establish a culture of what’s expected, what faculty and staff believe that you can do, and letting students know that they are loved. They’re not coming into a situation where they won’t be supported.

Echoing Malcolm’s comments, Ishmail noted that the orientation program was useful in establishing a culture of what to expect at Du Bois Academy. Further, Ishmail highlighted that both the faculty and staff worked to establish an environment where the students felt supported and connected. Banners College banners were displayed at the entrance of every classroom and office. Each reflected the faculty and staff member’s alma maters. Other

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noninstructional spaces were decorated with banners of various colleges and the college counseling department was infiltrated with college memorabilia. Having such displays really helped with acculturating the students to Du Bois Academy. Many of the African American male students highlighted this point. In reflecting on the banners, James, a current college junior, acknowledged that seeing these banners “was a sign of motivation … [and] was a sign for us [Black males] to start looking up colleges to see if we would like it, and see what their standards are.” In the same way as James, Michael asserted, “I think the purpose of the banners were to instill the thought of college and kind of give students ideas about schools. Oh, let me see what this school is about.” While James and Michael considered the banners as early influencers on their thinking about college, other students made stronger connections to what the banners represented. For example, Dejuan, a current college junior, stated: I thought that was a great idea … it’s kind of like a motivator to all the top schools and the most popular schools around. And, somehow, maybe I can get a chance to get to one of these, or I can learn about the schools a little bit more.

Evident by the previously mentioned excerpt, Dejaun was motivated by the banners positioned throughout the school. Not only did the banners reflect popular schools that students may have been familiar with, they also represented some of the top schools in the country as well. In just seeing the banners, Dejuan was inspired to learn more about the schools and even estimated a possibility of attending 1 day. Chris amplified the sentiments of Dejuan in the following dialogue between him and the researcher: Chris:

Researcher: Chris:

The college banners were good … [they brought] a positive attitude into the school. Not only do we believe that you’re going to college, but we [also] want to show you that you can go to this school or another school. So, I think it was just a tool of motivation and inspiration. Did you feel inspired? I did … just looking at some of the schools that I had seen watching college football and learning that they could be a possibility. It was motivating for me because I know that, at many other schools in [the district], they wouldn’t have been having these conversations about students going to college.

The college banners served as motivation not only on the individual level, but Chris also felt that they brought a positive attitude to the entire school.

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The school’s mission of having students thinking about and focusing on college was clear; Chris provided numerous illustrations of this point. Further, he noted that the banners reaffirmed the school personnel’s belief in each student successfully matriculating to college. The banners were an overt gesture for the types of schools to which the students could aspire. Chris was inspired by the possibility of attending one of the colleges represented. Additionally, he saw his attendance at Du Bois Academy as a major benefit in influencing his college aspirations because he did not believe that a college-going focus was present at other schools in the district.

Academic Curriculum The major tenet of promoting excellence and college aspirations at Du Bois Academy is the academic curriculum. As a college preparatory school, Du Bois Academy offered students opportunities to take honors and Advanced Placement (AP) courses. The school’s curriculum reflected a language arts focus that required additional English courses. Students were also required to write across the curriculum and take courses in public speaking. Additionally, the students attended school for nearly eight hours per day. Throughout the study, many of the students suggested attending Du Bois Academy was a good experience, which prepared them for college. For example, Aaron acknowledged this point with the following excerpt: It was a good experience just as far as getting the preparation and knowledge about college. Before then, I only knew what I saw on TV from watching sports. I had some uncles that went to college, but I didn’t know much. It was a good chance to learn about college, and it was an opportunity for me to go to college. And, possibly make more money to help out my family.

For Aaron, attending a college preparatory, single-sexed school was a good experience. It enhanced his knowledge about college and expanded his horizons as well. He shared that his family had limited connection with college, so Du Bois Academy afforded him the opportunity to attend college. Michael connected institutional expectations to his experiences to Du Bois Academy. When asked about the college preparatory design of Du Bois Academy, he explained: There were a lot of expectations, and even if we felt like college wasn’t the place for us the expectations was like we’re going to college … that kind of woke us up in determining where we going. We started believing that we were college bound; you heard it every

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As Michael noted, going to college was not simply an one-time message or a discussion during their senior year. Instead, keeping college as the focus was something that the students heard continuously. Many students could not help but begin to believe that they were college bound. On another note, numerous students revealed that taking AP and honors courses were strategic. First, the students believed that taking these types of courses would make their college applications more attractive. Jamal, a current college junior, reported that he took four AP classes and a lot of honors courses. The following excerpt captured this point, “A lot of people were saying that AP classes would look really good on your college application.” Jamal was influenced by feedback from others who made positive correlations between AP classes and a person’s college application. Similarly, Greg, a current college freshman, expressed that he took AP and honors classes, “to raise my [grade point average] and be more attractive to colleges.” On another note, Malcolm struggled academically, during his early tenure of high school. He had a 2.2 grade point average (GPA) over the course of first three semesters, but he took one honors course and two AP courses. Further, he offered the following on his decision to take these types of classes: I wanted to challenge myself. I realized that I was becoming more of an academically sound student. I thought to myself that in order for me to get to the next level I needed to take some AP classes no matter how well I did in them.

In becoming a more academically sound student, he desired to go to college. As a result, Malcolm was less concerned in how well he performed in his AP classes. Instead, he was more concerned in challenging himself so that he would be better prepared for the academic rigor of college. Key to the students’ experiences was that several of the young men displayed their agency as they began to think and strategize about ways to be more attractive to colleges. By the time students reached this point in their educational careers, it seemed that attending college was a much higher probability. In such cases, they spent more time enhancing their academic profiles. Students became more determined to enroll in honors and AP courses. Even in times when they were hesitant or ambivalent about enrolling in honors and AP courses, the students still pressed forward. For instance, Willie, a current college sophomore, offered the following about taking an

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AP class: “I didn’t necessarily want to, but it was one of those decisions that I knew would look good on my transcript especially if I performed well in that class.” As noted by Malcolm and Willie, students wanted to challenge themselves and get to the next level academically. What was most common among the group was the desire to be more attractive to potential colleges and universities.

SENSE OF BELONGING A third major component of the Du Bois Academy school experience was a sense of belonging. Building students’ sense of belonging was negotiated through two primary means: (a) community meetings and (b) clusters. Community meetings served as a daily orientation to the school day. The meetings were held during the first period of each school day and included school-wide announcements and acknowledgments. Each student was in a cluster as a homeroom assignment. The clusters were collectives of students for each grade level that served as homeroom assignments. Similar to the possibilities of Michael’s self-discovery upon entering high school mentioned earlier, other students offered what might be conceived as opportunities for schools to enhance the experiences of students. In transitioning to high school, Jamal noted that, “The first day everybody was so welcoming; it felt good.” Jamal recalled his first day at Du Bois Academy with glowing remembrance. Feeling embraced by classmates on his first day had an overwhelming positive impact on his transition to high school. Therefore, he entered Du Bois Academy feeling good about himself, his classmates, and the school overall.

Community Community meetings were important in orienting students to each school day. Students learned about upcoming events, programming efforts, and schedule changes. In addition, they heard about the school’s athletic accomplishments as well. Each week students were recognized for academic performances and accomplishments, athletic teams were congratulated for their competition performances, and various individuals were recognized for behaviors that positively contributed to the school environment.

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The overwhelming majority of students reflected on the school community with great admiration and appreciation. In speaking about the community, Jonathan, a current college junior, offered: I enjoyed the community meetings … I definitely enjoyed hearing about the success of other students and the success of the sports teams. I thought it was a good way to start the day, and it definitely woke us up. Standing up will wake you up … I definitely enjoyed it. I enjoyed it so much that I ended up being one of the students who helped to lead it and helped to run community.

Here, Jonathan reflected on community meetings in glowing terms. For him, community meetings informed others about the success of individuals and sports teams alike. Similarly, Nate provided the following reflection, “I actually think it’s a good idea … A great idea to get announcements at the start of the day, let teachers and students know what’s going on.” In addition to noting the quality of community meetings to start the day, Nate noted that both students and teachers alike benefitted. In this way, building community was a daily act in which all members of the school were engaged. Other students offered similar types of reflections. For example, Greg noted, “Freshman year, I really enjoyed community with student acknowledgements … [My] first year, I racked up on honors and I felt really good. I was acknowledged in front of my peers.” Generally speaking, community offered students the opportunity to start their academic day in a positive manner. In this way, student success, attitude, and effort were constantly acknowledged throughout the school day.

Clusters In addition to community meetings, the students were assigned to Clusters to organize members of each grade level, and a member of the school personnel facilitated the clusters. The two rudimentary functions for clusters were that they created an organized system for taking daily attendance and allowed students to hear positive announcements about the success of their peers and the school in general. In the following statements, Jamal noted, “I actually liked the Clusters because it gave me time to talk with my friends about what we did in class throughout the day or what we did in the previous weekend. Also, it gave me thirty minutes to do my homework.” Similarly, Deonte, a current college freshman, offered the following: Clusters were a family within the larger [Du Bois Academy] family. You were with these guys for four years straight. You argued with these guys and fought with them, but

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these were the guys that you were going to be closest with because you grew together. We were together since freshman year, and the idea was for the cluster leader to be with the group for all four years. I would say that since freshman year we lost no more than five of the original members of my cluster.

Craig provided a strong analysis of the Clusters System through his perceptions and experiences. In a dialogue between Craig and the researcher, the following was revealed: Craig:

Freshman year, I didn’t really like it all. I felt like I was really carrying my Cluster, especially with grades. [It was] kind of the same thing [my] sophomore year. Last two years, I feel like we connected more. [For my] senior year, we connected a lot, and we all tried to succeed.

Researcher:

In what ways do you think you guys connected more? How did you connect more? I think, throughout most of high school, most of the guys … connected. We all wanted to achieve, and we were motivated. Throughout our time, I don’t think everybody had this mindset. We cracked jokes and stuff, but we began to realize when it was time to get focused. I think we all were pretty excited that we had the opportunity to go to college because we’ve all had our struggle, some more so than others.

Craig:

Initially, Craig revealed that he did not like the Clusters System primarily because he felt he carried the burden of representing his cluster academically. In this regard, he highlighted the collective premise of Clusters, whereby students were viewed individually and as representatives of their cluster. After the first two years, Craig recalled that his Cluster made a shift and was able to connect with each other. In discussing the later shift, he noted similarities in how members of the cluster came together. He stated that Cluster members all wanted to “achieve and were motivated.” Additionally, as the young men matriculated closer to high school graduation, the possibility of college attendance helped bring them together even more. Within the Clusters, the young men overwhelming noted the communal atmosphere that allowed them to come together with their classmates. For some, this was an opportunity to build camaraderie, talk to classmates about their school day, or even complete homework. Thus, Clusters allowed the students to grow both individually and collectively.

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CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS The goal of this study was to amplify student voices and experiences in an institution whose single-gender and college preparatory structures are designed intentionally to assist African American males in matriculating to college. As the African American males deciphered and negotiated their educational experiences, the spaces in which they engaged in their academic endeavors were critical to their academic and social development. To be sure, the educational context provided key opportunities for the students and school personnel to contribute to student learning, personal experiences, and college aspirations. Student experiences at Du Bois Academy presented several implications for educational research, practice, and policy. The most prominent are listed below: Implications for Educational Research 1. The results of this study highlight the importance of allowing more space for student voices to be heard in our research efforts. In doing so, educational stakeholders are better able to hear how students understand and articulate their experiences. The results highlighted some very findings that could easily be expanded in future studies. 2. This study calls attention to the need for researchers to conduct more research, both qualitative and quantitative, on single-gendered school spaces and how they contribute to student learning. This is especially true for African American males. 3. This study highlights the need for studying instructional modules that include culturally relevant pedagogy to connect with African American male students and enhance their academic performances. Based on the study’s findings, it is clear that the single-gendered school was both culturally centered and student centered. More research is certainly needed. Implications for Educational Practice 1. This study demonstrates the benefits of creating an institutional culture, where young African American males feel welcomed and valued. When they feel this way, it is evident that the students have higher academic expectations and aspirations.

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2. This research investigation highlights the need to create an academic climate that fosters success for African American young men. Throughout the study, it was evident that the positive and encouraging school climate was a major part of the success of the school. 3. The results of this study accentuate the benefits of creating a collegegoing culture that promotes and embraces the efforts of all students. Having high expectations of African American male students tends to result in positive outcomes. 4. This research investigation indicates that creating community in schools is an important facet of students’ experiences, peer relations, and building a sense of belonging. Having such a school environment fosters student communalism, teamwork, and school engagement, which tends to be the characteristics of effective schools.

Implications for Educational Policy 1. This study highlights the role that the school environment plays in the educational experiences, performances, and aspirations of African American male students. These findings might be useful to educational policy makers in formulating school funding and student achievement policies for single-gendered and coeducational school contexts. 2. This study also points to the importance of having curricula that speak to the experiences of the school’s student populations. More consideration should be given to expanding curricula opportunities, given the different ways mentioned in this research that connections can enhance student engagement and academic performance among African American male students. Although this study has illustrated the importance of sense of self, promoting academic excellence, and building community, it is also important to know the ways in which these mechanisms worked in concert across the school. Intersection of various facets of school culture created a more robust school experience for the students. While at Du Bois Academy, African American males did not only experience cultural facets of the school singularly but also concomitantly. The impact of each individual segment was amplified by its connection to other components.

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CHAPTER 4 RAISING AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS: AN EXPLORATION OF PARENTAL EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES AND BELIEFS Lionel C. Howard, Jason C. Rose and Oscar A. Barbarin ABSTRACT Although parent socialization practices are critical to children’s cognitive development, educational researchers know too little of how parental practices function to meet the specific challenges of supporting African American boys’ development. This chapter offers critical insights on how 15 parents of African American boys (ages 3
8) conceive and implement strategies for the development of their sons. Using structured interview data, this chapter highlights the ways in which they promoted an emerging academic identity. Findings reveal three forms of support
schools, emotional, and resource
that undergirded the academic socialization of the African American boys. Implications were offered to young African American boys in developing their academic identity.

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 87
106 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002022

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INTRODUCTION Much of the contemporary research on African American children and youth has focused on their development and schooling experiences relative to their peers of other racial and ethnic identities and backgrounds (Kober, 2010; Robinson & Harris, 2013). Past research has also focused on within-group differences to better understand the direct and indirect role of gender in general and particular outcomes (Alexander & Entwisle, 1988; Pollard, 1993; Saunders, Davis, Williams, & Williams, 2004). Such research has investigated educational outcomes (e.g., Iruka, Burchinal, & Cai, 2010; Murrell, 2002), schooling experiences (e.g., Davis, 2003; Ferguson, 2000; Howard, 2008; Howard, 2012a; Noguera, 2008), race and gender identity development and socialization (e.g., Caughy, O’Campo, Randolph, & Nickerson, 2002; Howard, Rose, & Barbarin, 2013; Okeke, Howard, KurtzCostes, & Rowley, 2009), and college enrollment and matriculation (e.g., Harper, 2012; Holzman, 2012; Toldson, Braithwaite, & Rentie, 2009). Individually and collectively, this corpus of research has contributed to a more in-depth and contextual understanding of the lives of African American children and youth. Thus, the complexity of their lives is often investigated with the ultimate goal of affecting macro- and microstructures and systems that mediate life outcomes. For African American males, the importance of this research has become even more paramount given their persistent underachievement, disproportionate characterization and association with pathological constructs and context, and our limited understanding of the ways in which they experience and make sense of the world within which they are developing. For African American parents and other significant individuals concerned about the well-being of African American males, it is especially important to understand the educational and noneducational factors and contexts that arrest their development and mitigate less than favorable life outcomes and experiences (Diamond, Reagan, & Bandyk, 2000; Iruka et al., 2010; Lue, Smalley, Smith, & Seaton, 1998; Prevatt, 2003). Even more, it is important to understand the ways in which they uniquely contribute to the development and well-being of African American males. Past research on the influence and role of parents has largely been investigated through large-scale quantitative survey studies that are limited in consideration of the contextual factors that mediate behavior and actions (Joe & Davis, 2009; Morrison, Rimm-Kaufman, & Pianta, 2003; Pianta, Nimetz, & Bennett, 1997). Consequently, what we know about parental practices and beliefs is often devoid of the socio-cultural-historical context in which African

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American parents are raising their sons. The process by which such practices and beliefs manifest and are operationalized in the lives of African American males remains elusive, murky at best. The lack of information and understanding has contributed to ineffective educational policies, practices, and strategies of development (i.e., socioemotional and cognitive) in improving the educational experiences, trajectories and outcomes, and personal development of African American males. Parents are instrumental in understanding the factors that influence African American children’s academic and social development (Fan & Chen, 2001). This chapter offers the first step of description that is followed by exploration of how educational practices are related to developmental outcomes. Accordingly, this chapter advances an understanding of African American parenting practices that may be instructive in thinking about how to better support their sons’ cognitive and socioemotional development. Of particular interest in this chapter are parenting practices related to academic socialization; namely, academic preparedness and school readiness. Given the persistent underachievement of African American males at all levels of education and research tracking underachievement as early as third grade (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005; Matthews, Kizzie, Rowley, & Cortina, 2010), it seems especially important to examine and better understand how parenting practices and socialization messages, during the formative years of development, may or may not contribute to academic striving, engagement, and performance (Finn, Gerber, & Boyd-Zaharias, 2005; Halle et al., 2009).

Academic Achievement Educational researchers have consistently documented the “gap” in educational outcomes and attainments between White and African American students (Jencks & Phillips, 1998; Lee, 2002). The “gap” in outcomes has been attributed to many factors, including institutional and structural barriers (e.g., racism and discrimination), poverty, low quality teachers, motivation and engagement, and lack of parent involvement, to name a few (Finn et al., 2005; Murphy, 2009; Orr, 2003). Although the disparity in academic achievement is experienced by African Americans in general, educational research has still shown the disparity to be most prevalent among African American boys (Saunders et al., 2004). For example, African American males are less likely than White children and African American females to arrive at school with the expected language and literacy skills (Jencks & Phillips, 1998). For many years, the “gap” in achievement was considered

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to be most prevalent in the high school and postsecondary settings. However, contemporary research has bared witness to a “gap” in achievement and school readiness, as early as pre-kindergarten and first grade (Finn et al., 2005; Halle et al., 2009). For African American boys the “gap” in achievement is exacerbated by behavioral difficulties they often experience in the school context. Nationwide, African American boys are more likely to be designated as having an emotional problem and learning disability (Blanchett, 2009; Coutinho & Oswald, 2000). More often than African American females and white students, African American males are depicted as disruptive and as having attention difficulties (Coutinho & Oswald, 2000). They also experience disproportionately high rates of grade retention, discipline referrals, suspensions, and expulsions (Raffaele-Mendez & Knoff, 2003; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002). The antecedents of these problems can be seen early in life in the form of subpar language and early academic skills (Halle et al., 2009). The combination of behavioral difficulties and acquired deficits of language and early cognitive skills makes the problem of school adjustment, especially challenging for African American boys. In addition to common environmental literacy and language development obstacles and perceived social competence, African American boys sometimes have problematic relationships with teachers as a consequence of gender and ethnic differences (Harry & Anderson, 1994; Mandara, 2006; Noguera, 2003). The behavior of African American boys, sometimes, is misunderstood for playful antics or masculine posturing and misinterpreted as aggression and hostility (Majors & Billson, 1992). Teachers, especially those who are unfamiliar with the social context the boys live in, may overreact with harsh punishment to what are probably normative and innocent behaviors in that environment (Noguera, 2003, 2008).

Parental Involvement Parents are essential in the socioemotional and cognitive development of their children (Hill, 1999; Mercurio, 2003; Mistry, Vandewater, Huston, & McLoyd, 2002). Educational research has shown that their parenting practices, education, perceived self-efficacy, and mental health are instrumental factors in arresting and supporting the development of their children (e.g., Linver, Brooks-Gunn, & Kohen, 2002). Parental involvement, as

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defined within the context of educational research, is broad and expansive, contributing to research that limits and focuses our understanding of the myriad ways in which parents are involved in the schooling of their children (Jeynes, 2003). For African American parents, educational research often contributes to and perpetuates the notion that they are not-at-all or less involved in their children’s education (Trotman, 2001). However, past research has also shown African American parents to be just as involved as other parents in the schooling of their children (Stone & McKay, 2000). Hill and Craft (2003) assert “competing research findings [on African American parents’ involvement] may be due to differences in research design or confounding ethnicity with constructs such as socioeconomic status and community context” (p. 75). Educational research also suggests that African American parents may differ from Caucasians and other ethnic groups in how they define and enact parent involvement (Hill & Craft, 2003; Hill et al., 2004). Hill and Craft (2003) posit African American parents may define parent involvement as “carefully monitoring but not intervening [in learning activities] because they may feel limited in their ability or knowledge to intervene” (p. 75), whereas Caucasians may feel more efficacious. However, this definition may not be salient among middle
and upper-class African Americans who may differentially negotiate the schooling environment and exercise agency most often associated with Caucasians who are similar in social class (Hill et al., 2004). Traditional definitions of parent involvement, for example, direct contact among school staff and parent, attendance at school events, and parent teacher association participation, have been criticized for being too narrow and failing in adequately representing the involvement of African American parents (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Stone & McKay, 2000). Consequently, educational researchers have encouraged an expanded definition of parental involvement that may include nontraditional ways in which parents are involved in their children’s schooling (Chavkin, 1993; Epstein & Dauber, 1991). For African American parents, this may include ensuring that their children have the necessary school supplies, are properly rested, and arrive to school on time (Chavkin, 1993). Regardless of the ways in which parent involvement is defined and enacted, the implication for socioemotional and cognitive development is without question. Therefore, an investigation of African American parents’ academic socialization, as reflected in their involvement, may prove instructive in understanding how they are preparing their sons to engage and navigate the school environment.

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RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS Participants Data for this chapter were drawn from 15 African American parents whose sons (ages 3
8 years old) participated in an ethnographic study, focusing on different aspects of their familial, academic, and social lives. Participating families were recruited at childcare centers and through local social service agencies and university electronic announcements (e.g., e-mail). The criteria for inclusion in the study included that the family had at least one male child between the ages of 3 years and 8 years old and that the parents and both sets of grandparents be African American and U.S. born. The purpose of the last criterion was to draw a more homogenous sample that was less influenced by the cultural norms outside the United States. In closing, the parents were diverse, with a relatively equal representation of mothers and fathers. The parents were also selected to represent the variety in age, education, socioeconomic status, marital status, and familial constellation found in the African American community. Table 1 provides more details of the participants’ characteristics.

Methods Qualitative methods of inquiry were used to capture the sociocultural context of the participants and their perspectives about child development. As a part of a larger ethnographic study of African American boys, parents participated in a structured interview conducted at the end of a 36-hour observation period. The structured interview questions focused on parents’ beliefs, actions, and perceived barriers to action. More specifically, they were asked to respond to the following prompts: 1. What are the things parents can do to help their sons perform well in school? 2. What are the things parents can do to help their sons feel good about and proud of their race? 3. What are the things parents can do to help their sons feel good about their gender and mature into successful men? In addition to each directing question, parents were also asked two follow-up questions to help them focus on their own practices and

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Table 1.

Characteristics of Participant (N = 15). N

%

15 7 6 1 1

46.7 40 6.7 6.7

4 6 3

30.8 46.2 23

10 1 2 2

66.7 6.7 13.3 13.3

Total family income (annual) Less than $15,000 $15,000
30,000 $30,001
50,000 $50,001
70,000 More than $70,000

4 0 2 1 8

26.7 0 13.3 6.7 53.4

Education (highest level completed) Elementary/middle school High school/trade school College/university Professional/graduate school

3 4 6 2

20 26.7 40 13.3

Number of children in household 1 child 2 children 3 children More than 3 children

3 2 9 1

20 13.3 60.1 6.7

Parents Mothers Fathers Guardian (grandmother) Adoptive mother Ages of parents (range = 30
54) 21
34 years old 35
44 years old 45 years and over Marital status Married Single, never married Divorced/separated Cohabitating

encourage elaboration. Further, the follow-up questions in each case were the same: (a) What do you do? and (b) What prevents you from doing other things you would like to do? The structured interviews were on average 40 minutes in length and were conducted in the home of the parent participants by graduate and undergraduate research assistants trained by the project director who is experienced in qualitative research and interviewing. Further, the research

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assistants differed with respect to their race and gender; no thematic nor participatory (i.e., engagement in interview) differences were noted in the cross race and gender research dyads (i.e., research assistant and parent pairings).

Analysis of Interview Data An integrated (inductive and deductive) methodological approach was taken to analyze the data gathered from the parents’ interviews. In particular, a modified grounded theory approach was used to analyze the data. Generally speaking, grounded theory allows for the emergence of inductive codes that capture a participants’ own interpretation and understanding of phenomenon as mediated by the sociocultural context (Maxwell, 2013; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). However, modified grounded theory recognizes that the researcher’s understanding and reading of the data is also informed by knowledge of existing theories of identity development and socialization practices and identity (i.e., deductive codes). Modified grounded theory also provides a particularly robust analytic approach, by using existing theory as a scaffold for understanding phenomenon, while also allowing for the emergence of theory and understanding grounded in the data (Perry & Jensen, 2001). Parental practices and beliefs of academic socialization and the intent and communication of them to their sons are highlighted in this chapter. With this focus in mind, the interview data were coded, for instances, when the parents articulated a response to what they thought parents should do, what they themselves do, and what prevents them from doing what they would like to helping to prepare their sons for school and learning and feel good about themselves and mature into successful young and adult men.

Validity Several strategies were employed to address possible threats to validity as outlined by Maxwell (2013). First, all of the structured interviews were audio recorded and transcribed verbatim to ensure descriptive validity. Second, the triangulation of data sources (e.g., parent interviews, uncoded observation field notes) was used to ensure interpretive validity. Third, theoretical validity was obtained by examining discrepant data against the guiding theories and our interpretations to determine if how we were

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making sense of the data should be modified or alternative understandings/ explanations considered. Fourth, continuous feedback was solicited from members of the research team (including a number of experts in the areas of child development, gender socialization and identity development, parenting, and education) that allowed for the researchers to refine their coding scheme and further their understanding of the interview data.

RESULTS In this section, we present analyses of the parents’ structured interview data. In particular, we highlight the themes and narrative evidence that sheds understanding of the African American parents’ child-rearing beliefs and practices related to schooling. In presenting the interview data, we sought to highlight areas of concordance and discordance among respondents’ answers, as well as to disaggregate those educational practices and beliefs that may be specific to their child each being: (a) an African American, (b) a boy, and (c) an African American boy. As indicated earlier in this chapter, parent respondents were asked three questions about their educational beliefs and practices pertaining to parental responsibilities in fostering academic achievement of their sons. Further, the structured interview questions were presented in sequential order to first capture parents’ general thoughts about what they could do to promote their sons’ academic success and, more specifically, capture the details about any strategies that they are actively implementing to promote positive academic outcomes for their own sons. These structured questions were the following: (a) What are things parents can do to help their sons perform well in school?, (b) What do you do?, and (c) What prevents you from doing other things you would like to do to help your child perform well in school? In closing, inductive analysis of parent respondents’ answers to the aforementioned questions identified three major thematic constructs recurring in frequency across responses: (a) school support, (c) emotional support, and (d) resource support.

School Support Ten of the fifteen parent respondents (66.67%), including seven mothers (87.5%) and three fathers (50%), mentioned demonstrating support for the

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rules, activities, curriculum, procedures, or assignments of their children’s teacher or school as an important function for parents to perform to help their sons excel in school. Parent responses included a fairly broad array of tasks, involving various levels of parent involvement (e.g., checking communications folders, communicating regularly with their son’s teacher, helping with homework, and chaperoning field trips) but all shared the common element of parents following the school’s lead and making an effort to explicitly show their sons that they are in support of what the school and/or teachers are prescribing for their children to do. For some parents, supporting the school was conceptualized in broad terms, illustrating their own role as sort of a “catch-all” and requiring them as parents to be prepared to support in any way needed, even in instances when they may privately disagree with something. Below are some example excerpts from parent respondents. .

Find out what’s going on in school [and] always know what’s going on. That’s the main thing … You know we’re trying to let them do their own thing … get their own perspective in school, but then, at the same time, we’ll come behind them and check … Ask questions, [and] pretty much stay involved. (Mother, 7-year-old boy) As far as doing well in school … try to encourage them [and be] upbeat. I know that’s a big thing [that] we were conscious of last year. [In] school that he was in, we knew he didn’t like it, and we didn’t like it. But, we couldn’t let him know we didn’t like it … so just always [be] upbeat. (Father, 6-year-old boy) Be very, very, active at school … that’s the main thing. Just be active in school. When they see that you’re being active in school, [it] helps them to be more, make them want to do more, especially behavior-wise. (Mother, 4-year-old boy)

Other parent respondents were more detailed in their descriptions of ways that parents could support school initiatives to help foster their sons’ academic success. The following excerpts support this point: Review homework with the child, [and] talk with the teacher … Let the child know that you are having consistent communication with the teacher so that way it’s not a thing the teacher talks to my parent [or] maybe they won’t. Just making the child aware that you’re there whether it’s popping up at school, but also being sighted [or seen] in school. Let the child know you are there for the good times and the bad times. (Father, 4-year-old boy) I’m in a position where I can change my schedule to be able to be home [with my child] in the evening to go over the stuff [e.g., classwork or homework] that they went [over in] school … every day try to make sure he did his homework, make sure he’s studying for whatever test he [has], make sure he has his planner, and that he’s organized. You know all that stuff, and I think that’s the key, just to be involved. (Father, 7-year-old boy)

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For parents of younger boys not yet old enough for school enrollment, school support efforts were discussed in terms of helping their sons to be prepared to arrive at school with a strong foundational understanding of the basic literacy and numeracy skills. The excerpts below illustrate this notion: Help them at home … Before they start school, you help them with their ABCs, 123s, and colors, and, then once they start school, you help them with their homework [but] you still have extra things that you teach them at home to help them with school. (Mother, 6-year-old boy) Start with some type of educational program at home. What I do is set up a program from here that involves different stimulations, you know, diverse … products that will keep him involved in the educational perspective to prepare him for kindergarten, like tracing, videos, and games. Just to keep him stimulated. (Mother, 4-year-old boy)

For parents of school-age children, a distinction emerged between ways to support school efforts in the home and ways to support school efforts at the school. The distinction between these two ways to support the school was highlighted by the tendency of parents to mention them in a specific pattern. References to supporting the school at home were most often mentioned in response to the structured question, “What do you do?,” while references to supporting the school at school were most often mentioned in response to the structured question, “What prevents you from doing other things you would like to do to help your child perform well in school?” Consider the below examples of how parents felt they should be doing more to support school efforts in addition to the assistance they provide at home: I would like to spend more time with him in school, and I don’t have the flexibility to do that now like I use to. (Mother, 7-year-old boy) I probably would like to do something after school, [providing] some kind of help somewhere at the school at least two or three times a week to know what’s going on in the school. (Mother, 7-year-old boy)

Of the parents who did not discuss supporting the rules, activities, curriculum, procedures, or assignments of their children’s teacher or school as an important function for parents to perform to help their sons’ excel in school, four (26.67%) focused on other aspects of supporting their son’s needs on an individual level, which implied (but not explicitly stated) regard for school expectations. Additionally, one grandmother/guardian did not specifically respond to the question.

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Emotional Support Different from school support
associated with response elements in which the parent demonstrated support for the school in their efforts to educate the child
the theme of emotional support was associated with responses on how parent respondents demonstrated support for their children and their efforts to persist and proceed in the educational process. More specifically, parents’ descriptions of ways they offered emotional support to assist their children succeed in school often involved practices, such as praise, encouragement, empathy, and motivation. Seven of the fifteen parent respondents (46.67%), including three (37.5%) mothers and four fathers (66.67%), specifically mentioned the importance of providing emotional support to their sons to help them do well in school. The most commonly mentioned ways of providing emotional support were through praise and encouragement. Below are examples of this point. [H]e wants to learn, wants to do the work, and wants to know more than his contemporaries, because he likes the praise, the accolades, and so we do a lot of that stuff together. (Mother, 6-year-old boy) Just keep telling him … don’t let nobody get you down, don’t listen to nobody out there, and just do what you got to do. Everybody else is … (Father, 6-year-old boy) Describing ways he provides encouragement, when helping son with homework, and, sometimes, I do them wrong on purpose, “Oh yeah, I messed that one up … Okay, you got that one right.” … And so, to encourage him so that he will actually have fun with academics rather [saying,] “I go to do it because I’m in school.” (Father, 7-year-old boy)

Another way that parent respondents described providing emotional support was through motivational pep talks, incorporating lessons from their own experiences to help their sons see the purpose of their educational pursuits. It is worth noting that, in this interview data, this particular type of emotional support was evident explicitly only in the responses of fathers. The following excerpts illustrate this point. I explain to them school is like a job. Doing well in school doesn’t mean that you are going to become some mental mutant. [Instead,] it gives you options to decide what your passion is. So, you have to approach it like that … I might be doing cost analysis or something like that with my job, and I’ll tell them. I’ll call them over and show them what I’m doing. Tell them it made no sense to me, when I learned division in fourth grade, but it will help me do a proper analysis. So, I paid for a whole lot of stuff … using those skills in school. (Father, 6-year-old boy) I try to get in real, real life scenarios of why he’s doing this to let him see things can be fun. It isn’t all work. Learning can be fun. (Father, 6-year-old boy)

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Of the parent respondents who did not discuss the importance of providing emotional support to help their sons’ excel in school, seven (46.67%) focused on other aspects of supporting the school or providing material support to help their sons, and one grandmother/guardian did not specifically respond to the question. Resource Support A minor third theme that emerged, with low moderate frequency, was the importance of providing material resources at home to help their sons do well in school. Three of the fifteen respondents (20%), including three mothers (37.5%) and zero fathers (0%), made specific mention of the importance of providing material resources such as workbooks or educational toys and games in order to help their sons do well in school. These references were separated from the school support theme because they reflected a more proactive initiative to direct academic growth through independently selected materials, as opposed to reactively supporting activities prescribed by the school. Thus, it is possible that materials described in some of the parent responses were selected in anticipation of supporting school standards at a later date. Below are direct quotes from the parent respondents that illustrate the aforementioned points. I think the workbooks help. That’s something that’s really simple, but I think [for] a lot of our kids it’s hard for them to focus on one, two, three, and stuff, because they’re boys [and] because they get distracted … We read to them, [and] we make it a point to make sure that he gets books. And tasks that he does, he has to write his own thank you notes, [and] he writes his own letter to Santa … He does projects around the house. He has [to conduct] research, and we got him to go around the house and count how many clocks we have … that requires him to observe stuff … and he plays a lot of computer games. He visits websites on his own, and he thinks about those. Now, he did, until this summer, he’d never had a video game system other than [the] one that [he] played educational games. (Mother, 6-year-old boy) I bought him second grade workbooks (Note: above grade level for this child), so we’ll sit down, read and … do the multiple choice questions. If he’s reading on his own, he wants me to make up questions for him to answer … You know it’s a lot of work … a lot of work being [his] mother because he demands that kind of [support] … (Mother, 6-year-old boy)

Another parent respondent (Mother, 4-year-old boy) highlighted how she supported her son’s learning through educational toys while at home. More specifically, she stated, “[V]ideos and games … things to keep him stimulated. Not just toys. At least two hours of something educational and

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then he can play and do whatever he wants to do.” Due to job responsibilities, one of these mothers also specifically discussed regret about not being able to provide more educational learning opportunities, such as visiting the library and taking educational family trips. Other parent respondents attributed the lack of “time” or need for a “paycheck” as factors that prevented them from doing more to promote their son’s academic growth. Although these parent respondents did not elaborate on these factors, they may have been implying the importance of resource support. Of the parent respondents who did not discuss the importance of providing resource support to help their sons’ do well in school, eleven (73.33%) focused on other aspects of supporting the school or providing emotional support to help their sons, and one grandmother/guardian did not specifically respond to the question.

DISCUSSION The purpose of this chapter was to investigate African American parents’ child-rearing practices and beliefs, specifically those related to dealing with issues of academic socialization for their sons during the formative years of development. Of particular interest are child-rearing practices and beliefs that foster school readiness, promote school engagement and identification, and support the development of an academic identity. To this end, analysis of parent responses identified three themes of support that undergird their child-rearing and academic socialization practices. School support was most often cited by parents as an important function in helping their sons to perform excel in school and includes supporting school policies, activities, curriculum, and teacher-initiated assignments. The scope and manner in which parents provided school support was determined by school personnel (e.g., teachers, school counselors, and administrators). Although their efforts reflected a passive approach to supporting their sons academically, the findings contrast past research on parent involvement that suggests that parents of color are less involved in their children’s schooling (Halle, Kurtz-Costes, & Mahoney, 1997; Kohl, Lengua, & McMahon, 2000). The finding is also consistent with research that suggests parents, in general, rely on the direction of teachers and school personnel to determine the ways in which they become involved in school and classroom-related activities that support the development of their children (Hill et al., 2004). Like some of their Caucasian counterparts, African American parents, in this study, were purposeful in their

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involvement even while expressing little agency in determining the ways in which they become involve in school-related activities. For children not yet enrolled in school, parents made a concerted effort to prepare their sons for schooling by engaging them in literacy activities that would contribute to a strong educational foundation. These literacy activities included reading to the child, attending preschool or Headstartlike programs, and developing and exposing them to learning activities both inside and outside the home environment. Given that African American preschool and kindergarten boys score relatively lower on language and mathematics assessments than white boys and girls in general (Aratani, Wright, & Cooper, 2011), with the achievement gap persisting through the upper grades, the benefit of such educational practices is especially important. Two other dimensions of academic support emerged in the data: emotional and resource support. Of the two, emotional support was more often cited by parents as an important function in helping their sons to excel in school and refers to support of their children’s efforts to persist and proceed in the educational process. Further, the parents provided emotional support by regularly praising and encouraging the academic efforts of their sons and by demonstrating empathy. For African American boys attending schools where the majority is underperforming, parental emotional support may foster resiliency and prevent low self-esteem and academic self-concept. Although not salient in the interview data, it can be inferred that such educational practices were intended to serve as a buffer against negative messages their sons may receive about their cognitive ability while also promoting academic striving. Past educational research on African American adolescent boys suggest a leveling of their aspirations, if they believe their teachers do not care about them and are not actively concerned about their academic performance (Noguera, 2003). Less than trusting and mutually respectful teacher
student relationships have significant implications for African American boys (Howard, 2012b); therefore, parents efforts to inoculate their sons during the formative years of development may prove instrumental in their persistence and engagement in school, even when challenged to navigate a sometimes hostile learning environment. Finally, the third dimension, resource support, was cited least often but included the purchasing of material resources, such as workbooks or educational toys and games. Parents’ motivation for purchasing such items stems from them wanting to help their sons do well in school. Further, in contrast to school support, resource support reflects a more proactive approach to academic support.

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Worth noting, however, is that a small number of parents expressed regret about not being able to support their sons’ academic efforts in this capacity. Barriers to providing resource support were often tied to finances. Resource support may prove increasingly difficult, given the current economic climate where families are challenged to meet the basic needs of their families. This may be especially true for African American families, who are disproportionately affected by the economic decline (e.g., underemployment and unemployment). Past educational research has consistently documented a number of “gaps” in academic performance and educational outcomes between White and African American students. These differences are particularly acute in regard to African American boys. Many of these educational disparities have been found to be strongly associated with home environment and socioeconomic patterns that tend to be structurally linked with race or ethnicity. For this reason, it is especially important to develop a better understanding of the ways parents of African American boys approach the role of supporting their sons’ educational achievement at home. In this study, parents expressed multiple educational practices and beliefs that support their sons’ cognitive and emotional development. Such efforts reflected an active and purposeful involvement in school-related activities, academic messaging, esteem enhancing strategies, and resource allocation essential in the development and well-being of their sons.

Recommendations for Educational Research Future educational research may consider the inclusion of observational data to contribute to a more comprehensive and in-depth understanding of how parenting practices and beliefs are operationalized within the everyday life of African American boys. Such observational data would allow for an understanding of the context (e.g., homes/families, communities/ neighborhood and schools) in which the boys are developing and its implication for parents’ messaging about school and academics, as well as other educational or social factors of concern (e.g., race and gender socialization; Howard et al., 2013). Mixed method research to connect parent practices and beliefs with specific educational performance trends should also be explored to help better identify the unique support mechanisms that parents of African American boys may employ to more effectively assist their sons with overcoming institutionalized obstacles to closing performance gaps. Better understanding of the explicit or implicit

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cultural expectations of educators in regard to the experiences of African American boys should also be further explored to address cultural disconnect fostering ongoing disparities as well.

Recommendations for Educational Policy and Practice Further developing existing knowledge about academic socialization beliefs and practices of parents of African American boys may also have significant implications for educational policy and practice efforts aimed at closing achievement gaps through enhanced parental involvement. Many school districts, especially in urban contexts, offer parent informational classes or materials designed to help parents learn ways to better support their students’ educational achievement at home, but few, if any of those, are designed with culturally specific considerations in mind. Establishing a strong body of research in this area could better inform educational programs that build on efforts already undertaken by parents to support their son’s achievement and development, and educational programs that consider common educational and noneducational barriers to implementation of support at home. Educational research and policy initiatives that inform the design and implementation of culturally relevant approaches to support the development of African American children are indeed instrumental in closing achievement gaps in performance. It is incumbent upon not only parents, but educators and policy makers as well, to support the academic and socioemotional development among African Americans children in general and boys in particular.

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230. Howard, T. C. (2008). Who really cares? The disenfranchisement of African American males in PreK-12 schools: A critical race theory perspective. Teachers College Record, 110(5), 954
985. Iruka, I. U., Burchinal, M., & Cai, K. (2010). Long-term effect of early relationships for African American children’s academic and social development: An examination from kindergarten to fifth grade. Journal of Black Psychology, 36(2), 144
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285.

CHAPTER 5 CHUTES AND LADDERS: YOUNG AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES NAVIGATING POTHOLES TO ACHIEVE ACADEMIC SUCCESS Dwan V. Robinson, Desiree´ Vega, James L. Moore III, Renae D. Mayes and Jacob R. Robinson ABSTRACT There has been a substantial increase in the number of successful African Americans. However, many students, especially African American males, continue to encounter numerous academic obstacles. This chapter focuses on the factors (e.g., social, academic, personal, and familial) that African American males often have to navigate throughout their PreK-12 schooling. Hindrances, such as poverty, lack of academic readiness, poor school experiences, teacher quality, and peer influences, often negatively impact the academic progress of these students and their access to higher level or gifted instruction. In this chapter, the authors discuss strategies that best counter these factors and support and supplement gifted black

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 107
124 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002023

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boys’ educational experiences. Additionally, educational practice and policy recommendations are provided.

INTRODUCTION There are many bright, African American male students in PreK-12 environments that are overcoming great odds and advancing academically. African American students, including males, now have a wealth of opportunities that they can leverage to make their mark in various fields. With the advent of an African American president, the proliferation of Black leaders in a myriad of professions, and the many accomplished African Americans throughout their community, Black males have a variety of role models to access. While the possibilities for advancement are seemingly endless, gross inequalities still leave a substantial number of black males playing catch up academically with other students, such as those from White middle-class families (Moore, Ford, & Milner, 2005b). African American males are considered “one of the most academically marginalized groups of students” (Howard & Flennaugh, 2011, p. 105). Many White, middle-class students have access to greater social capital and assets that position them with opportunities to be leveraged for successful futures. A number of social, academic, and personal factors, coupled with issues related to social stratification, impede many African American males from achieving success. These factors often negatively affect many African American male students, especially those who reside in poverty, come from single-parent homes, and have parents who are unemployed or underemployed, attend schools with inadequate resources, and are taught by substandard teachers (DarlingHammond, 2004; Kozol, 2005). Generally speaking, African American males comprise a disproportionate number of special educational placements, suspensions and dropouts from PreK-12 educational settings, and they along with other students of color are often overlooked when it comes to being assigned to advanced level, gifted, and/or honors coursework (Bell, 2009; Ford, Moore, & Trotman Scott, 2011; Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010). These education trends often hampers advancement for many capable African American males. Given the research, education practioners and researchers are aware that gifted courses usually include better teachers and challenging opportunities for students (Darling-Hammond, 2000). Interruptions to academic achievement, barriers to higher level academic experiences, and deficiencies

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in educational quality paint a disturbing picture and are frequently impediments to successful pathways for Black males. Additionally, educational obstacles to successful academic progress is also a concern, according to research (Greenwood, Horton, & Utley, 2002; Klem & Connell, 2004). Further, knowing that the academic hindrances for African American males are even more pronounced than for those for African American females presents an even greater challenge to overcome. There are, however, opportunities for educational researchers, practitioners, and policymakers to recognize and illuminate aspects of education that serve to obstruct African American males from success. Such educational professionals have the chance to raise public consciousness, impact policy, and shape educational environments to be more compatible to the learning styles of African American males. Further, educational specialists from different disciplines have a responsibility to share and project examples of Black male students who have overcome obstacles while still achieving academic success. For example, educational researchers, practitioners, and policymakers can share strategies for improving the academic success of Black males. Further, they are well positioned to identify examples of flourishing African American males who are making academic advances in school. This chapter provides insights on some of the interruptions to progress for Black students, particularly African American boys. Suggestions are also offered to help individuals address common barriers to achievement for academically capable African American males. Additionally, suggestions are offered on how to better assist Black males in advanced or accelerated learning. The chapter concludes with specific recommendations for educational practice and policy.

Social Factors In the research literature, education scholars have identified various social factors that frequently impede the academic achievement of African American males. Stratification and structural inequalities contribute to the social and economic challenges of African American males (Cose, 2002). From the starting gate, at preschool, Black boys are often behind academically and struggle to keep up (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005). At times, many do not understand why their climb for school success is so steep. Unfortunately, many African American males often grapple with “systemic disparities” and along with other students of color have to bear the burden

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of overrepresentation in special education referrals, and disciplinary actions, expulsions, and suspensions (Ford, 2012; Milner, 2012). Based on the research literature, poverty can severely impact a student’s ability for school success and can be a major contributor to poor academic outcomes (Noguera, 2011). In this corpus of research, socioeconomic status accounts for one-third of the achievement gap (Jencks & Phillips, 1998). Beyond the risk of academic failure, children living in impoverished neighborhoods are likely to be exposed to poor living conditions, crime, inadequate school facilities, and are less likely to have access to proper health care (Kozol, 2005). Moreover, because school funding is often linked to the affluence of the surrounding community, students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often attend underfunded and under resourced schools. These underfunded schools and districts disproportionately serve more students of color and tend to employ significant number of teachers who are minimally qualified (Darling-Hammond, 2004; The Education Trust, 2006). Further, the underfunded schools tend to have limited structural and physical resources to support students that may result in larger classroom sizes and fewer textbooks for distribution to students (DarlingHammond, 2004; Kozol, 2005).

Academic Factors [Past research indicates] that the performance of African American males is lower than their non-African American peers (Lewis, Simon, Uzzell, Horwitz, & Casserly, 2010). Duncan and Magnuson (2005) posit that family socioeconomic factors, such as income, education, family structure, and neighborhood conditions, may also impact school readiness and the achievement of African American males. These factors may account for some of the differences between African American males and other students but may help explain certain conditions that hinder Black males from receiving an early start. Delays at the beginning of their school experiences may follow them throughout their school progression. African American males are often viewed as being a part of uniform group rather than seen as individuals (Parham & McDavis, 1987). For example, teachers often view African American males as troublemakers and disruptive (Darity, Castellino, Tyson, Cobb, & McMillen, 2001). Thus, many negative and skewed perceptions of African American males may come from “misleading” and deficit views as a result of stereotypical journalistic angles, publications and reports (Milner, 2012). These

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communication mediums may help to shape the perceptions of African American males as low-achieving and unprepared and often cause educators to see all Black males as having similar characteristics (Milner, 2012). Thus, to overcome these common perceptions, many African American males often have to exhaust great effort to demonstrate that they are able to compete with the majority group. To this end, Howard and Hammond (1985) suggest that a stigma of inferiority often follows African American males everywhere they go. Thus, education researchers and theorists continue to push against the idea that African American males can be considered one large group, and they underscore that the characteristics of Black students cannot be generalized (Ford, 2012; Harper & Nichols, 2008). Negative school encounters are more pronounced among African American males than females, and “the nexus of gender and race seems to have more detrimental effects on Black males” (Howard & Flennaugh, 2011, p. 106). In the research literature, it is well documented that some school environments can have deleterious effects on the academic performance and aspirations of African American males (Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003; Osborne, 1997). Over the years, many researchers and theorists have acknowledged that boys, in general, are not performing at the levels of girls and that the situation is more pronounced when one considers comparisons between Black males and Black females (Davis, 2003). Nevertheless, there are still examples of intelligent, accomplished, African American boys who are models of exemplars not only for other Black males but for all students. Such African American males frequently possess affirmative self-images and self-perceptions that researchers suggest are closely linked to academic achievement and “positive social skills and relationships” (Ford et al., 2011, p. 245). Teacher quality has also been known to shape student outcomes (Darling-Hammond, 2004; Hanushek, Kain, & Rivkin, 1998). With this in mind, teacher support and positive teacher perceptions of students can be a major contributor to the academic success of African American boys. On the contrary, teachers’ deficit thinking by have been found to limit academic advancement opportunities, for African American males. More specifically, low teacher expectations may lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy among African American males, when they may internalize what their teachers negatively perceive about their capabilities and underachieve as a result. Pringle, Lyons, and Booker (2010) found that African American students, including the males, often connected teacher expectations with whether or not their teachers cared about them. African American males

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who believed their teachers did not like them tended to possess “feelings of dread at attending class, low morale, and a lack of motivation” (p. 36). In such cases, these students indicated that they responded better to teachers whom they perceived as being challenging but fair. It is reasonable to believe that teacher
student relationships is instrumental in helping African American students achieve academic success. Ladson-Billings (1995) noted that students of color are often more attentive when pedagogy is culturally relevant. She also suggested that teacher preparation programs would be well served to tend to the need for culturally relevant teaching if PreK-12 schools are going to see improved educational outcomes among Black males. On another note, teachers who engage in culturally relevant pedagogy frequently believe their students can succeed and believe it is their responsibility to help their students achieve school success. In such cases, teachers create a bond with their students and fuse their students’ culture experiences into instruction. As a result, the students feel more valued, respected, and capable. Positive school culture and climate can provide the appropriate supports for the success of all students (Hoy & Miskel, 2013). In other words, affirmative student outcomes are often a direct result of a school culture and climate, where the staff is committed to the success of all stakeholders (Littrell & Peterson, 2001). For example, the academically successful African American males, in the Tucker, Dixon, and Griddine’s (2010) study, reported feeling protected and nurtured at school. The students also felt that they mattered to their teachers and the other school staff (e.g., counselors and administrators). Such feelings helped students build their self-confidence in their ability to be successful at school. The experiences of African American males in school can be shaped by teacher perceptions and expectations. For example, teacher referral can be the first step in identifying students for advanced academics. Over the years, teachers have been known to be more likely to refer Asian and White students to such academic programs compared to the rate at which their African American and Hispanic peers are referred (McBee, 2006). African American males are frequently met with lower expectations and exposure to less rigorous teaching (Ford & Moore, 2004). Teachers can be influenced by perceptions and stereotypes of what gifted characteristics students should possess to be referred, these advanced academic programs, meaning that African American males are frequently overlooked because they do not align with their teachers’ narrow definitions and perceptions of the needed academic skills, talents, and behaviors to be successful in these programs (Moore et al., 2005b). Unfortunately, many capable African American

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males find that they have to negotiate themselves in advanced academic programs and/or promote their own accomplishments. Holding back competent African American males from advanced academic courses and curricula can affect their ability to fulfill prerequisites for advanced classes, causing them to not be as competitive as other highly capable students. African American males often report being discouraged from participating in advanced academic programs or enrolling in advanced courses by their teachers and/or school counselors (Henfield, Moore, & Wood, 2008; Pringle et al., 2010). For example, an African American male student in the Pringle et al. (2010) study shared the response his school counselor provided him, when he explained that he wanted to take an Advanced Placement (AP) course. “She replied, ‘I just don’t think you’re ready for all that workload’ ” (p. 38). Unfortunately, her response failed to account for his strong academic record and teacher recommendations. Instead, it was based on her perception of his ability. Not participating in AP courses can also negatively affect the college admissions process for these students and can negatively influence their college choices. Without a transcript showing proficiency in rigorous academic courses, colleges, especially the selective institutions of higher learning, may not strongly consider capable African American males for admissions. Biased educator perspectives may create additional hurdles for academically talented Black males to overcome, when aspiring to enroll in AP courses (Robinson, Moore, & Mayes, 2013). Additionally, referrals of African American males to higher level classes may be influenced by the perception that education is not valued in the African American community and that underachievement or low achievement is acceptable because of their perceived intellectual inferiority (Hargrove & Seay, 2011). Coupled with the views of teachers, standardized testing is a factor that plays a role in the identification process for gifted education. Following educator referral, standardized test scores are used to capture students’ potential for success in advanced academic programs or curricula. However, standardized tests have been shown to be poor assessments of the academic potential of students of color, due to cultural bias and the stereotype threat (Ford, Harris, Tyson, & Trotman Scott, 2002; Moore, Ford, & Milner, 2005a; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Continued use of these assessments steers the enrollment of gifted programs to primarily White and middle-class students (Ford & Harmon, 2001). It is possible that these circumstances could contribute to the sense of anxiety that some African American parents have about equal opportunities and entre´e for their children into advanced academic programs or curricula.

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Occasionally, this concern comes with parental awareness of the academic inequities that societal arrangements and educational structures often perpetuate. Parental experiences in navigating African American students toward academic success can be challenging. The PreK-12 journey regularly requires continued advocacy to keep educators mindful of the needs of African American males.

Personal Factors Racial identity development is salient for African American, gifted male students. As African American males are beginning to understand who they are, they frequently encounter their negative messages, stereotypes, racism, and oppression in school environments (Kozol, 2005; Moore et al., 2005b). Black male students often see that their perspectives, identities, and strengths not represented in the curriculum or the school as a whole, causing them to disassociate from the school, underperform or dropout (Milner & Ford, 2005; Moore et al., 2005b). In addition to messages from the school, societal influences play a role in shaping the identity of African American, gifted male students. For example, the societal stereotype of Black intellectual inferiority may cause them to disassociate from their other African American peers to avoid the negative stereotype. African American males who internalize this message are vulnerable of the “stereotype threat,” where these negative messages permeate their self-concept and self-efficacy (Ford & Moore, 2006; Ogbu, 1994; Steele & Aronson, 1995). It is worth noting that the stereotype threat does not always produce negative outcomes. Instead, some students are motivated and work harder to disprove the stereotype (Moore, MadisonColmore, & Smith, 2003). These students often demonstrate a positive sense of self and strong racial identity development. Further, they are likely to be academically successful, despite the presence of stereotype threat (Howard, 2003; Moore et al., 2003). In addition to stereotype threat, peer influences also shape racial identity development and educational outcomes for African American male students. For example, some males may not associate academic success with the African American culture and therefore, males who are successful are accused of “acting white” or are excluded from their peer group (Ogbu, 2003; Schultz, 1993). As a result, males who are ostracized may underachieve, dropout, and/or fail to reach their potential in order to maintain connections with their peer group (Ford-Harris, Schuerfer, & Harris, 1991;

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Toldson & Owens, 2010). Henfield et al. (2008) found that the gifted African American students reported having to prove their “Blackness” to their Black peers who were not in the gifted and talented program. These students felt that their peers perceived them differently, due to their status as gifted students. These students also shared that they wanted to be considered “normal” students. To feel accepted, some students in the study participated in extracurricular activities, such as sports, to prove to their nongifted Black peers that they were “cool.” However, those students who viewed the African American culture as a source of strength and inspiration develop more positive educational identities that enabled them to be academically successful (Graham & Anderson, 2008; Peterson-Lewis & Bratton, 2004). Surrounding oneself with positive support systems also helped counteract potentially deleterious effects of “acting White.” “When surrounded by African Americans who actually wanted to achieve, the burden of acting White does not emerge or it has very little effect on Black students” (Stinson, 2010). Graham and Anderson’s (2008) case study investigation revealed that the African American gifted male student participants held strong academic and ethnic identities. These students also believed in themselves and felt that school had a significant impact on their future. Additionally, the males in the study felt connected to their African American heritage and perceived school as important in improving race relations while dispelling stereotypes and myths about their culture.

Familial Factors African Americans have traditionally associated educational success as a means for social mobility (Cole & Omari, 2003). Moreover, parental support and strong convictions toward education shape student’s racial and academic identity development (Graham & Anderson, 2008). Parents are in a unique position to motivate, empower, and advocate for the needs of students. They are key to bolstering the academic, social, and emotional development of students (Epstein, 2011). Despite their position, parents of African American gifted students can be met with educator prejudices that may shape their perceptions of school staff, teachers, and administration (Huff, Houskamp, Watkins, Stanton, & Tavegia, 2005). In addition to racism, parents from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often lack meaningful relationships with schools likely due to incongruencies in values and behaviors (Epstein, 2011; Ford, 1996; Robinson, 2008). The strained relationship between the two may lead to limited family involvement and

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greater challenges for students. Past researchers further, contend that the presence of parents who are in the position to support and advocate for students of color is a contributor to the success of these students. There are instances when African American males strive for high achievement and desire to be the finest. This yearning often comes from what scholars suggest is an internal motivation, where high achieving students believe they must excel (Rodella, 1984). Some African American males are motivated and work harder to dispel stereotypes (Moore et al., 2003). It is important to note that various stereotypes can color the perceptions of educators as many bright, African American male students’ progress. Frequently, these students have a positive sense of self and strong racial identity development and are more likely to be academically successful, despite the presence of the “stereotype threat” (Howard, 2003; Moore et al., 2003), suggesting that the “stereotype threat” may not always produce negative outcomes. However, the emotional and psychological tax that these students may carry to disprove academic inferiority may still be burdensome (Moore et al., 2005a, 2005b; Moore et al., 2006). African American males come from varied backgrounds, and, although they are frequently exposed to advanced education, they may still come from families that are uncertain about navigating the school and its systems of practices. For example, some African American parents may be hesitant and reluctant to interface with educators. Oftentimes, adults in African American families do not understand the nuances of traversing the educational terrain or interacting with school personnel (Robinson, 2008). Parents of students of color often lack the social capital necessary to assist their children as they progress through their schooling experience. Nonetheless, in spite of this barrier, there are still parents who still provide their African American children with strong support and guidance. Further, there are African American parents who offer positive and encouraging messages grounded in African American history, model the importance of fighting for equity through advocacy, and help their children establish a strong academic identity regardless of the obstacles they may face (Graham & Anderson, 2008). The gifted, African American male students in Graham and Anderson’s (2008) study explained the role their parents played in their educational progress. For example, Jamal discussed the help his mom gave him throughout his schooling. More specifically, he stated, “She stayed on top of me, asking questions. ‘Have you done your homework?’ … She’s just been real tough on me and it’s paying off” (p. 490). Furthermore, due to familial support, many of the African American male students in Tucker et al.’s (2010) study

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demonstrated an understanding of the connection between doing well at school and staying out of poverty. Roy shared his mother’s feelings, “I come from a poor family, but to her (my mom) it doesn’t matter. We (Roy and his siblings) will all go to college …” (p. 140). Another participant, Ted stated, “Life is hard, you just can’t quit, you have to work hard” (p. 141); he attributed this belief to the value his family placed on education and success. Robinson and Werblow (2012) interviewed single mothers of academically successful African American males. They found that these mothers concerns included putting their sons’ needs first, instilling positive encouragement and support, motivating their sons to stay focused, and communicating with their sons regularly. For example, one mother stated, “I talk with my son during dinner-time and on the weekends, and discuss what’s going on in the school day and discuss homework” (p. 61).

