Africa in the Changing World Development Paradigm [1 ed.] 9780994032539, 9780994032522

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Edited by Alexei Vasiliev

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AFRICA IN THE CHANGING WORLD DEVELOPMENT PARADIGM

The volume contains abstracts of papers presented at the 12th Conference of Africanists organized by the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences in May 2011. The Conference, held triennially since 1969 is a major event in the area of African studies in Russia and beyond. What is particularly remarkable is the number and the diversity of the participants: academics, diplomats, Moscow-based and provincial as well as foreign participants from a staggering number of countries: Belgium, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, Cote dʼIvoire, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, India, Italy, Kenya, Kazakhstan, Mozambique, Nigeria, Poland, Spain, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, UAE, UK, USA, Zimbabwe. Subjects covered range from economics, foreign relations, security issues, administration to history, culture, linguistics and religious studies. The book is a good reference tool to todayʼs problematics in African studies as it presents a cross-section of this vast and diverse field.

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RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES INSTITUTE FOR AFRICAN STUDIES RESEARCH COUNCIL FOR THE PROBLEMS OF AFRICAN COUNTRIES

12th CONFERENCE OF AFRICANISTS

AFRICA IN THE CHANGING WORLD DEVELOPMENT PARADIGM Moscow, Russia May 24–26, 2011

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ABSTRACTS

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Africa in the Changing World Development Paradigm, Meabooks Inc., 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central,

Editor-in-Chief Alexei Vasiliev

Executive Secretary Natalia Zherlitsina

Africa in The Changing World Development Paradigm.– /DF%HDXSRUW, 201, 216 p.

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6(&21'(',7,215(35,17 2ULJLQDOO\SXEOLVKHGLQ0RVFRZLQ In the cover design illustration from the “Africa” travel guide of Russian Academy of Sciences, Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography of Peter the Great (Kunstkamera) St. Petersburg, Russia (2007), was used.

© Institute for African Studies RAS, 2011. © Gulzhamal Abisheva, design, 2011. ‹0($%22.6,QF ISBN: 978-0-9940325-2-2

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CONTENTS Panel 1. Africa in the Situation of Global Climate Change …………………. Panel 2. Africa in the System of International Relations. The RussianAfrican Bilateral Relations ……………………………………………..... Panel 3. African Diasporas: Evolution through Time and Space …………… Panel 4. African History in African Studies in Our Country …………........... Panel 5. BRIC’s African Agenda …………………………………………… Panel 6. Civilizational Paradigm of the World Order in Africa ……………. Panel 7. Conflicts in Africa from the Standpoint of the End of the “Cold War”: Background, Major Types and Effects ………………………... Panel 8. Cultural-Historical Context of Development from the Standpoint of Guidelines of Social Evolution ……………………….. Panel 9. Gender and State Policy in Africa in the 21st Century: New Tendencies and Perspectives ………………………………………. Panel 10. Information, Education and Linguistic Policy in Africa from the Standpoint of Globalization and Regionalization ………………….... Panel 11. Interaction between Literature, Culture and African Diasporas: Stages, Tendencies and Perspectives ……………………………………. Panel 12. Islamic Challenge to Contemporary World Order: from Civilizational Identity to Global Caliphate? Experience of Regions in the Muslim World ………………………………………… Panel 13. Language in the Context of Changing Socio-cultural Paradigms in Africa ……………………………………………………… Panel 14. The Middle East and Maghreb: Modernization in the Framework of Globalization …………………………………….... Panel 15. Peace Agreements and Consolidation of Political Order in Africa ………………………………………………………………….. Panel 16. Religion in Contemporary Sub-Saharan Africa: Multilinear Evolution. The Fate of Traditional Beliefs in Present-day Conditions ….. Panel 17. Southern Africa: Modernization, Elections, Regional Cooperation ……………………………………………………………… Panel 18. State Economics Policy and Business: New Phenomena ……….... Panel 19. Tendencies of Socio-economic, Political and Cultural .Development in Sub-Saharan Africa at Multipolar World’s Formation ... Panel 20. Zimbabwe at the Crossroads ……………………………………... Panel 21. Free Communication Panel ………………………………………. Index of Contributors ……………………………………………………...

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5 12 25 32 43 50 57 78 84 99 109

112 125 149 155 160 167 176 189 199 206 212

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Panel 1. AFRICA IN THE SITUATION OF GLOBAL CLIMATE CHANGE Gusarov V.I. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Modern Trends of the Aggravation of the Socio-ecological Crisis in Africa The elapsing decade of the new century is testifying, that the previously revealed trends of the aggravation of the socio-ecological crisis on the continent not only remain, but constantly modify, finding new forms and features. It happens against the background of non-stop debates between the supporters of global warming and global cooling. The processes of deforestation, soil erosion, reduction of biodiversity, exhaustion of water resources are continuing on the continent. The problems connected with pollution of the atmosphere, with growing volume of everyday waste materials produced under the influence of stormy urbanization and demographic processes, with industrial and transportation construction, with displacement of «dirty» production by the developed countries to Africa, as well as exportation by them of dangerous industrial waste material to the continent, are aggravating. Among numerous reasons for the aggravation of the socio-ecological crisis in Africa the main place take processes of deforestation and, as their consequence, desertification, which exert the largest influence on climate change. There are UN estimations, according to which 65% population of the continent encounter deforestation and desertification. These are mainly inhabitants of the regions, where the arable lands were expanded at the expense of the deforestation. Deforestation contributes much to the exhaustion of water resources on the continent. In addition, the global processes in this sphere, in particular the industrial explosion, exert a negative influence on Africa. Those are premises and indications of a big scale degradation of the natural environment, aggravated by the rapid spreading of epidemic. The ecological and resource potential of the continent is being exhausted impetuously and not recommencing. It just means, that the process of mutual interrelations of nature and Human Being in Africa is thoroughly violated and there is a steady socio-ecological crisis. Sukhorukov V.D. St.-Petersburg, Russia Africa: Nature and Development Natural factor in the development of Africa plays a crucial role. Throughout the history of Africa the degree of dependence of its peoples on the natural environment underwent substantial changes. Modern environmental management in Africa is determined by increasing the scope of interaction with the natural environment. These

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circumstances underscore the importance of natural foundations to the formation and development of African civilization. Hence – the relevance of themes from nature in the current paradigm shift in world development. Modern-day Africa should be seen as a continent that is most vulnerable to projected climate changes. Significant transformation of the existing ecosystems and existing social structures is expected in Africa. This will be accompanied by a «natural and social stresses» devastating both for individual countries and the entire continent. Africa, as it thought to be, may end up in position of risk of further civilized existence. Currently, the African continent is particularly vulnerable to climate change because of factors such as widespread poverty and growing economic backwardness. Available options for adaptation, including those developed by traditional coping strategies, may be useless in practice. The reason for this is that the ability of the human, infrastructural and economic resources of Africa in a timely manner to respond to global climatic change is far beyond the economic opportunities of the continent. Masters L. Institute For Global Dialogue, South Africa

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Africa and Global Climate Change In 2011 South Africa will host the UNFCCC climate change negotiations, which are among the most politically divisive and broad ranging within the multilateral framework. Within this context Pretoria will face the challenge of drawing together divergent interest at both a national and international level. At the national level, a number of questions remain concerning the political leadership in mainstreaming climate change concerns into policy. This reflects a continued commitment to ensuring sufficient ‘carbon space’ for the county’s development. There will also be pressure from business interests, in particular the mining interests, which remain dependent on South Africa’s cheap ‘dirty’ electricity. At the international level careful consideration will need to be given to current international geo-political divisions, the emerging South-South relations in the form of BASIC, as well as the importance of drawing Africa and other vulnerable states into the centre of the discussions. Here the role of South Africa as a ‘bridge builder’ will be put to the test. COP17 offers South Africa the opportunity to play the part of a diplomatic innovator in bringing together disparate positions while underpinning the importance of transparency, equality and fairness within the UNFCCC negotiation process. This will be particularly important if an agreement is to be achieved. Gromova O.B. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Ecology, Climate Change and Health of African People Africa is one of the most vulnerable regions in the world to the new environmental challenges, especially climate change. Huge shifts in climate and environ-

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ment experienced by Africa over the past decades have critical health implications and pose a major threat to the health and survival of African people. The anomalous and extreme weather events and natural disasters such as heatwaves, intensive floods and more frequent droughts are becoming a serious environmental source and factor of exacerbation of old, “forgotten” infectious diseases and emergence of new ones in the current millennium. Many of the reemerging climate-sensitive diseases assume more dangerous forms. The new environmental and climate conditions favour the spread of vectorborne diseases to new areas. The quality and availability of water and food, which are the fundamental determinants of nutrition and health, are under serious threat. People’s capacity to resist infection is reduced by chronic malnutrition due to decreasing food productivity, food shortages and changes in access to clean water. The adverse economic, social and demographic factors aggravate the complicated influence of climate change on Africans’ health and undermine efforts to reduce major environmental risk factors. Need a new vision for African health policy and national health systems capable of addressing the biggest health challenges of African region. There is a necessity of integration of long-term climate-change adaption and counteraction strategies into development programs with due regard for problems of ecological sustainability. Lvova E.S. Moscow State University, Russia Two African Scientists – about Ecological Problems The danger of the deforestation, desertification, shortage of clean water and so on – all of these problems are very real in Africa. There is also a need of changing of traditional energy resources through their contemporary types. It is very important in terms of both technical measures and constant work regarding mentality of African people. It seems to us that scientific heritage would also be very useful.

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Boltunov V.A. Institute of energetics constructions, Moscow, Russia The Utilization of the Biolocation Methods in the Time of the Investigation of the Egyptian Pyramids During the years of the construction of the Asuan hydro-electric power station in the Egypt the author happened to conduct biolocation research both on the territory of the pyramids near Cairo, and inside them, measuring the level of geopathogenic anomalies. Such research was necessary for the solution of questions of neutralization of the destructive influence of atmospheric electricity on the bed grounds of the artificial reservoirs, on the ground constructions and dams, including the dam of the Asuan hydro-electric power station. In the process of research we have determined, that the nature and the intensity of influence of the atmospheric electricity on the grounds and rocky bedrocks, as

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well as on the material of the building constructions – that is on concrete, on armature concrete, on iron and other metal constructions – are straight connected with the geopathogenic zones, which represent channels of the vertical circulation of the geoenergy in the universal system “Earth – Space”. Mshale B. University of Michigan Ann Arbor, USA

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The Political Ecology of Climate Change Mitigation Strategies in Tanzania. The Case of REDD Projects in Kilwa and Lindi District The realization that avoiding tropical deforestation could reduce global greenhouse gas emissions by up to 20% (IPCC, 2007) and the failure to include emissions reduction credits from avoided deforestation in the First Kyoto Commitment Period (2008-2012) due to methodological and sovereignty concerns, resulted to development of a new strategy that aims at reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries known as REDD+. Tanzania is one of the nine pilot countries for the UN REDD+ readiness program and several pilot projects are underway in Tanzania whose findings will inform the incorporation of emissions reduction from avoided deforestation in the second Kyoto Commitment Period. My paper sets to analyze, from a political ecology perspective, the conditions under which REDD is likely to be effective given the multiplicity of actors and their corresponding aspirations and needs from the local to international level. The premise under REDD is that communities that own/use forests will be paid to stop deforestation using revenues from sale of carbon credits. Local communities act as sellers and international firms in developed countries as buyers of the credits. Intermediaries in this transaction include local and national governments, national and international environmental NGOs which facilitate the transaction through connecting the local sellers to international buyers. These actors [i.e. local communities, local government authorities, environment and development NGOs, central government, international community] have different and often antagonistic needs, aspirations, power, knowledge and capacity in relation to forest governance and avoiding deforestation in local situations. I want to present analysis of this nuanced multistakeholder collaboration as it plays out in Kilwa district and discuss its ramifications for the success of REDD projects in sub-Saharan Africa. Rybalkina I .G. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Women's Environmental Organizations In the modern world environmental problems have achieved a great acuity, becoming a global threat to human habitat and environment. On the African continent, women play a special role in the establishment and operation of environmental organizations. Since the African mothers bear primary responsibility in ensuring families with food, observing the norms of sanitation, hygiene and so

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lies with food, observing the norms of sanitation, hygiene and so on, they took the lead in shaping the public environmental movement. The main objectives of environmental organizations in Africa are: 1. Improvements on quality of life in rural areas through water points and watersupply system development, food production increase and expansion of health care network. 2. Dissemination of family planning principles. 3. Awareness-raising and educational work in rural communities on economic and social importance of protecting their habitat and environment. 4. Development of agricultural sectors, important for household and family, – such as livestock, poultry, etc. – and related agricultural services. 5. Promoting the development of African communities through the elaboration of relevant programs (one of the most salient examples – the program of ‘Cooperation of private organizations’). Miftakhova S.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Jonglei Canal Laying as an Attempt to change Environment in Southern Sudan The “Water problem” was caused by economic growth in Egypt and Sudan so that at present the Nile can not meet requirements of rapidly growing population of the two countries. That problem could be solved by laying the Jonglei canal in southern Sudan which is aimed at protection of water resources of East Africa and equatorial lakes of Kenya and Uganda. The Jonglei canal is a hydro-construction project in Upper Nile Province of southern Sudan designed to alter the course of the White Nile as it passes through a swampy area in southern Sudan known as Sadd where evaporation is twice as much as from the surface of the river. The canal was to ensure the flow of 4.7 billion cubic meters of water annually, to be equally distributed between Egypt and Sudan. However the canal project was put to a halt in 1983 following the outbreak of the North-South civil war. Against the backdrop of worsening political situation inside the country the project faced financing problems as aside from remuneration of labour of the specialists it was necessary to compensate the removal costs to the local population from the area with width of 300 meters from both sides of the canal. Nowadays the government of Sudan pays greater attention to problems of effective consumption of water from the Nile especially for development of irrigated agriculture in the country. The agricultural lands irrigated by the Nile waters are concentrated in Sudan mainly in a narrow strip of semi-desert bordering the Nile valley. Its total area is equal to 4 million feddans (1.8–1.9 hectares). In February 12, 2008 the Vice-president of Sudan and the President of the southern Sudan Salva Kiir had a meeting with the Egyptian Prime Minister Ahmed Nazeef in Cairo where the new prospects of restarting the Jonglei canal project were discussed. The Egyptian Prime Minister said that there was an agreement between Egypt and Sudan singed in 1959 related to the Nile water consumption regulation and reassessment of the project would need “significant financial resources”. Egypt

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from its part confirmed the willingness to help develop projects especially in southern Sudan. Savateev A.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Groundwater in Africa as a Common Source of Water Provision Clean and quality water provision for the inhabitants of African continent becomes more of an acute problem over the years. Meanwhile, the solution is literally under our feet – groundwater facilities which, according to geological studies, occur almost everywhere, including the territory of Sahara. Meanwhile, the possibility of their use is clearly underestimated. First, an entrenched lack of interest in groundwater comes from Africans themselves, who refer to them as something distant, inaccessible, partly even forbidden. Second is the inertia of waterfinders’ thinking, which is expressed in the commitment of researchers to a standard way of obtaining and delivering water. However, a number of reasons, forces the scientific community and business executives to pay attention to groundwater as a potential source of water: 1. Aquifers are the only real option to supply vast rural areas, especially if they are deprived of the water distribution system, potable water distribution networks, etc. 2. Hydrogeological researches are relatively inexpensive and their use can result in achieving effective results 3. Currently, groundwater seekers need to focus on searching in complex, dry regions; on solving the problem of groundwater quality; on monitoring of the impact made by drought and climate change in arid regions to groundwater, and also the social control of water supply to the population. Nevertheless, the scale of drilling on groundwater has been declining from year to year, and access to the results of existing research is almost forbidden, which indirectly indicates the potential profitability of wells drilled, that’s why their owners keep in a secret the results of development. At least 300 million people live in subSaharan Africa without access to safe and clean water - about 80% of that number live in rural areas. The sharp increase in access to drinking water in rural and urban areas is essential for achieving a variety of purposes approved by the UN document entitled "Millennium Challenge". Lack of clean water endangers the health of millions of families and even their children's education takes a back seat to this priority of human survival. Advantages of using groundwater to other sources of water supply are as follows: 1. they allow to combine the programs of implementation of water supply with the implementation of health programs; 2. the drought has almost no impact on groundwater; 3. groundwater is present and available in virtually all climatic regions of the continent, there is only a need in certain experience and knowledge for its digging; 4. in most cases they are of excellent quality and do not require any special treatment;

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5. aquifers can be developed gradually, and accessing them is simple and cheap. For these reasons, most projects on water supply in rural Africa are developing on the basis of access to groundwater, but their implementation is very chaotic: wells are constructed at random or consistent with the financial capacity; the water in them is not subjected to analysis, because the sources are treated as clean and safe for health. Therefore, not only socio-economic factors should be taken into account, but also natural. A number of projects on the use of groundwater fell in the poorest African regions, but this does not mean that a full study of the problem will not allow to solve the problem or change the situation for the better in the future. At the same time, there is a danger of arsenic and fluoride appearance in groundwater of natural origin, for example in East Africa. It can be prevented by permanent quality control, as well as a preliminary study of the geological features of the area. Chachage Ch. Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania

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Global Climate Change as a Driver of ‘New Land Grab in Africa’: The Case of Tanzania The three ‘F’ – Food, Fuel and Financial – crises that (re)emerged in 2007/2008 have sparked a theoretical debate on ‘New Land Grab in Africa’. This stems from the fact that over the last three years a number of African countries such as Tanzania have been witnessing a phenomenal increase in large-scale land acquisitions-cuminvestments. The debate has practical implications as it pits those who assert that what is being observed is continuations of colonial and neo-colonial land plunder against those who claim that it is land investment that would resolve the three ‘F’ crises that constitutes the current global crisis. Three main related rationales have consequently been presented to primarily justify such large-scale investments namely food (in)security, energy (in)security and environmental (in)security. However, in the case of Tanzania, the main focus of most of the research has been on land grabbing associated with biofuel/agrofuel investments and the ways they relate to these (in)securities. Even though there is an increasing number of studies on climate change there is scanty research on how it informs land grabbing. This paper focuses on how the discourse on global climate change is used as a driving force to grab land in Africa. On the basis of fieldwork in Tanzania, it looks at how the Kyoto Protocol and Carbon Markets are used to justify massive land acquisitions from small-scale producers namely farmers and pastoralists. It particularly compares two forestry investors, Green Resources and New Forests Company from Norway and the UK respectively, which have been acquiring land and reflects on Tanzanians’ responses to them.

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Panel 2. AFRICA IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. THE RUSSIAN-AFRICAN BILATERAL RELATIONS Convener: Dr. Evgeniy Korendyassov

Abramova I.O. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Role of Human Capital in Social and Economic Development: Comparative Analysis of African and Russian Realities Human capital has direct bearing to social factors of force in individual states. In the countries with human values in focus societies are more consolidated. They play a more powerful role on the world arena compared with the states with atomized and non self-organized societies. The lack of definite social police leads to increased unemployment, lower standard of living, increased social and political tensions and finally leads to criminal economy. The problem of human capital formation acquires particular importance at turning points of human development, connected with the changes of models of global development on the one hand, and process of globalization on the other.. Such situation is relevant to Russia and Africa today. Russia only recently had been a leading country from the point of view of national wealth and human potential is now facing the decrease in population and widespread poverty. Africa, on the contrary, is the global leader in rates of population growth among all the continents. But it cannot secure the adequate conditions for the development of its human potential. Russia’s and Africa’s development vectors have to be oriented today towards maximizing and optimal use of the social component. Such an approach will allow to increase the competitiveness of real production, which globally depends on the supply of human capital. Both Russia and Africa as net raw materials exporters have to use excessive profits of monopolies for stimulating entrepreneurship in the hi-tech spheres, for the increase of scientific and technical potential, education and healthcare as well as for the effective increase of the standard of living of the population. This will allow both of them to occupy an honorable place in the global division of labor. Arsanov S.S. Russian Plekhanov Economic University, Russia Specifics of the Chinese African Policy On realizing an intensive economic expansion in recent years China has strengthened its status in the world arena. In particular, China has intensified its presence in the African region. For China Africa is an enormous storeroom of raw materials. Therefore China is investing heavily into the different raw material branches of the Africa’s econ-

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omy. Meanwhile China is less exigent then for instance the United States, that are going to develop their relations with Africa on the basis of transparency of local regimes and on condition of observance of the democratic principles by African leaders. In spite of the fact that the receipts of African countries from the raw materials sales have risen, the population became poorer by more than 3 times. It has given rise to people’s dramatic displeasure and leads to criminal, terrorist actions aimed against governments and foreign companies. Chinese companies are closely related to the government. Therefore China tries to persuade African governments to use part of the receipts for the economic development of the territories where Chinese are operating. The Chinese soft loans are too directed to these purposes. And these soft loans are developed by the Chinese companies where all the managers and engineers are Chinese. They are developing social projects. The Chinese labor cost incomparably cheaper than European or American and China delegates her nationals for jobs of labourers where the Western companies have to hire unskilled and undisciplined local staff. As a result the quality of all the works performed is rising as well as the proceeds from them. The use of Chinese managers and engineers enables to solve corruption problems. Due to this the project is realized and money is not plundered. Beijing attracts small Chinese business by offering soft interest-free loans and rendering technical and diplomatic assistance. For instance there are more than one thousand small Chinese enterprises functioning in Nigeria. They are basically operating in a sphere of services with the partial involvement of the local population. China is engaged in teaching of African students at the Chinese institutions of higher learning and extension courses. It is notable that for entering this or that country Chinese capital spends comparatively small financial resources. But their effectiveness exceeds Western investments. As the PRC economy demand for raw resources is growing Chinese presence in Africa will enlarge and during the forthcoming decade may become overwhelming. Deych T.L. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Chinese Companies in African Raw Materials Markets 1. In new Millennium a sharp intensification of Chinese companies’ activities in Africa is taking place. Chinese economy demands in raw materials, primarily in oil, have grown in recent years and continue to grow, prompting Beijing to engage in fierce competition with the U.S., the EU and the new "emerging" powers for African natural resources. 2. Foreign activities of Chinese companies are encouraged and supported by a wide set of tools. Loans and credit lines, aid for development, arms supplies and diplomatic support help China to gain favor of African governments and to gain privileged access to raw materials.

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3. Chinas lucky business in African raw materials markets is largely due to its key position, articulated repeatedly by President Hu Jintao and other leaders of the country: "China does not interfere in the internal affairs of other states”. It means readiness to cooperate, not stipulated by demands for democracy, good governance or human rights, as well as willingness to take risks working in war-torn countries (DRC, Liberia). 4. The assets of Beijing – the wide range of state assistance to companies. The government does not interfere directly in the decisions relating to companies’ investment activities, but offers them financial and diplomatic support. An important factor – participation in government programs of Chinese banks, such as the Exim Bank, China Development Bank, China-Africa Fund in support of Chinese investment in Africa, as well as the entrepreneurial enthusiasm on private and public level. If small businesses finance their investment activities with the help of family ties and informal capital markets, a key source of finance for African projects for state-owned companies is China Exim Bank. 5. Focus on some sectors of African economies, in particular, focus on infrastructure, which is the "weak spot" in most African countries, also contributes to Beijing's plans. 6. The Chinese companies’ activities in the African raw materials markets come across serious risks; they are not immune from terrorist attacks, assaults on staff. In addition, China's desire to “seize" African resources, as well as the growing Chinese presence in African countries often cause a negative reaction by the local people. Fituni L.L. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Role of African Carbohydrates in the Post-Crisis Global Economy The Presentation focuses on the assessment of the African carbohydrates in the post-crisis world economy. It reveals the quantitative and qualitative transformation of Africa’s role as a source of increasingly scarce energy resources for the world economy, which slowly recovers after the deep financial and economic crisis. Important shifts in the fields of exploration, extraction, transportation, sale and consumption of African carbohydrates have been studied. The increase of Africa’s role as a provider of such resources had been proved, particularly for the West. At the same time the separation and confrontation lines between the major world players for those resources have been identified. Special attention was paid to the possibilities and limits of cooperation and complementary actions of Russia and major African producers in the world oil and gas markets. The main lines of countering Russia’s attempts to establish cooperative relations with those countries we revealed. Recommendations are formulated, some of which may be used by Russian organizations when elaborating external economic policy line vis-à-vis African states. Some of the results may be used by Africans in working out their national energy policies and establishing new partnerships. In this respect these results have both the academic and applied importance.

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Gottschalk K. University of the Western Cape South Africa The Unexpected Evolution of the Pan-African Project: a Perspective from 2011 After seven decades of episodic existence through conferences, the Pan-African project became permanently institutionalized with the founding of the OAU in 1963. The OAU founders almost unanimously rejected Kwame Nkrumah's advocacy of a continental federation, a United States of Africa. Nor did they adopt the model of the then six year old EEC. Instead, their OAU followed the pattern of the contemporary Organization of American States, and the Arab League. This changed dramatically in 1991, when the Treaty of Abuja adopted, across the board, all EU institutions, along with a thirty-four year schedule to phase them in. This importation of EU institutions was re-affirmed in the Constitutive Act of 2000. Within four years, the next unexpected shift in evolution was moving from adoption to adaptation. From 2004 onwards, the AU set up institutions that followed neither the EU, nor as some literature states, the UNO, but drew upon ECOWAS' African experience as the pace-setter. Since then, the momentum of the Pan-African project has seen a proliferating array of continental quasi-nongovernmental organizations. Some of these are indigenous African innovations, and world firsts. Civil society associations remain marginal in influence. But the Pan-African Parliament and the Economic, Social, and Cultural Council are amongst the new generation entities with a mandate to open the space for significant public participation. Lebedeva N.B. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Gulf of Aden - Security Threats and Paradox of Multilateral Cooperation The report examines efforts in creation of maritime security cooperation, initiated first by Japan and then by the USA and China for the Northeast and North Asia – namely America`s Proliferation security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI) in 2003, Japan`s Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) in 2000, Operation MALSINDO for the Malacca Strait, proposed by Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore in 2004, etc. In October 2007, the US Admiral M. Mullen presented “A Cooperative Maritime Strategy for 21-st Century Sea Rower”, what was initially called the “thousand-ship navy” or “Global Maritime Partnerships” (GMP) for the Pacific and Indian Oceans, which was declined by some states because of fear of probable American dictate. There were many discussions and contradictions on these different approaches to issues of security on seas. But it appears that some elements of them were adopted by nations operating in the Gulf of Aden despite strong philosophical, ideological differences and strategic interests. It is the first military cooperation among a mix of allies and non-allies. It

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is a bottom-up arrangement, evolving in Ad hoc manner, without formal membership. However, there is at present no East Asian multilateral structure of maritime cooperation, where the idea ɨf maritime cooperation was born. ASEAN members want MALISINDO and ReCAAP models to be diffused globally against piracy rather than have a Somalia model applied to Southeast Asia. As to real results of combined operations in the Gulf of Aden, unfortunately the world community cannot win piracy and defend trade ships in the region because of operational, economic, legal and geopolitical reasons. Kalinina L.P. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Mapping Some Results of the Economic Cooperation between Russia and African Countries in the Light of the World Economy’s Trends The current decade is marked by the essential positive trends in cooperation between Russia and African countries both in the quantitative and qualitative perspective, namely concerning the development of production and investment cooperation, the intensification of assistance of the state. The supreme interests of Russia in Africa lay in the sphere of economy, especially in the main branches of raw materials. That interest proceeds from the fact that from 30 to 70 per cent of Russia’s mineral resources are unprofitable for extraction. Moreover Russia aims to consolidate positions at the markets of raw materials. Despite some achievements in the last years the effectiveness of Russia’s cooperation with African countries is still inadequate. Strengthening the role of the state is very important in improving the situation in this sphere – this is necessary given new trends in the World economy: 1. The increase in competition in the world market of raw minerals including the African market; 2. The weakening of Russian companies as a result of World crisis; 3. The developing of deglobalization as the consequence of the situation of the depression in the World economy, as well as the bankruptcy of the ultraliberal model of capitalism; this has led to IMF acknowledging the necessity of intensification of state control over markets. Korablev I. A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia African–Chinese Relations To-Day To-day African–Chinese co-operation started as far back as in 1950s besides development of mineral deposits1 affects the other spheres of economic relations as well. In particular China is active in carrying on the construction of the infrastructure objects1 and issue multibillion “diplomatic” loans for these purposes (during the 4th 1 Crude oil accounts for 30% of the Chinese imports from Africa. The task of Pekin to increase it to 45% by 2015.

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China-Africa Summit at Sharmeesh-Sheikh China promised to allocate by 2010 US $ 10 billion loan to Africa and generate fund with the authorized capital in amount of US $ 1 billion for crediting of small and medium African commercial companies).It promotes the rise of the Chinese investments to Africa to the amount of US $ 10 billion by 2010, and the turnover of trade between China and Africa will exceed US $ 100 billion or constitute 25% of the Chinese foreign trade turnover. Hereby, nowadays the trend of the African countries drawing to the world economy via China is becoming more obvious. In 2005 China canceled the customs duties for some goods imported from 29 less-developed countries of Africa which established diplomatic relations with China. In 2007 China once again zeroize customs duties for the second batch of goods imported from 26 less-developed countries of Africa. That operation affected 256 items of the commodities. Thank for the infrastructure objects construction, cancellation of customs duties as well as due to the population growth at the continent2 the investment attractiveness of Africa is growing also. By the opinion of the British The Economist magazine this year Africa could be considered as one of the interested regions for investors3. Thank for the infrastructure objects construction, cancellation of customs duties as well as due to the population growth at the continent the investment attractiveness of Africa is growing also. By the opinion of the British The Economist magazine this year Africa could be considered as one of the promising regions for investors . It is promoted also by the increase in consumption by China of such “luxury” goods as wine, tobacco, and coffee produced in Africa. For instance, the growth of the coffee consumption in China makes 15% a year. It has attracted the foreign companies attention and they are ready to create the enterprises in Africa and sell its produce to China. Korendyasov E.N. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Russian Business in Africa 1. Africa is becoming more and more noticeable link in the global economy. In 2008, the accumulated direct investment was 511 billion dollars (in 2003 inflow amounted to 66 billion). Russian companies started to get more interested in doing business on the African continent at the beginning of 2000s. By the end of 2006, the assets of the top twenty Russian companies in Africa amounted to 4% of the total 1 For example, out of US $ 5 billion loan issued to the Democratic Republic of Congo for mining purposes US $ 3 billion are intended to spend on railway and highway construction, 30 hospitals, 5000 houses and 2 universities. 2 Now the population of the continent exceeds 1 billon persons and by the forecast of the British Guardian will grow up to 1.4 billion by 2050. 3 Out of 1000 investors inquired by Blumberg Agency 11% are ready to invest to the countries of the African continent.