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Although there are hindrances to school success, there are still examples of Black males, who have overcome various barriers and societal inequities to excel academically. Many African American boys find their way to the ladders of success, regardless of the chutes that cause them to slide back or the obstacles that obstruct their paths. These Black males are not immune to turbulence or inconveniences, but they are able to persevere and build on setbacks with the help of well-meaning adults. While the challenges are apparent when stewarding African American boys toward successful outcomes. However, there are still recommendations that can facilitate the achievement of Black males and approaches that can help parents and well-meaning adults navigate African American males toward accomplishment. Several policy and practical recommendations are presented to cultivate achievement among academically talented African American males. Recommendations for Educational Practice 1. Educators should maintain high expectations of African American males; African American males tend to strive for the achievement bar where it is set. 2. Encouragement is important in helping African American males feel that they can do anything that they set their minds to do. This can take the form of providing ideas on opportunities for them to pursue.

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3. Older siblings should feel a sense of responsibility to their brothers and sisters; older African American males have a responsibility to help instill a desire for advancement in their younger siblings and to model a zeal for academic excellence. 4. Support from a community of faith can help African American males develop a spiritual foundation and provide the support of an extended family. Numerous individuals can take a special interest in African American males; church members can provide a venue for this to develop (e.g., pastor, youth group leaders, church staff members, and senior citizens in the church). 5. Oftentimes, church members can share information about scholarship opportunities, and provide information about resources for African American students in school. Additionally individuals from a community of faith can be instrumental in negotiating enrichment opportunities for African American males (e.g., volunteer opportunities and internships) and helping students leverage avenues of social capital. 6. African American males should be taught that everyone fails at something and that disappointments should be used as opportunities for self-motivation. Challenges experienced by African American males can also be used to fine tune their skills or to consider what they might do differently if they were to approach the situation again (e.g., in relation to school and challenges with course work students can gather help and ideas from the instructor or seek extra assistance). 7. It is important that academically talented African American males associate with peers who also strive for advancement in education (Rimm, 2002). This can help these students recognize that it is acceptable to do well and that it can even be cool to strive for excellence. 8. African American parents should seek to engage their sons with other progressive families and peers who are involved in positive activities. In addition, they should strive to expose their sons to activities that could enhance their experiences (e.g., clubs, organizations or teams). 9. Exposure to outside experiences that can augment the academic experience of African American males (e.g., travel and enrichment opportunities) should be encouraged and sought African American males can benefit from visits to college campuses during road trips to see grandparents or friends in other cities. They can also learn from participating in enrichment experiences, where they are able to view their community in various professional and successful endeavors. 10. Surround African American males with a support system to instill a positive message of what it means to be African American and an

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11.

12.

13. 14.

15.

16.

African American man (Graham & Anderson, 2008). Parents, siblings, teachers, and/or mentors can help them feel pride in their race and help build their self-confidence. Educators should ensure that the curriculum is reflective of culturally relevant texts and pedagogy that critically explores the successes of Black males; this serves to counterbalance negative media depictions of “Blackness” (Graham & Anderson, 2008). Schools should ensure that information on gifted and talented programs are disseminated to all parents (e.g., open house night, informational sessions, and parent
teacher conferences); additionally, parents should be made aware of these programs as well as expectations to help their children be successful. Teachers require training in providing parents with resources and involving and engaging parents in their children’s education. Parents should provide opportunities for their African American sons to share their feelings, without feeling threatened or challenged (Graham & Anderson, 2008). Parents may not be aware of the difficulty their sons may face being African American and gifted; therefore, through open discussions with their sons, they can explain that being Black and gifted are not mutually exclusive (Henfield, Washington, & Owens, 2010). Mentorship of gifted African American males should begin early in their educational careers. Such a relationship can provide them with examples of persons who overcame similar struggles and achieved success (Hughes, 2010).

Recommendations for Educational Policy 1. Teachers and administrators should be familiar with the issues surrounding the identification of African American students for gifted and talented programs (e.g., use of standardized assessments). Teachers should also be aware of the policies utilized by their school to identify students as gifted and how the policies may impact students (Mattai, Wagle, & Williams, 2010). 2. Alternative identification procedures, such as the use of multiple criteria and nontraditional measures, should be put in place to ensure access to gifted and talented programs; these methods should be able to recognize talent, when expressed in different forms (Frasier, Garcia, & Passow, 1995).

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3. The construct of giftedness should be examined within the context of diverse cultures (Frasier et al., 1995). 4. States and local districts should develop effective policies that promote equitable access to gifted and talented programs (McBee, Shaunessy, & Matthews, 2012). Such policies would help ensure Black male representative in gifted programs. 5. Mandates and funding for gifted and talented programs would benefit African American males by creating increased opportunity for participation in these programs (McBee et al., 2012). 6. Advocacy by parents, educators, and researchers is necessary to bring attention to the underrepresentation of students of color, especially African American males. Such advocacy is important for ensuring that Black males are represented in advanced academic program. 7. Continuing professional development should occur to keep teachers abreast of gifted and talented issues as well as culturally relevant methods for engaging gifted and talented Black males. 8. Teacher education programs should expose preservice teachers to approaches and pedagogy that engages all students, including African American males, with high expectations and as gifted and talented learners (Darity et al., 2001). When teachers view students as gifted, teachers expect more, challenge students more, and steer students toward rigorous courses. These recommendations only provide the tip of the iceberg in stewarding academically talented African American males toward educational advancement. However, the suggestions provide ingredients that may lead to rich outcomes. Approaches to ensure the advancement of African American males are needed so that strategies for fostering school environments where these students can excel can be cultivated. We point to the vigilance that is needed by parents to urge reforms in education and access to gifted education and other highly selective academic programs. As the field moves closer to gifted or advanced level classes that are more inclusive of African American males, the possibilities for accomplishment of African American males are endless.

REFERENCES Bell, E. E. (2009). Impact of self-esteem and identification with academics on the academic achievement of Black males students. Doctoral dissertation. Retrieved from ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Accessed on February 28, 2013.

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Graham, A., & Anderson, K. (2008). “I have to be three steps ahead”: Academically gifted African American male students in an urban high school on the tension between an ethnic and academic identity. Urban Review, 40(4), 472
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68. Hanushek, E. A., Kain, J. F., & Rivkin, S. G. (1998). Teachers, schools, and academic achievement. NBER Working Paper Series, Vol. w6691. Retrieved from SSRN: http://ssrn. com/abstract = 122569 Hargrove, B. H., & Seay, S. E. (2011). School teacher perceptions of barriers that limit the participation of African American males in public school gifted programs. Journal for the Education of the Gifted, 34(3), 434
467. Harper, S. R., & Nichols, A. H. (2008). Are they not all the same? Racial heterogeneity among Black male undergraduates. Journal of College Student Development, 49(3), 247
269. Henfield, M. S., Moore III, J. L., & Wood, C. (2008). Inside and outside gifted education programming: Hidden challenges for African American students. Exceptional Children, 74(4), 433
450. Henfield, M. S., Washington, A. R., & Owens, D. (2010). To be or not to be gifted? The choice for a new generation. Gifted Child Today, 32(2), 17
25. Howard, J., & Hammond, R. (1985). Rumors of inferiority: The hidden obstacles to Black success. The New Republic, 193, 17
21. Howard, T. C. (2003). “A tug of war for our minds:” African American high school students’ perceptions of their academic identities and college aspirations. The High School Journal, 87, 4
17. Howard, T. C., & Flennaugh, T. (2011). Research concerns, cautions and considerations on Black males in a ‘post-racial’ society. Race Ethnicity and Education, 14(1), 105
120. Hoy, W. K., & Miskel, C. G. (2013). Educational administration: Theory, research, and practice (9th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Huff, R. E., Houskamp, B. M., Watkins, A. V., Stanton, M., & Tavegia, B. (2005). The experiences of parents of gifted African American children: A phenomenological study. Roeper Review, 27(4), 215
221. Hughes, R. L. (2010). Engaging African American males for educational success. Gifted Child Today, 32(2), 55
60. Jencks, C., & Phillips, M. (1998). The black-white test score gap. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Klem, A. M., & Connell, J. P. (2004). Relationships matter: Linking teacher support to student engagement and achievement. Journal of School Health, 74(7), 26
273. Kozol, J. (2005). The shame of the nation: The restoration of apartheid schooling in America. New York, NY: Crown Publishers. Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). Toward a theory of culturally relevant pedagogy. American Educational Research Journal, 32(3), 465
491. Lewis, S., Simon, C., Uzzell, R., Horwitz, A., & Casserly, M. (2010). A call for change: The social and educational factors contributing to the outcomes of Black males inurban schools. Washington, DC: The Council of Great City Schools. Littrell, J. M., & Peterson, J. S. (2001). Transforming the school culture: A model based on an exemplary counselor. Professional School Counseling, 4(5), 310
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Mattai, P. R., Wagle, A. T., & Williams, J. M. (2010). An often-neglected issue in consideration of gifted African American millennial students: Implications for school planning and policy. Gifted Child Today, 32(2), 26
31. McBee, M. T. (2006). A descriptive analysis of referral sources for gifted identification screening by race and socioeconomic status. Journal of Secondary Gifted Education, 17, 103
111. McBee, M. T., Shaunessy, E., & Matthews, M. S. (2012). Policy matters: An analysis of district-level efforts to increase the identification of underrepresented learners. Journal of Advanced Academics, 23, 326
344. Milner IV, H. R. (2012). But what is urban education? Urban Education, 47(3), 556
561. Milner IV, H. R., & Ford, D. Y. (2005). Racial experiences influence us as teachers: Implications for gifted education curriculum development and implementation. Roeper Review, 28, 30
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12. Moore III, J. L., Madison-Colmore, O., & Smith, D. (2003). The prove-them-wrong syndrome: Voices from unheard African-American males in engineering disciplines. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 12, 61
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18). Waco, TX: Prufrock Press. Robinson, D. V. (2008). The engagement of low income and minority parents in schools since No Child Left Behind: Intersections of policy, parental involvement and social capital. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Ohio State University, OH. Robinson, D. V., Moore III, J. L., & Mayes, R. D. (2013). Two gifted African American brothers achieving in spite of the odds. In T. C. Grantham, M. Frazier, T. Scott, & D. Harmon (Eds.), Young triumphant and black (pp. 79
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145.

CHAPTER 6 PERSPECTIVES ON EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AMONG VULNERABLE AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE YOUTH Emby Miller, Deanna L. Wilkinson, Sarah Cummings and James L. Moore III ABSTRACT Recognizing the effects of dropping out of high school on society, several questions still remain: (a) Why do urban, African American male students drop out of high school? and (b) What makes these students more prone to dropping out than their counterparts who remain in school? In an attempt to better understand the lives and circumstances of African American males, this study uses a comparative case method to examine similarities and differences in the life histories of a matched sample of African American male high school graduates and dropouts. This study, specifically, focuses on how the interrelated factors of family, neighborhood, peers, and education may shape these youths’ perspective on school. Findings reveal that, while both groups experience high levels of risk factors, high school dropouts had significantly more risk experiences

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in the family, community, and criminal justice domains. The dropouts also had fewer protective factors in these domain areas. Based on the findings, recommendations are offered.

INRODUCTION Recent dropout statistics in the United States reveal that there is a large problem in the public school system with regard to students staying in school and earning a high school diploma. According to America’s Promise Foundation’s 2013 report, Building a grad nation: Progress and challenges in ending the dropout epidemic, the Average Freshman Graduation Rate for 2010 was 78.2% for all U.S. students; 80.3% for Whites, 66.1% for African American’s, and 71.4% for Hispanics. These graduations rates showed steady improvement since 2006 when 73.2% of all students, 80.3% of Whites, 59.2% of African American’s and 61% of Hispanics graduated high school. By comparison to countries abroad, the United States now ranks 20th out of 24 countries in high school completion rates (Murnane, 2013). Coupled with this sad reality we are cautioned by fact that we now live in an era of declining opportunities for those with a just a high school diploma, making it more of a challenge for those without a diploma to find meaningful employment that pays a livable wage. In this current state of affairs, one-third of African American and 30% of Hispanic students never make it to high school graduation (Balfanz, Bridgeland, Bruce, & Fox, 2013). Youth attending urban public schools systems are at even greater risk of educational dropout (Lewis & Moore, 2008; Rumbruger & Roterund, 2012). Therefore, making the decision to dropout renders a life of uncertainty (Bridgeland, Dilulio, & Morison, 2006). “Dropouts are much more likely than their peers who graduate to be unemployed, living in poverty, receiving public assistance, in prison, on death row, unhealthy, divorced, and single parents with children who drop out from high school themselves” (Bridgeland et al., 2006, p. 2). To this end, there is great public savings, when high school students graduate. For instance, governmental agencies do not have to utilize human and financial resources in public assistance that may be used to address other social pressing concerns (Levine, Belfield, Muenning, & Rouse, 2007). High school dropout is an educational concern for the United States; it is also a pressing economic and social issue. The economic gap between

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this group and those educated is growing wider (Hotchkiss & Shiferaw, 2011; Tyler & Lofstrom, 2009). Considering that quality of life is closely linked to educational attainment (Lewis & Moore, 2008), there are immense societal effects of low educational attainment (Austin, 1996; Jackson & Moore, 2006). These societal effects are driven by increased U.S. employer request for skilled workers, meaning there is a decline in the demand for unskilled workers (e.g., high school dropouts). In 2005, Barton asserted that the unemployment rate for African American males surpassed 50%, and, in 2004, 72% of high school dropouts were unemployed. In the last two decades or so, the income earning level for unskilled workers doubled and tripled for college graduates (Barton, 2005). In 1971, male dropouts
who were employed full-time
earned nearly $32,087. In 2002, the same group earned $23,903 (Barton, 2005), a decline of 35%. Further, high school dropouts comprised nearly 50% of the heads of households on welfare and almost 50% of the prison population (Barton, 2005). Haskins, Isaacs, and Sawhill (2008) asserted that the higher education gap has lessened the prospect of economic mobility for those at the bottom of the socioeconomic class structure. The three researchers also highlighted that African Americans and Hispanics trailed both Caucasians and Asians college degree attainment. Therefore, since a living income depends largely on an individual’s education level, dropping out of school almost ensures an individual of a continuous low-income earnings and loweconomic mobility (Haskins et al., 2008). Therefore, it is important to study why some urban students do not persist through high school. The decision to leave high school
without a high school diploma
has severe longterm effects not only on the dropout but also on society at-large. Schools have immense responsibility for ensuring academic success of its students; however, there are school and nonschool factors that often impede students’ decision to not persist in high school. Some social scientists believe that dropping out of high school is a result of the long-term process of disengagement from school (Belfanz, Herzog, & Mac Iver, 2007). In relation urban African American males, social ecologies have been linked to youth development, community, neighborhood, school, peers and family (Kirk, 2009; Wilkinson, 2003); they have generated considerable attention regarding the impact of multiple risk factors on the development of school-related behaviors, including high school participation and completion. For this study, we utilize a social interactional ecological model (Cairns & Cairns, 1994; Wilkinson, 2003) that links family/parenting,

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community, school, and peer interactions within the social ecology among urban African American males. Specifically, dropout behavior among these youth is embedded in their social histories and includes social exchanges and interactions that reveal intricate details into the educational and noneducational conditions that may lead to decisions to complete or leave high school.

OVERVIEW OF CURRENT STUDY The purpose of the current study was to investigate the social and educational experiences of an extremely vulnerable sample of African American young adult males, living in economically disadvantaged urban communities. Using interviews as primary data sources, the current study critically examined the importance of life domains, such as family characteristics (e.g., educational attainment of family members, and family processes during childhood). The study also explored local economic conditions, illegal opportunity structures, labor market participation and awareness in social networks, and barriers to education, among a sample of African American males, to qualitatively explain the differences between high school completers and dropouts. Specifically, the study compared risk and protective factors among the African American male sample
who successfully completed high school to those who dropped out of high school. From the interview data, we also examined the accumulation of academic and nonacademic barriers across life domains that derailed the educational outcomes among the sample of African American males residing in urban, poor economically disadvantaged communities.

METHODS Participants As part of a larger study (Wilkinson, 2003, 2009), the sample for this study comprised 52 African American males from Brooklyn, New York who reported on their educational experiences. A subset of the larger study was selected for this study, based on the following criteria: (a) individuals identifying as African American male, (b) data indicating no educational attainment, and (c) individuals indicating no longer enrolled in high school. As

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shown in Table 1, the average age of respondents was 21.2 years old, ranging from 18 to 24 years old and with a standard deviation of 2.1. Among the eligible sample, there was a slightly uneven number of high school completers (46.2%) compared to dropouts (53.8%). Since the comparative case analysis focuses on the experiences of dropouts versus high school completers, the educational and noneducational experiences of those who had attained some college were analyzed as completers. As described previously, the sample was drawn from the East New York neighborhood in Brooklyn. The respondents identified as African American (75%), Puerto Rican (11.5%), and multiracial Black (13.5%). Approximately 17% of the sample was raised in two-parent families, and 58% indicated that they were a father. Of the sample, 25% were legally Table 1.

Descriptive Characteristics of Study Participants.

Demographic Variable

N

%

Race/ethnicity African American Puerto Rican Multiracial

39 (52) 6 (52) 7 (52)

75.0 11.5 13.5

Age Mean Mode Range

21.2 19
24 18
24

21.2

Human capital Education: Dropped out Education: High school graduate or higher Currently employed (legitimate work) Raised in two-parent family Respondent is a father

28 (52) 24 (52) 11 (48) 8 (47) 27 (46)

53.8 46.2 22.9 17.0 58.7

Current living situation Live independently Live in parent’s home Live with other relatives

13 (40) 18 (40) 9 (40)

32.5 45.0 22.5

Risk factors/violent behaviors Family history of criminality Ever owned a gun Ever involved in any type of crime Ever involved in illegal drug economy Ever committed a robbery Ever incarcerated

30 (36) 48 (52) 52 (52) 46 (51) 40 (50) 41 (48)

83.3 92.3 100.0 90.1 90.0 91.4

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employed full- or part-time. Not surprisingly given the focus of the larger study (Wilkinson, 2003, 2009), sample respondents reported numerous risk factors and criminal justice experiences. More specifically, 92% owned or had owned a gun, 90% had been or were involved in the drug business, 80% had committed a robbery, and 90% had been or were incarcerated.

Data Collection Procedures The larger study comprised 416 young males (16
24 years olds) involved in violent offending from two distressed inner-city neighborhoods in New York City (e.g., Wilkinson, 2003, 2009). The dataset was assembled more than a decade ago for the purpose of understanding the social construction of urban gun violence. However, it has great applicability for the current study. Further, the original sampling design targeted males between the ages of 16 and 24 from three pools of respondents: (a) individuals convicted of illegal handgun possession or a violent offense (the criminal justice sample, n = 150 or 36%); (b) individuals injured in a violent transaction (the hospital sample, n = 62 or 15%); and (c) individuals identified as having been actively involved in violence in the previous 6 months (the neighborhood samples, n = 204 or 49%). All 416 participants were interviewed in private and secure locations (e.g., local nonprofit organization); however, most of the hospitalized youth were interviewed in their hospital rooms. The neighborhood samples were generated using chain referral or snowball sampling techniques (Watters & Biernacki, 1989), and the interviews covered a range of topics, including family experiences, school, employment, peer relationships, neighborhood processes, neighborhood violence, street codes, guns, drug use, violent events, stressful and traumatic life events, criminal activity, criminal justice experiences, free time pursuits, future goals, and awareness of resources and opportunities in the neighborhood. The larger study was approved by the Institutional Review Boards at three different universities (e.g., Columbia University, Rutgers University, and The Ohio State University). The Department of Health and Human Services also issued a federal Certificate of Confidentiality for the study. The interviews were conducted by peers who were initially recruited through the second author’s involvement with a local nonprofit organization that provided reentry services to young offenders leaving prisons. Interviewer training was an ongoing and elaborate process that included:

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(a) sharing the research purposes; (b) offering procedures for protecting confidentiality; (c) maintaining sensitivity to respondents; (d) developing rapport; (e) communicating effectively with potential respondents; (f) role playing; mock interviewing; (g) providing peer and researcher critiques of each interviewer’s style; (h) identifying and screening potential respondents; (i) sharing informed consent procedures; (j) transcribing the audio taped interviews; and (k) explaining how to use probes, reference points, sequencing, memory aids, and cross checks to assist in the recall of information. To this end, the interviewers and interview respondents were matched, according to age, race/ethnicity, gender, and life experiences. After obtaining the informed consent from respondents, peer interviewers conducted the in-depth, open-ended interviews, ranging from one to two hours to complete. Additionally, the respondents were paid $20.00 for their time. The confidential interviews were tape-recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods.

Data Measures and Data Coding For the current study, we focused on the respondents specific experiences in their family life, neighborhood, school, and with their peers. The interviewing questions, within the school domain, focused on African American male respondents’ school experiences (e.g., dislikes and bad points about school, any awards, honors, or recognitions for their talents, and important issues about going to school). The interviews was analyzed for insights about the perspectives on how to improve the school experience to gain a better understanding of their attitude and what they thought was the most challenging parts of school. This chapter presents the findings from the school domain by focusing on risk and protective factors, including those African American males who completed high school and those who did not (i.e., dropouts). It is important to acknowledge the historical context, during the time period that the sample would have been interacting with the New York City public schools. Over the years, education researchers have documented the challenges in the nation’s largest public school system, including low performing schools and significant racial disparities in educational outcomes (Balfanz & Legters, 2004). These researchers have found that African American and Hispanic students were five times more likely than Whites to attend a school where graduation is not the norm (Balfanz, Legters, West, & Weber, 2007). According to Balfanz and Legters

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(2004), more than 100 high schools in New York City were identified as having weak promotion power, with 68% of the Black and Hispanic students attending those schools likely to dropout. In addition, they found more than 30 high schools that the senior class was less than one-third the size of the freshmen class 4 years earlier. Many of these high schools are among the worst schools in the nation, with more than one-third of entering 9th graders being over-aged and less than 20% meeting eighth-grade standards in English and mathematics. Attending these high schools, the majority of the students experienced overcrowded conditions, with an average attendance rate in the 70% range (New York Department of Education, 2002). According the 1990 U.S. Census data, the dropout rate for 16
19 year olds in the study neighborhood was 16.5% and 46.7% of the population aged 25 and above had attained less than a high school education (New York City Department of Planning, 1993).

Data Analytic Approach The study utilized the comparative case method (Miles & Huberman, 1994), a type of qualitative data analysis method used to examine similarities and differences in the life histories of a matched sample of high school graduates and dropouts. The interview content was deconstructed into themes and emergent patterns relevant to the study. The stages of data analysis included open coding (Strauss, 1987), sifting and sorting (Wolcott, 1994), categorizing, coding in teams and checking for consistency (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Richards, 2005), and examining interactions between and across categories and cases. The typescript files (i.e., digital interview transcripts) were created, merged into a qualitative data analysis software package (QSR NVIVO 10.0) and coded in stages as proscribed by Strauss (1987). More specifically, the coders read and reread the interviews and highlighted the text units to be assigned to a particular category folder. The coding process occurred in stages or layers. One coder (i.e., the first author) read and reread through all of the relevant data to create the initial categories or themes that represented interpretations of the data chunks. Each code was explicitly defined and multiple codes were applied as appropriate. Further, conceptual labels were refined in an emergent fashion as new insights were gleaned to clarify distinctions between categories, and the early categorizations of interpretation were purposefully unstructured.

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It is important to note that many categories were grouped or organized hierarchically into “tree nodes” or families of ideas as the analysis progressed (Richards, 2005). A second coder reexamined the data independently for inconsistency, alternative interpretations, and missing data. Thus, the data interpretation inconsistencies were discussed until a consensus was reached, and the final coding structure emerged from an iterative process of conceptually fitting the data to the themes we identified; the intersections across categories were also examined to further refine our qualitative inquiry. Thematic patterns were examined and “mapped” to existing theoretical perspectives on educational attainment. After identifying the themes and patterns in the systems of individual/background, family, school, peers, neighborhood, and the criminal justice system, categories were created within each subsystem to code the data as a protective or risk factor and identify themes and patterns that affected educational progression of the African American males. Furthermore, the qualitative analysis was used to identify connections between these domains and how these different areas affected the perspectives that these young males had towards education and how they led to their decision to graduate or dropout. To this end, the analysis broke down each life story and educational experience into parts to show the relationship among the parts, with emphasis on understanding the challenges and difficulties of completing high school for African American males in urban, poor contexts.

FINDINGS The comparative case methodology was useful in examining the similarities and differences in the educational and noneducational experiences among high school graduates and dropouts. As shown in both Tables 2 and 3, the absolute number of risk versus protective factors for each subgroup of graduate or dropouts is meaningful in itself. For example, the African American male dropouts reported 2.43 times more risk factors than did the African American male graduates. Interestingly, both groups reported the same number of protective factors. These qualitative meanings of the subcategories of risk are described in greater detail in a subsequent section. Thus, the findings indicated that both groups reported risk and protective factors within the school domain. The stark differences between the dropouts and graduates relate specifically

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Table 2.

EMBY MILLER ET AL.

Descriptive Findings on Risk Factors in the School Domain. Dropout

HS Graduate

158 17 15 1 2 1 1 0 1 0 3 1 1

83 2 17 2 0 0 0 3 2 1 0 1 3

Conflicts with authority Being harassed by school security Taking orders from the teachers

4 0 4

3 2 1

Behavior problems/issues Kicked out for weed Kicked out of many schools Disruptive in school Getting passed because of violence Locked up for violence in school Violence lead to being kicked out Couldn’t concentrate

23 3 1 4 1 1 1 1

6 0 0 2 0 0 0 0

Victimization in school/safety concerns Bullied in school Improve school security/concerns about personal safety Injury led to drop out Left school because of victimization

16 2 10 2 1

0 0 0 0 0

People who don’t want to be there causing distractions I didn’t want to be there Others didn’t want to be there

10 6 4

3 2 1

Hanging out with the wrong crowd Other priorities Wanted to make $

6 6 3

0 0 0

Shoulda woulda coulda
Regrets Financial concerns stopped education (after high school) Miscellaneous Morning hours School was boring

5 0 4 2 2

0 7 0 0 0

School domain risk factors
all coded Negative attitude toward school Need to improve educational quality Need better and more teachers Need more individual attention Need to fix up schools Need smaller classes Teach real Black history Teachers who do not know how to teach Schools taking away youths’ inquisitive nature Desired more checking on you from adults Got turned off from school Racism

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Descriptive Findings on Protective Factors in the School Domain. Dropout

HS Graduate

75 2 0 0

84 4 1 1

5 3 1

1 0 1

Like to learn Benefits of knowledge I just wanted to learn

12 1 0

15 2 2

Positive attitude toward school School is important Peers talk of importance of education

14 7 1

9 3 0

Positive educational goals Education as constructive way Value getting an education Value graduating on time I wanted to be something Plans to get back to GED Wish I would of done better in school Proud of himself

16 0 0 0 3 9 0 3

29 6 1 13 1 0 2 3

Valued the social benefits of school

12

8

School
Protective factors all coded Caring teachers made a difference Influence of only Black teacher Teachers helping you become something Family encouragement for education Father pressure to graduate Maternal pressure for school

to negative attitudes, behavior problems, violence, and victimization. The dropouts reported considerably more experiences with having negative attitudes toward schooling, experiencing behavior problems in school, being impacted by violence either as a perpetrator or as a victim, or experiencing concern about safety in the school environment. However, the graduates prided themselves on graduating from high school on time, yet they were equally apt to be critical of the overall education quality they received. Both groups offered recommendations for improving the quality of public education in New York City and opportunities to pursue a postsecondary education. Further, in terms of protective factors, many of the dropout males expressed ongoing regrets and interest in returning to school to complete the requirements for their high school diploma.

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Risk Factors All of the dropouts in the study had some sort of negative school experience in which they cited everything from structural inequality that pushed them out of school to some event or situation that caused them to stop attending. They succinctly described their bad points about school in ways that suggested the schools they attended were unresponsive to their overall individual needs and essentially left them alone to navigate an educational path to graduation. Although the interview data rarely indicated any kind of parental involvement in the school among the dropouts, there is reasonable evidence to infer that many parents may not have been equipped to help their sons to successfully navigate the school enterprise. As a result, parents of these dropout youth were unable to hold the school system accountable for the education of their sons, thereby allowing them to fall through the cracks until they were pushed out or faded out. The next section presents direct quotes from study participants to illustrate the meanings the African American males, both dropouts and completers, attached to their school experiences. Structural Issues Students Face The majority of the students in the analysis spoke of hardships they endured due to structural problems or issues within the school that hampered or weakened their academic persistence. For many of the males, they believed that school did not teach anything useful for their lives. Further, a common theme was the belief that the school they attended failed to pay adequate attention to students similar to them, allowing students to flounder in frustration, behavior problems, and undiagnosed learning problems. Many males in the sample believed that their school could have given more attention to students by providing more instructional assistance and support for learning. Some of them believed and shared that the overcrowded and neglected school buildings partially contributed to why so many Black males were failing in public schools in New York City. Many of them also stated that numerous classrooms in the public schools lacked resources to adequately assist their learning. Several African American males also indicated they did not excel in any course subjects and consequently became turned off by conventional teaching methods because they did not see the relevance of the information being taught. These males believed that the schooling processes dampened their inquisitive nature by forcing them to learn about the lives and

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accomplishments of other people, without regard to the contributions of African Americans. Stated differently, the students described how they grew impatient and frustrated with school as they became unable to find any connection with the instructional material being taught. The males also shared becoming turned off with school before they stopped attending altogether. The following quotes from the respondents (i.e., Quincey, Griffin, and Marcel) supported this point. For example, Quincy asserted: I liked when you could learn … when they [teachers] did tell you stuff that you didn’t know, and you had the feeling inside that this was the truth. I only got that feeling inside that this is the truth because these are the things that were logical … They [teachers] would tell you one thing … they would tell you that Christopher Columbus discovered American and all the rest of this, but they won’t go into the fact that it was already inhabited by the Indians … There’s so many lies up in [what they say] … it’s like it became a challenge … rather than something that I was learning [new] … I was learning new lies that’s all I was really hearing … And, I’m not saying that because I feel like that now, I feel like that now even more so, but I felt like that then. That’s why I didn’t click in school like I figured I could have.

Griffin shared similar viewpoints as Quincy. He suggested that the school system should work to improve learning for students. More specifically, he stated, “What they [educators] should do is make better educational programs. They should bust [the school system] up before anything.” Marcel also agreed with Quincy and Griffin and provided specific recommendations on how to improve schooling for African American students with the following excerpt. What should be done in school is have black [history] classes where real history is taught. We [school systems] should be teaching our children exactly what our ancestors did and how our ancestors came about. We should be taught what’s right and exact … We should be taught the [stuff] that’s going to benefit our children … It’s going to help all of us out.

Students Getting Left Out and Left Behind Some of the male students recognized that their fellow classmates were not learning much in school. To this end, several students shared that many of their teachers failed to provide the instruction they needed or did not equip them with the needed basic skills. Other males also shared that they did not like the way teachers treated certain students, especially those individuals who struggled to read or could not get the instructional assistance they needed in a supportive and dignified manner. For example, Mickey stated, I [did not] like the way certain teachers treat[ed] us. Like if [a] person couldn’t read, [teachers] won’t take the time out to help that person.

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Sydney shared, “I think teachers should have to pay more attention to every individual.” Both Simon and Kyle echoed similar viewpoints with the following excerpts, “Schools need more individual attention, and classes broken down a little bit smaller” and “They need good teachers [in our New York City schools]. Some teachers [are] not even doing [their] job. They [are] just going to school to do nothing.” Student Disengagement The males, in the study, described how they became disgruntled with school, both mentally and physically. Leroy shared his disgruntlement with school with the excerpt, “School is a big joke.” He further stated that it was “boring,” and consequently he seldom attended school. Even as a high school completer, Rusty expressed that ninth grade was the worst for him. He became overwhelmed by the sense of freedom that came with high school and eventually became misdirected by classmates who wanted to skip school to hang out. Rusty later realized that this behavior caused him to fail a class that was a core course requirement for completing high school. He also shared that he had to retake that course during his senior year, causing his grade point average (GPA) to decline. Thus, Rusty believed that the school system could do a better job of preventing ninth grade failure by having former graduates to come back to speak to ninth graders and warn them of the pitfalls of not excelling and completing high school. Discipline Issues and Getting Pushed out A number of males admitted that a lot of the damaging things experienced at school were caused by them (e.g., disruptive behavior). Theo, for example, expressed a tone of regret for being dismissed from every high school he attended for behavior problems. Other males frequently shared how their behavior contributed to the problems they experienced in school. Selfefficacy or lack thereof was certainly an issue for those whose disruptive behavior caused them to get in trouble. Teachers, in such cases, saw them as “troublemakers,” requiring discipline or court intervention. Several males reported being suspended or dismissed from school for disciplinary reasons. From the interview data, findings indicate that most of the males permanently departed school on their own, especially after a behavioral incident. Marcel, for instance, shared that he got caught by school security for cutting classes. As a result, he was suspended from school and never came back.

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Skipping school is a form of school resistance that becomes a game of cat and mouse between youth skipping class and security guards. In essence, security guards try to catch truants so they can prosecute them through the school discipline process or if necessary through the criminal justice system. In school, Kyle explained that he enjoyed roaming the hallways, having fun running from guards in a game-like fashion. Several males indicated that they hung with the wrong crowd in school and were easily influenced to skip school. In most instances, the males skipped school to use alcohol and marijuana. Tyrone illustrated this point with the following quote: Yeah, when I was like eleven, I started hanging with the older guys. I was curious about smoking weed … I never touched it though, but I was running around [and] moving too fast. I started playing hooky [and] hanging out. I was [just] hanging with the wrong crowd, so that led me to just not going to school, at all. Once in a while, when I got into junior high, I stopped going. I was hanging out [and] smoking weed [and] selling drugs.

In the current study, numerous males noted their involvement in the drug business kept them out of school because they chose to make money over going to school. In Tyrone’s case, he had academic struggles in the classroom because he could not stay focus on teachers’ course instruction. As a way to prevent staying in his classes, he acted out. He described “bugging out,” and “clowning around” as bad points to his school experience. Tyrone expressed regret that he did not quit smoking marijuana or “would have never got involved with [it].” During that time, he expressed idolizing older, more street-wise males who sold drugs and were highly engaged in criminal activity. The street lifestyle attracted him to underground criminal activities, where his life options became clear once he began to consistently struggle in school. Through the interview data, he shared his feelings about getting dismissed from school and never returning to complete high school with the following excerpt, “I loved all the classes that I was going to. I liked the people that [were] in [them], but I started smoking weed … I got kicked out [of school] because of weed (i.e., marijuana), and, then after that, I never went back to school.” Social Issues that Spilled into School: Fighting, Getting Jumped, and Bullying A couple of males experienced serious violent encounters with peers that preempted their decision to drop out of school. They described how weapons were constantly present in the school building and expressed the need for better security. For Ben, his actions exemplified an extreme situation

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that occurred in school and had a direct effect on him dropping out of school. Ben indicated that he began carrying a machete knife to school in his first year of high school because rival gangs became angry at him for talking to their girlfriends and subsequently began challenging his image and reputation. During that time, Ben argued over a girl with another guy. When things became heated and the guy pushed him over a desk, the conflict escalated to Ben drawing his knife on the guy. Ben described the fight as a “classroom brawl,” which led him to cutting the guy in the stomach. Ben also shared another fight over a girl that started in school and eventually ended when he threw a guy over the staircase banister in the train station. To this end, his real reason for dropping out of school was captured with the following statement, “I dropped out over some girl. She had me leave school.” Ben’s violent encounter was not atypical of fights that occur in and around the school. The descriptions of the overall school climate seemed hostile, with fights breaking out in the hallways between classes. Further, based on the interview data, the males seemed more susceptible to fighting when large groups of youth were watching, especially girls. Throughout the interview data, the males also expressed the presence of gang activity and the propensity for gang members to bully or raid other students. Fronting to Impress Girls Part of the socialization that occurs in school has to do with the connection between one’s peer group and his image and reputation. Many of males, in this sample, followed rigid street codes that caused them to portray toughness and fearlessness in front of those who they most desired to impress (e.g., girls, friends, and enemies). Several males shared fighting over girls was part of ongoing “beef” between neighborhood rivals, which sometimes escalates into the school. Negative Peers and Distractions
People Not Wanting to Be There In one way or another, negative peer relationships were a school distraction for many males in the sample. For example, they described classrooms as spaces form is behaving, “clowning,” and socializing. Several males expressed remorse for not taking school more seriously, and those males
who identified as having negative friends in school
also later regretted that they were “messing with the wrong people.” Tyrone, in particular, responded this way, by reporting that there were people attending school who were “trying to deprive you” of an education through their misbehavior (e.g., skipping class, selling drugs in school, or fighting). Toward this

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end, Tyrone believed “you can’t change that.” These are the deviant behaviors that come into the school from the neighborhood, and several other males shared that the best way to contain and prevent these kinds of problems was to have metal detectors and security guards. Individual Issues The individual issues expressed in this domain were coded with references that cut across multiple categories. With more than half of the dropouts reporting they were from split family situations, the individual issues were salient throughout the interview data. Further, nearly all of the males in the sample expressed they were exposed to violence and trauma, and each one of them committed some type of crime, during their school-aged years, that involved a gun. On top of all of this, almost every male described using alcohol and marijuana. For example, Davin indicated that he had sold drugs on the street for money, since the age of 13, with no desire to quit. Davin enjoyed the money his made from selling drugs and openly admitted that he was not looking for legitimate work with the following statement, “It [a regular job] pays too low with no work experience.” Davin also explained that alcohol and drugs contributed to his anger issues and how he confronts anyone who would stare at him with the expectation that they are likely to end up fighting. Given all of the negative circumstances shaping these males’ lives, how do they function in school? It is no wonder many of the sampled males expressed that they did not like school, did not attend on a regular basis, or did not put forth the necessary effort to adequately perform in the classroom. In particular, one of the males stated that he dropped out of school after he realized “having a diploma [didn’t] mean much” because he saw men in the neighborhood unemployed and he, himself, cannot find meaningful work. Low self-efficacy regarding school was also minor proposition that presented itself in the form of statements, describing their beliefs about who they were and what they could do. Unfortunately, these males demonstrated their ambivalence toward school in self-destructive ways as protection from feelings of personal inadequacy in respect to their low educational outcomes. Thus, the majority of males in the sample disregarded the results of their academic performance on their self-esteem and consequently became a part of criminal activity where they could display competence that would boost their self-image and reputation among their peers. For example, Leroy wished he had done better in school because he found getting a job challenging. Leroy, however, felt qualified for security work but was not hired because he did not graduate from high school.

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In the case of Rashad, he expressed similar sentiments about selling drugs for money in lieu of going to school. Rashad asserted that he was not aware of any legitimate work opportunities because his race and criminal history record limited him from getting a legitimate job. Stated differently, Rashad did not know what he wanted to do because his options for obtaining a good job were limited since he dropped out of school.

Protective Factors Males from both the dropout and completers groups recognized positive attributes about themselves, their families, and community when it came to school outcomes. Looking broadly across the ecological domain at the responses of males, the majority of males identified strengths and assets in support of school. Nearly all of them in the sample recognized that they could have had a better school experience if they would have attended every day. Likewise, the males in the sample clearly understood that the reason one obtains a high school diploma or general educational development (GED) is to be able get a legitimate job and work to provide for him and his family; this is part of the “American Dream.” Specifically, within the school domain, male completers shared more statements indicating a positive attitude towards school. For example, one of the completers saw himself as being educated, saying he “liked to learn” and talking about esoteric topics related to African or African American history. These males more often referred to themselves as five percenters, which are members of the Five-Percent Nation, a small group of enlightened members who represent themselves as “God,” and who refer to Black women as “Goddesses.” Patrick, a five percenter, saw himself as smart; he graduated from high school and learned to do constructive things. During the time of data collections, he was unemployed but worked for three-straight months, after he was released from jail; however, he became laid off and collected unemployment from the State of New York. Generally speaking, Patrick was a self-proclaimed “rapper,” who wrote rap lyrics and had ambitions to someday write a movie like his role model film writer/producer Spike Lee, and go back to college. Patrick saw all of the violence in his neighborhood, with people getting killed and using drugs, and believed this is partially the reason young Black males were not completing high school. Patrick goes on to describe a time he had to shoot and kill someone over a beef about drug territory while a high school student.

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Achievement Orientation Achievement orientation is a hidden theme within the larger School domain, with supporting evidence from across other domains, such as individual, family, and community, of which major distinctions exist for completers compared to dropouts. Many males did not directly respond to their performance in school; however, there were clear indicators about their attitudes toward school, in particular, about how they felt about their accomplishments in school. For example, Anton provided a provocative statement speaking directly to the achievement orientation of Black males indicated by the statement, “young Black men are stereotyped and look like they are not smart. They are smarter than they look, [and] they know a lot of stuff.” It could be argued, by this statement, that Anton was speaking on behalf of all similarly situated youth. Furthermore, it is appropriate to generalize given the common sentiments among professional educators that all kids have talents and skills to be developed, and it is the job of the school to educate, nurture and channel youth into the opportunity structure (Ferguson, 2003; Kozol, 2005). Another completer, Mitch, stated, “As a little kid, it was all about going to school, [getting] a good job, and [making] some money.” This sentiment came from strong parental values about school, where his mother emphasized discipline and not getting into trouble at school. Because of this emphasis, his mother sent him to a private school. On another note, Mitch reported that school was easy and that he enjoyed reading. His joy for reading likely helped his chances to successful complete high school. Proud of Accomplishments/Awards Additional evidence of an achievement orientation was found in the interview data about their experiences receiving awards for activities in- and out-of-school. As an example of this point, Rickey expressed, “school had a purpose in his life,” which was “to gain knowledge.” Several males shared their pride in accomplishing awards and receiving kudos for a school honor. However, one thing that stands out among the male completers who earned these accomplishments was their self-pride for completing high school. Liked Classes, Teachers An achievement orientation is consistent with statements indicating positive relationships with teachers; however, teachers, as role models, were a rare sentiment expressed by the males, both by the completers and dropouts, but was expressed periodically. Mickey felt that, in general, “teachers try to

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help you become something.” This sentiment came in conjunction with his belief that some teachers really do care about students. A common feeling among many of the completers was that they loved mathematics; some were even good all-around students in school. In particular, one completer described that he, “liked getting promoted” and was “on honor roll.” Another male completer shared that his favorite subject was mathematics, and that “school was alright.” These same youth expressed their appreciation for at least one teacher who inspired them and motivated them to do well. For example, Aaron expressed positive feelings about a teacher he had in the tenth grade
who told him he would not graduate from high school. At that time, he believed the teacher did not like him and said that out of spite. He, later, admitted the story served as motivation to finish high school.

DISCUSSION The themes and patterns discovered in the life histories of these male youth revealed how they perceived the importance of education in their lives. The attitudes and behavior of these youth help us understand some of the decisions they made regarding their decisions to stay in school or dropout. Specifically, family played an important role in student outcomes. We find that, when parents served as positive role models, students did better in school. Further, there were strong connections among parents who worked legitimate jobs, had expectations for home and school, and those who stated the importance of education in their lives. It appears that the majority of male completers may have come from a home environment that promoted mainstream or conventional values but that was not true in all cases. Nearly, all of the male youth in this sample were challenged by the presence of illegal street activity as a means of surviving. It appears, however, that evidence in the interview data show no single influence prevented the males from graduating high school. By virtue of where youth lived made them highly vulnerable to the harmful experiences of poverty and low performing schools, where hustling and alcohol and drug abuse are part of the norm among the people in the community. Moreover, the interview data showed it was a combination of influences across multiple domains where school was involved that incorporated elements of positive early childhood and family experiences, positive attitude toward school, and positive relationships with teachers.

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These things all clustered together into an achievement orientation that fostered resilience, during times of stress. The interview data also clearly showed that the male completers expected to graduate on time, and they had more protective factors than the dropouts that promoted academic achievement. The males in the sample also reported that teachers’ attitudes and the school environment helped to shape their perception of school and their belief that school could help them attain their life goals. Some of the completers appeared to have had a turning point in their lives, where they overcame the educational and noneducational obstacles that later became an incentive to not only complete high school but also to actually excel while in high school. However, dropout males
who reported a lack of value among teachers
did not feel safe; they felt, instead, insignificant or unimportant in school and simply stopped attending. These general sentiments were perpetuated in an unsupportive school environment that failed to motivate them through effective programming that would strengthen and support students’ academic endeavors. When analyzing across domains, we found little evidence that community resources and the presence of positive leaders provided any academic support to assist the completers, while in high school. We also discovered that, when the male youth perceived their community lacked resources, facilities, and positive leaders or professionals, their perceptions of their life trajectories narrowed, shaping their attitudes toward crime and violence. Additionally, male peers perpetuated the importance of violence as a means of gaining respect, which often manifested during situations or events in the school. These events, in most cases, served as a catalyst for school disengagement and eventually withdrawal. Further, peer pressure tended to play a lesser role in the educational trajectory of school completion, except for when the males directly reported being persuaded by older, negative peers to leave school to sell drugs. Violence, however, was influential in every aspect of the males’ developmental systems and strongly impacted their decision to complete or leave (i.e., dropout) school. While this study investigated how these developmental systems shaped the males’ attitudes toward education, the findings were consistent with previous research in urban, poor communities characterized by low graduation rates, high crime, high unemployment, and low educational attainment (Cause, Friedman, Gonzales, & Mason, 1996; Greif, Hrabowski, Maton, 1998; MacLeod, 2009; Wilkinson, 2003). To this end, the themes and patterns found in this study depicted Gutmann’s (1999) educational sentiments. In essence, to promote educational success and assist schools with

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their educational mission, services should be provided for disadvantaged families, and resources should be invested in the community. Considering the nature of the interview data and this study, the results cannot be generalized beyond the 52 males included in this sample. In addition, some respondents provided more information than others, which led to different levels of insight into each male’s life history. With that said, the presenting themes and patterns can sparked candid discussions about how youth perceive structural inequality and the types of institutional responses to crime and punishment that have been placed on them and negatively impacted their educational success. Criminalizing males of color and inundating them with antiachievement messages, coupled with the reality of unemployment and wage stagnation, are the real influences to dropping out or graduating high school for these youth.

IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE AND POLICY Considering that the findings revealed that the majority of males said they needed better teachers who cared and valued them, these findings suggested ways to improve educational quality through the democratization of education. Giving voice to vulnerable youth’s life histories and educational experiences unleashes the power of self-efficacy, which should be one goal of education. Further, male youth, especially African American, should be given the chance to diversify their educational programming based on their needs. Urban schools may include academic recovery programs and second chance opportunities to complete high school. The current study speaks to the need for teacher training and preparation to work effectively with urban, vulnerable youth in new and profound ways. It is important to know where students are coming from and their perspective toward education and the world around them. Further, it is important that urban education practitioners, policymakers, and leaders ask themselves constantly the following questions: (a) What messages are they getting about education once they leave the school building?, (b) Why is school important?, and (c) How will receiving a high school diploma really impact their lives? If their families are going through a difficult period, how will that shape their attitudes towards school? and Will it be temporary attitude change or a fundamental alteration in their perspective towards education? While many issues can be situational, considering that adolescents are in a sensitive

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developmental period, it is crucial to understand how each developmental system influences the formation of urban males’ attitudes toward school, and those implications of their decisions to complete or leave school. With the goal of promoting educational resiliency in an effort to encourage urban male students to stay in school and graduate, we believe that a quality education is a multifaceted issue. Its complexity reveals that, in order to address the issue of high-school retention, efforts should extend, beyond the school, through a coordinated system of support. Such services should promote learning and development. Further, specialized school programs (e.g., dropout recovery schools) should utilize existing community resources and provide wrap-around services for families to meet more of their male students’ basic needs. The current study highlights the need for teachers to focus on demonstrating a commitment to developing respectful relations in order to engage and effectively connect with marginalized youth in their journeys toward graduation. Throughout American society, Black males continue to receive messages about the importance of education for their future place in society yet across the various ecological domains in which their development is situated Black male youth often experience circumstances that put their educational pathways in peril. Male youth, especially African American, need to be valued in their communities by caring adults who also support education for the purpose of liberating them and their families from the grip of poverty and limited opportunity. Individuals in the sample experienced educational obstacles from multiple domains. Because of this occurrence, schools are likely not to promote educational resiliency without additional supports operating in the community to assist the students and their economically disadvantaged families. Without effective student support assistance, Black males will continue to lag in their educational attainment in comparison to other Whites and other ethnic minorities. They will also continue to lack the necessary resources for healthy development. Therefore, families, communities, and schools need the necessary resources to go beyond the minimum to thrive in the environments in which they reside.

IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH The results of this study suggest that future investigations of marginalized youths’ perspectives on their educational experiences should be longitudinal

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in nature such that the dynamic processes at play in high school completion versus dropping out can be more fully described. Collecting multicontextual life history data, over an extended period of time during adolescence and young adulthood, is important for disentangling the developmental pathways to educational success or failure. Future research should also include marginalized female youth. The perspectives of teachers, care givers, counselors and others should be examined to identify intervention points and avenues for remediation when educational distress is noted. Efforts to measure and analyze student engagement at multiple points throughout primary and secondary schooling may be useful in developing the types of individualized educational plans that are designed to address the individual needs of youth placed at risk for academic challenges. Sampling youth from multiple school or community contexts would be an important way to get an understanding of how school choice policies impact student engagement and how engagement is associated with academic achievement.

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2001 event dropout rates. New York, NY: Brooklyn, Division of Assessment and Accountability. Richards, L. (2005). Handling qualitative data: A practical guide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Rumbruger, R. W., & Rotermund, S. (2012). The relationship between engagement and high school dropout. In S. L. Christenson, A. L. Reschly, & C. Wylie (Eds.), The handbook of research on student engagement (pp. 491
513). New York, NY: Springer. Strauss, A. L. (1987). Qualitative analysis for social scientists. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Tyler, J., & Lofstrom, M. (2009). Finishing high school: Alternative pathways and dropout recovery. Future Child, 19(1), 77
103. Watters, J. K., & Biernacki, P. (1989). Targeted sampling: Options for the study of hidden populations. Social Problems, 36, 416
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Wilkinson, D. L. (2009). The New York City youth violence study, 1995
1998. In National Archive of Criminal Justice Data. Deposit Number: 14370. Ann Arbor, MI: Interuniversity Consortium. Funded by U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice. Grant #: 2006-IJ-CX-0004. Wolcott, H. F. (1994). Transforming qualitative data: Description, analysis, and interpretation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

CHAPTER 7 A PERFECT STORM: HOW POSE, PERCEPTION, AND THREAT CONVERGE TO PERPETUATE DISCRIMINATORY DISCIPLINE PRACTICES FOR BLACK MALE STUDENTS Bettie Ray Butler, Derrick Robinson and Calvin W. Walton ABSTRACT A vast amount of educational literature has repeatedly documented the overrepresentation of African American male students in exclusionary school punishment. However, amid the wealth of data and statistics on the topic, a viable theoretical explanation, that helps to make sense of the disproportionately high number of suspensions for Black males, remains relatively absent. Drawing upon the Method of Theory Triangulation, this chapter uses three conceptual frames to develop a plausible, causal narrative for deconstructing how pose, perception, and threat converge create a perfect storm of conditions that perpetuate discriminatory

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discipline practices. Based on the theoretical considerations implicit in this account, practical recommendations are offered to educational stakeholders who might be interested in improving school discipline practices and reducing the number of Black males disproportionately targeted for disciplinary action.

INTRODUCTION Over 40 years of scholarship and research on school discipline (Butler, Lewis, Moore, & Scott, 2012; Children’s Defense Fund [CDF], 1975; Skiba, Michael, Nardo, & Peterson, 2002) has chronicled the issue of parity in the administration of exclusionary discipline practices (i.e., suspensions and expulsions). To date, over half of these publications have focused almost exclusively on Black males. This particular subgroup of students is among those most frequently and disproportionately targeted for disciplinary action (Monroe, 2005). There is a lack of conclusive evidence to support the claim that African American males are more disruptive than their peers. In fact, research is replete with data indicating that Black males are no more likely to misbehave but are comparatively subjected to more punitive disciplinary responses and even when the context of the infractions are similar (McCadden, 1998; Piquero, 2008). Despite these longstanding patterns of discriminatory discipline practices, absent from popular and scientific literature is a viable theoretical explanation that highlights the potential circumstances of events that explain How and perhaps even, Why Black males remain increasingly vulnerable of being suspended or expelled? The basic premise of this chapter is thus to generate a discussion that moves beyond the mere recognition of racial disparities in school discipline by offering an explanation as to how these inequities are perpetuated, despite years of mounting evidence of the existence of disproportionate discipline trends. The goal here is not to unpack the complexities of disproportionality through the use of a singular story (Adichie, 2009)
that is, where one story becomes the only story used to understand a phenomenon or experience
but rather to provide a plausible causal narrative that illuminates the potential set of circumstances surrounding the often unwarranted exclusion of Black males from school for their behavior. In the wake of the Zimmerman trial, a case highlighting the untimely death of Trayvon Benjamin Martin; an unarmed Black teen who was shot and killed when a neighborhood watchmen (incorrectly) profiled Martin as a criminal on the basis of his clothing and demeanor
it is pertinent that

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all educators reflect upon their attitudes and beliefs about Black males if there is ever to be a serious attempt to understand why these students are disproportionately targeted for punishment and removed from the classroom. To better understand how attitudes and beliefs about Black males might influence school discipline responses, three separate, yet closely interrelated, theories are triangulated to build a causal narrative that defines the conditions whereby pose, perception, and threat converge to perpetuate discriminatory discipline practices against Black male students. The first theory references cool pose. Pose is used here to describe Black males’ unique, expressive, and conspicuous style of speech, gesture, clothing, and stance (Majors, 2001). The second theory deals with perception and demonstrates how educators, consciously or unconsciously, use racial stereotypes to (mis)interpret Black males’ behavior (Foster, 1995). The last theory uses the notion of threat to identify how conflict ensues when one’s proximity to Blackness increases (Welch & Payne, 2010). The confluence of these three theories establishes, by definition, what is coined, here in this chapter, as the Theory of a Perfect Storm of Discipline (PSoD). In the interest of clarity, this chapter has been divided into three sections. The first section begins with a review of the relevant literature on racial disproportionality in school discipline and its corresponding causes. Next, using three conceptual frameworks, a plausible explanation is offered to account for How and Why discriminatory discipline practices persist? Despite the vast amount of literature, a dearth of theoretical attention on the overrepresentation of Black male suspensions and expulsion is, to say the least, a bit puzzling. In response to this hold in the literature, a theoretical proposition, in the form of a causal narrative introduced here as PSoD, is offered to fill this void. Last, using lessons learned from the Zimmerman trial, this chapter concludes with a discussion and call to action that supplies educational stakeholders (e.g., policymakers, educators, and community leader with practical recommendations to subvert racial and cultural misinterpretations of student behavior and reduce the number of Black males disproportionately targeted for disciplinary action.

RACIAL DISPROPORTIONALITY IN SCHOOL DISCIPLINE The pervasive and disproportionate use of exclusionary discipline practices is not a new phenomenon. In fact, some of the earliest patters were most

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notably identified by the CDF in the early 1970s, a period not long after the court-ordered national desegregation of public schools. In an early report on school suspensions, CDF (1975) found that, during the 1972
1973 school year, African American students were suspended twice the rate of any other group. These findings drew widespread attention and spawned a plethora of studies, shortly thereafter, examining racial disparities in school discipline (McCarthy & Hoge, 1987; Yudof, 1975). Nearly four decades following the original CDF report, disproportionality in school discipline still remains a salient educational issue. This is due, in large part, to the incremental, nevertheless steady increases in the rate of school suspensions among African American students (Losen & Martinez, 2013). Black students, presently, are as much as five times more likely (i.e., 3.3 times for males and 5.4 times for females) than White students to experience suspension or expulsion (Wallace, Goodkind, Wallace, & Bachman, 2008). Over the years, educational researchers have cited numerous, yet contextually limited causes for the overrepresentation of African American students in school suspensions, with specific focus on Black males. These explanations for disproportionality are frequently offered using the following arguments: (a) the lack of cultural synchronization between educators and Black students (Irvine, 1990, 1999; Monroe, 2006); (b) differential treatment as a function of racial bias/discrimination in the administration of school discipline (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010; Skiba et al., 2002); and (c) differential involvement marked by significantly higher levels of misbehavior (Engen, Steen, & Bridges, 2002). Each of these arguments is further described in subsequent sections.

Lack of Cultural Synchronization Argument It is widely acknowledged that culture has the potential to influence individual behavior. Essentially, culture dictates
in no uncertain terms
why we do what we do and how we come to believe what we believe. If everyone shared the same behaviors and knowledge base, then the idea of cultural misinterpretations would be nonexistent. Nevertheless, our society is multicultural, and for this reason, misinterpretations do exist. These misconceptions occur, as a result, of what Irvine (1990) specifically refers to as the lack of cultural synchronization. Specific to school discipline, the lack of cultural synchronization argument implies that there is a mismatch between teacher beliefs and student

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actions (Irvine, 1990; Monroe, 2005). This typically happens, whenever teachers perceive that a student’s behavior deviates from what they conceive through their own cultural lens as normal and appropriate student conduct (Weinstein, Curran, & Tomlinson-Clarke, 2003). In particular, African American students’ actions, such as playing the dozens, talking back, responsive facial expressions, and lively/temperamental gestures, all have cultural undertones, which at times, can still be interpreted as offensive or disrespectful but are far from the student’s intent (Heath, 1983). These examples of cultural differences almost always ignite some type of miscommunication and conflict (Irvine, 1999; Sheets & Gay, 1996) that undoubtedly affords the teacher home court advantage in classroom-based culture clashes. More pointedly, Skiba et al. (2002) found that, at the classroom-level, African American students were most often referred to the office for subjectively defined infractions (i.e., disrespect, excessive noise, threat, and loitering). Based on aforementioned findings, one can infer that, irrespective of the coconstruction of the disciplinary event (i.e., how both the teacher and student perceive the moment-by-moment interactions that led up to the citation; Pane, 2010) and how the teacher views the student’s (mis)behavior is deemed irrefutable. Both teacher occurrences are evidenced by the student’s ultimate removal from the class. The implications of these findings are extremely telling, in instances of cultural imbalance. It is clear that only the teachers’ perception matters. In the end, through this unfortunate social interaction, African American students are often susceptible to disproportionate discipline (Monroe, 2006) and most often culturally misunderstood (Raffaele, Mendez, & Knoff, 2003).

Differential Treatment/Selection Argument If racism is, as Bell (1990) and others (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Maguire, 2010) have suggested, an integral, permanent, and indestructible fixture of the American landscape, deeply ingrained in the nation’s law, and entrenched in cultural and psychological dispositions (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995), it is not extremely difficult to understand how one might view the administration of school punishment as a two-tier system of discipline. When race lies at the center of disciplinary reactions to student behavior, this two-tier system reflects the variation in office referrals found between Black males and other students (e.g., White males and Black females). For example, when two individuals commit the same offense (e.g., one offender

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being White and the other Black), the Black offender is likely to receive the harshest punishment under this dual system (Engen et al., 2002). This type of difference in treatment is considered a by-product of teacher discrimination and institutional racism (Bennett & Harris, 1982; Wu, Pink, Crain, & Moles, 1982) and explains, in many cases, that the overselection of African American males for discipline (Canton, 2012; Skiba et al., 2002). Because the classroom is seen as the central location of disciplinary management (Payne & Welch, 2010), teachers are, in turn, largely responsible for citing misconduct. With this authority, they are granted considerable discretion (Ferguson, 2000; Vavrus & Cole, 2002) in determining what constitutes disruptive behavior. While the expectation is that teachers would use fair and consistent procedures in assessing discipline events, the differential treatment argument still suggests that teachers do the exact opposite. In lieu of using a systematic approach to dealing with potential discipline problems, the differential treatment argument contends that a teacher’s decision to impose a consequence is naturally biased (Pane & Rocco, 2012). This form of subjective judgment tends to be grounded heavily in the notion of privilege and deeply held assumptions and opinions about others and, for this reason, is considered racist in character (McIntosh, 1988). Thus, a teacher’s overreliance on individual perceptions is seen as problematic because it allows him or her to conceivably draw on racial stereotypes when administering disciplinary action. In Foster’s (1995) highly controversial study on educators’ perceptions of African American males, he insisted that, while teachers may assert that they do not harbor any prejudiced attitudes toward these students, a confrontation can, unconsciously, trigger negative beliefs and attitudes that they have managed to conceal until the point of the disciplinary event. If Foster’s deduction is correct, the media images of African American males as violent/aggressive, troublemakers, drug dealers, gang members and/or thugs make them especially vulnerable to biased teacher perceptions, which have the potential to generate overreactions to Black male students’ conduct (Ferguson, 2000; Irvine, 1990). Consequently, these misconceptions often fuel fear and threat among teachers (Noguera, 2003). In response to these feelings, Rosborough (2010) suggests that teachers will, in turn, push these students out of their classrooms through the (mis)use of suspensions and expulsions. Those teachers who do this tend to simply avoid dealing with the students (Fenning & Rose, 2007). This can certainly help explain why Black male students are suspended and expelled, at rates, disproportionate to their school representation. To this extent, as illustrated by Canton (2012) and Thompson (2004), the practice of

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disproportionately disciplining Black males is a clear indication that schools are born from, maintained by, and reproduced by racial philosophies.

Differential Involvement Argument One of the more straightforward explanations for racial disproportionality in school discipline is the idea of differential involvement. This argument draws on the assumption that the overrepresentation of African American male students for school punishment is related to their increased propensity to misbehave and not a result of racial bias (Hindelang, Hirschi, Weis, 1979). That being said, African American males have a greater proclivity to commit more rule violations and a larger share of the disciplinary reprimands (Shaw & Braden, 1990). Further, given the rate in which Black male students are punished, it is often considered justifiable. The differential involvement argument as a whole appears rather reasonable, but it does not eclipse that there is simply no evidence to support or validate this argument (Skiba et al., 2002). Taken altogether, it seems unlikely that disproportionality in school discipline is solely attributable to just one of the arguments mentioned above. Still, it cannot be completely discounted. In some sense, all three explanations embody a certain correlational quality; one that makes each argument sound not only rational but valid. Yet, because the administration of school discipline is, in and of itself, a complex phenomenon; the use of a single cause to explicate the racially disparate impact of discipline policies is extremely limiting. What is missing from this line of discourse, and perhaps most needed, is a more integrated discussion about the various causal forces at work that perpetuate the disproportional representation of Black males for exclusionary discipline. Using the Method of Theory Triangulation, a process where multiple theories or perspectives are used or blended to add depth and breadth to the understanding of a phenomenon or experience (Fielding & Fielding, 1986), this chapter makes an attempt to fill this void in the literature by utilizing an integrated approach to understanding racial disproportionality in school discipline.

AN INTEGRATED APPROACH: WHAT IS PSOD? The idea that disciplinary events do not occur within a vacuum but rather is a complex web of interactions that contribute to racial differences in

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school discipline. Further, these disciplinary events make quite a compelling case for why an integrated approach to understanding disproportionality should be considered (Yudof, 1975). Specifically, teacher responses to Black male student behavior are not, alone, a reaction to a student’s pose, a teacher’s perception, and/or the perceived presence of threat. Instead, these responses may function as a convergence of all three elements in the creation of a perfect storm of conditions that perpetuate discriminatory discipline practices. It is from this consideration that the theoretical proposition behind PSoD is formulated. Prior to detailing the specificities of PSoD, a brief account of the existing theories of cool pose, teacher perception, and racial/group threat is identified and explained. This account describes how each theory originated and its purpose and foundational principles. Furthermore, in laying out the three theories, a discussion of how each theory informs the attitudes and beliefs about Black male students, with respect to school discipline, is provided.

Cool Pose: It’s Just My Swag One of the earliest references to cool pose can be found in what is probably the most prophetically relevant dissertation on the study of Black men and social oppression of its time. Within his work, Richard Majors (1987) introduces the idea of cool pose as a distinctive Black male psychological defense used to help them cope with stresses caused by discrimination and racism. The concept, itself, is used to describe a variety of poses and postures exhibited by African American males, namely those of acting detached, emotionless, fearless, tough, confident, arrogant, and the more conspicuous dispositions often exuded through their style of speech, gesture, clothing, and stance (Majors, 1987, 2001). Symbolically, these different forms of posturing are adopted to give the impression of being “cool.” Majors (1987) argues that this coolness is a coping mechanism for African American males; It helps them to maintain their sense of dignity and pride when coming face-to-face with hegemonic systems and structures. The act of the cool pose is often misinterpreted as a result of cultural discontinuity (Irvine, 1999; Ogbu, 1982). With a limited, often negative, understanding of Black culture, culturally mismatched teachers tend to rely heavily on negative present and/or prior experiences with African American males in interpreting their behavior. To this end, African American male cool pose posturing, or what is presently known by the

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colloquial expression “swagger,” is often misread as attitudes of defiance and disrespect (Goleman, 1992). In such instances, African American males are likely confronted and consequently cited for misbehavior. Further, they are left confused and, at times, outraged when discipline. In their minds, Black males may feel as though they are being punished because their cool personas and dispositions.

Teacher Perception: What Do You Mean, I Don’t See Color? Rosenthal and Jacobson’s (1968) study was one of the first to establish a relationship between teacher perceptions and Black males’ schooling experiences. Central to this study was the theoretical understanding that teacher attitudes and beliefs about Black males can negatively impact their academic performance (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968). Similarly, Sheets (2006) discovered that teacher perceptions could also impact student behavior. In line with this body of work, Howard (2013) convincingly points out how teachers view Black students contributes to the racial disparities seen in school discipline. Decisions to refer Black male students for disciplinary consequences may be associated with how teachers’ subjectively perceive their conduct (Skiba et al., 2002; Upreti, 2009). Generally speaking, racial stereotypes often guide teachers’ attitudes and beliefs about Black male students’ behavior (Kelly, Bullock, & Dykes, 1977). Media portrayals of Black males as criminals (Gregory & Mosely, 2004) tend to permeate teacher perceptions (Foster, 1995). Therefore, teachers seldom realize how their own ethnocentrism and previous intergroup experiences may influence their disciplinary decisions (Pane & Rocco, 2012). They embrace colorblind perspectives; that is, they do not see race or color in the application of discipline sanctions. The mere notion of colorblindness, in itself, is based on a racist ideology (Zamudio & Rios, 2006) and is viewed as problematic and destructive (Howard, 2008). Even more, if one cannot see color, then one most likely cannot see nor understand the diverse identities, experiences, and cultural values African American males bring with them into the classroom. To this end, the race-neutral framework only acts to reinforce the legitimacy of prejudice by silencing the types of conversations needed to tackle and dismantle the inequities that stem from discriminatory discipline practices.

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Racial/Group Threat: It’s Just Too Many of Them Theories of racial or group threat were originally developed to explain how a sizable Black presence can instigate intergroup conflict (Blalock, 1967; Crawford, Chiricos, & Kleck, 1998). Liska and Chamlin (1984) were among the first to note the direct relationship between perceived threat and punitive outcomes. The two authors asserted that a high percentage of African Americans produce an “emergent property, ‘perceived threat of crime,’” which may warrant greater support for punitive controls (Liska & Chamlin, 1984, p. 384). Stated differently, as the proportion of African Americans increases compared to Whites, intensified measures of control (e.g., more arrests and harsher sentencing) are likely to proliferate derived from closer proximity to African Americans and other persons of color (Welch & Payne, 2010). In 2010, Welch and Payne asserted that the racial/group threat thesis might be useful in explaining the disparities witnessed in school punishment. Similar to Liska and Chamlin (1984), the two researchers argued that the relative size of a school’s Black student population could be related to increased perceptions of threat to safety. Thus, punitive discipline measures (i.e., suspensions or expulsions) are imposed by school officials as a means of protection (Welch & Payne, 2010). However, an alternative explanation, shared by Rocque and Paternoster (2011), suggested that the real threat has nothing to do with the issue of safety, but instead with teachers’ concern over control. In other words, teachers tend to feel most threatened by African American male students who reject or resist the traditional school culture. If teachers perceived that these students possess a subculture different from theirs, they may view these students as a threat to their ability to control and govern the classroom or school context (Rocque & Paternoster, 2011). In response to this potential threat to their position of dominance, teachers may make use of punitive disciplinary measures as way to get Black male students to conform to the normative standards and conventions of the school culture.

Method of Theory Triangulation: A Perfect Storm of Discipline (PSoD) Until now, many of the explanations for the racially disparate impact of school discipline practices have centered primarily on the quantifiable causes of disproportionality without providing a clear theoretical understanding of how and why Black males continue to be suspended and

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expelled at disturbing rates. Though decades of scholarship have attempted to examine disproportionality through an empirical lens, much still remains unknown about the source of discipline inequities. In this sense, theories or reasoned explanations are likely more useful in delineating the real nature of this phenomenon. What is practical is seemingly more important than what is measurable. Acknowledging the everyday mechanics of classroom discipline is critical in taking serious steps toward understanding why Black males are disproportionately targeted for punishment. In this context of practicality and reason, PSoD is grounded. In other words, PSoD is an integrated or blended theoretical proposition developed to explain how and why discriminatory discipline practices may persist for Black male students. Using the aforementioned theories (i.e., cool pose, teacher perception, and racial/group threat), PSoD formulates a causal narrative, which ultimately illustrates how negative external factors and (mis)interpretations perpetuate punitive discipline responses. Broadly speaking, PSoD posits that negative external considerations (i.e., those negative factors that lie outside of day-to-day classroom operations) are used to shape interpretations of cool pose, guided perceptions, and approximate threat. When negative outside factors influence the cool pose, interpretations about style of clothing, language, speech, stance and/or disposition are constructed (Gandy, 2001). When negative outside factors guide perceptions, interpretations tend to draw upon particular attitudes and beliefs about a group of people (White, Duck, & Newcombe, 2012). Further, when negative outside factors are used to approximate threat, interpretations are made concerning what it means to be in close proximity to a particular group and/or what the consequences are, if a particular group experiences a sudden surge in its population (Suthammanont, Peterson, Owens, & Leighley, 2010). PSoD postulates that most negative external considerations may lead to (mis)interpretations. At any given point in time, the moment-by-moment interactions may result in a disciplinary event, and the (mis)interpretations may coalesce to produce a disciplinary decision. PSoD also makes the assumption that the more extreme the (mis)interpretation, the greater the punitive response may be. These responses can range from temporary classroom removal to indefinite school exclusion. After the decision is administered and executed, it then transforms into an external consideration and recognized as a prior discipline history. This history becomes an outside factor used to interpret pose, perceptions, and threat, and the cycle continues as before (see Fig. 1).

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PSoD Theoretical Model: Racial Disproportionality in School Discipline.

This broad understanding of PSoD can be specified in greater detail and readily applied to Black male students to demonstrate how and why they may be overselected for punitive discipline responses (i.e., suspensions and expulsions). Negative external considerations (e.g., media imagery, prejudice, racial stereotypes, and past/present experiences) may all work together to shape interpretations of cool pose, guided perceptions, and approximate threat in respect to Black male students. These specific considerations may cause teachers to negatively view African American males and potentially see them as unrefined, disrespectful, and deviant. In turn, teachers’ concerns may heighten, especially related to safety and/or control threats. In essence, the interpretations of African American males
derived from negative external considerations
are (mis)interpretations stemmed likely from cultural misunderstandings. Moreover, when a disciplinary concern unfolds, it is these types of (mis)interpretations that converge to produce punitive discipline responses that may, ultimately, lead to the removal and/ or exclusion of African American male students. Once suspended or expelled, a stigma is often attached to these students because of their prior discipline history. This past record then becomes a negative external consideration, as Black males’ future behavior is judged by their previous behavior. Stated differently, when prior discipline history

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Fig. 2.

PSoD Theoretical Model: Racial Disproportionality in School Discipline for Black Male Students.

transforms into a negative external consideration, teachers may use Black males’ past discipline record to shape interpretations of pose, guided perceptions, and approximate threat. The cycle continues and projects the perpetuation of discriminatory discipline practices for this subgroup (see Fig. 2).

IMPLICATIONS PSoD holds tremendous implications for understanding and addressing the observation of disproportionality in the discipline of Black male students. Present attempts to study and address the disproportionate level of discipline upon African American males begin with outcomes and extend into proposals for more control measures and strategies, such as zero tolerance, positive behavior support, mentoring, classroom management, and dress code/uniform policies to curtail behavior. In effect, the practice has been to change and/or control the student. PSoD offers a necessary step in examining the deeper, casual relationships that beliefs, perceptions and (mis)interpretations may play in the

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observation of discipline discrimination. It is quite plausible that the presented theoretical framework may be useful in deconstructing factors that manifest themselves into observable conflict and tension between African American males and schools and vice versa. Additionally, PSoD provides a basis upon which to address causal factors that interrupt the educational process for significant populations. The three dominant elements that create PSoD are pose, perception, and threat. Combined together to form PSoD, the three elements extend proactive research and practice on policies and interactions among students, teachers, and administrative staff. Without PSoD as a causal theoretical framework, surface-level remedies and disconnected research may only acknowledge data and observations that already exist. Thus, the exploration of PSoD is needed to extend research and practice to address the multiple casual forces of discipline discrimination. PSoD is necessary to explain how pose, perception, and threat may hinder the most critical purposes of education, namely academic achievement and access to a better quality of life. Further, PSoD may be helpful in explaining what happens when discipline and control replace teaching and learning. Even when racial bias and subjective perceptions become pervasive among teachers and administrators, it is still the expectation that these same school personnel provide an effective learning environment for students. When the desire for punitive discipline and social control replace teaching and learning, severe implications are observed for Black male achievement. Where Black male achievement lags, access to opportunities that promote college readiness are disproportionately impacted, which has direct implication on postsecondary access, future earning power, and economic stability (Aud, Fox, & Kewal Ramani, 2010; United States Census Bureau, 2009). Since racial threat necessitates the need to implement a policy of containment and compartmentalization, PSoD also has deep implications for the disproportionate placement of African American males into special educational program on subjective factors (Moore & Lewis, 2012; Stoltenberg, D’Alessio, & Eitle, 2004). These containment measures may work to segregate the classroom even when schools, on the surface, seem to be more integrated. The causal narrative of PSoD also explains how the external images and symbols that paint negative portrayals of African American males and legitimize racial profiling shape in school classrooms. PSoD explains the impact of threat triggers prompted when race-specific names common among African Americans (e.g., Daquarious, Trayvon, and Jedarious) appear on class rosters and when baggy or sagging pants,

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hooded sweatshirts, long T-shirts become symbolic codes for deviant Black males and when students’ speech patterns and vocal inflections trigger feelings of aggressive threat. African American males are keenly aware that they comprise the majority of the referrals for school suspensions and remedial or special educational classes (Aud et al., 2010; Moore, Henfield, & Owens, 2008). They recognize that they are also the students who are targeted for subjective infractions, such as dress code violation, disrespect, and defiance. They know, all too well, what it feels like to be sent to hall sweeps for tardiness, even though the circumstances surrounding their delay were beyond their control. PSoD illustrates how and ultimately why, Black males continue to face discriminatory outcomes in the administration of school disciple. Moving beyond the classroom, PSoD also has implications for the inequitable treatment of other marginalized students in schools. For example, PSoD could very easily substitute cool pose with machismo to articulate how Latino males are potentially impacted by discriminatory school discipline policies and practices (Monroe, 2005; Noguera, 2009). Furthermore, the presence of external factors that extend racial profiling and social control into larger society highlights the potential usage of PSoD for framing connections between the school and criminal justice system, especially as they relate to African American males. If schools are indeed mirrors of society or vice versa, the PSoD framework might be able to provide insight into the context of the school-to-prison pipeline. As PSoD continues to develop and undergo rigorous review, future research should make attempts to expand and use elements of this causal narrative to address more forms of disproportionate discipline practices, as well as, other phenomena to which disproportionality can be tied.

RECOMMENDATIONS: LESSONS LEARNED FROM FLORIDA V. ZIMMERMAN In reference to the inequitable implementation of exclusionary school discipline among African American males, it is worthwhile and appropriate to examine the conditions surrounding the murder of Trayvon Benjamin Martin (Berry & Stovall, 2013) and the subsequent murder acquittal of the neighborhood watchmen who killed him George Zimmerman (Olson, 2013). Trayvon Martin’s tragic death and the attitudes, mindsets and conditions that contributed to it, are encapsulated within the theory of PSoD. The three

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theories triangulated within PSoD, cool pose, teacher perception, and racial/group threat all served as prominent factors in Florida v. Zimmerman (Smith, 2012). As evidenced in this chapter, PSoD is theorized within the racially disparate disciplinary patterns experienced by Black males in U.S. public schools. While racial disproportionality in school discipline is a persistent problem that has been clearly identified and analyzed throughout the educational research literature, there are specific steps that policymakers, educators, and community leaders can and must develop, access, and use to address and mitigate the racially disparate disciplinary problems in American school systems. Recommendations for Educational Policy Makers From a public policy standpoint, political and civic leaders should work together to craft national, state-wide, and local legislative agendas to acknowledge and address the problems of exclusionary discipline and its impact on Black male students across the United States. These legislative measures should require school systems and districts to make racial inequities in exclusionary discipline a central and essential focal point in all present and future educational policy and planning efforts. Across the country, many school districts discuss and present disciplinary procedures and strategies as purely objective, colorblind processes for creating orderly learning environments. School data indicate, as recounted in this chapter, that African American males experience out-of-school suspensions and expulsions at greater rates than all other groups. Therefore, legislation and policy efforts should be developed to assist school districts. The recommended practices are below: 1. Make a firm commitment to using culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994) and culturally responsive classroom management (Weinstein, Tomlinson-Clarke, & Curran, 2004) as central tenants to instructional and disciplinary programs in schools, especially those settings with significant number of African American males and other persons of color. 2. Provide school personnel, such as teachers, with appropriate resources to attend ongoing professional development in culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994) and classroom management strategies (Weinstein et al., 2004). 3. Access, develop, and implement professional development models for school personnel to address inequitable exclusionary discipline practices

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among Black male students. Having such professional development is likely to help reduce inequitable disciplinary practices. 4. Require schools to examine and analyze data on exclusionary discipline practices and the frequency in which these practices are applied to students by race, ethnicity, and gender. Having such information would aid in determining if a problem exists and would illustrate what student populations are most vulnerable to suspensions and expulsions. 5. Use local data and professional development opportunities to set annual goals for reducing any gaps in the use of exclusionary discipline for Black males and other study population. Having such practices are likely to foster collaboration and teamwork among school personnel to address and/or prevent inequitable disciplinary practices. From a policy-based perspective, financial grants could be used to address the problem of exclusionary discipline and African American male students. Leaders from the business, political, and philanthropic communities could create financial grants that encourage schools to develop and use alternative discipline practices and procedures. The goal of such practices and procedures would be to significantly reduce expulsion and suspension rates among African American male students. These grants could be designed to help school systems access information, materials, and resources that may enable them to incorporate restorative discipline programs and culturally responsive discipline models. Funds secured through federal, state, and local agencies or foundations could be used to help school systems design and offer ongoing professional development to their school staff. A third policy-based initiative that may successfully address this problem would be to develop incentive programs for schools that successfully implement strategies for reducing exclusionary discipline for students in general, and African American males in particular. In closing, those schools that are able to reduce the number of Black male suspensions and expulsions are focus on other important school issues (e.g., curriculum and extracurricular activities).

Recommendations for Educational Practitioners To address the issue of disproportionate discipline of African American males in U.S. public schools, school personnel must be willing to step outside of the traditional frameworks and embrace other forms of instruction and discipline. Traditional, mainstream approaches to instruction and

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discipline that are designed to meet the learning needs and social engagement styles of White and middle and upper-class students may contribute significantly to the problem of disproportionality. One of the most effective ways for teachers to confront this issue is to make a serious commitment to using teacher training and professional development models that foster cultural competence throughout schools (Fenning & Rose, 2007). The goal of this type of training should be to use professional development to raise teacher awareness of institutional racism and to spark critical reflection of their own ethnic identity, cultural upbringing, and the influence of their ethnic identity and cultural upbringing may have on their attitudes towards African American male students. This is a critical first step in creating racial equity in school settings (Tatum, 2001). Additional professional development should be provided to help teachers understand, implement, and master culturally relevant teaching (Gay, 2010; Ladson-Billings, 1994) and culturally responsive classroom management (Weinstein et al., 2004). These elements are key components of the offered recommendations for teachers because culturally responsive teaching and classroom management methods require them to first challenge their own racial and cultural biases (Bondy, Ross, Gallingane, & Hambacher, 2007; Delpit, 1995; Weinstein, Curran, & Tomlinson-Clarke, 2003). If implemented correctly, this process of self-reflection could be used to raise teacher awareness of two central themes of PSoD: (a) teacher perceptions about Black males and (b) the perceived threat these students evoke in classrooms, the school grounds, and community at-large. Culturally responsive teaching also requires teachers to understand that students may learn within specific cultural contexts (Gay, 2010). Pose, the third component of the PSoD framework, is a specific cultural adaptation commonly used by Black males and should be understood by teachers and other school personnel who may work with them. Improved understandings and interpretations of pose, perception, and threat as they pertain to African American males may lead to de-escalations of in-school cultural conflicts, which may result in exclusionary discipline among Black male students. A more holistic and constructive mode of encouraging prosocial behavior and reducing suspensions and expulsions is recommended. This recommendation is seen as restorative and empowering (Payne & Welch, 2013). Derived from restorative justice, these practices promote accountable among the African American males whom their misbehavior has impacted while still maintaining their connection to and involvement in school. Restorative practices (Wachtel, 2013) are designed to accomplish the following goals: (a) reduce crime, violence, and bullying; (b) improve

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human behavior; (c) strengthen civil society; (d) provide effective leadership; (e) restore relationships; and (f) repair harm. Further, restorative practices challenge teachers to build and form relationships with students, parents, and community members and actively involve them in all aspects of the disciplinary process. It is quite likely that restorative practices may lead to dramatic reductions in the use of exclusionary discipline. The restorative method has been credited with decreasing three-fourths of the suspensions at Christian Fenger Academy High School, a predominantly African American, low-income school on Chicago’s south side (Shah, 2012). In hopes of seeking a collaborative resolution rather than continuous conflict, restorative practices give voice to the silent and allow all parties the opportunity to retell their version of events (Rundell, 2007). An additional recommendation for teachers focuses on the creation of diverse discipline teams (Fenning & Rose, 2007). With the disciplinary overrepresentation of African American males in schools, the consequences can partly be traced to the creation of disciplinary policies that are designed by teachers who may not acknowledge their positions of privilege in society (Studley, 2002). Therefore, diverse discipline teams should be comprised of individuals who reflect the racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity of the school and should involve the larger school community, including teachers, school counselors, other staff (e.g., custodians and office workers), parents, students, and community members. When created collaboratively, discipline practices can be more proactive and less punitive (Noonan, Tunney, Fogal, & Sarich, 1999).

Recommendations for Community Leaders A common theme, throughout the recommendations, focuses on the use of culturally responsive and relevant methods of instruction and discipline. For many African Americans, familial and community connections hold great resonance for the education of children (Epstein, 2007). The usage of these methods actively encourages community involvement in efforts for reducing exclusionary discipline occurrences and improving educational outcomes for African American males. One potentially promising practice would be for churches, fraternal organizations, and other groups to invite administrators and teachers from schools that serve African American males to quarterly, community-based forums. These sessions could be held at churches, libraries, recreation centers, and other public spaces used by community members.

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As community-sponsored programs, these sessions would give concerned citizens multiple opportunities to ask questions and express concerns about academic performance and other important issues (e.g., exclusionary discipline) related to Black males. In turn, teachers would have much needed opportunities to talk about their schools, their students, and the stated goals for reducing exclusionary discipline and improving academic performance for African American male students. Community-based sponsorship is key; community members and concerned citizens have the opportunity to be more actively involved in the conversation and to address discipline issues and concerns on their own terms. This format would also wrest some control of the narrative out of the hands of school district personnel and give community members more say in what issues and concerns are discussed. Another practice that may help give Black male students the tools they need to avoid disciplinary difficulties and improve their overall academic performance is the use of mentoring programs. Organizations, such as the 100 Black men of America, The Urban League, local Black fraternal organizations, churches, and other community-based groups, have mentoring programs that are established and operational in communities throughout the nation. Mentoring programs sometimes offer African American males consistent and meaningful experiences with other older males in the community who support their academic success and help them gain effective social skills, positive self-identity, and tutorial support. Another community-based practice that has been used successfully with school-aged Black males is community-based manhood training programs (Schiele, 1998). Manhood training programs are often designed to socialize and prepare young Black males to effectively navigate their way through childhood and become men in a society that is often hostile to their very presence (Hill, 1992). The manhood training/rites of passage movement arose in the 1980s as a direct reaction to the social conditions and challenges experienced by African American males, such as high homicide rates, high unemployment rates, and rising rates of suicide, mass incarceration, poor health, and educational outcomes (Floyd, 2011; Majors & Billson, 1992). Given the persistent nature of racial disparities in school discipline among African American male students, a variety of research-based and creative methods, strategic collaborative partnerships, and systemic and individual changes are required to reverse the trend. Yet, amidst it all, there is still hope. The aforementioned recommendations are just a glimmer of what is possible if policymakers, educators, and community leaders, both

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individually and collaboratively, subvert racial and cultural misinterpretations and reduce racial disproportionately in all of its manifestations.

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CHAPTER 8 COMMUNITY VIOLENCE AS A MEDIATOR BETWEEN AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENT MALES’ PERSONAL CHALLENGES AND ANTISOCIAL BEHAVIORS Michael Cunningham, Kevin M. Barry and Charles S. Corprew III ABSTRACT The purpose of this chapter is to examine the linkages between negative life events (e.g., exposure to community violence and personal challenges) and antisocial behaviors. The participants are 170 African American male adolescents, who resided in urban communities in the United States. The results supported the hypothesis that exposure to community violence mediates the relation between African American male youth’s personal challenges and antisocial behaviors. Thus, the personal challenges that many African American males face may have direct linkages to antisocial behaviors. But, without examining the context in which African American adolescent males grow up, an incomplete story is chronicled.

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 177
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INTRODUCTION Antisocial behavior makes adolescents vulnerable to a number of negative outcomes, including dropping out of school, drug and alcohol abuse, relationship instability, higher hospitalization and mortality rates, and future maladjustment (Loeber & Burke, 2011). Antisocial actions can be identified by recurrent patterns of behavior that go against prescribed societal norms, such as aggressive, hostile, defiant, or destructive behavior (Sameroff, Peck, & Eccles, 2004). Adolescents who persistently engage in these risky behaviors are more apt to be placed in residential facilities or to be incarcerated as juvenile delinquents (Eley, Lichtenstein, & Moffitt, 2003) compared to their non-antisocial peers. Unfortunately, the importance of adolescent onset patterns of violence and antisocial behavior is neither well researched nor well recognized. According to the U.S. Surgeon General Report (2001) on youth violence, as little as one-fifth of boys who are serious violent offenders by age 17 begin committing violent acts during childhood (Nagin & Tremblay, 2001). Notably, most serious youth offenders start perpetrating violence as adolescents. Of further concern, the majority of these offenders seem to “emerge from adolescence without warning” (U.S. Surgeon General Report, 2001, p. 43). Thus, the warning signs were not detected. The problem is that there exists a dearth of research on those populations most vulnerable to antisocial and violent behaviors. The research that does exist is primarily focused on predictors and prevention or intervention. Not enough research focuses on the antecedents and the processes of antisocial and violent behavior
how these behaviors come about in different developmental contexts. Of further concern, a high disproportion of the behavioral and social science literature focuses on the American, White middle class (Foney & Cunningham, 2002; Tolan, Gorman-Smith, & Henry, 2003; U.S. Surgeon General Report, 2001). The inadequate consideration that related literature gives to racial and ethnic minorities is exceedingly problematic given the comparatively high levels of risk to which they are exposed. Currently, in the United States, adolescents raised in low-income and urban communities are distinctly vulnerable to the development of antisocial and violent behaviors (Park, Lee, Sun, Vazsonyi, & Bolland, 2010). In these communities, rates of violent crime routinely occur at three times the national average rate (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). These communities are disproportionately comprised of racial and

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ethnic minorities and low-income families. Students from diverse backgrounds (e.g., racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic) are at an increased risk for social and behavioral challenges (Stevenson, 1997). Further, those adolescents who reside in harsh environments are exposed to a multitude of risk factors to which middle- and upper-class adolescents are typically not exposed. Although educational researchers have shown that antisocial behaviors are associated with both low- and high-income communities; however, the low-income context is of distinct importance. Antisocial behavior manifests differently in high- and low-income populations. Of those adolescents who are actively antisocial, low-income adolescents are more vulnerable to gun violence, homicide, and incarceration, compared to their high-income peers. Males, too, are at a distinct risk for antisocial behavior relative to females (Bolland et al., 2007; Cote, Vaillancourt, Leblanc, Nagin, & Tremblay, 2006; Deater-Deckard, Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1998). More research is clearly needed on aggression and risk within specific populations and environments. One of the most troubling gaps in the literature concerns urban African American adolescent males. Behavioral and social scientists have established that Black adolescent males represent one of the groups in American society most vulnerable to developing delinquent, antisocial, and violent behaviors (Aalsma, Liu, & Wiehe, 2011; Su et al., 2011). Too often, the research that does exist on Black males is pathology-driven (Cunningham, 1993; Spencer, 2006). The relatively few studies that do exist tend to examine the behavior of young children rather than adolescents (Barbarin, 1983; McMahon, Kotler, & Witkiewitz, 2010). While the focus on these environments is important, the empirical studies
associated with these social constructs
are underdeveloped.

Negative Life Events and Antisocial Behaviors Since the mid-1990s, social and behavioral scientists have shown that social and personal factors (e.g., racism, discrimination, and economic deprivation) contribute significantly to underachievement patterns of African American males (Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999; Spencer, 1995; Utsey, Bolden, Lanier, & Williams, 2007). However, empirical data are sparsest among African American youth educated in high achieving contexts, such as gifted or accelerated programs (Ford & Harris, 1996; Swanson, Cunningham, & Spencer, 2003). The present study examines a sample of

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high achieving African American male adolescents concomitantly educated in scholastic settings that promote high achievement. To this end, this study extends the literature because the sample was classified as high achieving, despite the almost ubiquitous presence of risk factors among the students comprising the sample. These factors are consistently linked to academic risk and poor academic outcomes (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2011). In conducting adequate and appropriate research on antisocial behavior in populations of urban African American male adolescents, strong considerations should be given not only to social context but also to the developmental process, as it occurs, within these low-income and urban communities. The adage that these children are products of their environment is an oversimplification of the matter at hand. In fact, copious youth living in similar conditions grow up to lead very successful lives. Those individuals who experience positive outcomes, despite their high-risk environments, have protective elements in their lives to buffer against risk factors, promoting a positive path of development (e.g., Corprew & Cunningham, 2012). By understanding the processes by which youth develop violent and antisocial behaviors, social and behavioral scientists can identify those elements that protect against negative youth outcomes; this is particularly important in risky environments. Moreover, in seeking to elucidate these processes, the research conducted should be guided by well-established theories. It is further helpful if the theoretical rationale was developed for and has been successfully utilized with the specific population being studied. In particular Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) Ecological systems theory and Spencer’s (1995, 2006) phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory (PVEST) are useful theoretical models that can facilitate understanding consequences associated with African American males. PVEST is an extension of Bronfenbrenner’s original work, and it accounts for participants’ unique perspective (e.g., How they perceive and interpret their experiences?). Further PVEST has been used extensively to study African American adolescents, lending credence to its utility as a conceptual template for the present study and its participants (see Spencer, 2008 for a review). Few studies have explicitly examined the relationship between negative life events and antisocial behavior among adolescents. But, extant literature generally agrees that the two are positively related: as negative life events increase so do antisocial behaviors (Compas, Malcarne, & Banez, 1992; Wills, Resko, Ainette, & Mendoza, 2004). Both these examples showed statistically significant links between negative life events and antisocial substance-use behaviors. Thus, the linkage to contextual challenges associated within many urban communities is less known.

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In examining the negative life event
antisocial behaviors relationship, this chapter classifies negative events into two categories: (a) personal challenges and (b) community violence. Personal challenges are often the most proximal risk factor for adolescents. However, personal events (e.g., hospitalization/major illness) are strong predictors of antisocial behavior and poor regulation stemming from stress related to adolescents’ personal stressors. Community violence is the most robust predictor of antisocial behavior and occurs at dramatically higher rates in urban and low-income communities (Ditton, 1999). However, during adolescence, negative events most often occur within the social contexts. Thus, we take the approach that the most robust way of impacting change is to understand how the proximal constructs (e.g., personal challenges) are linked to antisocial behaviors and focus on the aspects that can change (e.g., exposure to community violence). In doing so, we hypothesize that the relation that personal challenges have to antisocial behaviors is mediated by community violence. Thus, the results may be able to support solutions to improve the documented links among personal challenges, community violence, and antisocial behaviors.

METHODOLOGY Participants The African American male students who participated in the study were from two geographic regions of the United States (e.g., south central and east coast). The participants in the south central sample attended public high school half the day and spent the other half at their respective science and math program. In other words, the African American male students were part of a science and math school that promoted achievement. School records indicated that nearly 90% of study participants received free or reduced lunch. To be eligible for free lunch a family of two must earn less than $15,093 (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2001). A family of four must earn less than $22,945. For reduced lunch, a family of two must earn less than $21,479, and a family of four must earn less than $32,653. Despite the disadvantage and risk to which the south central participants were exposed, these students still managed to be academically high achieving. Further, the students qualified as high achieving because school records indicated that 88% of tenth grade participants passed the required

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statewide math examination in 2000, whereas the state’s average was 52%, and 96% of eleventh grade participants passed the statewide science examination, compared to 64% statewide. Although this study’s overall sample (n = 170) comprised entirely of males, the south central subsample (n = 68) derived from a larger ongoing research project that also included females (n = 138). Because the larger study investigated the social and educational experiences of urban adolescents, male participants from that investigation were well suited for this study’s design. East Coast Sample The 102 participants in the east coast subsample were recruited from a summer academy hosted by a major eastern university. The demographics of the student body at the academy fit this study well, being comprised of male adolescents of color from urban areas. Similar to the science and math setting located in south central, the east coast summer academy also promoted high achievement. The academy focused on preparing urban students for academic success beyond high school. As a requirement of enrollment, participants all possessed a passing grade point average (GPA) and an expressed interest in academics. Participants attended the academy to learn skills and academic competencies needed for success in college. The east coast participants qualified as academically high achieving. School transcripts indicated that students’ mean GPA was in the upper quartile of the national average for Black males in grades 9 through 12, categorizing them as high achieving (Davis, 2001).

Procedure Males from both school sites completed the same survey. The survey comprised of demographic questions and questions related to adolescent development. Adolescent assent and parental informed consent was obtained, prior to survey administration. At both sites, the survey was administered to groups of four to six participants at a time. At the south central site, surveys were administered by a research team of three to four advanced graduate and undergraduate researchers. Each research team included at least one African American male graduate student researcher. One person read the questions aloud, while the other researchers monitored participants’ progress to control for reading difficulties. Similar procedures were used with both the eastern coast site and the south central site;

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however, the eastern coast sample was all-male. Additionally, the participants completed the survey in 30 minutes to 1 hour.

Measures A revised Negative Life Events measure (Coddington, 1972) was used to examine negative experiences that occurred within the last year. The negative life event measure contained 36 questions, assessing stressors perceived by the adolescent. Based on past research (Cunningham, Hurley, Foney, & Hayes, 2002; Cunningham & Swanson, 2010; Francois, Overstreet, & Cunningham, 2011; Spencer, 2006), the negative life events measure was divided into five subscales: (a) community violence, (b) death, (c) school problems, (d) family problems, and (e) personal challenges. The participants responded to these items with one of two possible answers (0 = the negative event did not happen to you within the past year; and 1 = the negative event did happen to you at least once within the past year). Personal challenges contained 5 items, assessing self-reported stress in areas of employment, pregnancy, illness, physical change, and substance use. Community violence examined the effect of adolescents’ exposure to violence in their neighborhood and community. This construct comprised of 5 items, one of which addressed home invasion by police, and the other 4 concerned either experiencing victimization or knowing people who were killed in the last year. The Antisocial Behavior scale comprised of 8 items. Each of these items measured frequency of antisocial behavior using a 5-point Likert scale ([1] = never, [2] = once, [3] = twice, [4] = 3 to 4 times, & [5] = 5 or more times). The items assessed how frequently the following occurred within the past year: (a) stole something from a store, (b) damaged property for fun, (c) got in trouble with the police, (d) hit or beat someone up, (e) cheated on a test, (f) took part in a fight, (g) hurt someone bad enough they needed a doctor or bandages, and (h) used a weapon to get something from a person. The measure showed adequate internal consistency (α = 0.72).

RESULTS Descriptive information is presented first. As indicated in Fig. 1, the majority of the students reported not having personal challenges or exposure to

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0

2

1

3

4

5

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Personal Problems

Fig. 1.

Community Violence

Percentage of Student Reports of Personal Problems and Community Violence.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics of All the Variables.

Variable

Mean

Standard Deviation

Minimum

Maximum

Age Grades Personal problems Community violence Antisocial behaviors

15.67 2.74 0.45 0.78 1.66

1.17 1.04 0.84 1.14 0.65

13 0.50 0 0 1

18 4 5 5 4

community violence. The rest of these high achieving students reported the following: one personal problem (26.5%), 2 personal problems (4.7%), or 5 personal problems (1.8%). The reports of community violence ranged from 1 report (27.6%) to 5 reports (2.4%), and reports of antisocial behavior were moderate (M = 1.66, SD = 0.65) (see Table 1). As indicated in Table 2, results from zero-order correlations also indicated that the school site had a statistically significant relation to personal problems (r = 0.21, p < 0.01) and antisocial behaviors (r = 0.19, p < 0.05). The positive correlation indicates that the east coast sample reported more personal challenges and antisocial behaviors. Age and single parent household did not have statistically significant relations to any of the variables of interest.

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Table 2.

Zero-Order Correlations of All the Study Variables.

Variable

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.




0.09


0.02 0.03 −0.14+

−0.07 0.07 0.07


0.21** −0.01 0.06 −0.13


0.09 0.07 0.14+ −0.04 0.56***


0.19* 0.07 −0.07 −0.08 0.24** 0.31***


+

School site Age Grades Single parent household Personal problems Community Violence Antisocial behaviors

= p < 0.10; *p < 0.05; **p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

Table 3.

Partial Correlations Controlling for School Site.

Variable

1

2

3

1. 2. 3.




0.55***


0.22** 0.31***


Personal problems Community violence Antisocial behaviors

**p < 0.01; ***p < 0.001.

Because the correlations between school site and personal problems and community violence had statistically significant correlations, we partialled out the variance associated with school site in the partial correlations associated with main variables (see Table 3). The initial tests for mediation were met because all of the variables of interest had statistically significant correlations. More specifically, the correlations between personal challenges and community violence (r = 0.55, p < 0.001), as well as personal challenges and antisocial behaviors (r = 0.22, p < 0.01) were statistically significant. The correlations between antisocial behaviors and personal challenges (r = 0.22, p < 0.01) and community violence (r = 0.31, p < 0.001) were also statistically significant. The final analyses tested for mediation. School site was entered into the regression model as the control variable. The independent variable was entered in Step 2, and the mediator was entered in Step 3. As indicated in Table 4, the statistically significant standardized beta associated with the relation that personal challenges had to antisocial behaviors was statistically significant at Step 2 (β = 0.19, p < 0.05) and reduced to nonstatistically significant, when community violence was entered (β = 0.06, p = n.s.). The relation that community violence had to antisocial behaviors was statistically significant (β = 0.26, p < 0.01). The results also suggested that the

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Table 4. Step 1
control variable School site Step 2
independent variable Personal problems Step3
mediator Personal problems Community violence

Regression Testing for Mediation. B

SE

β

0.00

0.16

0.00

0.19

0.08

0.19*

0.06 0.26

0.09 0.09

0.06 0.26**

*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01.

relation that personal challenges has to antisocial behaviors is because of exposure to community violence. Exploratory analyses were executed because about half of the sample did not report exposure to community violence. Therefore, we examined as if exposure to community violence and personal problems would moderate the association to antisocial behaviors, but the interaction was not statistically significant. No further analyses were otherwise executed.

DISCUSSION The purpose of this chapter was to examine the linkage between negative life events and antisocial behaviors. We focused on two negative events (e.g., personal challenges and community violence). As indicated in the extant literature, research on antisocial behaviors in African American males is more common than not (Eley et al., 2003; Sameroff et al., 2004; U.S. Surgeon General Report, 2001). However, what was missing from the literature base was an examination of the processes that are associated with these challenging outcomes. Thus, we offer an alternative to problemfocused examinations of antisocial behaviors. While adolescence is a time of transition and change, it is also a time for opportunity and character development (Spencer, 2006). Personal challenges associated with being an adolescent are unavoidable. As Erikson (1968) posited, adolescents need opportunities to try out adult roles. For urban African American males, these trial and error periods often occur with challenging neighborhood contexts (Cunningham, Swanson, & Hayes, 2013). The personal challenges associated with being an adolescent are, therefore, exacerbated.

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In fact, as our results indicate, a mere focus on African American males’ personal challenges misses the story. We demonstrated a direct association between personal challenges and antisocial behaviors. However, exposure to community violence mediated this relationship. In other words, the relationship that personal challenges have to antisocial behaviors is associated with growing up in hostile neighborhood context. Thus, the study raises more questions. What are the consequences of growing up in an environment in which exposure to community violence is more the norm than the rarity? One response is noted by Cunningham et al. (2013). They examined how relationships between exposure to positive and negative community and school contexts were associated with hypermasculine attitudes in a sample of urban African American males. The results indicated that negative exposure in an individual’s neighborhood context accounted for more variance in the school context. The negative effect held two years later as well. The current study focused on antisocial behaviors and indicated that the community violence construct was more impactful than personal challenges. The results also suggested a greater need to focus on developing initiatives that fix communities versus fix students. This point is especially salient for the current sample of African American males in high achieving environments. A previous study has established that African American adolescent males who have supportive school personnel are less vulnerable to community challenges (Corprew & Cunningham, 2012). However, the influence of the community context is still crucially important. Studies from other samples of African American males highlight the fact that the community context impacts these males in several ways. For example, Stevenson, HerreroTaylor, Cameron, and Davis (2002) noted that African American males in the northeastern part of the United States who were early developers and therefore, big for their age, had more challenges from their community context than students who were developing on-time. In 2003, Cunningham et al. found that parents of urban African American adolescent males
who resided in the southeastern part of the United States and who were early developers
were concerned that their male children would be treated as adult men, so they used gender-specific parenting practices to buffer their sons from dangerous neighborhood contexts. In 1999, Cunningham’s longitudinal study of African American adolescent males found that hassles in the home environment were not as salient as challenges in the community context. The results of the current study add to this literature base. With a clear focus on antisocial behaviors, we demonstrated similar results. The personal challenges that many African American males face

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may have direct linkages to antisocial behaviors, but, without examining the context in which African American adolescent males grow up, an incomplete story is chronicled. Study’s Limitations The study is not without limitations. First, our study is cross-sectional and correlation, so causal conclusions cannot be made. The sample came from two distinct regions of the United States. As noted in the statistically significant relation between school site with personal challenges and antisocial behaviors, African American males in different regions of the country may have context specific experiences. Thus, more research is needed that examines neighborhood specifics. Qualitative investigations may be able to fill this void (see Roderick, 2003; Venkatesh, 2006). Nevertheless, our focus was on antisocial behaviors within a sample of African American males who attended high achieving educational programs. Thus, the results may not translate to African American males who attend failing schools.

CONCLUSION The ideas presented in this chapter highlight the importance of understanding the experiences of African American males, within their respective neighborhoods. Thus, the implications for professionals who work with males are evident. Not only do educational and noneducational professionals have to address the challenges African American males present, but they also should assist them with developing appropriate coping methods to deal with their neighborhood contexts. The focus on understanding African American males within their social or environmental context is not new. In fact, programs associated with moving families from challenging neighborhoods have not yielded positive results (e.g., Leventhal & BrooksGunn, 2003, 2011). What is mostly needed is a focus on assisting African American males to negotiate challenges where they live. Our program of research on African American adolescent males indicates that males may describe challenges in their respective neighborhoods, but it also indicates that they may like where they live (Cunningham, 1999; Cunningham et al., 2003; Cunningham et al., 2013; Cunningham & Meunier, 2004; Foney & Cunningham, 2002; Swanson et al., 2003). Thus, educational and noneducational professionals

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working with African American males should encourage them to understand the multiple environments in which they reside. Behaviors that may be acceptable in one’s neighborhood may not be acceptable in the school context. Educational professionals should continue techniques used earlier in childhood. Adults socialize children to interact within different environments. These socialization practices need to continue in adolescence. However, they have to be adolescent specific. For African American males, this means socializing them about where they live and how others may perceive them. Stevenson’s (2003) work exemplifies this point. Further, he and his colleagues encouraged teaching coping skills through athletics and culture. This approach is appropriate because it emphasizes not fixing the student but providing solutions.

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CHAPTER 9 WHEN FEDERAL LAW AND STATE POLICIES COLLIDE: AFRICAN AMERICAN BOYS ARE LADEN WITH MOMENTOUS CHALLENGES Keisha Fletcher-Bates ABSTRACT This qualitative study examined urban school personnel’s opinions, perceptions, and strategies in implementing the following: (a) locally mandated Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies, (b) nationally mandated standardized high-stakes testing laws, and (c) how the two combined can be counterproductive to one another. Three themes emerged from the research. The first and predominate theme that emerged and discussed was “perspectives that described the potential impact standardized high-stakes assessments have on African American male students that violate the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy.” The research and its recommendations are valuable to policymakers, education advocates, stakeholders, superintendents, boards of education, administrators, teachers, and parents.

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 193
216 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002027

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INTRODUCTION Institutions of learning, in the PreK-12 public school sector, are confronted with an array of educational and noneducational challenges in the 21st century era of school reform. Challenges range from school funding inequities, student competition among charter schools, curriculum reform, and changes to teacher evaluation (Casbarro, 2005). Additionally, heightened school security measures to ensure student safety and school accountability mechanisms, based on the outcomes of standardized tests, magnify these challenges (Cannell, 1989; Nichols, Glass, & Berliner, 2005; U.S. Department of Education, 2013). The challenges all combined significantly impact the overall educational outcome either positively or negatively on PreK-12’s most significant goal
student graduation from high school. Embedded within all the reforms and challenges schools encounter daily are local board policies, state revised codes and federal laws (Choi, 2011; Lashway, 2002). Educational reform laws are implemented to govern, regulate, set forth rules, and operate as a collective authority to implement consequences. When these binding agreements are not upheld, consequences to schools, school districts, staff, and students are inadvertently impacted by the penalties of school policy, code, and law (Daniel, 2006; Hickok & Ladner, 2007). These policies and laws, seemingly, are created to protect the rights of students. When policy and law collide with one another, the consequences can have huge ramifications to students. For instance, local school board policies (e.g., Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy) that enact student suspension and expulsion and the high stakes, standardized testing accountability aspect of the federal No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act
which impacts student graduation (No Child Left Behind Act, 2002)
can be counterproductive to one another. Casella (2003) contends that school district zero tolerance policies, such as those for student disruptive and inappropriate behavior, do not account for consequences that can exceed the duration of a suspension or expulsion. Thus, these educational policies may have long-term, negative impacts on students. The NCLB of 2001 requires that high stakes, standardized testing be administered to 95% of all students. Because of the requirements, countless school systems are confronted with many challenges in implementing the policy. For example, as students are expelled or suspended because of infractions to the school district’s Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy, they may miss the opportunity to take federal mandated highs takes, standardized tests, including graduation tests, during the term of their suspension and expulsion.

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NCLB is based on the premise that all children in America should have the chance to learn and to succeed (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). In his critique, Robert Brennan (2004) declared that NCLB and its regulations do not really focus on all children or even most children. Dunbar and Villarruel (2003) found that the disparate interpretation and implementation of Zero Tolerance Policies among school leaders negatively affects the educational experience of urban students. Consequently, when urban school board officials attempt to adhere to educational policy and law, respectively, imminent challenges arise. It seems that NCLB and Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies, with their interpreted policies, are concurrently implemented within America’s schools. Thus, educational leaders and policymakers main intent is to provide school safety and opportunities for student learning. The reality is that they can be counterproductive to one another, thereby institutionalizing inequality and lead to harsh ramifications for students, especially African American boys. Student consequences for nonparticipation or performance that does not meet specific grade-level requirements are no graduation from high school, grade retention/promotion, and long-term labeling as a low performance student (Casbarro, 2005; Daniel, 2006; Phillips, 2006). Another startling setback to students for nonparticipation on highs takes, standardized tests is increased student dropout rate, as a result of highs takes standardized testing, school suspensions, and expulsions (Wald & Losen, 2003). Since the inception of NCLB, educational researchers have questioned the utility of high-stakes tests because of the negative threats they present to economically disadvantaged students (Daniel, 2006) and students of color (e.g., African American boys). A strong correlation exists among highs takes, standardized student testing and student suspension and expulsion (Skiba & Rausch, 2004). Students who come from impoverished backgrounds and/or reside in low socioeconomic communities are frequently challenged with obtaining acceptable outcomes on standardized tests (Horn, 2003). Likewise, research on academic outcomes of a North Carolina school district indicated that student demographics, such as socioeconomic status and race, were the primary factors in the identification of students who were not successful on standardized tests (Okpala, 2002). Similarly, past research of Skiba, Peterson, and Williams (1997) indicated that school suspension is used disproportionately with students who are: male, poor, low achieving, identified as having a disability, and a person of color. According to the American Bar Association (2004), students of color, especially African American males, are more apt to encounter school

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suspension, and those students of color
who are suspended
are more likely to become involved in the juvenile justice system. This problem becomes even more alarming because African American males are much more likely to be detained at arrest, adjudicated, and sentenced to a custodial placement than white students (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2006; Payne, 2010). Thus, according to the Center for Community alternatives Justice Strategies (2005), “under-resourced urban schools that are ill equipped to address the needs of impoverished students, zero tolerance, and other punitive disciplinary policies, high-stakes testing, and racism are all pipeline components” (p. 2). Unfortunately, standardized tests tend to perpetuate and sustain pre-existing inequalities in American society. Boyden, Johnson, and Pittz (2001) further suggested that standardized tests reinforce institutional racism in society, with the following statement: Tests are founded on the racist notion that intelligence is genetically determined by race. Tests exacerbate racial inequality and the evidence of this is continual. Tests create a diversion of resources away from high quality equitable education for all. Tests trap low income students and students of color in cycles of poverty. Tests create a barrier to educational success. (p. 10)

There are a number of educational policymakers and activists who contend that school suspension and expulsion is detrimental to student learning and should be reexamined (Losen & Gillespie, 2012). Not surprisingly, those most frequently targeted for school punishment
in terms of race, gender, and socioeconomic status
are the individuals targeted for incarceration in society (Singer, 1996). It is not surprising that a disproportionate number of African American males’ life trajectories are compromised by Zero Tolerance Policies, which often alienate them from school and make them more susceptible to academic failure (Advancement Project/Civil Rights Project, 2000; Advancement Project, 2005). Despite the intent of these educational policies, the actual implementation of them is problematic, shedding light on a number of subjective factors that may be contributing to the educational disparities in many school systems (Wald & Losen, 2003). Educational researchers, such as Wald and Losen (2003), have illustrated how these educational disparities may also contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline. More specifically, the two researchers described the school-to-pipeline as: A journey through school that is increasingly punitive and isolating for its travelersmany of whom will be placed in restrictive special education programs, repeatedly suspended, held back in grade, and banished to alternative outplacements before finally dropping out or getting pushed out of school altogether. (p. 3)

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The contextualization of both the local Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy and the national NCLB mandate in relationship to standardized, highstakes testing and the influence of the two policies define the purpose of this qualitative study. More specifically, its purpose was to investigate the systematic methods in which PreK-12 urban educators responded to the conflicting mandates of complying with both NCLB and the school district’s Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy. Further, this study examined urban school personnel’s opinions, perceptions, and strategies in implementing the following: (a) locally mandated Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies, (b) nationally mandated standardized high-stakes testing laws, and (c) how the two combined can be counterproductive to one another.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS As one of my theoretical frameworks, I used Critical Theory. It is described as a willingness to call into question the entire social order to situate the concept of power relations at the center in discussing a dilemma (Tozer, Violas, & Senese, 2002). In other words, power structures have purposeful influence over the social order within problems a society encounters. Critical Theory epistemologies are transactional and self-reflective in nature and value motivated, and they aspire to critique, transform and liberate knowledge that has been distorted and supported by the social order (Hoy & McCarthy, 1994). It is justly inherent with morals tilted toward revelation versus deception. Critical theorists typically advocate in varying degrees of social action from overturning of specific unjust practices to radical transformations of entire societies (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Critical Theory began in the modernist or golden age of qualitative research (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). It provides voice to society’s underclass in an attempt to transform society into a just, balanced, humane, and reconciled world. The ontology of Critical Theory is premised on historical realism that understands power relations from multiple perspectives or realities. Critical theorists believe that there are prevailing constructions of truth, which can encourage inequalities within social, cultural, economic, ethnic, and gender principles that have evolved over time (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Yet, they realize that these principles have created the current reality within society (Ladson-Billings, 2000). Scheurich and Young (1997) and Ladson-Billings (2000) proclaim that Critical Theory endeavors to disrupt or elucidate the existing hegemony or status quo of oppressed

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people, whether their oppression is based on race, gender, ethnicity, language, class, sexuality, or other types of diversities. Critical theorists also acknowledge the ongoing necessity of adapting their concepts, theories, techniques to an ever-changing reality. Furthermore, critical theorists in pragmatic terms attempt to reduce suffering and promote happiness. Specific to Critical Theory, the influence of power relations is one of the factors that have potential connections to both high stakes, standardized testing and Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies. Boards of Educations, during the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy development process, often made decisions and recommendations about discipline. These decisions were ultimately implemented by all administrators and teachers, with the intent of serving all students. In such cases, Boards of Educations exhibit their hierarchical power, during this policy development. Additionally, building-level administrators often determined whether student suspension was warranted for a discipline infraction. Administrators also frequently decided whether the infraction exceeded their authority, required an expulsion hearing, and determined whether the offense warranted referral to the local police department for student detainment and incarceration. Thus, administrators and teachers engagement in the process of discipline development may determine the consequences for specific student infractions, interventions, rules, sanctions, supports, procedures and practices. Further, administrators may exhibit their hierarchical powers during the student disciplinary process, thus exhibiting facets of Critical Theory that influence power relations. The group dynamic of the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy development committee may also exhibit aspects of Critical Theory. Elements of Critical Theory may be evident in the actions of more experienced board members who may self-impose their hidden agendas through their dual leadership roles in relation to discipline. An outspoken teacher, administrator, union representative, and community member may advocate for their particular position, without equal consideration of others positions, demonstrating aspects of Critical Theory. Critical Theory is a paradigm concerned with investigating matters of power, control, and politics (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Kincheloe & McLaren, 2002). The acknowledgment of the influence of politics, power and control are factors that have potential connections to the implementation of high-stakes standardized testing. The federal government with its implementation of the NCLB specifically mandates school accountability and state standards in order to receive federal funding (Daniel, 2006; Testani & Mayes, 2008). A requirement of the Act is annual yearly progress on state tests. More specifically, the federal government makes decisions and recommendations

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about accountability to the state departments of education that is ultimately implemented by all school districts. The reality that high-stakes standardized testing is intertwined with legal implications reveals the politics. Funding is at-risk for failure to comply demonstrates control. In other words, the state, local, building, administrative, teacher and student consequences of high-stakes testing demonstrate the ontological assumption of Critical Theory. To conceptualize the depth of Critical Theory, it is important to also discuss Critical Race Theory (CRT) as it pertains to the racial impacts and cultural viewpoints of people of color (Hartlep, 2009). CRT is a product of legal scholars of color. It developed in the 1970s, with the timely effort of Derrick Bell and Alan Freeman (Delgado & Stefancic, 2000). CRT views racism as “normal but aberrant in American society” (Delgado, 1995, p. xiv). Denzin and Lincoln (2000) contended CRT is subsequently entangled in the fabric of the U.S. social order. Thereby, “it appears both normal and natural to people in this society” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 264). CRT departs from conventional legal scholarship by occasionally employing storytelling to “analyze the myths, presuppositions, and received wisdoms that make up the common culture about race and that invariably render blacks and other minorities one down” (Delgado, 1995, p. xiv). Furthermore, CRTs argue that the connection between educational inequity and social justice needs to be investigated with respect to how a modification in concepts of justice may give rise to different interpretations of educational equity (Tate, 1997). Moreover, CRTs commonly assimilate pragmatic information, drawn from a communal history as “other,” with their continuing struggles to transform the human race deteriorating under the impediments of racial hegemony. They are insistent on a critical assessment of liberalism by offering that, “whites have been the most important beneficiaries of Civil Rights legislation” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000, p. 264). Generally speaking, CRT centers on the position of “voice” in conveying supplementary influential power to legal discourses of racial justice. Thus, CRTs venture to introduce the cultural viewpoints of people of color, resulting from a frequent past of oppression, into their efforts to reform a civilization degenerating beneath the yoke of racial hegemony (Barnes, 1990). Examining the problem of the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy and high-stakes standardized testing through CRT provides a natural lens to examine the racist and discriminatory realities. Further, it offers a conventional lens for examining the infrastructure of American society (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas, 1995; Noguera, 2003; Parker & Lynn, 2002; Solorzano & Yosso, 2002).

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CRT was employed, as my second theoretical framework, to elucidate various underlying assumptions, codes, and practices of marginalization and exclusion that negatively impact the realities of African American students, especially affected by both high-stakes standardized testing and Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy. The profound influence of educational practice on African American males in particular was examined. Furthermore, both CT and CRT guided me to investigate the trends that are associated with the African American male experience in the educational system, such as the (a) disproportionate number of African American males that are suspended and expelled, (b) low standardized tests performance of ethnic minority students, (c) high grade retention and failure rates of ethnic minority students, (d) disproportionate number of African American males at-risk for juvenile incarceration, and (e) high dropout rates of ethnic minority students.