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volume of the investments (approximately - 2.4 billion dollars). 2. At this stage the main motive for the expansion of Russian business on the continent is its desire to consolidate its position as a leading global player in the markets of energy resources. 3. African partners have declared their interest in attracting Russian capital, on condition that Russian companies will adhere to the international economic and social standards of business. 4. The most important factor in the success of Russian business in Africa is its full support by the state. However, the development an appropriate program is delayed due to underestimation of the potential of Russian-African cooperation and complexity of coordination of corporate and government interests. Kulkova O.S. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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African Politics of Gordon Brown and David Cameron: From New Labour to Tories African policy of Britain since 2008 was largely determined by the task of overcoming the global crisis. Despite the difficult economic situation in the country, Brown continued to develop the line of assistance for Africa, began under his predecessor Tony Blair. The development package for the poorest countries of Africa became the main theme of the London summit of the twenty industrially developed nations on April 2, 2009. Brown struggled with protectionism, sought confirmation that the commitments, made by developed countries to Africa in 2005 at Gleneagles and later, will be respected. At the suggestion of Brown, under the auspices of the World Bank, a new fund was created to respond quickly to social unrest, to support the most vulnerable parts of the world population. The money went for child food security, providing medical assistance to pregnant women and to finance programs "food for work". Brown also proposed a so-called "Global early warning system of poverty." Britain did not renounce its international and bilateral commitments to provide assistance to African countries, despite the financial crisis. The report will examine not only these and other political steps, made by Brown with respect to African countries. A relatively little-studied theme of personal, human attitude of the former Prime Minister G. Brown to the continent's problems will be also explored. I will look at the way he developed contacts with African political leaders of his time, how the “African theme” fit into the biography of this prominent political figure, how strong was the continuity in this regard with his predecessor T. Blair. Another important aspect of the paper is the analysis of the formation of British African policy by the government of D. Cameron in the difficult economic conditions and tricky political atmosphere of the coalition government. An interesting aspect is the transition from the Labour approach to African policy to the Conservative one, their similarities and differences.

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Kurgat P.K. Ambassador, Republic of Kenya Education as a Foreign Policy Tool: Kenyan Students Airlift to Russia and Eastern Europe during the Cold War Period 1954–1989 The study sought to assess the role of education as a foreign policy by focusing on the Kenyan student airlifts to Russia and Eastern Europe since 1954. This study explains the origins and organization of the airlifts, the purpose of the airlifts and the needs of the third world and specifically Kenya. The study was concerned with how the airlifts were organized and those who were in charge of the financing of airlifts, tuition and boarding. More specifically it addressed the following issues: Kenya students experiences in Russia and Eastern Europe i.e. settling in, curriculum, social and economic experiences and political socialization. The study is premised on two related theories, Dean Jaros political socialization and Ali Mazrui Diplomacy of dependency and change. It will be based on the following assumptions. First education was used for purposes of political socialization especially in the cold war era in the East and Western Europe and those being offered Education and Training were supposed to be socialized in a certain way. Second, there is a relationship between education and foreign policy decisions. Third, students airlifts to Russia and Eastern Europe for Higher Education and training like those to the USA were influenced by the cold war politics in international relations. Fourth, students’ airlifts to Russia and Eastern Europe had direct impact on states foreign policies. Kenya’s educational relations with Russia and Eastern Europe have had an influence on Kenya’s foreign policy and diplomacy since 1954. The methodology used by the study was qualitative techniques of data collection and analysis. Library, archival and oral sources were consulted. Some Kenyan diplomats working or retired from Kenyan Embassy (Moscow) Russian and Eastern European diplomats in Nairobi, scholars and politicians with knowledge of the subject matter were approached for interview.

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Lileev I.L. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Germany and Africa: Specificity of Political and Economic Relations in the 21st Century Germany's relations with the preponderance of African states rests upon the well-established tradition of "dependence partnership." For decades the Federal Republic of Germany developed its relations with African nations with an eye at consolidating its influence on the "third world" by counterpoising external policies of the German Democratic Republic. Up to the early 1970s the fact of someone’s establishing diplomatic relations with the GDR signified folding their relations with the FRG. But instead of curtailing its involvement in African affairs in the wake of Germany's unification that incurred colossal financial expenses, Germany extended it. At the turn of the 21" century Germany was and still remains one of Africa's most

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respected partners even though its positions and role have altered in the past several years. Current Germany's external policy concept, tɨɚ greater than ever degree, is part and parcel of the common foreign policy pursued by the EU that does not express the FRG sympathy towards the former German colonies. Nevertheless Germany is sticking to its long-time tradition of maintaining "special relations" with the countries that to date remain within the zone of German cultural presence on the continent. In Africa Germany emphasizes its loyalty to traditional foreign policy priorities. It is exactly why former German colonies in Africa – Namibia in particular, where the influence of the German community is especially sensed, as well as – to ɚ smaller degree – in Tanzania (Tanganyika) and Togo, part of whose territory was once ɚ German colony, as well as Cameroon (also in the past partially controlled by Germany) – are usually the principal recipients of different kinds of German aid. Namibia alone received grant assistance worth over 500 million Euros in the last decade. On the whole, Germany has different groups of African states as partners. Aside from former colonies North African nations form one such separate group. Relations with them are developed chiefly in the context of relations the EU maintains with different states in this region. Still another group is formed by the so-called "hopefuls", or "diligent students" of the policies of encouragement of democratic reforms and liberal market relations the EU pursues as an entity and Germany in particular. Kenya, Ghana, Zambia have sought to develop and diversify their relations with Germany. Another numerous group are the countries regarded as the worlds poorest. Most of them are African countries. Present day political analysts, especially in the United States, tend to regard them as "failed states." German experts resolutely avoid using such terminology, but data on foreign economic contacts with that group of states speaks loudly enough to show that Berlin does not expect much in terms of their development. As a rule these states receive different kinds of humanitarian aid, also in the form of gratis infrastructure elements (water wells and pipelines, etc). Credits they draw within the framework of bilateral relations are usually written off later. In the course of history West Germany established especial relations with the Republic of South Africa. In this case we speak of mutually advantageous peer contacts rather than "dependence partnership". Even during South Africa's economic boycott Germany was never hasty to remove German corporations from that country, vindicating this on the grounds that such a move would first and foremost hit native South Africans who would have lost their jobs. At present mutually advantageous relations continue to develop. Favorable trends of Africa's economic development that became evident several years ago, owing to a certain degree to the implementation of the NEPAD initiative, prepare the turf for the emergence of new opportunities of mutually advantageous extension of German-African relations. Sepeleva N.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia United Nations Peacekeeping Activity: Refugee Problem (Great Lakes Region) Nowadays the refugee problem in the African continent is one of the most acute and widely discussed themes. It’s caused by destabilization of political regimes in a

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number of countries of the continent, first of all, in Central Africa. Moreover, permanent armed inter-ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts provoke thousands of victims among whom there are both internally displaced persons and refugees from other countries. Region of Great Lakes (RGL) is the most typical example of conflictogeneous zone in Africa. The consequences of the Civil War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1998-2003) and 1994 Rwanda Genocide are still evident here. One of the largest UN peacekeeping missions (with a peacekeeping contingent of more than 20.000 people) is based in DRC. New contemporary threats have resulted in additional exertion of UN’s other resources for solution of complicated tasks. UN leadership had to recognize that the peacekeeping forces didn’t manage to safeguard the civil population against genocide in Rwanda and to prevent from renewals of armed conflicts in RGL. The task on the agenda for the armed forces contingents, police and civil staff of peacekeeping missions is to make further improvements in decision realization mechanism as well as strengthening the legislative base of the use of armed forces. The problem of refugees in Africa suffering from negative consequences of regional conflicts will be still acute for a long time in the nearest future. Its solution along with other global challenges of the XX1 century is not only important for the regional but for the international safety overall. Sidorova G.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Features of the cooperation between the DRC and the Western countries in security-related issues In 2006, after the National elections and the formation of legitimate institutes of power, the security issue in the DRC was still acute. The situation in the country, especially in the Eastern provinces, remained very tense. Local ethnic conflicts continued to arise; armed confrontations between foreign and local military groups did not come to an end, which in most cases severely hurt the local population. These events resulted in massive migrations of people, who were forced to flee from the terror and violence of the armed troops. The Congolese Army was not capable of maintaining peace in the country, due to its poor organization and training. The security sector reform, as well as the disarmament and repatriation of foreign military forces were progressing very slowly. Western countries, including Belgium, France, the USA, took an active role in the stabilization of the DRC. The leading role between the traditional partners of the DRC was performed by Belgium, the former metropole. In the last decade the development of relationship between the two countries was quite uneasy. However, Brussels was determined to strengthen its political position in this key country of the African continent. France is another country of Western Europe, which is acting as a partner of the DRC and closely cooperating with it. Still, in many areas of cooperation, Paris is

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competing with Brussels, that is quite vigilant towards all the initiatives of France and aims to limit the activity of France, acting as a former “master”. The interaction of the DRC with the West in the military and political area is to a large extent influenced by the USA, which has significantly strengthened its influence and presence in the country through the recent years. Unlike the policy of Belgium, which openly demonstrates its attitude towards its former colony, and does not hesitate to declare “uncomfortable” facts to its leaders, the USA are more reserved, however quite self-confident. Their unsuccessful military experience in Vietnam continues to play its role in the country’s foreign policy. Tsvetkova N.N. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia Asian Investment in Africa

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New trends in globalization – the growing role of emerging market economies, especially China and India, – and the new paradigm of sustainable international economic development could give rise to new prospects in economic relations between Asian and African countries. These trends have been accentuated by the global economic crisis of 2008-2009. Asian transnational corporations and sovereign wealth funds from East Asia and the Middle East in the 2000-ies made considerable investments abroad. In Africa their main spheres of interests were oil and mining industries. Beside their mineral resources, African countries possess comparative advantages for development of alternative energy sources – such as solar energy and the wind energy, – and there are some possibilities for cooperation with Asian countries who have become important producers of solar cells. African countries could also become involved in business proceeding on outsourcing based on information technologies (language skills are important for such services as call-centers) in cooperation with some Asian companies (in particular with Indian TNCs). Urnov A.Yu. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The Soviet Union Contribution to the Decolonization of Africa. On theOccasion of Year of Africa 50th Anniversary The post WWII realities were not confined to a Bi-Polar order. There emerged a new geopolitical phenomenon – the “Third World”. Although it became a field of the “Cold War” confrontation, the national liberation movement remained an independent actor in the world politics, a nonaligned “third force”. Nonaligned did not mean equidistant. The struggle of colonial peoples for independence and then for its consolidation and economic self-sufficiency ran counter to the interests of the West and suited the interests of the East, both geopolitically and ideologically. The Soviet Union and Socialist Community supported this struggle.

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The USSR contribution to the liquidation of colonialism and racism is universally recognized. This was the basis for East–South rapprochement. The Paper depicts the events pertaining to the adoption on December 14, 1960 by the UN General Assembly, on the initiative of the Soviet Union, of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. Analyzed are the reasons which induced the Afro-Asian Group to come out with its own draft of the Declaration, as well as the motives that prompted the Soviet Union, despite its readiness to vote for this document, not to withdraw the draft, proposed by N. Khrustchev and to uphold it to the end. The Paper points out that the African continent ranked high in the Soviet foreign policy. Intergovernmental agreements on trade, economic, scientific and technical cooperation were signed with 32 states. Assistance was rendered in such fields as education, training of skilled personnel, building armed forces. The Soviet Union believed that the future awaiting the “Third World” was that of Socialism. The idea of non-capitalist development found a rather broad response in the “Third World”. Movements and parties of left orientation would come and stay in power first and foremost due to the mobilization of their internal political resources. The Socialist orientation experiment miscarried. The root cause is neither shortcomings of the concept, or errors made in the course of its implementation, but an antisocialist U-turn of Gorbachev and the break up of the Soviet Union. With all its slips and failures the Soviet Union policy made a wholesome impact on the history of independent Africa, was a sufficiently effective counterbalance to the attempts of the West to preserve its dominating positions on the continent, this time by means of neocolonialism. Africa knows it and remembers. After the “Cold War” the West persistently tried to thrust on Africa the neoliberal recipes of capitalist orientation development. These recipes failed. The African states face the task to find an optimum sociopolitical model to overcome backwardness and secure sustainable development.

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Zhukov A.E. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The Sudan's Crises after the CPA: Implications for Closer Cooperation between Russia and Egypt In January 2005, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed between the Sudan government and the SPLM/A, ending twenty-two years of civil war. However, the transition period which followed the agreement didn’t lead to general peace in the country or stability in relations between Sudan's North and South. The past 6 years were overshadowed by uncertainty of the 2011 referenda and the risk of the CPA failure. Analysis of the major internal conflicts in the present-day Sudan reveals high level of their internationalisation. This implies that no sustainable peace in Sudan can be achieved without multilateral efforts on the part of major international stakeholders. This paper argues that the Russian Federation is one of those external ac-

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tors, which bear high, though largely untapped, potential for successful mediation between Sudan's rival parties. The philosophy of engagement demonstrated by the incumbent Russian envoy in Sudan in the last 2.5 years indicates that this African country is nowadays much higher on Russia's political agenda than it was in the first half of the 2000s, when the CPA was brought to life. In order to maintain the momentum for Moscow's constructive role in Sudan, it is essential to join the efforts of its representatives with those of like-minded actors on the international arena. Having compared the declared policies, de-facto activities and strategic interests of the most influential foreign stakeholders in Sudan, the author arrives at the conclusion that Egypt is a promising partner of Russia in this respect. One should also take into account that, for more than 60 years of the Middle East crisis, Russia (the USSR) and Egypt have developed working mechanisms of diplomatic interaction with each other, which should now boost their cooperation in other areas.

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Panel 3. AFRICAN DIASPORAS: EVOLUTION OVER TIME AND SPACE Convener: Prof. Tatiana Gavristova Adeleke T. Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa, USA

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Historicizing Africa-Black Diaspora Relations in the Twenty-First Century The fate of Africa has historically been inextricably liked to that of her Diaspora offspring. There has been recognition of underlying shared historical and cultural attributes and experiences. Both have enlisted and invoked each other in an effort to build a solid and mutually beneficial framework of struggle, and both have benefitted from this relationship. From the earliest of times to the civil rights struggles in America and decolonization in Africa, as well as the immediate post-independent and post-civil rights epochs, organizations, institutions and individuals on both sides have advocated a strong socio-political and cultural nexus for advancing mutual interests and aspirations – Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, Pan-Africanism, Congressional Black Caucus, Trans Africa, Rainbow Coalition, Black Power, Afrocentrism, Stokely Carmichael, Randall Robinson, Jesse Jackson, Rev Leon Sullivan, etc., There have been numerous summit meeting between representatives of both to deliberate and brainstorm on how to solidify the relationship. More recently, the Diaspora has been declared a regional extension of Africa. Thus there has always existed mutual recognition of the importance of Diaspora African to Africa’s development. Yet, the dynamics and forces that shaped the relationship in the past have changed fundamentally. Consequently, a meaningful relationship conducive to Africa’s advancement and development, especially in a globalizing world, compels acknowledgment of, and coming to terms with, the changing and complex character of the relationship. Africa and the Black Diaspora can and should strengthen ties. However, the old ethos/values that informed that relationship have to change. The goal is for Africa to construct a relationship with its Diaspora that does not constrain or foreclose engaging and embracing opportunities afforded by multiple, diverse and complex interests and constituencies. Put differently, Africa’s relationship with Black American, for example, should be constructed broadly as not to circumscribe Africa’s chances of developing relationships with constituencies that though racially and culturally different, yet offer opportunities for resourceful and productive development. Blinova E.V. Yaroslavl State University, Russia African Diaspora in London (Problem Definition) Diaspora – (from Greek diaspora – to disperse, to separate), originally a union of Jewish communities, which were formed in different parts of populated areas as a

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result of the Exodus of Jews from Palestine after the destruction of the first and the second Temples. There are several versions of the first appearance of Africans on the British Isles. According to Tacitus they appeared before the Roman period. David McRitchie – black people have been known in Scotland from the time of the King of Saxony. In Shakespeare time the African presence was practically everywhere. These include courtesans, musicians, actors of the dell-art theater at the court of Elizabeth the First. Later many Africans took up science and became prominent scientists, architects, lawyers, philologists. The initial origin of the formation of African Diaspora on the British Isles is linked to travelers, traders and warriors; the Slave trade and slaves, which came from the African continent and the New World. The question of formation and phased development of the African Diaspora has been scrutinized by many researchers (A.O. Militarev, Z.I. Levin, W. Safran, J.E. Harris, etc.). Gavristova T.M. Yaroslavl State University, Russia

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Intellectual History of Africa Intellectual History of Africa and the Diaspora are inextricably linked. It concerns the history of science and culture (literature, painting, sculpture, design, music), history of people and ideas (pan-Africanism, Negritude, Afrocentrism). African intellectual elite is currently living in Europe, America, Asia. London, Paris and New York have become intellectual capitals of African countries. Nigeria – the most populous country in Africa. It is often called "Africa in miniature". Exodus of Nigerians to Europe and America, which began in the midtwentieth century led to the formation of a very large emigrant’s community out of Africa. Its consolidation was made possible thanks to the artists and writers that have taken the path of "natural synthesis". Poet and artist Uche Okeke – founder of ullism (one of the varieties of African modernism) – found in the environment of the Diaspora many fans and admirers. Among them Obiora and Ada Udechukwu, Olu Oguibe and many others, whose names have already became part of history of the continent and the Diaspora. Modern Nigerian literature and art outside of Africa present by such outstanding masters as Wole Soyinka and Chinua Achebe, Uzo Egonu and Marcia Kure. Glory of Nigerian science outside of Africa is Philip Emigwali – black "father" of the Internet, the head of a "brain trust" in Microsoft. Among well-known historians and philosophers there are also Africans: Ch.A. Diop and T. Obenga (Senegal), Ali Mazrui (Uganda), V.J. Mudimbe and others. A lot of African philologists and lawyers live in Europe and America. Their involvement doesn't raise doubts. Many of them are generators and interpreters of ideas directed on drawing attention of the world community to the past, present and future of Africa.

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Milto A.V. International Academy of Business and New Technologies Yaroslavl, Russia N. Farah about Somali Refugees in Europe (The Centers of Formation of Somali Diaspora) The civil war in Somalia which has inflamed in 1991 after falling of a regime of Dictator M.S. Barre became the main reason of refugee’s escape from the country. One of such refugees was the writer Nuruddin Farah that knows problems of the Somali emigration as anybody else. He has lived and held teaching positions in Kenya, Nigeria, Gambia, India, Italy, United Kingdom, Germany, USA and South Africa. N. Farah has devoted to the Somali refugees one of the most known books «Yesterday, Tomorrow. Voices of the Somali Diaspora». The work as the mirror, reflects the author’s own history. The book written by a Somali about Somalis, allows readers to see the life of Somali Diaspora from within in the European countries such as Italy, United Kingdom, Switzerland and Sweden. Italy became home, first of all, to former students, experts, scientists. The essential part of immigrants consisted of young women whom Italians willingly gave positions as nurses, kitchen maids, nannies. The history of Somali’s stay in Great Britain starts from the beginning of XX century. The Somali seamen hired by the British government were the first who have lodged there. About 75 thousand refugees from Somalia lived in Great Britain in 1990es. In Switzerland, considered to Somalis as an island of calmness in the world of instability, refugees are grouped in camps located in the countryside, far from cities where it would be possible to find work. Each immigrant receives certificate that characterizes his status. The majority have the certificate of type F: it allows to receive monthly aid, but doesn't give the rights of asylum and the right to work. In Sweden Somalis represent the largest African community. Refugees were treated kindly there in 1950-70s. In due course position has changed and Sweden became a stronghold of racist crimes against the black population. N. Farah in his private experience has experienced not especially benevolent relation of Europeans to illegal immigrants and refugees (owing to their poverty and ignorance). However, despite the difficulties waiting for the Somali refugees in European countries, the majority of them considers Europe as a bastion of better life and aspires to leave Somalia ruined by war. Plokhova D.S. Yaroslavl State University, Russia Color Line (Experience of Gender Studies of African Diaspora) African diaspora in Germany was generated as an organized community in 1980s. The history of presence of Africans in Germany originates in the Middle Ages, but only with beginning ɏɏ century it is possible to tell about dynamics of social and cultural development of the African community. Since the 1980's different associations and organizations of Africans of Afro-German and African descent

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began to appear. In this period a process of identification of Afro-Germans as a specific part of German society took place. In the course of formation of the Afro-German community important role was played by the women's movement. Feminist movement in Germany also begins to unfold in the 1980s. It came from France and USA. Black German women, who were brought up in Germany, have actively perceived ideas of feminism from black Americans. According to feminists, the inequality between man and woman, built in western society over many centuries, is a socio-cultural construct supported by sociocultural stereotypes. Black women of Germany that felt themselves the double pressure from white society, first as women, second – as black individuals, interpret African or Afro-German origin from positions of social perception. Questions of identity and consciousness of Afro-Germen, and also perception and stereotypes of white population in relation to them come to the fore. So the purpose of the first organization of black women of Germany ADEFRA, founded in 1986, consisted in the consciousness of self-determination and self-organization and struggle against the stereotypes spread in German society which rose from racism, sexism and other forms of discrimination. By no chance that word ADEFRA translated from Ethiopian language means the woman who shows courage. ADEFRA organization as a result of working on the book «Farbebekennen» (Showing Our Colors). Editors and authors of the book were May Opitz (Ayim), Katharina Oguntoye and Dagmar Schultz. The book which has combined articles on history of Africans in Germany and biographies of black women of Germany of different generation, written in line with gender history, is still the most complete study and a source on the history of Afro-Germans (not only women and men). «Showing Our Colors» it was published twice – in 1986 and in 1991 – it has set the main directions in development of the African Diaspora in Germany. Popov P.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Colonial Past among us: Southern Rhodesia’s Heritage Today British colonists, who inhabited Southern Rhodesia at the turn of the 19th and 20th century, gradually formed a community that couldn't be identified as 'British' anymore. Having settled as the Diaspora, this group legally reached a level of a 'nation'. Particularly, in the perspective of the colonizers, this could be interpreted as a crisis of identity rooted in the flexibility of this phenomenon. Over the last 30 years the white population of Zimbabwe and those who left the country after its Independence in 1980 keep in touch with each other and a range of traditions of their motherland, mostly represented by the celebrations of commemorative dates, maintenance of Rhodesian slang and self-identification, glorification of Southern Rhodesia. In this paper we will examine how do Rhodesians, that inherited the identity of their ancestors (settlers) but lost the nationality, still keep the flag of non-existent state flying through a large number of communities and ‘embassies’ of Southern

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Rhodesia all over the world that however, don’t develop into any significant political forces; how the colonial political patterns are idealized in the present world; how the identity of the young generation of the forced Rhodesian post-colonial emigrants has transformed and to what extent they are tied with their roots. Pridatko E.P. Institute for International Economics, Moscow, Russia

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African Diasporas in North America and the Multicultural Policy of the USA and Canada Today the problem of diasporas in USA and Canada is extremely acute and is solved on the assumption of multicultural policy which unites the basis of every democratic society – legal concept of equity and human rights, and the principles of equal ethnic, religious and some other minorities’ rights. If we examine the situation in USA we will see that the second part of the XX century was called the fourth “great” migration of Africans to the United States (in 2007 the African diaspora numbered 1 million 419 thousand members or 0.37% of the entire American population). Among the main reasons for African immigration to USA we can name: inadequate planning of labor supply – meaning the oversupply of skilled workers who can’t get adequate salary. Many Africans also come to the United States for higher education and because of the fact that promotions in Africa are based on seniority system and it’s very difficult for young specialists to get a promotion. Roughly speaking 543,964 African workers are employed in civilian labor force (38.3% of the diaspora); 16.4% – in construction, mining operations and freight traffic activity; 14,1% are working in services sector and 12,6% – in management, business and finance. In Canada African immigrants form the third visible minority group after Asian and Chinese people. In 2006 the African diaspora numbered 783,795 members or 2.5% of the entire Canadian population. Approximately 60% of expatriate Africans live in Ontario, 30% in Quebec and 10% in Western and Eastern Canada. Africans prefer to settle in such metropolises as Toronto (47%), Montreal and Halifax. They form so called “black” communities in these cities – for example Africville, Priceville, Eldon. In order to sustain African immigrants’ culture, the Canadian government holds festivals of African culture, festivals of non-fiction and fiction films in which the life of African diaspora is reflected, literary symposiums (for example The voices of African literature). Siphokazi M. Institute for Security Studies, Pretoria, South Africa “Everyone is Scattered”: African Diasporas and Transitional Justice This paper examines the historic inclusion of the Liberian Diaspora to the Liberian Truthand Reconciliation (TRC) process that ended July 2009. The success of

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the Liberian Diaspora TRC project has raised interest about adopting the Diaspora TRC project in other truth commissions in the continent. Examining the Liberian model of the TRC Diaspora project, this paper asks, what benefits does the inclusion of members of the African Diaspora bring to African democracies? Secondly, How does Liberia’s inclusion of the Diaspora in the truth seeking process strengthen the country’s post-conflict situation and the contribution of the Diaspora to Liberia’s nation building process and democratic consolidation? The paper argues that this Liberian model exhibited the need for the incorporation of multiple memories of conflict in African democracies that includes the experiences of those who remain outside the boundaries of where the conflict occurred. Findings of the Liberian TRC Diaspora project reveal evidence of the “triple trauma” paradigm amongst Liberians still stuck until today in the Ghanaian refugee camp of Budumburam, and Liberians in the United States and the United Kingdom. The triple trauma paradigm posits that “refugees experience trauma in the country of origin, during flight and in the country of refugee” (Liberian TRC Diaspora Report, 2009, p. 303). Therefore, the formalisation of relations by African governments with their Diasporas post-conflict should begin by addressing the various levels of trauma faced by the Diaspora as part the nations’ quest for truth and justice. If this is not addressed the economic potential of the Diaspora to the post conflict reconstruction process has the ability to be either an asset or liability as members of the Diaspora carrying unaddressed memories of conflict have the capacity to drag the weak government to war conditions by playing on the consciousness of the vulnerable as it was done by Charles Taylor in the case of Liberia’s deadly 14 year civil war. Tsvetkov E.G. Yaroslavl State University, Russia

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Russians in Africa (Problem Statement) Actualization of contacts between Russia and Africa is one of the major problems of our time. The history of Russian-African relations has begun more than a century ago and has passed through periods of rises and falls. Forms and direction of cooperation were various. Many of them remain not studied. The attention of researchers was focused mainly on problems of military-political, and social and economic character. On the other hand problems of cooperation in sphere of education and public health services seldom became object of research, especially at regional level, especially within the limits of that "help" which was rendered by Russia and the USSR to the young states of Africa. Within the limits of the given theses it is intended to focus attention on a problem of "help" in sphere of preparation of qualified personnel in the young states of Africa in 1960-1980s. In practice realization of a policy of "help" to the African states was carried out by forces of graduates of the Russian (Soviet) higher educational institutions, including the Yaroslavl state teacher training college named after K.D. Ushinsky and the Yaroslavl state medical institute that worked mainly in the countries of socialist orientation. At various times the governments of Ghana, Na-

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tional Democratic republic of Guinea, Mali, Tanzania, Congo declared the ideology of «African socialism» and closely cooperated with the USSR. Graduates of the Yaroslavl high schools worked in Mali, Chad, Algeria, Uganda. Their interviews make an essential part of sources on the given theme. Among them memoirs of teachers and doctors, scientists and engineers (civil and military). In republic of Mali, for example, in 1960-1970s they contributed to the construction of the stadium, hospital, cement works and to the conduction of geological prospecting; and teachers worked in such higher educational institutions of the country as National administrative school and the Higher normal school (teacher training college).

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Panel 4. AFRICAN HISTORY IN AFRICAN STUDIES IN OUR COUNTRY Convener: Prof. Apollon Davidson

Balezin A.S. Moscow State University, Russia

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The New Generation Chooses. Themes of Qualification Papers on African History Students of the Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University, 1990s – 2000s Students of the Institute of Asian and African Studies of the Moscow State Universities specializing on African history, have in curriculum a unique volume of lectures and seminars on History of Tropical and Southern Africa – a semester on Ancient history of the continent and two – on medieval, new and contemporary history each. Besides, they have coursers on essentials of African studies, ethnoogy of Africa and a number of special courses. The choice of qualification papers on African History – “specialist’s” by five years' training, bachelor’s and master’s by 4+2 years training is carried out by the students voluntary in coordination with the scientific tutor. In the scientific tutorship of these works the school of prof. A.B. Davidson with its base on primary sources and principle of historicism prevails. As a rule, for research students choose the region where the African language they study is spoken, but it isn't obligatory. More often, since 1990s, this rule it is broken in advantage of History of South Africa. In 1990s-2000s in comparison with previous years, the subjects of student's papers became less academic and more various. It was promoted by a number of factors. The Internet became an important factor influencing a choice of subjects for qualification papers of students. Presence or absence in it of those or other materials plays a big role, especially for those students who do compilatory works. Possibility to visit Africa becomes another important factor of their choice. In Africa they try to use local archives and libraries and even to conduct field research. Opening of domestic archives and possibility of graduates to get access to their holdings – in particular, to holdings of RGASPI became the third important factor. Aforementioned factors promoted that the best qualification papers of the students have brought a certain contribution to African History studies. These works are based on new sources, as a rule, archival, or on results of their own field research in Africa. Unfortunately, realities of our life led to the fact that only a small part of authors of such serious research works has chosen Historical studies as their profession.