METHODS Participants A total of five middle schools and four high schools within a large, urban Midwestern School District agreed to allow their school personnel to participate in the questionnaire component of the study. The questionnaire asked thirteen Likert scale questions, such as Should high-stakes testing be used for student promotion?, Should school districts be sanctioned for students’ performance on standardized high-stakes tests?, Do the provisions of the NCLB Act increase student achievement? Is the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy useful to schools?, and Are students absent from highstakes testing due to suspension and expulsion a problem? One hundred and fifty-six questionnaires were collected and tabulated (N = 156). Two hundred and seventy questionnaires were distributed, and the return rate was 58%. For this chapter, some of the questionnaire findings were used to compliment the qualitative findings. The selection of school personnel who participated in the focus group and individual interviews comprised a purposeful sample of administrators, teachers, executive directors, curriculum coordinators, testing coordinators, school counselors, social workers, parents, union representatives, and teachers on special assignment who were employed by the Midwestern School District. In 1990, Patton asserted, “the logic and power of purposeful sampling lies in selecting information-rich cases for study in

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depth. Information-rich cases are those cases from which one can learn a great deal about issues of central importance to the purpose of the research” (p. 169). A total of three focus groups were completed. The first focus group comprised a total of seven leadership interns, five of the high school level and two of the middle school level. Of the seven participants, two were female, and five were male. The second focus group comprised a total of eight administrators in which all were high school principals, with the exception of one who was a central office administrator. Of the eight participants, three were female, and five were male. The third focus group comprised five assistant principals, all of the middle school level. Of the five participants, two were female, and three were male. School personnel were also selected, based on a purposeful sample, to participate in a voluntary 30-minute, individual interview. More specifically, I conducted 12 individual interviews, with a representative from each building that agreed to participate in the questionnaire. With the exception of the three central office administrators, all of the other individual interviews were with a representative from each building that agreed to participate in the study. Of the 12 interviews completed, three were with central office staff, one special education coordinator, one school counselor, three leadership interns (e.g., one was at the middle school level and two were at the high school level), one assistant principal, and four teachers (e.g., two were at the middle school level and one was at the high school level). Table 1 provides detailed information about all of the participants who were involved in the focus group interviews and individual interviews. Table 1.

Demographics of Interviewees.

Chosen Pseudonym

Gender

Race

Position

Sharon Barry Karen Rebecca Leroy Ali William Ms. J Nancy Annette Wayne Reni

Female Male Female Female Male Male Male Female Female Female Male Female

Caucasian African American African American African American Caucasian African American African American African American African American White Caucasian African American

Special Ed. Coordinator MS Teacher HS Leadership Intern MS Leadership Intern HS Teacher HS Leadership Intern MS Asst. Principal MS Teacher MS Counselor Central Office Central Office Central Office

Highest Level of Education M.A. B.A. + 30 M.A. M.A. M.A. M.A. M.A. B.A. + 30 M.A. M.A. + 30 Ph.D. Ph.D.

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Data Collections For this study, the methodological approach utilized was primarily qualitative research design. This research approach of design and analysis was chosen because it provided rich comprehensive data, while providing the most effective strategy for understanding the problem and incorporating numerical and textual data (Creswell, 2002). In an effort to triangulate the data, four forms of data were collected: (a) Likert scale questionnaire, (b) focus group interviews, (c) individual interviews, and (d) document analysis. A pilot study of the individual interview questions was administered to select school personnel (e.g., special education coordinator, middle school teacher, and principal). The intent of the pilot interviews was to specify questions for the actual study, practice interview techniques, create questions for the questionnaire, and determine the structure and time needed for the interview. All of the pilot interviews were audio taped, transcribed, and coded. Data analysis for the pilot interviews provided the initial underpinnings of the emerging themes and patterns. In addition to the pilot interviews, I conducted additional interviews (e.g., focus group and individual) as previously mentioned. These additional interviews were also audio taped, transcribed, coded, and analyzed with the pilot interviews.

Data Analysis First, information provided through the interviews (e.g., focus group and individual) and document analysis were transcribed and coded into data links (e.g., themes, concepts, beliefs, and behaviors). Second, identification of how these codes were linked to each other within the theoretical models (e.g., CT and CRT) was established. Third, I developed systematic, conceptually coherent explanations of the findings by utilizing a codebook, and writing reflective commentaries. Denzin and Lincoln (2000) indicated, “ ‘we grounded theorists’ code our emerging data as we collect it. Through coding we start to define and categorize our data” (p. 515). I coded and recoded the focus group and individual interviews, as insight developed and emerged in the direction of an empirically grounded theory (Kvale, 1996). Thus, I controlled the data analysis by utilizing explication of procedures. The initial step was to allocate codes for conveying elements of meaning to the expressive information accumulated for the duration of the study (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Three major themes and

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their subcategories emerged from the interview data. The first theme that emerged was “Perspectives that described the potential impact standardized high-stakes assessments have on African American male students that violate the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy.” Nine subcategories were linked to the first theme: (a) academic achievement weakens, (b) increased dropout rates, (c) graduation rate decreases, (d) qualified work force diminishes, (e) student trust of school diminishes, (f) exposure to standardized highstakes tests is limited, (g) poor and minority students affected the most, (h) students are pushed out, and (i) juvenile incarceration is perpetuated and matriculation to college decreases. The second theme that emerged was “Reasons contributing to the lack of educational access suspended and expelled students have in relationship to standardized high-stakes assessments,” and six subcategories were associated with the second theme: (a) Political
law and policy contradict, policy oversight, no advocates, (b) Psychological
avoidance, deliberate effort, unconscious testing neglect, (c) Economical
funding is scarce, (d) Cultural
lack of culturally relevant pedagogy teacher training, gender divergence, (e) Legal
federal mandates (NCLB) cascade to the state and local boards of education, no case law to establish a new law, and (f) Social
inequality permeates the system. The third theme was “Effective methods to reduce the marginalization caused by standardized high-stakes assessments and the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy,” and five subcategories were associated with this theme, such as (a) requisite for local policy and federal law, (b) requisite for culturally sensitive personnel concerning student discipline and pedagogy, (c) requisite for social and behavioral programming for students, (d) requisite for fiscal endorsement, and (e) requisite to consider all students as a means to narrow the achievement gap. As determined by the interview data and the other data sources, a preponderance of participants believed that students who were suspended and expelled should be provided with an opportunity to be administered the high-stakes, graduation assessments during the term of their suspension and expulsion. The majority of the school personnel participants rated the questionnaire item (e.g., students absent from high-stakes testing due to suspension) as obvious, serious, or very serious problem. One participant, in particular, agreed that this was a school problem. More specifically, with the following statement, the participant stated, “Because of the residual impacts, which could result from not partaking in the assessment, such as failing to graduate high school.” The results from the questionnaire also indicated that, out of the 156 completed questionnaires, 63% of the questionnaire participants rated the item as an obvious, serious or very serious

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problem. Further, according to the questionnaire findings, the majority of the school personnel respondents believed that some of these students negatively impacted the entire school population because of their absence from school, due to suspension during the administration of high-stakes standardized tests. In particular, Sharon (Caucasian, female, special education coordinator) expounded on this notion with the statement, “The students that are not provided with opportunities to take the test actually hurt our overall school and district statewide reports.” Moreover, 60% of the participants rated a questionnaire item (e.g., students that were absent during high-stakes standardized tests due to expulsion) as an obvious, serious, or very serious problem. Similarly, Karen (African American, female, high school leadership intern) asserted: The No Child Left Behind Act and its accountability measures force us to make sure that every student is tested. In reality, this is both good and bad. We have limited resources in schools, and from my understanding the mandate was underfunded in the first place. Still, no reasons to allow students that need these tests for graduation to fail. It is our responsibility to test them all! The sad part is that some students don’t realize the ramifications of test failure or test absence until their twelfth grade year. Then, it’s too late. Even more unfortunate are the kids that are expelled [who] usually have juvenile records with the court system, often poor, failing in school, and African American … we are failing in society as a whole to address the real dilemmas. Who’s going to advocate for these kids?

In 2003, Wald and Losen posited that high-stakes testing is increasing the number of minority students retained at grade level and denied high school diplomas for failure to master one or a set of mandated exams. To this end, 48% of the school personnel who completed the questionnaire disagreed or strongly disagreed that high-stakes standardized testing should be used for student promotion. Aligned with this point, one participant commented, “We are seeing students’ dropout at a younger and younger age. These tests perpetuate low student engagement, low teacher expectations and overall teachers are unenthused.” Additionally, several school personnel participants discussed the high stress, tension and anxiety the students are exposed to during the test administration. William (African American, male, assistant principal), more specifically, stated, “No wonder why these kids are dropping out and absent during testing. The pressures must exhaust them.” In 2005, Casbarro posited that standardized tests increase the totality of stress, tension, pressure, and anxiety students and teachers undergo; it decreases the amount of content being taught, due mostly impart to the excessive test preparation exercises. In sum, the identifiable commonality among all of the themes focused on student graduation.

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Those students who have not been afforded the opportunity to receive an education or access to standardized, high-stakes graduation assessments during the term of their expulsion have instantaneously decreased their chances of graduating high school. The perspectives of the participants also elucidated how one missed opportunity may have devastating consequences in the lives of African American male students. One participant commented: The students that don’t get to graduate with their class often stop coming to school altogether. They are embarrassed and ashamed. When you talk to them and try to discourage the decision they look you in the face and blatantly tell it’s not going to matter anyways, so why finish out the year. I’m not graduating!

School personnel also discussed the global impacts of students who do not graduate from high school. A component of the participant’s perceptions included the resounding thesis that “students are not prepared for the real world.” Each of the twelve school personnel respondents
who participated in the individual interviews
expounded on the long-term consequences of not taking the required high-stakes tests. Further, the educational cost to society increases because of the perpetuation of the school-to-prison pipeline. In 2002, Fork and Spector emphasized that highstakes testing may negatively regulate the number of people who obtain select jobs or careers. Similar to this point, one participant stated, “Short term the child losses out on an opportunity to get one step closer to completing high school. Long term that could be the added stress that the child may feel they could never make it, and then drop-out of school.” Although many of the participants spoke candidly about “teaching to the test,” they also discussed how challenging it was to enroll students frequently suspended and expelled back into their classes after they have missed so much school. Many of the school personnel referred to such students as being “lost” and “inattentive.” One participant, in particular, stated, “… the loss of instructional time really sets them up for failure of the entire course.” Another participant expressed frustration with suspended and expelled students who returned to school. More specifically, the school official stated, “How do you get them to pass a test, let alone a standardized test when they haven’t been in school?” For this study, the school personnel also perceived the problem affecting African American males as the most common; they were the student population most likely to be suspended and expelled. As an example of this belief, one respondent stated, “I see teachers fearing these [African American male] students.

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Teachers, because of their personal cultural experiences, do not always embrace other cultures.” Similar to this point, another interviewee asserted: We have a new class of students called the bubble students, and basically they are high enough to push over to make AYP. However, the students that NCLB truly need to assist, like the poor and the minority, are left behind. [Instead], intervention and programming is targeted toward those students that can score proficient [on high-stakes tests].

The NCLB legislation and the state’s department of education have not accommodated the expelled population of students by neglecting to create educational policies and laws to offer those students testing opportunities at all junctures within the educational process. Reni (African American, female, central office) said, “Legislation has not been created because these kids are considered to be the throw away population, that throw away type of kid. I believe if you look at the statistics and disparities you’re talking about a lot of African American [males].” CRT confronts racial subordination in schools and school districts (Ladson-Billings, 1998). These practices of marginalization and underlying assumptions that participant Reni refers as the “throw away kids” have perpetuated a cycle of normalization that unconstructively influences the veracity of African American male students. These assumptions and codes have a negative impact on their learning and social development. CT provides a lens for better understanding this phenomenon and situates the power relations at the center of the discussion (Tozer et al., 2002). Further, one participant asserted, “We make sure all tenth graders are tenth graders to ensure that they are eligible to take the [state test]. However, in some cases, students [who] are low performing are pushed out of school entirely or encouraged to dropout. Students [who] dropout often do not count against the school or district rating.” Aligned with this point, Sharon (Caucasian, female, special education coordinator) shared her perceptions of students who were absent during the administration of standardized, high-stakes tests with the following statement: The students that are not provided with opportunities to take the test actually hurt our overall school and district statewide reports. At one point, I think we thought kick those kids out that act up during testing to have a testing environment that’s conducive to academic performance. We quickly learned every score counts, especially if they’ve been at your school for over 120 days.

Educational researchers, such as Wald and Losen (2003), have suggested that the dropout rate is linked closely to high stakes, standardized testing and school suspensions and expulsions and ultimately the prison pipeline.

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Other researchers (Heitzeg, 2009) have found that the school-to-prison pipeline is often perpetuated in many schools systems, and, in some districts, it very widespread among those students that have been suspended or expelled from school. Similar to this assertion, one participant shared: A critical problem exists for students that miss high-stakes tests that have been expelled during the test administration. Students are students, and things happen throughout the course of childhood. But, to take away a child’s opportunity to graduate should not be an option. This simply should not be counted against the student in this format. It’s double jeopardy; this affects the child’s longevity in adulthood.

Another school personnel participant uttered, “Who are we failing? Definitely not just students, we fail society …” This statement was truly reflected in the sentiments of many participants. NCLB and its accountability measure may perpetuate a pattern of institutional racism and racial hegemony among those student populations who are denied access to the standardized assessment. Related to this point, one school personnel participant stated, “I think institutional racism happens all the time in education. Unfortunately, where it hurts the most is in education.” Another participant stated, “institutional racism or not regardless they are still our kids. Other school personnel participants shared that many students acted out to “escape” and “avoid” the test. Some school personnel spoke explicitly about African American males who were disproportionately impacted. Salient features that the African American males demonstrated were oppositional defiance and blatant disobedience of school rules, including acts of aggression. Equally important, numerous school personnel believed that there was a universal overtone of inferiority displayed by the African American male students. Further, these students tended to flaunt their poor motivation and effortless behavior. Behaviors that African American male students exhibited
at least perceived by the school personnel participants
were evasiveness, disengagement, and indifference regarding the significance of test outcomes. For example, according to the school personnel participants, many African American male students displayed the “I could care less attitude” and frequently said, “I don’t care and who cares.” Numerous school personnel indicated that the African American male students exhibited sluggish, unexcited, and unhappy behaviors before taking their tests. One hundred out of 156 participants who completed the questionnaire indicated that Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies were useful to schools. Numerous individuals who participated in the interview part of study

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referred to the policy as a mechanism to improve safety and a means for administration to handle severe behavioral issues, if needed. However, evident by previous research, the policy frequently produced unfair school outcomes (e.g., increased school dropout), and it often disproportionately affected African American students, special education students, and lowincome students (Skiba, 2000). Although the majority of the respondents agreed that Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies were useful to schools, past research argues that such educational policies promote instantaneous student suspension and expulsion. Thus, school districts in the United States are mandated by the federal government through the Guns Free School Act of 1994 to implement Zero Tolerance Policies, and, if they fail to implement such policies, these school districts become susceptible of losing their federal Title 1 funding disbursements (Skiba, 2000). Because many school districts are experiencing financial difficulty, they are unable to purchase the needed resources, offer the needed professional development, and/or hire needed school personnel to address insubordinate student behavior. As a result, many school districts and educators, around the nation, have opted to remedy the situation with student suspension and expulsion. The threat of withholding federal funding, if a Zero Tolerance Policy is not in place, demonstrates the mechanism of control that the federal government has and uses to ensure state boards of education maintain compliance. Therefore, the federal government imposes their power to the state departments of education; the state department of education imposes their power to the local school districts; the local school districts impose their power to schools; and eventually schools impose the power dynamic to students. Largely, the process is intertwined with legal implications that divulge the politics in the situation. Ladson-Billings (1995) posited that, if culturally relevant teaching is to be successful, it should meet three measures: (a) students must experience academic success, (b) students must develop and/or maintain cultural competence, and (c) students must develop a critical consciousness through which they challenge the status quo of the current social order. Similar to this point, one participant asserted, “We have failed to connect with students and to connect the curriculum to the student’s reality.” It is often believed that teacher’s attitudes about race, racism, and culture may influence their interaction with students. Through both set of interviews, many school personnel talked about the lack of “individualization” and “personalization” in the classroom setting. Several of them referred to high-stakes testing as a detriment to the deployment and usage of individualized

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education plans (IEPs) for special education students. As an example of this point, one school personnel stated: We no longer gage a student’s ability with the present level of performance on the IEP. We try [to] teach them the curriculum for the grade that they are in; in spite of the fact that they may be two to three grade levels behind their actual grade.

On the questionnaire, the school personnel respondents were asked to rate strongly agree, agree, neutral, disagree or strongly disagree on the statement that building-level administrators should be held accountable for participation rates on high-stakes, standardized testing. Forty-four strongly agreed or agreed with the statement, forty-seven were neutral, thirty-four disagreed, and twenty-eight strongly disagreed. In the interview with Leroy (Caucasian, male, high school teacher), I asked why he rated the response as strongly disagreed. He stated, “Administrators should not have to take the fall for a failing system. The challenges they face to run a school in an urban district are enormous. Systematic change is needed [but] not the constant blame game.” Another school personnel interviewee, Ali (African American, male, high school leadership intern), answered strongly disagrees. She supported her response to the questionnaire item with the following statement: It’s just too much to be a principal these days. They move them around as soon as they start being affective. Then, you get a building with low attendance scores, and [the school district wants] to penalize me the first year I get there … that sounds plain foolish. I believe principals do their best and implement everything within their power to provide incentives for students to attend for testing. But, you see an ice-cream cone, slice a pizza, and a snickers [bar] don’t cut it for the kids that have serious drug abuse, gang behavior, drug distribution, and parents that are either at work or not around to tell them to come to school. Now tell me … “What is a principal going to do about that, when they have 500 other kids to think about?”

On the questionnaire, school personnel participants were also asked to give their perception on whether students who missed taking their highstakes test, due to infractions of the Zero Tolerance Discipline Policy, should have the opportunity to be tested. The majority of them (69%) strongly agreed or agreed that the students should have an opportunity to be tested. Therefore, in order for the current situation to change, the federal government needs to make adjustments to NCLB to offer suspended or expelled students the opportunity to be administered standardized, highstakes testing during the term of their suspension or expulsion. In an

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interview with William (African American, male, middle school assistant principal), he stated: We are dealing with a fundamental problem that the government and the powers that be don’t address. By law, students that are expelled do not have legal rights to the test. Once again the federal government pushes stuff to the state and the state pushed it to the local districts that are required to implement. Who are we failing? Definitely, not just students, we fail society when we require the test for graduation, and then you get in trouble and are not permitted to have access to the test.

However, all the interviewees did not agree with this statement. In particular, Ms. Jay (African American, female, middle school teacher) was an outlier when asked why she rated the item as strongly disagreed. She replied with the following statement: A student brings a gun to school and is expelled; [Do] you think I’m jumping in line to test him? The reality is some students commit criminal acts that are beyond the school house and it’s not safe to try and test them. This problem has implications beyond what you and I really can comprehend. We are talking about race, socioeconomic class … I know what you mean, but I’m speaking on behalf of those people that aren’t from the hood [low-income communities] and who really are afraid of some of these kids. Safety has to be a priority.

Although the Ms. Jay was an outlier, her declarations did align with the other themes and subcategories. For example, Skiba (2000) explained that race and socioeconomic class are common variables used to predict suspension and expulsion among students. As consideration is given to this problem, it becomes important to realize that it impacts the realities of African American students, particularly males, in educational formats that are consistently ignored by both law and policy. Educational transformation needs to occur to ensure that all students have an equal opportunity to succeed in school. Based on the study’s findings, it is clear that there is strong disconnection between the federal statute and local suspension and expulsion practices. However, there is no single defining or identifiable action. Instead, this research has articulated the first critical step of exponentially exposing the problem and how the problem permeates our educational core in federal, state and local school practices. Nevertheless, regular education students, including gifted and Limited English Proficient (LEP) students, who are suspended and expelled have no legal rights to be administered high-stakes standardized assessment during the term of their suspension or expulsion. A review of a state association’s document revealed the following, “… there is no rule for a suspended or expelled students to be administered a graduation test or any test unless

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they are in special education.” Further, the majority of the interviewed participants indicated that they felt regular education students should have the opportunity to be administered high-stakes, standardized assessments and offered educational opportunities during the term of their expulsion. More specifically, Rebecca (African American, female, leadership intern) stated, “Policy needs to be developed for all students to receive education services when they are expelled. Society pays a higher price not to educate these children, which are predominately black males.” When the researcher asked her to elaborate further, she asserted: We either pay for these kids to be educated now, or we pay for them to be incarcerated later. I don’t think the powers that be get it. They can comprehend a provision for the special education student because the law makes them. But, for the powerless souls, like our black boys that have little to no advocates on the big hill, there is little to no help. I’m sorry … we need to stop and reflect on our practices, but this rarely happens. Reflection occurs only when the powers above the statehouse make radical changes, and we have no choice but to reflect, reinvent, and innovate.

Rebecca was also asked what she thought the district could do to reinvent and innovate; she replied: We have so many intelligent people in this district that think outside the box. But, I think their afraid to voice what they think to the state for fear of being black balled and called a trouble maker. It’s kind of like … “Who am I to be challenging a practice that is done nationwide?” “Who am I to be talking negatively about what the law doesn’t agree with?” These are scary times we are living in. These black boys really need a voice. When their parents aren’t educated they rely on us, people like me and you to talk for them. These kids get no social skill training, no education, and you think if you give them an early vacation they’ll come back with better behavior. Think again, doesn’t happen, often times their worse.

In 2006, Daniel stated, “Ironically, [the state] had been praised by the United States Department of Education as one of six states to have in place a proficiency exam at the time of the federal NCLB legislation” (p. 6). Further, according to my document analysis of the federal NCLB statute and the state’s Revised Code, no current legislation existed
at least during the time of the study was conducted
that allowed expelled regular education students the opportunity to be administered high-stakes, standardized assessments during the term of their suspension or expulsion. Thus, it appears that the federal governments praise and positive reinforcement to the state regarding its accountability system has admonished its vision to incorporate standardized assessments for all. It is important to note that a typical urban school district has a high rate of socially economic disadvantaged and minority students. Extant research suggests that low-income

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students who lack the cultural capital to achieve proficiency tend to do poorly on high-stakes standardized tests and are typically students of color (Daniel, 2006). In 2000, Skiba contended that there is an overrepresentation of minorities in school discipline. That being said, it may serve urban school districts more favorably to test as many students as possible, including African American males.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Federal, state, and local authorities have an imminent responsibility to assure that all students, including those that are suspended and expelled, have access to standardized high-stakes assessments. For this study, both CT and CRT provided a lens to recognize the hierarchical powers that have influenced this situation. Additionally, they helped me contextualize the findings by recognizing the power of race and inequities that are inherent in the American educational structure, especially for Black boys. Combined together, the frameworks helped illuminate the power of educational policy and its apparent consequences. More broadly, educators have a responsibility to recognize the potentially adverse situations that law and policy have imposed on the students that they serve. The controversial NCLB mandates may be counterproductive to Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies and impose unjust patterns of punishment to educationally and economically disadvantaged students. Thus, individual schools and school districts are impacted adversely, when any students are not afforded opportunities and access to standardized high-stakes assessments. Therefore, it behooves educational constituents to advocate and initiate systematic strategies that enable all students’ access to standardized, high-stakes assessments. Recommendation for Educational Practice Based on the study’s findings, several recommendations can be implemented, such as allowing expelled students access to online education during the term of their suspension or expulsion. School leaders should consider hiring a full-time testing coordinator. This individual could assist with any special test taking arrangements and testing compliance for suspended and expelled students. Additionally, the testing coordinator could be present at all expulsion hearings to create or modify the students testing plan during the term of the expulsion.

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Utilize counselors and social workers to work with those African American male adolescents that are at-risk for failure, suspension, or truancy. Implement positive reinforcement and school-wide reward systems as incentives for students to reduce discipline infractions and excel academically. Create an Early Intervention Testing Committee to provide oversight and/or design strategies for suspended or expelled students who may have missed their high-stakes standardized tests. Further, school systems can disaggregate their demographic data by ethnicity, gender, disability and socioeconomic status to monitor the number of students who are impacted by this phenomenon. School personnel should utilize this rich data to target the students who have missed testing opportunities, due to suspension and expulsion. From the data, they can create interventions, testing plans, and behavior protocols to prevent students from falling into this crisis on future high-stakes tests. They also should inform the individual students who have been impacted and provide them with their personal data, including explanations to what the data reveal. Teachers, in particular, can use the disaggregated data to drive instructional planning, intervention strategies and classroom management techniques. School personnel also should be provided ongoing professional development, focusing on culturally relevant pedagogy, data analysis, diverse learners, classroom management and relationship building. School systems should provide the community and parents disaggregated data analysis as it relates to standardized, high-stakes tests and discipline data. Having this data and supporting information may empower students’ families and the stakeholders in their lives (Bernhardt, 2004).

Recommendation for Educational Policy and Research School systems need to create an effective policy that allows all students
who have been suspended or expelled
to be administered high stakes, assessments during nonschool hours and during the term of their suspension or expulsion. Similar to other reporting requirements of the NCLB Act, education policymakers require that school systems report the number of students who missed high-stakes assessments due to suspension and expulsion. Education policymakers should also request that school systems report the number of days such students have been suspended and/or expelled, report the specific discipline infraction, and report other student demographics (e.g., ethnicity and gender). Requiring that school systems publically share this data help determines if suspension and expulsion is

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a problem among specific demographic groups. This study sheds initial findings on the topic; however, more research is needed. It is recommended that educational researchers consider conducting a longitudinal study on the topic, examining the effects school suspension and expulsion have on students not given the opportunity to take high-stakes, graduation assessments due to their school suspension or expulsion. A follow-up study to this research should be considered to determine if any specific demographic groups are more effective than others.

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23. Casella, R. (2003). Zero tolerance policies in schools: Rationale, consequences, and alternatives. Teachers College Record, 105(5), 872
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Creswell, J. W. (2002). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative and qualitative research. New York, NY: Pearson Education. Daniel, P. T. K. (2006). No child left behind: The balm of Gilead has arrived in American education. Education Law Reporter, 206(3), 791
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41. Hoy, D., & McCarthy, T. (1994). Critical theory. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Kaiser Family Foundation. (2006, July). Race, ethnicity and healthcare. Fact sheet. Retrieved from http://kaiserfamilyfoundation.files.wordpress.com/2013/01/7541.pdf Kincheloe, J. L., & McLaren, P. (2002). Rethinking critical theory and qualitative research. In Y. Zou & E. T. Trueba (Eds.), Ethnography and schools: Qualitative approaches to the study of education (pp. 87
125). Maryland: Rowman & Littlefild Publishers. Kvale, S. (1996). Interviews
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165. Ladson-Billings, G. (1998). Just what is critical race theory and what’s it doing in a nice field like education? International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 11(1), 7–24. Ladson-Billings, G. (2000). Racialized discourses and ethnic epistemologies. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lashway, L. (2002). Using school board policy to improve student achievement. Eugene OR: ERIC Clearinghouse on Educational Management. Received from ERIC database (ED472183). Losen, D. J., & Gillespie, J. (2012). Opportunities suspended: The disparate impact of disciplinary exclusion from school. Executive summary. Los Angeles, CA: Civil Rights Project. Retrieved from ERIC database (ED 534184). Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). An expanded source book: Qualitative data analysis (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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Nichols, S., Glass, G., & Berliner, D. (2005). High-stakes testing and student achievement: Problems for the no child left behind act. Tempe, AZ: Education Policy Research Unit, Arizona State University. Retrieved from ERIC database (ED531537). No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act of 2001. (2002). Pub. L. No. 107-110, § 115, Stat. 1425. Noguera, P. A. (2003). The trouble with Black boys: The role and influence of environmental and cultural factors on the academic performance of African American males. Urban Education, 38(4), 431
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22. Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods (2nd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Payne, M. (2010). Educational lynching: Critical race theory and the suspension of Black boys. San Francisco, CA: San Francisco State University. Retrieved from ERIC database (ED516138). Phillips, M. (2006). Standardized tests aren’t like T-shirts: One size doesn’t fit all. Multicultural Education, 14(1), 52
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316. Skiba, R., & Rausch, K. (2004). The relationship between achievement, discipline, and race: An analysis of factors predicting ISTEP passing percentages. Bloomington, IN: Center for Evaluation and Education Policy, University of Indiana. Retrieved from ERIC database (ED488899). Skiba, R. J. (2000). Zero tolerance, zero evidence: An analysis of school disciplinary practice. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Education Policy Center. Solorzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2002). Critical race methodology: Counter-storytelling as an analytical framework for education research. Qualitative Inquiry, 8(1), 23
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8.

CHAPTER 10 CREATING A COLLEGE-GOING CULTURE FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES IN MIDDLE SCHOOL: A BLUEPRINT FOR SCHOOL COUNSELORS Erik M. Hines, Paul C. Harris and Dwayne Ham Sr. ABSTRACT In this chapter, the authors discuss how school counselors may create a college-going environment for African American males in middle school. The authors use Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) Ecological Systems Theory to explain how environmental influences impact African American males’ college trajectory, both positively and negatively. Moreover, they use Ecological Systems Theory to discuss how multiple stakeholders (e.g., school counselors and parents) and various structured activities that align with the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness (NOSCA, 2010) may promote college preparation among Black male middle school students. The authors also present two case vignettes as examples of how school counselors may assist African American males for postsecondary

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options. In closing, the chapter concludes with implications for educational policy, research, and practice.

INTRODUCTION Preparation for college among middle school students has become an educational priority in the United States (Hoff, 2002). President Barack Hussein Obama’s goal for the country is to have a “higher proportion of college graduates in the world by 2020” (The White House, n.d., p. 1), given the United States ranks 16th in degree/certificate completion in comparison to similar countries (The White House, n.d.). To achieve this mandate, college readiness should start early with a strong focus on the country’s most vulnerable youth (e.g., Black males). Specifically, the educational attainment gap between African American males and their White male and Black female counterparts is dismal (McDaniel, DiPrete, Buchmann, & Shwed, 2011). In 2009, 14% of African American males attained a bachelor’s degree or higher compared to 32% of White males (Kim, 2011). In order for African American males to acquire a college degree, educators need to assist them in becoming college ready. It is clearly evident that exposure to college readiness and preparation is needed to increase aspirations among Black males, not to mention college completion. Thus, many educational researchers believe that academic preparation should start in middle school (Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000b; Hossler & Gallagher, 1987; Radcliffe & Stephens, 2008); the ideal school level to expose students to postsecondary information and activities. As a way of addressing college readiness for African American male middle school students, school personnel, such as school counselors, should play a major role in helping students in the areas of career and educational development. Not only are school counselors highly trained in the aforementioned areas, they also have the latitude to work with parents, teachers, and community members in highlighting the importance of college preparation for African American males and creating pathways to college enrollment.

RATIONALE African American males have historically been an underserved population throughout the educational pipeline (Jenkins, 2006). While there are

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strengths within African American males that middle school educators can accentuate to facilitate their educational engagement and development, there are historical and social challenges many in this group bring to the classroom that should also be acknowledged. For example, African American males have long been overrepresented in the prison system. “By the end of June 2005, more than 2.1 million people were incarcerated in U.S. jails and prisons. Almost 550,000 of them were African American men between the ages of 20 and 39, or about 12% of African American men in that age group” (Arias, 2007, p. 1). The psychological, social, physical, and personal burdens
due to dire systemic inequities
that African American males frequently experience should be considered if the educational disparities are to improve. Given the educational lag in African American males’ early schooling experiences, many of these students are not graduating from high school and pursuing college at the same rate as their White peers (Warde, 2008). Roderick, Nagaoka, and Coca (2009) suggest that content knowledge and basic skills, core academic skills, noncognitive or behavioral skills, and college knowledge are the four key skills necessary for students to be college ready. “While policymakers at the national, state, and local levels have endorsed the movement to raise academic rigor and demand college and career readiness for all students, the stark reality is that the educational pipeline loses far too many young people before they can even enter postsecondary education” (Hooker & Brand, 2010, p. 75). Data related to academic achievement, graduation rates, college matriculation, and career achievement suggest that African American males constitute a student group of great concern (Wyatt, 2009). Further, educational differences persist between African American and Whites in high school completion and college enrollment, and African American males continue to underachieve and achieve low (Uwah, McMahon, & Furlow, 2008). In 2010, 52% of African American males completed high school compared to 78% of their White male counterparts (Schott Report, 2012). Such data suggest that African American males need targeted college readiness interventions and development. Given that career development is a life-long process (Niles & HarrisBowlsbey, 2013), it is imperative that, at each life stage, there is some level of academic and career intervention to facilitate this kind of growth. Thus, it is critical to first understand what the needs (i.e., career development) are at each stage. Assistance provided at the middle school level, for example, should be sensitive to the contextual, physical, and emotional transitions that middle school students experience (Akos, 2004), especially African American males. Students in middle school are particularly ripe for

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college and career interventions, given their developmental readiness to set vocational goals, develop skills for civic competence, enhance selfunderstanding, and engaging in educational and occupational exploration (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). According to the Niles and HarrisBowlsbey (2013) and the National Career Development Guidelines (NCDA, 2004), the following career development goals are considered appropriate for middle school students: (a) enhance self-understanding, (b) understand how to engage effectively in educational and occupational exploration, (c) and career planning. Critical to achieving these career development goals are developing interpersonal skills, understanding the relationship between work and learning, developing the skills to make effective decisions, and understanding the interrelationship of life roles (NCDA, 2004). Therefore, we use Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) Ecological Systems Theory as our framework to highlight the various external influences that often shape college readiness and the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness (National Office for School Counselor Advocacy [NOSCA], 2010) as a guide that school counselors can use to prepare African American middle school males for postsecondary opportunities.

Ecological Systems Research has shown that sociocultural and other environmental variables (e.g., parental involvement, school culture, and teacher expectation) may influence student academic and social development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Stewart, 2007). Five categories of influence encompass Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) Ecological Systems Theory: (a) microsystem, (b) mesosystem, (c) exosystem, (d) macrosystem, and (e) chronosystem. The microsystem is the level where the child is directly influenced by the closest interactions and relationships (Berk, 2000; Bronfenbrenner, 1979). These social interactions are usually with parents, friends, school, and the community (Berk, 2000), and they tend to be bidirectional given that the child may influence the relationship as well. The mesosystem focuses on relationships between the individual’s microsystems, such as the how the child’s parents interacts with the school. The exosystem plays an indirect role in the development of a child. For example, home property taxes tend to fund most school districts and the level of school funding determines the quality and amount of instructional resources the child may receive in his or her school system. However, the macrosystem focuses on the sociopolitical influences that tend to subtly influence personal development, such as state laws and

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regional values and customs. Finally, the chronosystem is the set of interactions that may influence development over the course of a child’s lifetime, such as marriage or death of a parent.

ACHIEVEMENT OF AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES A myriad of educational and noneducational factors affect African American males’ ability to achieve at an early age (Ford & Moore, 2013; Noguera, 2008; Vega et al., 2012). Oftentimes, the systematic educational failure of Black males stretches as early as the elementary school years, where children and families are initially introduced to special educational services (Harry & Anderson, 1994). African American males are more likely to be classified as mentally retarded, emotional disturbed or with a specific learning disability (Patton, 1998; Smith, 2004). Of these designations compared with other student populations, they represent the highest concentration of students identified as mentally retarded, developmentally delayed, and learning disabled (Patton, 1998). Given the overrepresentation of African American males in special education, this service may provide little hope for these students to have the same opportunity to be academically successful as their peers not receiving special education services (Bradley, Johnson, Rawls, & Plunkett, 2006). Generally speaking, more African American males tend to be enrolled in special education than in gifted and talented programs (Ford, 1998). Gifted programming typically offers students rigorous and contentrich academic spaces that are believed to increase the likelihood of them attending postsecondary institutions (Henfield, Owens, & Moore, 2008). African American males, unfortunately, comprise only 20.3% of gifted and talented programs, while Latinos comprise 29.6% and Whites 38.4%, respectively (National Center for Education Statistics, 2009). One of the most consistent indicators for college readiness in high school is data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP). In 2011, only 6% of African American males were proficient in mathematics compared to White males who were five times more likely to be proficient (College Board, 2011). In grade 12, only 12% of the total population of African American males was proficient in reading, while other student groups (e.g., Black females [22%], Caucasian males [40%], and Caucasian females [53%]) achieved better scores (College Board, 2011). Because of these education trends, African American males are less likely to obtain appropriate qualifying scores on college entrance examinations, such as the

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Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) and American College Testing (ACT). More specifically, only 30% of African American males complete the minimum requirement to graduate from high school and enroll in college, requiring many of them to complete remedial courses to continue their education at a postsecondary institution (College Board, 2011). Further, the NAEP reports that African American eighth grade students remain 30 points behind their White counterparts (NCES, 2009). Dating back to 1992, this education trend has remained constant. Compared to 44% of White males, only 12% of African American males were proficient in reading in eighth grade (NCES, 2009). With these education trends, there is increasing need for school counselors and other school personnel (e.g., teachers and administrators) to play a more active role in supporting the academic, career, and social developmental needs of Black males (ASCA, 2012). When they do not receive needed support in these developmental areas, they are more likely to academically disengage or engage in activities counter to school success (Harper, 2012). School counselors generally assume the responsibility of providing access, equity, and social justice to those students who seek admissions to college (Trusty & House, 2004). Stated differently, school counselors assume responsibility of supporting students’ academic and career needs by sharing pertinent resources and opportunities that best fit their personality, academic progress, financial support, and collegiate interests (ASCA, 2012; The Education Trust, 2009). Therefore, examining school data, such as grades, test scores, and school attendance, is crucial for helping African American males make an informed decision about postsecondary education. In middle school, school counselors should begin their examination of the cumulative record by investigating the elementary grades of students, identifying any potential academic strengths and weaknesses or attendance and truancy patterns. With this in mind, the College Board’s NOSCA (2010) measures the school success of students by using data measures reflective of achievement (e.g., performance scores in reading and mathematics), persistence (e.g., absenteeism and truancy) and support (e.g., parental and community engagement). To this end, the data suggest that too many of African American males are confronted with educational and noneducational challenges that hamper their transition from middle school to high school (NCES, 2009). During 2009
2010 school year, 17% African American students were suspended at least once during the school year compared to 7% of Latino and 5% of White students (Schott Report, 2012). Given these grim statistics, school counselors should take an active role in working with African

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American males and other vulnerable student populations using the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness into their school counseling efforts (NOSCA, 2010). They should also extend themselves by working closely with the parents of these students. It is well documented that engaging parents in the college and career process of students is a worthwhile endeavor (NOSCA, 2010).

COMPONENTS OF COLLEGE AND CAREER READINESS Creating a college-going school culture requires an investment in students and commitment to preparing them for the rigors of postsecondary education. It also requires a comprehensive and seamless approach in introducing, supporting, and sustaining student interest and commitment to a postsecondary education. As a way of assisting school districts in this quest, the NOSCA developed the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness Counseling (NOSCA, 2010). The components are comprehensive and systemic in nature, focused on (a) college aspirations, (b) academic planning for career and college readiness, (c) enrichments and extracurricular engagement, (d) college and career exploration and selection processes, (e) college and career assessments, (f) college affordability planning, (g) college and career admissions processes, and (h) transition from high school graduation to college enrollment (NOSCA, 2010). The first six components, in particular, are viewed as the most appropriate activities for middle school students. Although all eight components are designed for use across grades PreK-12, we focus our attention on how school counselors may use the first six specifically with African American male middle school students. Again, school counselors are in a good position to prepare African American middle school males for college. They can nurture their college aspirations, as outlined in the first component of college and career readiness counseling. To this end, NOSCA (2010) states the goal of college aspirations is the following: Build a college-going culture based on early college awareness by nurturing in students the confidence to aspire to college and the resilience to overcome challenges along the way. Maintain high expectations by providing adequate supports, building social capital and conveying the conviction that all students can succeed in college. (p. 3)

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At this juncture of school, school counselors should work with all stakeholders (e.g., parents, community, and school personnel) to introduce or broaden the concepts of college readiness for Black males. More specifically, middle school counselors may start school wide by creating a college and career day. They could easily simulate a college night often developed in high school, where college recruiters can come to the school and talk with students about the value of college and how to start preparing for it. Further, the college recruiters may discuss how middle school is the foundation for academic success in high school, and they should emphasize how good study habits, positive behavior, and completing home/school work in middle school are skills needed to be successful in high school and beyond. Additionally, school counselors can bring African American male professionals for career day to share about their occupations with African American male students. This experience may give African American male middle school students a chance to engage professionals who look like them and discover what educational pathways led to the speakers’ careers. Additionally, school counselors should have ongoing interactions and conversations with their African American male students about their career interests and what they need to accomplish their educational and career goals. The use of group counseling as a format to facilitate discussions on college and career readiness is an excellent method for facilitating college and career readiness among African American male middle school students (Love, 2008; White & Rayle, 2007). These students are able to closely interact not only with their school counselor(s), but also with other students about their college and career aspirations. In 1987, Hossler and Gallagher suggested that student peers are powerful influencers on the student decision making process about college. Therefore, it is reasonable to believe that the group counseling process could be an excellent intervention for facilitating the college-going process. Parents arguably have the most significant influence on students’ decision to pursue or not pursue postsecondary education (Bergerson, 2009; Cabrera & LaNasa, 2000a, 2000b; Perna & Titus, 2005; Sandefur, Meier, & Campbell, 2006). Education, social, and economic factors, such as educational level, family structure, and family income, also have profound effects on the college-going process for students of color (Bergerson, 2009; Freeman, 2005). Harper (2012) found, for those African American males who did attend college, that their parents constantly communicated the importance of college and, in some cases, conveyed not attending was not an option.

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Because of their educational training and scope of work, school counselors can help parents nurture college aspirations of African American males by engaging them in candid discussions about their future college and career goals, explaining the benefits of college and ensuring they take rigorous courses from middle school until they graduate high school. Additionally, school counselors can identify community resources that may assist Black males in their quest for college. They also can develop effective methods of communications that keep parents informed of any special opportunities or networks for promoting college readiness among students (Hines & Holcomb-McCoy, 2013). The second component noted as essential for college and career readiness counseling is academic planning. Academic planning is critical, at the middle school level, because it is in this time frame that such planning really impacts the trajectory of students’ level of academic rigor and subsequently shapes college and career readiness for students (Huerta, Watt, & Butcher, 2013). For example, African American male students who are able to take Algebra 1, while in middle school, are much more likely to get to the level of Advanced Placement Calculus, a college preparation class, prior to them completing high school. Taking a foreign language in middle school equally affords African American male students the opportunity to enroll in Advanced Placement foreign language classes while in high school, putting them in an excellent position for college admissions, given their demonstrated ability to succeed in very challenging courses. Creating these opportunities in African American males’ middle school academic plan allows time in high school for them to take electives that further support their academic and career interests. It is quite likely that students’ academic and career interests may become more crystallized as they progress through the educational pipeline (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). It may allow African American males to begin connecting their academic coursework to their academic and career interests. Also, it may allow them to better facilitate their college and career searches and more easily locate postsecondary options aligned with their academic plan. The implications of strategic academic planning in middle school are vital to whether or not students pursue postsecondary education (Huerta et al., 2013). For African American males, it may help to facilitate their academic self-efficacy early on, which is often lacking due to being constantly drawn to other endeavors (e.g., sports) more acceptable by society for this group (Harris, 2012). Furthermore, it allows for these kinds of opportunities to complement their academic pursuits and not be educationally exploitive in nature. Therefore, middle school counselors should expose African

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American male students to appropriate enrichment and extracurricular engagement activities that may augment and enhance their academic development (Bryan, Moore-Thomas, Gaenzle, Kim, Lin, & Na, 2011). Enrichment and extracurricular engagement is the third component of college and career readiness outlined by NOSCA (2010). Sports, as previously mentioned, are often the extracurricular activity of choice for many African American males in middle school (Harris, 2012). Thus, sports have the potential for being an extraordinary mobilizing mechanism for African American males in middle school (Harris, 2012). The many life lessons and overall positive youth development that can be realized through sports is more likely with the effective intervention of the school counselor. Beyond sports, however, there are a variety of means in which students can learn life lessons and be more actively engaged and connected to the school culture. School counselors are in an excellent position to get to know the strengths, interests, and aspirations of African American male students and to connect them with various outlets for them to explore such interests. African American males have historically been seen as at-risk for being alienated from the academic context (Cokley, McClain, Jones, & Johnson, 2011). School counselors
who understand this dynamic and the importance of human connection
can be critical in assisting African American males in connecting to the school while still nurturing their talents, leadership potential, and character development in the process. Through summer enrichment, extracurricular activities, or employment, such out-of-school activities are an asset for students in their preparedness for college and career (Greene & Staff, 2012), especially African American males in middle school. Component four, Exploring College and Career Exploration and Selection Processes, builds on the previously mentioned components by exposing African American males in middle school to various school and nonschool opportunities that tie into their motivation to be academically successful and their decision to pursue a postsecondary option. At this stage, school counselors may coordinate local college tours to help students obtain a better understanding of college. Further, to ensure that African American male students leave with a memorable experience of the tour, some educational researchers (Radcliffe & Bos, 2013; Radcliffe & Stephens, 2009) suggest including a writing marathon approach as a college tour activity. A writing marathon may comprise students writing about their experiences at different interest points (as designed by the leader) of the college tour. Through the writing marathon approach, students are able to share their experiences with the designated school chaperone (e.g., school

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counselor) and no response is needed other than “thank you for sharing” (Louth, 2002; Radcliffe & Bos, 2013). This exercise gives students, such as African American males, an opportunity to be reflective and receptive of their feelings and thoughts about actually engaging in the college experience. School counselors can also provide African American males with college and career planning materials as a part of the middle school academic planning process, as suggested by Reid and Moore (2008). Since individual counseling is seen as an important facet of school counseling (ASCA, 2012), this one-to-one experience may give African American males in middle school a chance to formulate their goals with their school counselors but in the absence of parental or peer pressure. Middle school counselors should also expose their students to other experiences, such as learning about the various colleges, universities, other postsecondary institutions in their native state, ensuring they take rigorous courses while in middle school, and working with their prospective high school counselors to create a successful transition to continue building on the foundation of college preparation. The fifth component of college and career readiness, per NOSCA, is the use of college and career assessments. These instruments can be incredibly useful tools for middle school counselors to employ when counseling African American males about college and career choices. College and career assessments may vary in purpose and approach; they may entail observing student behaviors participating in job-simulation activities or engaging the student in a counseling interview, where critical career concerns and biographical data are obtained (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). Regardless of the approach, middle school counselors should keep in mind that culture plays a significant role throughout all phases of the assessment process (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). For African American males, the unique experience lived in America should also be considered if the data gathered is to be used appropriately. African American males bring to school with them a unique experience, such as: A history of oppression that has effected [their] family unit, a life of poverty or some form of economic struggle, a community of criminality and violence or some form of racial frustration, a generation of enraged and inadequately educated parents and elders, and the beginnings of deep psychological and esteem issues that take root with this first engagement in society (preschool, cartoons, etc.). (Jenkins, 2006, p. 144)

Given that self-awareness is critical at the middle school level (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013), college and career assessments, such as the MyersBriggs Personality Inventory, may be appropriate to begin facilitating the

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discussion and thought process about the student’s preferences, interests, and tendencies. Similarly, the Self-Directed Search (Holland, 1994) may be useful in helping the students to identify and clarify their educational interests and abilities and the potential careers that match those traits. In component six, College Affordability Planning, middle school counselors are charged with the duty of helping students and parents understand the financial aid process and the plethora of options available to pay for college (NOSCA, 2010). At this stage, middle school counselors can teach African American males about the importance of making good grades to be eligible for select scholarships, and they can incorporate life management skills, such as budgeting and saving, as a part of being a college student. In 2005, Freeman noted that African American parents and their children typically look at the benefits that a college degree (i.e., higher salaries and better quality of life) may produce and compare it to actual costs. If this is the case, middle school counselors should meet with parents and arrange workshops and individual meetings to talk about the timeline for seeking financial aid, saving for college, and student work-study as a way of financing college. To demonstrate how middle school counselors can use the Eight Components of College and Career Readiness, we provided two case vignettes as examples.

Vignette # 1 Mrs. Kate Smith is Caucasian and is the eighth grade school counselor at George Washington Carver Middle School in a rural town. The school has 100 African American males out of a school population of 400 students, and the overall school population is 50% African American and 50% Caucasian. In her third year at Carver, Mrs. Smith has 33 African American males on her caseload; she has observed how most of her African American male students have aspirations of becoming a star athlete or obtaining a job at the local furniture plant or bus assembly company. She also examined the school data and found that this subpopulation scored the lowest on the reading and mathematics state-wide, standardized tests. In addition, some of their parents have met with Mrs. Smith about their sons not passing their classes and how to increase their sons’ academic success in middle school and subsequently high school. As a result of the parent meetings and out of concern for her students, Mrs. Smith decided to contact all of her students’ parents. The purpose of her parent meeting is to

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establish a partnership with them to help increase the academic achievement and college readiness of their sons. Mrs. Smith created four workshop sessions in which she met with parents to discuss strategies for improving academic success and college preparation. Given that all the parents had sons on Mrs. Smith’s caseload, she used the first session to discuss the issues they believed were preventing their sons from achieving. The majority of the responses focused on their sons not seeing enough people go to college who reflected their culture and their interest in academics. As a result, Mrs. Smith designed the following three workshops on how parents can work with their sons to increase their college and career aspirations and improve their academics. In the first workshop, Mrs. Smith covered parent
child communication. Specifically, she encouraged parents to have daily conversations with their sons about their day and what they learned or did in school. In addition, Mrs. Smith asked parents to talk with their sons about what they wanted to be when they grow up and relate it to how their academic coursework may help them achieve this goal. Mrs. Smith shared with the parents that their expectations can impact the academic outcomes of their sons. In other words, she communicated to parents that if they expected their children to attend college, more than likely they will. Mrs. Smith had the parents’ role play, developing their sons’ college aspirations through communication and expectations. Mrs. Smith also gave the parents an assignment of discovering their sons’ career aspirations and how their sons will attain this goal. The second workshop focused on the different types of postsecondary institutions (i.e., community college, four-year institutions, and vocational schools) in their state and what these institutions may offer in terms of academic majors and career programs. In this workshop, Mrs. Smith suggested that parents take their sons to one of the local colleges to do a self-guided or moderated tour of a college. Along with the tour, Mrs. Smith told parents to carry a note pad and have their sons to do so as well. In their notepads, they both should note “likes” and “dislikes” of the different aspects of the tour and later discuss the experience in detail. In addition, Mrs. Smith discussed with parents about meeting with her individually to learn about recommended courses needed and reflected of a postsecondary trajectory. For those parents who have African American male students failing courses, she suggested tutoring and remedial assistance resources and encouraged them to have their sons use them to improve their grades. In the last workshop, Mrs. Smith discussed potential financial aid available for college and other financing options, such as a savings plan and

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scholarships. She showed them how to complete the Free Application for Financial Aid and how this process works even though changes may be made by the time their sons get to their senior year. Also, parents were given websites and handouts that would help them find additional funding. Additionally, she brought in one of the high school counselors that Carver feeds into, and parents were able to ask questions about the academic pipeline and how to navigate the high school level. The high school counselor gave advice on how to successfully transition from middle school to high school and the conversations needed with their children’s middle school counselor to ensure the students were on a career and college track. Generally speaking, school counselors can help to improve the educational outcomes of African American males by listening to the concerns and suggestions of parents. Several educational researchers (Epstein, 1995; Epstein & Voorhis, 2010) recommend that school counselors use various forms of communication with parents to help improve academic achievement of students. To this end, Mrs. Smith decided to reach out to all the parents and conduct workshops to help them prepare their sons for high school and postsecondary opportunities, and she purposely scheduled individual academic planning times to work with parents and their sons on achieving educational outcomes that prepare them for a postsecondary education, thus developing a college-going culture for African American males. Parent
child communications on academic and college preparation topics are seen as an important component for positive school outcomes (Conley, 2010; Fan & Chen, 2001; Sui-Chu & Willms, 1996). Parental expectations of college increase the likelihood that students will attend a postsecondary institution (Bergerson, 2009). Specifically, Mrs. Smith encouraged her parents to talk with their sons about their educational and career aspirations and communicate their expectations for them to attain some type of education beyond high school. Over the years, educational research has shown that African American parents tend to rely more on school personnel to inform them about their children’s academics and other educational opportunities (NPEC, 2007). In this vignette, Mrs. Smith was able to talk about the various postsecondary opportunities available to students and how parents can help them become college and career ready. Finally, Mrs. Smith discussed the financial aid process with parents as a way to think and develop plans for paying for college. To reiterate, Freeman (2005) noted that African American parents are often concerned with the economic benefits of a college degree and that those benefits would far outweigh the cost for paying for college. With this in mind, middle

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school counselors should address the concerns African American parents have about the cost college and assure them that, regardless of cost, college is attainable. Holcomb-McCoy (2010) suggested that school counselors use more innovative strategies to assist parents with financial aid, such as teaching them how to search the Internet for identifying financial resources and training parent volunteers to facilitate financial aid workshops for other parents.

Vignette # 2 Kevin Jones is an African American male rising seventh grade student at Ogden Middle School, located in a suburban area on the East coast. Those around Kevin
namely his parents, peers, and friends
describe him as reserved and shy. He typically spends his time alone, during the evenings and on the weekends, while his older sister and younger brother are typically engaged in extracurricular activities throughout the week. Kevin’s passion, however, is using computers. He taught himself how to write codes for very complicated computer programs and websites, and he literally built his parents’ computer from used parts that he purchased from a thrift store. To this end, Kevin is rather apathetic about school and is just trying to make it each school day so that he can spend more time at home, alone in his room working on computers. While he passes each of his classes, all of his teachers indicated that he could attain higher grades with more effort. Kevin’s school counselor, Mr. Ware, typically meets with each of his students in the spring to discuss course selection for the following school year. With 300 students on his caseload, he usually spends an average of 5
10 minutes with each student. Typically, he reviews the teacher recommendations with the students, and he confirms the classes that the students requested through their online course selection system and noted that their parents also signed their request. When Mr. Ware met with Kevin, he noticed that the teacher recommendations were vastly different from Kevin’s requests. Kevin’s mathematics teacher, for example, recommended that he take Algebra in the seventh grade, while Kevin requested a second course in Pre-Algebra, an option for those who struggled in the regular Pre-Algebra course in the sixth grade. His English teacher recommended that he take a foreign language, given his adept ability to learn and understand language; Kevin, though, opted not to take the course. In this case, Mr. Ware delicately challenged Kevin

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on his selections, and Kevin quickly stated that his requests were final and that he would not consider otherwise. That summer, Mr. Ware reviewed his students’ course requests and again came across Kevin’s potential schedule. It troubled him again, so he called Kevin and his parents and invited them to meet to discuss the situation. During this meeting, Mr. Ware reviewed the teacher recommendations and Kevin’s actual choices and suggested that they delve a bit further into Kevin’s interests and career aspirations and revisit the appropriate coursework and related activity that would aid in those endeavors. Mr. Ware started with the Myers Brigg Type Indicator (MBTI) assessment and followed up with the Strong Interest Inventory. The Myers-Briggs produces a four-letter code that highlights individuals’ preferences in regard to what energizes them, how they take in information, how they make decisions, and how they organize themselves. Such information is incredibly useful, particularly when paired with the Strong Interest Inventory, which is the second and final assessment Mr. Ware administered. This inventory also provides a code that conveys the similarity of individuals’ profiles to that of several occupations. It also measures their interests in eight areas: (a) occupations, (b) school subjects, (c) activities, (d) leisure activities, (e) types of people preferred as coworkers, preference between two activities, (f) personal characteristics, and (g) preference in the world-of-work (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). Finally, Mr. Ware met again with Kevin and his parents to discuss his results. The ensuing conversation proved beneficial for all parties involved. For Mr. Ware, it informed him of the preferences, interests, skills, and abilities that could easily go unnoticed given Kevin’s temperament. For Kevin and his family, it was insightful to also view his strengths and to connect them with future careers. Mr. Ware then revisited the conversation on his course schedule by using the assessment results. For example, Kevin’s love for, and interest in computers was readily seen, and Mr. Ware highlighted certain courses that would be available at the high school level after completing various prerequisites (e.g., Algebra). Seeing the assessment results and seeing that his teachers believed in his ability, Kevin opted to take Algebra in seventh grade. Taking Algebra would enable him to take Geometry in the eighth grade and set him on a path to take a couple of AP courses (e.g., mathematics and computer science) upon completion of high school. Generally speaking, Kevin was able to see the connection through his assessment results and was then able to pinpoint what colleges best accommodated his interest and connect his academic planning with the requirements of those institutions of higher learning.

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Mr. Ware then moved on to other enrichment and extracurricular opportunities that would best complement his aptitude, interest, and skills. For example, Mr. Ware knew of several summer opportunities, where Kevin could further develop his skill sets. Throughout the school year, Kevin could also opt to be a part of a club that he did not know existed; the club focused on all aspects of computers. Mr. Ware not only connected him to the club’s president through electronic communications (e.g., e-mail) but also made sure they would meet at the start of the school year. School counselors, like Mr. Ware, have an enormous responsibility to help African American male students be efficient and purposeful in their planning their futures. The resources at middle school counselors’ disposal are invaluable and can turn a stereotypically “scheduling session” into a transformative, life-altering, moment, where all parties involved can realize and appreciate the gravity of the decisions being made. The fifth component of college and career readiness counseling, as suggested by NOSCA (2010), is college and career assessments. For this component, school counselors should be certain to remain knowledgeable of relevant assessments and techniques learned as preservice graduate training, so that they can appropriately identify and support the specific needs of students. During graduate school, it is critical that preservice school counselors learn the importance of helping all students with the career planning process and administering assessments that may help to define the needs of students more precisely (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2013). Mr. Ware first paid attention to the informal assessments provided from teacher recommendations, since there was a discrepancy with the course choices that Kevin made. Such attention proved critical because it led to Mr. Ware making arrangements to learn further about Kevin’s academic and career interests and unearthing the possible reasons for such choices. His decision to revisit the discussion about Kevin’s courses and connect his academic planning to his interests was vital and aligned with the second component of college and career readiness counseling as defined by NOSCA’s academic planning for college and career readiness component. Being knowledgeable, for example, about the progression of mathematics studies, and what the later high school and college choice implications would be for selected courses in seventh grade is something all school counselors should aspire to know. Academic planning is a critical tool for promoting college and career readiness (Huerta et al., 2013) and should be treated just as seriously as any other aspect of school counselors’ roles. School counselors should understand the importance of meeting students where they are, and Mr. Ware’s ability and intention to make Kevin’s

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course selection relevant to his passions should be noted and replicated by others. Middle school, prior to this encounter with Mr. Ware, did not mean much to Kevin. It was likely because the connection just was not present for him. Therefore, middle school counselors should facilitate the connection. Mr. Ware’s decision to then connect him with a summer opportunity and school club was also critical because these supplemental, enrichment experiences can further advance Kevin academically, personally, and socially. Mr. Ware’s actions are closely aligned with the third component of college and career readiness counseling espoused by NOSCA (2010) (e.g., enrichment and extracurricular engagement). African American male students who are connected in some way to the school culture are more apt to care about their studies and perform up to their potential academically (Bryan et al., 2011). Greene and Staff (2012) support the notion that enrichment and extracurricular activities do promote higher academic achievement and college and career readiness.

IMPLICATIONS Educational Policy Many parents rely on school counselors, teachers, and other school personnel to assist their children in preparing for postsecondary opportunities (NPEC, 2007). For example, one middle Atlantic school district only requires that their students graduate with two units of mathematics, four units of English, three units of social studies, and two units of science with only students required to take three units of a foreign language or elect to take typing or business law, or two computer classes. Most four-year universities or colleges require four units of mathematics and English, two units of science courses with one lab course, three units of social studies, and two or three units of foreign language. To this end, school district leaders should create educational policy whereby the minimum high school requirement allows for anyone to attend minimally the flagship or top-tier public university of a student’s state (Toldson & Lewis, 2012). School district leaders should implement policies that ensure African American males are not only college ready but are able to matriculate and graduate on time to successfully enroll in a university or college. School district leaders also should develop educational policies that provide

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additional support for African American students through middle college programs so they can obtain college credit while maintaining the social environment of a middle school/high school. Additionally, they should offer middle schools more advanced courses, such as Algebra, for all students who are academically ahead of their peers, offer the course as credit toward fulfilling high school mathematic requirements, and use additional mathematics courses taken beyond graduation requirements as college credit. By creating collaboration and partnership agreements with local vocational schools, colleges, and universities, this goal can be accomplished. Additionally, school district leaders should create one educational track to prepare ALL students for college. When African American male students are enrolled in the college ready track, they are likely to take courses that ensure they have the minimum requirements to enter in college.

Educational Research More research is needed in the area of preparing African American males for college starting at the middle school level. Specifically, more qualitative and quantitative studies are needed that focus on how to best prepare middle school African American males not only for college but also focus on the success factors that contribute to postsecondary attendance. Through conducting quality research, researchers can gain important insight from these students and are more able to inform preservice school counselors and in-service school counselors on how to best prepare this population for higher education. Lastly, longitudinal studies are needed to track the academic progress of African American males from middle school to their senior year of high school to see what academic courses, academic trajectories, other cognitive variables, and extracurricular activities best assist African American males in preparing and enrolling in postsecondary institutions. Educational researchers need to conduct more studies on African American parents to better understand how parenting may contribute to the college readiness of their sons. These educational researchers may consider using a qualitative approach to study what parents believe schools should be doing to prepare their sons for college. Other studies should focus on what African American parents know about college preparation for middle school children to better inform both preservice and in-service

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school counselors of the activities they may engage in at this educational level for African American males.

Educational Practice School counselors are uniquely positioned to facilitate the college and career readiness of students, particularly African American males in middle school. School counselors should understand both cognitive and noncognitive factors associated with healthy educational development of students and have a keen awareness of the peculiar educational experience that African American males endure (ASCA, 2012; Radcliffe & Bos, 2013). When they have these school counseling skills, they are more able to facilitate targeted efforts to address the specific needs of African American males, who have historically lagged behind other groups in positive educational outcomes, yet have the potential to attain so much more. In concert with Bronfenbrenner’s theory and the eight components of college and career readiness counseling as espoused by NOSCA (2010) school counselors can leverage their contact with numerous educational stakeholders by galvanizing collaborative efforts within different parts of a student’s support network. They also can consult with teachers, administrators, and staff on topics related to cultural competence, increasing college aspirations for all, and preparing students to transition successfully from high school graduation to college enrollment. Such efforts not only align with several components of college and career readiness counseling; it also extends the reach of the school counselors’ efforts, creating more systemic change (McMahon, Mason, & Paisley, 2009; NOSCA, 2010). Parents, in particular, are crucial collaborators in the process of increasing the college and career readiness of African American males. School counselors can host parent workshops and facilitate discussion around the components for college and career readiness, and also provide instruction on effective strategies for parents to employ in supporting their children in that process. For example, middle school counselors can either host workshops focusing on college affordability planning, college and career admission processes, or can even cohost such events with the neighboring high schools. When creating a college-going culture and facilitating college and career readiness, vertical teaming is critical among middle school counselors

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(Center for College Readiness, 2013; Kowal, 2002). Vertical teams are groups of educators from different grade levels who collaborate in such a way to provide seamless transitions for students from grade to grade (Kowal, 2002). Middle school counselors should be working in concert with other high school counselors to ensure that they are aligned as it relates to all components of college and career readiness components, and particularly academic planning. They also should be in frequent contact with high school counselors about what courses at the middle school would best prepare their students for the rigors of high school and subsequently college. Further, middle school counselors should collaborate with high school activity directors and athletic directors about the component of college and career readiness that pertains to enrichment and extracurricular engagement. Having a heightened awareness as to what activities are available to students and hearing stories from high school students, for example, about how critical such participation has been to their experience can be very helpful.

CONCLUSION Given the importance of pursuing an education beyond high school, school counselors must start as early as middle school to prepare students, including African American males, for various types of postsecondary opportunities. School counselors may work with parents and other community stakeholders (e.g., colleges) in coordinating specific activities and creating an environment that fosters college aspirations among African American males. If the United States wants to continue to be a leader in producing an educated workforce, the country must help those students who have consistently lagged behind in both PreK-12 education and postsecondary attainment (e.g., African American males).

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National Career Development Association. (2004). National career development guidelines. Retrieved from http://www.ncda.org/aws/NCDA/asset_manager/get_file/3384?ver = 16587 National Center for Education Statistics. (2009). The nation’s report card: Reading 2009 (NCES 2010
458). Washington, DC: Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. National Postsecondary Education Cooperative. (2007). Deciding on postsecondary education: Final report (NPCE 2008
850). Washington, DC: Author. Niles, S. G., & Harris-Bowlsbey, J. (2013). Career development interventions in the 21st century (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc. Noguera, P. A. (2008). The trouble with Black boys and other reflections on race, equity and the future of public education. San Francisco, CA: Wiley. Patton, J. (1998). The disproportionate representation of African Americans in special education: Looking behind the curtain for understanding and solutions. Journal of Special Education, 32, 24
31. Perna, L. W., & Titus, M. A. (2005). The relationship between parental involvement as social capital and college enrollment: An examination of racial/ethnic group differences. Journal of High Education, 76, 485
518. Radcliffe, R. A., & Bos, B. (2013). Strategies to prepare middle school and high school students for college and career readiness. Clearing House, 86(4), 136
141. Radcliffe, R. A., & Stephens, L. C. (2008). Preservice teachers are creating a college culture for at-risk middle school students. Research in Middle Level Education Online, 32(4), 1–15. Radcliffe, R. A., & Stephens, L. C. (2009). Writing marathons help build middle school students’ college aspirations and strengthen their literacy skills. Clearing House, 83(1), 20
25. Reid, M. J., & Moore III, J. L. (2008). College readiness and academic preparation for postsecondary preparation education: Oral histories of first-generation urban college students. Urban Education, 43, 240
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6. Retrieved from http://prospect.org/article/saving-black-boys Stewart, E. B. (2007). Individual and school structural effects on African American high school students’ academic achievement. The High School Journal, 91, 16
34. Sui-Chu, E. S., & Willms, J. D. (1996). Effects of parental involvement on eighth-grade achievement. Sociology of Education, 69, 126
141. Toldson, I. A., & Lewis, C. W. (2012). Challenge the status quo: Academic success among school-age African American males. Washington, DC: Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Inc. Retrieved from http://www.cbcfinc.org/oUploadedFiles/CTSQ.pdf Trusty, J., & House, R. (2004, September/October). High school matters. ASCA School Counselor, 42(1), 11
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CHAPTER 11 INSIDE THE BLACK BOX: AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS’ EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES AND OUTCOMES AS A RESULT OF PARTICIPATION IN CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION Edward C. Fletcher Jr. ABSTRACT This book chapter uncovers the black box of PreK-12 African American male students’ experiences and outcomes as a result of their participation in career and technical education. Theoretical and scientific literature
related to benefits and challenges of African American male students’ educational experiences in career and technical education and school reform initiatives that may contribute to their educational outcomes
is discussed. Additionally, recommendations for educational research, practice, and policy are summarized providing future directions for

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 243
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educational and noneducational stakeholders to consider on how career and technical education may serve the unique needs of African American males.

INTRODUCTION In relation to achievement scores on standardized tests, grade point averages, and graduation rates, African American male students, in PreK12 settings, continue to lag behind their African American female and White student counterparts (Allen, 2010; Whaley & Noel, 2012). They also trail their counterparts in long-term educational outcomes (Fletcher, 2012c; Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009), creating what is widely known as an “academic achievement gap.” Even among talented and gifted African American male students, Ford, Grantham, and Whiting (2008) concluded, “It is unfortunate, but not surprising, that most of the underachievers (students with low effort, students with low GPAs), students with the weakest or poorest work ethic, and students with the lowest academic commitment are Black males” (p. 234). Also, those African American males who complete high school are still less likely to matriculate in and complete a postsecondary education (Symonds, Schwartz, & Ferguson, 2011; Whaley & Noel, 2012). In fact, according to the National Center for Education Statistics (2011), for African Americans in the 2004 cohort, only 15% of African American males and 25.7% of African American females completed their baccalaureate degrees at a four-year institution in four years. Over a six-year graduation period, only 32.8% of African American males and 43% of African American females completed their baccalaureate degrees at a four-year institution. In terms of two-year institutions for the 2004 cohort, 19.1% of African American females and 25.2% of African American males graduated with an associate’s degree within two years. Because students often enroll in higher educational institutions without earning a degree, they are oftentimes financially burdened by the costs of attending (Cohen & Besharov, 2002). One main rationale for the low completion rates of African American male students in postsecondary education is that many are ill-prepared for the rigor of postsecondary educational studies (Haycock, Jerald, & Huang, 2001). More specifically, many educational researchers argue that African American male students are less prepared for the rigors of postsecondary educational studies compared to both their African American female and White male and female counterparts respectively and much of the explanation for this

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occurrence is connected to the school curriculum and the lack of rigor offered within it (Darling-Hammond, 2004; Henfield, Moore, & Wood, 2008). African American male students are significantly more apt to be enrolled in a career and technical education program compared to White students. In turn, White students are more likely to be enrolled in college preparatory programs (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). These educational patterns are apparent across the United States. According to Plank, DeLuca, and Estacion (2005), “Beyond an individual class, the combination of all courses taken throughout an entire high school career define, to a considerable degree, a student’s place within a fuller landscape of opportunities
and constraints” (p. 1).

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE PARTICIPATION IN CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION African American male students are significantly more likely to participate and concentrate their high school studies in career and technical education (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Gordon, 2008). Career and technical education
what was historically called vocational education prior to 1990
were curricular programs aimed at improving students’ workforce preparation for specific occupations and labor market outcomes prior to high school graduation (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Plank et al., 2005). As such, career and technical education has been
from its beginning
highly scrutinized. It has been a source of controversy and debate since its conception. In 1983, arguably more so than any other time, A Nation at Risk sparked a national conversation about career and technical education and how it was falling short in educating students for the world of work (Gordon, 2008). In the late 19th century, Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois debated the most desirable pathway for African American advancement in society (Gordon, 2008). Washington believed in a “peaceful coexistence” with White southerners, while Du Bois
a college-educated scholar from Harvard University
promulgated for urgent implementation of civil rights. As such, Du Bois promoted traditional academic education for African Americans, leading to managerial or executive careers (Gordon, 2008). On the other hand, Washington thought vocational education was the best route for African Americans’ individual economic development and self-reliance (Gordon, 2008). This debate continues today, concentrating on what might be the best way to educate all children, including African

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Americans
and specifically African American males (Gordon, 2008). In this context, Gordon writes, “Members of minority groups tend to view CTE [career and technical education] training as inferior to academic education. For those from the minority class, CTE continues to be something for someone else’s children” (p. 25). Historically, many critics argued that vocational education only prepared students for work after high school, and was comprised of mainly minority males
in particular African American males
who were not academically suited and were destined to occupy dead-end jobs (Gray, 2004). According to Benson (1997), “In high schools, the only part of the curriculum to hold respect of students, teachers, and parents is the program preparing students for four-year college and the baccalaureate” (p. 201).

A Changing Curriculum Within the past two decades, sparked by new skills demands because of the technological revolution and globalization in the workforce (Castellano, Stringfield, & Stone, 2003), career and technical education has attempted to redesign its programs to focus on preparing students for an array of high wage, high demand careers within broader career clusters, as well as prepare students for the rigor of postsecondary educational studies (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). School reform initiatives have heightened the need to integrate core academics with career and technical education content to maximize student learning. For example, career academies have emerged in many American school systems with this intent in mind. Much of the focus for the new career academy model emphasizes science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) to improve the international competitiveness of the nation (Anderson, 2010; HernandezGantes & Fletcher, 2013). Further, school reform initiatives, such as career academies
were developed to meet a recognized need for college and career readiness of all students, particularly racial and ethnic minorities such as African American males. And, a focus on the need for all students to be career ready was prompted by Harvard’s Pathways to Prosperity report, which reported a “skills gap” for recent high school graduates in terms of them not being properly prepared with the workforce skills and work ethic needed in the labor market, thereby undermining their ability to find adequate employment (Symonds et al., 2011). This chapter first examines research on career and technical education’s role in tracking racial and ethnic minorities such as African American

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males, and the outcomes that result from curricular differentiation. Second, literature exploring the experiences of African American male students who participate in career and technical education and resulting outcomes is discussed with an articulated need for further research. Third, school reform initiatives, which support college and career readiness, are outlined within the context of contributing to African American male student achievement. Fourth, recommendations are articulated for research, practice, and policy.

Research on Tracking Since 1940, tracking has been a practice that has historically been used in high schools across the United States, and continues to be prevalent throughout schools as a mechanism to differentiate and tailor students’ curricular experiences based on their talents and interests (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Gamoran & Weinstein, 1998; Mayer, 2008). This practice has also been closely scrutinized and highly contentious among administrators, educators, and researchers primarily due to its connection to further reinforcing student achievement disparities. Tracking results in students being exposed to an unequal education (Alvarez & Mehan, 2007; Lewis, 2007; Rubin, 2006) within high school, which in effect serves to bolster long-term social inequalities? These inequalities tend to inexplicably impact African American male students. In fact, research has indicated that race and ethnicity are significant variables related to the placement of students into four curricular tracks: career and technical education, college preparatory, dual
students enrolling in career and technical education and college preparatory coursework, and general
students taking the minimum requirements to graduate high school (Fletcher, 2012a, 2012b; Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). According to Roderick (2003), the “… increased use of tracking in high schools makes it more likely that African American males will be placed in classrooms and tracks that further heighten relative comparisons between students and present even greater declines in academic opportunity and expectations” (p. 545). Again, African American male students are significantly more likely to participate in career and technical education and dual tracks, while White students are significantly more likely to enroll in college preparatory tracks (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Gordon, 2008; Stone & Aliaga, 2003). And, this sorting process tends to result in stratified learning opportunities of students
even within the same high school. Thus, the learning opportunities and instruction that schools expose students to (i.e., advanced placement courses) often set the

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boundaries for student experiences and achievement (Gamoran, 1987; Gamoran & Nystrand, 1991). Despite the negative effects of tracking, the primary rationale for tracking in schools is pedagogical
in that, students vary greatly in their academic ambitions, prior knowledge, and the environment in which learning is optimal (Gamoran & Mare, 1989; Lucas & Berends, 2002; McPartland & Schneider, 1996), and tracking provides teachers with an opportunity to tailor their instruction in order to meet varied student learning needs (Gamoran, Nystrand, Berends, & LePore, 1995; Hallinan, 1991; Page, 1990). Nevertheless, research has shown that high-ability tracks often engage in much higher quality discourse than their low-tracked counterparts, which typically involves the emphasis of higher-order cognitive skills (Lee & Byrk, 1988).

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENTS’ EXPERIENCES IN CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION Despite research reporting urban African American males have the highest participation rates of any other racial and ethnic group, and are significantly more likely to participate in career and technical education, career pathways, and Tech Prep (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Stone & Aliaga, 2003), little is known about African American males’ experiences in career and technical education (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). What we do know is that African American students are more likely to concentrate their career and technical education studies in the fields of hospitality, personal services (i.e., cosmetology), and business. These occupations have increasing projections of growth but below average earnings (Gordon, 2008). On the other hand, African American students are less likely to focus their studies in the areas of agriculture, construction trades, and health fields (Gordon, 2008). In terms of career placement, African Americans are significantly more likely to be employed in law and public safety and transportation occupations and are significantly less likely to hold occupations in business, management, and administration; STEM; agriculture, food, and natural resources; and architecture and construction (Fletcher, 2012b) compared to Whites. And, in terms of high school curriculum tracks, college preparatory graduates are more apt to choose business, management, and administration as their future careers, and career and technical education graduates

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are significantly more prone to participate in STEM fields (Fletcher, 2012b). To this end, Fletcher (2012b) recommends that career and technical education teachers and leaders attempt new strategies to increase the pool of ethnic and racial groups (e.g., African American males) in career and technical education programs that comprise mostly White students and lead to high wage occupations. Despite little research investigating the unique experiences of African American students, particularly males, Fletcher and Cox (2012), through qualitative interviewing methods, examined the decision-making processes in which African Americans students (i.e., 7 males and 8 females) ascribed to enrolling or not enrolling in career academies. The two authors discovered that both African American males and females chose to enroll in a career academy because they believed that the specific career academy offered them the needed preparation for postsecondary education and added value to their overall high schooling experiences. The students also shared that their career academy offered a community atmosphere to learn, provided hands-on training to prepare for postsecondary education in their respective fields, and assisted with exploring unique career and postsecondary interests. Additionally, numerous students indicated that they did not enroll in career academies because they had less time to engage in needed college preparatory coursework and other school activities, such as athletics. In 2012, Fletcher and Cox cautioned educational constituents from embracing the “College for All” mentality and highlighted the need for high school students to be exposed to career and technical education as well as college preparatory programs.

AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE STUDENT OUTCOMES IN CAREER AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION In recent years, high school dropout has engendered amplified interest among education researchers, policymakers, and practitioners. As compared to other student populations, African American males tend to exhibit immense education risk and are less likely to graduate from high school (Bowers, Sprott, & Taff, 2013; Roderick, 2003). Roderick (2003) highlights salient social and educational factors that contribute to the “high school dropout” phenomenon. The factors ranged from low academic performance to low student involvement. However, student participation in career and technical education has been found to promote higher student

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engagement and lower risks of premature high school departure. More specifically, Plank et al. (2005), conducting a survival analysis of 846 youth from the 1980 cohort gained from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth of 1997, found that students entering the ninth grade at the normal age or below (e.g., less than 15 years of age) and who enroll in career and technical education and core academic courses were significantly more apt to complete high school. The researchers also found that those students who enrolled in career and technical education courses and did not have adequate core academic coursework were significantly more likely to dropout. The majority of state and national research studies predicting labor market outcomes of career and technical education graduates have found these students are more likely to earn higher earnings
in terms of short and medium-term outcomes
compared to those students enrolled in college preparatory curricula (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Silverberg, Warner, Fong, & Goodwin, 2004). However, research examining the influence of career and technical education on postsecondary outcomes (e.g., college matriculation and attainment) indicates no significant relationship (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). In other words, it is quite likely that career and technical education does not increase or decrease students’ chances of attending postsecondary education. Conversely, extant studies indicate that student participation in college preparatory coursework is significantly correlated with college matriculation and degree attainment (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Silverberg et al., 2004).

College and Career Readiness In Harvard University Graduate School of Education’s recent Pathways to Prosperity (Symonds et al., 2011), renewed attention has shed light on the need for comprehensive high schools, where they provide ongoing career awareness and preparation to students, with the expectations that students will complete high school both college and career ready. This report highlights how the United States is losing ground in PreK-12 education contexts in comparison to other nations. The report also stresses the need for Americans to have some level of postsecondary education. Until education attainment improves, the researchers suggest that graduating high school students, such as African American males, may confront the “harsh realities of unemployment or dead-end, subliving wage jobs” (Symonds et al., 2011, p. 7).

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The term, “college and career readiness,” is frequently used throughout contemporary education circles. According to the Partnership for 21st century skills (2010), “College and career readiness is the new direction for K-12 education. Preparing students to transition without remediation to postsecondary education or to careers that pay a living wage or both …” (p. 6). In order for students to be college and career ready, students should possess knowledge, dispositions, and skills in the following areas: (a) academics; (b) occupational; and (c) technical (Stone, 2013). Academic skills encompass being proficient in the areas of mathematics, science, and communications. In the academic skills domain, it is essential that students develop competencies in critical thinking, teamwork and collaboration, problem solving, creativity, oral and written communication, ethics, and professionalism. Employability skills, soft skills, thinking skills, and other personal qualities are all important facets of the occupational skills domain, and the technical skills domain comprises specific competencies in which many employers’ desire. Regardless of the domain area, PreK-12 school contexts should play a major role in ensuring that students, such as African American males, acquire the different skills domains.

Career Academy Initiatives and Related Research The career academy model is a reemerging school reform initiative aimed at increasing academic engagement, educational outcomes, and ultimately college and career readiness for students (Kemple & Wilner, 2008). Across the United States, career academies exist in over 2,500 schools (Kemple & Wilner, 2008). Some of the academies are stand-alone programs, and some comprise multiple academies in a single high school (Kemple & Wilner, 2008). Career academies essentially are: (a) a school-within-a school (e.g., smaller learning community); (b) combine core academic and career and technical education curricula focused on a career theme; and (c) establish partnership with business and industry to provide students with career awareness and work-based learning opportunities (Kemple & Wilner, 2008). Students in career academies typically remain with a team of teachers for three to four years to individualize learning and promote a sense of belonging, which oftentimes is a challenge for African American male students (Booker, 2006). According to Kemple and Snipes (2000), early academies were created to deter students from dropping out of high school by infusing in the school curriculum opportunities for students to increase preparation

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for work. By offering students “real-time” work opportunities, it was believed that students would complete high school. In 2000, Kemple and Snipes conducted a study of nine career academies over a six-year period, using an experimental research design. The investigation included 1,764 students, with a high-minority student body (e.g., 56% Hispanic and 30% African American). One third of the students were raised in a single parent household, and one third of their parents had some form of college experience. For the career academy students with the highest risk of dropping out of high school, the dropout rates were significantly lower, and attendance was considerably higher than noncareer academy students. However, compared to the noncareer academy pupils, the career academy students achieved modest improvements in engagement and performance but the scores did not improve in reading and math (as measured by standardized achievement tests) for both the career academy and noncareer academy students.

STEM Career Academies STEM career academies, in particular, have been prioritized among the different career clusters (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). With the rapid proliferation of technology and the emergence of a knowledge-based economy, a strong need to fill the increasingly growing jobs in high-tech fields has developed (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). However, colleges and universities, across the nation, are not currently producing enough graduates in fields, such as engineering, to seal the widening gap. As a result, there has been a national vested interest in improving the country’s international competitiveness and increasing the economic development of the nation. STEM occupations contribute to the nation’s capacity to engage in research and design activities, scientific innovations, and technological advancements (May & Chubin, 2003). STEM career pathways also lead to high earnings potential (Georgetown University’s Center of Education and the Workforce, 2011). For example, engineering managers with a master’s degree or higher earned on average $134,600 annually (Georgetown University’s Center on Education and the Workforce, 2011). Although the presence of African American males in STEM is lacking, adequate career exploration, preparation, performance, knowledge, and skill attainment in PreK-12 play a critical role in influencing those African American males who do decide to pursue an education and career in STEM (May & Chubin, 2003; Moore, 2006). Enrollment in career and technical education and

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advanced placement courses in math and science also positively influences students’ decision to pursue STEM (May & Chubin, 2003). Unfortunately, many schools with high percentages of African American male students do not offer needed honors and/or advanced placement (AP) courses that prepare students for STEM. Disparities in resources, school personnel, and academic preparation are some of the many reasons why African American males are underrepresented in STEM (May & Chubin, 2003). In many American school systems, African American male students are disproportionately placed in lower level courses as compared to White and Asian students (May & Chubin, 2003). According to May and Chubin (2003), “the national K-12 educational system, to a large degree, has failed to adequately prepare minority students in science, mathematics, engineering, or technology” (p. 36). As one way of addressing this critical issue, high school reform initiatives, such as Project Lead the Way (PLTW), were designed to increase the number of students who pursue STEM as a career (Shields, 2007). PLTW is a pre-engineering program that enables students to enroll in a four-year sequence of middle and high school courses aimed to prepare them for STEM at four years (Shields, 2007). Further, the pre-engineering program is a collaborative effort that typically comprises a non-for-profit organization that works closely with public schools, private companies, and institutions of higher learning. It currently has been established in 4,000 schools across all 50 states. The goal of the PLTW program is to provide a pathway for students to pursue a STEM-related field in an institute of higher education and to eventually secure a STEM-related career. According to May and Chubin (2003), those PreK-12 programs that are effective at recruiting African American males in STEM fields should consider promoting engineering fields, providing academic supports, recruit talented instructors, and should establish support from educational constituents within the school as well as the district.

The Value of Career and Technical Education A lingering question emerges in terms of what is the value of career and technical education at the PreK-12 level for African American males. Extant studies indicate that career and technical education may be a viable form of education for African American males (Fletcher, 2012c; Fletcher & Cox, 2012). In the research literature, career and technical education is often linked with increased student engagement, lowered high school

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dropout rates (Plank et al., 2005), and improved school attendance (Kemple & Snipes, 2000). First, since African American males have one of the highest dropout rates compared to other racial and ethnic groups (Roderick, 2003), career and technical education may be a viable intervention for reducing high school dropout and method for educating African American males. Second, the career academy model, in particular, is a school reform initiative that has shown positive results in lowering student dropout rates and increasing interpersonal supports from teachers and peers. Third, students in career and technical education programs tend to have higher earning potential and better opportunities to obtain viable employment in the labor market (Bishop & Mane, 2004; Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). For example, African American males who are 16 and older are more likely than Asians and Whites to have lower earnings and be unemployed (Fletcher, 2012a; U.S. Department of Labor Statistics, 2008). Therefore, participation in career and technical education could promote more positive labor market outcomes for African American males.

Career and Technical Education’s Role in Social Stratification As previously stated in this chapter, career and technical education for African American students and other underrepresented groups has been highly scrutinized and continues to be a contentious issue for the educational community and beyond. Much of the negative attention to career and technical education is due, in part, to commonly held perceptions of the curriculum as being a tracking mechanism to funnel students of color, especially African American males, into dead-end life opportunities (Gordon, 2008). Career and technical education typically does not hurt nor help students’ prospects of transitioning to a college or university (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Silverberg et al., 2004) Thus, the vast majority of PreK-12 students, including African American males, tend to embrace the message that everyone needs to attend college to earn a degree (Fletcher & Cox, 2012; Symonds et al., 2011).

THE “COLLEGE FOR ALL” MANTRA Throughout their PreK-12 education, students, including African American males, receive messages from their teachers, school counselors,

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administrators, and parents that attending college is something that they should aspire toward (Cohen & Besharov, 2002). This widely held perception is indeed substantiated by research, which demonstrates the value added by earning a college degree and its connection to robust, long-term earning potential (Carnevale, Smith, & Strohl, 2010; Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). However, the notion that all students should have some type of college degree to increase their labor market outcomes and chances to realize the “American Dream” has been widely debated (Carnevale et al., 2010; Kahlenberg, 2011; Symonds et al., 2011). United States President Barack Hussein Obama has articulated his position for the “College for All” perspective. However, the Pathways to Prosperity report provided a compelling argument for focusing on career development preparation as well (Symonds et al., 2011). According to Symonds et al. (2011), “… a focus on college readiness alone does not equip young people with all of the skills and abilities they will need in the workplace, or to successfully complete the transition from adolescence to adulthood” (p. 5). Carnevale et al. (2010) estimated that, by 2018, 46.8 million jobs will be created, with approximately one third of them requiring at least a bachelor’s degree, 30% a two years or associate’s degree, and 36% a high school diploma or less. As such, one could argue that the “College for All” mantra is doing a disservice to those African American males who may not succeed in earning a college degree, which is a reality for too many African American males.

Dual Track as a Promising Curriculum With increasing acknowledgment of the need for PreK-12 students to be college and career ready (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009; Stone, 2013; Symonds et al., 2011), a more promising curricular option may be for African American males to enroll in a dual track, including a combination of college preparatory and career and technical education courses. In 2009, Fletcher and Zirkle found that African American males are more likely to enroll in a dual track. Generally speaking, dual track students are more likely to earn an associate degree than those in the general track (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). Fletcher and Zirkle (2009) found that students in the dual track tend to have greater earnings potential than both their college preparatory and general track counterparts. In fact, findings indicate that those with an associate degree earn more
at least in the short to

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medium duration
than those holding a bachelor’s degree (Fletcher & Zirkle, 2009). According to Symonds et al. (2011), most occupations requiring an associate degree or an occupational certificate tend to be categorized as middle-skill positions (e.g., construction managers, dental hygienist, electricians, paralegals, and law enforcement officers). Furthermore, these jobs tend to pay more than those requiring a bachelor’s degree.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH Research exploring the experiences of African American males in career and technical education programs is practically nonexistent (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). Because African American males tend to have the highest participation rates in career and technical education programs and most prone to be academically at-risk in school, more qualitative studies are needed that investigate the unique education and social experiences of African American males in career and technical education programs as well as the perceived benefits and disadvantages of these kinds of academic programs (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). Thus, past studies have suggested that the career academy model has rendered positive educational experiences and outcomes for African American males and other students of color (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). Both quantitative and qualitative studies may render important insights and tips for educational and noneducational stakeholders. It is also critical that educational researchers gain a better understanding of the effectiveness of career and technical education programs, and school reform initiatives that include career and technical education coursework as a fundamental component of students’ school experiences and future outcomes. This is of particular importance for African American male students. More studies are also needed on high achieving African American males in career and technical education programs to gain a better understanding of the factors, characteristics, backgrounds, school settings, and course taking patterns that may help them thrive academically throughout their PreK-12 schooling. Past studies have highlighted the underachievement and low achievement of African American males throughout their PreK-12 schooling (Ford et al., 2008; Lewis, James, Hancock, & Hill-Jackson, 2008; Moore, Ford, & Milner, 2005). Education researchers, such as Ford et al. (2008) and Moore et al. (2005), have pinpointed the education issues and challenges of

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gifted African American students; however, few studies have highlighted the education challenges with comparable African American students in career and technical education.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE A major challenge for career and technical education programs, across the nation, is ensuring instructional consistency and the implementation of “best” research-based practices in fostering academic, employability, and technical skills among students. In fact, most PreK-12 school systems are not equipped to educate students for the challenge of competing in a global economy because they lack the expectations needed, assessments required, instructional programs desired, and learning environments and situations that engender such knowledge (Partnership for 21st century skills (2010)). Currently, career and technical education programs are not equal across schools, districts, states, or the nation (Fletcher, Lasonen, & Hernandez-Gantes, 2013). Some career and technical education programs and school reform initiatives are truly exemplary and model best practices, while other programs enact weak implementation of accepted practices. With that being said, it is not until educators subscribe to a unified vision of college and career readiness for all students and strive to align a more strategic and coherent coordination of career and technical education in schools that they may be competitive internationally. Further, strong alliances with business and industry partners are needed to ensure PreK-12 content is closely connected to local, regional, and national needs. Another challenge for the field of career and technical education and the broader field of education is the lack of teacher role models (e.g., African American male teachers) for African American males throughout PreK-12 schooling. Prior studies indicate that the most significant predictor of school achievement is the effectiveness of the classroom teacher (Auguste, Kihn, & Miller, 2010; Banks et al., 2005). However, the current state of affairs in public schools is quite problematic. Many urban school systems, especially those with significant representation of African American male students, struggle attracting quality and effective teachers (Auguste et al., 2010; Smith & Smith, 2006). Moreover, recruiting and retaining teachers of color is an important education topic in American schools. For example,

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during the 2007
2008 academic year, 41% of PreK-12 students were of color, while only 16.5% of their teachers were from similar racial and ethnic backgrounds (Ingersoll & May, 2011). On the whole, African American students comprise 20% of the national PreK-12 student population, while African American male teachers account only 1% of American teachers (Lewis, 2006). This education trend is quite concerning and for a number of reasons: (a) demographic parity
African American male students throughout their PreK-12 schooling are often not afforded opportunities to establish meaningful student-educator alliances and relationships with educators who share a similar racial and/or cultural heritage; (b) cultural synchronicity
those educators who share similar cultural backgrounds of their students and have greater understanding of their students’ behaviors and interests, which frequently translates into their students achieving better learning and achievement outcomes; and (c) motivation
educators, especially those from communities of color, who tend to have a humanistic commitment to teaching students of color (Ingersoll & May, 2011). To address the cultural mismatch issue and the need for attracting effective and quality educators of color, such as African American males, an innovative high school initiative (e.g., urban teaching academy) was developed throughout several high schools across the nation (Boyd, Lankford, Loeb, & Wyckoff, 2005; Sleeter & Milner, 2011). The Urban Teaching Academy is one that supports a pipeline of minority future teachers through high schools. The Urban Teaching Academy program works with students to better understand the expectations of higher education and increase their chances at success in college (Sleeter & Milner, 2011). These types of programs oftentimes provide financial and academic supports as well as social and cultural capital (Sleeter & Milner, 2011). Further, urban teaching academies attempt to combine core academic with career and technical education experiences and focus on a “Grow your Own” strategy, where high school urban students are exposed to the teaching profession for the purpose of increasing the likelihood of them eventually going back and teaching in the same environments they were schooled.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL POLICY The Career and Professional Education (CAPE) Act of 2007 was passed in Florida; it mandated that all school districts establish at least one career

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academy by the 2008
2009 academic year (Dixon, Cotner, Wilson, & Borman, 2011). As a result, Florida increased their number of CAPE career academies from 246 in the 2007
2008 academic year to 1,567 (330 of these were STEM academies) for the 2011
2012 academic year for both the middle school and high school grade levels. The legislation allowed school districts to establish and foster partnerships between education and business and industry to grow and retain economically sustainable industries, increase economic viability within the state, and provide students with preparation for high wage, high demand, and high skilled occupations (Dixon et al., 2011). Further, a major goal for the establishment of the mandate was to provide those students in low-performing schools a better chance of obtaining higher quality education. Toward this end, career academies provide opportunities for students to make meaning of their learning and explore their interests within 16 different career paths, ranging from health sciences to fashion (Dixon et al., 2011). There are ten key elements to consider when establishing and implementing career academies based on the Career Academy National Standards of Practice (Dixon et al., 2011). Issues to consider include support from administrators, the board of education, and the superintendent; adequate funding, facilities, equipment, and materials; professional development; employee and parent engagement; partnerships with higher education and the community; a defined mission and goals; and common planning time for core academic and career and technical education teachers. Given the success career academies have demonstrated in establishing community among teachers and students and reducing dropout rates, the implementation of legislation similar to the state of Florida may increase academic engagement and outcomes among African American male students. Dixon et al. (2011) indicated, however, that recruitment, retention, and cohort scheduling of students in career academies are challenges. The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation
signed into law by President George W. Bush on January 8, 2002
is another policy that needs more attention. It is arguably the most pervasive, widely debated, closely scrutinized, and highly controversial educational policy initiative of the past decade (Fletcher, 2006). NCLB focuses on increasing standards in core academic areas and measuring student success by implementing standardized graduation
high stakes
assessments (Fletcher, 2006). However, this legislation has had unintended consequences for education professionals. Underperforming schools that have the most need for funding have been sanctioned with fewer resources. Administrative leadership in low-performing schools has been replaced, and students not meeting state

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test standards are unable to graduate (Fletcher, 2006). These aforementioned issues disproportionately impact urban schools, with large percentages of students coming from low income backgrounds, racial and ethnic minorities, and African American males in particular. To this end, NCLB has focused entirely on core academic subject areas such as reading, math, and science, thereby de-emphasizing career and technical education and fine arts curricula. In September of 2011, the U.S. Department of Education, however, invited states to apply for a waiver to be excluded from certain provisions of the NCLB legislation based on state-developed plans to reform their schools. Currently, 34 states were approved for such a waiver. However, more work is needed in reauthorizing the NCLB legislation. Relying on standardized assessments to measure student learning is fraught with instrumentation and philosophical issues and quite problematic in practice. Further, this type of accountability often results in exacerbating the already inherent disparities between Whites and marginalized, racial and ethnic minorities, particularly African American males. Further, current NCLB legislation largely ignores career and technical education experiences and teachers. As indicated by the Pathways to prosperity report, students need to leave PreK-12 schooling career-ready that includes possessing academic, technical, and employability skills. Students, such as African American males, also need courses that integrate core academic and career and technical education content to make their learning more meaningful. The career academy model is one high school reform model that exemplifies the integration of core academics and career and technical education (Fletcher & Cox, 2012). Educators, such as teachers, school counselors, and administrators, professional development, research is help them better assist students with being college and career ready. More specifically, career and technical education teachers should be included in efforts to improve student outcomes. For example, schools should ensure highly competent career and technical education teachers are recruited and retained, particularly in low-performing schools. In addition, efforts related to teacher effectiveness should include career and technical education teachers and their unique needs (Association for Career and Technical Education, 2012).

CONCLUSION As indicated throughout this chapter, more students are needed examining African American males’ education and social experiences in career and

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technical education. Research of this kind may help inform educational stakeholders and beyond. Further, the influence of career academies
particularly STEM career academies
may benefit African American male students by helping them increase academic engagement, establishing positive student and peer relationships, reducing dropout rates, and providing career exploration and development. In addition, career and technical education may influence African American male students’ interests and quite possibly provide them with general awareness of their academic passions while preparing for postsecondary studies. Conversely, career and technical education may also contribute to the limiting of African American males’ exposure to a potentially watered down PreK-12 curriculum. However, it is quite likely that African American male students may benefit from both college and career preparation to compete in society’s current global economy. Therefore, to help these students make better education choices that may have sustaining and long-term impacts on their life pursuits, trajectories, and overall quality of life, it is critical that educational researchers, policymakers, and practitioners examine the black box of African American males’ career and technical education schooling experiences.

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CHAPTER 12 CLOSING THE SOCIAL STUDIES ACHIEVEMENT GAP FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES LaGarrett J. King and Lamont A. Flowers ABSTRACT In light of data highlighting African American males’ achievement in civics, geography, and U.S. history, this chapter presents a study on African American males’ educational outcomes in social studies. Based on the findings, this chapter offers recommendations for improving educational practice and policy in social studies.

INTRODUCTION Perhaps more than any other subject in elementary, middle, and high school, social studies incorporates an eclectic, yet complimentary array of disciplines including, but not limited to, civics, history, geography, and economics (Martorella, 1996; Parker, 2005). As a result, viewing social studies as inconsequential subject areas may function to hinder the educational possibilities associated with conceptualizing the subject as a vibrant and

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enlightening curriculum that is multifaceted, theoretical, and controversial. In this regard, information obtained from social studies classrooms may influence the way that Americans think about themselves and others in the context of a democratic society (Ladson-Billings, 2003, 2004; Stanley, 2005). Given the breadth of information covered by social studies, ensuring that African American male students utilize information within this content area and perform optimally on social studies assessments should remain a top priority among teachers, school leaders, parents, students, and policymakers. Throughout the evolution of the social studies field, scholars continue to debate whether social studies education should be designed to promote social transmission or social transformation. Social transmission, in this instance, refers to the extent to which the social studies curriculum facilitates the maintenance of the social order, while preserving the status quo. Social transformation relates to the degree to which the curriculum promotes the modification of societal norms through a critical analysis of historical and contemporary information (Ross, 2006; Stanley, 2005). Using a social transformation paradigm to structure social studies has broad implications for African American males because the idea of what makes a good citizen tends to exclude certain communities and various sociocultural dynamics, such as ethnicity, race, class, and gender, and how these differences conflict and contribute to what it means to be an American. Therefore, for social studies education to be transformative, and perhaps more relevant to African American males, the social studies curriculum should incorporate learning opportunities that challenge students to think about how certain epistemological ideologies have defined the history of African Americans in the United States (Grant, 2011). Thus, because knowledge derived from analyzing social studies content has the potential to help African American male students identify both local, national, and global forms of citizenship, it is important that instructional approaches in social studies classrooms engender student awareness and sensitivity to this critical information. The struggle for African American males to obtain full citizenship began when Africans first arrived to America in the 17st century (Gates, 2011). Consequently, for many years, African Americans were unable to vote or pursue educational and employment opportunities (Gates, 2011). Even after the 14th amendment, African Americans were subject to losing their basic civil rights (Blackmon, 2008). Moreover, the enactment of laws and policies, during reconstruction, severely limited the ability of African Americans to successfully pursue educational and employment opportunities

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(Gates, 2011). Although we have significantly modified our legal definitions of citizenship, statistics regarding African American male imprisonment, unemployment, and educational attainment highlight glaring disparities in the United States (Reddick & Heilig, 2012). Furthermore, it is likely that many of these contemporary issues are connected to former laws, policies, practices, and ideologies related to African American men (Ladson-Billings, 2004). Although U.S. history and current statistics present a somewhat bleak image of African American males, historically, the quest for citizenship and civic knowledge has always motivated African American communities to pursue social justice (Gates, 2011). For example, African American men such as Martin Delany, Booker T. Washington, Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King Jr, and Malcom X used social studies skills, knowledge, and concepts to influence society. Organizations, such as the NAACP, National Urban League, and other organizations, are based on social studies concepts and designed to help African Americans become informed and productive citizens (Jonas, 2005; Weiss, 1974). The interdisciplinary focus of social studies directly connects to the lived experiences of African American male students. As a result, by participating in a quality social studies education, African American male students may be able to understand the interconnectedness of their community, state, and country. They may also come to understand themselves in relation to globalization and through notions of time, space, and place. Knowledge imbedded in the social studies has the potential to help African American male students understand concepts and issues that enable them to develop an array of academic and career skills. If constructed properly, the field of social studies, through the teaching of civics, geography, economics, and history, may provide the type of knowledge African American male students need to combat social challenges and actively pursue educational and economic opportunities in America. However, several questions come to mind when thinking about social studies education and African American males. First, how has the social studies curriculum responded to African American males’ concerns in the United States and abroad? Second, does the social studies curriculum connect culturally important information in classroom environments? Third, how are social studies teachers and curriculum developers ensuring that African American males are encouraged to participate in social studies classrooms? Fourth, how has the teaching of social studies influenced African American male achievement in schools?

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METHODS Data Source Social studies skills and knowledge enable students to understand the complex dynamics of society, government, culture, history, and globalism (Martorella, 1996; Parker, 2005). To critically examine African American males’ achievement in the social studies, data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) were accessed. More specifically, the NAEP Data Explorer, a comprehensive data analysis tool, was utilized to obtain data on African American males’ educational outcomes in social studies. The NAEP Data Explorer enabled us to study the effects of race on male students’ achievement across multiple years in civics, geography, and U.S. history (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011a, 2011b, 2011c). Accordingly, average scale scores from the NAEP’s Civics, Geography, and U.S. History assessments were obtained for analysis. The NAEP Civics assessment consists of questions designed to measure the extent to which students understand and are equipped to utilize information needed to become productive and patriotic citizens. Additionally, the NAEP Civics assessment tests students’ knowledge of aspects of government and the U.S. Constitution. The Civics assessment (National Assessment Governing Board, 2009a) incorporates a “Knowledge” element, which focuses on ensuring that “all students have an opportunity to consider the essential questions about government and civil society that continue to challenge thoughtful people” (p. 17) and an “Intellectual and Participatory Skills” element, which is based on the assertion that “If citizens are to exercise their rights and discharge their responsibilities as members of self-governing communities, they not only need to acquire a body of knowledge about civic life, politics, and government; they also need to acquire relevant intellectual and participatory skills” (p. 22). The Civics assessment also includes a “Civic Dispositions” element, which “refers to the traits of private and public character essential to the preservation and improvement of American constitutional democracy” (p. 29). The Geography assessment consists of questions designed to measure students’ knowledge of geographical concepts and related issues from three content areas (i.e., Space and Place, Environment and Society, Spatial Dynamics and Connections). According to the geography framework (National Assessment Governing Board, 2009b), “Space and Place”

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includes “Knowledge of geography as it relates to particular places on Earth, to spatial patterns on Earth’s surface, and to physical and human processes that shape such spatial patterns” (p. 17). “Environment and Society” includes, “Knowledge of geography as it relates to the interactions between environment and society” (p. 21) and “Spatial Dynamics and Connections” includes “Knowledge of geography as it relates to spatial connections among people, places, and regions” (p. 26). The U.S. History assessment consists of four aspects of history partitioned into separate scales (i.e., Cultures scale, Democracy scale, Technology scale, and the World role scale). Additionally, the U.S. History assessment is based on four thematic areas. The first theme of the U.S. History framework (National Assessment Governing Board, 2009c) is “Change and Continuity in American Democracy: Ideas, Institutions, Events, Key Figures, and Controversies.” This theme assesses students’ knowledge of the foundational elements of America. The second theme of the U.S. History framework is “The Gathering and Interactions of Peoples, Cultures, and Ideas,” and it assesses students’ knowledge of the historical aspects of the cultural, racial, and ethnic diversity that exists in America. The third theme of the U.S. History framework is “Economic and Technological Changes and their Relationship to Society, Ideas, and the Environment,” and it measures students’ knowledge of the evolution of the American economy throughout history. The fourth theme of the U.S. History framework (2009c) is titled, “The Changing Role of America in the World,” and it examines students’ knowledge of the historical impact that America has had across the globe.

NATIONAL ASSESSMENT OF EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS DATA For comparison purposes, assessment data from male students of other racial groups were also obtained. This methodological strategy enabled us to examine male student achievement across multiple subject areas that constitute the social studies. The average scale scores show that African American male fourth graders scored lower than males from other racial groups on the NAEP Civics, NAEP Geography, and NAEP U.S. History assessments. More specifically, the descriptive data suggest that Asian/ Pacific Islander and White male fourth grade students’ scores were substantially higher than African American male fourth grade students in civics,

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geography, and U.S. history. While Hispanic male fourth grade students also scored higher than African American male fourth grade students in civics, geography, and U.S. history, the average scale score differences were small. Similar to the fourth grade data, the average scale scores for African American male eighth graders were also lower than male eighth grade students from other racial groups on the NAEP Civics, NAEP Geography, and NAEP U.S. History assessments. The average scale score difference between Hispanic male eighth graders and African American male eighth graders were small. Male Asian/Pacific Islander and White eighth grade students scored substantially higher than African American male eighth grade students in civics, geography, and U.S. history. As observed in the data from the fourth grade and eighth grade students, African American male students’ average scale scores in the twelfth grade were lower across each area of social studies. This particular finding points to a cumulative effect that begins in the early grades and continues to manifest itself throughout middle school and high school. Viewed collectively, these data suggest that the average scale scores from male students from other racial groups were higher than African American male twelfth graders on the NAEP Civics, NAEP Geography, and NAEP U.S. History assessments. The NAEP data also demonstrated that male students from each racial group scored the lowest on the NAEP Civics assessment at each grade level. For African American males, the data suggest that they need to improve their knowledge of civics throughout the educational pipeline. In summary, the NAEP data in Figs. 1
3 suggest that enhancing social studies classrooms in ways that might appeal to African American male students is a worthy undertaking. Moreover, it is important to note that some structural factors may influence African American males’ test scores in social studies. For example, the Center on Education Policy indicated that many school districts do not emphasize social studies instruction (Rentner et al., 2006). In fact, the study highlighted that several students in school districts around the country are possibly not receiving adequate social studies instruction because the focus is on improving test scores in reading and math. Similarly, in a study by Zastrow and Janc (2004), it was shown that some schools place less emphasis on social studies. Thus, while a variety of factors impact African American male students’ social studies outcomes, one of the important areas is the manner in which instruction is delivered in the classroom. With this view in mind, we sought to synthesize ideas from the scholarly literature that focused on improving social studies instruction. The perspectives advanced in this chapter have implications for all

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African American

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students; however, they may be particularly relevant for African American male students given their performance on standardized social studies assessments.

THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL STUDIES EDUCATION ON AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES Throughout the years, social studies has been regarded as one of the most unpopular subjects for students. This is largely due to how the curriculum is constructed and the way social studies is taught in classrooms. Moreover, the sociocultural learning literature in social studies education has acknowledged the impact of cultural identities on students’ interpretative knowledge (Epstein, 2009; Gordon, 1985; Seixas, 1994). In this context, African American male students’ educational outcomes in social studies may be heavily impacted by the extent to which social studies teachers acknowledge the history and contemporary conditions of African American males. Therefore, we contend that social studies education can be enhanced for African American males if teachers utilize culturally significant information that connects to past and present experiences of African American male students. In other words, we posit that social studies curricula that are grounded in diverse and multiple perspectives can have positive influences on the academic achievement of African American males. Moreover, there is a considerable amount of research that details the benefits of learning about the dynamics of history on racially and ethnically diverse students (Asante, 1991; Dimitriadis, 2000; Fehn, Flowers, & Jones, 1997; Merelman, 1993). Scholars, such as Ladson-Billings (1994) and Gay (2010), have posited that African Americans are more likely to achieve academically if curriculum materials closely align with their realities. A social studies curriculum that promotes African American history may help some African American male students to develop affective skills while enhancing their academic outcomes in social studies. However, some social studies classrooms ignore the impact of the African American experience in the United States (Gordon, 1985). The social studies curriculum has a long tradition of silencing major aspects of African American epistemology in regards to citizenship, culture, and history (Ladson-Billings, 2003). Early social studies curriculum and textbook developers subscribed to the popular discourse of the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which sought to describe

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African American men in a negative context (Brown, 2010; Elson, 1964). Throughout the years, social studies has improved by eliminating overtly offensive information and diversifying the curriculum by strategically placing African Americans in textbooks. Though this effort ushered in more diversity in terms of the depictions of African Americans in the curriculum, these representations tend to be truncated, simplistic, decontextualized, and avoid critical discussions regarding notions of structural inequalities in the United States. In 2008, Journell noted that African Americans are presented through oppression or liberation lenses, which obfuscates African Americans’ contributions to society. Anderson and Metzger (2011), following their review of state standards, observed that many state standards ignored the complexity of race in the United States. This study is consistent with Ladson-Billings (2003) work, which suggests that some history books relegate African American historical figures through specific time periods, such as the colonial times as enslaved individuals, as free persons after the Civil War, and as fighters for civil rights in the 1960s. Some African American historical figures are integrated in the social studies, including Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, and Frederick Douglass; however, the totality of the African American experience is usually limited in the curriculum to those historical figures and events that affirm socially acceptable values. In 2003, LadsonBillings explains that students “will not leave their history course with any sense of a coherent history of Africans in the Americas” (p. 3). Therefore, although African American history is integrated in the curriculum, critical issues that have defined the African American experience are largely left out of the historical discussion. This may work to disengage African American male students who do not see a cultural connection to the social studies curriculum.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE In this section, we provide some ideas that may help to improve the academic achievement of African American males in social studies education. More specifically, we contend that social studies teachers should teach African American males using culturally relevant instructional practices, which emphasize academic rigor through an empowering process of curriculum development and teaching that is influenced by students’

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cultural knowledge (Ladson-Billings, 1994). Moreover, according to Ladson-Billings (1994), culturally relevant instruction refers to “pedagogy that empowers students intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically by using cultural referents to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudes” (pp. 17
18). This instructional framework “helps students to accept and affirm their cultural identity while developing critical perspectives that challenge inequities that schools (and other institutions) perpetuate” (Ladson-Billings, 1995, p. 469). Teaching in culturally relevant ways helps to dislodge power dynamics that teachers may bring into classroom settings, because in this context students are viewed as multifaceted and intelligent individuals that bring important cultural knowledge into the classroom. Ladson-Billings (2006) suggests that culturally relevant teaching begins with thinking about society, the curriculum, instructional approaches, and how they interconnect and may be used to motivate African American students in the classroom. There are several components that teachers need to consider when developing culturally relevant instructional strategies. First, social studies teachers need to understand how society, historically and presently, discriminates against African American males. To understand this, social studies teachers have to critically examine sensitive social contexts including the intersection of race, class, and gender and the extent to which these dimensions influence the lives of African American male students. Second, social studies teachers should understand that the learning process is dynamic. Accordingly, a culturally relevant teacher should interrogate the social studies curriculum and, if necessary, insert relevant information that may resonate with African American males. Toward this end, Ladson-Billings (2006) asserted that teachers should be able to deconstruct, construct, and reconstruct curriculum to be able to meet the needs of its students. As a result, social studies teachers have to discuss issues pertaining to culture and race in the classroom as well as revise the curriculum to include multiple perspectives and teaching strategies. Third, social studies teachers have to expand their instructional approaches to include strategies that motivate African American male students to learn. In essence, this recommendation calls for the utilization of instructional practices that are active and inspire African American male students to reach their highest potential. It should be noted that lecturebased strategies are effective pedagogical approaches that may improve learning outcomes (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Therefore, social studies teachers should use teaching practices that encourage African American

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males to participate in class and utilize social studies content beyond the classroom. In essence, social studies teachers have to move beyond teaching strategies that are easy for them and use instructional approaches that connect with African American male students. Fourth, but most importantly, is how teachers think about African American students. Teachers’ beliefs impact the extent to which African American male students learn in school settings. Therefore, social studies teachers have to believe that African American male students can and will succeed. Culturally relevant social studies teachers understand that students are not perfect and they tend to defy classroom and school rules. They also understand that some African American male students may exhibit what may be perceived as questionable behavior. In these instances, appropriate discipline procedures should be applied; however, culturally relevant social studies teachers do not stereotype African American males through deficit language but strive to help African American males achieve academically. Although there is not an exact science that guides how to implement a culturally relevant social studies classroom, there are some basic tenets of culturally relevant instruction that can be used as a guide for educators to help African American male students achieve.

Academic Success Culturally relevant teachers hold high academic standards for their students. They do not accept failure as an option. Social studies teachers should, therefore, promote academic success by setting rigorous learning standards, stimulating critical thinking, and setting long-range academic goals that hold African American males accountable. Although raising standardized test scores is not necessarily the ultimate goal of culturally relevant teaching, designing culturally relevant classrooms that encourage academic success will most likely yield better test scores on national assessments (Milner, 2011). Moreover, throughout the educational pipeline, students should experience social studies classrooms that are intellectually challenging and allow for diverse perspectives. To do this, social studies educators should utilize cooperative learning activities. For example, teachers should facilitate lectures and historical inquiry activities that enable African American males to be empowered to learn and held accountable for their learning outcomes. In this regard, African American male students need teachers to believe that they can accomplish high-level tasks that reward creativity and decision making.

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Cultural Competence The second component of being a culturally relevant social studies teacher is to encourage cultural competence in the classroom. Ladson-Billings (2006) noted that it is the teacher’s responsibility to enable “students to recognize and honor their own cultural beliefs and practices while acquiring access to the wider culture” (p. 36). In other words, the goal of culturally relevant teaching is to utilize students’ cultural characteristics as legitimate knowledge. Social studies teachers can use African American male students’ cultural knowledge to enhance the learning environment. For example, classroom instruction incorporating the student’s community may be an effective way to make learning more culturally relevant for African American male students. For example, Boutte and Hill (2006) demonstrated the impactful influence of the barbershop as a pedagogical tool. In their research, the barbershop served as a cultural artifact that helped African American male students learn about social studies concepts such as economics and entrepreneurship. Utilizing similar instructional strategies may enable African American male students to gain cultural competencies as they come to realize the wealth of information and wisdom that can be ascertained through social studies concepts. Other community-oriented projects (Dimitriadis, 2000), such as community walks, to describe certain phenomena (e.g., urbanization, geography, and sustainability) can also be useful teaching strategies. Additionally, inviting community experts, such as parents and small business owners as guest speakers, exploring family and community history, and comparing it to the larger context can serve as dynamic, interesting, and meaningful learning opportunities for African American males.

Sociopolitical Consciousness Another characteristic of a culturally relevant social studies teacher is the ability to think critically about contemporary issues in society. Sociopolitical conscious teachers actively critique societal norms and values and are able to speak about the confluence of race, class, and gender. Milner (2011) asserts that developing a critical consciousness may help students to critically analyze their school, community, and country. Therefore, culturally relevant social studies teachers should make every attempt to develop critical citizens by empowering their students to think about inequities in their school and beyond. This form of critical scholarship should occur in classrooms and also in the community to enable African American

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male students to understand the complexities of society and how they can contribute to the long-term success of the United States (Ladson-Billings, 2006). To teach effectively about sociopolitical issues, social studies teachers need to educate themselves about local, national, and global sociopolitical issues that influence African American males’ lives. Issues, such as education policy, gentrification, city planning, health care, unemployment, foreign policy, and incarceration policies, are examples of complex sociopolitical issues that resonate with African American male students.

CONCLUSION NAEP data support the importance of promoting African American male students’ educational outcomes in social studies through innovative learning activities that integrate culturally relevant instruction. Research suggests that social studies teachers who understand the factors impacting African American male student outcomes might be more equipped to construct learning environments that facilitate student achievement in social studies classrooms. Moreover, teachers who utilize innovative and creative learning strategies are likely to encourage African American male students to examine the content areas in social studies in a way that enables them to develop problem-solving skills. It should be noted that we are not suggesting that every African American male student has similar experiences. In contrast, we are asserting that social studies teachers need to understand and value the uniqueness of each African American male student as well as the experiences of his family and community to facilitate the incorporation of each student’s sociocultural knowledge into the curriculum (Ball, 2009; Hollins, 2008). Toward that end, additional research on this topic should consider the influence of particular school environments on African American males’ achievement in social studies. Future research should also utilize experimental designs to test the efficacy of particular social studies curricula on the academic achievement of African American males in social studies classrooms.

REFERENCES Anderson, C. B., & Metzger, S. A. (2011). Slavery, the civil war era, and African American representation in U.S. history: An analysis of four states’ academic standards. Theory & Research in Social Education, 39, 393
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Asante, M. K. (1991). The afrocentric idea in education. The Journal of Negro Education, 60, 170
180. Ball, A. F. (2009). Toward a theory of generative change in culturally and linguistically complex classrooms. American Educational Research Journal, 46, 45
72. Blackmon, D. A. (2008). Slavery by another name: The re-enslavement of black Americans from the Civil War to World War II. New York: Anchor Books. Boutte, G. S., & Hill, E. L. (2006). African American communities: Implications for culturally relevant teaching. The New Educator, 2, 311
329. Brown, A. L. (2010). Counter-memory and race: An examination of African American scholars’ challenges to early twentieth century K-12 historical discourses. The Journal of Negro Education, 79, 54
65. Dimitriadis, G. (2000). “Making history go” at a local community center: Popular media and the construction of historical knowledge among African American youth. Theory & Research in Social Education, 28, 40
64. Elson, R. M. (1964). Guardians of tradition: American schoolbooks of the nineteenth century. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Epstein, T. (2009). Interpreting national history: Race, identity, and pedagogy in classrooms and communities. New York: Routledge. Fehn, B., Flowers, L., & Jones, E. (1997). “Why is there so much hate in people’s hearts?”: African American students interpret the integration struggle in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1957. The Iowa Council for the Social Studies Journal, 10(1), 31
43. Gates, H. L., Jr. (2011). Life upon these shores: Looking at African American history, 1513
2008. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Gay, G. (2010). Culturally responsive teaching: Theory, research, and practice. New York: Teachers College Press. Gordon, B. M. (1985). Toward emancipation in citizenship education: The case of AfricanAmerican cultural knowledge. Theory & Research in Social Education, 12(4), 1
23. Grant, C. A. (2011). Escaping Devil’s Island: Confronting racism, learning history. Race Ethnicity and Education, 14, 33
49. Hollins, E. R. (2008). Culture in school learning: Revealing the deep meaning (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge. Institute of Education Sciences. (2011a). Civics 2010: National Assessment of Educational Progress at Grades 4, 8, and 12 (NCES 2011-466). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Institute of Education Sciences. (2011b). Geography 2010: National Assessment of Educational Progress at Grades 4, 8, and 12 (NCES 2011-467). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Institute of Education Sciences. (2011c). U.S. History 2010: National Assessment of Educational Progress at Grades 4, 8, and 12 (NCES 2011-468). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Jonas, G. (2005). Freedom’s sword: The NAACP and the struggle against racism in America, 1909
1969. New York: Routledge. Journell, W. (2008). When oppression and liberation are the only choices: The representation of African Americans within state social studies standards. Journal of Social Studies Research, 32(1), 40
50. Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). The dreamkeepers: Successful teachers of African American children. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

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Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). Toward a theory of culturally relevant pedagogy. American Educational Research Journal, 32, 465
491. Ladson-Billings, G. (2003). Lies my teacher still tells: Developing a critical race perspective toward the social studies. In G. Ladson-Billings (Ed.), Critical race theory perspectives on social studies: The profession, policies, and curriculum (pp. 1
11). Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Ladson-Billings, G. (2004). Culture versus citizenship: The challenge of racialized citizenship in the United States. In J. A. Banks (Ed.), Diversity and citizenship education: Global perspectives (pp. 99
126). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ladson-Billings, G. (2006). “Yes, but how do we do it?”: Practicing culturally relevant pedagogy. In J. Landsman & C. W. Lewis (Eds.), White teachers/diverse classrooms: A guide to building inclusive schools, promoting high expectations, and eliminating racism (pp. 29
42). Sterling, VA: Stylus. Martorella, P. H. (1996). Teaching social studies in middle and secondary schools (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Merelman, R. M. (1993). Black history and cultural empowerment: A case study. American Journal of Education, 101, 331
358. Milner, H. R., IV. (2011). Culturally relevant pedagogy in a diverse urban classroom. Urban Review, 43, 66
89. National Assessment Governing Board. (2009a). Civics framework for the 2010 National Assessment of Educational Progress. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. National Assessment Governing Board. (2009b). Geography framework for the 2010 National Assessment of Educational Progress. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. National Assessment Governing Board. (2009c). U.S. History framework for the 2010 National Assessment of Educational Progress. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education. Parker, W. C. (2005). Social studies in elementary education (12th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Merrill Prentice Hall. Reddick, R. J., & Heilig, J. V. (2012). The current and dire state of African American male crime and education in the central southwest: Are mentoring constellations a promising strategy? Journal of African American Males in Education, 3, 29
46. Rentner, D. S., Scott, C., Kober, N., Chudowsky, N., Chudowsky, V., Joftus, S., & Zabala, D. (2006). From the capital to the classroom: Year 4 of the No Child Left Behind Act. Washington, DC: Center on Education Policy. Ross, E. W. (Ed.). (2006). The social studies curriculum: Purposes, problems, and possibilities (3rd ed.). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Seixas, P. (1994). Students’ understanding of historical significance. Theory & Research in Social Education, 22, 281
304. Stanley, W. B. (2005). Social studies and the social order: Transmission or transformation? Social Education, 69, 282
286. Weiss, N. J. (1974). The National Urban Lleague, 1910
1940. New York: Oxford University Press. Zastrow, C. V., & Janc, H. (2004). Academic atrophy: The condition of the liberal arts in America’s public schools. Washington, DC: Council for Basic Education.