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Davidson A.B. State University Higher School of Economics Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia South Africa in Russia’s State Policy, Public Opinion and Research Southern Africa came to the attention of the Russians earlier than other parts of “Black Africa” – as early as 18th century. Of those who visited Africa in the 19th and 20th c. the majority travelled to Southern Africa. And Russian literature on Africa also dealt mostly with Southern Africa. If one could speak of any interest in Africa on the part of the Soviet state in the late 1920s – early 1930s, it also centered on South Africa. This was because this country was the only one on the continent to boast a developed class of the proletariat, and the only communist party. From the late 1950s denunciations of South Africa’s racist policy and Soviet assistance to liberation movements in the region played an increasingly important role in Soviet policy and propaganda. It was also the time when the Soviet reader started to develop an interest in South African literature, resulting in an enormous number of translations of South African authors into Russian. Visits of both V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev to South Africa are testimony to the fact that Russia still has some state interest in that region. The development of ties with Southern Africa depends on the growth of mutual understanding – and this can only result from thorough studies of South Africa in Russia and of Russia in South Africa. Evseenko V.I. State Medical Academy, Kirov, Russia

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The Guinea Subject Matter in the Soviet Historiography of 1960-1980-ies Guinea, after gaining its independence in 1958, was selected by the Soviet leadership as a “proving ground” for the introduction of the concept of socialist orientation or non-capitalist development in Africa. The strengthening of all-round SovietGuinean relations was accompanied by the growth of research in African studies and country studies which became especially important after the bilateral agreement on cultural cooperation was signed on November 26 in 1959. In the opinion of the former official of the International department of the Central Committee of the CPSU K.N. Brutents the science then was used by the authorities “to argue for concepts approved” (Brutents K.N. Thirty years on The Old Square. M, 1998. – p. 168). The scientists did their best and 12 dissertations on Guinea subject matter were defended from 1965 to 1982. Such authors as V. Homyakov, L.P. Krekoten, V.B. Iordansky, G. Oganezov, V.D. Romanov, I.Y. Yusupov and A.D .Savateev investigated country studies, sociopolitical and economic problems. Other authors especially I.B. Grigoryev, Y.A. Pankov, L.V. Mogila, V.G. Popilin and G.G. Sokolov used Guinea materials to touch upon the regional aspects of trade-union movement, the relations of the working class and national revolutionary parties, cultural reforms and foreign policy.

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The beginning of 60-ies was marked by the publication of three academic reference books “The Republic of Guinea” edited by N.I. Gavrilov, A.S. Solonitsky, A.A. Safirov and P.N. Cherkasov. S.M. Tanin stated his outlook on the political system of the state of Guinea in his brochure “The political system of the Republic of Guinea” in 1960. A.A. Firsov published his volume “The economic problems of the Republic of Guinea” in 1965. Y.A. Tyulpakova wrote her article “The social and economic transformations in the Republic of Guinea” in 1967 and V.V. Lopahin published the materials on the topic “The community and the agrarian reforms in the Republic of Guinea” in 1977. While evaluating from modern positions the scientific importance of the abovenamed works it is necessary to note that the Soviet African studies of the preperestroika period succeeded in making a positive image of the country pioneering in anticolonial struggle. But they appeared not to have contributed much to the effective policy of the USSR on the African continent. The political commitment to given output and the lack of possibility to get true data on the field inside the country caused many defects and wrong interpretations in references and guidelines offered. The Soviet researchers of the modern history of Guinea are worth being reproached for some drawbacks in their research. They did make the analysis of the generally progressive legislative acts adopted in the country not within the dynamics of its use but in static. They didn’t see that one third of population left the country. They couldn’t recognize the outline of a developing totalitarian regime. Filatova I.I. State University Higher School of Economics University of Kwazulu/Natal, South Africa

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The USSR and the South African “Miracle” The role of the USSR in the activities of national liberation movements is well studied. South Africa’s anti–apartheid movement in this respect is no exception. A lot has been written too on the Soviet role in the unblocking of the conflict in Southern Africa, where it actively assisted in bringing about the independence of Namibia and the localisation and de-scaling of the conflict in Angola – the solution that ultimately led to the collapse of the apartheid regime in South Africa. But the USSR did not become an intermediary in the negotiations on the dismantling of the apartheid structures. It did not play any direct role in these negotiations at all. On the one hand, in the late 1980s–early 1990s, when USSR’s foreign policy, including its policy in the Southern African region, was undergoing a substantial change, its political weight and its ability to influence the events and the positions of its allies in this region dramatically shrank. On the other hand, the dynamics and scale of the internal transition distracted the attention of the Soviet leadership from such international problems as the South African settlement, which quickly lost its significance after the Angolan peace. And yet, the events in the USSR and of its new course in the international arena as a whole, as well as of the actions of different circles of Soviet policy makers connected with South Africa, had a great impact on the development of the situation in South Africa. Different groups of the Soviet political elite did not work in unison at

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that time, and sometimes their actions directly contradicted one another, and yet together, each in its own way, they helped to bring the main parties to the negotiating table and to persevere with the negotiating process. Gerrit O. former SA Ambassador in Russia, University of Pretoria, South Africa Russian-South African Bilateral Relations

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For ideological reasons, South Africa (SA) and the Soviet Union (SU) had an adversarial relationship during the entire epoch spanning the Cold War. This only changed end in July 1991 when the first steps were taken to establish channels for dialogue and rudimentary diplomatic relations. With the demise of the SU in December 1991 and the Russian Federation established, full diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level between the latter and SA were established in February 1992. This happened before the African National Congress (ANC) took over the South African government in 1994. These changes impacted negatively on the previously close relations between the ANC and the SU, an important benefactor of the ANC during its struggle against apartheid. The rulers of the new Russian state ended this relationship with the ANC taking umbrage. This was followed by a period of strained relations, emphasized by the fact that Nelson Mandela refused on a number of occasions to visit Russia on invitation of that country. This paper will analyze these developments and also pay attention to the gradual normalisation of relations between Russia and South Africa to the point where the can be depicted as a special or strategic relationship. However, in spite of the vast improvement of formal relations, the substance of the relationship, particularly from a strategic, economic, and cultural point of view is still lagging far below the real potential that exists. This paper will explore the options ahead to make the relationship more substantive and beneficial for both countries and also point out their importance for Russia’s general position in Africa South of the Sahara and SA’s position in Eastern Europe and in the BRIC configuration. Ivanova L.V. Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia Caricatures as a Source on Somali History Somali History is primarily the history of the people of an oral tradition, thus usual methods of studying history sometimes are not applicable or effective. History of Somalia is well studied by historians from former colonial states; local Somali historians mostly used documents from the same colonial archives in their research. In my research I’d like to discuss new sources on Somali History such as modern caricatures. At last year’s conference I suggested studying Somali banknotes, analyzing images, signatures, monetary politics etc. This year I’d like to suggest studying caricatures drawn by Somali cartoonists as well as by Europeans, Russians and Americans as a source on modern Somali History and reflection of changes in Somali society.

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As a Muslim state, Somalia traditionally has negative attitude towards representation of any human, though as a nation of primarily oral and visual tradition Somali people prefer pictures, video interviews, songs or flash-images to any written message. Not long before the main reason to explain that was newly adopted alphabet for the Somali language but nowadays it’s the result of permanent civil war in the country and several ‘lost’ generations of uneducated and non-motivated youngsters. The most popular Somali cartoonist in Diaspora is Amir Amin, whose personal website is dedicated to his caricatures and his contribution to peace resolution in Somali. There are some other Somali cartoonists, who share their ideas mostly through web-sites and live in Diaspora. In my presentation I’d like to give an overview on Somali problems presented by Russian cartoonists. Krivushin I. High School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

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Civil War in sub-Saharan Africa in 1990s The economic crisis that hit most of the sub-Saharan Africa in 1980s, after the fall of the international commodity prices, destroyed the social consensus on which authoritarian regimes relied. It led to discreditation of the one-party system and provided the impetus for a wave of democratization. But in politically underdeveloped society with weak civil institutions the democratization often gave rise not to effective mechanisms to coordinate interests of different socio-professional, political, ethnic or religious groups, but to degradation of the nation-state, and even to its collapse (Liberia, Somalia, Rwanda, DRC, Congo-Brazzaville, Sierra Leone), opening the way to resolve social conflicts by large-scale violence. The end of the bipolar geopolitical confrontation caused the decline in strategic importance of sub-Saharan Africa for both superpowers, urging them to cut off considerably (USA), or stop completely (USSR / Russia) the aid to their client-states. The reduction of external financial support to authoritarian regimes (US’ aid to Mobutu in Zaire, Barre in Somalia, Doe in Liberia) made them extremely vulnerable to growing socio-political crisis. Rudimentary political institutionalization, weak social class differentiation and deficit of civil sense of justice explain the high level of ethnicisation of civil wars. Thus, in Rwanda the conflict between "pseudo-ethnic” groups, Tutsi and Hutu, developed into the most concentrated act of genocide in human history — ca. 800 000 dead (750 000 Tutsis and 50 000 Hutu) in three months. Often the resentment of some frustrated ethnic groups against politically dominant ones (the Krahn in Liberia, Tutsi in Burundi, Bete in Ivory Coast, Banyankole and Banyarwanda in Uganda, Ngbandi in Zaire) was mixed with serious ethnic tensions in local areas (eg, hostility Lendu and Hema in Ituri region of DRC). Sometimes clan or sub-clan clashes complicated ethno-regional backbone of the conflicts (Somalia). Obvious ethnic feature of African civil wars of 1990s predetermined their immanent destructive orientation. Often, the initial conflict between government and armed opposition quickly grew into the "war of all against all” in the context of an utter collapse of the nation-state (Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia). Substitution of the real interests of social groups by personal ones of “warlords” and their most influential clients led to criminalization of war which purpose became plunder of na-

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tional wealth or the making of mafioso-like economy (illicit trade in raw materials, drug trafficking). The wide use of foreign mercenaries and forcibly recruited childsoldiers, universalization of the enemy image, unmotivated brutality against the civilian population show the loss of any meaningful political and socio-economic strategy by belligerents and the tendency towards vertical disintegration in contemporary African societies. Most civil wars of the 1990's ended at the turn of the century with political settlements brokered by the UN or African regional/sub-regional organizations. As a result, in some countries (Liberia, Burundi, DRC, Sierra Leone) a fragile democracy was established, in others (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Congo-Brazzaville) the return to relative political stability came about under authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The significance of civil wars in sub-Saharan Africa in 1990s is impossible to decode by using only one dimension. They caused huge material damage to African countries and led to a series of large-scale humanitarian disasters, but also contributed to the destruction of many political and social forms deep-rooted in colonial and Cold War era. Mazov S.V. Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia

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Congolese Crisis (1960-1961) through the Eyes of its Veterans Conference “The Congo Crisis, 1960-1961: A Critical Oral History Conference” was held in Washington at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars on the 23-24 September, 2004. Participants of the conference included veterans of the crisis (former CIA station chief in Congo Lawrence Devlin, former minister in the Lumumba government and the first Congolese ambassador to the United Nations Thomas Kanza, and former provincial president of a Congolese political party, Party Solidaire Africain, senator Cleophas Kamitatu), and also scholars from Congo, USA and Russia. The conference differed from scholarly conferences with scholars presenting papers on certain subjects. Participants of the crisis were the primary actors. They discussed the key problems and events of the crisis, and scholars that were present stimulated them with questions and comments based on documents gathered specifically for the conference from West European, Russian and U.S. archives. Through such a dialogue many “white spots” in the history of the crisis have been filled. Among the issues under discussion were The Round Table Conference on Congo in Brussels (1959); speech delivered by prime minister Patrice Lumumba at the Independence Day (June 30, 1960); soldiers’ riots (July 1960); the secession of Katanga (July 1960); the ousting of Lumumba (September 1960); the role of Binza group in the removal of Lumumba; the circumstances of his assassination (January 1961); the volume and the nature of Soviet assistance to the Gizenga Government (January-March 1961); the formation of the Adoula Government (August 1961); death of the Secretary General of the United Nations Dag Hammarskjold in air crash (September 1961); the role of Belgium, Great Britain, USA, USSR and UN in the crisis.

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As a participant of the conference the author intends to tell the most interesting and unknown to general public information provided by the veterans. In December 2004 a brief report on the conference was published1, and since there had been no more information about it. Recently the decision has been taken to make the transcript public, and now it is being prepared for publication. Naidenov M.V. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia

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System of Colonial Administration in SWA/Namibia in Russian Historiography 1. In Soviet/Russian historiography the problem of colonial administration in SWA/Namibia wasn't exposed to special analysis. 2. In the book “Modern and Contemporary History of Namibia” by A.S. Balezin, A.V. Pritvorov and S.A. Slipchenko there was a short analysis of the native component of the German colonial administration – the so-called Leitwein system". But the system of colonial administration during South African Rule is only mentioned there in brief. 3. A.V. Pritvorov in his reference book on Namibia only designates the general social structure of SWA and principles of “separate development” of racial groups carried out by the occupational authorities of South Africa. 4. In Yu. I. Gorbunov's and A.V. Pritvorov’s book “Namibia. Problems of achieving Independence” there is a short analysis of the “bantustanization” policy of the South African Administration in the 60s and 70s. 5. In Yu. I. Gorbunov's book “The Problem of Namibia A collection of articles, documents, materials” sources, giving a good basis for studying the problem of transformation of colonial administration in SWA/Namibia, are published. 6. In the recently published book “A Modern and Contemporary History of Tropical and Southern Africa”, edited by A.S. Balezin, the general ideas concerning the systems of colonial administration, namely – colonial synthesis, direct and indirect rule etc. – are given. They give the key to the analysis of evolution of system of colonial administration in Namibia. 7. Thus, the system of colonial administration in SWA/Namibia and its evolution in Soviet/Russian historiography hasn't been analyzed carefully, but approaches to it were worked out and some sources published. I believe however the problem needs a careful analysis study as its scientific novelty and actuality are doubtless.

1 Namikas Lise. History through Documents and Memory: Report on a CWIHP Critical Oral History Conference on the Congo Crisis, 1960-1961. December 18, 2004.http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?fusection=news_rd=102105

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Philippov V.R. Institute for African Studies , Moscow, Russia

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D.A. Olderogge`s Theoretically-Methodologicall Credo: Experience of Intuitive Reconstruction It is quite difficult to judge theoretical opinions of a scientist who was working under ideological and political oppression. Due to his family traditions and because of his éducation, D. Olderogge could not be an advocate of Stalin's doctrines and ideological clichés, presented as methodological pillars of science. ɇɟ could not be a supporter of académie officialism. It is obvious that D. Olderogge did not apprehend Stalin's "theory of the nation" or the "Soviet theory of the ethnos" based on it. The continuum of scientist's work clearly shows it. To characterize domestic ethnology, D. Olderogge wrote that "at the end of the 19th century, Russian ethnography achieved a world level thanks to works by M. Kovalevsky, N. Zibert, N. and V. Kharuzin". The mention of M. Kovalevsky, who can be considered as the founder of the constructivist paradigm in social anthropology, is especially important. His éducation with classics of the domestic science such as V. Bartold and V. Struve and coopération with L. Shternberg and V. Bogorazom determined D. Olderogge's adhérence to evolutionists' ideas. The scientist gave high praise to L. Morgan, but also to J. Bahofen,E. Taylor, D. Freser. Later, studying in Germany under the guidance of the most famous scientists of that time, D. Olderogge was strongly influenced by conceptualists of the culturallyhistorical school – F.Ratzel, L. Frobenius, K. Menhoff, D. Westerman. The work of D. Olderogge was also somewhat influenced by ideas of the F. Boas. ɇɟ spoke very sharply of B. Malinowsky's and R. Braun's functionalism, believing that "functionalism is not a school with theoretical basis or outlook". ɇɟ was also skeptic about formal research methods in structural linguistics of F. de Sossur and his followers. D. Olderogge would hâve probably positioned himself as an adhèrent of the comparatively-historical method and a follower of Y. Grim, F. Bopp, R. Rask, A. Vostokov. It is incorrect to consider D. Olderogge as a "founder of the complex ethnocultural approach". Despite his encyclopaedic knowledge, importance of his works and a significant amount of disciples, there is no reason to consider D. Olderogge as a creator of an original theory and his own scientific school. At the end of his life, D. Olderogge was quite pessimistic about the state of the African studies in the USSR.

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Scherbakov N. Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia

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Self-determination in African Continent: the Prologue The history of the principle of self-determination of the nation is well studied. Still it is worth considering the history of the implementation of this principle in the African continent alongside with the efforts of practical use of this important and at the same time controversial norm of international law. This history, as it is well known, was based on a political provocation. The administration headed by W. Wilson was eager to break the age-old monopoly of classical European metropolies to govern colonies. At first – to remove the former German colonies on the African continent lost as a result of the World War I from the control of European metropolies. The participants of the First Panafrican congress, who convened their meeting in the lobby of the Paris peace conference, became the instrument of these efforts. Not less effective was the pressure on the colonial policy of European metropolies exercised by Soviet Russia which tried to realize this right for selfdetermination in practice. Interpretation of this principle by Lenin made him, to some extent, the nominee for Nobel peace prize in 1917 and 1918. This principle passed through many ordeals before it became a very important but at the same time rather controversial part within soviet initiative, reluctant to some extent, raised in the so-called “Year of Africa”. At the suggestion of the USSR in December 1961 the General Assembly adopted resolution “On granting independence to the colonial peoples” based on the renovated principle of selfdetermination of nations. The African colonies realized this principle in practice one by one. The first serious obstacle on the way of implementation of this principle was shown by the Congo crisis of 1961. Due to the scarcity of the experience in independence the idea of the right of nation for self-determination was not raised to the absolute and the borders of the new state of Congo were kept unchanged. The Civil War in Nigeria in 1967-1970 became a new ordeal for the principle of self-determination. What was, until recently, the inalienable right of the oppressed “large people” – “the Nigerian Nation” – part of this nation tried to implement in practice and these were the people of Igbo – who existed for a long time before this attempt was exercised. The history of the War and of the humanitarian catastrophe that resulted obscured the serious political discussion on the principle of selfdetermination. The antagonists in this discussion were the independent Africa and the leaders of Cold War now in one camp – from one side. Other side was presented by independent and rather influential Tanzania which followed the route of “socialist orientation” as well as by no less influential Ivory Coast Republic that followed its recent French metropoly. As a result the right of nations to self-determination was realized in the interpretation of great powers and became a rather important norm of international law for a rather long time.

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Stolyarov K.V. Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia The Interpretation of the DR Congo Conflict in Russian Historiography and Media The war in the DR Congo in 1998-2003 during which approximately 4-5 million people were died, is still rather unexplored theme for our researchers as well as for the journalists. Among the works of the Russian scientists, who have somehow discussed this theme, I’d like to mark out the monograph “The Democratic Republic of Congo: Power and Opposition” by Y.N. Vinokurov, the dissertation “The problems of reaching military and political stability in the African Great Lakes Region in the context of the Congolese-Rwandan relations” by A.Y. Dyabin, the article “The Great African War” of 1998-2002 (the origins and some consequences)” by Y.N. Vinokurov and some publications in scientific journals. But all these publications are oriented to professional historians. In the Russian media this theme wasn’t covered properly. Journalists were more interested in the descriptions of the violence during the war and the frightening photos, than in the regional problems which have caused the conflict. “The mass media covers the events in Iraq, Israel, and at the occupied territories, but they do not the same with respect of the Ituri in the Democratic Republic of Congo in spite of the direct threat to genocide The main task for us today is to attract the attention to the “hidden” crises and to protect the “forgotten” victims’ rights”, - Irene Khan, Secretary General of the Amnesty International. These words are even more typical for the Russian mass media, than for the international. In my report I’d like to understand, what the readers of the Russian media know about the bloodiest event of the postwar epoch. How did the journalists interpret these events? Did they try to attract an attention to the problem or just do their routine work? Answering these questions we could regret to conclude: the Russian journalists as well as the Russian readers are not interested in this war and the African problems in general.

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Kurbak M. Institute of General History, Moscow, Russia South African literature as a source of history: some aspects of research of the theme in Russia Samuel Johnson, an English poet and critic, said: “the greatest honour of the country is its writers”. Indeed, it is impossible to understand deeply the history of the country without knowing its culture. Fiction is an unique source of learning an epoch and people. It not only gives additional information, which could be hardly found in other kinds of sources. It also lets us go through any historical events with the heroes. At the beginning of the 1960s, when the African countries one by one gained the independence, the interest in everything African raised immediately in our country as well as all over the world. Just at that time G. Potehina organized the first course of the African literature at the African department of the Institute of the Oriental languages by Moscow State University. In the lectures and works she managed to show, what actual problems and questions the African writers have raised in their

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books, and how we could use them for seeing the past, present and the future of the African countries. From the 1960s with the assistance of Prof. Apollon Davidson the first translations of the South African writers (Jack Cope, Alex La Guma, Richard Rive etc.) appeared in the USSR. For every translation Apollon Davidson wrote detailed introductions and afterword, where he explained to the soviet readers, in what conditions these novels have been written. It was particularly important because from the 1960s South African Republic has been in international isolation. Literature was the only source which let to know something about live of this country. At the beginning of 2000s when the interest to the South African literature seemed to become lower, the South African writer John Maxwell Coetzee won the Nobel Prize. His oeuvre attracted an attention of the historians, philologists, and journalists. Almost all his books were translated into the Russian language. Nevertheless in recent years scientists become to be behind the interests of the readers. We get to know about the new books of South African writes mainly from the journalists, not from the africanists. The translations are rarely commented by the specialists. But it is hoped that the historians turn to using of the fiction as a source for the researches again.

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Panel 5. BRIC’S AFRICAN AGENDA Convener: Dr. Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

Biswas A. University of Mumbai, India

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BRIC’s Involvements in Africa Even though trade and investment remain the principal driving force behind BRIC’s relations with African nations, factors like age-long historical ties and diaspora networks have also strengthened diplomatic ties between African countries and Brazil, China and India. Over the last decade, all four BRIC member-states like Brazil , Russia, India and China have established themselves as increasingly influential players across Africa. Given the large scope of their engagement, this may turn out to be one of the most significant developments for the region in recent years. According to Standard Bank of South Africa, BRIC member-states, and not the developed economies, are redefining Africa's role in the global economy, a direction driven by solid commercial needs and shared interests. Between 2000 and 2008, BRIC-Africa trade has snowballed almost ten-fold, from around $20 billion to over $180 billion - a 34 % compounded annual growth rate. Collectively, the BRICs are now easily Africa’s largest trading partners, with African trade constituting around 2.9%, 6.4% and 6.3% of China, India and Brazil’s total trade, respectively. Although BRICs have immediate interests in Africa’s natural resources, specially oil, they are also motivated by individual aspirations. For example, Brazil wants to create a new “Southern Axis” with itself at the forefront. Russia’s desire is to reframe its image in a new perspective because of its sullied reputation in Africa during the Cold War years. For India, Africa is seen politically as a key ally in the pursuit of a competitive advantage over its Asian competitor, China. For China, African countries are seen as long-term partners in its ongoing bid to gain global economic ascendancy. Among the African countries, South Africa was admitted to the exclusive BRIC Forum at its second Summit held in Brazil on 16th April 2010. BRICs, especially China, India and Brazil, have strong economic relations with South Africa – for them, South Africa has been a gateway hub of BRIC’s spread to other parts of the continent. This article will look into BRIC countries engagement in Africa. Deych T.L. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia China as a Leader of BRIC Countries in Africa In April 2010 the leaders of the world's fastest growing economies - Brazil, Russia, India and China were meeting in Brasilia for the second summit. The Joint Statement by the BRIC leaders demonstrated that the association's members increas-

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ingly perceive themselves as a single entity distinct from other international political entities. For years Brazil, Russia, India and China have often been talked about as a group. Chinese scholars argue that emerging powers are rising collectively, and their growing power is a positive and important feature of the contemporary international system. Collectively, these countries are capable of becoming a full-fledged composite player in the global market: they produce 15% of world GDP, from 2000 to 2009 their quota in world trade has increased from 6% to 15%. Success of BRIC countries especially noticeable in Africa. Over the last decade, China became the second, India – the sixth, Brazil - the tenth by volume of transactions trading partners of African countries, and the total trade of the BRIC countries with Africa rose from $ 22 billion in 2000 to 166 billion in 2008; BRIC stock direct investment volume in 2003-2009 estimated in 73 billion dollars. China has won leading positions in relations with African countries ɚmong the BRIC countries. Its share in the BRIC countries volume of trade with Africa was 2/3, India's - 20%, Brazil - 11%, Russia - 4%. From 2003 to 2009, China invested 28 billion dollars in 86 projects in Africa, India - 25 billion in 130 projects; Brazil 10 billion in 25 projects; Russia - 9.3 billion in 47 projects. On the fourth Forum FOCAC in November 2009 in Sharm-El Sheikh (Egypt) Wen Jiabao, Chinese premier, has pledged 10 billion dollars in new low-cost loans to Africa over the next three years, announced eight measures aimed at strengthening relations with Africa and a three-year action plan for strategic partnership in science, technology and in higher education to promote knowledge-based sustainable development. So China already has become the main from BRIC countries donor for the continent. China is looking increasingly at Africa as a source of natural resources needed for the growth of its economic. Demands in natural resources promotes the development of China’ trade with African countries, which increased from 11bn in 2000 to 106,8 bln in 2008. Eighty-five percent of Africa's exports to China come from five oil-rich countries (Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Nigeria, the Republic of Congo, and Sudan), which are also the main recipients of Chinese aid and investments. China has already invested in almost 1000 aid projects in Africa. When Western companies are often afraid of high investment risk in Africa, China fills up the vacuum. The main factor of Chinese success – policy of “noninterference”. Chinese leaders say that unlike the United States, they don’t mix business with politics. It has a different set of standards on how to advance political reform and human rights in Africa. Not everything in Chinese policy suits Africans. They fear the pressure with which China operates in Africa, they see as a threat the growing presence of Chinese people and the influx of Chinese goods in their countries. But they appreciate the advantages, which China’s aid gives them. After the Cold War the West has weakened attention to Africa; China has forced developed countries to refocus attention on the problem of marginalization of the continent.

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Dubey A. Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India Evolving Indian Engagement with Africa: Challenges under Changing World Development Paradigm Indian engagement with Africa is historical. India played a crucial role in struggle against racial discrimination and in decolonization. India also played a leading role in Afro-Asian resurgence and Non-aligned Movement. India was central to South-South Cooperation initiatives and proposed many policy initiatives to promote Collective Self Reliance of countries from South. However, the advent of globalization and emergence of multipolar world order along with economic integration of world, suddenly threw new challenges to India's Africa Policy. The transition from socialist to fast growing market led economy of India needed Africa for its energy and mineral supply under economic imperatives as well as it needed Africa for their crucial numeric support to enable India for its quest for UN Security Council seat under new emerging multi nodal world. This paper will try to examine the challenges, opportunity and problems for India and African countries generated from this new Indian rush to Africa as started with India Africa Forum Summit of April 2008. Funeka Yazini A. Africa Institute of South Africa

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South Africa’s Governance Challenges: Assessing the South Africa – China Mineral Case & the BRICS Agenda The past 50 years of Africa history have been blighted by a lack of good governance which has hindered economic growth and political stability. The continent continues to maintain weak states which are clearly evident in the persistent corruption, unconstitutional behavior, inefficiency, waste and unnecessary bureaucracy that remain widely practiced. South Africa is no exception to these challenges as it currently maintains the highest record of violent civil protests in the world due the poor service delivery challenges. South Africa’s poor service delivery challenges emanate from the afore-mentioned governance challenges such as corruption. However, owing to emerging markets such as China which is a member of Brazil, Russia, India, and China, (BRICS), that have promoted foreign direct investment in African countries, a lot of speculation has arisen regarding the impact of trade agreements such as the Forum for Cooperation between China and Africa (FOCAC) on continental regional, national and local governance. This speculation tends to focus on whether multilateral trade agreements such as FOCAC will be beneficial, or promote deconsolidated democracy. In order to determine whether the BRICS agenda will have an impact on Africa, this paper uses South Africa as an example by assessing fieldwork findings on a South African – China mineral case. The min-

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eral case assessment will be done in the context of the current South African political climate with reference to the nationalization debate promulgated by the African National Congress Youth League as tool of governance best practices. Helly D. European Union Institute for Security Studies

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Virtuous or Vicious African Triangles? How Africa Matters for BRICs and its Consequences for EU-Africa Bilateral Relations in a Changing Global Governance In the last decade, Africa as whole has been increasingly depicted as an opportunity, a growing voice in international affairs and a promising partner for renewed engagement by the BRICs. In order to respond to the more asserted presence of China on the African continent, the EU, for instance, has tried to set up triangular frameworks for cooperation. It remains to be seen how renewed engagement from China and other BRIC countries have influenced global governance and EU’s strategic thinking on its relations with Africa. Against this background, several research avenues deserve exploration. First, a comparative appraisal of BRIC interests, strategies and policies vis-à-vis subSaharan Africa is required. Second, the relevance of triangular cooperation formats, following the model promoted by the EU in the case of China-Africa-EU relations, should be tested against the reality of existing policies developed by other BRIC countries. Third, the examination of existing BRIC policies and priorities is expected to lead to the identification of new paradigms of engagement in Africa which could be considered as key features of a new global order at play in Africa. By pursuing one or several of the above-mentioned research avenues, this paper is intended to bring answers to the following questions: How can the new global order be characterised in the case of international engagement on the African continent? How does Africa matter for global powers? What can be learnt by the current trends to understand and anticipate global governance in the next decade? What are the implications for post-Lisbon EU foreign policy in Africa, prospects for cooperation with Russia on the continent and EU’s role on the global stage? Koshina M. St. Petersburg State University, Russia Expansion of BRIC: Various Aspects of Possible South African Entry into the Group of BRIC Nations Since 2009 the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) have been evolving into the basis for one of the potentially most crucial shifts of influence in the international arena. This paper examines the possibility and various aspects of expanding the club by another rising economic powerhouse – South Africa. The issue of possible additions to the grouping has been touched by various researchers; however,

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South Africa did not initially represent the most probable candidate for such expansion. Only recently, after visits of South Africa’s president Jacob Zuma to BRICs’ members and declarations of the wish to join the BRICs, has the possibility of South Africa joining the grouping drawn more attention. The methodology of this paper includes comparative analysis of South Africa and the BRICs and case studies of South African high-profile visits to BRIC countries, followed by qualitative and quantitative analysis of BRICs’ ties with South Africa - economic and political (with regard to existing structures such as the BASICs and IBSA) independently. While the new grouping – likely called BRICS or BRICSA – would, on one side, bring South Africa closer to becoming a global player, let it serve for BRICs as the gateway to Africa and contribute to BRIC(S)’s image as “the spokesman” of the developing world, on the other hand, South Africa’s very different character from that of the already quite heterogeneous BRIC, especially its incomparable size, should not be disregarded. The resulting relationship might be very unequal; bearing in mind BRICs’ push into Africa, it could easily fall under the influence of the other BRICs, notably that of China. Especially from the South African perspective, its entry into the group of BRIC nations should not be rushed, but rather carefully considered. Masters L. Institute For Global Dialogue, South Africa

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At the Crossroads: South Africa and the Emerging Power Blocs One of the most significant outcomes from the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen 2009 was clear evidence of the changed international geo-political landscape. The development of the BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) grouping challenged the dominance of the developed countries in shaping the future of the climate change regime. The proliferation of power blocs is an important dynamic in shaping international relations. South Africa is already part of advancing South-South cooperation in the form of IBSA and BASIC and is knocking at the door of BRIC. Multilateralism and the development of south-south relations form a central focus in South Africa’s foreign policy; as such questions need to be raised concerning Pretoria’s participation in these emerging power groups, particularly in terms of strategic value and interests. The analysis will consider the impact of these changing geopolitical dynamics from an African perspective, with a particular focus on South Africa’s position within these multilateral groupings, or ‘club governance’, in pursuing the African agenda, as well as prospects for, and role within BRIC(S?). Potgieter Th. University of Stellenbosch, South Africa South Africa and Maritime Power in the Indian Ocean South Africa has easy access to the sea through its excellent network of ports and it is situated astride an important sea route, regarded as one of the “links” be-

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tween East and West. Maritime power in the Indian Ocean and maritime power projection into the Indian Ocean region is therefore a consistent and important theme in South African history. For centuries the Cape of Good Hope was crucial for controlling the route to the East and power projection into the Indian Ocean. During the Cold War South Africa aligned itself with the West and in an effort to create a bulwark against what was regarded as communist expansion, it shared the defence responsibility of the Cape Sea Route with Britain. After the Simon’s Town Agreement (concluded between South Africa and Britain in 1955) was cancelled in 1975 and a mandatory United Nations arms embargo against South Africa was instituted in 1977, South Africa had to take full responsibility for its maritime security. After the political transition (1994) South Africa’s maritime involvement in the Indian Ocean region was enhanced, it undertook diplomatic, assistance and relief operations in the region and started a process of closer military co-operation. Regional security (as an all-embracing concept) was emphasized and the South African Navy developed closer ties with Indian Ocean powers and states projecting their power into the Indian Ocean. The contemporary emphasis on the Indian Ocean is obvious, as due to the importance of energy security and the substantial cargoes traversing it, the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean is obvious. As the dominant maritime power in sub-Sahara Africa, South Africa’s involvement in the Indian Ocean could be regarded as an imperative. Schoeman M. University of Pretoria, South Africa

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Of BRICs and Mortar: the Growing Relations between Africa and the Global South The ambitions of the global South for a larger share of global wealth and political power are at least partly being played out on the African continent. A snapshot of the scope and nature of the involvement of the BRICs and other emerging markets in Africa is provided, focusing on the economic (trade, investment and development assistance) and political spheres of these growing relations. The paper concludes, first, that increasing Africa-South relations indicate a relative decline in Africa-North ties, that the shift in Africa’s trade relations from North to South results in trade creation rather than trade diversion and that South partners provide much needed infrastructure development assistance to the continent. Politically these relations are formalized in a host of frameworks and associations and operate in fundamentally different ways from those between Africa and its erstwhile colonial masters. It is doubtful, though, to what extent Africa’s capacity to influence the global agenda is strengthened, especially given that not a single African country is (yet) a member of the ‘South Big Four’, the BRIC.