CHAPTER 13 READERS THEATER AND THE “RECEIVEMENT GAP”: THE IMPACT OF THEATER-BASED INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES ON AFRICAN AMERICAN MALE’S READING ACHIEVEMENT Calvin W. Walton and Greg Wiggan ABSTRACT International assessment data consistently indicate that when compared to their peers from other major developed nations, American students, irrespective of their race, underperform in reading and mathematics (Darling Hammond, 2010; NCES, 2011; PIRLS, 2011; PISA, 2009; TIMSS, 2011). Within an American context, African American males generally have the lowest reading scores as compared to their White peers (Husband, 2012; NCES, 2011; Schott Foundation, 2010; Spellings Report, 2006). Existing research indicates that these disparities in academic performance are a result of inequalities in access to quality education and differences in the treatment of students, which

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are deeply imbedded in historical patterns of racial, gendered, and class discrimination. However, past studies also indicate that these same students optimize their learning experiences and become high performers when they receive high quality instruction and school enrichments. Thus, this chapter examines the use of Readers Theater as an instructional model that may help to enhance the school achievement of student groups, such as African American males. The chapter documents the challenges that Black males face in schools and proposes performing arts education as a mediating mechanism and reading enhancement tool. Additionally, it includes an in-depth description of Readers Theater and examines several studies on this instructional method and its potential impact on African American males and their reading skills.

INTRODUCTION Research studies and policy-based conversations regarding the differences in the racial outcomes of students are not a new phenomenon in the United States. Within the United States, the differences in the treatment that students receive through the public education system, as experienced by African Americans, have been often framed as an “achievement gap” between Black and White students (Jencks & Phillips, 1998). This education trend can be traced back to the publication of the Coleman Report in 1966, which suggested that disparities in school achievement can be directly traced to students’ home life (Coleman et al., 1966). In this landmark study, commissioned by the U.S. Department of Education, the findings indicated that improvements in school quality had no significant effects on the school achievement of students of color, such as African American males. Rather, the researchers suggested that the students’ home environment had the greatest influence on school achievement. In the late 1960s, the Coleman et al. study helped to set precedence for subsequent research that had a deficit focus on African American students. However, in spite of the negative findings of the Coleman Report, the preponderance of research on this topic indicates that school effects are the most important indicators of student performance. In this sense, disparities in academic performance are directly related to inequalities in access to quality education, as well as differences in the treatment of students, which are deeply imbedded in historical patterns of racial, gendered, and class discrimination (Haberman, 1995; Kozol, 2005; Ladson-Billings, 1994, 2000,

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2007). Thus, while Black and White students generally do not have the same access to quality schools and quality instruction, the “achievement gap” discourse reifies White students’ performance as a measure of Black students’ failure (Ighodaro & Wiggan, 2011). And, this is problematic. Research demonstrates that African American students optimize their learning experiences and become high performers when they receive highquality instruction and school enrichments. For example, Sanders and Rivers (1996) and other scholars (Evans-Winters, 2005; Flores, 2007; King, 2005; Perry, Steele, & Hilliard, 2004; Wiggan, 2008) find that highly effective teachers are experiencing major academic gains with underserved student populations, such as African American males. This chapter focuses on theater-based instructional method and how it may be used to enhance the reading achievement of Black male students. First, it begins with a review of the literature on reading achievement of Black males and supports the potential use of performing arts education as an instructional strategy. Second, it incorporates a critical analysis of the “achievement gap” discourse and examines the national conversation on racial and ethnic differences in reading achievement as a symptom of structural inequalities in the treatment of student of color, such as Black males. Third, the chapter offers a reanalysis of the “achievement gap” as a “receivement gap” or a persistent pattern of school-based structural issues, which negatively impacts the attainment of basic reading skills among African American males in public schools. Finally, it concludes with a discussion on the implications of Readers Theater as a mediating mechanism for low reading achievement.

LITERATURE REVIEW While data from comparative international assessments suggest that students from the United States perform below their peers in other developed nations in reading, there are still significant racial and ethnic disparities in student performance (African immigrants in the United States are the nation’s most highly educated group, 1999
2000; Taylor & Lee, 2011; Wilkins et al., 2012). Data from the most recent PIRLS study (DarlingHammond, 2010; Mullis, Martin, Foy, & Drucker, 2012; PIRLS, 2011; TIMMS, 2011) are used to compare and contrast the overall reading performance of students from different racial and ethnic backgrounds in the United States. More specifically, Asian students ranked first, with an average score of 588, followed by students from multiracial backgrounds

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(scored an average of 578). White students ranked third, with an average score of 575; Latino/Latina students ranked fourth, with an average of 532; and Black students ranked fifth, with an average of 522 (PIRLS, 2011). In regard to Black males, the educational challenges in reading are complex and well documented in the social science literature. Disparities in reading achievement are evidenced in the elementary grades and persist through the high school years (Finkel, 2010; Reardon, Valentino, & Shores, 2012). In the fourth grade, Black males tend to have some of the lowest reading scores, which are often linked to the pipeline-to-prison (Kim, Losen, & Hewitt, 2010; Pane & Rocco, 2014), and where subsequently the United States hosts the largest prison population in the world. On national reading assessments, Black boys in elementary school scored below boys from all other racial and ethnic groups, and they also scored lower than all racial groups of girls (NCES, 2011). Further, 10% of Black males in the eighth grade scored at or above proficiency on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), while 16% of Latino males and 33% of White males scored at or above proficiency (Schott Foundation, 2010). To be clear, on this particular assessment, males in all three racial groups performed below proficiency, but Black males in this same demographic group scored significantly lower than students from the other racial groups. Further, although White males also underperformed (33% scoring at proficiency), Black males generally have the lowest scores, as they typically receive the worst access to quality instruction and reading materials (Wolf, 1998). Racial and gender-based school disparities in urban districts are particularly disconcerting, with some of the most significant instances of literacy inequality occurring in America’s largest urban areas (National Institute for Literacy, 1998). For example, on the 2009 NAEP study (NAEP, 2010), Black males in large cities had lower reading scores than their Black and Latina female counterparts in grades four and eight. In New York City, 50% of Black male fourth graders and 48% of Black male eighth graders scored below proficiency levels in reading on the NAEP test (NAEP, 2010). While there is a significant body of research underscoring the problem of racial and ethnic disparities in reading achievement, there is a corresponding base of evidence that illuminates the potential of performing arts education methods and programs as tools for improving school achievement (Rose & Magnotta, 2008, 2012). There are potential positive impacts of using performing arts as a method for enhancing the reading performance and learning styles of Black males. Many of these students possess learning styles

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with right-brain orientations, meaning they thrive on instruction that focuses on variation, freedom, movement, cooperative learning, visual imagery, tactile perception, creativity, and expressive individualism (McDougal, 2009; Walker, 1995). Drawing connections between performing arts learning and reading achievement, a wide variety of research studies have been conducted (Catterall, Dumais, & Hampden-Thompson, 2012; Rose & Parks, 2002; Wandell, Dougherty, Ben-Shacar, Deutsch, & Tsang, 2008). Some of the main predictors of early literacy and phonological awareness are related to both musical training and cognitive stimulation (Wandell et al., 2008). The cognitive benefits of having high-level skill development in the arts extend to school achievement (Posner & Patoine, 2009), which is one of the salient areas of concerns for Black males. Therefore, for these students in particular, training in the performing arts may lead to improvements in cognitive development, general reading, and social skills development (Posner & Patoine, 2009). Wandell et al. (2008) found that musical training was related to improvements in reading fluency over a three-year period. Other research suggests that children who were involved in the process of integrating creative drama within reading were better able to comprehend what they read, and they were also better able to comprehend materials on standardized tests (Dupont, 1992; Rozanksy & Santos, 2009; Samuels, 2006). Student participation in classroom theater may increase reading momentum, accuracy, and comprehension (Wolf, 1998). Arts involvement in school can also have a positive impact on attitudes toward school, which may help shape overall academic performance (Hetland & Winner, 2004). Thus, participation in the fine and performing arts may influence “at-risk” high school students’ decisions to stay in school, which may ultimately have positive outcomes for African American males (Barry, Taylor, & Walls, 1990).

REFRAMING THE CHALLENGE OF RACIAL DISPARITIES IN ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE AND ACHIEVEMENT In spite of the evidence discussed above, the pattern of disparity in reading achievement, and in racialized standards-based academic performance across content areas among students in the United States has been positioned through research, media presentation, and public discussion as an

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“achievement gap,” which is generally promoted as the difference between the scores of Black and White students (Lewis, Simon, Uzzell, Horowitz, & Casserly, 2010; Noguera & Wing, 2006; North Carolina Department of Public Instruction [NCDPI], 2008; Wandell et al., 2008). This perspective for examining racial and ethnic disparity in academic performance is faulty because it often belies the research on high-performing Black students, especially the males. The obsession with White
Black differences in test scores discounts the full range of ethnic and racial diversity in the United States and runs counter to the evidence that shows White students are not top performers and, as such, should not be presented as the academic standard bearers for public education (NCES, 2011; PIRLS, 2011; PISA, 2009; Spellings Report, 2006). Therefore, the notion of a Black
White “achievement gap” is a faulty concept and should be challenged (King, 2005; Perry et al., 2004). In addition to its inaccuracy, the term “achievement gap” has come under increased scrutiny, in large part, because of its underlying implications. The concept of an “achievement gap” in reading is problematic, because it connotes superior effort and ability (Chambers, 2009). Further, the term suggests that White students work harder, apply more effort, and perform at higher levels because they are inherently superior to African American students, especially the males (Jencks & Phillips, 1998). Reliance upon the “achievement gap” analysis to describe differences in academic performance is questionable at best, because it insinuates that the entire problem is with the students and not the people, systems, and structures that are responsible for educating them. In an effort to counterbalance the underlying implications inherent within the “achievement gap” discourse, researchers should move away from using such analysis. There are other ways of examining these outcomes with a more holistic and comprehensive exploration of the reasons behind racial and ethnic differences in academic performance. Other potential factors and causes include, but are not limited to, student placement and tracking issues, school finance disparities, racial and socioeconomic segregation, unqualified teachers, availability of high-quality preschool preparation, access to technology, and home support (Chambers, 2009). The term “opportunity gap” has been used to shift the discussion from an individual student failure perspective to an analysis on systemic inequities that work against Black male students (Flores, 2007). Another potentially more appropriate term for describing the racial differences in student outcomes is the “receivement gap.” This framework was originally developed by Terah Venzant Chambers (2009); it was used to explain student

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achievement in relation to the lack of opportunities presented to minority students, where the educational inputs are emphasized, or what students in American schools receive as students, as opposed to their outputs, or performance on standardized tests. This characterization may be more fitting than “achievement gap,” because it challenges the deficit model of thinking and forces educators and researchers to examine structural issues in education (Chambers, 2009).

THE “RECEIVEMENT GAP” AND READING ACHIEVEMENT AMONG BLACK MALES While comparative international assessment data establishes that students from the United States perform below their counterparts in other developed nations in reading, and that there is a continuum of performance along racial and ethnic lines in American schools, the fact remains that Black males experience significant challenges in reading and generally perform below other racial and ethnic groups of students (Anderson, Howard, & Graham, 2007; Anderson & Sadler, 2009). Regardless of how one may attempt to analyze or reframe the discussion, many Black male students have difficulties with reading, which has been connected with low graduation rates (Hernandez, 2011; Schott Foundation, 2010). When analyzed from a national perspective, Black males have a 47% high school graduation rate (Schott Foundation, 2010). As such, reading difficulties contribute to the problem of school dropout (Barry et al., 1990). For example, a longitudinal study conducted by the Annie E. Casey Foundation revealed that those who did not read proficiently by third grade were four times more likely to leave school without a diploma than proficient readers (Hernandez, 2011). As it related to these findings, African American males had a disproportionately higher dropout rate (Catterall & Waldorf, 1999; NCES, 2011). Therefore, reading difficulties have a significant impact on academic placements and contribute to the overrepresentation of African American males in special education programs, as well as the pipe-line-to-prison (Kunjufu, 2005). It has been noted that functional reading problems have a major impact on students’ life outcomes. Adjudicated African American males even score low on achievement measures in both reading and math (Baltodano, Harris, & Rutherford, 2005). The majority of ninth grade youth in correctional facilities read at the fourth grade level, and 70% of prisoners fall in the lowest two levels of

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reading proficiency (National Institute for Literacy, 1998). Since reading is a central skill that African American male students should obtain, the racial and ethnic disparities in reading performance should be addressed from the perspective of the types of educational opportunities and learning experiences students receive. These experiences have the potential to either improve reading outcomes, or contribute to the continued pattern of below grade level reading performance for Black males. Analyzing the “receivement gap” raises questions about what strategies and models can potentially be implemented to address student outcomes in reading achievement among Black males. One of the contributing factors to the educational “receivement gap” concerns the types of reading instruction Black male students receive in public schools. The reading instruction offered to African American male adolescents is often based on assessment scores framed within the context of data driven instruction (Hilliard, 1995; Schmoker, 2000). Based on these scores, Black males are often placed in remedial reading classrooms or regular English tracks. They generally receive less demanding and poorly formulated reading instruction, and are placed in remedial classes where they are asked to read less than their peers in academically accelerated classes and exposed to lower quality reading materials (Hilliard, 1995; Schmoker, 2000). Generally speaking, preadolescent and adolescent Black males avoid reading textbooks available to them. These textbooks tend to lack culturally relevance and fail to reflect students’ social and cultural backgrounds. Further, there is a direct connection between how often students engage in reading and how well they read (Husband, 2012). Educational policies may contribute to the reading “receivement gap” as well. States and school districts have standardized reading curricula that may contribute to reading disparities, such as when educators do not consider the individuality of Black males as a basis for curriculum development and when they do not offer socially and culturally responsive strategies for teachers to differentiate instructional practices to meet the needs and interests of Black males (Kirkland, 2011). Such uniform approaches encourage educators to teach Black males in the same or similar ways. Based on the “achievement gap” discourse, Black male students are assumed to be responsible for the achievement challenges they experience, which may excuse teachers, administrators, and schools from being accountable for contributing to the disparities in reading achievement (Haddix, 2009). Teachers who hold low expectations for Black males are more likely to use low-level teaching strategies. It is important to also note that school disciplinary patterns may also contribute to the reading

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difficulties Black males experience (Anderson et al., 2007). Across school settings, Black males are suspended at disproportionately higher rates than other demographic groups (Kim et al., 2010), and the time spent out of school negatively impacts reading achievement in particular and overall academic achievement in general (Mendez & Knopf, 2003). In 2007, Anderson et al. analyzed four years of reading achievement and disciplinary data in a large urban school district, and their analysis revealed that Black males who were suspended from school had lower levels of reading achievement than other student groups. The implications of these findings suggest that the disciplinary procedures designed to reduce disruptive behavior of students may have an unintended impact on the reading achievement of Black boys. Therefore, frequent school suspensions may prevent Black males from acquiring the foundational reading skills needed to become effective students.

THE PERFORMING ARTS, ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE, AND READING ACHIEVEMENT The problem of poor reading performance among Black males may be a manifestation of a “receivement gap” in reading related instruction. However, just as there are strategies and methods that contribute to the problem, there are specific teaching techniques and approaches that may have the potential to improve academic and reading performance, more specifically, for African American students. There is a growing body of evidence linking arts-based learning and reading achievement (Kirkland, 2011; McDougal, 2009; Rose & Magnotta, 2012). The findings from these studies appear promising and may serve as the basis for developing and implementing practices that can lead to improved reading performance among Black male students. In 2004, Hetland and Winner’s meta-analysis of 16 studies on classroom drama revealed a positive relationship with drama and reading, oral language development, self-esteem, moral reasoning, and various drama skills. The researchers’ second meta-analysis of 20 studies also revealed a positive correlation between classroom drama, reading achievement, and several other academic and personal outcomes. Additionally, high school students who have high levels of in-school and out-of-school arts course participation tend to earn higher grades and perform better on standardized tests than their peers with lower levels of arts participation (Catterall, 1998).

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In PreK-12 urban schools, students who participate in classes where the arts are integrated into the core curriculum, tend to consistently outperform their peers on formal reading assessments (Catterall & Waldorf, 1999). Elementary school students
who learned reading through arts integrated lessons
involving theater, puppetry and painting, improved their test scores at three times the rate of students who used the standard curriculum. Further, the effective employment of image theater, a technique in which students take text, an event from a book, or a situation from real life and use their bodies to create a sculpture of the event, has been shown to improve the critical literacy skills of students (Rozansky & Santos, 2009).

READERS’ THEATER Research on the connection among meaningful curriculum-based performing arts involvement, cognitive development and student achievement presents educators with a potentially promising pathway toward reducing the “receivement gap” and increasing student literacy. Thus, performing arts methods may be used to address the problem of structural educational inequalities in learning opportunities and services for Black children in American schools. With this growing body of evidence, educators and researchers should strategically examine, analyze, and apply best practices in arts-oriented education to enhance the learning opportunities for Black males. One of the most promising arts-based methods for teaching reading and helping students develops literacy skills is Readers Theater (Kabilan, 2010). Readers Theater (RT) is a dramatic reading strategy in which a play, narrative poem, speech, or a dramatic piece of writing is formatted into a script and read aloud to a live audience (Willcutt, 2007). RT contributes to literacy mainly by developing a student’s reading fluency skills. Reading fluency is a complex reading skill, defined by the ability to decode and comprehend text simultaneously (Willcutt, 2007). As such, RT stands as a performing arts-based teaching technique that could potentially serve as a method for improving the literacy skills of Black males. As an integrated method for using theatrical reading experiences, RT may increase student involvement in reading, writing, listening, speaking, and performing. When effectively implemented, it immerses students in reading aloud, sharing literature, writing scripts, working collaboratively and performing with a purpose (Cornwell, 2012).

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In RT, the reader uses a script that has been adapted from literature, and the audience (e.g., students) experiences the action from hearing the script as it is read aloud. RT does not require costumes, sets, props, memorized lines, lighting, sound, or any other devices normally associated with technically oriented theatrical performances (Cornwell, 2012; Grafton & Cross, 2008). Thus, performers do not have to act out the script. Their charge, instead, is to read the script aloud in a way that enables the audience to envision the action in the piece and visualize the interaction between characters. Further, performers may use their voices, facial expressions, mannerisms, and gestures to enhance the effects of what they are reading. RT has some built in advantages, particularly for teachers who work in schools that have limited resources. It is a method that only requires texts, chairs, music stands (optional), an audience, an energetic and creative teacher, and most importantly, student readers. Another RT advantage is that this technique can be used with any type of literature: (a) picture books, (b) short stories, (c) portions of novels, poetry, textbooks, newspaper and magazine articles, graphic novels, and (d) works of nonfiction. At first, teachers need to be judicious in selecting materials for students to use in RT, because not all literature lends itself to RT sessions and performances. RT teachers should look for materials that are culturally responsive. In addition, teachers should look for literature that has compelling content, which uses dialog and storyline that contains literary elements like conflict and plot, and uses humor, but does not contain lots of descriptive passages, and flows at a steady pace (Cornwell, 2012). To effectively implement RT, teachers should model expressive reading consistently. This provides students with a model for reading with purpose, feeling, and meaning. In introducing students to RT, teachers should start by using pre-prepared scripts to help students understand the format of a script before they are given the opportunity to create their own. They should also use this as an opportunity to teach students performance techniques, such as using highlighters to mark different parts of a script, showing them how to hold the script, as well as how to interpret a reading and read it expressively. Additionally, teachers should use RT training to show students how to practice their parts individually and in small groups, and to rehearse with the cast. These skills underscore the importance of practice and frequent reading in becoming a confident and effective reader. To create an effective script for RT, teachers must first choose an appropriate text that is written at a level that, with practice, students can

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successfully read aloud. However, it is not required that an entire text be read aloud. In fact, depending upon the grade level of the students and the material selected, reading the entire text may not be the best strategy. Once an appropriate text has been selected, the teacher helps the students decide what portions of the text to read. The teacher should also show students how to modify, or rewrite speeches or passages that are too long, and how to identify and eliminate less critical information, like descriptions and transitions (Cornwell, 2012). RT helps enhance engagement by providing students with opportunities to assist in selecting texts of interest to them, and involve them in the actual writing of the script (Dupont, 1992). Further, it is an effective instructional technique because it can be used in any content area (Flowers & Flowers, 2008), and it motivates students to do more reading and gain greater reading comprehension (Worthy, 2012).

READERS THEATER AND LITERACY DEVELOPMENT Just as the research on arts education and academic performance, over the last fifteen years more specific research has been conducted on theater, drama, and their impact on literacy development. The use of drama to teach reading has been shown to have positive effects on reading outcomes (Podlozny, 2000). Drama-based reading instruction leads to improved visualization of a story (Rose, Parks, Androes, & McMahon, 2000), and challenges students to use expression, or prosodic reading, which is a critical element of reading fluency (Kuhn, Schwanenflugel, & Meisinger, 2010; Martinez, Roser, & Strecker, 1999; Rasinski, Rikli, & Johnson, 2009). Rose et al. (2000) found that fourth grade students who use drama as a method for practicing and learning to read narrative stories, outperformed randomly selected students on statewide reading comprehension tests. RT’s primary contribution to literacy development lies in the area of reading fluency, the ability to read a text with speed and accuracy, recognizing each word effortlessly, and beginning to construct meaning from each word and group of words as the reader reads. Without the attainment of fluency, there is an inability to master vocabulary and comprehend texts (Kuhn & Stahl, 2003). Fluency has several indicators, including rate of reading in words per minute (Hasbrouck & Tindal, 1992), decoding accuracy (Samuels, 2006), and expressive reading with appropriate inflection. Fluency has been identified by the National Reading Panel as one of the

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“Big Five” reading skills that are vital components of effective, evidencebased reading instruction. Phonics, phonemic awareness, vocabulary, and comprehension are the other four skills (Harris, Baltodano, Bal, Julivette, & Malcahy, 2009; Hetland & Winner, 2004; Jonides, 2008). Thus, reading fluency is a key literary component because it supports comprehension. Readers who have difficulty with decoding cannot process words as whole units, which impair comprehension. However, readers who have the ability to rapidly identify words can then focus on understanding textual meaning (Willcutt, 2007). Research on RT reveals that it is particularly effective in addressing the issue of reading time on task (Dupont, 1992; Rose & Magnotta, 2012). Reading skill is directly related to the amount of reading a student actually does (Jonides, 2008). Students who need the most practice in reading spend less time in practice. Additionally, students who start-off with poor reading skills typically continue to have poor reading skills (Haberman, 1995; Kuhn et al., 2010). Unfortunately, too many struggling Black male students do not get enough practice with reading. Lower scoring students need to dramatically increase the amount of time they spend reading, particularly in the early years (Rose & Magnotta, 2012). During the course of this study, from 2004 to 2008, 10,000 students in over 100 schools were taught specific reading skills using a music- and drama-based curriculum (Rose & Magnotta, 2012). The key elements of instruction included phonemic awareness, systematic phonics, and reading fluency. RT was the primary method used to teach and reinforce reading fluency skills. The children who were involved in this study were primarily Black K-3 students who attended schools in some of Chicago’s poorest neighborhoods. At the conclusion of this four-year study, students in the treatment group demonstrated significant improvements in phonemic awareness, phoneme segmentation, word fluency, and oral reading fluency. Significantly more students, across all four grade levels, met benchmarks in the areas tested (Rose & Magnotta, 2012).

IMPLICATIONS Implications for Educational Practice RT, as a potentially effective strategy for addressing the reading “receivement gap” experienced by Black males in American PreK-12 schools, may

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be key to students’ success in reading. As demonstrated in this chapter, research supports the efficacy of RT and other theater-based instructional methods. It is quite likely that these approaches may be effective in teaching reading and addressing the reading difficulties many school-aged Black males experience. The evidence presented has serious implications for teacher preparation and training. Based on its purported effectiveness, RT may help produce gains in oral reading ability and reading comprehension, and oral reading rates among African American males (Nobel, 1985; Parks & Rose, 1997; Posner & Patoine, 2009; Posner, Rothbart, Sheese, & Kieras, 2008). Research on the connection between the use of RT and improvements in reading achievement have important implications for the teaching and learning opportunities afforded to African American males in K-12 schools. Evidence of its successful use as a tool for teaching key reading skills indicate that educators should consider moving away from the widespread use of remedial and functional models of reading instruction and begin employing RT and other performing arts-based reading strategies and techniques for African American males on a wider scale. The persistent use of ineffective instructional practices is a factor in the poor reading performance outcomes demonstrated by African American males. As such, teacher preparation programs should begin to expose in-service and preservice teachers to RT. While the evidence supporting the effectiveness of RT as an instructional practice is promising, more research is needed to gauge its broader potential as a tool for teaching African American males. Colleges of education should play a leading role in setting up school laboratories where RT is used in public schools, and studied, modeled and refined based on its outcomes and effectiveness. Notwithstanding, based on the findings thus far, federal, state, and local policymakers and educators should consider supporting additional studies to examine how effective RT maybe used as an instructional practice for Black male students. If future studies show positive gains, then PreK-12 schools would be well served to implement RT as a bonafide research-based method for teaching reading to African American males.

Implications for Educational Research Research on Black male learning styles and modalities indicate that RT could be an effective tool in reading (Rinehart, 1999). However, RT should

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not be seen as a reading remediation program or a reading intervention. Instead, it should be used as a part of a holistic process for teaching Black males to develop a passion for reading before they fall behind. It has been demonstrated that students who engage in RT, as little as 30 minutes per day, show significant improvements in oral reading rates, oral reading fluidity, phrasing, and expressiveness (Martinez et al., 1999). However, more research is needed specifically on schools and environments with Black male students. The Chicago RIM study (Rose & Magnotta, 2012), which was mentioned previously, serves as a very promising example of how RT and other arts-based strategies may be used to help Black students from low-income backgrounds, in general, and Black males in particular, become excellent readers.

CONCLUSION The problem of the so-called “achievement gap” in academic performance between Black and Latino/Latina students and their White counterparts has received a great deal of attention from the educational research community and the popular press. The research confirms the existence of differences in the school achievement and outcome of these students, yet very little attention is placed on the difference in the treatment of the students. Thus, the use of the term “achievement gap” is problematic and is being challenged by progressive educators because it suggests that, in spite of an educational system in which school inequalities continue to exist, students achieve or fail based solely on the amount of effort they apply toward their studies. The underlying suggestion is that White and Asian American students achieve because they work hard and apply maximum effort, and Black and Latino students struggle simply because they do not. The term “receivement gap” has been suggested as an alternative because it takes into account that students in American public schools receive significantly different educational experiences, which are often determined by racial and socioeconomic factors. Disparities in performance in reading are of serious concern, because an individual’s ability to read is directly tied to his or her overall academic performance, beyond school outcomes and future economic prospects. The reading challenges experienced by school age Black males correlate with low graduation rates, high dropout rates, disproportionate levels of incarceration, and high unemployment rates (Dohower, 1987; Grafton & Cross,

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2008; Haddix, 2009). The reading difficulties many Black males exhibit and their negative outcomes may be manifestations of the “receivement gap.” Furthermore, as we have discussed, U.S. student achievement needs to be understood in relation to international school achievement data, which indicate that American schools, in general, underperform compared to the performance of schools in other major developed countries. In spite of these concerns, there is a growing body of evidence that points toward performing arts integrated instruction as a pathway for enabling African American males to achieve reading excellence. In particular, RT is a strategy that has been proven effective, specifically with improving students’ reading proficiency skills. The research and subsequent discussion presented in this chapter suggest that RT is an instructional method that could be used on a broader scale to help improve reading performance. However, more research is needed, particularly on Black students in urban schools, before stronger conclusions are drawn. Nevertheless, thus far, the evidence suggests that RT can help address the problem of racial and ethnic reading disparities as experienced by students in America’s schools.

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89. Rose, D. S., & Magnotta, M. A. (2008). 3D group technical report #8324. Berkeley, CA: Data Driven Decisions, Inc. Rose, D. S., & Magnotta, M. A. (2012). Succeeding with high-risk k-3 populations using artsbased reading instruction: A longitudinal study. The Journal of Educational Research, 105, 416
430. Rose, D. S., & Parks, M. (2002). The arts and academic achievement: What the evidence does (and doesn’t) show. Grantmakers in the Arts Reader, 13, 23
26. Rose, D. S., Parks, M., Androes, K., & McMahon, S. D. (2000). Imagery based learning: Improving elementary students’ reading comprehension with drama techniques. Journal of Educational Research, 94, 55
63. Rozansky, C. L., & Santos, C. (2009). Boal’s image theatre creates a space for critical literacy in third-graders. Reading Improvement, 46(3), 178
188. Samuels, S. J. (2006). Toward a model of reading fluency. In S. J. Samuels & A. E. Farstrup (Eds.) What research has to say about fluency instruction (pp. 24
46). Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Sanders, W. L., & Rivers, J. C. (1996). Cumulative and residual effects of teachers on future student academic achievement. Memphis, TN: University of Tennessee Value-Added Research and Assessment Center.

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Schmoker, M. (2000). Standards versus sentimentality: Reckoning
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61. Schott Foundation. (2010). Yes we can: The Schott foundation 50 state report on public education and black males. Retrieved from http://blackboysreport.org/. Accessed on May 12, 2012. Spellings Report. (2006). A test of leadership: Charting the future of U.S. higher education: A report of the commission appointed by Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings. U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from http://www.ed.gov/about/bdscomm/ list/hiedfuture/reports/ pre-pub-report.pdf. Accessed on March 7, 2013. Taylor, C. S., & Lee, Y. (2011). Ethnic DIF in reading texts with mixed item formats. Educational Assessment, 16, 35
68. Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMMS). (2011). Retrieved from http://nces.ed.gov/timss/. Accessed on February 9, 2013. Walker, D. E. (1995, November). Connecting right and left brain: Increasing academic performance of African American students through the arts. Unpublished paper presented at The National Alliance of Black School Educators Annual Conference, Dallas, TX. Wandell, B., Dougherty, R. F., Ben-Shacar, M., Deutsch, G. K., & Tsang, J. (2008). Training in the arts, reading, and brain imaging. In M. Gazinga (Ed.), Learning, arts, and the brain (pp. 51
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CHAPTER 14 AFRICAN AMERICAN MALES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION Samuel R. Hodge and Martha James-Hassan ABSTRACT In this chapter, we discuss teaching physical education to Black male students in urban schools. We present a brief account of the history and status of physical education and specifically examine school physical education, particularly for Black male students in urban geographical contexts. We also offer strategies to counter the narrative of Black male school failure and present strategies for addressing the needs of urban teachers and Black male students.

INTRODUCTION In appreciation for the richness of diversity in today’s public schools, teachers need to understand that students occupy important diverse cultural spaces and consequently they should practice culturally responsive pedagogies (Harrison, Carson, & Burden, 2010; Timken & Watson, 2010). This requires an awareness of culture, language, ethnicity, gender, and other

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variables that define student diversity. Therefore, teachers need to be willing and competent in building cross-cultural bridges in order that all students regularly benefit from culturally responsive and success-oriented physical education experiences. However, physical education teachers self-report low to modest levels of cultural competency in working in diverse school settings, particularly with Black male students in urban schools (Collins, 2011; Harrison et al., 2010). In this chapter, we discuss teaching physical education to Black male students in urban schools. First, we provide a brief account of the history and status of physical education. Next, we discuss school physical education, particularly for Black male students in urban geographical contexts. Our position is that urban physical education teachers should demonstrate both knowledge and skill at identifying issues, addressing problems, reflecting, and thinking critically about what cultural competency and responsiveness means in teaching Black male students. We also discuss strategies to counter the narrative of Black male school failure. At the forefront is a need for physical education teacher education (PETE) programs to prioritize curricular concepts and content that are situated in social justice praxis, such as culturally relevant pedagogies to ensure future urban teachers have a strong knowledge and skill base for teaching Black male students justly and effectively. And, we position the idea of cultural fluency as a means of addressing the needs of urban teachers and students toward empowerment. Cultural fluency is an expansion of cultural competency as antiracism is an expansion of multiculturalism (Gilborn, 2005), whereby it adopts an openly political position that emphasizes the need to identify and resist racism on personal, institutional, theoretical, and practical levels simultaneously.

EDUCATION AND BLACK MALES Current State of Education for Black Males There is a wealth of research supporting social psychologist Claude M. Steele’s (1992) assertion that “for too many Black students school is simply the place where, more concertedly, persistently, and authoritatively than anywhere else in society, they learn how little valued they are” (n.p.). The goal of education in a democratic society, as articulated by Banks (2006), should run counter to this common narrative for Black male students in

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particular and toward validation of their worth in school and beyond. The goal of education, as he articulates it, is: Education in a democratic society should help students acquire the knowledge, attitudes, and skills needed to become productive workers within society as well as develop the commitment, attitudes, and skills to work to make our nation and the world just places in which to live and work. We should educate students to be effective citizens of their cultural communities, the nation, and the world. (Banks, 2006, p. 145)

There exists a divide between the lived reality of many Black male students and the idea goal of education toward democracy and social justice. Acknowledging this divide provides a fitting start to our discourse on educating Black male students through the medium of physical education. Combined nearly 30% of the nation’s total population1 is either Black2 (12.8%) or Hispanic3 (16.3%) (Ennis, Rı´ os-Vargas, & Albert, 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). These two groups represent the largest minoritized4 groups in the United States and the prominent student populations at many urban schools. Demographic data of schools in America are presented in Tables 1 and 2 for students and teachers, respectively. Trend data show an increase of 4,210,426 students (9.1%) at U.S. public elementary and secondary schools from fall term of 1995 to fall term of 2009. Most of the students in that increase were White, but their proportion of the total enrollment declined from 64.7% to 54.1% (Snyder & Dillow, 2012). During this same

Table 1. Number and Percentage of Students at U.S. Public Elementary and Secondary Schools, by Racial/Ethnic Classification: Fall 1995, Fall 2000, and Fall 2009. Racial/Ethnic Group

1995

%

2000

%

2009

%

Total students enrolled White

44,424,467 28,736,961

100 64.7

46,120,425 28,146,613

100 61.0

48,634,893 26,311,473

100 54.1

Total, selected groups Black Hispanic Asian/Pacific Islander Native American Other

15,687,506 7,510,678 6,016,293 1,656,787 503,748 +

35.3 16.9 13.5 3.7 1.1 +

17,973,812 7,854,032 7,649,728 1,924,875 545,177 +

38.9 17.0 16.6 4.2 1.2 +

22,323,420 8,166,410 10,775,975 2,461,820 584,756 334,459

45.9 16.8 22.2 5.1 1.2 0.7

Source: Adapted from Snyder and Dillow (2012, p. 168). Note: Native American represents the American Indian/Alaska Native category. +Data not reported in the “Other” category for 1995 and 2000, which denotes two or more races.

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Table 2.

The Racial Demographics of the US Teacher Workforce, 2007
2008. White

Black

Asian

Hispanic

Other

All public schools Traditional public Charter school

83.1% 83.3% 72.9%

7.0% 6.9% 12.3%

1.2% 1.2% 2.6%

7.1% 7.0% 9.3%

1.6% 1.6% 2.8%

Community type City Suburban Town Rural

71.0% 84.6% 89.0% 90.3%

12.0% 6.3% 4.1% 4.6%

2.2% 1.4% 0.5% 0.4%

13.1% 6.2% 4.7% 3.3%

1.8% 1.5% 1.6% 1.4%

Source: Ludwig et al. (2010).

period, students of color comprised nearly half (45.9%) of the student population at public elementary and secondary schools. During the school year of 2007
2008, there were over 3.8 million teachers at schools in the United States, according to a joint report released by the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education (AACTE) and American Institutes for Research (AIR) (Ludwig, Kirshstein, Sidana, Ardila-Rey, & Bae, 2010). Most of the teachers (85.5%) worked at traditional public schools. In the report, Ludwig et al. asserted that “the pool of teacher candidates is not as diverse as the students in the U.S. schools, despite many years of innovative recruitment and financial strategies” (p. 4). In 2007
2008 more than 80% of the public school teachers in the United States were White. But, Black and Hispanic teachers each comprised only about 7% of the teaching force, respectively. Location data indicate that urban schools were the only community types where Black and Hispanic teachers comprised over 10% of the total teaching population (Table 2). Urban schools clearly serve communities that have become synonymous with economic hardships and student diversity. Further, the term urban typically denotes a major city and metropolitan area. Common to large urban communities are school districts with highpoverty and low-performing schools (Borman et al., 2004; Livingston & Wirt, 2004), including those defined as persistently the lowest-achieving schools (U.S. Department of Education, 2013). Many problems epitomize high-poverty urban schools, such as budget deficits, equipment/supply shortages, inadequate school facilities, overcrowded classes, and much more (McCaughtry, Barnard, Martin, Shen, & Kulinna, 2006). These urban schools typically have high percentages of low-income students who are

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mostly Black and Hispanic (Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014; Livingston & Wirt, 2004). White peers are more apt to attend schools in suburban districts (Aud et al., 2012). For example, during the school year of 2009
2010, schools with the highest rates of poverty had an average of only 6% of students who were White. In contrast, Black males are among those most likely to live in families below the poverty threshold and attend high-poverty schools (Aud et al., 2012). Of concern, living in poverty ordinarily “means families are less able to afford good health care, to secure nutritious food, or to provide enriching cultural or educational experiences for their children, all of which are essential preconditions for students to sustain success in school” (Bainbridge & Lasley, 2002, p. 426). Gross disparities persist in urban schools, which include persistently low achieving schools. Those identified as persistently the lowest-achieving schools are defined as the lowest-achieving 5% of Title I schools or a high school that has had a graduation rate of less than 60% over multiple years (U.S. Department of Education, 2013). The intersecting factors of race and poverty exacerbate challenges associated with Black male success in schools (Noguera, 2003). Arguably, school professionals within the educational system
teachers, sport coaches, school counselors, and administrators
are failing far too many youth, particularly Black males from low-income communities. National data confirm that Black male students from low-income communities have less access and tend to dwell in the basement of the educational system (Jackson & Moore, 2006). They along with Hispanic youth are more likely than other student populations to be suspended or expelled from school (Kelman, 2013). In a recent national study, it was reported that Black students were suspended more than three times (24.3% suspension rate) as often as their White schoolmates (7.1%), twice as often as Hispanic (12%) schoolmates, and more than 10 times as often as Asian/ Pacific Islander (2.3%) schoolmates at middle and high schools during the 2009
2010 school year (Kelman, 2013). On the other hand, it is well accepted that students who participate more in school activities (e.g., responding to teacher questions and asking their own questions in classes and participating in extracurricular activities including athletics) are likely to experience greater academic achievement (Griffin, 2002). Griffin (2002) asserted that the “more success a student experiences, the more identified with school the student becomes” (p. 71). In contrast, students who repeatedly experience poor academic outcomes are vulnerable of losing interest in their education and experiencing diminished self-esteem (Griffin, 2002). Stated differently, school identification is

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internalized and may affect a student’s esteem either positively (e.g., has academic successes) or negatively (e.g., has poor academic outcomes) (Flowers, Milner, & Moore, 2003; Griffin, 2002; Moore, MadisonColmore, & Smith, 2003). Questions about how best to deliver high-quality, well-balanced physical education curriculum offerings that are differentiated to meet the cultural and academic needs of Black male students are both urgent and immense.

Historical Context and Current State of Physical Education for Black Males In the United States, physical education was initially focused on gymnastics and calisthenics for schools in the 1800s; it later progressed and transitioned to focus on sport, games, and dance at the start of the 20th century5 (Vlcˇek, 2011). Sociocultural events, such as the need for a fit labor force and preparation for defense associated with World Wars I and II and later the Korean and Vietnam Wars, shifted the emphasis of physical education to physical fitness conditioning (Jurkechova´ et al., 2011; Vlcˇek, 2011). In the 1960s, as the popular culture transitioned to a time of personal identity and civil rights, physical education shifted focus to emphasize individual benefits of physical activity (Hein & Ryan, 1960). In the 1970s and 1980s, school physical education programs underwent significant curricular transitions again to reflect the value of socially inclusive learning. As a result, curriculum models as adventure education, cooperative learning, movement education, social responsibility models, and sport education were popularized6 and strategies to support greater inclusion of students with disabilities in physical education settings were promoted (Hodge et al., 2012; Vlcˇek, 2011). Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, economic recessions and concerns about program quality contributed to cutbacks in many school physical education programs characterized by reductions in time spent in physical education classes for students (Vlcˇek, 2011). However, there have been marked increases in required physical education units for high school graduation in the past decade (Keating, Subramaniam, Shangguan, & Chen, 2013). Contemporarily, the U.S. Congress defines physical education as instruction in (a) physical and motor fitness; (b) fundamental motor skills and patterns; and (c) skills in aquatics, dance, and individual and group games and sports including intramural and lifetime sports (Hodge et al., 2012). For more than a decade, education scholars have insisted that substantial programmatic changes are required to ensure that physical education remains

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an important discipline in the PreK-12 curriculum (Keating et al., 2013; Keating, Lambdin, Harrison, Dauenhauer, & Rotich, 2010; Silverman, Keating, & Phillips, 2008). In response to the need for highquality physical education programming, the National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE) published the National Standards for Physical Education (1995, 2004). These standards and essential components of a comprehensive physical education program are presented in Table 3. Nationally, these standards have influenced physical education curricula, instruction, and assessments. NASPE’s mission “is to enhance knowledge, improve professional practice, and increase support for high-quality physical education, sport, and physical activity programs”

Table 3.

Standard 1 Standard 2 Standard 3 Standard 4 Standard 5 Standard 6

Element 1 Element 2 Element 3 Element 4 Element 5 Element 6 Element 7 Element 8 a

NASPE Content Standards and Essential Components of a Comprehensive Physical Education (PE) Program. NASPE Content Standardsa Demonstrates competency in motor skills and movement patterns needed to perform a variety of physical activities. Demonstrates understanding of movement concepts, principles, strategies, and tactics as they apply to the learning and performance of physical activities. Participates regularly in physical activity. Achieves and maintains a health-enhancing level of physical fitness. Exhibits responsible personal and social behavior that respects self and others in physical activity settings. Values physical activity for health, enjoyment, challenge, self-expression, and/ or social interaction. Elements of a Comprehensive PE Programb Is organized around content standards that offer direction and continuity to instruction and evaluation. Is student centered and based on the developmental urges, cultures, tendencies, and interests of students. Has physical activity and motor-skill development at its core. Teaches management skills and self-discipline. Emphasizes inclusion of all students. Emphasizes instruction focused on the process of learning rather than performance outcomes. Teaches lifetime activities that students can use to promote their health and personal values. Teaches cooperative and responsibility skills and helps students develop sensitivity to multiple diversities.

Taken from NASPE (2004, p. iv). Adapted from Darst and Pangrazi (2006, p. 2).

b

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(2013, p. 1). Not explicit in the mission statement, but highly relevant to the topic addressed here, is the role of the professional physical educator in developing cultural fluency in order to demonstrate cultural competency and responsiveness. Physical education programs that adhere to the standards, as published by NASPE (1995, 2004), promote knowledge, social development, skill acquisition and improvement, and significant participation in healthy physical activity for students. The high-quality, standards-based programs include a wide variety of games, sports, leisure, and recreational activities (Hodge et al., 2012). In response to concerns about physical inactivity and childhood obesity, there has been an increasing focus on physical education curricula designed for fitness development and assessment (Keating et al., 2013; Silverman et al., 2008). Disproportionately, Black and Hispanic youth in urban schools and communities experience childhood obesity associated with physical inactivity and many other factors, such as poor dietary habits and poverty (Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014). An important goal of quality physical education programs is for all youth, kindergarten through 12th grade, to participate in daily physical activity for good health and wellness because they constitute an important component of a healthy lifestyle, in part, to avoid the potentially harmful effects of obesity (Bryan, Sims, Hester, & Dunaway, 2013). For some 50 years, the importance and benefits of physical activity have been widely published (Hein & Ryan, 1960). Nonetheless, in the face of published reports from various scientific communities (i.e., educational, health, medical, and governmental) about the need for and benefits of a physically activity lifestyle, many youth do not engage in physical activity regularly, particularly Black youth living in urban communities (Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 2011). Recently, First Lady Michele Obama launched an initiative called, Lets Move! This initiative is intended to help eliminate childhood obesity through the promotion higher levels of physical activity before, during (e.g., in physical education classes), and after school (Let’s Move, 2010). The initiative insists that “active schools are part of the solution and they encourage physical education programs to have students moderately to vigorously active for at least 50% of class time” (Bryan et al., 2013, p. 147). This is particularly important given time constraints of many urban school physical education programs and limited opportunities schools present as points of access for youth in general and specifically youth from Black and Hispanic communities. Also, Goal Three of the Educate America Act; Goals 2000: Educate America Act (Public Law 103
227) specifies that all students will have

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access to physical education and health education to ensure they are fit and healthy (U.S. Congress, 1994). Moreover, under the Local School Wellness Policy (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2011), schools are mandated to include supplementary nutrition and physical activity opportunities for students. Recently, the Institute of Medicine (IOM) released a report documenting the fact that less than half of the children in the United States are engaging in appropriate levels of physical activity even though it has been proven that adherence to physical activity guidelines is related to lower body fat, greater muscular strength, stronger bones, and improvements in cardiovascular and metabolic health, as well as to improvements in mental health by reducing and preventing conditions such as anxiety and depression, enhancing self-esteem, and increased physical activity has been proven to have either no negative effect or positive effects on academic performance (Institute of Medicine, 2013). There is a long, dynamic and rich history of physical education in the U.S. preceding today’s increasing focus on health, with an emphasis on physical activity and fitness behaviors in schools. There continues, however, to be a disparity in the benefits of the positive effects of health-enhancing physical activity and wellness among Black youth. As such, there is need for research in the public interest that is theoretically situated7 on the physical education experiences of Black males in urban schools and communities for the purposes of improvement of the education field as well as increased efficacy of relevant movement experiences to improve individual and community health and wellness. Despite the academic underachievement of many, Black male students tend to have a high self-esteem toward physical activity and sports in that they expect to be successful (Hodge, Kozub, Dixson, Moore, & Kambon, 2008). The success experienced, however, is not universal as Black males are less likely to participate in activities that they think are not relevant (Gao, Lee, & Harrison, 2008). In addition to a reluctance to participate in activities in which students do not see value, students in urban schools, including Black males, often experience inadequate and marginalized physical education programs (Ward & O’Sullivan, 2006). Today’s teachers need to be culturally fluent in teaching all students with knowledge and skills necessary to do so effectively. A culturally fluent teacher is one who is culturally aware and able to code shift differentiated response behaviors in addressing both the collective cultural practices of diverse communities and the unique needs of individuals in a non-essentializing manner (Gay, 2002). It is therefore imperative that culturally fluent teachers use culturally relevant (Ladson-Billings, 1995a) and responsive (Gay, 2000) pedagogies.

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RESEARCH: CULTURAL RELEVANCY AND RESPONSIVENESS The theoretical frameworks of culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies insist upon teachers striving toward becoming culturally competent. Culturally competent teachers should adhere to “a set of congruent behaviors and attitudes that come together in a system, agency, or among professionals that enable them to work effectively in cross-cultural situations” (Columna, Foley, & Lytle, 2010, p. 298). In a survey study, Columna et al. (2010) analyzed the attitudes of physical education teacher candidates (n = 164) and physical education teachers (n = 269) toward cultural pluralism and diversity. Survey data were collected, using a modified version of the Pluralism and Diversity Attitude Assessment scale (Stanley, 1997). Columna et al. found no significant differences in attitude scores between the teachers and teacher candidates. However, the attitude scores of women were significantly higher (more favorable) than the men. In addition, both the teacher candidates and practicing teachers generally valued cultural diversity but struggled to implement culturally responsive pedagogy. Likewise, Collins (2011) surveyed high school physical education teachers in two urban school districts, and most of the teachers agreed that time should be spent on becoming more knowledgeable about aspects of the culture of Black male students in particular. Further, most of the teachers agreed that the culture of Black male students was important and should not be dismissed or absent during their educational experiences. Teachers’ attitudes pertaining to the importance of culture for students are closely aligned with the tenet of cultural competence within the theoretical frameworks of culturally relevant (Ladson-Billings, 1995b) and responsive (Gay, 2000, 2002) pedagogies. Toward this end, it is important that students be allowed to remain true to their cultural heritages, while matriculating through schools (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). Many education scholars agree with this positioning and insist that culturally relevant praxis can potentially benefit all students (Burden, Hodge, & Harrison, 2012; Columna et al., 2010; Harrison et al., 2010). In today’s schools, it is prudent for teachers, especially those who work in urban school systems, to make concerted efforts toward becoming culturally competent. It is a desirable quality of effective and socially just PETE teacher candidates and practicing physical educators (Columna et al., 2010). Too often, however, teachers mistake cultural competence as a way to learn about other students and neglect to learn about themselves (DeSensi, 1995). Failure to engage in introspection means teachers remain unaware of their

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own relationships to power and privilege as well as of biases they may harbor. For this reason, many education scholars advocate that teachers go beyond observing culture from a perspective of “otherizing” students as a static unit and rigorously engage in the processes of becoming culturally fluent (Borrero, Yeh, Cruz, & Suda, 2012; Glazier, 2003). This includes the process of learning to hear and understand student dispositions, behaviors, strengths, and needs through critical reflection of the power and privilege of one’s self and the institutional and historical constructs in which individuals navigate the world around them. Therefore, it is relevant to reevaluate school policies and practices to address challenges associated with teaching physical education in urban schools. Noteworthy, McCaughtry et al. (2006) interviewed elementary physical education teachers from a large, urban school district to analyze how challenges at the teachers’ schools affected their emotional understanding and connections with students and the implications on their teaching. The study comprised of mostly Black (88%) students. This urban community was among the most economically disadvantaged in the United States, and over 40% of the students lived in poverty. The physical education teachers who participated in the study identified salient challenges that had considerable influence on their thinking about students and their professional careers, as well as strategies they used to prevail over or manage those challenges in urban schools. The core “challenges were: (a) insufficient instructional resources, (b) implementing culturally relevant pedagogy, (c) dealing with community violence, (d) integrating more games in curricula, and (e) teaching in a culture of basketball” (McCaughtry et al., 2006, p. 486). Table 4 presents a summary of key findings, which were extracted from McCaughtry et al.’s (2006) salient work. The “culture of basketball” illustrates one example of how the physical education experience is unique for students in urban schools (McCaughtry et al., 2006). Basketball is a game easily accessible to a wide range of skill and experience levels, offering immediate feedback and requiring minimal resources to participate. Further, basketball is a game of high cultural value, due in part, because it is a tremendous source of social capital for urban youths. For some Black males, basketball offers not only a safe physical activity option but also a social structure whereby cultural norms are reinforced, social capital is acquired and strengthened, and identities validated (Flory & McCaughtry, 2011; McCaughtry et al., 2006). Participating in other activities is often seen as less desirable that may exacerbate the reluctance of these same students to participate in novel activities or those perceived as irrelevant (Gao et al., 2008). Commonly, a culture of basketball

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Table 4.

SAMUEL R. HODGE AND MARTHA JAMES-HASSAN

Description of Challenges Associated with Teaching Physical Education in Urban Schools.

Challenges

Description of Challenges

Insufficient instructional resources

This was the most common challenge the teachers reported. Sixty percent of them lacked any PE budget and 40% of the remaining teachers had budgets of less than $200 per year. The most glaring and negative implications the insufficient equipment had on their teaching included drastically limiting the range of content they could cover and having to teach inactively (as students waited in lines to use equipment). The inability to teach diverse content through highly active lessons led most teachers to sympathize with students who misbehaved because of boredom, rather than attributing the cause of the misbehavior to the students.

Implementing culturally relevant pedagogy

The challenge of providing culturally relevant instruction for most of the teachers encompassed three key issues: (a) teaching locally relevant physical activities, (b) using diverse language and representations, and (c) communicating with multilingual students. Locally Relevant Physical Activities. The question of what physical activities to include in their curriculum led many teachers to describe a “content tightrope” teetering between culturally relevant “standard” activities popular in the community and allowing students to experience new ones that would encourage other forms of physical activity and new opportunities. The teachers assigned the greatest importance to “standard” activities. Other teachers, however, felt it was important to expose their students to activities viewed as “nontraditional” in the urban environment. Diverse Language and Representations. The teachers also expressed the need for cultural relevance in the content and visual representations used in their language and images in the gym. Most expressed concern about the newly adopted district curriculum that provided expansive and highly scripted lessons for each activity. They felt their primary role was to translate what they believed was a “lily White” curriculum into the language and meaning-making of their primarily minority students. Communicating With Multilingual Students. Because first- and second-generation immigrants are increasingly entering this city’s schools, many teachers believed language played an equally challenging role in crafting relevant teaching. The main problem most teachers described in meeting immigrant students’ needs was that the time spent helping those students fully understand directions and skill instruction detracted from the time needed to cover lesson content.

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Table 4.

(Continued )

Challenges

Description of Challenges

Dealing with community violence

Whether due to poverty, absent parents, popular African American culture (e.g., gangster rap) and other reasons, the teachers, especially those who had taught in the city for some time, had seen a tremendous shift in the violence, not only in the community but also in PE. Many claimed it was virtually impossible to conduct “regular” PE classes like those in the more affluent suburbs. …the teachers reported spending up to 50% of their class time teaching social content, such as conflict resolution, eliminating bullying, self-control, and cooperation.

Integrating more games in curricula

Because they routinely had to spend large portions of class time on behavioral issues, most teachers felt there was little class time left to develop physical fitness or motor skills. Most teachers’ foremost goals became having students play games, whether sports or other activities, so that students would at least understand how games were played.…the teachers also believed games were more essential in urban PE because of the limited opportunities students had to participate in physical activity outside school.

Teaching in a culture of basketball

The teachers felt challenged by the “basketball culture” in the community and its influences on PE. They explained that school administrators often supported the basketball culture of the urban community and imposed it on the physical educators. As mentioned earlier, resources were scarce for purchasing equipment for a diversified PE program. However, the teachers perceived their administrators were always able to find the resources to purchase basketballs for noon-hour play or after-school sports. As a result, PE teachers could expect their mainstay of instructional resources to be basketballs and little else. Ultimately, it would be difficult to avoid basketball simply because it was often the teacher’s only equipment. The teachers also felt challenged by basketball culture through their students’ resistance toward any alternative physical activities, except maybe football. When the teachers attempted to implement the district’s new PE curriculum, which called for skill development in a wide range of physical activities, they were immediately inundated with student complaints.

Source: McCaughtry et al. (2006, pp. 488
495). Note: PE, physical education.

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in urban schools, combined with limited resources and poor facilities, influence teachers’ pedagogies, when they feel pressured to modify their lessons or even curricular to regularly include basketball, to relate other content activities to basketball in order to maintain student engagement or in the most extreme cases, when met with defiant behaviors. In such cases, teachers may simply roll out the ball. The hidden curriculum manifest in a culture of basketball is often one of a social hierarchy based on physical prowess, abusive language, and violence (Flory & McCaughtry, 2011; McCaughtry et al., 2006). Relevant to the challenging realities of the physical education experience in urban communities, there is strong advocacy for high-quality physical education for every student in every school as seen in the Shape of the Nation Report, which was released jointly by NASPE and the American Heart Association (AHA) (2012). In this report, NASPE’s position is that “every child in the United States deserves a quality physical education and needs physical activity, whether that activity occurs within a formal program or is outside the classroom at recess, through intramurals or in recreational play” (NASPE & AHA, 2012, p. 3). Keating et al. (2013) examined changes in physical education programs in the United States from 2006 to 2010 by analyzing the data reported in the Shape of the Nation Report. They determined that state mandated elementary, middle, and high school physical education requirements have increased considerably during the past decade, which suggests an increased endorsement for school physical education. Physical education policy research indicates that, in spite of significant policies mandating physical education for elementary students, including oversight and consequences for noncompliance, noncompliance is still prevalent (Sanchez-Vaznaugh, Sa´nchez, Rosas, Baek, & Egerter, 2012). Additionally, noncompliance was seen in higher rates for schools, where more students were living in poverty, as measured by free and reduced lunch enrollment. Schools that were completely noncompliant
in that they had no physical education data recorded
were not included in the study’s data analysis. An assumption, based on a critical review of school policies and practices, leads to the conclusion that it is very likely that those schools not included were programs serving predominantly Black and Hispanic student populations. In any case, physical education teachers should structure their curricular and instruction around national standards. NASPE (2004) provides six national standards for physical education.

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There are many noteworthy facts identified in the Shape of the Nation Report. The following facts are of particular relevancy here in this chapter. 1. No federal law requires physical education to be provided to students in American schools. 2. There are no incentives to states or schools to offer physical education programs. 3. States define guidelines and set requirements, but individual school districts are responsible for implementation. 4. School districts may choose to meet the minimum standards or might (and often do) go above and beyond basic recommendations. 5. A few states opt for “local control,” delegating responsibility for education decisions
including health and physical education
to local school districts (NASPE & AHA, 2012, p. 1). Not surprisingly therefore, there is considerable variability across school districts for time (i.e., minutes) required in physical education per week at the different school levels (NASPE & AHA, 2012). Policy pressures, such as a demand for raising standardized test scores through increased classroom contact time, further challenge schools to spend time providing physical activity for youth (Institute of Medicine, 2013). A further challenge to physical education participation is the prevalence of waivers; student participation in physical education is waived, due to participation in sports, military program, marching band, out-of-school physical activities, or scheduling conflicts (McKenzie & Lounsbery, 2009). In a survey study, Lounsbery, McKenzie, Morrow, Monnat, and Holt (2013) found that elementary schools across the East, Midwest, and West regions of the United States provided about 63 minutes per week of physical education, with a range of 30 to 250 minutes per week. Nationally, across all 50 states and the District of Columbia, the required minutes per week of physical education, ranged from 0 to 150 minutes or more at the elementary level, 0 to 225 minutes or more at the middle/junior high school level, and 0 to 225 minutes or more at the high school level (NASPE & AHA, 2012). In response to pressures for achievement on standardized tests under the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, often lower numbers of minutes are allocated for physical education in urban schools (Ward & O’Sullivan, 2006). Physical education programs should more consistently provide Black male students, with opportunities and ample time for physical activity through a variety of culturally relevant experiences.