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Usov V.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Indian Investments in African Agriculture and the Question of ‘Land Grabbing’ Indian achievements in agriculture and biotechnologies attracted a lot of interest in Africa. Since 1990s a number of projects in this field were developed between India and African countries. One of the first experiment in transferring knowledge and skills gained under India's Green Revolution to Africans was launched in Burkina Faso in 1999 and successfully completed in 2002. In April 2008, the India-Africa Forum Summit had identified Agriculture as a priority economic area and prepared a framework for India-Africa Cooperation. Nowadays Indian companies, backed by government loans, have bought or leased hundreds of thousands of hectares in Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Senegal and Mozambique, where they are growing rice, sugar cane, maize and lentils to feed their domestic market. A number of farmers from Punjab have also on their own initiative migrated to these countries and begun cultivation. According to statistics provided by governments of various countries in east Africa, more than 80 Indian companies have invested about 1 USD billion in buying huge plantations in countries in eastern Africa that will be used to grow foodgrain for the domestic market. But agricultural investments could be good news for Africa, bringing jobs, capital, know-how, access to markets and infrastructure – only if they are done right. Not only India but various non-African countries – China, South Korea, Britain and the Arab Gulf states have been taking over huge tracts of farmland in Africa by lease or purchase, to produce food or bio-fuels for their own use. The cheap cost of African land is the main driver for such a trend which scale is so impressive that many of the deals are widely condemned as ‘land grabbing’, driving people off the land and taking scarce resources away from people. However these land leases carry with them huge risks, as recent deals demonstrate. The most impressive example is Madagascar, where the announcement of a 99-year contract to lease 1.3 million hectares to South Korea's Daewoo corporation to grow corn helped to trigger civil unrest and then the coup d'état. "Madagascar's land is neither for sale nor for rent," said the new leader, Andry Rajoelina, who cancelled the deal. So for any non-African investors in African agriculture, including Indian companies, there is a real risk that if the African countries that are leasing their land fall into difficulties in feeding their own populations, the first resource they will turn to is the foreign plantations on their territory. Governments that cannot feed their populations face overthrow, and certainly will break contracts without hesitation.

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Panel 6. THE CIVILIZATIONAL PARADIGM OF WORLD ORDER AND AFRICA Convener: Prof. Igor Sledzevski

Batalina A.L. State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia Algeria and France: Problems of Equal Cooperation The war in Algeria was the most bloody and costly war, which was led by France in its colonies that wanted to gain independence. Losses of French troops in Algeria exceeded those in Indochina. One reason was that France considered Algeria not as a colony but as a department, a French territory, such as, for example, Brittany. In Algeria in the 50s “according to various sources more than 30% of Algerian population were French citizens”, while the elite of the country consisted mostly of French. Algerians didn’t participate in political life of their country. During this period there was a very intensive labor migration between these two countries. Moreover, the labor migration of Algerians to France did not stop during the period of the war for independence in Algeria. After obtaining independence Algeria’s cooperation with former metropoly was not completely stopped. France provided Algeria with financial assistance to help with labor training and industrial developmant. In addition, the close relationship between these two countries there were close cultural ties, established in colonial times. However, Algeria always sought to break ties with the former metropoly, while France looked at Algeria as its own territory even after the adoption of the constitution of the Algerian Republic. Today plays an important role is played by labor migration to France, as well as the problem of assimilation of the Algerian population.

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Bobokhonov R.S. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Salafi Islam in the Dialogue of Civilizations Today, the process of fragmentation of world's religions into various currents, trends, sects, etc. is not yet complete. Religious (and respectively mental) map of the world is constantly changing, and it promotes the formation of a new civilizational consciousness for many people around the world. In recent years, the most serious ideological challenge to the integrity of the world of Islam became the challenge of radical Islam that Islamic researchers call Salafism, or "pure Islam", and traditional Muslim leaders - Wahhabism. In the Muslim world there is a slowly growing conflict between traditional and Salafi Islam. Moreover, the increasing pace of Salafi Islam exerts an enormous influence on the world of Islam and its role in inter-civilizational dialogue. Talk about "Islamic extremism" and "Islamic terror-

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ism" that are linked to Salafi Islam, exacerbates the conflict between Islam and the West. If today's traditional Islam actively participates in the Dialogue of Civilizations, the Salafi Islam is trying to prevent the development of this project. Distribution of Salafism has caused serious internal conflicts in several countries, and in some cases, as noted above, provoked civil war. The most vulnerable are Salafi Islamic communities with a low level of religious literacy. As we can see, there will come a moment in history when the world community (especially the West) will not only engage in dialogue with the traditional Islamic world, but also with its radical part – Salafi Islam. Dmitriev R.V. Moscow State Pedagogical University, Russia Peculiarities of Urbanisation Processes on the Upper Floors of the Settlement System in Africa The article is concerned with evolution of urban settlement structures. It speaks in detail about the megalopolis’s shaping in Africa. Special attention is paid to theoretical aspects of their formation in developed and developing countries. Gorokhov S.A. Moscow State Pedagogical University, Russia Place of Africa in the Arena of Global Confrontation between Christianity and Islam This paper is concerned with the place of Africa in the relationship between Islam and Christianity. It speaks in detail about the trends of religious communities’ territorial development. Much attention is given to spatial analysis of their population sizes.

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Greenstein R. University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa Alternative Modernity and the Discourse of Development in Post-apartheid South Africa The paper explores the notion of alternative modernity as an important but controversial theme in the discourse of development in post-apartheid South Africa. It understands that concept as an attempt to combine modern technological advances with real or imaginary African historical and cultural forms. The extent to which different social and political actors adopt this approach varies, and the paper examines their perspectives and their implications for South African post-apartheid transformation. Based on theoretical elaboration of the meanings of modernity and development in general, and specifically in the African context, the paper examines the approaches of key actors: the South African government, the ANC as a ruling party

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under former President Mbeki, the ANC as a party under President Zuma, forces on the Left in alliance with the ANC (the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South Africa Trade Unions), and the independent Left (mostly organized as radical social movements). The paper argues that development discourse has shifted between mainstream approaches used by the government (which pay no more than lip service to the ‘alternative’ dimension) and dissident approaches that reject the quest for modernity – as it is commonly understood – as inherently tainted by global relations of power, in which South Africa, Africa and the Third world broadly are doomed to marginalization. In between these poles, the ruling party and its allies have been debating how to steer a course of action that would retain the goal of development but with a local twist (reflecting South Africa’s unique history). Whether this twist amounts to a real difference in policy or merely an attempt to appear progressive is an issue also discussed, as is the relevance for understanding the contemporary social and political scene. Issaev L.M. State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

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Arab League Summit in Baghdad: Time for Renewal At the end of March 2010 in Sirte (Libya) took place the 22nd Summit of the League of Arab States (LAS) during which it was decided to hold the next Summit in Iraqi capital – Baghdad. But there was no consensus on this issue. Before the beginning of an extraordinary Arab League Summit in Sirte in October 2010, leader of the Libyan revolution Muammar Gaddafi said his country will seek to transfer the meeting from Baghdad to Cairo, where the headquarters of the Arab League are situated. His position was that Iraq couldn’t ensure the security of participants. However it is hard to believe that the Libyan side will succeed in doing so. The upcoming Arab League Summit in Baghdad in March 2011 carries a fairly large symbolic value. For the first time in 20 years heads of Arab States will meet in Iraq. Since its invasion of Kuwait in 1990 till the present day Iraq was pushed to the periphery of inter-Arab politics. But it is one of the founding members of the Arab League; that signed on March 22, 1945 the Charter of LAS. Decision to hold the Summit of the League in Baghdad was a "goodwill gesture" by the Arab states towards Iraq and its new government. In addition, taking such decisions at a summit in Sirte, where on the top of the agenda was the question related to Israeli settlements in Jerusalem and further possibility of support by the Arab League of the U.S. peace initiative in the Middle East, Arab leaders have expressed a "confidence vote" in Barack Obama, welcoming thus his position on the suspension of construction of settlements and the decision to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq. The Arab League summit in Baghdad should also choose a new Secretary General of the organization - a term the current head of the Arab League Amre Moussa will expire in May 2011, therefore, it is important to note that the position of Egypt that traditionally "delivers" its diplomats to this post is strongly shaken. Recently Egypt has developed an uneasy relationship with some Arab countries such as Syria, Qatar and Algeria.

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Katagoshchina I.T. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Education in Africa in the Context of Civilisational Dynamics Education is one of the crucial issues in the history of mankind being directly related to culture and politics. With globalization in progress and as a result the world undergoing rapid changes, education that brings knowledge and shapes human mentality becomes a decisive force in development the across the world, including the African continent. The significance of education for Africa is especially important today as due to historical circumstances the decisive role in the life of the continent, especially in Tropical Africa, belongs to European culture that made a radical impact on the destiny of the region and continues to have a powerful influence on different spheres of life of African society (that can be felt everywhere), on the sphere of education in Africa among others, with European culture constituting its foundation. The fact that western education, by introducing its values, shapes the mentality and thus creates a new culture; it promotes a cultural evolution of individuals while affecting or undermining the traditional practices, customs, beliefs, values and, hence, it contributes to the development of a different kind of personality. This puts to the fore, in Africa, the issue of cultural identity, and stimulates discussions as to whether it is desirable to substitute education that is “eurocentrist” by its nature for an education with an afrocentrist bias. But in that case, what values will African children – who are destined to live in a world of civilisational break-ups, advances and unpredictable changes – absorb? Another aspect of the problem in question refers to the connection of education, first of all higher education, with economics and production. Education is in high demand in Africa. Education is favourable primarily because it provides one with an opportunity to get a promotion to a lucrative post, to raise one’s status, to become rich and enjoy comfort. Children are interested in knowledge, in novelties that provoke their interest. Educated people, however, do not remain themselves in rural areas; they go to cities in search of a job or go abroad, mainly to the West, to continue studies or for employment. This is a sore problem because lack of relevant qualified personnel aggravates unemployment and affects villages depriving them of prospects. In this connection an opinion has been expressed suggesting that priority in development strategies should be given to rural areas as well as to primary and secondary education which is closer to the village dwellers and their needs and can help villages to cope with their problems, especially if the villages are provided with the necessary infrastructure, i.e. electricity, roads, technical equipment, transport facilities and facilities for leisure including sport games, television, cinema, etc. Isn’t this project an evidence of the fact that modernization is wholesome and some civilisational progress is feasible? Higher education in Africa is a special item. African universities have very insignificant relevance to the needs of common people, especially to village communities. By the nature of their knowledge they are directed toward international standards and are in great demand in Africa. Here, too, a civilisational rift can be ob-

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served for these institutions are destined to cast and produce a modern intellect that is necessary today to get Africa integrated in the international community and to promote socio-cultural transformation and integration at home. Moseiko A.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Role of Traditional Substrate of Civilization of Tropical Africa (CTA) and the Shaping of Original Development Paradigm Nowadays African countries face systemic crisis which is based on the crisis of CTA. The great distress that exists across modern African countries is the evidence and outcome of an actual failure of the modernization project based on classical western concept. Those countries which use western concept as a “starting ground” but take their own cultural and historical traditions as a base (such as Japan, South Korea, India, China) are likely to be considered as successful. In a different way fate stroke countries of Tropical Africa that during one and a half century faced all the miseries of European invasion: slavery, colonization, economic and social dependence, and most important – the violence against culture, its humiliation and defamation. As an outcome one could see a dangerous alienation of some Africans from their own culture as primitive and barbaric, and the borrowing of alien values. The traditional substrate of CTA became undermined, and that led to the civilizational crisis. In the course of modernization two processes became apparent – transformation that is grounded on the western ideas of enlightenment and emancipation from tradition; and restoration, that is displayed in different ways: spontaneous break of traditional forms, controlled usage of traditional structures in the political and economic interests, declaration by intellectuals about the necessity of renaissance of the original culture. The sad results of the modernization project – crisis in all spheres of life – issue the challenge or inevitable task to find a new paradigm, an original development model, which is based on traditions and values of your own culture, rejection of western influence. The search for one’s own particular way of development isn’t without difficulties: breaking ties with western countries could mean economic collapse; the maintenance of ties with western capital will lead to a new turn of dependence. However, most people in TA countries do understand the necessity of addressing the heritage of their own culture, the necessity of renaissance of “oppressed identities”. The ideas of afrocentrism, African renaissance, the revival of some thesis of negritude denote rethinking of the African culture’s meaning and its role in the process of modernization. The traditional CTA substrate has been undermined, but it did not perish. The CTA is coming through a transition, and we should remember the principle of traditional African rituals – living turnarounds and transformations – revival through destruction.

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Pantserev K.A. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia

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States of Tropical Africa in the Global Interdependent World: to the Question of the Formation of International Information Relations Nowadays it becomes evident that modern information technologies form the material and technical backbone, and infrastructure of the interdependent and integral international community of the XXI century. But it is obvious that only welldeveloped societies have such technologies. Regarding the African States, we’d like to remark that their telecommunication industry is fully based on Western technologies, and Western companies are involved in the construction of their information and communication infrastructure. This fact makes African States dependent on Western technologies and private investment. Such dependence is called information dependence. From time to time African States declare the necessity to revise the character of contemporary international information relations in order to play a more significant role. First attempts of elaboration of principles of democratic and double-sided exchange of information have been undertaken in the 1970s. By that time the vast majority of States have voiced anxiety that high-speed development of information technologies will lead only to the increase in distance between the poles of wealth and poverty, which will take the new dimension – an information dimension. These discussions have predetermined the appearance of the concept of the new information order, which is based on the structural reorganization of the information relations in order to take into account interests of the whole of international community of nations not just the privileged ones. In the boundary of XX-XXI centuries the discussions about the place of African States in the contemporary global interdependent world have restarted with even larger intensity. They were reflected in different program documents, which have been elaborated during different intergovernmental summits and conferences at a high level which were held under the aegis of UN and UNESCO, as well as in the G8 summits and within the EU-Africa dialog. But in all of these summits and conferences they are trying to find a global decision for the global problem, which supposes the rendering of the financial and technological assistance to African States which will lead to the strengthening of information dependence but not to overcoming it. Sledzevski I.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Test of Africa: A Civilisational Crisis of Overtaking Modernization Unfavourable results of development in majority of African states in the postcolonial period, first of all its growing dependence on external help, showed the failure of catch-up modernisation to which, in the twentieth century, all attempts to integrate African societies within international development were attributed. According to the criteria of social and political integration, preservation of society’s stability, human growth potential a failure of catch-up modernisation, as a strategy

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and means to transform the archaic societies into societies of modern civilisation, is observed. In the wake of the fall of national economies, domestic unrest and humanitarian disasters more attention is given to the civilisation dimension of African development. Civilisational comparisons can be observed when underdeveloped countries are looked at as the «Fourth world», «incapable of perception of modern type of progress», in low rating estimations of the solvency of the African states, negative images of Africa used by the Russian researchers (the deep South, violence and chaos centers, «the primitiveness sea», «Death civilization», etc). There is growing civilisational (ethical) criticism of the outcome of post-colonial development as such that does not conform to the moral standards of the unity of human society. Today, ethical criticism finds support among Africa’s thought – in modern African philosophy and theology. Responsibility for crisis in Africa rests not only with the injustices of globalisation, but also with the behaviour of many corrupt ruling elites, who could not avoid the «slavish imitation» of the West, and the behaviour of ordinary people willing to put up with poverty and social disorder. Such criticism should not only be seen as manifestation of sentiments and stereotypes of Europeans civilization consciousness. It has deeper roots, directly linked with social and mental crisis of overtaking model of modernisation in its post-colonial (essentially neocolonial) version. In some respects regular and necessary, catch-up modernization acquired in former African colonies the meaning of universal and obligatory «pass» to the present, of a normative and almost compulsory civilisational project. Philosophy and pragmatics of this project kept in touch with the ideals and myths of the colonial era, especially with ideas of imposition of civilisation as a way of altering traditions and customs of people’s life according to the dictate of authoritarian rule and always in its favour. However, with the collapse of colonial empires the main condition for the viability of tsuch project has disappeared or was greatly diminished – the presence of a separate political centre, independent from the local community-based worlds and able to connect them (practically and symbolically) with the «state» or «society» in the European sense. Already during the colonial period this condition was met with great difficulty and with persistent deviations from the standards of civilised life in the metropoly. With the transformation of state power into the ownership of African ruling groups it has retained more of a symbolic meaning. Reduction of external resource flows and falling interest in Africa after the Cold War also undermined the outer, symbolic civilisational status of many African states as members of international community. From this perspective, the African crisis of overtaking modernisation can be defined as a crisis of civilisation; it relegates weak African states into a disorder zone. The report examines the causes and consequences of the crisis, opportunities and prospects of getting out of it at the level of «cultural soil» – grass-roots people’s movements, ideas and beliefs. The experience of survival and self-organisation of African society, its own response to the destruction of a centuries-old African world – the religious revolution that is overtaking the continent, a spiritual transformation of the African tradition – is taken into account.

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Panel 7. CONFLICTS IN AFRICA FROM THE STANDPOINT OF THE END OF THE “COLD WAR”: BACKGROUND, MAJOR TYPES AND EFFECTS Sub-Panel: Ethnicity and Conflicts Convenor: Prof. Ismagilova Roza N.

Ismagilova R.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Ethnicity as a Source of Conflicts The problems of interethnic relations always will be among the most difficult issues in polyethnic states. The reason is not the existence of primordial antagonisms among ethnic communities, as it is sometimes explained, but such socioeconomic and political factors as competition for resources, inadequate state structure, bad governance and deliberate mobilisation of ethnicity to political ends in order to win a conflict. In an overwhelming majority of polyethnic states some ethnos’s (Basks in Spain; Irish in Britain; some ethnic groups in the post-Soviet states; Oromo in Ethiopia; Ogoni, Ijaw and other peoples in Nigeria; interethnic conflicts in Sudan – are just a few examples) demonstrate radical ethnic nationalism; and the state is still unable to oppose it with the formulas of social structure that can ensure civil equality irrespective of ethnic belonging, and grant ethno-cultural communities guarantees of the preservation of their culture and an equial participation in all spheres of public life, although one can easily find such assurances in the constitutions. It is well known that most African states are ethnocratic. They are controlled by one or several ethnic groups. This is the cause of discontent for other people especially ethnic minorities and express’s itself in political mobilisation, interethnic tension and conflicts. In Ethiopia in the past, the Amharisation policy was a major reason for dissatisfaction, ethnic tension and conflicts. The political domination of the Tigray after the fall of Mengistu's regime is a reason for discontent among other ethnic groups, namely, the Amhara, who lost their dominant position; Oromo; Afar; etc. The abrupt change in the balance of forces in Ethiopia left the Amhara embittered and hostile to other ethnoses. In Kenya in the period of presidency of Daniel arap Moi the dominant position of Kalenjin in politics was the reason for great discontent among other ethnic groups, especially Kikuyu and Luo. In Angola the situation wouldn’t be so tragic if Ovimbundu were not neglected. There are numerous other examples. Interethnic relations are also affected by ethnic stereotypes and such traditional social structures as occupational castes, domestic slavery and clan hierarchy that continue to exist in many African countries. Even now some people consider physical labour and handicraft humiliating occupations. The list of degrading professions includes blacksmiths' work, weaving, dyeing, etc. In a number of countries – Ethio-

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pia, Congo-Kinshasa, Angola, etc. – people from lower castes, even when reaching the highest echelons of party or state bodies, enjoy no real power and are simply ignored. Ethnicity is observed in African countries in various spheres of life, such as party activity, functioning of the government bodies, army, social and economic relations, culture, etc. To most people their ethnic belonging is much more important than their national (state) identity. Ethnicity and ethnic feelings are used by politicians to various ends. The social differentiation along ethnic lines, unequal access to government structures, legal and cultural discrimination, persisting ethnic hierarchy, and negative ethnic stereotypes and prejudices give rise to ethnic tension; at the same time, they are necessary conditions for ethnic mobilisation. Ethnic nationalism, which often acquires aggressive forms, is a tool of political mobilisation, of ensuring priority access to power and resources for the so-called title nationality. In the constitutions and programme documents of political parties there are important provisions concerning equality of all people, demands against ethnic discrimination, etc. Only a policy of respect for ethnic groups and their traditional cultures as the foundation of the ethnic policy’s concept, and the implementation of constitutional principles of dealing with ethnic problems will help gradual alleviation of tensions in the interethnic relations and improve the ethno-political situation. It is also necessary to implement laws against xenophobia, and ethnic and racial discrimination. The continuing ethnic tension and conflicts in many parts of the world, and aggressive nationalism are the reasons why the theoretical and practical interest in the self-determination of people, forms of organisation and various versions of federalism, including cultural ones, has strengthened so much in the recent years. Yenshu Vubo E. University of Buea, Cameroon

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Africa’s Ethnicity goes Underground: New Trends in Political Conflicts One can genuinely ask whether ethnic conflicts are over in Africa as many a country is moving towards democratization and forms of conflict resolution. There are signs that other taken-for- granted identity labels are replacing over confrontations between so-called ethnic groups within state boundaries. The aim is to explore three types of labels that are increasingly replacing ethnic confrontations but carry with it the same dynamics: - Conceptions that capture national identity in purist terms and thus argue for the exclusion of others such as immigrants or persons suspected of a doubtful nationality. Examples are the crafting of doubtful terminologies such as ivoirité and congolité and open hostility towards foreigners. Underlying this is the ethnic conception of the state which defines nationals in almost essentially ethnic terms or as coinciding with ethnic groups as they exist within state borders. - Religious essentialism which discards the former recourse to ethnic identity in favour of religious affiliation as the basis of political claims. This is the dynamics behind certain forms of religious fundamentalism such as was observed in the debate around the exclusive resort to the Shari’a in the northern states of Nigeria. Be-

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neath this attempts to call on religion as a factor of difference, one can observe the hidden hand of ethnic elements at a time when federalism in its present form had laid to rest the perennial animosity between North, East and West in that country. One can thus examine whether the call for Shari’a Law in northern Nigeria is not a belated or the very last attempt by the Hausa-Fulani to revive a Northern identity. There is also a need to examine the link between these manifestations and recurrent violence against non-Muslims whether from the south or within the region (witness the reported crisis that pits Muslims and others as in the incidents in Jos). - Autochthony discourses and claims that came to dominate Cameroon’s political landscape in the aftermath of the 1996 local elections and for some time after and that have tended to redefine minority status within Cameroon’s ethnic mosaic in terms of opposition between locals and “strangers” in some areas which have attracted immigrants (Centre, Littoral, South, South West). Ignoring and shifting attention away from the constitutional Anglophone minority question, it has also put into question the officially projected cosmopolitanism contained in the catch phrase “unity-in-diversity”. Behind these claims is a covert attempt to provide a dominant position to some groups in their “ethnic space” but also a statecraft that has generated a new alliance in purely ethnic terms between elites from the Beti-Bulu constellation (known in some literature as Pahouin) and the coastal Bantu groups under the new banner of Sawa. This is the outcome of political confrontations which redefined political alliances in the 1990s. Here ethnicity adopts the smokescreen of social problems and puts into question the will to building a consensual polity. This new forms of ethnicity prove that ethnicity is far from over although there is progress. Calchi Novati G.P. University of Pavia, Milan, Italy

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Historical, Ethnic, and Political Tension in the Horn from the Cold War to the Post-Bipolar System The balance of power and quest for hegemony in the area that encompasses the present-day States of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti, in addition to Sudan – the link between the proper Horn and the Nile Valley – presents a complex multifaceted picture with numerous inter-linkages. The Horn has suffered tension and permanent instability due to the unresolved conflicts between groups that, for reasons of nationality, linguistic and cultural affiliation, social status, etc., hold or are close to the power and the groups that, for the same reasons but with inverse results, are or feel excluded, exploited and marginalized. First come the feuds between the powers that have demonstrated their ability to control the human and physical pattern and on the other side the socio-political formations that did not have full access to sovereignty and resources. The ancient empires were replaced by modern states that, in turn, used history and myths to the detriment of populations which have been, over time, absorbed through cooptation and coercion up to slavery. The second dimension of unrest is represented by conflicts at the regional level. The population and states in the Horn compete much more frequently and fiercely

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amongst themselves than with foreign powers. The stakes include land, water, ports and economic riches, but also non-material goods such as sovereignty, power, and communalistic self-promotion. Traditions of statehood differ greatly from country to country and from community to community. The very presence of competitive models of statehood can warn or destabilize the ruling governments. The third level of tension or belligerence refers to the repercussions of the great policy and the transposition of international conflicts into the Horn. Although colonialism displayed all the traits of a foreign intrusion, it differed in the fact that it constituted an alien jurisdiction exercised from within. The European nations exploited local cleavages to reach their own objectives sponsoring and backing those who could facilitate their expansion. Due to the mismanagement of the rights to self-determination, after decolonization the Horn became a theatre of permanent warfare with continuous interference of the East-West confrontation. The double or triple crisis went to a conclusion in 1991 in coincidence with the end of bi-polar system. Ironically, the sole un-ethnic nationalism got its ends with Eritrea’s independence. In the meantime, the Great Tradition pursued in Ethiopia via the Solomonic dynasty and the Coptic Church has been dismissed by the post-Derg government, who invented a federalism based upon hypothetical ethnic identities. Both the collapse of state in Somalia and the newly re-launched belligerence between Ethiopia and Eritrea lined along the main cleavages of the international (dis)order. Despite their claiming to pursue national projects, Horn states still pay the price to the enduring asymmetries of the CenterPeriphery relationships. The uncertain role of Italy, the former colonial master. Taddia I. University of Bologna, Italy

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The Horn of Africa partitioned 1980-2000: Endogenous and External Factors in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somaliland-Somalia Politics The Horn of Africa has always been an important strategic geographic site for international trade between Western nations and Asiatic and Middle-Eastern regions. Ethiopia - Eritrea: Many African countries have recently experienced a crisis of legitimacy of nation-states inherited by colonialism. Failure of nation building, lack of political legitimacy, regionalism, the power of military force. Eritrea, on the contrary, reminds us the nature of a state developed within exactly the colonial borders. Modern Ethiopia was constructed during colonialism, its new borders were settled during the scramble as a product of negotiations with European powers. Ethiopia emerged as a modern state during the clash with colonialism, preserved the independence (if we exclude the period 1935-41) but at the same time was profoundly affected by international relations and foreign diplomacy. Post cold war rapidly changed the internal and external politics of the area. Somalia between fragmentation and nationalism: the present discussion deals also with the issue of fragmentation and unification of the Greater Somalia during the latter half of 20th century. Although the collapse of the Somali State has causes that are profoundly endogenous, foreign involvement cannot be ignored. Pluridisciplinary research and in depth analysis of the historical background will enable us to

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explore the relationship between state collapse and the end of the cold war, with special regard to the globalization process. Moreover, such an approach may account for the current strength of political Islam in Somalia, in relation to its ability to deliver practical solutions to social needs and to connect Somali businessmen to Gulf-based sources of finance. The paper is an attempt to investigate local crisis, state collapse and international hegemony in a contest of a critical analysis based field work experience. Mezyaev A.B. Academy of Management “TISBI”, Kazan, Russia

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African Conflicts in the Mirror of the International Courts at the Beginning of the XXI Century African conflicts are the subject of international deliberation in international courts for a long time. However, by the end of XX – beginning of XXI century marked the emergence of new trends. First, was the emergence of a new international court – the International Criminal Court. Second, the increased use by African countries of existing courts, in particular the International Court of Justice, the Permanent Court of International Arbitration, and the African Commission and the Court on Human Rights. Third, the creation of new, specialized African courts, especially the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. At the same time, the analysis of these international judicial institutions shows that, in general, for conflict resolution they are of little use. In our view, the main reason for this is the fact that to date the international community has failed to create a truly independent and impartial international judicial body. Study of African conflicts on the basis of decisions of international courts has significant flaws. This is due to two main reasons. First, a number of courts were created not to establish the truth, but rather to distort it. Second, judicial decisions contain a significant number of "facts" that either have no sufficient confirmation in court, but are "blessed" for political reasons by the imposition on them of an international judicial decisions; or, conversely, do not contain critically important information, albeit presented to the court but not adopted by it, sometimes even without any explanation. At the same time, it should be noted that, in general, the materials of cases involving African conflicts in the international courts in aggregate (and not just the final judgments) are a very important source for their study by historians, political scientists and lawyers. Study of a number of cases, primarily related to conflicts in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including transcripts of meetings and documents from the defense show that the final judgments are not consistent with the facts that were at courts disposal, and that courts ignored many documents presented to them. International judicial decisions regarding African conflicts are the basis for their further study, particularly, in order to restore the truth significantly distorted by these decisions.

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Zhukov A.E. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Eastern Sudan After The Signing Of The ESPA: a “Bad Peace” in The Shadow of Sudan's Two Other Crisis’s? In October 2006 a low-intensity warfare in Sudan's East ended with the signing of the Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) between the government in Khartoum and the Eastern Front, a coalition of local rebel forces (The Beja Congress and The Rashaida Free Lions). The ESPA followed another peace deal for Sudan, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was sealed in January 2005 putting an end to twenty-two years of a much more violent and large-scale conflict in Sudan's South. Thereafter, the CPA-related problems raised far more attention in the international media and political circles than those challenges which go back to the ESPA. According to the latter, the Government of National Unity (GoNU) in Khartoum agreed to share power with the Beja Congress and committed itself to respect political rights of the Beja and other ethnic minorities in the country's East. However, in the aftermath of Sudan's general elections in 2010, several ex-leaders of the Eastern Front spoke in their criticism of the regime, alleging electoral fraud and accusing the ruling party of subsequent economic and political marginalization of the Beja ethnic group. The prospect of the South's secession in 2010 and the danger of new tensions between South and North raise questions about the future of Sudan's East. The ongoing violent conflict in Darfur is believed to further undermine political stability in Eastern Sudan, given the well-known links between some of the rebel groups in Darfur and ex-members of the Eastern Front. This paper seeks to analyze the progress in the implementation of the ESPA since 2006 in light of general political situation in Sudan. It also aims to assess the risks of eastern Sudanese groups' going back to war if the tensions between South and North spiral out of control.

Sub-Panel: Conflicts in Africa: Sources and Typology

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Convenor: Nikolay Kosukhin Dr. Sc.(Hist.)

Ansorg N. Free University of Berlin, Germany The Impact of Natural Resources on Regional Conflict Systems in Sub-Saharan Africa Since the end of the 1990s, there is an enormous amount of literature in peace and conflict studies on the impact of natural resources on civil wars. Some of these studies either confirm the finding of the importance of resources for the start and duration of civil wars; others decline it as too simple approach that neglects other

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factors regarding identity of collective actors in civil wars or the role of failed state structures. Although the role of natural resources in internal wars has consequently been the focus of manyanalyses in peace and conflict studies, it is mostly neglected for the question of the regional diffusion of militant violence. Nevertheless, the significance of natural resources for the regional diffusion of militant violence and thus the emergence of regional conflict systems should not be underestimated. Since the end of the Cold War, this can be seen in many regional conflict systems in Sub-Saharan Africa, but also in other parts of the non-OECD world. The main interest of the paper is therefore the analysis of the impact of natural resources on the emergence and diffusion of regional conflict systems. In the theoretical part of the paper, the concept of regional conflict systems is presented. From asocial constructivist perspective it is argued that not only one factor at a time plays a crucial role in the emergence of regional conflict systems, but that there is always an interaction between structural factors on the one hand and causal factors on the other. In a combined approach first the structural framing conditions and the background for the emergence of particular actors, interests and motives are analyzed. In a second step, the historical and chronological interactions, processes and dynamics are of particular interest. This model and the role of natural resources in combination with other possible factors for the regional diffusion of violence will be applied to different case studies in Sub-Saharan Africa since the end of the Cold War. Battera F. University of Trieste, Italy

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The Importance of Local Dimension in Contemporary African Conflicts After the Somali crisis of the Nineties, warlordism emerged as a political category in weak states – for the first time in Zartman (Collapsed States: The Disintegration and the Restoration of Legitimacy and Authority, 1995), Clapham (Africa and the International System: The Politics of State Survival, 1996) and Reno (Warlord Politics and African States, 1998) – and developed later on gaining an increasing impetus at the event of other political crisis, not confined to the African context only. The same debate inaugurated by Collier and Hoeffler (On the Economic Causes of Civil War, 1998) on the economic causes of civil wars though critically analyzed by Arnson and Zartman (Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed, 2005) gives strong support to those who looks to the privatization of violence as a possible trajectory of weak states. Starting from the paradigmatic case of Somalia and moving to other (RDC, Sudan, Chad, Sierra Leone, etc.) such paper seeks to contribute to understand warlordism as an apparent trend in contemporary African conflicts. Warlordism is here considered as an activity of private nature, centred on a private actor. One of the main theses of this paper is that in post-ideological conflicts too ample opposition groupings are difficult to maintain in the long run and difficulties to exert by a single organisation the full monopoly of violence becomes evident. The effect is a growing development and proliferation of small or middle actors on the ground, who once they have chosen the way of violence become warlords compromising therefore any effort to bring conflicts to an end.

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Bello O. Fride, Madrid, Spain Corporate Actors in Post-Cold War African Conflicts: Case-Study of American Mineral Fields (AMF)

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As a company whose allegiance shifted continuously from the government to anti-government forces in the DRC conflict (1997-2006), American Mineral Fields Incorporated (AMF) is broadly illustrative of pivotal roles being played by networked commercial actors in contemporary African conflicts. By aligning with states’ functionaries in conflict, the company became a part of intervenor states and their political elites’ war-commercial strategies, fundamentally influencing the trajectory of hostilities as well as peacemaking.1 AMF was founded by Jean-Raymond Boulle, Mauritius-born British citizen resident in Monaco, who controlled a clutch of companies with the help of his personal portfolio manager operating out of a small flat in the Belgian city of Antwerp. This analysis, based on more than 4 years of field investigation and interviews of key actors spread over three continents, weaves discussions of the militarily connected commercial entity into unconventional forms of statecraft employed by military and political elites from the Great lakes region of Africa to further wartime mining interests in the Congo. This research chronicles AMF’s career in the Congo, setting it in the context of an emergent category of corporate actors in African conflicts - neither falling into the conventional multinational company category nor outrightly representative of the much depicted criminal commercial in enterprises in UN and experts’ reports or even in popular discourses of African “resource wars”. 2 I propose to problematise the “states-backed” character of the company, questioning the extent to which its “corporate” operational strategies puts it in a different analytical light than the prototypical multinational enterprise in a conflict zone. Boulle himself started out in the DR Congo in 1997 professing admiration for Cecil Rhodes - the British-born architect of white-minority rule in Zimbabwe – and his dream of establishing an African mining empire that will stretch from the Cape to Cairo. I examine the vicissitudes that continually tempered this corporate empire ambition, analysing how the once

1 Allying itself at different times to either the Congolese government and its foreign backers or the regional anti-government coalition of Rwanda, Uganda and Congolese militias opposed to the government, it formed a critical lynchpin in the extensive transnational mining networks around powerful foreign state functionaries, well-connected entrepreneurs and diverse Congolese armed groups, all utilising military and political power as leverage for commercial access and other advantages in wartime. 2 A number of enterprises investigated by the UN Experts’ Panel operated in the AMF mode, including Afrimex (subject of ongoing investigation by the UK government for suspected violations of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises), and the Zimbabwelinked Oryx Natural Resources, and CAMEC (also investigated by South Africa in 2007). Certain subsidiaries of established corporations also fit in this mould, including the De Beers subsidiary of Anglo American Corporations (AAC), which entered into a “concession war” with AMF in spite of the social responsibility credentials of its own parent company.

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cordial relations between the AMF and the Kinshasa government turned sour after the rupture of the DRC-Rwanda-Uganda regional alliance. I then show how this led the company’s operatives to pursue a two-pronged strategy of accommodating the eccentric Laurent Kabila administration in the DRC, while robustly confronting rival mining interests seeking to supplant AMF’s influence in Congo’s lucrative mining. The duplicitous, double game played by the company when it covertly supported the second Rwanda and Uganda invasion to dethrone Kabila in 1998 is also put under the spotlight. I then draw up a detailed profile of the KMT project – by far AMF’s most coveted mining acquisitions - showing how it went from being a veritable national economic lifeline for the Congo to becoming Boulle’s private fief. As, the world’s single largest deposit of copper and cobalt residues, it deserves a special focus in discussions of how AMF’s career was forged amidst a bitter concession row. Finally, I examine the series of twists and transformations in the AMF’s public identity – changing first into Adastra, before being acquired by an opaque Canadian interest which reincorporated it as First Quantum Minerals (FQM) under Canadian laws. From the AMF’s questionable dealings with opposing sides in the DRC conflict, to its conflict with rival miners over the highly lucrative Kolwesi Project, down to the high profile spat between the DRC and Ottawa in late 2010 over the revocation of FQM’s mining concessions in the DRC, my analyses will provide a rare insight into the nature and influence exercised by networked mining enterprises on evolution of peace and conflict in one Africa’s most fragile regional contexts post-Cold War. Fahrutdinova N.Z. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Religious Aspect of Conflicts in Sudan and Algeria It is customary to search for religious explanation to various conflicts, and you can always find it especially with such religion as islam. It is true that religious worldview is dominant in muslim countries. But analysis of events in Sudan and Algeria, the search for settlement of complicated social-economic and political problems, internationalization of these conflicts show that such explanation is wrong. While they were speaking about the error of using shariat law in Christian regions another large conflict broke out in a muslim region – Darfur. Another situation is in Algeria. The obvious reason for the conflict were the actions of Algerian islamists seeking power. But their motives too were far from religion. However muslims themselves are eager to protect their religion from charges of extremism and terrorism. Using Koran as the basis muslim jurists and philosophers have developed a legal system, which proves peaceful nature of their religious ideology and practice. Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights declares that human life is sacred; its protection needs every effort. In this connection it is useful to mention the constitution of Medina, which is a first–ever document that expresses and regulates civilized legal relations between representatives of different faiths. The true causes of conflicts in Sudan and Algeria are much deeper and it is our goal to uncover them.

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Grishina N.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Piracy in the Horn of Africa Region: Main Approaches to Solution of the Problem The first decade of the XXI century has been marked by a drastic increase in the number of pirate assaults on civil shipping in the region of the Horn of Africa. The activity of Somali pirates is of a particular concern for the international community. The problem arises from the extremely low living standards of the majority of Somali people, due to the long internal conflict and the absence of centralized power in this country. Separate bandit attacks, for which old boats were used, have grown to become a well-managed business. Nowadays, pirates poses up-to-day ammunition, vessels and communication; and are able to take a large oil tanker and even fight with warships. Because of Somali administration’s total inability to stop the sea pirates, the international community had to cope with the task of providing safe navigation in this region. Now the waters that wash the Horn of Africa are patrolled by warships and helicopters that belong to international coalitions “Ocean Shield” and “Atalanta”. Destruction of the coast-based pirate bases is considered as a radical method. But the key solution rests in settling the internal situation in Somalia by the Somali administration, helped by the UN peacekeepers. Kosuchin N.D. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Conflicts of a New Generation in Africa 1. In the age of globalization, the growth of inequality in the distribution of wealth and economic power at the global level, predatory overexploitation of natural resources, intensification of the struggle for markets, as well as poverty and underdevelopment contribute to the emergence of identity conflicts on ethno-regional basis. 2. The conflicts of “younger generation” are the result of crisis and even disintegration of state institutions (Sierra-Leone, Liberia, Somalia, DRK and etc). The origin of conflict situations is power struggle in the system of political relations. In some countries, conflicts take the form of coups, civil disobedience, protests against corruption and “bad governance”. These factors create a situation of chronic instability of the system of political power and the political process assumes the crisisconflict nature. Mandrup Th. Royal Danish Defence College Institute of Strategy, Denmark The fragility of the Kenyan State and the role of none-state actors? Looking from the outside, the nature of war has changed dramatically in the last part of the 20th century. There is a dichotomy between war as a societal interaction

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and warfare as the domain of the state. The lack of capacity of the predominately Third World states to control conflicts has led to low-intensity conflict (LIC), which can be witnessed in for instance Uganda, DR. Congo, Colombia and Sri Lanka (O´Brien 1998 p. 80) Since the end of the Cold War it has been quite common that weak state rulers with judicial state legitimacy, but without empirical legitimacy, have continued to possess international recognition because of international fear that they are the only “fence” against a total collapse. This paved the way for Private Military and Security Providers like for instance Executive Outcome (EO), and to a sub-contracting, willingly or unwillingly, of States monopoly on the use of violence to non-state actors, semi-state actors in an attempt to secure the often weak state leaders’ position. These leaders have an advantage over their non-state rivals, because they can, with acceptance from the global community and in accordance with international law, seek military help outside their countries. Nevertheless, the privatisation and sub-contracting of state monopoly to non-state actors is a sign of state weakness and is, for the weak and vulnerable states, highly problematic. As Jakkie Cilliers correctly has observed there is a considerable difference between the costbenefit considerations, which are behind some of the outsourcing to PMSCs of certain tasks in the western countries, and the outsourcing of the core functions of the state, which we have been witnessing in Africa. As Wulf has pointed out these two developments are part of two parallel processes, one being the top-down decision to privatise functions in the military sphere to private actors, and then the bottom up privatisation taking place in the weak states, where the private, civilian to use a Habermasian phrase, is taking over state functions due to the sheer weakness of the latter. The well know consequence has been that large sections of territories has been in the direct control of these non-states providers of (in-)security.1 This paper investigates the fault-lines and fragility of the Kenya state visible for instance during the 2007/08 post-election violence, and scrutinizes the role of none-state sources of security in Kenyan society. Prokopenko L.Ya. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Mediation by African Leaders in the Settlement of Regional Conflicts: Progress and Challenges In the 1990-2000s personal mediation has become a widespread international practice in resolution of conflicts. International prestige of some African leaders has allowed them to mediate and to make a significant contribution to the preservation of security in Africa and in the world. Their efforts have contributed to the efficiency of their peacemaking and to ceasing prolonged violent conflicts on the continent: N. Mandela (South Africa) and J. Nyerere (Tanzania) were mediators in the 1 Chris Dietrich has moved this argument even further using the term “semi-parastatal” privatisation of war to describe, for instance, the previous Zimbabwean military involvement in the war in the DRC from 1998-2002, and which to some extent also could be said about some states’ troop contributions to the UN. (Dietrich ??) In the Zimbabwean case, a national army was “lent” out to another state in return for resources in – it could be argued – direct competition with “private” entrepreneurs.

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reconciliation of opposing parties in the old war in Burundi, F. Chiluba (Zambia) and T. Mbeki (South Africa) were the coordinators in settling the conflict in the DRC, President of Mali S. Toure participated in the mediation while resolving the crisis in the CAR, and the Egyptian President H. Mubarak was a key mediator for settling conflicts not only in Africa but also in the Middle East. African leaders fulfill mediatory functions as UN Special Envoys (former President of Mozambique J. Chissano), as well as coordinators for conflict resolution from the Organization of African Unity (now African Union) and other regional organizations (such as former Presidents K. Kaunda and F. Chiluba (Zambia), T. Mbeki (South Africa)). Some of them continued their peacemaking activities even after the end of their presidential terms. They used many proven methods of mediation, including the so-called "quiet" and "shuttle” diplomacy. When resolving the political crisis in Zimbabwe active efforts have been made by former and by current leaders of South Africa and Zambia. The current South African President J. Zuma continues to pursue a policy of "quiet diplomacy" in relations with Zimbabwe initiated by T. Mbeki. T. Mbeki’s merit in resolving the conflict in Sudan has been substantial. The success of retired African presidents, who ceded power in a democratic way, as international mediators is due to their experience and to possibility to act as peacemakers in conflicts. An important factor is also the fact that respect for former heads of state is a requirement of the African tradition of respect for elders. The practice of recent decades has shown that the efficiency of mediation by African leaders is achieved owing largely to their compliance with the principles of objectivity and impartiality. In the 2000s the influence of the factor of politician’s image, of the image of politics and of political process as a whole, which has grown into a global trend, has substantially increased in Africa as well. Under the present-day conditions national and international image of the African ruling elite, including that of its leaders who mediate in the settlement of regional conflicts, becomes one of the strategic aspects in the national foreign policy.

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Sabo R.P. Peoples` Friendship University of Russia Religious Factor in Political Process Nigeria is usually characterized as a deeply divides state in which major political issues are strongly and violently resisted along ethnic, religious and regional divisions. Since 1999 Nigerian transition to civil rule, there has been a rapid increase in religious conflicts. The implementation of sharia Law and it expansion from personal to criminal aspect in 12 states brought about one of the most turbulent cases of public policies in the contemporary history of Nigeria. Identities have historically been significant in Nigerian political process, especially Muslim vs Christian, North vs South. Hausa-Fulani a dominate Muslim tribe in the North vs Yoruba, Igbo a dominate Christian tribes in the South. Religious difference where given importance in conceiving and implementing social, educational and economic development

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policies. Therefore religion is one of major form of identity of politics, which is very critical in Nigerian society. Religious extremism spring from religious identity, and such extremist groups demonstrate considerable intolerance both towards their co-religion and other religions. In Nigeria, extremist of all regions react to social, economic and political crises. The political elite often have always sought to manipulate the multifaceted identity, especially the religious divisions, during political competitions and this has given rise to conflicts and instability in Nigeria, most especially in the Northern part of the country. This politicization of religious identities for the contest for political power in Nigeria is often devoid of any sustaining unifying theme or ideology. Religious strife between Christian and Muslim in northern part of Nigeria has left thousand dead, wounded and many rendered homeless over the years. A claim by the international religious freedom, that 12000 people have been killed in sectarian and communal attack and reprisal between Muslim and Christian. I will like to propose the following as a means of resolving religious conflict in Nigeria: 1) Culprit must be held accountable for their atrocities committed, irrespective of their social status. 2) Peace conferences be held regularly involving youth groups from various religions. 3) Government should urgently address the social and economic need of the society and provide a compromising political arrangement. 4) Religious leaders must meet regularly to talk and discourage extremism among members. 5) Government should plan ahead of time to safe guards sensitive place on election day and after. 6) Traditional, religious leaders, government officials, students, NGO, academicians should create a model of conflict prevention. 7) Compliance, if necessary government may use military force on both parties for peaceful settlement.

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Sadovskaya L.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Interethnic Conflicts in Rwanda and Burundi: the Review of Pacification The analysis of armed conflicts shows that their nature is diverse and is determined by a multitude of ethnic, confessional, historical, social and economic factors. In most cases the danger of such conflicts appears, when ethnic differences begin to determine political views. The so called ethnic conflict is a fight for power and access to economical resources, including minerals, disguised by an ethnic cover. One of the most famous examples is the competition between hutu and tutsi people in Burundi and Rwanda. These two small African countries, similar in ethnic composition, had been caught up in an ethnic conflict. At the moment millions of refugees from Rwanda are in camps in Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi.

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Rwanda and Burundi are a part of the Great African Lakes region, one of the most unstable regions in the world. The civil war, which began in 1986 in the western part of Uganda, took more than 100 000 lives. During the conflict that broke out in 1993, 300 000 people were killed. In 1994 more than 800 000 people became victims of an interethnic conflict in Rwanda. During the war in the Democratic Republic of Kongo, from 1998 to 2003, more than 3 million people died. The events in this region proved that one of important factors – triggers of conflicts, connected with ethnic factors, are minorities and their place in the state structure, as well as this structure itself. Therefore none of the conflict analysis’s can ignore the political aspects, specially the character of political regimes in these two countries. After the victory of the Rwandian Patriotic Front in Rwanda, an authoritarian and monoethnic regime of tutsi people was formed, with P. Cagame at the head. The authoritarian politics of P. Cagame, that declare the achievement of national conciliation, lead to a hidden discontent, burdened by an interethnic hate. In Burundi the quantity of population of hutu and tutsi does not correspond to its participation in political and economic activities, which leads to interethnic tension. During the last years the government of Burundi tries to lead a policy of a careful balancing between two groups of people. The Constitution of 2005 declares equal proportion of hutu and tutsi in armed forces and police, as well as in upper chamber of Parliament. The authorities of Burundi try to alternate hutu and tutsi in power bodies, barring extremists from both ethnic groups. The extremists are not happy with it, and that is why they continue with their armed forays. Social tension in Rwanda and Burundi does not only lead to the fight for power, but also results in uncertainty and insecurity for ordinary people. People tend to look for their own salvation within ethnic groups, because their ethnic identification fills their sires with sense. But this can potentially lead to a further escalation of conflicts. Sidorova G.Ɇ. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Fight for Resources as a Dominant Conflict Paradigm in Central Africa The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one of the leading Central African countries that, to a large extent, defines the political climate of the region. It has the strongest raw materials potential in Tropical Africa and occupies one of the most important places in the world for the mining and export of diamonds, cobalt, copper and rare-earth metals. However, having tremendous reserves of resources, the DRC is one of the poorest countries in the world with an income per capita lower than 100 USD. The country’s problem is that its natural resources are constantly being used illegally. The illegal extraction of raw materials is the main constraint towards the peace enforcement in Central Africa, especially in the Great Lakes region. The issue is that the leaders of illegal armed groups, as well as local tribal elites, are interested in keeping control over rich agricultural land, gold, diamond and other mines. Areas of influence are usually divided in advance and thoroughly guarded. This enables them

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to exploit the country’s natural resources, earning a fabulous yield. And part of the earnings from counterfeit raw materials is used to purchase weapons in order to form and support military troops, either of foreign origin and acting on the territory of the DRC or actual Congolese troops that are out of reach of the central power of the DRC. Diamonds, due to their high price and compactness, are usually used for this purpose, so they are even called “conflict diamonds” or “blood diamonds”. Another problem lies in the fact that bordering countries, such as Ruanda and Uganda, continue to exploit the natural resources of the DRC, not only damaging the country’s economy but also creating tension zones along the borders. At the same time, Ruanda and Uganda report significantly lower figures of metals extraction and export, especially when submitted to the UN, while DRC minerals have been “engaged” in the economy of these countries for a long time. This is clearly stated in the reports of such international organizations, as “Global Witness”, “Human Rights Watch”, as well as in the peace-making mission’s reports of the UN Secretary General. Not only are the named countries engaged in the extraction and sale of highprice raw materials from the DRC. We can cite other neighbouring countries, which quite often act as “transits” in the chain from the producer to the consumer. The capital of the Congo Republic Brazzaville has long been one of the channels for counterfeit DRC diamonds sales. As a result, the Congo Republic (Brazzaville) was excluded from the Kimberly process in 2004 (the process is responsible for the certification and regulation of diamonds export). According to expert’s estimates, more than 80% of the DRC economy remains in the shadow, and no one neither knows nor seeks an exit out of this painful situation. The networks of the mining business are too tightly knit – from the pauper miners to the richest companies of Africa, Europe and America. At the same time the activities of illegal miners are very difficult to control. As a rule, the workforce at the mines includes unregistered and having no certificates teenagers, which are severely abused by their masters. In their turn, the buyers at the mining points try to sell the raw materials to the most lucrative destination often bypassing the Congolese diamond-buying agencies. The result of this process is an unaccounted flow of raw materials and lowered exports figures.

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Panel 8. CULTURAL-HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF DEVELOPMENT FROM THE STANDPOINT OF THE GUIDELINES OF SOCIAL EVOLUTION Conveners: Dr. Valentina Gribanova, Dr. Natalia Zherlitsina

Azerbayev S.G. Kazakh Ablai-khan University of International Relations and World Languages Almaty, Kazakhstan Diplomats from Kazakhstan in Africa and their activity in development of cultural and economic relations with the USSR and Kazakhstan

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The paper will consider the activity of diplomats from Kazakhstan, who worked in Africa (Egypt, Mali, Morocco, Uganda, Ethiopia) in the development of cultural and economic relations of the USSR with these countries. It will analyse the role of the Soviet Cultural Centres in teaching Russian language in order to prepare African youth for study in the universities in the Soviet Union. This activity provided an opportunity to organise training of professional cadres for the development of African countries’ economy. The conduct of the Days of USSR, using one of the Union republics as an example, facilitated the acquaintance of broad African public with the life of the peoples of the Soviet Union. The organization of twinning of African and Soviet cities with the aim of broadening of cultural and economic co-operation was another important form of their work. The paper will attempt to analyse how this type of experience, accumulated over many years, can be used to introduce old and new forms of co-operation between African states and post-Soviet independent states. This can give a new impulse to the bilateral and multilateral mutually advantageous co-operation of the CIS member-states with African countries. Antoshin A.V. Ekaterinburg State University, Russia On the Roads to the “Country of Darkness”: Medieval Ural in the Works of Northern African Travelers and Geographers The history of contacts between Russia and African states and peoples attracts scientist’s opinion over a long period of time. But there are few works dedicated to the regional aspect of this problem. A study of contacts between the population of Russian regions and people of the Black Continent helps us to deepen our knowledge regarding this problem. Ural is one of such regions. A study of sources and works on this problem shows us that formation of the image of Urals by Arabian travelers and geographers has a long history. Soviet his-

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torian A. P. Novoseltsev thought that Arabian information on the “country of Rus” could be connected with Ural. J. T. Reno and D. A. Khvolson connected Slavic center Arsa with Perm, German historian R. Hennig connected it with Cherdyn. Such information was, for example, in the book by Abu-l-Kasim-ibnHaukalan Nisibi (X century), who traveled in Northern and Central Africa. A secretary of the embassy of Bagdad’s khalif Ahmed IbnFadlan wrote about a country of bashkirs. Arabian geographer Al-Idrisi (XII century), who was born in Seuta, and Al-Garnati (XIII century, lived in Cairo) wrote about Southern Ural. “A country of Darkness” attracted attention of famous Ibn Battuta, who was born in Tanger and traveled in Alger, Tunisia, Egypt, Mogadisho. Other Arabian medieval intellectuals also had information about Ural. Banshchikova A.A. Institute for African Studies Moscow, Russia On Some Attempts to search Egyptian National Roots in “Pharaonic” Times in Egyptian Social Thought of 1920es – 1930es

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This report treats some aspects of formation of national self-identification in the Egyptian social thought of the XXth century. From the author’s point of view the search of national roots in the pre-arabic “Pharaonic” past of Egypt was mainly influenced in minds of Egyptian Europeanized authors not by Egyptian realities proper but by the place held by ancient Egypt in the cultural imagination of Europeans and by the distribution of values of "civilization/barbarity" in the frames of opposition "Pharaonic/Arabian" in the European perception. It can be emphasized that the process of formation of the named concept among Egyptian intellectuals owes nothing to authentic Arabo-Egyptian tradition about the country’s Pharaonic past, and even after its formation the followers of the said “ancientizing” concept have never appealed to that tradition and never used it. This fact once again demonstrates the secondary, European-focused character of the named “Pharaonic” concept of Egyptian national identification. Chinyakov M.K. Moscow State Pedagogical University, Russia The French Colonial African Troops in Operations in Europe during the First World War (1914-1918) The events of the First World War (Great War) had been represented till recently by the national historiography only as prologue to the Great October socialist revolution. Only recently attention to the detailed comprehension of the numerous problems in the study of the First World War, which shook the basis foundations of Europe and the world, has massively increased. Despite these successes in studying of the military history of the Great War, till now there are many questions outside the attention of the Russian historical science. Such as: participations of various military formations of the countries of the Entente in the struggle against the armies

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of Central powers on the West European battlefield, in particular the problems connected with participation of the French colonial armies. The paper deals with such problems as formation, enlistment into the French colonial African troops; views of the French theorists regarding the use of colonial units: before and during war; structure of the French colonial troops during war; participation in operations; general battle losses; features of service, living, relations with local population. As a whole the report represents the first attempt in a national historiography of complex judgment of participation of French colonial African troops and about their huge contribution to the victory of the Entente over the Central powers. Gribanova V.V. Institute for African studies Moscow, Russia

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Development of Education in the Southern Africa’s Countries during the Colonial Period The history of the establishment and development of school training in Southern Africa’s countries (such as Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe) begins after the coming of missionaries to these territories. The spectrum of the missions that worked in Southern Africa, is astoundingly diverse. There were missions of Catholic Church, Anglican Church and Dutch Reformatted Church, the London missionary society and Methodist missionary society, the Rhenish missionary society, the Finnish missionary society. Employees of the Parisian Evangelic society actively operated in Basutoland (Lesotho) and Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). Missions of the General Church of South Africa worked in Swaziland, and Methodist and Congregational missions from the USA – in Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe). In the process of teaching Africans missionaries aspired, first of all, to turn them into Christianity. The main subject was religion study. Gradually they began to attach new Christians to the European culture. A lot of importance was given to labor education. Apprentices received such trades as carpenters, joiners, smiths, masons. As a whole, civilizational mission of missionaries consisted in propagation of the European way of life. One other important task for missionaries was the training of African preachers. At first missions trained the preachers, then theological seminaries were gradually created. After creation of colonies and protectorates in the Southern Africa’s territory the new administration left the education of Africans in the hands of missionaries. Gradually administration began to supervise their work, to control the attendance of pupils and qualification of teachers. The administration gave grants to missionary schools. The quantity of such schools considerably increased. From the very beginning European administration took care of the education of white children. The separate system of training for white, black and color groups of the population was created and legislatively fixed.