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Cultural Fluency and Competency Teaching students from culturally and racially diverse backgrounds requires that teachers develop cultural fluency. In an educational context, cultural fluency is “the ability to step back and forth between two cultures, to embrace your own culture while understanding its relationship to others. It is about being able to communicate with and for the other, and being able to express another’s perspective, another’s cultural beliefs, alongside your own” (Glazier, 2003, p. 144). This should occur for both teachers and students. A culturally fluent individual is one who takes risk in learning about other cultures, experiences self-discoveries from learning about others, responds to diversity with courage to confront assumptions, and seeks out the company of others while honoring the dignity of all people (Center for Cultural Fluency, 2013). Teachers should self-reflect as they strive in developing their skills, knowledge, and will to work effectively and justly in cross-cultural situations (Center for Cultural Fluency, 2013; Glazier, 2003). Cultural competency and fluency are most likely to occur as a result of prolonged personal and social experiences leading to a disposition for social justice, as well as informed professional preparation and policies that promote educational equity (Hodge et al., 2012). In short, physical education experiences should be constructed and facilitated by culturally fluent teachers. Such teachers tend to be competent in cultural understandings and responsive in their ability to code shift in differentiating interactions to individual students and situations (Gay, 2000, 2002). Culturally fluent teachers can more justly serve students in urban schools by maintaining their own cultural, while identifying the historical, structural, institutional, experiential, and personal factors that contribute to the habitus of groups and individuals with whom they interact. In order to successfully code shift in listening and understanding while maintaining high expectations for all students, culturally fluent teachers need to have a basic understanding of cultures; they also need to start with a foundation of cultural competency, which is discussed throughout this chapter. Both cultural competence and fluency requires respecting and embracing the cultural differences that students bring to school (Columna et al., 2010). Physical education teachers, however, have self-reported low to modest levels of cultural competency in working in culturally and racially diverse settings (Harrison et al., 2010). It is a necessity to acquire cultural fluency to meet the needs of Black males in physical education. Physical education teachers mostly accept, or even embrace student diversity, but they tend to struggle or fail to implement culturally responsive

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pedagogies (Columna et al., 2010; Harrison et al., 2010). Flory and McCaughtry (2011) suggest that there are three core elements that should be fulfilled in implementing culturally relevant pedagogy. These core elements are: “(a) to have sophisticated knowledge of community dynamics, (b) to know how community dynamics influence educational processes, and (c) to devise and implement strategies reflecting cultural knowledge of the community” (p. 49). Table 5 describes, in detail, these core elements. In support of culturally relevant pedagogy, PETE teacher candidates should have opportunities for student-teaching at urban schools to identify issues, address problems, reflect, and think critically on what cultural competency means in teaching students from diverse communities (Columna et al., 2010; Harrison et al., 2010). They should also be provided ongoing opportunities to work individually and collectively with Black males. In short, physical education teachers need acquired knowledge and skills for implementing culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies effectively (Burden, Hodge, O’Bryant, & Harrison, 2004; Columna et al., 2010; Harrison et al., 2010); to demonstrate cultural fluency.

Support for Cultural Fluency and Competency Teaching has a distinctive and specialized knowledge base that teachers strive to acquire and apply into their understandings and practices (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999). It is reasoned that, at the most basic level, the most effective teachers are those who are most knowledgeable about exemplary education practices and who regularly and accurately apply these education practices in their classes (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999). Emerging research in physical education about cultural competency, however, reveals that most physical education teachers, although willing, are not well prepared to implement socially just and culturally relevant or responsive pedagogies in their classes (Collins, 2011; Columna et al., 2010). In other words, they are not able to demonstrate cultural fluency necessary to appropriately code shift to meet the collective and individual needs of all of the students in their classrooms. In this section, we discuss studies that are highly relevant to this issue and that help generate action steps to take in advancing the fluency and thereby the effectiveness for teachers working with Black male students, especially in urban school contexts. In a survey study of physical education teachers in the United States, Harrison et al. (2010) examined the common assumption that teachers of color (e.g., Black and Hispanic) are more culturally competent compared

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Table 5.

Components of the Cycle of Cultural Relevance.

Core Component Knowing community dynamics

Description of Conceptions Culturally relevant teaching requires teachers to connect with students, but also involves understanding specific community dynamics. Teachers’ knowledge of community dynamics includes things like whom students live with (family structures); ethnic, linguistic, and socioeconomic backgrounds; levels of violence, crime, and/or gang activity; religions commonly practiced; immigration issues; and historical events leading to current events and practices. For example, knowing that vacant businesses characterize a neighborhood is not enough; knowing why those businesses shut down gives teachers broader community insights.

Knowing how community Teachers need to know how community dynamics influence dynamics influence educational processes. This may include the amount of parental educational processes support students receive with homework due to family structures, religious observances and practices that interfere with extracurricular activities, methods used to communicate with parents because of language diversity, additional student responsibilities interfering with schoolwork, and traumatic life events (i.e., death of a relative, crimes committed near a student’s home) affecting students’ ability to concentrate in school. Implementing strategies that reflect cultural knowledge of the community

Teachers need to implement strategies reflecting their cultural knowledge. For example, to accommodate students with little supervision after school, teachers might provide ample class time to complete assignments requiring additional resources. Offering “extracurricular” clubs and activities during lunch periods may accommodate students who attend religious services after school. Translating materials into parents’ native languages, or having bilingual students or paraprofessionals available for parent meetings could improve school experiences for those who speak English as a second language. Cultural distance can be overcome with strategies reflecting teachers’ cultural knowledge…Successful teachers involve themselves in the communities where they teach; understand historical, political, and economic factors affecting their communities; and view students as family…

Source: Flory and McCaughtry (2011, pp. 49
50).

to White teachers. Harrison et al. also examined possible differences in cultural competence levels of White teachers in culturally and racially diverse school settings versus those in more homogeneous schools. The final sample was comprised of 135 (72%) women and 52 (28%) men, and

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they all were physical education teachers. Of these, 139 (74%) were White and 48 (26%) were teachers of color. These respondents completed a demographic survey and the Multicultural Teaching Competency Scale. Harrison et al. reported that teachers of color had significantly higher scores in knowledge and skill compared to White teachers. They also found that White teachers in city schools held significantly higher self-reported multicultural knowledge compared to those from more rural schools, thereby supporting the need for ongoing cross-cultural experiences beyond the preservice teacher internships. To effectively shift the physical education experience to further engage and capitalize on experiences of success for Black male students, teachers should develop, at minimal, a functional level of cultural fluency. To accomplish this goal, teachers may first progress from ethnocentric perspectives stemming from a dominant social hegemony (e.g., domination, control, power structures, and authority) to a place of cultural awareness. Cultural awareness means a teacher is alert to, acknowledges, and shows an appreciation for various cultures versus an ethnocentric view that reflect an individual’s rejection, resistance, and marginalization of difference in regard to other cultures (DeSensi, 1995). Developing an awareness of cultures is essential in changing or modifying thoughts and behaviors to respond appropriately to facilitate learning in physical environments for urban Black males and their classmates. A particularly interesting finding, reported by Collins (2011), is that Black physical education teachers tended to ascribe more importance to culturally relevant pedagogies than did their White colleagues. In fact, White male teachers appeared to devalue, that is, they disagreed with the stated importance of culturally relevant pedagogies in teaching Black males. This finding is troubling because these teachers all taught in urban schools with mostly Black and other students of color. Teachers who are committed to teaching in culturally relevant ways view their praxis as an art form; they also are more willing to change to meet the education needs of their students rather than remain normalized (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). Equally as important, teachers who strive to use culturally relevant pedagogies effectively should give back to the communities from where their students come by giving students a complete educational experience, including high-quality, well-rounded, and culturally appropriate physical education, that best serve them as they move progress through society (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). When teachers come to realize the need to instruct in culturally relevant ways, schools are more apt to reduce, if not eliminate, the “educational

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debt” (Ladson-Billings, 2006) owed to all students, especially students of color. Within this educational debt, Ladson-Billings (2006) referred to the comparisons between students of color and White students and the gaps in standardized test scores, dropout and expulsion rates, advanced placement classes, and admission to postsecondary institutions that favor White students. When teachers are not prepared to teach in ways that value the cultures of all students, teachers display a biased approach to instruction, favoring or adhering to the needs of some students and neglecting others (Ladson-Billings, 1995a; Mavi & Sharpe, 2000). With such neglect, students, especially Black males, tend to disengage in class activities. In such cases, their participation within the school is likely affected negatively, which may lead to greater educational disinterest and underachievement, or even school failure (Mavi & Sharpe, 2000). Teachers’ attitudes and practices are paramount to establishing positive and inclusive environments within schools (Columna et al., 2010). This means cultural fluency among physical education teachers is a requisite.

TEACHER PREPARATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE PEDAGOGY Teacher preparation programs that include concepts and content on social justice pedagogies may advance teachers’ cultural fluency; that is, knowledge, pedagogical skills, and social praxis in teaching Black male students. Here, social justice is used broadly “to cover projects that differ in their focus (e.g., culturally relevant pedagogy, antiracist pedagogy, and intercultural teaching) but share the common aim of preparing teachers to recognize, name, and combat inequity in schools and society” (Spalding, Klecka, Lin, Odell, & Wang, 2010, p. 191). Social justice teaching is composed of three essential parts, according to Chubbuck (2010): (a) teacher determined factors such as curricula and instruction, (b) structural and policy issues, and (c) sociocultural constructs in and outside of schools. Burden et al. (2012) analyzed eight PETE teacher educators’ views about the application of concepts and content reflecting social justice pedagogies in preparing teacher candidates. Most of the teacher educators were White (87.5%), and there was one Hispanic male in the study as well. The three educational researchers unpacked ten recurrent themes positioned in three major thematic clusters: (a) views about student difference, (b) neglects, fears, and uncertainties, and (c) strategies approaching cultural

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responsiveness. Burden et al. concluded that these salient and interrelated thematic clusters shaped the teacher educators’ praxis. Table 6 presents a summary of key findings, which were extracted from this study. For physical education teachers who have little to no exposure to social justice pedagogies (Burden et al., 2012), they are much less likely to embrace student diversity and tend to largely ignore or view the various cultures that exist Table 6.

Description of Teacher Educators’ Views about Social Justice Pedagogies in PETE.

Thematic Clusters

Description of Findings

Views about student difference

The common thread forming this thematic cluster is that the teacher educators’ views were either ethnocentric or transitional toward ethnorelativistism with respect to student diversity. The beliefs of four participants were ethnocentric on students being similar in learning styles and behaviors. In contrast, the beliefs of two participants about student learning styles and behaviors were ethnorelativistic. They believed students of color bring different learning styles and behaviors to educational settings. In addition, two of the teacher educators felt that student differences were based on social structures such as social class and socioeconomic status.

Neglects, fears, and uncertainties

The common thread comprising this thematic cluster was the teacher educators’ views about neglecting to apply content and concepts reflective of social justice pedagogies within their PETE programs. Moreover, they had fears and uncertainties about issues of diversity. In fact, they all mentioned neglecting to emphasize pedagogical concepts and content on social justice pedagogies within their classes. They spoke of fears and uncertainties associated with doing so.

Strategies approaching cultural responsiveness

The common thread constituting this thematic cluster is that the teacher educators used or suggested strategies that approached social justice pedagogy. Nonetheless they did not fully emerge teacher candidates in concepts and content reflective of social justice pedagogies. That is to say, despite most of the teacher educators’ general neglect to infuse social justice concepts and content into the PETE curriculum, half of them mentioned strategies they used or thought would be useful to enhance teacher candidates’ understanding of social justice pedagogy. They also gave other accounts of how PETE programs could improve the application of concepts and content reflecting social justice pedagogy within the curriculum.

Source: Burden et al. (2012, pp. 10
14).

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within schools as difficult. Further, dilemmas about teaching in urban schools may endure until an understanding and acceptance of various cultures occurs (Cothran & Ennis, 1999). In using social justice pedagogies, teacher educators communicate the importance of educating all students (Burden et al., 2012). The bottom line is teachers should strive to acquire the pedagogical knowledge and skill required to use social justice pedagogies (Burden et al., 2004; Burden et al., 2012). Social justice pedagogies are now promoted in the physical education literature more so than ever (Hodge et al., 2012; Timken & Watson, 2010). These pedagogies support the cultural fluency teachers need to develop in order to connect with Black male students and contribute meaningfully to their educational experiences. Social justice pedagogies, particularly culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1994) and culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2000), are advocated for the creation of physical education classrooms where ethnorelativism is practiced. Ethnorelativism, as it is used here, means recognizing and appreciating cultural differences in behavior and values (Bennett, 1993; DeSensi, 1995). Culturally responsive teaching is an essential tool in promoting ethnorelativism. Gay (2000) defined it as using the cultural norms, experiences, and beliefs of ethnically diverse students as a means to teaching them well. Culturally responsive teaching leads to improved performance and learning as students from diverse heritages (e.g., Black males) are taught through their own cultural and experiential lens (Gay, 2002). Likewise in the metaphorical tool box for social justice (Spalding et al., 2010), culturally relevant pedagogy is used to empower students through (a) educational success, (b) cultural competence, and (c) critical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). Ladson-Billings (1994) described culturally relevant pedagogy as “a pedagogy that empowers students … by using cultural referents to impart knowledge, skills, and attitudes” (p. 18). Teachers who use social justice pedagogies empower students as they help them develop and succeed intellectually, socially, emotionally, and politically. Student empowerment translates into competence, confidence, and a will to act (Gay, 2000). Spalding et al. (2010) metaphorically equated the hammer, which is a common hand tool, to the tools (e.g., theories, ideologies, epistemologies, and practices) used for learning and teaching about social justice. In the metaphorical toolbox, there are many hammers, such as culturally responsive teaching and culturally relevant pedagogy, that are “powerful” for striking blows against all forms of oppression (e.g., racism, ableism, sexism,

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and the other ideologies) that marginalize students in schools (Spalding et al., 2010). Key in developing cultural fluency is understanding one’s own cultural identity, recognizing the broad historical and institutional sociocultural context as well as the individual needs of students, but further, determining which hammer
which tool to combat inequality
is best in each situation and how to scaffold knowledge in novice teachers to recognize institutional, pedagogical and interpersonal oppressions that may require these tools for repositioning. These types of pedagogical tools are requisite for teachers and teacher candidates in constructing their sense of confidence and cultural competence to teach well in multiethnic settings (Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1994, 1995a; Townsend, 2002; Villegas & Lucas, 2002). PETE teacher educators are responsible for ensuring that teacher candidates are equipped with social justice tools, including culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies. Likewise, school districts are responsible for ensuring that there are recursive processes in place for teachers to engage in reflective discourse around best practices in working with Black students to develop and maintain cultural fluency.

Strategies: Pedagogical Shifts In constructing culturally relevant and responsive physical education programs, teachers need to (a) recognize their ethnocentric assumptions and biases, (b) acquire cultural content knowledge in terms of student diversity, (c) understand the broader social, economic, and political context of schools, (d) acquire competence and a will to continually reflect upon and implement culturally appropriate management strategies, and (e) commit to building caring and interactive classes (Burden et al., 2004). In this section of the chapter, we present two practical strategies to implement the recursive process of creating culturally relevant and responsive physical education classes, where cultural fluency is demonstrated. These initial strategies include creating “place” (Friedland, 1992) for PETE teacher candidates’ and practicing teachers’ cultural fluency. The creation of place occurs through storytelling, the development of relationships, opportunities for leadership, appropriate assessment and engaging students in discourse of the sociopolitical landscape in which education is taking place and the development of self-efficacy of mind and body (Jones & Woglom, 2013; Somerville, Davies, Power, Gannon, & de Carteret, 2011). The experiences

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and effectiveness in implementing place-making strategies are also topics for inquiry and professional learning communities for those seeking to improve the educational experiences of Black male students. Creating Place “Place is a fusion of space and experience, a space filled with meaning, a source of identity” (Friedland, 1992, p. 14). Connecting with place
and thereby with meaning and identity through place
has often been revoked from Black males. Even in a postemancipation world, colonial behaviors of economic segregation, gentrification, and White commodification of Black popular culture prevent many Black males from attachment to place. One example of this, as we have observed, is the response often heard from adolescent Black males to the question, “Where do you live?” Responses given often begin with, “I stay…”. Rather than use language of place, such as “I live in Minneapolis,” for example, the response of “I stay” situates the person in a transitory condition disconnecting them from place and thereby disconnecting them from identity. Haymes (2003) declares “the starting point for a pedagogy of place is with the “voices” of inner-city Blacks” (p. 225). Voices and the experiences that voices represent can help Black males become more self-reflective about the construction of their racial and ethnic identities, especially in the context of their relationships with hegemonic, White dominated institutions, such as many of our nation’s schools. One way to facilitate the construction of place by Black males is to build relationships. There is significant research supporting the need for the formation of high-quality professional relationships between Black male students and their teachers (Gregory & Thompson, 2010; Johnson, Burke, & Gielen, 2012). Collins (2011) found physical education teachers believed that they could have a positive effect on the lives of Black males. They also thought that forging positive social relationships had positive effects on Black males. Toward that end, teachers who strive to use culturally relevant pedagogies typically understand that educational success, cultural competence, and the critical consciousness of students can hinge on positive student
teacher relationships (Ladson-Billings, 1995b). Thus, it is beneficial and necessary that Black males encounter positive student
teacher relationships. Research has shown that, as student
teacher relationships are established, students show gains in socially acceptable behaviors, increase engagement in class activities, and have improved educational outcomes (Decker, Dona, & Christenson, 2007). It is reasonable to suggest that

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establishing positive relationships with Black males may drastically help to reduce negative educational outcomes, such as absenteeism, high dropout, and suspension rates. Positive teacher relationships may also lead to Black males’ improved focus and effort, which, in turn, may help improve scores on class assignments and standardized tests (Cooper & Jordan, 2003). Certainly the student
teacher relationship is one of the most significant social elements in ensuring the educational success of Black male students (Cooper & Jordan, 2003). Teachers can play a pivotal role in the nurturing and supporting of students as well as addressing and adhering to their needs (Cooper & Jordan, 2003). Cooper and Jordan (2003) stated that personal relationships can also create a culture within the school that has positive effects on Black students. Understanding relationships and the need for them in the coconstruction of place, between teachers and students can also help distinguish incidents of not learning from failure among Black male students. The phenomenon of “not learning,” or refusing to learn, takes place when Black male students’ intelligence, dignity, and/or integrity are compromised by a teacher, institution, or larger social mindset (Kohl, 1999). In other words, not learning occurs, when both curriculum and instruction are not culturally relevant or are delivered in ways that do not value students. Teachers who strive to use culturally relevant pedagogies effectively should interact with Black males in affirming ways as they seek to offset negative educational outcomes, such as not-learning. These pedagogical strategies can do much to bridge cultural gaps between teachers and students (Cooper & Jordan, 2003). In changing landscapes of schools, building meaningful relationships requires understanding various cultures. Ladson-Billings (1995b) reiterated that gains in knowledge made about the culture of students allow teachers to become culturally competent, a necessity for all parties if place-making relationships are to develop. Gaining knowledge about racial, cultural, and individual identities of students involves engaging them in the cocreation of place through the value of voice. A primary step in valuing the voice of students, including Black males, involves teachers understanding and implementing curriculum and instructional practices that are culturally relevant and responsive (Gay, 2000, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2000, 2006). In addition to building relationships with students, a specific instructional practice to implement as a beginning step towards engaging the voices of Black male students is to differentiate assignments and assessments. Physical education may not always use or see a need to use multiple forms of assessment for student evaluations (Collins, 2011), meaning that

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these teachers may not have a true understanding of the situation or do not value the cultural factors related to the many ways that Black male students acquire and express knowledge. Importantly, teachers should come to the realization that failing to differentiate curriculum, instruction, and assessment falls short of teaching with cultural fluency. It misses the mark of the framework of practicing culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies. In other words, “the nature of learning, how it is assessed, and the skills taught are critical to the educational and social success of African American males” (Donnor & Shockley, 2010, p. 44). As teachers develop relationships and construct rigorous instruction and assessment practices differentiated to student strengths, they will begin to see the gifts and contributions brought to schools by students. This requires teachers to discharge their deficit modellens and substitute them with a new and clearer lens focused on the academic potential and gifts of Black male students. This kind of internal refocusing may go a long way towards the cocreation of place. Another approach to creating a culturally fluent educational place in a physical education classroom is to give Black male students the opportunity to lead class activities. Leadership opportunities can engage Black male students into becoming more willing to participate in future lessons and enhance cultural sensitivity among classmates (Sparks, Butt, & Pahnos, 1996). Opportunities to lead class activities in physical education should be made available to all students regardless of their cultural background (Torrey & Ashy, 1997). With opportunities to lead, teachers may become more aware of the manner in which Black male students learn within the physical education setting. Also, Ladson-Billings (1995b) asserted that allowing students, such as Black males, opportunities to lead class ventures will likely enhance student
teacher and peer relationships. Such class opportunities are likely to build mutual respect and circular support for the expression of voice and the creation of place for Black males in the classroom as each person learns from and about one another. In addition to supporting individual student growth and expression through leadership opportunities, teachers should realize that their actions, including evaluation practices, are vital to the success of Black male students (Moore-Thomas & Day-Vines, 2010). Therefore, these strategies (e.g., allowing various students to lead activities and multiple plans for assessment) are actions that are expected to promote the valuing of various cultures in the educational process (Chepyator-Thompson, You, & Russell, 2000). In implementing these practices, teachers should display cultural sensitivity in which both students and teachers may learn to accept cultural

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differences (Torrey & Ashy, 1997), allowing them to progress in holistic partnership toward the development of cultural fluency and the creation of place. Teachers should develop their educational practices to allow the strengths of all students to come to the forefront, where they experience positive educational gains (Ladson-Billings, 1995a). In addition to building relationships and positioning curriculum, instruction, and assessment culturally, teachers should also engage Black male students in discourse about the larger sociocultural context in which place is attempting to be cocreated. In physical education, for example, this may include learning about the importance of Black male youths engaging in regular moderate to vigorous physical activity for healthy living (Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014). Beyond instruction on personal decision making, however, teachers should assist students to develop a critical consciousness by helping them to create “a broader sociopolitical consciousness that allows them to critique the cultural norms, mores, values, and institutions that produce and maintain social inequities” (Ladson-Billings, 1995a, p. 162). Expanding the learning example above to illustrate the critical conscious voice in instruction on the importance of Black males engaging in physical activity means to include discourse on a broader sociopolitical level; including dialogue on historical and contemporary barriers to engaging in physical activity such as the relationship between physical activity and forced labor or barriers to the access of safe streets and sidewalks. By developing this type of socially just consciousness, Black male students are likely to feel comfortable with speaking out against inequities that exist in all facets of society, including the urban schools that they attend. As another example in physical education, a sociopolitical consciousness may mean speaking out against racebased stereotypical views about Black males and athletics versus intellectual capabilities (Hodge, Burden, Robinson, & Bennett, 2008; Hodge, Kozub, et al., 2008; Hodge, Harrison, Burden, & Dixson, 2008). Teachers’ omission of consciousness raising discourse in physical education is a failure to Black male students; a failure that represents a lack of cultural fluency and a social injustice. This may mean continuing to advantage some students, usually White males, while other students
typically Black males and other students of color
are marginalized and placed at a disadvantage in their urban schools and society at-large. Teachers who strive to use culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies help develop and affirm students’ self-esteem, self-respect, and social consciousness (Gay, 2000; Ladson-Billings, 1995a).

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Strategies: PETE and In-Service Teacher Professional Development It is important to ask questions about how physical education teachers are prepared, as well as questions about how best to ensure that they are culturally prepared to teach all students (Burden et al., 2012), including Black male students (Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014). Therefore, teacher candidates need to be prepared to create, maintain, and promote culturally responsive learning spaces. The AACTE and AIR joint report showed that most full-time faculty in professional education programs were White (78%) followed by Black (10%) and Hispanic (4%) faculty. These proportions generally reflect the racial or ethnic composition of students in those programs. Ludwig et al. (2010) asserted that it is unlikely the diversity of the U.S. teacher workforce will change much in the near future. It goes without saying that PETE programs are responsible for preparing most future physical educators, regardless of their life experiences and diversities to be successful in the profession. This requires re-envisioning and reconceptualizing teacher preparation and practice for a constantly evolving urban landscape. Furthermore, PETE programs should ensure that teacher candidates have field-based teaching internships in various settings including urban and rural schools. Teacher candidates should also be exposed to education experiences that provide them with accurate and sufficient knowledge about their own culture and the cultures of their students. This should include cultural content authentically infused into all courses to facilitate understanding of the institutional, historical, and intersecting nature of sociocultural factors effecting student needs, gifts and behaviors. Future educators also need diverse education and social experiences within their teacher preparation program to identify issues, address problems, reflect, and think critically about what cultural competency, relevancy, and responsiveness means to better understand their own power and privilege as they become culturally fluent, specifically in teaching Black male students. How teachers are prepared, and what happens to their efficacy in teaching Black male students, during their professional careers are important questions. These questions should always be considered in making decisions on school policy, curricular change in teacher preparation and development. The knowledge-in-practice conception of teacher learning, as defined by Cochran-Smith and Lytle (1999), underscores the importance of what is known as practical knowledge. That is, knowledge that effective teachers possess as it is grounded in practice and in teachers’ reflections on their practice. To this end, it is believed that teachers learn best, when they

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can explore the knowledge grounded in the work of expert teachers and to deepen their own knowledge and expertise as makers of prudent judgments and constructors of meaningful learning experiences through critical reflection. Mindful of this conception, for example, PETE programs should ensure teacher candidates engage in meaningful learning experiences with students in urban settings prior to student teaching internships. A way to address this need is to have teacher candidates lead microteaching vignettes with small groups of students (e.g., during practicum or internship experiences) that they develop a sense of cultural competency through reflection and practice before teaching in larger classes as in their student teaching internships. Empirical data confirm that well-designed practicum (Hodge, Tannehill, & Kluge, 2003) and professional development programs can serve to deepen and extend teachers’ content knowledge and extend and refine their pedagogies (Ko, Wallhead, & Ward, 2006). For practicing physical education teachers, differentiated and relevant professional development opportunities should be made available by school districts and designed to equip teachers with advanced knowledge and skills necessary to teach students, such as Black males. Drawing from the knowledge-of-practice conception (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999), school districts should encourage physical education teachers to strive toward becoming culturally fluent. To support this development, school districts should provide time to enable physical educators to engage in reflective collegial dialogue, in an inquiry or professional learning community format, on a regular basis that includes discourse on, not just student outcomes but also; curriculum selection, instructional practice, and student needs, as they are embedded in the larger sociopolitical structure of schools and communities. For example, a series of funded workshops or allotted collaboration time should be offered for teachers with a focus on implementing culturally relevant pedagogies in urban schools. Teachers participating in such professional development opportunities may acquire a deeper understanding of the privilege and power associated with their own cultural identities and an understanding and valuing of teaching a diversity of students. The focal assumption in the knowledge-of-practice conception is that the knowledge teachers need to teach effectively and justly emanates from systematic inquiries about teaching, learners and learning, content and curriculum, and schools and schooling (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999). Inquiry communities (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999) or professional learning communities (DuFour, DuFour, Eaker, & Many, 2010) comprised of physical education teachers and their colleagues across discipline areas

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(e.g., school counselors and special education teachers), may allow them to explore critical questions, theorize and construct their practice, and reflect upon student achievement related to broader social, cultural, and political issues. And, in the journey to become culturally fluent, teachers who participate in inquiry and professional learning communities may drastically improve their social awareness about issues in and beyond schools (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999; Hodge & Faison-Hodge, 2010). Increasingly, physical education scholars have proposed the infusion of culturally relevant and responsive content and concepts across PETE programs and curricula (Burden et al., 2004; Burden et al., 2012). We argue here that, while it is imperative that PETE programs offer curriculum content and occupational socialization experiences that enhance teacher candidates’ cultural competencies and fluency for working effectively with students of various cultures and ethnicities (Burden et al., 2004), it is also necessary to engage in-service physical educators in professional development experiences to promote their abilities to effectively facilitate instruction, including strategies for the cocreation of place, for Black male students.

Implications for PETE Policy and Future Research We envision a new and diverse physical education teacher workforce and insist that it is the professional obligation of PETE programs to ensure that this is realized. In this chapter, we discussed three major conceptions of teacher learning and practice (Cochran-Smith & Lytle, 1999) by which PETE programs can draw from in constructing and implementing curriculum policies for preparing an effective, dynamic and socially just and culturally competent physical education teacher workforce (Hodge & Faison-Hodge, 2010). That is too say, physical education teacher educators should develop and implement policy that support the infusion of culturally responsive and relevant content and concepts into PETE curricular. Progressive efforts of this type will enhance teacher candidates’ cultural fluency and competence (Burden et al., 2012). There is also advocacy for the utilization of multicultural learning practicum experiences (Culp, Chepyator-Thomson, & Shan-Hui, 2009), and likewise we endorse inquiry communities (Hodge & Faison-Hodge, 2010), by PETE programs in developing teacher candidates’ culturally responsive content knowledge and pedagogical skills. These types of programmatic strategies when supported by curricular policies will promote greater cultural fluency and competency in teaching all students

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(Culp et al., 2009), including Black males (Collins, 2011). For more complete discourse on culturally responsive practice in physical education, we direct you to works by Hodge et al. (2012), and Timken and Watson (2010). In short, teacher candidates should be prepared to justly and effectively teach Black male students in urban environments (Collins, 2011; Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014). The construction and implementation of relevant curricular policies that support the infusion of content, concepts, and experiential learning in the use of culturally relevant and responsive pedagogies is also necessary in PETE programs so as to better prepare teachers to work effectively in urban settings where the proportion of Black male students is greatest (Collins, 2011; Harrison et al., 2010; Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014). The teacher candidates should be challenged to think critically and reflect on their experiences (Culp et al., 2009), which will help them better understand the intersections of Blackness, maleness, culture and teaching; and enhance their efficacy and sociopolitical advocacy as teachers. Researchers claim that evaluating “teachers’ racial attitudes is an important precursor to understanding how they may then affect student social and academic outcomes” (Hinojosa & Moras, 2009, p. 29). However the current research base is undeveloped regarding PETE students’ racial ideologies and multicultural teaching competencies. There is a need for more research that examines correlations between racial ideology and multicultural teaching competency of PETE teacher candidates (Burden, Hodge, & Harrison, 2014). Likewise, more research is needed to explore physical education teachers’ attitudes and understandings about culturally relevant pedagogy and teaching Black males in urban high schools (Collins, 2011). Further there is need for research that examines PETE teacher educators’ views about the application of concepts and content reflecting social justice pedagogies in preparing teacher candidates (Burden et al., 2012).

CONCLUSION In today’s schools, physical education teachers have increased opportunities and responsibilities to teach culturally, ethnically, economically, and linguistically diverse students. The challenges and benefits of teaching students from diverse environments, including Black male students in urban schools, requires physical education teachers to develop sociocultural competency and access tools, such as culturally relevant and responsive

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pedagogies to detect and interrupt educational structures, practices, and policies that marginalize students and interfere with their success. Again, teachers should understand that Black male students experience contemporary realities lived through cultural lens. It is crucial, therefore, that teachers are supported in acquiring a culturally informed knowledge base and pedagogical skills to best serve all students (Burden et al., 2012; Harrison et al., 2010). Physical educators and scholars continue to raise questions about curriculum priorities of PETE programs (Hsu & Chepyator-Thomson, 2010). Significant issues exist around the lack of professional preparation of teachers to justly and effectively teach students from culturally diverse backgrounds. Physical education teachers who are culturally competent, knowledgeable, and fluent are better able to connect with each student to promote meaningful activity experiences (Columna et al., 2010). Predictably, the infusion of social justice content and concepts into PETE curriculum coupled with active involvement in inquiry communities by teacher educators and teacher candidates in diverse communities and schools will better prepare future physical education teachers to create and implement socially just and culturally relevant and responsive learning spaces (Burden et al., 2012; Hodge et al., 2012).

NOTES 1. Though confounded and ambiguous, nations worldwide have established ethnic/racial categories (Carter & Fenton, 2009). The U.S. government has established “categories denoting race and ethnicity … in accordance with the 1997 Office of Management and Budget (OMB) standard classification scheme” (Aud et al., 2012, p. vii). In this scheme, the designation of Hispanic is an ethnicity category, not a race category (Aud et al., 2012). The terms used to identify race/ethnic categories are: American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian/Pacific Islander, Black (not Hispanic), Hispanic (not White), White (not Hispanic), and two or more races (Aud et al., 2012). These broad categories are far from perfect however as there are many different groups with their own sociocultural heritages, languages, traditions, and lifestyles within each category. 2. Here, the term Black represents mostly African American students and others with African ancestry. 3. In this chapter, the label Hispanic represents students who typically are identified as Hispanic, Chicano/a, Cuban, Latino/a, Latin American, Mexican, or Puerto Rican. We use the term Hispanic for consistency with the U.S. Department of Education the source of most data reported in the article. Arguably, the terms Latina and Latino are more inclusive and progressive (Delgado-Romero, Manlove, Manlove, & Hernandez, 2007).

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4. The term minoritized depicts “the fact that people often do not see themselves as ‘minority group members,’ but the social structure of their society places them in these subordinate positions” (Ladson-Billings, 2014, p. 448). Ladson-Billings (2014) asserts that instead of “an adjective (i.e., minority), the more accurate term is a passive voice verb (i.e., minoritized)” (p. 448). 5. In this chapter, we give only a brief account of historical milestones. Over the years, there have been many other scholars who discussed in greater detail key historical events in the profession (Jurkechova´, Vlcˇek, & Bartı´ k, 2011; Kelly & Melograno, 2004; Lumpkin, 2011; Massengale & Swanson, 1997; Siedentop, 2006; Vlcˇek, 2011; Zeigler, 2005). 6. For informed discourse about these and other models commonly used in physical education, we recommend Hodge, Lieberman, and Murata’s (2012) book, Essentials of Teaching Adapted Physical Education: Diversity, Culture, and Inclusion; Lund and Tannehill’s (2010) book, Standards-Based Physical Education Curriculum Development; and Dyson, Griffin, and Hastie’s (2004) article, “Sport Education, Tactical Games, and Cooperative Learning: Theoretical and Pedagogical Considerations.” 7. Many theories situate research and practice in physical education. These include: critical race theory, the social-cognitive model, the transtheoretical model, theory of planned behavior, and social ecological approaches. For informed dialogue about these theoretical models, we recommend works by Ajzen (1991); Bandura (1986); Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995); Langille and Rodgers (2010); Marcus and Simkin (1994); and Wang, Castelli, Liu, Bian, and Tan (2010).

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53. Ward, P., & O’Sullivan, M. (2006). The contexts of urban settings. Journal of Teaching in Physical Education, 25, 348
362. Zeigler, E. (2005). History and status of American physical education and educational sport. Victoria, BC: Trafford.

CHAPTER 15 RACE
GENDER INEQUALITY ACROSS RESIDENTIAL AND SCHOOL CONTEXTS: WHAT CAN POLICY DO? Odis Johnson Jr. ABSTRACT Achieving the elimination of racial differences in test performance, as set forth in the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB), requires education policies that engage the reality that African American test performances are not only about race but also about gender and residential status. In an effort to inform education policymaking with research that explores race
gender and residential inequality, I assess the growth of reading gaps in school and non-school contexts using a national and city sample of children from the Early Childhood Longitudinal, Kindergarten Cohort 1998
1999. I found that inequality in test performances was greater in the city than elsewhere, and African American boys shoulder a disproportionate educational burden related to city residency and enrollment in city schools. Additionally, children in city neighborhoods
where drugs and burglary are big problems
experience large shortfalls in reading in school and non-school contexts. I conclude with a discussion of

African American Male Students in PreK-12 Schools: Informing Research, Policy, and Practice Advances in Race and Ethnicity in Education, Volume 2, 343
374 Copyright r 2014 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 2051-2317/doi:10.1108/S2051-231720140000002033

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the study’s implications for future educational policy, practice, and research, especially NCLB, which mandates that public schools achieve parity among racial groups by the end of the 2013
2014 academic year.

INTRODUCTION Federal policy continues to struggle with the stubborn reality of racial differences in achievement. Over a decade ago, the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) was passed to eliminate these inequalities by 2014. Yet, educational progress toward achieving racial parity on the National Assessment of Educational Progress has halted (Rampey, Dion, & Donahue, 2009), casting serious doubt on the likelihood that NCLB can realize its educational policy goals. More recently, President Barack H. Obama (2012) signed the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans Executive Order, noting that “African American student achievement not only lags behind that of their domestic peers by an average of two grade levels, but also behind students in almost every other developed nation” (p. 1). Whether this effort will become the latest attempt of many more to come depends, in part, on the ability of research to sharpen the focus of these educational policy directives. Hence, informing policymakers of the social realities that confound the intent of federal educational policies is pivotal and necessary to stop the reproduction of educational policy failures. This chapter addresses three of these important social realities. First, if inequality grows when children are away from school
before they enter kindergarten or during the summer recess
holding schools accountable for learning disparities that arise at a time and place beyond their reach may not help NCLB to close achievement gaps, and make the law appear less effective than it is actually. In this chapter, I address this possibility by examining social background differences in reading across four contexts: two PreK-12 school contexts (i.e., kindergarten and first grade) and two non-school contexts (i.e., before children enter kindergarten and the following summer recess). Growth in achievement inequality is therefore separated and contrasted in a natural experimental framework, between children’s school and non-school contexts. Second, educational policy may have performance problems of its own, if it fails to intervene where its impact is needed most. Children in troubled city environments, for example, perform

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less well and are usually underserved, educationally, relative to children nationally (Rampey et al., 2009; Shaughnessy, Nelson, & Norris, 1998). Therefore, I present estimates of learning for children in central cities and use a multilevel statistical methodology to examine relationships between children’s residential features and achievement. Third, other social factors, especially gender, intersect with race to make the policy-needs of some African Americans more critical than others. I consequently estimate how achievement varies, according to gender within and across racial groups. The results show that African American test-score shortfalls are essentially “African American male gaps,” and, while city schools appear to do a better job than schools nation-wide at elevating the scores of disadvantaged children, it is within the city-school context that African American males are placed at their greatest educational risk. I conclude with a discussion of the study’s implications for educational and urban policymaking and the success of African American boys.

INEQUALITY IN SCHOOL AND NON-SCHOOL CONTEXTS School Context of Inequality Federal interest in public education extends, in part, from the observation of numerous ways in which schools contribute to social background differences in learning. Racial disparities, for example, appear related to inequities in school resources and instruction. African American males attend elementary schools that rank lower on all 14 indicators of school resources, measured by the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, among them, teacher qualifications, class-size, average student achievement, and teacher attitudes (Lee & Burkham, 2002). African Americans, followed by Hispanics, are the least likely of the major racial groups to attend majority White, higher resourced schools (Acevedo-Garcia, McArdle, Osypuk, Lefkowitz, & Krimgold, 2007). In addition, racial bias in the instruction of African Americans has been documented at length in ethnographic research (Wells & Crain, 1997), laboratory experiments (Ferguson, 2003), and relocation studies (Kaufman & Rosenbaum, 1992; Rosenbaum, Kulieke, & Rubinowitz, 1988). Others contend that instruction often lacks the cultural relevancy required to engage children of color (Gay, 2010) and prepare

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them to be effective citizens (Tate, 1994). For Asian Americans, racial/ethnic stereotypes about their culture often serve to enhance pressures for high performance while underestimating their instructional needs and heightening feelings of personal inadequacy when they might not meet these expectations (Lee, 2009). Gender inequality in schools is also a concern. NAEP gender gaps have converged, since the year 2000, and are significantly smaller than the racial and social class gaps (Rampey et al., 2009), yet their sizes may vary across racial groups for several reasons. First, while the perception of gender bias in instructional settings has long been thought to advantage males over females (Mickelson, 1989), some social scientists argue it poses unique consequences for African American and Hispanic males. African American boys, for instance, are thought to clash with the inflexible culture and expectations of schools (Harding, 2010), and are more frequently and severely disciplined (Ferguson, 2001). This may explain, in part, why African American boys lose more ground on their White male counterparts between kindergarten and third grade than do African American girls (Fryer & Levitt, 2005). Gender disparities may also exist among Hispanic learners because, as Noguera (2008) argues, they are as likely as African American boys to attend the kind of urban schools that are least able to offset the social circumstances particular to males of color. While Hispanics and African Americans are labeled as troublesome, Asian American males are often stereotyped as docile and consequently, receive less attention from school staff (Lee, 2009). Other accounts of schooling suggest that social class remains a primary determinant of educational stratification since social systems generally sort children into schools according to their SES (Brantlinger, 2003; Johnson, 2012). This is especially consequential given that 39% of school-age African American males lived in families with incomes below the federal poverty threshold in 2011 (Addy, Engelhardt, & Skinner, 2013), marking far too many of them for attendance at high-poverty schools. Educational researchers have long held that instruction differs in schools and classrooms, according to social class, favoring higher income (Anyon, 1981) over lower income (Rist, 1970) children. In addition to SES differences in instructional practices, the qualifications and training of teachers (Clotfelter, Ladd, Vigdor, & Wheeler, 2007), and teachers’ decision to transfer to different schools (Johnson, Kraft, & Papay, 2011) are associated with lower testscores for children in high-poverty schools. Finally, the concentration of low income
and consequently, lower performing children
within public schools reduces the occurrence of beneficial spillover effects that

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disadvantaged boys of color experience in economically heterogeneous instructional settings (Johnson, 2012c). Recent analyses of the ECLS-K provided general support for many of these concerns. For instance, Lee, Burkam, Ready, and LoGerfo (2004) and Reardon (2003) reported that pre-existing educational disparities in mathematics grow during first grade for Hispanics, and for low income and African American children in reading. The thought that schools contribute to achievement disparities is reinforced by studies that have minimized the possibility that racial and socioeconomic (SES) differences are due to what children lose, retain or learn, during the summer recess (Benson & Borman, 2010; Downey, von Hippel, & Broh, 2004). On this point, Downey et al. (2004) and Benson and Borman (2010) reported no significant growth in the African American-White or Hispanic-White reading gaps during the summer, while Lee et al. (2004) found no losses or gains during the summer recess after considering social background characteristics. Since these findings implied that education inequality develops while children are engaged in schooling, federal policies that target their school experiences may yield the greatest benefit. However, these studies did not provide race
gender estimates that revealed how African American males performed in school in comparison to their race
gender counterparts.

Non-School Contexts In contrast to the hypothesized disequalizing influence of schooling, another group of studies posited that racial test-score differences were largely, if not entirely, due to social class differences in what African American males do or do not learn during the summer months (Entwisle & Alexander, 1992; Heyns, 1978). In the first study, Heyns (1978) followed sixth
and seventh-grade students in the Atlanta public schools for two academic years and one intervening summer. She found that affluent and White students had higher test-scores in word recognition than their poor and African American counterparts during the school-year and the summer, with the school year difference being much smaller. The research of Entwisle and Alexander (1992) highlighted a similar story. The two scholars found that the achievement levels of White and African American children were nearly equal at the start of kindergarten but favored White Americans after two years of schooling. The disparity was not caused by differences in school achievement; however, African Americans and low SES students tended to gain as much or more than

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relatively advantaged students while in school. Most of the African American-White difference in test-scores was due to the effects of African Americans’ relatively lower SES during the summer. Summer gains and losses did not vary much, according to race when poverty status was controlled. These achievement patterns implied that it was the interaction of race and SES outside of school that should be of greatest concern to education practitioners and policymakers that sought reductions in the African American-White achievement gap. The findings of these investigations were reaffirmed in past studies. Lee and Burkham (2002), Reardon (2003), and Lee et al. (2004) show that test-performance gaps also accrue as children experience their initial context of learning, before they start formal education. Low income children, and to a lesser degree, African Americans, begin schooling less cognitively prepared in reading and math than their White and middle-class counterparts. A meta-analysis of seasonal learning research shows that, during the summer, the significant moderating effects found for race disappear after controlling for SES (Cooper, Nye, Charlton, Lindsay, & Greathouse, 1996). Unfortunately, race
gender estimates of summer achievement are not available in these studies. This is a gap in the literature that this study seeks to fill.

THE CITY AND NEIGHBORHOOD SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION The thought that non-school contexts contribute to educational inequality has led researchers and policymakers to question the influence of city-life and neighborhood qualities on children’s academic growth. For example, Heyns (1978) reasoned that African American males’ summer shortfall was due, in part, to their level of neighborhood engagement that exceeded that of their female counterparts. Heyn’s speculation has remained largely unconfirmed since, as Wilson (1998) observed about educational research, “measures of the environment remain incomplete” (p. 507). The consequences of this missing analytical dimension are especially noteworthy in the aforementioned studies, because the data used by Heyns (1978) and Entwisle and Alexander (1992) were collected in the large urban cities of Atlanta and Baltimore, respectively, while the studies that reported no initial gap or summer loss (Benson & Borman, 2010; Downey et al., 2004), use the ECLS-K, a nationally representative sample, whose participants,

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Lee and Burkham (2002) contended, were seldom located in disadvantaged areas. Despite Lee and Burkham’s observation, there are several ways in which children’s city residency may inform the stratification of learningreadiness and educational experiences, as well as the differences between city and national examinations of achievement disparities. For starters, central cities are qualitatively different than other social environments. They are areas of greater population density, and diminished personal space (Park, Burgess, & McKenzie, 1925), with fewer places than in the suburbs for children to play and engage in out-of-school enrichment activities (Celano & Neuman, 2001). Consequently, crowding has been found negatively related to young children’s vocabulary development before they begin schooling (Chase-Lansdale & Gordon, 1996; Chase-Lansdale, Gordon, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1997; Klebanov, Brooks-Gunn, Chase-Lansdale, & Gordon, 1997). Also, city children are often served by large, public school systems that seem to perform lower than their suburban counterparts. On this point, evaluations of the Gautreaux Housing Mobility Demonstration have noted that parents of children that moved in the city were less likely than movers to the suburbs to report higher educational standards, more academic rigor, and teachers that provided greater educational support in their schools (Kaufman & Rosenbaum, 1992). Therefore, knowing whether summer learning losses are due to city influences would inform the need for education practices and policies that speak to the particularities of cities. In addition to the city context, the composition and social organization of children’s neighborhoods may also bear on their learning. For example, past studies contended that racial segregation has negative (Card & Rothstein, 2005), or at best, varied consequences for African American learners (Johnson, 2010) and for Hispanic and Filipino children (Pong & Hao, 2007). Other social scientists have noted that a neighborhood’s level of violence and crime may accompany the cultivation of modest aspirations among African American boys (Harding, 2010) and lower levels of educational engagement (Nash, 2002) while parent perceptions of safety, social disorder, and crime have been found negatively related to participation in non-school learning activities (Wimer, 2005), educational outcomes (Madyun & Lee, 2008; Woolley & Grogan-Kaylor, 2006), and lower vocabulary scores for African American first graders (Caughy & O’Campo, 2006). Furthermore, sociologists have argued that high rates of neighborhood male joblessness bear on achievement through an associated scarcity of role models for boys of color (Wilson, 1996), absence of adults with

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knowledge of how to effectively sponsor children’s educational development (O’Connor, 2000), and a lack of consistent daily routines that support children’s activities (Connell, Spencer, & Aber, 1994). Further, neighborhood joblessness effects in educational research are infrequent, however, having been found negatively related to the education of African American boys in only one study of inner-cities (Halpern-Felsher et al., 1997). While these studies hypothesize linkages between neighborhood dimensions and learning, only a few examine neighborhood influences on learning in the absence of schooling or with race
gender differences in mind. Those using data from the Infant Health and Development Program reported that the vocabulary of children, before they begin schooling, was lower in ethnically/racially diverse neighborhoods, especially for White children (ChaseLansdale et al., 1997; Klebanov et al., 1997). Another study reported that racial segregation was unrelated to test-scores and that the economic segregation of zip code areas was the most salient social background dimension of reading gaps in the summer (Benson & Borman, 2010). With regard to race
gender inequality within the neighborhood context, past research indicated that African American girls seemed to fall further behind boys in mathematics (Entwisle, Alexander, & Olson, 1994), and Puerto Rican girls were less likely to matriculate (Flores, 2002) as an area’s income level rises. Other studies have found that SES is related to race
gender interaction effects, favoring the education of White males most, while unexpectedly disadvantaging African American males (Johnson, 2008). Johnson’s past study showed that residing in middle-class neighborhoods may not insulate African American males from educational disadvantage to the degree it did for White males and African American females. In summary, existing studies offer much information about achievement inequality according to social background differences, within school and non-school contexts, and in residential areas. Few, however, provided a comprehensive analysis that addresses all of these dimensions. Studies of school and non-school differences have not considered the important dimension of city residency and neighborhood quality, while neighborhood studies have not considered if the influence of environmental features vary given the presence and absence of schooling. Finally, race
gender interactions within school and non-school contexts (e.g., cities and neighborhoods) remain understudied social manifestations of academic differentiation. To this end, I explored, in this study, the following research questions: a. In which context (e.g., school and non-school) does more racial/ethnic, SES, and race
gender inequality in reading develop?

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b. Do gaps in reading exist between neighborhoods that vary in quality? And, if so, how might they change across school and non-school contexts or account for other social differences in testing? c. How might achievement inequality among central city children differ from that found among children of all locations?

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS To pursue these research questions, I use a research design that included two key components. First, it exploited an infrequent opportunity to apply observational data to a natural ecological experiment. In this design, children experienced two “treatments.” In the first treatment, city features, neighborhood conditions, and social background characteristics were mediated by children’s exposure to PreK-12 educational programs and less time in their family and neighborhood contexts. In the second treatment, learning outcomes were generated outside the PreK-12 context, when children were spending more time in their neighborhoods, families, day-care and any optional learning experiences arranged by parents (e.g. Head Start, Preschool). This alternative treatment was experienced by children, before they enrolled in kindergarten and intermittently during summer breaks. Assessments that occurred, at the beginning and end of the school year, separated the school context periods from the non-school periods and also partitioned any seasonal fluctuations in neighborhood social organization and parenting strategies. These naturally occurring treatments presented an opportunity for an experimental study in which I distinguished the effects of school and non-school contexts on social inequalities in achievement. Second, the research design reflected a multilevel conceptual model in which test-scores were nested within children, who were also nested within neighborhoods (Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002). Subsequently, I employed a 3-Level Hierarchical Linear Growth Model to consider the contributions of child, social background and neighborhood factors to learning across different contexts.

Data Source The Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Cohort 1998
1999 (ECLS-K) was ideal for this study, since no other national survey of children

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included biannual assessments. In essence, the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) collected data about families, schools, neighborhoods and activities of 22,782 children, who were chosen at random from 1277randomly selected public and private kindergarten programs. The analysis used was a panel weight to compensate for the unequal probabilities of selection inherent in the ECLS-K’s stratified sampling design. Thus, the findings of this study are generalizable to the U.S. population of children that entered kindergarten in 1998 and continued on to first grade. For this study, I limited the data analysis to the random 30% subsample of children that were assessed near the beginning and end of kindergarten and first grade. This subsample reduced from 5,470 to 5,354, once I eliminated children that did not have parent data or were missing all four cognitive scores.1 Further, since the analysis accounted for differences in the type of kindergarten program, I omitted 98 children that experienced more than one program type due to change schools. Next, my interest in ecological factors required that I eliminate children that changed neighborhoods between assessments, which reduced the sample from 5,256 to 4,993.2 Since all racial groups were not sufficiently present in central cities, I removed children that were not Hispanic, White, Asian or African American. Multiracial children were recoded to the race of the mother or father, when possible. Last, an estimation of summer context effects
free of unwanted school effects
required that I omit children who were attending year-round schools. The final sample included 2,905 White, 776 Hispanic, 338 Asian, and729 African American children, totaling 4,748. Preliminary analyses revealed the final study-sample mirrored the properties of the larger ECLS-K sample. I relied on an NCES companion data file that linked ECLS-K children to the tract and zip code in which they resided (Beveridge et al., 2004). Tract-level measures were used in this analysis to denote neighborhoods. While the use of census tracts as proxies for neighborhoods has been called “arbitrary” (Jencks & Mayer, 1990), I also used them because the larger size of zip code areas made it uncertain that its average on any characteristic was similar to that of the children’s immediate residential area. Subsequently, this study is the first tract-level analysis of neighborhood impacts across school and non-school contexts. The geocoding process of the ECLS-K resulted in a less than 1% difference in the identification of children’s zip-codes and tracts across the four assessments (Beveridge et al., 2004). Rather than deleting children from the sample, I linked those who had no tract identified to their zip code characteristics. The merging resulted in the inclusion of 3,612 geographic units. Further, a list of variables and their definitions appear in Table 1.

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Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics, N = 4748 National Sample, N = 1889 City Sample. Mean National

Gender (1 = female, 0 = male) Black (1 = yes, 0 = no) White (1 = yes, 0 = no) Hispanic (1 = yes, 0 = no) Asian/Pacific Islanders (1 = yes, 0 = no) Repeat kindergarten (1 = yes, 0 = no) Low SES (1 = yes, 0 = no) Low middle SES (1 = yes, 0 = no) Middle SES (1 = yes, 0 = no) Middle high SES (1 = yes, 0 = no) High SES (1 = yes, 0 = no) Black male (1 = yes, 0 = no) Black female (1 = yes, 0 = no) White female (1 = yes, 0 = no) White male (1 = yes, 0 = no) Hispanic male (1 = yes, 0 = no) Hispanic female (1 = yes, 0 = no) Asian/Pacific Islander female (1 = yes, 0 = no) Asian/Pacific Islander male (1 = yes, 0 = no) Attended summer school (1 = yes, 0 = no) Single parent (1 = yes, 0 = no) Months before school start (age at kindergarten start) Months between kindergarten start and test 1 Months between test 2 and kindergarten end Months between kindergarten end and grade 1 start Months between grade 1 start and test 3 Months between kindergarten start and test 2 Months between grade 1 start and test 4 Months between test 4 and grade 1 end Neighborhood median family income Neighborhood percentage Black and Hispanic Neighborhood percentage males jobless Big drug problem in area (1 = yes, 0 = no) Big burglary problem in area (1 = yes, 0 = no) Big violence problem in area (1 = yes, 0 = no) Reading test 1 score Reading test 2 score Reading test 3 score Reading test 4 score

STDV

Mean City

STDV

0.49 0.15 0.61 0.16 0.07 0.04 0.17 0.18 0.20 0.22 0.23 0.08 0.07 0.30 0.31 0.08 0.08 0.03 0.04 0.11 0.22 65.53

0.50 0.36 0.49 0.37 0.26 0.20 0.38 0.39 0.40 0.41 0.42 0.27 0.26 0.46 0.46 0.28 0.27 0.18 0.19 0.31 0.42 4.28

0.49 0.21 0.45 0.27 0.06 0.06 0.24 0.17 0.17 0.20 0.23 0.11 0.10 0.22 0.23 0.13 0.14 0.03 0.03 0.12 0.26 65.66

0.50 0.41 0.50 0.44 0.24 0.23 0.42 0.37 0.38 0.40 0.42 0.31 0.30 0.41 0.42 0.34 0.34 0.17 0.17 0.33 0.44 4.34

2.17 1.08 2.62

0.51 0.49 0.28

2.16 1.06 2.60

0.46 0.50 0.27

1.43 8.31 8.30 1.13 52,574.00 25.14 6.77 0.03 0.02 0.01 36.10 47.52 53.89 78.85

0.52 1.39 0.52 0.51 8.33 0.53 0.57 8.36 0.50 0.55 1.07 0.49 23,182.19 53,150.50 23,481.98 29.97 24.55 29.42 8.39 6.65 8.59 0.17 0.05 0.23 0.13 0.03 0.18 0.11 0.03 0.16 10.67 35.75 10.63 14.51 47.05 14.71 18.17 53.10 18.47 24.58 77.79 25.51

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Test-Score Growth I used the reading Item Response Theory (IRT) scale-scores, since they were designed to reduce ceiling and floor effects in estimates of cognitive growth (Rock & Pollack, 2002).3 These scores were released in 2009 as the survey’s final recalibrated scale-scores.4 Children of the wave 3 subsample were assessed near the beginning and end of kindergarten and first grade. These biannual assessments permitted the measurement of what children learned by the fall kindergarten assessment from the fall kindergarten assessment to the year-end assessment; between the year-end kindergarten assessment and the beginning of the first grade assessment (over the summer); and from the fall first grade assessment until the year-end assessment. Hence, the ECLS-K presented for comparisons of two schooling contexts (e.g., kindergarten and first grade) and two non-school contexts (e.g., before-school and summer recess). One complication with these data, regarding the estimation of periodic growth, was that the testing dates did not coincide with the beginning and ending dates of the school year, leading to both the contamination of the summer period by the inclusion of days of schooling (that occurred after the last assessment of kindergarten and before the first assessment of first grade) and the exclusion of relevant days of instruction from school estimates. Knowing the test dates and the beginning and ending dates of the school year allowed for creating a series of variables to account for the elapsed time between those measured in months.5 Under the assumption that growth within each period was linear, I calculated the amount of growth that would have occurred during the time missing from the assessment periods and reapportioned the test-scores accordingly. When included in the models, these time-elapsed variables did not indicate any significant change in the points per month growth of the adjusted reading scores.

Considering Social Background and Social Contexts I also compared growth rates, according to child-level social background characteristics across contexts, while controlling for school-related factors. Social background variables were coded as 1 = yes, 0 = no for race/ethnicity (i.e., Hispanic, White, Asian, and African American), race
gender (i.e., African American male and African American female), and family SES. In order to examine achievement differences between social classes,

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I used a composite measure of family SES that was segmented into equal-sized quintiles (e.g., Low SES, 1 = yes, 0 = no). This composite measure of family SES, provided by NCES, reflected the occupational status, educational level, and total household income of parents (National Center for Education Statistics, 2001). I also considered children’s gender (1 = female, 0 = male) and single parent (1 = yes, 0 = no) family structure. Although my growth modeling strategy isolated the effects of schools versus non-school contexts, three additional education-related factors were needed to account for variation in the amount of schooling children receive. Therefore, I considered whether the child attended a full-day kindergarten program (versus half-day), attended summer school, and repeated kindergarten, (1 = yes, 0 = no), the last of these also served as a control for children who may be older than average. These measures accounted for differences in the amount of children’s exposure to school, while also removing its influence during the summer context.

Neighborhood and City Determinants In addition to the investigation of differences in learning through the juxtaposition of school and non-school contexts, I also explored them according to children’s residential qualities and classification. Addressing the latter first, I used the location type variable to identify children that reside in central cities
approximately 39% of the analytical sample
and saved them to a second file. The city sample, consisting of 1889 children from 1515 geographic units, contrasted the analysis of the national sample. Further, I used subjective and objective measures of neighborhood conditions to estimate within-context effects for both samples. The subjective measures consisted of social disorganization variables. More specifically, parents were asked: “How much of a problem is burglary,” “violent crime,” and “selling/ using drugs in the area?” (1 = big problem, 2 = somewhat a problem, 3 = no problem). I dichotomized these variables so that 1 indicated a big problem and 0 not a big problem. The objective variables included three census measures of the tract’s median family income, the percentage of Hispanic and African Americans, and the percentage of jobless males age 16 or over within the civilian labor force. Including the median income measure to account for a neighborhood’s economic composition allowed the joblessness variable to better reflect its hypothesized impact on a neighborhood’s social organization.