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Khachaturyan M.L. Institute for Linguistics RAS, Collège universitaire français, Moscow, Russia

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Development of African Traditional Clothing under European Influence This report deals with the history of development of African traditional clothing influenced by contacts with Europe. It will consist of the following parts: 1. Venezian and Bohemian glass played a very important role in the slave trade in West Africa serving as the main barter unit. Their popularity can be explained by the tradition of using cauri shells as monetary unit which already existed in West Africa. The heyday of the colonial trade in beads was around 1850-1940s. Beads were used not only as an ornament, but also for ritual purposes. In the 1960s beads became very popular in the USA, as a result nearly 75% of beads were exported from Africa. Now they are so valued among collectors, that there exists a special market in Hong Kong where beads, slightly renewed, are sold to Japanese buyers. 2. Czech beads in modern Africa are abundantly used in the Zulu national dress and in that of the tribes in the Omo valley, Ethiopia, though in very different ways: in South Africa they are used to make wraps, head-dresses, voluminous hand and ankle bracelets, necklaces, waistcloths; in Ethiopia they are used to embroider animal skins used for clothing, for simple diadems and flat bracelets. The quantity of beads differs much in these two cases – this demonstrates the differences in economic situation in these countries. In Ethiopia beads started to be used in the 1990s which is most probably caused by political and economic changes. The origin of such tradition in South Africa is unclear. In both cases beads must have replaced some domestic materials such as ostrich egg shells, wood, iron, beans, seeds. In Ethiopia the process of replacement can be easily observed, as, for example, the nyangatom tribe uses mixed materials. 3. Batik, or wax, in West Africa. This technic was invented on Java and was brought to Africa in the second half of XIX century by Hollanders. After they set up manufacturing of batik on Java, they tried to sell it in their colonies in India without success, but it appeared to be surprisingly popular in Africa and in some areas replaced completely domestic textiles. In the 2000s China flooded the market with fake batik which in an interesting way fit in the system of socio-economic interpretation of dress. 4. Influence on Diasporas. Traditional African textile migrates together with African populations to Europe and America. Batik is popular among the migrants from ex-French colonies while traditional Ghana textile has become an important symbol of afro-american identity. 5. Imported garments in the context of traditional dress.

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Khokhlova V.P. Institute for African Studies Moscow, Russia Some Aspects of Russian Women’s Life in Africa during the Period between the First and the Second World Wars By a twist of fate, quite a number of our compatriots ended up in the African continent in the 20-30s of the XX century. Using rough estimate there were several thousand of them. Ways they came to Africa (generally to the countries of North Africa) varied greatly. Many of them were forced to leave their motherland because of the tragic events of 1917-1920 that took place in Russia. Being nurses in the Volunteer army, daughters or wives of officers, they followed their men into exile. First they moved to Turkey or countries of Eastern Europe and then, following their husbands who got work contracts as doctors, engineers, constructors, geologists etc., they found themselves in Africa. Some of them arrived on the continent when they were children, some as travelers or with touring companies. There were many welleducated women among them who spoke several foreign languages, visited courses, graduated from Russian higher education institutions or conservatory of music. The sphere of their interests was diverse. They were artists, writers and poets, journalists, doctors. They took active part in cultural life, organized benefit nights. Russian women shared with their men their difficult fate. Besides, they brought up their children, so that they remained Russian by spirit, understood their culture and language. When in Africa, many Russian women were forced to earn their daily bread on there own. The purpose of this report is to shed light on some previously unknown biographic circumstances of Russian women, who visited or lived in Africa during the above mentioned period of time. Nwaka G.I. Abia State University, Uturu, Nigeria

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Tradition as a Modern Strategy: Indigenous Knowledge as Local Response to Globalization in Nigeria/Africa Globalization is now widely perceived in Africa as a new version of earlier forms of external domination and exploitation. Its economic and welfare benefits are unevenly shared, and appear to bypass or to retard progress in many countries of the developing world. But Marshall Sahlins has rightly emphasized the need for all peoples “to indigenize the forces of global modernity, and turn them to their own ends”, as the real impact of globalization depends largely on the responses developed at the local level. The challenge for Africa is, therefore, how to engage and cope with globalization and other external influences in a way that is compatible with local values and priorities; how to strike the right balance between global and local cultures in national governance and development – as in Japan and East Asia. For a long time African customs and traditions were misperceived as irrational and incompatible with the conventional strategies of development. But the economic crisis

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and policy failures of the 1980s and ‘90s, and the current threat of global recession have exposed flaws in the Western, neo-liberal, ‘external agency’ model of development imposed from the top by national governments and international development agencies. Because of growing concern about widespread poverty, widening inequalities and environmental deterioration, there is renewed interest in an alternative approach to development which emphasizes the cultural dimension of development, and the often overlooked potential of indigenous knowledge as “the single largest knowledge resource not yet mobilized in the development enterprise”. This paper considers how indigenous knowledge and practice can be put to good use in support of local governance and development in Nigeria; how development policies and programs can be made to reflect local priorities, and build upon and strengthen local knowledge, capacity and organization, especially in such vital areas as agriculture and natural resource management, law review and conflict resolution, education, health care and poverty alleviation. Indigenous knowledge is here used as a model for rethinking and redirecting the development process, and as a way to involve, enable and empower local actors to take part in their own development. The paper concludes with some general reflections on the indigenous knowledge movement as an appropriate local response to globalization and Western knowledge dominance, and as a way to promote cultural identity and inter-cultural dialogue on African development. A fair and more inclusive globalization should be based on respect for cultural diversity, and should provide a new context and opportunity to overcome inequality between and within nations, and to strengthen global solidarity. Ronin V.K. Leonardus Lessius Institute, Antwerp, Belgium

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«Tout ça ne nous rendra pas le Congo». 50 years of decolonization and Belgium The first years of independence of the former Belgian Congo, full of political turmoil, outbursts of violence and collapse of colonial economics, caused much trauma to Belgian society. Psychological connection with the former colony was disrupted. After the ‘zaïrization’ of the economy in the 70s and 80s the disappointed Belgians actually turned their back on Africa. After 1990, many aid programs were curtailed and political dialogue between Brussels and Kinshasa almost died out. The Belgian media and remaining public interest in the Congo seemed to be fading away. In the universities African studies were about to come to a naught. The Royal Museum for Central Africa at Tervuren, near Brussels, was for a long time neglected and hardly ever visited. The 2000 Parliamentary investigation of the Belgian role in Patrice Lumumba murder and the BBC film about the ‘genocide’ of the Congolese under the rule of King Leopold II (2003-2004) revived the Belgians’ interest in the African chapter of their history, if only for a short while. In the years that followed, it was only a TV program “Tous ça (ne nous rendra pas le Congo)” – although it had nothing to do with history or Africa – which reminded the French-speaking part of the Belgians of a colony they once had. The 100th anniversary of the declaration of the Congo being a Belgian colony (2008) went totally unnoticed except for a specially issued postal stamp.

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50 years of the independent Democratic Republic of the Congo did receive considerable attention. The forthcoming anniversary was in the focus of both Flemish and Walloon media coverage in May and June 2010. There was a heated dispute in the Belgian Parliament, which preceded the arrival of the King of Belgians in Kinshasa to attend the celebrations, on whether it would be appropriate to visit a country plunged in corruption and blatant human rights violation. The history book “Congo: een geschiedenis” by the Flemish author David Van Reybrouck (2010) was third on the bestseller list of the year. Yet, it seems worth describing the specific way this “anniversary without celebration” was received by Belgian society. - No historical context. The events in the Congo of the early 60s are seen as unique, as something that happened to ‘us’ alone. - “Belgo-Belgian” character of the debate on 50 years of independence. It was dominated by domestic conflicts (the left vs the right; Flemish public opinion vs that of the French-speaking Belgians; colonialist veterans vs young people indifferent to their past). - Explicit or implicit nostalgia. Most articles, documentaries, photography exhibitions and even reports covering journalists’ travels around Central Africa today mainly featured memories of “our Congo”, the years preceding 1960, and major concern about what remained of those times. There was very little interest in Congo as such, out of connection with the Belgians. - Negativistic, pessimistic accents in the coverage of the 50-year way of the independent Congo and its condition today. The key words are: breakdown, depression, bad administration, survival of people left to themselves… New Congolese art, their civic initiatives, education system, etc. arouse solely professional interest. - The surge of interest in the former colony almost entirely focused on 30th June, on the anniversary itself. And as it shows now, half a year later, it didn’t changed a thing – Belgian society and young people in particular are as profoundly indifferent to the Congo as before. Last October, the Queen of the Belgians visited the Museum at Tervuren. As she was leaving, she met a group of French-speaking schoolchildren from Brussels. They didn’t know what museum they were about to enter. The Queen explained to them, “C’est un musée de l’Afrique”. The children did not understand: “Un musée de la frite?”… Ryabova V.I. Moscow, Russia The Contemporary Orthodox Parishes in the South of Africa The orthodox parishes in the South of Africa are represented by Greek and Russian churches. They appeared in the second half of the XX century against the backdrop of Catholic influence. Appearance of the Russian emigrants was a powerful stimulus for the development the orthodox parishes. First orthodox communities were formed in Republic of South Africa, Zimbabwe, Madagascar, Mauritius, then in Zambia and Mozambique. In 1967 diaspora of the Greek emigrants from Asia Minor built the Church of Archangel Gavriil in Maputu getting permission from Portugal’s authorities. Rus-

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sian emigrants often visited it. The Church was subordinate to Alexandria’s Patriarchate. In the beginning of the 1990-s due to democratization Government declared freedom of religion in Mozambique. Orthodox community was under the jurisdiction of Archbishop Vladimir (Zimbabwe, Harare) till 2007. Nowadays there is a separate bishop in Mozambique itself. As a lot of Russian people come to church, more then Greeks, so this Church became “residence” of the Russian Orthodox Church in Maputu. Johannesburg became the center of the Orthodox religion in South Africa in 1950-s. In 1961 Community rented a house for the Church of Saint Vladimir. After that Orthodox religious comminities were founded in Durban and capitals of neighboring countries, such as Solsbery (Rodezia), Nairobi (Kenya) and in LorensoMarkish (Mozambique). In May of 2007 the Treaty regarding unity of Russian Orthodox Church and Russian Orthodox Church Abroad was signed. This fact became a favorable condition for the development of churches, because it ended the split between the national Russian Orthodox Church. In November of 2003 a working group was created for coordination of actions between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Russian Orthodox Church. A lot of work was done to preserve churches abroad during last years. New churches have been founded and at the same time old churches were restored. Church of Saint Sergey Radonezhskiy was built in Johannesburg. Metropolitan Kirill of Smolensk and Kaliningrad took part in the dedication of the Sergey Radonezhskiy Church in 2003. The Orthodox parishes of the Southern Africa are an important part of the cultural life of the contemporary Russian diaspora, its link in the system of Russian Orthodox Church in the context of changing order in the public life. Sidorova G.Ɇ. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Ethno-Political Contradictions as a Crisis Development Factor in Congo-Kinshasa Ethno-political contradictions in Congo-Kinshasa are deeply rooted. They are related not only to a colonial past, when the country’s boundaries were artificially defined and closely related peoples were separated, but also to old territorial conflicts. Most painfully fighting between tribes is conducted in the eastern provinces of the DRC, between Hema and Lendu, where armed conflicts continue to take place. Today the 70-million population includes more than 450 ethnicities. Some of them peacefully coexist, while others try to dominate and eject unwelcome tribes from their traditional lands, such as Hema and Lendu in the Eastern province. One of the problems of the current Congo-Kinshasa is the issue of the so-called banyamulenge. The settlements of banyamulenge in the regions bordering Ruanda, Burundi and Uganda appeared as a result of long-term migration processes, which started in the 16th century. First they were related to the colonization of large Congolese lands, in the colonial period – due to the forced migration instigated by the Europeans, in the later period – with the genocide of 1993 in Rwanda, where Tutsi and Hutu tribes fought for power. Banyamulenge account for no more than 1% of

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the total population of Congo-Kinshasa. However, their rights and protection are constantly discussed by the government bodies of the DRC. This problem is politicized to such an extent that sometimes goes out of the scope of any political correctness. For example, the deserter army general Nkunda has provoked armed conflicts several times, acting allegedly on behalf of the banyamulenge. The ethnical problems of Congo-Kinshasa reach far further than the country’s border. A cruel testimony to this fact is the 1993 genocide in Rwanda that resulted in the massacre of millions of people. The echo of those bloody events resonates even today in the relationships of the two neighboring countries. The problems is that the remains of the Rwanda’s army, hiding form justice on the territory of Congo-Kinshasa and belonging to the Hutu tribe, have been continuing hostilities towards the Congolese for a long time. Simultaneously the Rwandian authorities are aghast to accept them back, because the troops are asking not only for repatriation – they want to take part in the political process of the country. This question has been hanging around for a long time and probably will require a radical answer from the Congo-Kinshasa government. The ethnical problems are closely related to the nationality question, which is still not solved, despite the approved Constitution and the Nationality Act. The political agenda includes as well such questions as the purity of the Congolese nation. These questions are discussed in Parliament, on special sessions of the nationalities questions committees, but usually come to a standstill or are indefinitely postponed. Ethnical problems create a favorable climate for various political manipulations, intrigues and armed conflicts, and finally, impede the democratic development of the country. Tatarovskaya I.G. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Attitude towards Animals in African Culture and Mythology Animal world of Africa is rich and diverse. Animals play a significant role in people’s life. Folklore, dance, masquerade, art, religious beliefs of African people are filled with animals’ images. Wild animals and birds are considered as the nearest neighbours of the people. They take an important place in the spiritual and religious life. People use animals to perform religious cults, ceremonies, feasts, in medicine and to a lesser extent for food and household needs. Animal world of Africa consists of domesticated and wild animals. Many African peoples don’t draw a boundary line between domestic and wild animals. For instance, Fula people divide all the animals into three big groups: domesticated, water and earth animals. According to the mythological conceptions of African people there are several classes of animals: animal as a species, animal as a spirit and animal hama. First class of animals is of no importance in cult and religious life. They are mainly used for people’s needs (food, clothes, etc.). Second class includes holy animals. It is supposed that these animals represent a link between a separate clan and a human being. African people, as well as other nations, used animals as a symbol of tribal

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groups. Holy animals were surrounded by strong taboos. It was banned to kill, eat and contact them. The holy animal’s image goes back to the image of totem ancestor. Animals as spirits are considered as objects of rituals and cults. It is believed that these animals are dead relatives. People pay honour to them, call them as an uncle, a brother, etc. Lega, for instance, think that pangolin (Manis gigantean) is their older brother; it unites all members of the clan as well as maternal relatives. The various sorts of animals which are unfit for use are referred as to hama animals. First of all, these are all the carnivorous animals. Second, “dirty animals” that yield bad smell and cause unpleasant sensations (carcasses, worms, parasites). Third, there are also animals which are not used for food by a certain strata of people, or they refrain from using these animals during some sort of ritual or feast. Fourth, those animals that have an ambiguous meaning, i.e. half-beast and half-bird, for instance, the Siberian flying squirrel (Pteromysvolans). Snakes, frogs and toads are often referred to this category of animals. The unusual behavior of these animals which break the general rules of earth, water and air animals’ behavior are considered as a ban on their use. Turyinskaya Xr.M. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Moscow, Russia

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Cameroon: Cultural Heritage and Museum Collections Ethnographic museums are the means of preservation and representation of historical and cultural heritage of the peoples of Africa. The museum collections serve as a source to broaden our knowledge about the past and present of African countries and their population, about actual trends of African culture. It is a way to better understand other cultures and societies, which plays an important role in the development of international relations, cultural contacts and tourism. Cameroon gives a striking example of cultural diversity and rich historical heritage represented in the collections all over the world – in the museums of European countries (particularly, Germany), United States, Russia, and Cameroon itself. This paper focuses on the series of ethnographic objects, illustrating the ethnical mosaic, the variety of artistic styles, modern cultural tendencies and social transformations in Cameroon. Voevodsky A. V. Russian State University for Humanities, Moscow, Russia Views of African Intellectuals and Enlighteners on Interracial Relations in South Africa of the End of XIXth – the First Third of XXth Century The interracial relations have been the key problem of the South African history from the beginning of the Dutch colonization. Generally in the foreign and Russian historiographies this problem is considered through the prism of European colonialism and the apartheid policy of the second half of the XXth century. The opinion of

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Africans on this problem is mainly interpreted in the spirit of the Freedom Charter accepted on June 26th, 1955 by the Congress of the People of South Africa. It proclaimed that the South Africa should belong equally to both blacks and whites. According to the Charter both composed the united nation of South Africa. However, notwithstanding the indubitable value of this document for the South African history, we would also like to pay attention to other aspects of views on the problem of interracial relations of the African intellectuals and enlighteners. The period of the end of the XIXth - the first third of the XXth century is particularly important. The theoretical foundations of the system of apartheid interracial relations have been laid in this period. For many prominent representatives of the African population of South Africa the achievement of political equality has not resulted in the leveling of differences between races. Despite of their devotion to the liberal traditions imported to South Africa by Great Britain, they haven’t placed themselves on the same level with the whites, but quite deliberately granted them superiority. The African intellectuals also did not oppose the existing racial hierarchy in the public relations but only sought for its softening in the spirit of traditions of the so-called «Cape liberalism». Their vision was defined by a whole complex of conceptions generated under the influence of the missionary environment and historical background. Many of them had a typical opinion that Africans were not ready for the independent participation in the political life. Their credo is well expressed by the words of C. Rhodes: «Equal rights for every civilized man south of the Zambezi». Assimilating European culture African intellectuals at the same time strived for keeping their identity in which race played a certain part. The African educated elite reaction to the spread of socialist and communist ideas in South Africa after the First World War is quite clear. They have treated these ideas with hostility, and have agreed to cooperate with authorities to prevent their distribution. Such situation remained unchanged up to 1940s, when new political forces emerged among Africans who grew up under different socio-cultural and political situation.

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Zherlitsina N.A. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia Tunisia in the Struggle for National Independence and Position of the Soviet Union Tunisia was a French protectorate since 1881. The Neo-Dustur party, which was created in 1933, was in the forefront of national anticolonial movement. The leaders of the party constantly brought attention of the French administration to the question of sovereignty of Tunisia. In the beginning of 1950s situation in the country became strained. The French authorities set up a brutal regime of colonial dictatorship, police repressions started. The Neo-Dustur called the Tunisian people to participate in active forms of protest and armed clashes took place. The world public opinion condemned French policy in Tunisia. The group of African and Asian countries submitted the “Tunisian question” to the consideration of the United Nations Organization. It was discussed on the VII, VIII and IX ses-

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sions of the General Assembly of UNO in 1952–1953. During the discussion the Soviet Union stood for the right of Tunisian people to self-determination and independent development. The Soviet delegation resolutely rejected attempt to exclude from UNO competence the question regarding relations between parent states and colonies. In that way the Soviet Union averted the intention to wreck the discussion of the “Tunisian question”. In the debate the representatives of the USSR listed convincing examples of destruction of Tunisia by French monopolies, opened details of police terror and direct violation by France of obligations in accordance to UNO Charter. The Soviet support of the Tunisian people undoubtedly exerted positive influence on the struggle of Tunisia for independence. In 1956 France was compelled to recognize sovereignty of the country.

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Panel 9. GENDER AND STATE POLICY IN AFRICA IN THE 21 CENTURY: NEW TENDENCIES AND PERSPECTIVES

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Conveners: Prof. Natalia Krylova, Dr. Natalia Ksenofontova

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Ayé Pimanova T. Cote d`Ivoire The Particularities of Gender Politics in Cote d’Ivoire The gender relations in Cote d’Ivoire are seen in depth in the country’s history, taking the princess Abla Poku in XVIII century as an example – that was a symbol of an effective woman power. During the colonial period protest march of the Ivorian women in February 1949 in Grand Bassam, dedicated to the liberation of their husbands, effectively shows their activity (“Women’s march in Grand Bassam”, by Henriette Diabate, 1975). Gender can be seen in women’s images in modern Ivorian literature (“Women’s destiny: between the fiction and reality of Ververe Liking and Tanella Boni”, by Abomo-Moren Mary-Rose, 2007). Gender, as a phenomenon, is shown in the fundamental ideology of the African society. That hypothesis is seen in country’s traditions in such examples as the secret society Poro of the Sénoufo ethnic group, “Women and Poro”, by Tiona Wattara, 2007; and it develops in the kids’ games “son-zon-alie-tonva-le” that imitate a busy couple’s day, “Gender as a fundamental ideology in Black Africa: the baoule, as an example, the Akan ethnic group in Cote d’Ivoire”, by Abe N’ Doumi Noel, 2001. Right after independence, the activeness of the Ivorian women, along with the received voting rights, is expressed through the creation of women’s associations: x Association of Ivorian Women (AIW), created in 1963, through the network of the first-hand associations created in place, which helped to involve women into the social and political life of the country. x International Women’s Association in Cote d’Ivoire (IWACI), created in 1966. It pays close attention to the problem of women’s rights, which are guaranteed by the Constitution. The desire of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire to give a decent place to women, when it comes to the economical and social processes of country’s development, is coming to fruition right after the ratification of different conventions, agreements and contracts on the local level as well as on the international level; along with the UN convention, as of December 19, 1995. The same year, there were more than 20 women NGOs created; together, they form the Ivorian Women’s Organizations Network (IWON). The Ministry of Family, Women, and Social Problems included in its program the practical tackling of the gender interaction’s problem, which is especially important during this post-conflict crisis period that the country is currently experiencing. In 2005, with the assistance of the UN Program of Development of Cote d’Ivoire, the Direction of Equality and Gender Promotion (DEGP) was created. It

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started working on the formation of a gender self-realisation of the Ivorian administration. DEGP introduced the problem of gender interaction to the representatives of the ministries, to the traditional authorities, to the parties’ leaders, and NGOs in order for it to be taken into the consideration in all initiatives, activities and, especially, in peace-making and country’s reconstruction activities. Starting in 2006, DEGP is starting to introduce and inform the masses about the Resolution ʋ 1325. UN section in RCI supported DEGP in the development of the declaration, signed by the RCI President in 2006, in favor of no less than 30% of women representation in government bodies. The Committee for the Fight against the Violence towards Women and Children that is part of that Direction, created as early as in 2000 before the Ratification of the Resolution ʋ 1325, is actively promoting the idea of the Gender and is involved in peace-making process “Report of gender specialization in the topic of the Effectiveness of Women’s participation in political and decision-making government bodies in Cote d’Ivoire”, by Bosso Charlotte, 2005. Ministries of Peace-Making, of Reconstruction, of Social Recuperation, of Planing and Development have all included the gender in their plans and programs. Out of all the state governing bodies, where the gender idea is not only taken into the account but is accepted as the instrument of action, able to include in the process of presidential elections as many women as possible is the Independent Election Committee (IEC), “Gender and development: the analysis of the social, economical, political and juridical position of women in Cote d’Ivoire”, by Baa Bi Yusan, 2001.

Beliakov V.V. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow

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Political Representation of Women in Islamic Society: Egyptian Approach Fast socio-economic growth of several countries with predominant Islamic population increases participation of women in public life. Such a trend is evident in Egypt. Women in this country are not only involved in practically all spheres of economic and public activity. They also occupy high government positions including ministerial. But their political representation was traditionally next to zero. Women had practically no chances to be elected to the People’s Assembly (parliament). Such a situation hurts women’s right to participate in formulating laws on problems of prime importance for them like marriage and family, maternity, childhood, education etc. To correct the situation, the Egyptian leadership decided to fix a quota for women in the parliament. In 2009 a law was passed increasing a number of elected seats at the People’s Assembly by 64 (from 444 to 508; 10 more deputies are appointed by the President of the Republic). All newly established seats are fixed to women. In November 2010 the first parliamentary elections according to the new law were held. The research paper analyses the results of the elections and first steps of women’s block at the People’s Assembly.

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Dronova D.A., Butovskaya M.L. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Moscow Organization of Matrimonial Relations of Representatives of Indian Diaspora in Tanzania (Dar-es-Salaam)

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Indian culture is very strict about the rules partner’s choice in marriage. Traditionally parents arrange marriage partners for their children. However there are some regional variations in matrimonial sphere. While in Northern India people usually marry inside endogamous community (caste) and outside exogamous groups (gotra) (Kutzenkov 1983: 31), in Southern India cross-cousin marriages and marriages between other relatives are allowed (Albedil 2005: 357). Same is true for Indian Muslims. Do the same principles apply to Indians, living in other countries? To answer this question we investigate the Indian Diaspora of Dar-es-Salaam. The data was collected during our visit to Tanzania in August-October 2010. The total sample included 235 questionnaires and more that 30 life-history interviews. It was demonstrated that traditional system of matrimonial relations is actively practiced by the Indian Diaspora of Dar-es-Salaam nowadays. Marriage migration is still practiced. Cross-cultural marriages are not practiced by Indians. They don’t marry Africans, neither Europeans. At the same time, young Indians are not limited in the choice of ethnicity of their boy- and girlfriends. At present certain proportion of young Indians are trying to select their partners themselves. Many Indians are living in extended, parochially organized families. Certain increase in the age of brides and grooms is also observed, as well as a general decrease in the number of children per family. Our data on marriage partner choice in the case of the Indian Diaspora in Tanzania confirms the general principles of evolution of sexual selection in humans (Simons 1979), as well as the theory of parental investment (Kenrick 1990; Trivers 1972). Indian culture produces an additional important criterion of partner choice (caste and religion), but even in this case we may interpret the marriage strategies in the light of evolutionary theory. This study was supported by RFHR, grant ʋ 08-01-00015ɚ. Fahrutdinova N.Z. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Futuvva – the Way of Spiritual Revival of African Muslims The idea of returning of spiritual values exists in all “revival” theories which appear in the muslim world today. Arabs see the revival of their nation in individual improvement. Futuvva (translated from Arabic as dash, braveness) appeared in the early Middle Ages, it showed that high morality and principals can be the ideological base of a political movement or organization. Futuvva in the muslim world is the ideal of a heroic brave virtue, which is considered to be a masculine quality. Young men inspired by this idea organized into associations and promised to be honest and brave, and to prefer interests of other

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people. Craft guilds and shops became units of Futuvva movement, which included one town after another. Ali, the forth holly Khalif, became the model of a brave muslim soldier. He is considered to be the author of the spiritual codex of Futuvva. Members of Futuvva movement played an important role in the society not only by their spiritual codex but because of their eagerness to master different crafts. Some scholars think Futuvva influenced the development of the knight’s movement. There is also much in common between Futuvva and traditions of Russian-ukranian kazatchestvo. Futuvva had a civilized mission in Africa South of the Sahara, and up to the present many muslim youth organizations hold the Futuvva traditions. Grishina N.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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South Africa: Inequality and Poverty in Gender Dimension More than 15 years has already passed since the date of transition of power from the National party to the African National Congress. During this period the principle of race equality has been proclaimed at the official level. However various tendencies of social, political and economic development of the country have shown inadequacy of this approach. It generally assumed that the most powerless part of South African society are black women, owing to their limited access to education and traditionally secondary role in decision-making at all levels. As a rule, the existing situation among white citizens isn't considered, since this population group reckoned to be relatively well in comparison with black population. At the same time it is not infrequent that the rights of white people, both men and women, are seriously infringed. Some laws passed in recent years purposefully discriminate the white population in comparison to other racial groups. This concerns the rights of choice of residence, work and even leisure activities. The standard of living of the majority of white citizens of South Africa gradually and steadily declines. This, in particular, results in many of them deciding to emigrate by entire families to more secure and favourable regions of Africa and beyond. Thus, the most economically developed country of continent loses highlyqualified personnel as white emigrants: teachers, doctors, scientists, farmers. Gromova O.B. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Trafficking in Women and Children in Africa The international definition of human trafficking is given by the Palermo Protocol (to the UN Convention to prevent, suppress and punish trafficking against transnational organized crime).

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Human trafficking is one of the most urgent problems of the contemporary world with 1 million people estimated to have been trafficked annually across the borders. The trade is now considered to be the third largest source of profits for transnational criminal organizations with only drug trafficking and weapons smuggling more lucrative. Human trafficking in the most of African countries is spurred by poverty, weak governance, armed conflicts and instability, as well as traditional practices such as early marriage. The particular vulnerability of women and children make them an easy target for traffickers. Women and children are the main victims of human trafficking across Africa. The full range of their exploitation involves various forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour, domestic servitude, and recruitment of children in armed conflicts as soldiers. There is internal trafficking, within Africa and from Africa. The trafficking in people is flourishing in Southern Africa, with South Africa and its expanding sex industry frequently the main and final destination for trafficked women in the region. Africa is a place of origin for women and children trafficked to Europe as well as to the Middle East, Gulf countries and Southern Asia. Need to combat trafficking in humans, particularly women and children. It should be to mitigate the influence of adverse social and economic factors first such as poverty and unemployment. Ilina N.Yu. People`s Friendship University of Russia

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Nigerian Women-Writers on the Problems of the Society Nowadays we witness a rise of female literature in Nigeria: large amount of creative works in the literary process of this biggest West African country has been written by women. Moral awakening and emancipation of women is the key subject matter of creative writing of these authors in which they tell readers, society and the state that humiliation of women is the abuse of natural human rights and has fatal consequences for the society. One of the most prolific Nigerian women-writers, who received several literary prizes Ifeoma Okoye in her collection “The Trial and other stories” (2005) touches upon the problems of widows in Nigeria and the realities faced by widows in Africa. She calls for rejecting such relics of the past as bringing up children after their father`s death in his relatives` home, according to the traditional laws, or a woman being left to fend off the advances of her late husband`s brother, becoming his third wife. A young Nigerian women writer Kaine Agary who was awarded several literary prizes in Nigeria for her novel “Yellow-Yellow” (2006) runs a nongovernmental organization in Lagos centered on educating people about their rights. She is also the Editor-in-Chief of the magazine that propagates the organization`s human rights ideas. The novel is a social commentary of tragic events in the Niger Delta when during General Abacha years one of the crude oil pipes broke and spilled over several hectares of land, and so people lost their main source of sustenance. It is the

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story of Zilayefa, better known as Yellow-Yellow, a girl born out of sexual escapades of a Greek and a Nigerian woman. (She bears her father`s complexion, which creates identity crisis). Professor Ayo Banjo, representing the panel of judges, pointed out that Kaine Agary addresses the tragic consequences of economic exploitation of the Niger Delta as well as the marginalization of women in society; although they are the dominant themes of contemporary Nigerian discourse, the narrative goes beyond these issues to contemporary economic and historical problems. Professor Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo of the University of Lagos has established herself as one of the best Literary giants. In her novel “Trafficked” (2008) she touches upon the key problem of the international sex trade. Nneoma, the main character is taken to Europe for prostitution and later deported to Nigeria where she fulfills her dream and goes to University. The author`s primary concern is the health and wellbeing of the female folk in Nigeria. She sees a synergy between her treatment of international prostitution slavery, the HIV/AIDS campaign and the role of education. The writer points out that Mrs. Eki Igbinedion, wife of the Governor of Edo State, and Mrs. Titi Atiku Abubakar, wife of the former Vice president of Nigeria, organized a rehabilitation programme for females involved in prostitution slavery abroad and their deportation home. Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo who wrote 19 books in 17 years spoke at the presentation of her four books in June 2009, where she expressed the feeling of all Nigerian writers noting that they are happy when their works are recognized and appreciated not only by the society but the government. This way they can be encouraged to continue to write in order to reshape the society. Krylova N.L. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Russian Women in Africa: to Fight or to Integrate? The theme of the paper is the social potential of Russian women in the developing countries of Africa. This is a very peculiar contingent, and in the structure of Russian diaspora abroad («zarubezje»), in the accepted sense of the word, occupies a special position, being similar to it in certain traits and characteristics yet not identical to the latter. This group includes, first of all, native Russian and Russianspeaking women married to the citizens of African countries and residing permanently on the African continent. It is known that the level of public activity of women is directly regulated by the state of socio-economic problems in the society, by the quality of life of a woman herself and her family, by the fear of losing their job or favour of the family, by increasing social tensions and, finally, by the mother's natural desire to protect the fundamentals of life – her children. These factors and motives unite women and bring them together, and make them participate in the activities of social protest and political parties, different movements and mass organizations, particularly in transitional periods of social development.

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The studied group of women has peculiar civil and social status, which objectively narrows their possibilities to fight for their interests in the ways that are accepted among modern women, solving their problems in their homeland or the native country of their African husbands. A manifestation of social activity of our women-compatriots, who are trying to establish their associations abroad, is affected by a number of specific factors creating additional social and psychological stress. Among them, first of all, is the state of relations between their native country and the host country. There is also a group of other circumstances – the historical, cultural and religious traditions of the host society, the isolation (forced or deliberate) in the family; individual characteristics, depending on the temperament and nature of a particular woman, and manifested in the conditions of a foreign culture. Women also tend to take into account professional interests and personal qualities of their African husbands. All these factors determine, finally, the woman's decision to participate in such associations. To end up with, women of course realize that at a certain deterioration in the overall socio-political situation and the growth of social competition, such a community may become a release valve for the discontent of the local population that can take any form. These and other reasons can reduce the level of public activity of this community. Nevertheless, modern forms of self-organization of Russian women in Africa, which unite its members by the shared interests, the shared idea (both short-term and in long-term), give us the ground to use the notion "women's movement."

Ksenofontova N.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Gender Studies in the Context of Contemporary Global Issues In the last decades of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century gender studies have become a widespread trend in the humanities. Turn to them has taken place in the world historiography in mid-1970s. In Russia, more or less serious publications on the subject began to appear only in the 90s. By the beginning of this century women and gender issues have become almost a mandatory subject of numerous international and national conferences, women's studies (feminology) were included in the State educational standard; special periodicals and scholarly series appeared, including a series "Gender Studies of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences" (in 2010 12 volumes were published). Russian scientists in the field of African Studies (and especially researchers of the Institute for African Studies) have been at the forefront of scientists who develop these themes, and use gender as a new method and the methodology of scientific knowledge. Established 20 years ago, a Group of gender research has gathered together not only the enthusiasts from the Institute for African Studies (RAS) but also their colleagues from other academic and educational institutions of Russia, CIS and foreign

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countries, Africa, united by common goals and projects. During this period, the Group has published several dozens of individual and collective monographs, collected articles and reports. The impetus for the emergence of interest in gender studies was given by the books and articles of L.E. Kubbel, V.B. Iordanskiy, I.V. Sinitsyna, V.A. Bayliss, N. Ksenofontova and other scientists published in the 60-80s of the last century, and laid the foundations for a new research direction in the discourse of African studies. Since the mid-80's began a new period in the development of these problems by the Russian researchers of African studies who were not confined to the study of women's lives, and raised the issue more widely – they were interested in issues of gender, that is a comprehensive study of the peculiarities of social development through in-depth analysis of the relationship and interaction between sexes and generations in economic and social, political and spiritual spheres of life. At the same time another very topical area emerges – the study of the life histories of Russian women, married to African citizens in different years and settled in Africa, as well as the fates of Russian women, who have emigrated abroad in different periods. Over the past 20 years such studies are characterized by a departure from the description of a purely "women's stories" by the consolidation of problem issues, by the striving for stereoscopy of describing reality. Here are the names of some thematic areas: “changing value systems and the status and role functions of men and women at a critical junctures of history and culture", "change in gender awareness and women's struggle for equal rights and opportunities "," "female" and "male" interests in the context of socio-political and economic changes", "women in the political system of society and the legal aspect of gender relations", "mixed marriages" and the problems of fathers and children", "gender relations at the crossroads of cultures", "the activities of governments of Muslim countries to create legal field for the harmonization of gender relations". The essential difference of Russian researchers from many Western feminologists lies in the fact that they are actively responding to the requirements of time and a range of representatives of the African-American and African cultures who often criticize American and European feminists for ignoring social, racial and ethnic differences among women in their work and in the construction of scientific concepts. One of the most topical issues that confronted the scientists in recent years was the problem of power relations. Russian Africanists reveal this problem through the prism of gender relations and understand the necessity to address African realities in the context of world history. And this, in turn, implies their strong interest in general theoretical problems of the science of gender. Achievements of national experts in the study of gender that are reflected in a significant number of published works, in a variety of topics, in fundamental character of their research and conclusions – all this indicates that gender studies quite naturally received the status of an independent scientific field.

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Kulkova O.S. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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African Masculinity in Africa and Beyond in the Era of Globalization African masculinity is studied less than various aspects of African femininity. Meanwhile, now the structure of the African male identity is undergoing a transformation process, both in Africa and in Diaspora. The value of age initiations is being rethought; men can abandon them as a traumatic experience and warn their sons from following tradition. The structure of masculinity depends on the level of education and economic status of African men, as well as increasing independence of African women. However, masculinity largely determines the trend of development of society and state in Africa, as men continue to occupy dominant position in many spheres of social life. Specific features of male self-image differ from one African country to another, and are not the same on the continent and in the Diaspora. There are some negative stereotypes of African masculinity, which are replicated by the Western media. In Russia, they are also present. However, now men of African descent have more opportunities to express themselves and their views through the media. Studies show that African men are more open to interaction with other cultures in comparison with African women. More young people than girls go to study abroad, they increasingly make friends of other races and nationalities, better adapt to the unusual conditions, and more often enter into marriage with a foreigner. Through increasing number of interracial marriages changes the nature of the modern world in a sense that it becomes more Afro-Asian centered. Besides studying specifics of African masculinity in the interracial marriages, there are other interesting areas – such as perception of homosexuality among Africans, analysis of the African Muslim masculinity. An interesting question is the distinction between masculinity demonstrated by Africans in an alien society (a sort of "mask") and its real content. It can be assumed that the story has left a serious mark on the formation of African masculinity on the continent (a legacy of colonialism) and in Western countries (slavery, segregation, the struggle for civil rights). For African Americans forming their masculinity in an era of globalization – is to overcome the historically arisen socio-economic and political obstacles, the movement "from victim to victor." In Russia, where there is no such historical "burden" in relation to Africans and the experience of interaction with them is limited, there are specific manifestations of African masculinity and its perception by the Russians. Murnova N.K. Moscow House of Compatriots, Moscow, Russia Graduates from Soviet/Russian Higher Educational Institutions Have Been a Potential for Deepening the Relations between Russia and the Arab World, and Maintaining the Russian Language in the Countries of their Living (Morocco, for Example)

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The highest leadership of Russia has recently demonstrated greater interests in improving economic, trade and cultural ties with Tunisia, Algeria and, in particular, with the Kingdom of Morocco. Nationals, former students of Soviet higher educational institutions, were widely involved in industrial, economic and trade projects carried out with the Soviet assistance in the Arab countries while the USSR existed. They are mostly those people who in their young years absorbed not only professional knowledge but partially Russian mentality and culture, too. They have managed to keep and maintain Russian language in their states. To a considerable extent it is connected with the family status of those who got married in the USSR/Russia while studying. The above mentioned factors cannot help influencing their readiness to cooperate with Russian specialists, using their professional knowledge and skills, acquired in the USSR/RF. At the moment there are about 6000 graduates in Morocco. The Moroccan Association of graduates from universities and institutes of the former USSR – AMLUIS (since 1977) (has branches in Rabat, Casablanca, Mecnes) and the Association of the Russian language teachers in Morocco – APRIAM (since 1991) have been in action here. Their aims have been defending the rights and professional interests of their members, and in its turn it serves to a great degree in keeping and saving the prestige of the Russian education. Studying the present state of the Russian language in Morocco one can clearly understand that not only Russian compatriots but graduates of Soviet and Russian universities, and institutes are too interested in maintaining it (Mohammedia University). After the collapse of the USSR the interstate cooperation weakened, and a prominent role in the process was played by Moroccans – graduates from the Soviet higher educational institutions. Nevertheless, a great part of them expresses readiness to cooperate with Russian colleagues carrying out their duties in Morocco. Russia, considering this country one of its leading partners in Africa and the Arab world, returns to Morocco both on a state (implementing the agreement signed by the Russian President in the autumn of 2006) and on other levels.

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Panov A.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The Nation of Victorious Feminism: the Main Intentions of the Rwandan Government in the Sphere of Gender Policy According to the Constitution of Rwanda, 24 of 80 seats in the lower chamber of the state legislative authority are reserved for women. At the parliamentary elections of autumn 2008, besides the reserved seats, 21 seats were occupied by women who were elected through general tickets. Thereby as a result of elections Rwanda became the first nation in the World with female dominance in National Parliament. Also in the Senate, the upper chamber of legislative authority, representation of women is about 30 percent. As of autumn, 2010, 8 of 26 members of the Cabinet are women, including, in particular, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Louise Mushikiwabo and the Minister of Trade and Industry Monique Nsanzabaganwa.

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These figures clearly point at the wide extent of women’s participation in social and political life of contemporary Rwanda. The struggle for gender equality and liquidation of any form of sexual discrimination has become one of the core stones of the Rwandan Government’s policy after the end of the genocide and the transition of power under the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) control in July 1994. Only in the post-genocide period women have acquired the rights to inherit property and possess land, that have promoted their business activities and, as a result, rapid emancipation. There are special institutions, the task of which is to watch over the implementation of the proclaimed gender policy – for instance, established in accordance with the Constitution, The Gender Monitoring Office and National Council of Women, as well as The Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion, the latter also headed by a woman. The progress of Rwandan Government’s in achieving gender equality in the sphere of education is also impressive: the parity of male and female students at all the school levels was achieved in 2000, 5 years ahead the deadline of the UN international programme “The Millennium Development Goals”. It is emphasized in the paper that the policy of state feminism in Rwanda is not just an outcome of the desire to satisfy the requirements of the International community; it also is a strategy for fulfilling socio-economic, demographic and political-branding tasks the national leadership faces. The future of the current ambitious “New Rwanda” political project depends crucially on the success in solving these problems. Projogina S.V. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia

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North African Writers in Conditions of Multiculturalism 1. Literary bilingualism of the Maghreb is not just the cultural legacy of colonialism, but also a contemporary reality and the prospect of Maghrebian integration into the world cultural process. Usage of literary French language by the North African writers throughout the past half century has proven the possibility of permanent art creation in the paradigm of social, religious and political challenges of the modern era, and becoming a special documentary evidence of the representatives of different cultural traditions. 2. Moroccan and "female" literature at the beginning of XXI century is the confirmation of this process. It actively shapes today a new branch of the Frenchspeaking Maghreb prose, marked by acute issues of finding a way out of the contradictions of traditional society and the affirmation of the new identity of a modern Moroccan woman. 3. Algerian women-writers in the difficult conditions of the Civil War (90s of XX – beginning of the XXI century) due to the increasing claims of Islamic fundamentalism, forced exile and in the process of integration into the Western reality do not reduce their artistic activity, and are now outstanding examples of the French literary creativity. Traditional Algerian bicultural tradition is particularly evident in the works of so-called "Franco-Arabs" (or "Burs") – second-generation North Afri-

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can immigrants, where the theme of "East in the West" is dominated by motifs related to the psychological problems of cultural assimilation, social integration and generational disintegration of Muslim Maghrebians born in France. Women's squad in the literature of "Burs" creates evidences of social, political and cultural challenges of the modern era filled by a special psychological depth. In their books the description of globalization processes is accompanied by the reflection of the search for self-determination and self-affirmation of ethnic minorities in terms of confessional conflict and inevitable interaction between East and West.

Prokopenko L.Ya. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Representation of Women in Power Structures: Progress and Challenges (the Experience of the Countries of the Southern African Region) In the 2000's the countries of the Southern African region (especially South Africa, Mozambique and Lesotho) have made significant progress in establishing a policy of a so-called "gender symmetry", attesting growing role of women in the political process. According to the World Economic Forum (WEF) in 2009 South Africa and Lesotho were among the top ten states in terms of equality between men and women. Women belong to the upper echelons of power occupying positions of Deputy President (South Africa), Vice-president (Zimbabwe, Malawi) and Prime Minister (Mozambique). They are increasingly entrusted with important areas of government activity related to foreign policy and security. A positive trend is also observed at the level of female representation in parliaments. Sustained growth of female representation in the legislature is clearly demonstrated by the data on the composition of Parliaments in South Africa and Mozambique. South Africa's achievements in the field of gender equality were the result of more than 15 years of efforts by the ANC government, parliament and public organizations. Government's political will is eloquently demonstrated by the fact that during the years of democracy-making more than 30 legislative acts were adopted, aimed at achieving equal rights for women. At the same time significant advances of democracy in Botswana have not yet ensured gender symmetry. The modern concept of equality between women and men in politics in South Africa, Lesotho, Angola and Namibia is actualized in practice through the use of the system of quotas for women's representation in elected office. Fixed quotas exist also at the regional level: in 1997 The Southern African Development Community (SADC) adopted a special Declaration aiming at 30% of women in positions of leadership by 2005 in the member countries. The SADC is committed to having 50 percent women's representation in national parliaments by 2015. A serious problem of women’s representation in power structures (first of all, of its quality parameter) is insufficient experience of women’s independent electoral struggle. For all the success of the official gender policy in South Africa manifestations of male chauvinism are still observed in practice.

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In the states of the South Africa women occupy an increasingly prominent place among the political elites. However, this tendency still has little effect on the improvement of socio-economic status of women and, consequently, on the development of society as a whole. There is a discrepancy between attitudes in politics and in law issues, declarations and the realities of life that is a common trend in the development of the African continent as well as of many societies in transition. Roubailo-Koudolo S. Université de Lomé, Togo

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Feminine Itinerant Distress on the Coast of the Bay of Benin: the Case of the Adepts of “Voodoo” in the City of Lome in Togo The feminine community of the adepts of the “Voodoo” cult rub along in a position of deepest distress in life which categorizes them straight out as vulnerable and homeless people. Despite the fact that their identity evokes both respect for and fear of their spiritual might, they are factually pushed aside by the “modern world” for they are considered as bearers of an archaic culture. During their temporary stays in urban areas, they are faced with the double necessity of getting financial earnings, on one hand, to ensure the very strict minimum of survival and, on the other hand, to procure themselves a treasury for eventual ceremonies in their areas of origin. By carrying out those degrading activities in the markets, as porters and garbage pickers, or again as washer-woman they earn a misery take-home pay. After this daily chore, these people come together in groupings under the shelter of the different markets or in ruined houses. Made up of mostly women with their very young children, this category of laypeople on the move is all but barred from the social actions and services of the humanitarian institutions. The objective of this pluridisciplinary study is to present the distress in the situation in life of the feminine-itinerant community of “Voodoo” followers in the urban neighborhoods. Moreover, it attempts at deepening the reflection on the possibilities of improving upon their situation in life thanks to conceptual and methodological innovations. The elaboration of intercultural programmes and the realization of social concrete actions will enable us to promote the respect for the fundamental rights of this itinerant community. The survey was carried out in Southern Togo, in the national capital – Lomé. Nevertheless it reveals socio-economic and cultural mutations which occur in the whole coastal region of the Gulf of Benin, a region characterized by similar cultural features and an identical development process.

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Shishkina A.R. State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

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Postcolonial Feminism Today the interdisciplinary character of the humanities is wide-spread in the world and they are influenced by the interaction between the concepts of postcolonialism, religion, politics, gender, etc. Probably the most important and vivid streams of thought in this aspect are colonialism and feminism. Postcolonial feminism is the area of feministic thought developed by theorists from the Third World countries since 1980s. Postcolonial feminism problematises cultural identity of human being, language and nationality in their connection with the position of women in the new national states of Africa, Asia and Caribbean basin; female self-representation in postcolonial cultures and critical relation to the western ("white") feminism. Postcolonial Africa represents the atmosphere of political instability and absence of viable economy that should be reflected in the position of the people occupying it. Actually, there has been a dehumanization of the whole continent. This phenomenon has a lot of reasons: these are military operations, civil excitements, destruction of family and public traditions, and globalization and urbanization processes as well. However, the majority of them, in their turn, are the consequence of postcolonial struggle and events of the last decades. It is no wonder that in this circumstances the special urgency was a question on how a person, who is and was under the powerful pressure of the state, political processes and the racial prejudices which frequently are strongly taking roots in culture, can represent himself . The postcolonialist reality (contrary to «romantic» colonial projects) has found out the complexity and discrepancy in the strategy of cultural identifications functioning in a discourse under the signs of "the united people" or "the united nation". Therefore theorists of postcolonialism insist on criterion of "time measurement" in the description of national political communities, called to replace a method of historicism. Such methodological approach provides the perspective of disjunctive forms of representation of postcolonial cultures and subjects — including female subjectivity. The theorists of postcolonial feminism negatively estimate the integration processes in the economy, because, in their opinion, this process really leads to the establishment of economic dictatorship of the western models in developing countries. During the capitalisation of society, one of those who suffer first, are women – they are discharged from decision-making and also superseded from the labor market. Women, as a result, are exposed to double discrimination: as representatives of the discriminated nation and as women.

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Suhov N.V. Director of the Russian center of science and culture in Rabat, Morocco

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"Mixed" Families and Globalization (the Morocco Example) Humanitarian aspects of globalization include all spectrums of social and family relations, as integrity of the family structure is one of natural parameters of the interaction between traditional and modern in the social and cultural realities of the world. Therefore, modern problems of family cannot be considered outside of the globalization context. If we take as an example the Russian-Moroccan "mixed" marriages, we’d see, despite of more than semicentennial history of their appearance on the ethno-social maps of both countries, new tendencies generated, undoubtedly, by the contemporary globalization processes. Therefore, the first Russian-Moroccan marriages in the middle of the 20-th century have been contracted mainly between the Soviet women and the Moroccan students of high schools of the USSR. The overwhelming majority of such families went to the homeland of the spouse after the graduation. The Moroccan remaining in the country of his wife was the rare exception to the usual rules. With the beginning of the world globalization processes, the formation of the "mixed" Russian-Moroccan families undergoes changes, connected with the legal status and geographical placing of the members of such families. The contemporary legislations of both countries interpret migration from one country to another more loyally today than before and allow for both spouses in interethnic marriage to move freely not only from the motherland of the husband to his wife’s one, but also to third countries in search of more comfortable conditions of life. Moreover, due to the modern communication media, both Russia and Morocco are included into international information space, so that facilitates the spouses, who are being far from the native land, to communicate with relatives. However to be informed – does not mean yet, to understand, and furthermore to accept features of another's life, other mentality. And the processes, which are perceived today as a derivative of globalization variations, in reality can be the result of historical and cultural tradition of this or that region. Both, mentioned above, groups of factors are equal in influence and can doubly effect gender relationships in the “mixed” family. On one hand, they promote the increase of the female status in a family and society; and, on the other hand, they can undermine positive elements of gender traditional relations, loosen moral and psychological foundations of the population, and destabilize modern family.

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Panel 10. INFORMATION, EDUCATION AND LINGUISTIC POLICY IN AFRICA FROM THE STANDPOINT OF GLOBALIZATION AND REGIONALIZATION Conveners: Prof. Vatanyar Yagya, Dr. Konstantin Pantserev

Amaka G.A. Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria

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Nigeria: The Challenge of Multilingualism and a National Language Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual state brought together arbitrarily by the British in the course of colonial rule. The diversity of local cultures and languages has the potential to enrich the variety of national life, and to promote intergroup relations; but it has been extremely difficult to hold the country together, and to develop a widely acceptable national language other than formal English which is still the official language of government and business. Although English is widely spoken in Nigeria, it remains a foreign, alien language, the prominence of which threatens the preservation and development of the wealth of indigenous languages. The year 2008 was appropriately declared the International Year of Languages, aimed at developing the marginalized languages in every country of the world. It has been even more difficult to develop an indigenous national language to form a bridge for mutual respect and understanding among the various cultural groups in Nigeria. Admittedly, English, like the other major languages of the world, is better developed and adapted to the needs of the modern age of the internet and Information and Communication Technology; thus the use of English has many practical advantages. The challenge for countries like Nigeria is how best to take advantage of the practical value of the English language without undermining the rich variety of local languages; how to domesticate the English language and develop a unique form of the language that draws from the rich linguistic repertoire of the indigenous languages. The paper explores how best to do this, drawing insights from the ongoing debates about the ‘ New Englishes’ being developed and adopted in different parts of the world. Bolgov R.V. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia Information and Communication Technologies in Military Affairs: Political Aspects 1. Innovations in information and communication technologies (ICT) always had a significant effect on politics and military. Changes in the military have a

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number of political consequences due to the advent of new software and hardware tools to advance the combat capabilities. 2. Today's military success, achieved with the ICT-based arms, do not always lead to political success. An example is the war in Iraq that began in 2002 and continues to this day. At the same time there are opportunities to achieve political objectives without the large-scale warfare. 3. According to the RAND forecast the development of ICT leads to the emergence of "netwar", and it means a possible rise of "regime change operations". 4. ICT can improve communications between military groups. This advances the capabilities of operations carried out by international military coalitions. 5. The need to have a massive army is reduced because of ICT-based precision weapons development. There are prospects for nuclear arms reduction. At the same time, the conflict in South Ossetia in August 2008 showed that the role of conventional military power remains significant. 6. The strategic doctrines of a number of states and organizations provide for strikes using conventional and nuclear weapons in response to cyber-attacks. Such doctrines may have a destabilizing effect on international security. Legally unregulated cyber-attacks and uncontrolled ICT-based arms trade remain important. It may be possible to strengthen the weak with asymmetric threats to the strong. There is also a possibility for the opposite effect: the overwhelming advantage of the strong in ICT-based arms may discourage the weak to create new types of weapons. The dual nature of the ICT impact on international security is also reflected in the fact that on one hand ICT promote democracy and therefore reduce conflict. On the other hand ICT are a favourable environment for network forms of crime. Chernov I.V. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia

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The Role of the French Language in the Formation of the “Nation” (Example of Countries of French-speaking Africa) Majority of the former French colonies in Africa received independence within the artificial borders drawn by colonial administration. These borders frequently did not coincide with ethno-linguistic borders. During colonial times French was a unique written language in this region. A number of African elites (first of all the former African colonial administration, teachers, and journalists) have counted on France during the course of modernization and copied the French experience in the construction of a nation. In these conditions French naturally became the state language of new developing African nations. Certain successes were made in this regard. Thus, in Senegal and other former French colonies they have set a sociopolitical experiment in the creation of French-speaking African nations. However, by the beginning of XXI century it is possible to ascertain, that realization of the French model in Africa has met serious difficulties. For example, attempts of the authorities of Cote d’Ivoire to realize the idea of uniform nation has ended in failure. The great part of the population of “francophone” countries does

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not know French language. Thus, the French language in modern Africa acts in as Latin language in Medieval Europe. Within the limits of the new African nations a French-speaking “community” and a huge number of the ethno-linguistic communities, which are outside the nation, coexist. Gusarova E.V. University of Naples, Istituto “L’Orientale”, Italy The Role of Written Historiographical Fonts in the Formation of Modern Society in Ethiopia

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In the conditions of modern multiethnic society an important and, in some degree, a leading role plays the process of self identification, comprehension of proper identity, proper roots and historical background. This problem can be clearly illustrated by the social substrate of modern Ethiopia and its multiethnic reality. The self identification and self consciousness of a distinct ethnic group is directly connected with its history and, when it is possible, with written fonts that mention the people in question. In the frame of the present research written fonts of historiographical character are taken in consideration, applied to the people Oromo that account a considerable part of actual population of Ethiopia. This kind of fonts contains information that might play an important role nowadays for the modern conditions of the Oromo in the social structure on different levels of the society of Ethiopia. In this situation a right interpretation of the fonts is of great importance. As far as this argument is concerned, the main problem is that a considerable amount of texts conserved in manuscripts is not edited yet or is edited without taking in consideration by the editor of the classical criteria of ecdotica that must be used in critical edition of texts. If one is not aware of the history of proper ancestors the integration in modern global society becomes impossible and, to a certain extent, the sense of the new informational and telecommunication technologies is going to be lost. Hakhverdyan G.K. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia Globalization and Regionalization: An Attempt of Theoretical Understanding The word “globalization” came in the intellectual usage alongside with the collapse of bipolar geopolitical system and already over two decades it has been constantly gaining momentum in scientific and social circles. Here we are dealing with the set of economic, technological, political, legal and cultural processes that nowadays dominate during the present period of modern human development. The definition of the notion of “globalization” has a well-known semantic load in spite of the initial unsophisticated meaning of the word itself. Formally, «globalization» should be some process leading to the condition of «globality». Neverthe-

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less, in real life the condition of globality is rather approximate to which you can infinitely approach. So as it is seen, the process is a “sense” of itself in a case of globalization. As it is widely known, the general discussions on the problem of globalization consider the statements concerning primarily the depth of this problem, its scope, revolutionism and etc., but not the fact of its existence. As it often occurs in social studies the characteristic of globalization problem lies in the fact that the extension of an intellectual basis mostly leads to the increase in its uncertainty, but not to the accurate understanding of the subject. Undoubtedly, the conception of globalism plays a leading role to support an ideological platform that becomes the ground for modern global economic contacts. However, as we suppose, it does not deprive globalization process of its objective origin that consists in its communicative-technological side. The progress in this very sphere originates or aggravates the ecological, migration, demographic problems; promotes the growth of international crime; exacerbates the situation in other spheres of social life. The necessity to solve the problems of this kind, as well as trade and economic priorities based on “the general welfare” principle, results in coordinated and parallel actions of the involved states, institutionalization of international relations and intensification of the integration process. The interstate regional integration is a key element of the complex process of regionalization which also contains important “informal integration”. In a socialpolitical context integration should be interpreted as a formation of the integral whole by adding of the halves; interpenetration or unification of any elements in the process of development; the process of composition of interrelations and intensification of interdependence between various elements, and their composition into unified and harmonious system. Accordingly, if the process of globalization is developing in a relatively autonomous mode, the political will of the national authority will act as an initial item of regionalization. Therefore, considering the correlation of globalization and regionalization one should not proceed from fundamental contradiction but from parallelism of these interrelated processes.

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Kovalevskaya N.V. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia Linguo-political Aspects of Current Policy of Ethiopia Linguistic dimension of world politics is currently becoming one of the most vital elements of practice and theory in world politics. Eritrea has being part of Ethiopia for more than 40 years (1952-1993) and it ended with Eritrea gaining independence. But this didn’t stop further tension between Eritrea and Ethiopia that repeatedly led to armed clashes. Eritrea has repeatedly lodged territorial claims to Ethiopia. In Ethiopia itself there is tension concerning relations between “center – regional states” and “regional states – interregional administrative territories”. Territorial integrity of Ethiopia has been experiencing new challenges. A major role is being played in achievement of intergovernmental stability by ethnic, linguistic and

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religious factors. Ethiopia becomes a country with the prevalence of Muslims population, but it is still segmented. An important role in political and economical development is played by those ethiopians who are returning or have already returned after a long period of their emmigration during the rule of Derg. Though, it should be considered that many refugees from Ethiopia, who served during the times of Derg and migrated after its collapse, have settled in many countries of the world. They form an irreconcilable Ethiopian Diaspora that is dreaming of revenge. Ethiopian migrants, Derg’s adherents, are searching for those who are not satisfied with the regime of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. One of the reasons for discontent is connected with the break between constitutional provisions and real practice of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. Ethiopia in geopolitical contest exists in a more favorable situation compared to many African states. Nevertheless there are many disadvantages that decrease its international political potential and cast the country away far from the centre of world politics. However, on the African continent Ethiopia is acknowledged to be one of political leaders of Africa. Managa A. Africa Institute of South Africa, Pretoria, ZAR

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An Evaluation of South African Government Strategy to Enhance Human Capital Development Human capital development refers to formal and explicit activities that enhance the ability of people to reach their full potential. Human capital serves to improve the productivity of people in the areas of work by enhancing their skills, knowledge and abilities. The South African (SA) government through various institutions has been dedicated to enhancing capacity building for upcoming researchers. Thus, human resources development is critically important in South Africa’s development agenda. The key element in human capital development and promotion of dynamic private sector is the establishment of institutional structures that are needed for education, training, research and support services. Thus, institutions of higher learning have been seen as key instrument to develop young graduates. However, the development of human capital in SA is no without challenges. The challenges are due to lack of pool for essential capabilities required in all institutions responsible for macro and micro economic development. It is through human capital that new knowledge can be induced and strengthened to increase the aggregate levels of skills in the workforce so that we can maximize opportunities for an individual, thereby benefiting society as whole. The economic and social development is determined by availability of an adequate supply of the right kind of trained manpower. The right balance of technical knowledge and practical skills are vital for any meaningful development. The failure to invest in human capital is partly manifested in the apparent low level of the economy.

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This article attempts to discuss the importance of human capital and capacity building for the realization of sustained economic growth. It further emphasize that institutional structures are an essential prerequisite for economic development. Questionnaire and interviews will be used in order to gather necessary information for the evaluation of South African government strategy to enhance human capital development. .