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Additionally, the median income variable was created by first using a natural log transformation to achieve a more suitable distribution of incomes, then converting those values into z-scores. For the sake of interpretation, Table 1 reports the original values of this variable. I combined measures of the proportion of African American and Hispanic individuals to create the tracts’ minority composition measure because those racial groups tended to reside in highly segregated areas with more social problems (Wilson, 1996).

Estimation I used HLM version 6.08 to estimate achievement growth (Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002). The 3-level model consisted of within-child test-score measures at Level 1, between child-measures reflecting social background and schoolrelated factors at Level 2, and neighborhood measures at Level 3. Given that growth was viewed as happening in distinct contexts, I elected a piecewise approach for the separate estimation of growth parameters. For model growth rates, I viewed test-scores Ytcn as a function of an intercept, representing reading performance before kindergarten for child c in neighborhood n and her or his exposure to kindergarten, summer, and first grade at the time of test t, yielding the Level 1 equation: Y tcn = π 0cn þ π 1cn ðKindergartentcn Þ þ π2cn ðSummertcn Þ þ π 3cn ðFirst gradetcn Þ þ e ð1Þ Since this analysis estimated four parameters from four test-scores, I constrained the value of the error term within the statistical program settings to equal the average amount of measurement error across contexts. Using the test reliability estimates provided by Rock and Pollack (2002), I computed the measurement error variance for each assessment as one minus the reliability of the test, multiplied by its total variance. I, then, averaged the measurement error variance across the four assessments. As seen in Table 2, the measurement error range is largest for the city sample, and averages 12.97 and 12.46 for the city and national sample, respectively. Level 2 of the multilevel model included the social background and school variables. Each Level 2 parameter represented the adjustment in the neighborhood average performance slope, β10n. Since I investigated racial, SES, and race
gender differences in cognitive growth over time, there were

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Table 2.

Measurement Error Variance on Four Reading Tests in National and City Sample.

Assessment Period

Fall 1998

Spring 1999

Fall 1999

Spring 2000

Average

Reading Total variance Reliability Measurement error variance

113.80 0.93 7.97

210.56 0.95 10.53

330.07 0.96 13.20

604.36 0.97 18.13

12.46

Reading city Total variance Reliability Measurement error variance

113.02 0.93 7.91

216.30 0.95 10.82

341.08 0.96 13.64

650.72 0.97 19.52

12.97

Note: Reliabilities were calculated by Rock and Pollack (2002). With a reliability of r, and total test variance Var (Ysct), the measurement error variance is (1
r) Var (Ysct).

two Level 2 specifications for each of the four contexts. In the first Level 2 model, test-score growth π1cn was a function of the child’s gender, single parent family structure, race, and the quintiles of family SES (with the middle quintile excluded). I modeled achievement gaps, according to race
gender interactions in the second specification, so the variables for race and gender were replaced with those for African American boys, African American girls, etc., leaving White boys as the reference group. The only way in which these models differed across contexts was in the addition of the all-day kindergarten variable in kindergarten and the addition of the attended summer school variable in the summer. The full Level 2 equation follows: π 1cn = β10n þ β1n ðRepeated kindergartencn Þ þ β12n ðGendercn Þ þ β13n ðSingle parentcn Þ þ β1;4
7n ðSES quintilescn Þ þ β1;8 − 12n ðRacecn Þ þ β1;13 − 19n ðRace=genderÞ þ β120n ðAll-day kindergartencn Þ þ β121n ðSummer schoolcn Þ þ acn

ð2Þ

At Level 3, I modeled neighborhood-based variation in mean achievement with random intercept models (Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002). The Level 3 equation modeled neighborhood-to-neighborhood variation in their characteristics in each of the four contexts for models 3 and 6. Hence, testscore growth in each context, β10n was a function of the census tracts’ median income, percentage of African Americans and Hispanics, percentage of jobless males, and three variables representing parents’ report that

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burglary, drug trafficking/use, and violence are problems in their neighborhood. I expressed the Level 3 equation as: β10n = γ 100 þ γ 101n ðMedian family incomen Þ þ γ 102n ð% minorityn Þ þ γ 103n ð% jobless malesn Þ þ γ 104n ðBurglaryn Þ þ γ 105n ðDrugsn Þ þ γ 106n ðViolencen Þ þ r 10n

ð3Þ

In this equation, the intercept γ100, represented the average growth rate of a specific context for all neighborhoods in the sample. The first three continuous neighborhood parameters, γ101n
γ103n indicated that the estimated deviation from the neighborhood mean growth rate associated with a point increase among those characteristics. The second set of neighborhood parameters was categorical and represented the average point change in kid’s test score associated with a neighborhood’s identification as having those problems.

ANALYSIS Descriptive Statistics Tables 1 and 3 provide descriptive information for the national sample and the city subsample. The time elapsed between the assessments and the beginning and end dates of schooling reported in Table 1 show that without the steps taken in this study to compensate for the unaligned dates, approximately 2.17 months of schooling would have been misattributed to children’s before-school context. Likewise, the 1.08 months that occurred after the spring-kindergarten assessment would have been excluded from the kindergarten period and misattributed to the summer. With the adjusted test-scores, the before kindergarten and summer periods contain no school-time growth, while kindergarten and first grade now reflect the full 9.39 and 9.43 months of schooling, respectively. The means reported in Table 1 show moderate differences between the national and city sample in the higher proportion of African Americans and Hispanics, and lower proportion of White children in the city sample. Also, the city children had a greater representation than children, nationally, within the lowest SES quintile, within single parent families, and slightly higher reports of drug, burglary, and violence problems in their neighborhoods.

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Table 3. Cross-Tabulations According to Race/Ethnicity and SES for National and City Sample. Race/Ethnicity

National Sample SES, N = 4748

Category

Middle Low

Asian/Pacific Islander Number 56 % within Asian 17.0 % within quintile 7.6

Middle

70 21.3 7.6

59 17.9 6.1

190 170 27.5 24.6 25.7 20.1

155 22.4 16.8

Hispanic Number 279 146 % within Hispanic 37.6 19.7 % within quintile 37.8 17.2

131 17.7 14.2

White Number % within White % within quintile

564 20.0 61.1

African American Number % within Black % within quintile

Middle

Low Middle High High 53 16.1 6.3

214 474 7.6 16.8 29.0 56.0

City Sample SES, N = 1889

91 27.7 8.1

Low

Middle

Low Middle High High

29 25.7 7.3

14 12.4 4.4

22 19.5 6.6

20 17.7 6.1

28 24.8 6.3

109 15.8 11.3

67 108 9.7 28.4 6.0 27.1

92 24.2 29.2

82 21.6 24.7

65 17.1 19.8

33 8.7 7.4

98 13.2 10.1

88 228 11.9 46.8 7.8 57.1

94 19.3 29.8

76 15.6 22.9

52 10.7 15.9

37 7.6 8.3

34 114 4.1 13.6 8.5 36.2

151 18.0 45.5

697 876 24.7 31.0 72.1 77.9

189 349 22.6 41.7 57.6 78.1

More notable demographic differences are revealed in Table 3. These figures show that African Americans and Hispanics constitute 25.7% and 37.8% of the children in the low SES quintile, though they are only 15% and 16% of the total sample, respectively. Approximately 38% and 28% of all Hispanic and African American children, respectively, are in low-income families, compared to 7.6% of White children. In fact, the largest proportion (31%) of White children is in the top SES quintile. In the city, social class cleavages across racial groups are more pronounced. For instance, while the presence of African Americans and Hispanics in the lowest SES category increases to 28.4% and 46.8%, respectively, the percentage of White children in the highest SES category increases to 41.7. Not only were populations of color in central cities more likely to be disadvantaged, their relative disadvantage also appeared greater than it was among children of all residential types. All underrepresented groups in the city had the highest proportion of their population in the lowest SES category.

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Inequalities in Non-School and School Contexts, Neighborhoods, and Cities Tables 4 and 5 report the reading analysis in the before-school, kindergarten, summer, and first grade contexts for the national (models 1
3) and city samples (models 4
6). Along with the estimates in the models conveyed deviations from test-score averages, I also reported test-score inequality in terms of monthly school year gains and losses6 (Table 4). Model 1 addressed the first research question, regarding the context in which more racial, social class, and race
gender gaps in achievement grow. In the first non-school contexts, model 1 showed that inequality in the performance of children within the lowest and highest SES quintiles equals 9.04 points. Not only did children in the lowest income category fall behind the average test-score by just over a standard deviation unit (−4.34 points), children in the highest income also exceeded the average test-score by 4.70 points. The race and ethnicity gaps were even smaller, with African American and Hispanics matching the average test-score performance but trailing the higher than average test-scores of Asian/Pacific Islanders (3.91 points). Model 2 addressed the second question of race
gender differences, and it was found that the higher than average test-scores for Asian/Pacific Islanders was due to the stronger performance of Asian American girls (6.17 points). To this end, there were no other significant race
gender gaps. Model 3 included the neighborhood characteristics to determine if their inclusion resulted in changes in the race
gender and social class gaps and the amount of inequality between neighborhoods according to aspects of their social disorganization and composition. Only modest reductions in the social class gap appeared in model 3, and the race
gender estimates remained similar. However, neighborhood drug problems were related to lowered test-scores (−3.61 points). Models 4
6 revealed that educational inequality was much different in the city context. Social class differences between the least and most advantaged in the city (10.41 points) were larger than for children nationally (9.04 points), with the higher than average gains of advantaged children (6.57 points) accounting for the majority of social class inequality. In terms of race, the average test-score performance of African Americans in the city trailed the other racial groups (−2.92 points). Model 5 suggested that the African American shortfall was largely due to the performance of African American males rather than their female counterparts. This gap remained in model 6, which added the neighborhood features and indicated all of them to be insignificant.

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Table 4. Hierarchical Linear Models of Reading Growth, Before School and Kindergarten. National

Before-school context Intercept Months before school Gender Single parent Repeated kindergarten Low SES Mid low SES Mid high SES High SES Asian/Pacific Islander Black Hispanic Asian boys Asian girls Black boys Black girls Hispanic boys Hispanic girls White girls Drug problem Burglary problem Violence problem Median income % Jobless % Black & Hispanic Level 1 & 2 variance Standard deviation Level 3 variance Standard deviation Kindergarten context Points/Month Gender Single parent Repeated kindergarten All-day kindergarten Low SES

City

Model 1 Race

Model 2 Race/ gender

Model 3 Full

Model 4 Race

Model 5 Race/ gender

Model 6 Full

33.88*** 0.44*** 1.21** −1.35** 0.06

34.91*** 0.44***

34.91*** 33.84*** 0.44*** 0.42*** 1.24 −1.32** −1.25 0.14 0.45

33.86*** 0.40***

33.88*** 0.41***

−4.25*** −3.84*** −1.88* −1.50 1.84* 0.88 4.71*** 6.57*** 2.90 −1.98* −1.77 3.11 6.35** −1.26 0.23 −1.40 0.10 1.04 −3.61** 0.37 6.72 −0.11 0.04 0.01 32.55*** 39.15*** 5.71 6.26 38.96*** 16.54*** 6.24 4.07

−3.81*** −1.46 0.94 6.63***

−3.79*** −1.44 0.94 6.66***

3.58 3.49 −2.92** 0.52 −0.16 −1.70 1.53

3.53 3.69 −2.79** 0.76 −0.12 −1.81 1.64 −2.57 2.16 0.20 −0.14 −0.10 0.02 37.84*** 6.15 16.86*** 4.11

−4.34*** −1.93* 1.80* 4.70*** 3.91** −1.03 −1.16

−1.34** 0.07 −4.35*** −1.94* 1.80* 4.71***

3.11 6.17** −1.23 0.21 −1.39 0.11 1.05

32.29*** 5.68 40.14*** 6.34

32.23*** 5.68 40.11*** 6.33

1.27 1.05* −0.65 −1.98

1.30

1.34

1.18 1.66* −0.83 −2.63

−0.66 −1.98

−0.64 −2.07

2.20*** −1.78*

2.21*** −1.78*

2.22*** 0.82 −1.73* −0.16

1.26 0.43

38.12*** 6.17 16.97*** 4.12

−1.22 0.35

1.37

1.39

−0.82 −2.74

−0.85 −2.64

0.86 −0.09

0.67 0.35

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Table 4.

(Continued )

National

Mid low SES Mid high SES High SES Asian/Pacific Islander Black Hispanic Asian boys Asian girls Black boys Black girls Hispanic boys Hispanic girls White girls Drug problem Burglary problem Violence problem Median income % Jobless % Black & Hispanic Level 1 & 2 variance Standard deviation Level 3 variance Standard deviation

City

Model 1 Race

Model 2 Race/ gender

Model 3 Full

Model 4 Race

Model 5 Race/ gender

Model 6 Full

−1.00 0.64 1.46 −0.57 −1.55* −0.55

−1.00 0.65 1.45

−0.96 1.45 −1.53

−0.40 −0.02 2.82*

−0.36 0.12 2.84*

−0.18 −0.46 −1.52 −0.42 −0.28 0.46 1.19*

−0.45 −0.06 2.77* −0.48 −2.50** −0.48

0.10 −0.29 −1.53 −0.38 −0.23 0.38 1.18* −2.99* 0.26 5.97 −0.07 0.00 0.01 35.27*** 31.21*** 5.94 5.59 31.45*** 25.95*** 5.61 5.09

2.33 0.66 −3.51** −0.58 −1.19 1.13 0.93

2.10 0.86 −3.87*** −0.88 −1.28 0.84 0.81 −3.50** 1.92 6.06 0.63 −0.02 0.01 30.73*** 5.54 25.43*** 5.04

35.49*** 5.96 31.59*** 5.62

35.48*** 5.96 31.56*** 5.62

30.82*** 5.55 26.17*** 5.12

***p < 0.000, **p < 0.01, *p < 0.05.

The next set of estimates revealed race, social class, and race
gender inequalities continued to grow within the school context. While this may have appeared consistent with earlier studies, the kindergarten estimates somewhat departed from previous analyses. First, model 1 showed the most prominent gap among social class, where children in the lowest SES category had a test-score performance 1.78 point lower than the average. This social class setback exceeded the shortfall that African Americans experience. When contrasted with the number of months (~9.4), children in the lowest SES category lost 0.19 points per month of kindergarten growth for a total of 1.17 months of kindergarten learning. The greater magnitude of the low SES gap remained throughout models 1
3. Second, the

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Table 5.

Hierarchical Linear Models of Reading Growth, Summer and First Grade. National

Summer context Points/month Gender Single parent Repeated kindergarten Summer school Low SES Mid low SES Mid high SES High SES Asian/Pacific Islander Black Hispanic Asian boys Asian girls Black boys Black girls Hispanic boys Hispanic girls White girls Drug problem Burglary problem Violence problem Median income % Jobless % Black & Hispanic Level 1 & 2 variance Standard deviation Level 3 variance Standard deviation First grade context Points/month Gender Single parent Repeated kindergarten Low SES Mid low SES Mid high SES

City

Model 1 Race

Model 2 Race/ gender

Model 3 Full

Model 4 Race

Model 5 Race/ gender

Model 6 Full

−0.08 0.22 −0.28 0.77 0.54 −1.16 −0.45 0.16 0.68 2.16* 0.09 0.85

−0.14

−0.09

0.51

0.51

−0.29 0.69 0.60 −1.14 −0.43 0.17 0.68

−0.21 0.54 0.56 −1.24 −0.51 0.07 0.66

0.47 0.63 1.40 0.78 1.22 −1.37 0.12 0.41 3.72** 2.24 −0.96 −0.20

1.43 0.78 1.21 −1.39 0.12 0.41 3.70**

1.46 0.61 0.98 −1.51 0.02 0.38 3.64**

1.09 3.62* −0.51 0.67 1.15 0.61 0.02

1.15 3.95 −0.65 −0.48 0.06 0.40 0.85

31.61*** 5.62 21.14*** 4.60

31.32*** 5.60 21.35*** 4.62

1.24 3.65* −0.27 0.92 1.26 0.84 0.10 0.77 −1.80 −1.55 −0.69* 0.03 −0.05* 31.50*** 5.61 20.69*** 4.55

−2.31 2.03* −0.83 −5.64** −4.08* −0.95 2.29

−2.32

−2.34

−0.83 −5.78** −4.10* −1.05 2.33

−0.85 −5.91** −3.92* −1.02 2.36

52.44*** 7.24 5.93 2.43

52.02*** 7.21 6.31 2.51

1.21 3.96 −0.58 −0.17 0.28 0.57 0.84 1.64 −4.05** −1.60 −0.54 −0.02 −0.00 50.93*** 7.14 7.04 2.65

−2.62 1.91 −3.50 −0.62 −0.67 −0.25 1.63

−3.12

−3.55

−3.44 −0.75 −0.45 −0.13 1.84

−3.32 −1.19 −0.48 −0.06 2.10

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Table 5.

(Continued )

National

High SES Asian/Pacific Islander Black Hispanic Asian boys Asian girls Black boys Black girls Hispanic boys Hispanic girls White girls Drug problem Burglary problem Violence problem Median income % jobless % Black and Hispanic Level 1 and 2 variance Standard deviation Level 3 variance Standard deviation

City

Model 1 Race

Model 2 Race/ gender

Model 3 Full

3.36* −0.46 −4.76** −2.90*

3.32*

3.42**

Model 4 Race 4.99* −1.41 −5.02* −2.62

Model 5 Race/ gender

Model 6 Full

5.02*

5.11*

2.08 −2.43 −7.49*** −0.41 −2.62 −1.55 1.61

2.02 2.69 3.07 −2.73 −5.83 5.82 −7.29** −8.71** −8.17** −0.34 −1.01 −0.48 −2.85 −3.42 −3.57 −1.54 −1.97 −1.46 1.58 −0.14 −0.04 −0.66 0.09 −2.27 −1.00 −0.64 −4.67 −1.08 −1.74* −0.15 −0.04 −0.02 −0.05 250.46*** 249.39*** 249.58*** 231.28*** 232.32*** 232.33*** 15.83 15.79 15.80 15.21 15.24 15.24 78.02*** 77.62*** 75.41*** 67.91*** 63.28*** 60.62*** 8.83 8.81 8.68 8.24 7.96 7.79

***p < 0.000, **p < 0.01, *p < 0.05.

race
gender interactions, in models 2 and 3, illustrated no significant setback in achievement growth for African American boys or girls and that the race differences found, in model 1, were due to the greater than average performance of White girls (1.19 points). Third, test-scores for children nationally continue to lag behind the average in neighborhoods with drug problems (−2.99 points). The largest test-score gap in kindergarten for children nationally is between neighborhoods that do and do not report having drug problems, amounting to a loss of 1.95 months of kindergarten learning by year’s end. In contrast, models 4
6 revealed that race, social class, race
gender, and neighborhood inequality was much greater in the city context. First, all three models indicated that social class inequality was greater than racial inequality in the city and that it resulted from the greater than average

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365

gains of advantaged children rather than lower test-scores for disadvantaged children. Second, the race
gender estimates depicted losses for African American boys that eclipsed the size of any of the other test-score gaps reported during kindergarten. In the full model, the estimate of −3.87 points equaled a loss of 0.41 points per month for African American boys, relative to the other racial groups, for a total loss of 2.52 months of kindergarten year learning. Further, neighborhood drug problems (−3.50 points) in the city presented similar setbacks for children, equaling 0.37 points per month loss and 2.28 months of kindergarten year learning. The third set of models (Table 5) estimated achievement differences over the summer, accounting for the possibility that children attended summer school. In this second non-school context, a social class gap appeared only among children in the city and again due to the higher than average performance of advantaged children. As shown in model 6, city children in the high SES category exceeded the test-score average by 3.64 points, amounting to a 1.56 point gain each month for roughly 2.6 summer months. To put this summer growth in context, higher SES children gained the equivalent of 2.7 months of kindergarten year learning. Asian American girls, nationally (model 3), experienced roughly the same boost in summer-time learning. Inequality among children within city neighborhoods where burglary was a problem (model 6) was especially prominent (−4.05 points), amounting to a summer loss of 2.64 months of kindergarten year learning, relative to those who are not in such neighborhoods. The final set of models estimated the education gaps in first grade. In the race model, there were losses among African Americans (−4.76 points) and, for the first time in this analysis, Hispanics (−2.90 points). To this end, African Americans trailed the average monthly growth rate by 0.50 points per month for a total setback of 1.30 months of first grade learning, while Hispanics lost 0.79 months. The social class gap in reading widened, during first grade, due to the significantly lower growth rate of children within the low SES category (−4.08 points) and the stronger gains of advantaged children (3.36 points). Model 2 indicated that, once again, the loss for African Americans was largely due to the lower performance of boys (−7.49 points), which was the only race
gender group to experience a shortfall. Model 3 illustrated that African American boys’ loss of roughly two months of first grade learning reduced little with the consideration of neighborhood characteristics, which were all insignificant. Within the city (models 4
6), African Americans, particularly the boys, lost even more relative to other racial and race
gender groups, while the children in the highest social class category gained more than their counterparts do

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nationally (models 1
3). The estimate of −8.17 points in model 6 implied that African American boys lost 0.87 points per month, for a total loss of 2.30 months of learning by first grade’s end.

DISCUSSION This chapter posed numerous research questions regarding the relative performances of children, according to their social background and residential characteristics across school and non-school contexts. Specifically, I asked: (a) in which context (school and non-school) does more racial/ethnic, social class, and race
gender inequality in reading develop? (b) do test-score gaps exist between neighborhoods that vary in quality, change across school and non-school contexts and account for other social background differences? and, (c) how might achievement inequality among central city children differ from that found among children of all locations? Answers to these research questions could help to fashion federal initiatives to fit the particularities of the problem and direct resources to the appropriate context in which residential and social background disparities in achievement were produced. Pursuant to the aforementioned research questions, the analysis indicated that social class inequality existed in all contexts, for children nationally, as well as within the city. Yet, the nature of social class stratification in testing outcomes differed according to residency. In the city, it was due to the gains of higher income children rather than a lag in the test-score growth of lower income children. City children
within the highest SES category
experienced greater than average gains in every context while their low SES counterparts experienced no losses once they started PreK-12 programs. Finally, there was no evidence that schools, nationally, shielded the test performances of children from the effects of their lower SES as apparently as city schools did. While the social class findings were insightful, the patterns of race/ethnic and race
gender inequality were even more notable. First, I found no setbacks according to race for children in the national sample during either of the non-school contexts. Second, inequality in the city was greater than it is nationally for African Americans, particularly those who were boys, in all contexts. In the city, African Americans in general and African American boys in particular are the only two groups that started school with lower than average test-scores. Third, African American boys were the only

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race
gender group to fall short of average growth at any point in this study, suggesting that the Black/non-Black gap was essentially a Blackmale/non-Black gap. At no time in this analysis did the test-score growth of African American girls fall significantly short of the average. In the city, African American boys had a test-score disadvantage before they entered school, and, by the end of first grade, an additional 4.82 months of schooltime test-score growth
over half of an academic year
was added to their initial shortfall. While the consideration of neighborhood features did not alter, much of the size of other social background differences in test outcomes, large neighborhood effects were found for city children that resided where drugs and burglary were big problems. So, while city schools can shield children of a lower income from test-score losses, they tend to do very little, if anything, to offset the shortfalls that children experience within the most troubled neighborhoods.

IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATIONAL POLICY, PRACTICE, AND RESEARCH Given the findings of this analysis, how should social scientists assess current federal efforts to reduce educational inequality? First, this analysis justified the attention given to racial inequality in NCLB’s mandates, since much of it, nationally, arises in schools. At the same time, this analysis implies that NCLB’s shortcoming is due to the policy’s mandates and the schools it holds accountable, rather than unequal achievement growth before children start formal education or during the summer recess. The imperative of addressing racial differences in test outcomes also supported the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African American Education, which identified the racial group this analysis found in greatest need of federal support. However, until educational policy efforts increase the test performance of African American boys in particular, the United States may continue to see little convergence in racial test-score gaps. On this point, Section 5131(a)(23) of the reauthorized Elementary and Secondary Education Act allows local educational agencies (LEAs) to offer same-gender schools and programs. Yet, the low numbers of LEAs that offer single-sex education options make it unlikely that a significant number of boys may have access to this opportunity. Furthermore, evidence that single-sex arrangements are related to improved test-scores is mixed,

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and less evidence finds that such arrangements include curricular materials that are tailored to the needs of specific gender groups (U.S. Dept. of Education, 2008). Practitioners would need to implement curricular materials specifically designed to address the needs of boys of color within public schools especially, the evaluation of which could subsequently augment the meager body of evaluation research. In addition, it is not certain that single-sex educational arrangements will persist long enough to understand their potential. Organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union, have filed litigation to end what they call “gender segregation in public education” (ACLU, 2012). While the educational research is mixed on whether these arrangements help children, far less evidence suggests that gender separation causes them harm. Second, NCLB appears, especially, complicated by this chapter’s identification of clear patterns of residential inequality in test-scores. Test-score gaps were larger in the city context for African Americans, particularly the boys, during school and non-school contexts and according to neighborhood problems. Whether cities and distraught neighborhoods cause children to perform less well or merely serve to attract families to reside in them that are less likely to perform well, the challenge they present to federal policy is the same: increased educational inequality. This problem is not one that can be addressed simply through the usual policy proposals, such as year-round schooling. Federal officials have highlighted the idea of year-round schooling because it may keep children academically engaged while reducing their time in other less-supportive learning environments. However, it is not clear whether lowered scores come directly from children’s experiences in problematic neighborhoods, or whether schools convey the neighborhood effect as they provide educational services (Johnson, 2012a). If it is the latter, giving children more time within “institutional conduits of inequality” is unlikely to solve the problem. There are associational redistributive mechanisms, within NCLB and other federal programs, that have sought to disrupt the covariation of neighborhood and school quality by relocating children. NCLB provides a choice mechanism that releases children from local school attendance mandates if their school consistently fails to demonstrate average yearly progress (AYP) so that they may attend higher performing schools within the school district. However, in any given year, the majority of schools within our largest LEAs fail to make AYP, which does not permit the transfer provision to accomplish its aim for the majority of children. Unless NCLB incentivizes interdistrict transfers between city systems and their satellite districts, which it does not, its school choice provision does little to

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challenge the correspondence between children’s neighborhood and school quality. Efforts to eliminate the covariation of school and neighborhood quality have been undertaken by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) since 1976 (Johnson, 2012b). Instead of merely expanding underrepresented children’s options for school enrollment, these remedies have provided families residency within other neighborhoods and enrollment in local schools. However, a synthesis of evaluations of these programs has suggested that the environmental resources within destination neighborhoods that African American boys stand to benefit from the most are socially structured to only benefit the residents that constituted them (Johnson, 2012b). Nonetheless, these remedies have not been of the scale to support the need of so many families within low income areas. This analysis makes clear, however, that schools in these cities are less effective in elevating test outcomes according to race
gender than they appear to be in raising the scores of low income children. These realities suggest federal policy should seek to retool city schools with better teachers and an appropriate level of resources to address school determinants of city performance gaps, but not leave the duty of eradicating these gaps to schools alone. On this point, more comprehensive and geographically specific approaches are now underway in the federal government’s Promise Neighborhoods
an effort that mirrors the Harlem Children’s Zone (Comey et al., 2013). These programs seek to coordinate resources that affect children at the neighborhood, school and family level, directly and indirectly, and during the summer and academic term. Future evaluations may reveal whether these approaches can address, more fundamentally, the circumstances that continue to place educational equality beyond our reach.

NOTES 1. Parents were surveyed to gather social background measures in the spring of the 1999 kindergarten year. In cases where the information is missing, I added values from identical measures collected in the fall of first grade. 2. The ECLS-K reports moves for rounds 3 and 4 only at the zip code level. 3. Reading assessments include concepts related to letter-case recognition, reading words in context, recognizing common words, and knowing letter sounds at the beginning and end of words. 4. Refer to Rock and Pollack (2002) for more information on the calibration of scale scores.

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5. I used the beginning and end school dates supplied by school administrators and when those dates were not provided, those given by parents. 6. To do this, I subtract the estimates from the mean amount of test-score growth in a context (before-school, kindergarten, summer, or first grade), then divide the sum by the number of months in the academic year to arrive at the average monthly growth for that particular social group. This sum can be subtracted from the average monthly growth rate of that context to calculate monthly gains or losses. Model estimates are divided by the average monthly growth rate to determine the number of academic-year months lost or gained.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Joshua Rushing for the assistance he provided in the preparation of this chapter. This research is supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (#DRL-0941014), Spencer Foundation (#201000103) and Maryland Population Research Center at the University of Maryland.

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ABOUT THE EDITORS James L. Moore III received his B.A. in English Education from Delaware State University and earned both his M.A.Ed. and Ph.D. in Counselor Education from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. He is an associate provost in the Office of Diversity and Inclusion, where he also serves as the inaugural director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male at The Ohio State University. Additionally, Moore is the EHE Distinguished Professor of Urban Education in the College of Education and Human Ecology. He has held other higher education positions at both University of South Carolina and Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. From 2006 to 2007, he took a leave of absence from The Ohio State University to accept the first Secondary School Counseling Coordinator position in the District of Columbia Public Schools. Moore has a national- and international-recognized research agenda that focuses on (a) how educational professionals, such as school counselors, influence the educational/career aspirations and school experiences of students of color (particularly African American males); (b) sociocultural, familial, school, and community factors that support, enhance, and impede academic outcomes for PreK-20 African American students (e.g., elementary, secondary, and postsecondary); (c) recruitment and retention issues of students of color, particularly African Americans, in PreK-12 gifted education and those high-potential college students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors; and (d) social, emotional, and psychological consequences of racial oppression for African American males and other people of color in various domains in society (e.g., education, counseling, workplace, and athletics). Throughout his career, Moore has made significant contributions in school counseling, gifted education, urban education, higher education, multicultural education/counseling, and STEM education. He recently coedited a book with Chance W. Lewis of University of North Carolina at Charlotte titled, African American students in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement. Further, Moore has published over 100 publications; obtained over $8 million in grants, contracts, and gifts; and given over 200 scholarly presentations and 375

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lectures throughout the United States and other parts of the world (e.g., Canada, United Kingdom, France, India, China, Indonesia, and Spain). As a result of Moore’s professional success, he has biographies listed in Outstanding young men in America (1998 edition), Academic keys who’s who in education (2003 edition), Manchester who’s who among professionals in counseling and development (2005/2006 edition), Prestige international who’s who registries of outstanding professionals (2007 edition), and Who’s who in black Columbus (2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, and 2013 editions). He is also the recipient of Brothers of the Academy’s National Junior Scholar Award (2003), The Ohio State University’s College of Education Distinguished Scholar Award (2004), North Central Association for Counselor Education and Supervision’s Research Award (2004), Ohio School Counselor Association’s Research Award (2004), American Educational Research Association’s Division E Early Career Award in Counseling (2005), Ohio School Counselors Association’s George E. Hill Counselor Educator Award (2005), Counselors for Social Justice’s Ohana Award (2006), Phi Delta Kappa’s Emerging Leaders Award (2007
2008), American Educational Research Association’s Distinguished Scholar Award in Counseling
Division E (2008), The Education Trust’s National Center for Transforming School Counseling Trailblazer Award (2009), Institute for School-Based Family Counseling’s Outstanding Contributions to School-Based Family Counseling Award (2009), National Association for Gifted Children’s Early Scholar Award (2009), National Association for Multicultural Education’s Carl A. Grant Multicultural Research Award (2009), National Alliance of Black School Educators’ W. E. B. Du Bois Higher Education Award (2010), The Ohio State’s Black Graduate and Professional Student Caucus’ Lawrence Williamson Jr. Service Award (2011), TheBlackManCan.org’s Black Man Can Award (2012), American College Personnel Association’s Standing Committee on Men and Masculinities Outstanding Research Award (2013), GrapeVine Information Services, LLC’s Columbus Black Leaders Award (2013), HBCU Digest’s Genesis Scholar Award (2014), American Counseling Association (ACA) Fellow Award (2014), American College Personnel Association’s Standing Committee on Men and Masculinities Outstanding Men’s Program Award (2014), and is an inducted member in numerous professional and honor societies, such as Alpha Kappa Mu, Phi Kappa Phi, Phi Delta Kappa, Kappa Delta Pi, and Chi Sigma Iota. Moore was also chosen to participate in the 2012
2013 Committee on Institutional Cooperation (CIC) Academic Leadership Program (CIC-ALP) and selected as an ACE Fellow in the 2013
2014 American Council on Education Fellows Program. He is a native of Lyman, South Carolina and

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currently resides in Alexandria, Virginia with his beloved wife, Stephanie, and three children (i.e., James IV, Sienna Ava, and Savanna Marie-Ann). Chance W. Lewis is the Carol Grotnes Belk Distinguished Full Professor and Endowed Chair of Urban Education and the Executive Director of the Urban Education Collaborative at University of North Carolina at Charlotte. He received his B.S. and M.Ed. in Business Education and Education Administration/Supervision from Southern University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana and completed his Ph.D. in Educational Leadership/Teacher Education from Colorado State University in Fort Collins, Colorado. Lewis teaches graduate courses in urban education, and he has professional experiences in both K-12 and higher education settings. From 2006 to 2011, he was the Houston Endowed Chair and Associate Professor of Urban Education and Co-Director of the Center for Urban School Partnerships in the College of Education at Texas A&M University. From 2001 to 2006, he served as an assistant professor of Teacher Education at Colorado State University. From 1994 to 1998, he was a Business Education teacher in East Baton Rouge Parish Schools (Baton Rouge, LA), where he earned Teacher of the Year honors in 1997. Lewis has over 200 publications, including 70 + refereed journal articles in some of the leading academic journals in the field of urban education. Further, he has authored/co-authored/co-edited 11 books, such as White teachers/diverse classrooms: A guide for building inclusive schools, eliminating racism and promoting high expectations (Stylus, 2006); The dilemmas of being an African American male in the New Millennium (Infinity, 2008); An educator’s guide to working with African American students: Strategies for promoting academic success (Infinity, 2009); Transforming teacher education: What went wrong with teacher training and how we can fix it (Stylus, 2010); White teachers/diverse classrooms: Creating inclusive schools, building on students’ diversity and providing true educational equity [2nd Edition] (Stylus, 2011); Yes we can!: Improving urban schools through innovative educational reform (Information Age, 2011); African Americans in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement (Peter Lang, 2012); Black males in postsecondary education: Examining their experiences in diverse institutional contexts (Information Age, 2012); Improving urban Schools: Equity and access in K-16 STEM education (Information Age, 2013); Black male teachers: Diversifying the United States’ teacher workforce (Emerald Publishing, 2013); and An educator’s guide to working with African American students: Strategies for promoting academic success [2nd Edition] (LEC Press, 2013). He also has received nearly $7 million in grants and contracts throughout his career.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS Oscar A. Barbarin is the Lila L. and Douglas J. Hertz Professor of Psychology at Tulane University. He is a Fellow of both the American Psychological Association and American Orthopsychiatric Association; he is a member of the Governing Council of the Society for Research in Child Development. Barbarin serves as coeditor of the American Journal of Orthopsychiatry. He received his Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology from Rutgers University, and he held a postdoctoral fellowship in Social Psychology at Stanford University. Throughout his career, Barbarin has served as a principal investigator of large studies of the development of boys of color and the quality of public sponsored PreK schooling and interventions to promote social and mathematical competence among young children of color. Kevin M. Barry earned a B.S. in Psychology from Virginia Commonwealth University, where he graduated Cum Laude in 2009. He also completed a M.S. at Tulane University in 2012. His research interests include examining the experiences of African American males and their relations to both prosocial and antisocial outcomes. Barry is currently working as a mental health professional in Virginia. Samuel Beasley is a doctoral candidate in Counseling Psychology at the University of Texas at Austin. His research interests include higher education pipeline issues for African American men, the impact of psychosociocultural variables on the academic outcomes of African American collegians, and men of color in the professional psychology pipeline. Derrick R. Brooms is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Louisville. He also is a Task Force Member to the African American Male Initiative and a faculty affiliate to the Student African American Brotherhood. A major component of his research focuses on the educational experiences of African American males in secondary and postsecondary institutions. He investigates primarily how school culture and campus climate impacts academic aspirations and performances of African American males. Brooms earned a bachelor’s degree in African and 379

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African American Studies from the University of Chicago and a doctorate in sociology from Loyola University Chicago. Bettie Ray Butler is an assistant professor of Urban Education in the Department of Middle, Secondary, and K-12 Education at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Her educational background spans across multiple disciplines, such as political science, public policy/public administration, sociology, and education. Using an interdisciplinary approach, her research focuses on issues of education equity, representation, and achievement among K-12 students in urban settings. Kevin Cokley is a Professor of Counseling Psychology and African and African Diaspora Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, and he is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Black Psychology. His research and teaching can be broadly categorized in the area of African American psychology. Cokley was elected to Fellow status in the American Psychological Association for his contributions to ethnic minority psychology and counseling psychology. In 2007, he received the Association of Black Psychologists’ Scholarship Award, and, in 2008, he was recognized by Diverse: Issues in Higher Education as one of the “10 Rising Stars of the Academy.” Charles S. Corprew III is an assistant professor of Psychological Science at Loyola University New Orleans. He received his B.A. in History from James Madison University in 1993, an M.A. in Education from Norfolk State University in 1997, and his Ph.D. in Psychological Science from Tulane University in 2011. His research centers on how environmental factors are associated with gender identity development and achievement and how school personnel play a pivotal role in gender identity development and achievement outcomes. Sarah Cummings is a public school math teacher at Gahanna Jefferson Schools in Gahanna, Ohio. She earned a B.S. in Human Development and Family Sciences and a M.Ed. in Education, with a specialization in mathematics, at The Ohio State University. While at OSU, she wrote her undergraduate (honors) thesis on pathways to dropping out, and her thesis served as a pilot study for the findings of the coauthored chapter in this volume. Cummings’ current research and professional interests focus on student engagement and academic achievement. Michael Cunningham is a Professor, with a joint faculty appointment in the Department of Psychology and the African Diaspora Studies Program, at Tulane University. He is also an associate provost for Engaged Learning

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and Teaching and the founding Executive Director of the Center for Engaged Learning and Teaching. He completed his Ph.D. at Emory University and B.A. from Morehouse College. Cunningham also completed a postdoctoral fellowship at University of Pennsylvania. As a developmental psychologist, his research examines adolescent development, with a particular focus on resilience and vulnerability within the African American population. Edward C. Fletcher Jr. is an assistant professor in Career and Workforce Education in the Department of Adult, Career, and Higher Education at University of South Florida. His research focuses on understanding the role and impact of career and technical education (CTE) programs, specifically, on: (a) high school reform
studying impact of participation in high school CTE reform initiatives on schooling experiences and outcomes; (b) undergraduate teacher education
examining how CTE teacher preparation programs prepare teacher candidates to be effective teachers; and (c) graduate education
exploring the status, structure, and curricula of CTE graduate programs and related outcomes. Fletcher earned his bachelor’s degree in business and marketing education and his master’s degree in career and technical education from University of Missouri and his doctorate in workforce development and education at The Ohio State University. Keisha Fletcher-Bates is an administrator at Berwick Alternative K-8. She has been employed as a teacher and administrator for 16 consecutive years in Columbus City Schools. Fletcher-Bates earned her Ph.D., Superintendent Licensure, Administrative Licensure and M.A. in Special Education, with an emphasis in Applied Behavior Analysis, from The Ohio State University. She also received her B.S. in Special Education from Alabama State University. Her research focuses on urban education and the impact of state and school-based zero tolerance policies on the federal No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). In this research area, Fletcher-Bates examines how members of the targeted subgroups of NCLB are, in fact, being left behind by state policies that inhibit or thwart their participation in compulsory state achievement tests and graduation examinations. Lamont A. Flowers is the Distinguished Professor of Educational Leadership and the Executive Director of the Charles H. Houston Center for the Study of the Black Experience in Education in the Eugene T. Moore School of Education at Clemson University. Flowers received a bachelor’s degree in accounting from Virginia Commonwealth University. He also received a master’s degree in social studies education and a doctoral degree

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in higher education from the University of Iowa. Additionally, he received a master’s degree in industrial statistics from the University of South Carolina. Flowers has authored more than 100 scholarly publications examining academic and leadership issues in education and the factors impacting the pathways to a college degree and occupational attainment for African Americans. Dwayne Ham Sr. is an assistant principal at Amidon-Bowen Elementary School in the District of Columbia Public Schools. Additionally, he is a doctoral candidate in Educational Leadership and Policy at Bowie State University. Ham also has experience as a school counselor at the elementary and middle school levels. His research interests include African American male achievement, school counseling leadership, blended learning (using technology), and fluency in mathematics and science. Christine Harradine is an investigator and Evaluation Coordinator for the Promoting Academic Success of Boys of Color Initiative (PAS) based at the Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Her research interests include early childhood education; young children with academic potential; how children find meaning in school; and the systemic approach to recognizing, nurturing, and responding to the strengths and needs of all young children, especially those who are culturally and/or linguistically diverse. One of her most recent projects focused on teacher personnel preparation, which looked to help teachers change their views of potentially bright children from an “at risk” mindset to an “at potential” mindset. Paul C. Harris is an assistant professor in the School Counseling Program in the Curry School of Education at the University of Virginia. His research interests include issues related to equity and access schools. Harris is particularly interested in college readiness of Black males, both nonstudent athletes and student athletes, and has numerous presentations and publications on the topic. Harris is the founder of Men Passionately Pursuing Purpose (MP3), an educational empowerment program for Black male student athletes. Erik M. Hines is an assistant professor in the Department of Educational Psychology at the University of Connecticut. His research agenda focuses on the following: (a) African American male academic achievement and college readiness; (b) parental involvement and its impact on academic achievement for students of color; (c) improving and increasing postsecondary opportunities for first-generation, low-income, and students of

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color (particularly African American males); and (d) career exploration in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) for students of color in K-12. His research has appeared in peer-reviewed journals, such as the Journal of Counseling and Development, Professional School Counseling, The High School Journal, and The Counseling Interviewer. Samuel R. Hodge is a Professor of Kinesiology in the College of Education and Human Ecology at The Ohio State University. His scholarship focuses on diversity, disability, and social justice in education and sport. Hodge has published extensively on the aforementioned topics. More recently, he coauthored a chapter titled, “Health, nutrition, and physical activity (Hodge & Vigo-Valentı´ n, 2014),” appearing in the Handbook of urban education. Hodge received a B.S. in Education from Fayetteville State University; a dual M.Ed. in Adapted Physical Education and Motor Behaviors from Bowling Green State University; and a Ph.D. in Adapted Physical Education, with expertise in research methods and statistics and sport pedagogy from The Ohio State University. Lionel C. Howard is an assistant professor of Educational Research in the Graduate School of Education and Human Development at The George Washington University. He investigates the intersection of race, ethnicity, and gender and its implication for identity development and educational attainment. He received an Ed.D. in Human Development and Psychology from Harvard University and held an NICHD-sponsored postdoctoral fellowship in Developmental Psychology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Iheoma U. Iruka is Associate Director and Scientist at the Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Trained as an applied developmental psychologist, her research centers on examining how early experiences impact low-income and ethnic minority children’s development, including their school readiness, academic and social competence, and well-being; and the role of the family and education environments and systems in this process. Iruka has extensive experience conducting national, state, and local evaluations and research. Currently, she is engaged in several projects and initiatives focused on how evidence-informed policies, systems, and practices in early education can support the optimal development and experiences of lowincome and ethnic minority children, such as quality rating and improvement systems and home visiting programs.

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Martha James-Hassan is an assistant professor of Kinesiology in the College of Health Professions at Towson University. Her scholarship focuses on inservice teacher professional development, specifically in the areas of physical education, interdisciplinary education and social justice. After serving 20 years in PreK-12 as an urban educator, administrator, and researcher, she started her formal career in higher education, a journey that included writing, speaking, and conducting professional learning experiences on the Common Core State Standards across the United States. David J. Johns is an educator, advocate, and organizer. Johns currently serves as Executive Director of the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans. Prior to joining the department, Johns was a Senior Education Policy Advisor to the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) under the leadership of Senator Tom Harkin, D-Iowa. Before working for the Senate HELP committee, under Chairman Harkin, Johns served under the leadership of the late Senator Ted Kennedy, D-Mass. Johns also was a Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Fellow in the office of Congressman Charles Rangel, D-N.Y. He has worked on issues affecting low-income and minority students, neglected youth and early childhood education, and workforce development and postsecondary education and success. Johns is committed to volunteer services and maintains an active commitment to improving literacy among adolescent minority males. Odis Johnson Jr. is an associate professor and chair of the Department of African American Studies in the College of Behavioral and Social Sciences at the University of Maryland, College Park. Johnson received his Ph.D. in Education and Social Policy from the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 2003 and completed a Spencer Postdoctoral Research Fellowship at the University of Chicago. In the Department of African American Studies, he teaches courses in program evaluation, policy analysis, and urban/community studies. Over the years, he has produced numerous peer-reviewed articles in the most selective scientific journals, book chapters, and externally funded grants. With funding from the National Science Foundation, American Educational Research Association, and Spencer Foundation, Johnson has explored neighborhood influences on racial differences in children’s achievement, and linkages between neighborhood role modeling opportunities and adolescents’ masculine dispositions toward education. His evaluation of HUD urban relocation programs earned him the 2013 Outstanding Research Award from the American Educational Research Association, the field’s leading professional research organization. Current,

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he serves on the editorial boards of the Review of Educational Research and The Urban Review and frequently advises governmental agencies and school systems in the evaluation of social programs, collection and analysis of data, and budget allocations. LaGarrett J. King is an assistant professor of Secondary Social Studies Education in the Eugene T. Moore School of Education at Clemson University. He received his B.S. in Social Studies Education from Louisiana State University, both his M.S. and Ed.S. from Nova Southeastern University, and his Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction (specializing in Social Studies Education) from the University of Texas at Austin. King is a former classroom teacher and has worked for school systems in Texas and Georgia. His research focuses on two interconnected strands related to African American history education and Critical Multicultural Education. The first strand examines how schools, teachers, students and the public interpret and pedagogically implement the content of African American history. King’s second strand explores the foundations of curriculum, including the intellectual and pedagogical history of African Americans’ conceptions of Social Studies education. Chance W. Lewis is the Carol Grotnes Belk Distinguished Full Professor and Endowed Chair of Urban Education and the Executive Director of the Urban Education Collaborative at University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Lewis has over 200 publications, including 70 + refereed journal articles in some of the leading academic journals in the field of urban education. Further, he has authored/coauthored/coedited 11 books. Renae D. Mayes, NCC, is an assistant professor in the Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services, where she also serves as Director of the School Counseling Program at Ball State University. She earned her Ph.D. in Counselor Education at The Ohio State University, M.Ed. in School Counseling at University of Maryland, College Park, and B.S. in Middle School Math and Social Studies Education at University of Missouri. Mayes was a Gates Millennium Scholar as both an undergraduate and graduate student. Her research focuses on school counseling, gifted education, special education, and urban education; it has appeared in a number of peer-reviewed journals, such as Professional School Counseling and Preventing School Failure, and prestigious edited volumes, such as Counseling around the world: An international handbook and Young, triumphant, and black: Overcoming the tyranny of segregated minds in desegregated schools.

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Emby Miller is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of Human Sciences at The Ohio State University. His primary professional and research interests are high-risk youth; adolescent and youth mental health; parent and family engagement; problematic student behaviors and school intervention; and dropout recovery. Miller is currently employed as a College and Career Coach at Everest High School in Reynoldsburg, Ohio, a community charter high school that provides second chance opportunities for academic recovery and acceleration toward high school completion. I. S. Keino Miller is a doctoral student in Counseling Psychology at Indiana University-Bloomington. His research interests include African American males in higher education, sport psychology, and career development with first-generation college students. James L. Moore III received his B.A. in English Education from Delaware State University and earned both his M.A.Ed. and Ph.D. in Counselor Education from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. He is an associate provost in the Office of Diversity and Inclusion, where he also serves as the inaugural director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male at The Ohio State University. Additionally, he is the EHE Distinguished Professor of Urban Education in the College of Education and Human Ecology Moore has made significant contributions in school counseling, gifted education, urban education, higher education, multicultural education/counseling, and STEM education. He recently coedited a book with Dr. Chance W. Lewis of University of North Carolina at Charlotte titled, African American students in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement. Further, Moore has published over 100 publications; obtained over $8 million in grants, contracts, and gifts; and given over 200 scholarly presentations and lectures throughout the United States and other parts of the world (e.g., Canada, United Kingdom, France, India, China, Indonesia, and Spain). Derrick Robinson is a Doctoral Fellow for The Urban Education Collaborative at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. He has over 19 years of work experience in urban public schools. His research interests focus on postsecondary access for urban students, discipline policy reform, and teacher preparation. Dwan V. Robinson is an assistant professor in Educational Administration at Ohio University. She holds a B.A. in Government from Oberlin College, an M.A. in Public Policy Studies from University of Chicago, and a Ph.D. in Educational Administration from The Ohio State University. Robinson

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teaches graduate courses in educational leadership, politics, and policy in education, and school and community relations. Her research agenda focuses on educational leadership; social capital in education; school, family, and community partnerships; the experiences of marginalized groups in education; and social justice in education. Robinson is currently involved in research examining parent involvement perspectives of highpoverty parents in a rural school district. Jacob R. Robinson is a college senior at Duke University. He is majoring in public policy studies with an interest in K-12 education and leadership. Robinson is a Robertson Scholar as a part of the Robertson Scholarship Leadership Program at Duke. After completing his undergraduate studies in 2014, he plans to begin a two-year fellowship with Venture for America. Jason C. Rose is the Director of Data and Research at the Jacksonville Public Education Fund in Jacksonville, FL. He completed his doctorate in education at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he worked on multiple projects at its Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute. Once he completed his doctorate, he accepted a postdoctoral fellowship in the Center for Diverse Families and Communities at The Pennsylvania State University. Desiree´ Vega is a nationally certified school psychologist (NCSP) and an assistant Professor in the School Psychology Program at Texas State University. She earned her B.A. in Psychology from Binghamton University and both her M.A. and Ph.D. in School Psychology at The Ohio State University. Her research concentrates on access to higher education among first-generation Latino youth, and the relationship between social, school, and psychological factors and academic outcomes among African American and Latino youth. From Texas State University, Vega recently received a research grant ($8,000) to study factors influencing the persistence of first-generation, Latino college students. Calvin W. Walton is Department Chair of the Developmental Disabilities Program at Central Piedmont Community College in Charlotte, North Carolina. He received his B.A in Communications and Black Studies from Oberlin College and M.Ed. in Special Education from Coppin State University. Prior to assuming his current position, he worked as a Special Education teacher at the middle and high school levels in Baltimore, Maryland, Los Angeles, California, and Charlotte, North Carolina. He has also taught teacher education courses at Johns Hopkins University and University of California Los Angeles, respectively. Walton is currently

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pursuing a Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction, with an emphasis on Urban Education, at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. His research interests focus on arts education and Black male student achievement. He is the coauthor of a book chapter on the topic, which was published in Advances in psychology research, Volume 68 (2010). Greg Wiggan is an associate professor of Urban Education, adjunct associate professor of Sociology, and affiliate faculty member of Africana Studies at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. Wiggan’s research addresses world history, history of education, urban education, and urban sociology in the context of school processes that promote high achievement among African American students and other underserved minority student populations. In doing so, his research also examines the broader connections among the history of urbanization, globalization processes, and the internationalization of education in urban schools. His books include: Power, privilege and education: Pedagogy, curriculum and student outcomes; Global issues in education: Pedagogy, policy, practice, and the minority experience; Education in a strange land: Globalization, urbanization, and urban schools
The social and educational implications of the geopolitical economy; Curriculum violence: America’s new Civil Rights issue; Education for the new frontier: Race, education and triumph in Jim Crow America 1867
1945; and Following the Northern Star: Caribbean identities and education in North American schools. Deanna L. Wilkinson is an associate professor and Associate Chair for Outreach and Engagement in the Department of Human Sciences at The Ohio State University. Her primary research interests are adolescent development, risk and problem behaviors, inequality, social justice, youth violence, evidence-based practice, firearm use, prevention, event perspectives, community-police partnerships, citizen participation in social action, collaborative processes, program evaluation, and urban communities. Wilkinson has authored more than 80 scholarly journal articles, book chapters, and technical reports. In 2003, she authored a book titled, Guns, violence and identity among African American and Latino youth. Donna-Marie C. Winn is a licensed Clinical Psychologist and a Research Scientist at the Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Throughout her 20-year plus career, she has collaborated in the development, implementation, and evaluation of numerous national evidence-informed programs to enhance children’s social, emotional, and academic skills. Winn has extensive

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experience in understanding the influences of mental health and well-being; social networks and connections; race, culture, gender identity, and class; and institutional policies and practices on healthy child development, particularly African American boys. Most recently, she was the principal investigator of Promoting Academic Success of Boys of Color Initiative (PAS) and now leads the national disseminations effort for the PAS initiative. Winn is also cosponsor of the “A Gathering of Leaders,” a network of social change leaders organized to improve opportunities for boys and men of color to achieve.

ABOUT THE SERIES EDITORS Chance W. Lewis is the Carol Grotnes Belk Distinguished Full Professor and Endowed Chair of Urban Education and the Executive Director of the Urban Education Collaborative at University of North Carolina at Charlotte. He received his B.S. and M.Ed. in Business Education and Education Administration/Supervision from Southern University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana and completed his Ph.D. in Educational Leadership/ Teacher Education from Colorado State University in Fort Collins, Colorado. Lewis teaches graduate courses in urban education, and he has professional experiences in both K-12 and higher education settings. From 2006 to 2011, he was the Houston Endowed Chair and Associate Professor of Urban Education and Co-Director of the Center for Urban School Partnerships in the College of Education at Texas A&M University. From 2001 to 2006, he served as an assistant professor of Teacher Education at Colorado State University. From 1994 to 1998, he was a Business Education teacher in East Baton Rouge Parish Schools (Baton Rouge, LA), where he earned Teacher of the Year honors in 1997. Lewis has over 200 publications, including 70 + refereed journal articles in some of the leading academic journals in the field of urban education. Further, he has authored/co-authored/co-edited 11 books, such as White teachers/diverse classrooms: A guide for building inclusive schools, eliminating racism and promoting high expectations (Stylus, 2006); The dilemmas of being an African American male in the New Millennium (Infinity, 2008); An educator’s guide to working with African American students: Strategies for promoting academic success (Infinity, 2009); Transforming teacher education: What went wrong with teacher training and how we can fix it (Stylus, 2010); White teachers/diverse classrooms: Creating inclusive schools, building on students’ diversity and providing true educational equity [2nd edition] (Stylus, 2011); Yes we can!: Improving urban schools through innovative educational reform (Information Age, 2011); African Americans in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement (Peter Lang, 2012); Black males in postsecondary education: Examining their experiences in diverse institutional contexts (Information Age, 2012); Improving urban 391

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Schools: Equity and access in K-16 STEM education (Information Age, 2013); Black male teachers: Diversifying the United States’ teacher workforce (Emerald Publishing, 2013); and An educator’s guide to working with African American students: Strategies for promoting academic success [2nd edition] (LEC Press, 2013). He also has received nearly $7 million in grants and contracts throughout his career. James L. Moore III received his B.A. in English Education from Delaware State University and earned both his M.A.Ed. and Ph.D. in Counselor Education from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. He is an associate provost in the Office of Diversity and Inclusion, where he also serves as the inaugural director of the Todd Anthony Bell National Resource Center on the African American Male at The Ohio State University. Additionally, Moore is the EHE Distinguished Professor of Urban Education in the College of Education and Human Ecology. He has held other higher education positions at both University of South Carolina and Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. From 2006 to 2007, he took a leave of absence from The Ohio State University to accept the first Secondary School Counseling Coordinator position in the District of Columbia Public Schools. Moore has a national- and international-recognized research agenda that focuses on (a) how educational professionals, such as school counselors, influence the educational/career aspirations and school experiences of students of color (particularly African American males); (b) sociocultural, familial, school, and community factors that support, enhance, and impede academic outcomes for PreK-20 African American students (e.g., elementary, secondary, and postsecondary); (c) recruitment and retention issues of students of color, particularly African Americans, in PreK-12 gifted education and those high-potential college students in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) majors; and (d) social, emotional, and psychological consequences of racial oppression for African American males and other people of color in various domains in society (e.g., education, counseling, workplace, and athletics). Throughout his career, Moore has made significant contributions in school counseling, gifted education, urban education, higher education, multicultural education/counseling, and STEM education. He recently coedited a book with Chance W. Lewis of University of North Carolina at Charlotte titled, African American students in urban schools: Critical issues and solutions for achievement. Further, Moore has published over 100 publications; obtained over $8 million in grants, contracts, and gifts; and given over 200 scholarly presentations and

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lectures throughout the United States and other parts of the world (e.g., Canada, United Kingdom, France, India, China, Indonesia, and Spain). As a result of Moore’s professional success, he has biographies listed in Outstanding young men in America (1998 edition), Academic keys who’s who in education (2003 edition), Manchester who’s who among professionals in counseling and development (2005/2006 edition), Prestige international who’s who registries of outstanding professionals (2007 edition), and Who’s who in black Columbus (2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, and 2013 editions). He is also the recipient of Brothers of the Academy’s National Junior Scholar Award (2003), The Ohio State University’s College of Education Distinguished Scholar Award (2004), North Central Association for Counselor Education and Supervision’s Research Award (2004), Ohio School Counselor Association’s Research Award (2004), American Educational Research Association’s Division E Early Career Award in Counseling (2005), Ohio School Counselors Association’s George E. Hill Counselor Educator Award (2005), Counselors for Social Justice’s Ohana Award (2006), Phi Delta Kappa’s Emerging Leaders Award (2007
2008), American Educational Research Association’s Distinguished Scholar Award in Counseling
Division E (2008), The Education Trust’s National Center for Transforming School Counseling Trailblazer Award (2009), Institute for School-Based Family Counseling’s Outstanding Contributions to School-Based Family Counseling Award (2009), National Association for Gifted Children’s Early Scholar Award (2009), National Association for Multicultural Education’s Carl A. Grant Multicultural Research Award (2009), National Alliance of Black School Educators’ W. E. B. Du Bois Higher Education Award (2010), The Ohio State’s Black Graduate and Professional Student Caucus’ Lawrence Williamson Jr. Service Award (2011), TheBlackManCan.org’s Black Man Can Award (2012), American College Personnel Association’s Standing Committee on Men and Masculinities Outstanding Research Award (2013), GrapeVine Information Services, LLC’s Columbus Black Leaders Award (2013), HBCU Digest’s Genesis Scholar Award (2014), American Counseling Association (ACA) Fellow Award (2014), American College Personnel Association’s Standing Committee on Men and Masculinities Outstanding Men’s Program Award (2014), and is an inducted member in numerous professional and honor societies, such as Alpha Kappa Mu, Phi Kappa Phi, Phi Delta Kappa, Kappa Delta Pi, and Chi Sigma Iota. Moore was also chosen to participate in the 2012
2013 Committee on Institutional Cooperation (CIC) Academic Leadership Program (CIC-ALP) and selected as an ACE Fellow in the 2013
2014 American

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Council on Education Fellows Program. He is a native of Lyman, South Carolina and currently resides in Alexandria, Virginia with his beloved wife, Stephanie, and three children (i.e., James IV, Sienna Ava, and Savanna Marie-Ann).