Matemulane J.Z.S. St. Petersburg

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Russia-Africa: Effective Educational Policy as a Factor of Strengthening of International Relations The majority of Africa’s qualified workforce has graduated from the Soviet and Russian universities. This provides a perfect possibility of strengthening Russia’s positions in Africa. However, Russia does not use this opportunity to the full extent. At the same time, some other BRIC countries are getting more and more active in terms of intensification economic ties with Africa. More than 70% of development sector contracts in development sector are being won by Chinese and Indian investors. Recent activisaton of Brasil's investment in Africa is also of note. This paper is a result of a research aimed at studying the attitudes of African students studying in Russia towards its education system and the general process of adaptation to living in this country. The survey conveyed among African students in St. Petersburg revealed not only the positive aspects of their attitudes towards Russian educational system (such as price-quality relationship), but also some negative ones, like low security levels and some legislation-related problems. Conclusions which can be drawn from this study lead to the following politicopsychological recommendation: one should pay more attention to the African graduates from Russian universities for they can be considered as the main advantage Russia has in terms of political and economic competition on the continent. The paper suggests several strategic steps aimed at advancing the conditions of African students’ studying in Russian universities and also at strengthening Russia’s economic and cultural influence in Africa. The paper argues that this can be achieved by creating respective funding programmes. Nesterova I.E. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia The Informational Interaction as a New Form of Intergovernmental Cooperation of African States on the Problem of Trans Boundary Rivers Hydrosphere environmental problems promptly accrue all over the world. It is important to understand that, as well as in an extreme antiquity, today absence of access to water sources becomes the reason of sharp regional conflicts. For example, in Africa there are 60 river pools, each of which occupies the territory belong-

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ing to more than one country. According to the African development bank, African states use effectively only 4% of fresh water of the continent. Each country with considerable water resources has state bodies to govern them. From the point of view of geopolitics it is important that in the work of such state bodies special attention was given to boundary and trans-boundary problems of water use. Therefrom follows objective necessity to develop new forms of international cooperation aimed at solving water problems, and also to raise its efficiency by means of activization of information interaction within the considered area. Here it is especially necessary to note a role of information interaction of the African countries within the limits of regional interstate structures that exist today. Examples of such interaction could be activity of such mechanisms of cooperation as, created in 2007 on the basis of the Initiative on a Nile river basin, Commission on the river Nile and also Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries, Power generation of the countries of Great Lakes, Organization on the use and development of Kagera river basin. Besides, information interaction among the African states is carried out with active participation of the United Nations Organization. «Water for life: 2005-2015» is a question of the International decade of actions declared by the General Assembly. The Primary goal of the Decade «Water for life» is encouragement of efforts in order to achieve obligations accepted at the international level concerning water and water supply by 2015. Thus, successful cooperation in the field of management of joint water resources can benefit on many levels. Besides the fact that the potential of conflicts decreases, it can promote improvement of the quality of water, growth of well-being and creation of conditions for wider cooperation. Pantserev K.A. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia

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States of the Tropical Africa on the Way to the Equal Integration into the Global Informational and Communicational Space 1. Nowadays the vast majority of African Sates consider the modern information technologies as an effective instrument which is able to help to solve the most significant problems of the continent. Very often they name the system of telecommunication as the material part of globalization. 2. A lot of African States have formulated the foundation of the national information policy and have proclaimed the development of information technologies as one of the most important directions of their social and economic development. But the vast majority of African States don’t dispose sufficient financial and technological resources for the creation of a modern information infrastructure. 3. In order to ensure the inflow of private capital into the information sector African States were forced to proclaim the public/private partnership and to declare full liberalization of the sector. Such partnership means that they sell the national informational space of the State to private companies which become responsible for the creation, development and modernization of the information infrastructure. The

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Sate is able only to regulate the activity of private companies in the market and to create favorable environment for the inflow of private, especially foreign, capital into the ICT sector. As a result a great number of private telecommunication companies have appeared, the vast majority of which belong to foreign investors. 4. If the African States want to keep control over the national information space, they should review the content of the public/private partnership. According to our vision, the optic-fiber network which forms the backbone of the information and communication infrastructure of the country should remain the property of the State as a strategic resource. Private companies should be busy only in the elaboration of the technology of “last mile” and the allocation of IT-services to citizens. Only in that case the public/private partnership, in our opinion, will be an efficient one. 5. At present we can conclude that African States choose the way of an ordinary sale of national information and communication space to foreign investors, and their national information policy is aimed at overcoming the digital gap only between the reach North and the poor South; but not to the assertion of the interests of their citizens in the information age and the overcoming of the local digital divide between big industrial centers and small villages. Shcherbovich A.A. State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

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The African Continent within the Context of Internet Governance The issue of development, highly relevant to the African continent, is essential for non-political organizations of the UN system. Control of the Internet, being a sufficiently new theme of global development, is particularly crucial for the African continent. Actual involvement in this process means successful survival in the global information society. The Internet Governance Forum holds annual international conferences in various countries around the world. The conferences aim to develop and improve Internet governance arrangements, taking into account internationally accepted principles of human rights, and are open to participation to all stakeholders involved in global Internet governance. The Internet Governance Forum, whose mandate the UN General Assembly has established for 5 years, has been held for the fifth time. Beginning with the second phase of the World Summit of the Information Society (Tunis, 2006), African countries are actively involved in organizing and conducting of the IGF. Thus, the 4th Forum of 2009 was held in Egypt. Representatives of the continent have also actively participated in the fifth meeting of the Forum in Vilnius from 14 to 17 September 2010. This led to discussion of urgent priority for Africa in Internet governance: Internet governance for development (reducing the digital divide, development of civil rights and freedoms in the digital era, including freedom of speech and the right of access to information). Another priority issue for Africa is development of multilingualism in cyberspace: this problem is pressing, but at the same time difficult to tackle, since many African nations are using non-

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written languages; and this creates problems for access to cyberspace and development. All IGF participants were unanimous in saying that the mandate of the Forum on Internet Governance should be extended by at least another 5 years. If the General Assembly decides so, the next forum will be held in Kenya – the government of this country has expressed its desire to host the sixth meeting of the Forum in 2011. This fact confirms the urgency of the problem of Internet governance for the entire continent. Vinogradova S.M. St.-Petersburg State University, Russia

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MacBride Report: Thirty Years Later On October 1980 at the twenty-first session of the General Conference of UNESCO (Belgrade) discussion of the report widely known under the title «Many Voices, One World» took place. It was presented by the International Commission whose chairman was Sean McBride. Having revealed and given full consideration to problems of communication in the various countries and world regions, experts of UNESCO were concerned about a disbalance in the sphere of international communication, and this was in tune with ideas of supporters of a New International Information Order (NIIO). The first decade that passed after the end of Commission’s work has shown that, despite certain positive changes in the communications area, communication gap between developed and developing countries has remained. There was a fear that in the world information community there will be countries and regions-outsiders. However, in the early nineties high hopes were assigned to new technologies which will open to everyone the widest access to information and the necessity of struggle for a more just international information and communication order will disappear by itself. At the turn of millennium a question on pluralism of access to mass media has got a new sounding. In the conditions of formation of a global information society researchers have noted the necessity of continuation of the North-South dialogue and of the polylogue between all actors of international relations. In the Okinawa Charter of the Global Information Society adopted on July, 22nd, 2000 by leaders of G8, it was said about the exclusive importance of the task of bridging the digital divide within and between countries. In spite of the fact that the first decade of the XXI century witnessed deep transformations of an information map of the world, the problem of communication gap is still on the agenda. According to the International Telecommunication Union data (2010), the poorest countries, many of which are in Africa, continue to remain in the bottom part of IDI (ICT Development Index). Certainly, the report by McBride already belongs to history. However both supporters, and opponents of ideas contained in it constantly come back to positions and conclusions of this document. Possibly, by re-reading McBride, we can better understand the present.

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Yagya V.S. St. Petersburg State University

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African States and International Language-political Associations Various international language-political associations (the International organization of Francophonia, the organization of Spainphonia, the English-speaking Union, Lusophonia – the Commonwealth of the countries of the Portuguese language), or as sometimes they are named, the Language Unions operates in Africa. They participate in formation of English-, French-, Luzo-, Spanish-, and others – the political spaces reflecting limits of former colonial empires. It is one of arguments of supporters of idea of revival of former imperial spaces where already updated processes distinct from the past “the independent state – former empire” will proceed. The relations developing on these spaces which are based on rod position of former metropolia, other quality, than in a paradigm “a colony- a metropolia”. At the expense of connection to these language-political associations the countries which were not colonies of the European metropolias, whose language extended in its Afro-Asian or Latin American possessions, and nowadays is a rod basis of such union, the sphere of influence of the country of the initial carrier of this language extends. Its activity is carried out mainly in humanitarian and social spheres, is more rare in economic area. In the political plan these organizations aspire to spend the common decisions concerning the language policy, cultural actions, joint humanitarian actions in the context of world politics. The political component of such associations in interaction with the world community gets the increasing scope. Thus position of the countries which didn’t enter before into borders of this or that colonial empire, in the conditions of development of the general actions on the world scene for the clear reasons is complicated. Apparently, participation of the African countries in those or others language-political associations will soften under certain conditions (if not to eliminate) becoming aggravated national-language relations. Some steps of the language unions on the world scene and in the intraafrican life drop out from mainstream of continental efforts of the African Union. In the same aspect realization of the European Union project “the Union for the Mediterranean” which, on visible, strengthens interrelations between the North Africa and the EU therefore will come still more alienation of the north of Africa from Africa to the south of Sahara operates. A special place in language-political picture on Globe the countries of the Arabian world and effort of some form on an Arabization of Africa to the south of Sahara (for example, Ethiopia).

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Panel 11. INTERACTION BETWEEN LITERATURE, CULTURE AND AFRICAN DIASPORAS: STAGES, TENDENCIES AND PERSPECTIVES Conveners: Prof. Nikolay Dobronravin, Dr. Anna Siim

Gromov M. United States International University Nairobi, Kenya

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Swahili Playwriting after the year 2000 Playwriting in Swahili has undergone an impetuous evolution since its emergence in the late 1950s. Throughout this period its development, as assessed by scholars, was characterised by two parallel (and largely hardly interacting) trends. The first one was so-called enlightening drama, or “drama of manners”, mainly targeting the lower social groups, educating them on various aspects of everyday life – marriage, work ethics, relationship between generations, etc. (also including “theatre for development”). The second trend was represented by satirical political drama, where authors, the dramatists of higher intellectual background (e.g., the members of Tanzania Drama School of the University of Dar es Salaam) were presenting the corresponding audience with their vision of the urgent social and political problems of the region and, on a wider scale, of the entire continent of Africa, usually presented in satirical mode. These two tendencies co-existed in Tanzanian and, to a lesser extent, in Kenyan Swahili playwriting until 1990s and 2000s, when the changes in the social development of the region stipulated adequate alterations on the literary palette of East Africa. The current situation in Swahili playwriting is characterised by the dominance of satirical political trend (as well as by the general shift of literary activity from Tanzania to Kenya), with authors aiming at the growth of the social-political consciousness of the audience. This satirical political trend has gained prominence in the recent years in the works of both already established and upcoming dramatists from both countries, such as Tanzanians Farouk Topan, Said Ahmed Mohamed, Ali Mwalim Rashid, Kenyan authors Kyallo Wamitila, Kithakawa Mberia, Kimani Njogu, Lamin Omar, Mungaiwa Muthonya, Nyeyo Kenga Mumbo, Njiru Kimunyi, Humphreys Omwaka, whose works are highlighted in the paper. Popov V.A. Museum of Anthropology and Enthography of Peter the Great (Kunstkamera), St.Petersburg, Russia The Creoles of Sierra Leone: the Roots of Ethnic Culture The Creoles (or Crioles) of Sierra Leone ( endoethnonym – crio) appeared in 19th century as a result of mixing of detribalized Africans - the former slaves who came back to Africa after the abolition of slavery at the end of 18th – in the middle

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of 19th centuries from America (the USA, Canada, British territories in West India ), Maroons banished from Jamaica and also the so-called emancipated Africans i.e. people from different regions of West Africa who had been emancipated by the English from captured slave ships and delivered to Freetown ( most of them are were from the ethnic groups of the present-day Nigeria: Yoruba, Igbo, Fulani and others ). The most numerous group (1200 people) among first immigrants was the group of the Novascotians (New Scotsmen) – the former slaves belonging to the British Army who had taken part in the war between the Great Britain and its colonies in North America (1775–1783) and later were deported to the Nova Scotia (New Scotland), the Canadian province. The Maroons appeared in 1800. It was a group of 500 slaves who had rebelled against the plantators in Jamaica, fought against British forces for several years and later were deported to the Nova Scotia. After 1808 the emancipated Africans became the most numerous group. They were still keeping some memories about their ethnic origin, language and customs. In 1840-es the influx of emancipated slaves was stopped; the Sierra Leone born descendants of settlers already outnumbered the ethnic groups from other regions. The shaping of a unified Creole ethnic group started. At the beginning only Sierra Leone born descendants of the Novascotians, the Maroons and the emancipated slaves were named the Crioles, but already in 1870-s all Africans in the colony who had immigrant origin, possessed a definite cultural unity and considerably distinguished from the inland inhabitants of Sierra Leone were named so. The Criole community from the very outset was heterogeneous in ethnic respect but the Novascotians became the core of cultural consolidation for emancipated Africans and their descendants. At the same time the culture of the new ethnic group got some African traits; their mothertongue was Crio which had been formed on the base of creolized English spoken in the Britain’s colonies in North America with the elements of French- and Portuguese-based pidgins and the Yoruba language. Until the 1890s the Crioles felt their ethno-cultural similarity with the British and called themselves «the black Englishmen». Just at the end of 19th century there was an increase of anti-British moods caused by the policy of «British cultural superiority» together with stricter territorial and social segregation. So they developed the awareness of their African origin. Today most of them identify themselves as Africans, Sierra Leoneans or even Nigerians and partly assimilate with the autochthones. At the same time, the Crio live in a quite European-like style, usually have a high education level, they are members of the Anglican Church (with the exception of Aku – small Muslim group). The Crioles in Sierra Leone rates to not less than 700 000 people (est. 2010) which makes less than 2% of the Sierra Leone population. In spite of their small numbers, the Crioles take up the leading positions in state administration, medicine and education, engineering and business. From the Crioles came first ideologists of Pan-Africanism and remarkable political figures in a number of countries which formerly were British colonies (Nigeria, Gold Coast /modern Ghana/, Gambia).

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Rinkanya A. University of Nairobi, Kenya Women Literature in Kenya: taking the Social Challenge

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In the changing paradigms of the world development, the gender aspect has played one of the prominent roles. In Kenya, as well as in many other African countries, the current situation is characterized with growing tendency towards female emancipation and empowerment, quest for gender equality, more active participation of women in different spheres of life. Apparently this social change takes place in constant opposition to patriarchal ideology, which denies woman any other role in society but caretakers of their husbands and children, regarding women as a mere commodity of their male counterparts and relatives. This emergent change in the position of women is comprehensively reflected in Kenyan literature; especially in that category of it which is usually referred to as “women literature” and that we define as ‘literature by women, about women and for women’. Moreover, the works of Kenyan women writers not only reflect the current situation about women, but also serve as an instrument of social change, developing the social consciousness of Kenyan women and enhancing their social awareness. The paper analyses the above aspects in the works of Kenyan women writers of English expression - Margaret Ogola, Patricia Ngurukie, Wanjiru Waithaka, Stella Njuguna, Florence Mbaya, Georgina Mbithe, Muthoni Garland - as well as Swahili women writers, such as Sheila Ryanga and Clara Momanyi.

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Panel 12. ISLAMIC CHALLENGE TO CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER: FROM CIVILIZATIONAL IDENTITY TO GLOBAL CALIPHATE? EXPERIENCE OF REGIONS IN THE MUSLIM WORLD Conveners: Prof. Anatoliy Savateev, Dr. Enver Kisriev

Kisriyev E.F. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Nature of Islamic Political Radicalism Nowadays, issues connected with the radical Islamic movements have won priority in discussions related to global political processes in the modern world. Islamic fundamentalism, radicalism and terrorism are widely discussed by political experts at all international political forums, in statements, articles and books. At the same time, very little thorough research has been done on the subject. In all likelihood, it is just the extreme importance of the matter and political interests that hinder the investigation of the numerous problems involved. The most well known approach to comprehending the problem in question was formulated by Samuel Hantington. According to him, the deepest contradictions provoking conflicts were not those driven by ideological or economic factors but by fundamental cultural differences identified as conflict of civilisations. Another prominent political theorist, Daniel Pipes, suggested that one should not talk about conflict of civilisations but rather about conflict between civilisation and barbarism. The Northern Caucasus is a good subject of research on Islam in the process of its radicalisation, apprehension of the causes of the process, understanding its nature and character. It is here that during the last twenty years that tendencies have been developing, at first, towards re-Islamisation and, later on, towards differentiation between various branches of Islam. Also the dialectics of their relationship with the people in power, their association with home conflicts, etc became more obvious. Lately, we have been witnessing the intensification of radical extremist underground groupings that oppose not only the official authorities but the whole of the presentday civil and social order. The stated phenomena have been studied over the whole period since the first signs of the revival of religious life appeared and up to the tragic developments of to-day. The study employed the methods of direct observation, sociological questioning, acquaintance with most important individuals, familiarisation with bureaucratic and administrative aspects of evolution of situations in progress, construction of theoretical typology of phenomena under research. The study makes it possible to draw a number of conclusions, namely regarding the social nature of radicalisation of the religious consciousness in the NorthCaucasian region, the decisive role of existential factors in stimulating the growing interest of the masses in Islamic theology, the acceptance by a great number of Cau-

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casian youth of a radical mode of interpreting the sense of relevant sacred texts, rigid principles demanding loyalty to Islamic faith and action as imperative. Karpacheva O.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Project of Caliphate’s Restoration in the Light of the Ideological Origins of Islamic Fundamentalism The views of modern theorists on Islamic fundamentalism go back to the ideological heritage of Muslim philosophers of different periods of the Muslim civilization. The Kharijite movement born in the I-st century of the Muslim era is regarded, not without a reason, as the ancestor of modern Muslim fundamentalists. It should be noted that even official sources now often refer to Islamic fundamentalists as to Kharijites to stress their non-Islamic nature. Ideological origins of the Islamic fundamentalism are tightly connected to the caliphate ideas put forward by Muslim reformists at the end of the XIXth – beginning of the XXth century. Among the most powerful scholars who pushed forward the formation of the present Islamic fundamentalism were Jamal-al-Din Afghani, Rashid Rida, Muhammad Abdo and Abd Al-Rahman Al Kawakibi. The Islamic Caliphate was abolished in 1924 when sultan Abdul Madjid died. Caliph as well as the Pope was the symbol of unanimity and solidarity of the Islamic world: during the Caliphate the Islamic Ummah expanded from Morocco in the west to Indonesia in the east including some regions of the Soviet Union in the north and African countries in the south. Looking back at their history the contemporary Muslims remember not only the times of the prophet in Medina but also the times of Umar ibn al-Hattab and Umar Ibn Abdul Aziz when as everyone believes the justice prevailed in the society: “The dream of the returning the Caliphate that will unify all the Muslims living properly in social justice according to the legacy of Koran is a kind of utopia, an ideal society appealing to the feelings of most of Muslims”. The dream to return to the Caliphate and to restore the Islamic Ummah is unfeasible for a rational mind but from the point of view of a passionate believer it seems quite real. Landa R.G. Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia Islamism in Russia: Problems and Perspectives There are many reasons for the rise of Islamism in post-soviet Russia: 1) the collapse of the USSR and its ruling, political, military and information structures; 2) the economic difficulties and social dissatisfaction on a mass scale in all regions of the USSR; 3) the advancement of Islam in Muslim regions as a result of moral, psychological, political and sociocultural crisis of former ideology; 4) many mistakes by the new Russian authorities on the unknown way “from socialism to capitalism”;

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5) incapacity of this authority to quickly take political and military control of the Muslim regions; 6) underestimation of growing Islamist threat by young political elite of new post-soviet Russia. It is necessary to mention also the Sufi brotherhoods (“tariqas”), i.e. the spiritual orders with their own doctrines, rites and absolute discipline. There are more than 300 “tariqas” in the world. Many of them, for example, Qadiriya, Naqshbandiya, Shaziliya and Yasaviya, are acting now in Caucasus, Central Asia and Volga region. Last years we have seen the emergence of several new “tariqas” including such as Hakkaniya with its branches in USA, Great Britain, Lebanon and Daghestan. Their internal life is secret for all uninitiated. In such conditions decision to start a war in Chechnya was a great mistake, and a result of a massive intelligence failure and an egregious miscalculation. The Chechens suffered twice from Russian authorities during the Caucasian war of 1817 – 1864 and the Stalinist deportation of 1944 – 1956. And they were the most bellicose among the Caucasian peoples. The political and social tension in Chechnya was stimulated in 1989 – 1994 by unemployment rate of 80% of working-age population. That’s why the war in Chechnya was long and hard. And the worst result of this war was the spreading of Islamist and separatist ideas to the neighbouring territories of Ingushetia and Daghestan with military and financial aid of Muslim extremists from abroad. We have also seen the acts of terrorism in Moscow and other Russian cities. Today many mistakes, especially in Chechnya are corrected. But not all the economic, social and moral problems of Muslim regions in Russia are resolved. The majority of our and foreign experts think that the relations between Moscow and Tatarstan could be a possible model for relations between Russian Federation and Muslim regions in Russia. Neflyasheva N.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Crisis of Traditional Identity and “New Islam”: a Case of Northwestern Caucasus Traditional identity of the population of Northwestern Caucasus is based on an all-Caucasus paradigm: the people of Caucasus developed in the conditions of uniform environment of dwelling, in the same environment (mountain-foothill-flat); all people are characterized by comprehension of the cultural and spiritual unity with the peoples of the North Caucasus, high ritualization of daily interrelations etc. At the same time, characteristic feature of identity of the people of the western Caucasus is Adyge Habze, a system of not only moral norms, but also of world outlook that defines daily behavior and motivations. Adyge Habze was a strong system regulating the whole body of interrelations within Adygh society, and also defining its relations with other people. The Islamic institutes which have developed among Circassians by the end of the Caucasian War were undeveloped and were not properly executed structures. They were modernized twice. For the first time, when the Russian Empire was forming loyal Muslim elite and, for this purpose, designed a new social reality in

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which the whole management system of spiritual life of Moslems of the Western Caucasus has been aimed at decreasing the risks of occurrence of a new project similar to “Shamil’s Imamat”. Second time, during the Soviet period, when Islam has been forced out to the periphery of social life and became a phenomenon functions of which were limited to burial ceremonies. The period at the end of 1990s, when the change of political and social context, crisis of traditional culture, sophistication of the traditional Adygh society, high mobility of the population have led to formation of a new identity. It is based on recognition of Islam as a universal project for the Circassians which would be an answer to challenge of the global liberal project and, on the other hand, would give a chance to overcome narrow frameworks of ethnic limitation. There are two wings among so-called “new Moslems”: the first one can be considered as a “moderate wing” which can be referred to moderate salafi, and the second wing – “radical wing” that preaches armed jihad. Shlapentokh D. Indiana University, USA Chechnya and the Models of the Revolutionary Movements

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The revolutionary movements as everything else are constantly evolving. Most would follow the road of “national-bolshevism”. Most of these movements are usually messianic and universalistic in their goals and appeals, at least in the very beginning of their history. Nationalism is rejected as foreign and dangerous creed. Bolshevik Revolution could serve here an example. Still the fundamental changes took place after the victory. Original revolutionary doctrine with its universalistic appeal became incorporated in primordial nationalism as it was the case with Stalin’s USSR. The same could be seen in Late Mao China and post revolutionary Iran. The situation could be different if no victory is in sight. Here the origin nationalism with its limited and well defined goal could be transformed into messianic universalistic creed. And these was the case with Chechnya were the nationalistic animus of Dudaev had evolved into messianic universalistic jihadism. Savateev A.D. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Islamic Fundamentalism in Sub-Saharan Africa: Unity of Theory and Difference of Practice Islamic fundamentalism in sub-Saharan Africa has existed since 1950. It has the common features inherent in all fundamentalist currents in Islam: Recognizing as ideal those spiritual-religious and socio-cultural principles that supposedly guided the community of like-minded people that rallied around Prophet Muhammad. In this sense, the adherents of fundamentalism represent certain cohesion. However, in the socio-professional and theoretical sense, in the methodology of action they are noticeably separated.

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The supporters of return to the original orders of Islam can be divided into two basic groups, which can be called "theoriticians" and "practitioners". The former are, encountered in almost every country with a Muslim population, a numerous, but narrow group of intellectuals and university students that received a secular education. For them, Islam is primarily a spiritual and cultural heritage, rooted in the people; it is a single, universal value system that has at the same time its own potential of social development. Commandments of Allah, passed by Muhammad, are perceived by them as an ideological weapon which can be contrasted to Western, secular theories of social development as their own, original teaching of society on the basis of mutual justice and purity of morals. Second, the "practitioners" – scholars, most of whom received thorough education in Islamic universities in North Africa and the Middle East and enjoy great respect from fellow Muslims for their high level of piety, knowledge of Islamic sciences and the ability to interpret legal, domestic or other living situation in accordance with Muslim law. But, unlike for the "theoreticians", Islam for them is not so much a means as a universal force that transforms the social life in all of its manifestations, including the replacement of a secular state by a theocratic one. All social activities, all spheres of human life should be decided in accordance with the sacred commandments of the Koran. In addition, the ulama are usually closer to the people – revolving in their midst, experiencing the same hardships and, sometimes, injustices from authorities, who in addition often associate themselves with a global government; they understand better the needs and troubles of the people, and this is why they head Muslim socio-religious riots, that from time to time take place in one or another country. To such category of adherers it is important primarily to liken the whole system of organization of life in African countries to the norms that demonstrate the theocratic regimes in the Middle East. In an effort to establish a direct Islamic democracy, "the practitioners" has thus come into conflict with the ideal aspirations of the fundamentalist-minded intellectuals that do not reckon what their fate might be if a regime of the type that the Maytatsine movement planned in Nigeria is established in the country. However, and despite all the differences in the camp of "practitioners", they will be considerably smoothed, if the Taliban eventually wins in Afghanistan. That, at the same time, obviously will aggravate relations with Tariqa that represent here the vast majority of the faithful. Dolgov B.V. Institute for Oriental Studies, Moscow, Russia The Islamic Challenge in Europe (Example of France) The Arabic-Moslem diaspora in France is the most numerous in Europe. The part of the French Moslems accepted European civilizational values. Nevertheless many Moslems are devoted to the traditions of their religion and culture. They perceive Islam as the basis of their civilizational identification. In France there are adherents of classical Islam, of individual Islam, and the Movement of Secular Moslems. At the same time some currents of the Moslem Neo Fundamentalists are oper-

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ating in France. Theirs leaders preach the ideology of the Communoterism. That is the reserved existence of the Moslem community in full accordance to the Sharia. Neo-Fundamentalists or Neo-Salafis and the followers of the tablig movement reject European values. They want to partition completely from the secular society. As a result this part of Moslems is excluded from economic and social life of the society. Among them there are a lot of unemployed. Especially this concerns young people. Marginalisation of this part of Moslem youth contributes for the reinforcement of the influence of the jihadist ideology. Approximately one thousand of these kind of Moslem youth are members of the semi-illegal islamist organizations which present a potential terrorist danger. Among the different currents of Islam in France there is confrontation. First of all this concerns the Movement of Secular Mahrebins, that proclaims Democratic Values and wants to modernize Islam. They blame Fundamentalists and Islamists of the Union of Islamic organizations of France and the Party of Moslems of France. At the same time a great many of French Moslems perceive the Islamic identification as cultural rather than religious. The Arab Moslem community in Europe and in particularity in France is part of French society and of Moslem World as well. It plays and will continue to play an increasing role in the social and political activity of the French society. It is so due to the continuing tendency of increase in the number of members of Moslem’s community as well as of the importance of the place in the French society that a number of representatives of Moslem community occupy.

Usman L. Ahmadu Bello University, Nigeria

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Boko Haram Islamic Uprising in Northern Nigeria: Al-Qaeda Front for Global Jihad or a Rebellion Against Local Injustice? The paper examines the origin and nature of the recent Boko Haram Islamic uprising in Northern Nigeria. The insurrection began in Bauchi on 25th July 2010 and spread to Borno, Yobe and Kano States. After a week of violence, over 700 people lay dead, including the 39 year old leader of the sect, who was murdered in Police custody. As government officials and security chiefs celebrated victory, members of the sect re-grouped a month later and resumed attacks against the police and civilian collaborators. In over a dozen attacks launched so far, five policemen and six civilians have been killed in three states. As the drama continues to unfold, it is becoming clear that Boko Haram is not a rag tag army of disgruntled militants but an organized movement with over 500,000 members. The paper shall ask: is the sect an affiliate of Al-Qaeda fighting for a global jihad or is it home grown rebellion against local injustice? It argues that there is no link yet between Al-Qaeda and Boko Haram, whose roots lay in the locally prevalent poverty, corruption and social decay, blamed on westernization and bad governance. However, the paper points out that, continuous repression of the temporarily defeated militants by the Nigerian state, may drive hardened elements among them in to the fold of Al-Qaeda and its global jihad agenda. The paper concludes that when this happens, the rich heritage

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of Islamic movements in Northern Nigeria and its historic cultural link with the Arab world may combine with social discontent to turn this strategic intersection of West and Central Africa in to a major base for Al-Qaeda. Ayupova A.R. ITAR-TASS News Agency, Moscow

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Islamic Dawah in Great Britain: new tendencies and prospects Last decades in Great Britain were marked by growth of Islamic fundamentalist movements. Using the secular character of political institutes and freedoms of England, Islam began to manifest its religious and cultural uniqueness more persistently. Freedom of religion in the public sphere has shaped both moderated and radical views among British Muslims. Towards the middle 1990s, Salafism as an alternate religious paradigm became well established through mosques, networks, publications and media. Salafism is characterized by appealing to the beliefs and practices of early muslim communities. The main Salafism's feature in Britain is its diversity and dynamism. The influence of Salafi trends on British Muslim communities has been larger than its numerical presence. It is reached by the massive web presence and active propaganda among the youth. The search for religious identity against a growth of discontent over a multiculturalism policy became the reason for attracting new followers to this movement. However, an organization with stronger positions among British Sunni Muslims is Jamaat-i-islami. This movement has developed an active propaganda work among various social groups. The Jamaat's objectives are the "Iqamat-e-Deen" or "Nizam-e-Mustafa" – the establishment of a pure Islamic state, governed by Sharia law. The Jamaat opposes Westernization; ideologies such as capitalism, socialism and secularism; and such practices as bank interest and liberal social norms. Another Islamic movement – Ahl-i-hadith has also strong positions in the UK. The followers of the Ahl-i-Hadith movement claim their beliefs and practices to be the same as those of early Muslims. So, it is possible to speak about growth in radicalization which becomes a fascinating alternative for many people. British Umma is disproportional young, and youth is a time of passions and propensity to revolutionary views. Kobishchanov Yu.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Hanafi Ethiopia The history of Islam in Ethiopia is unique. It began with the Prophet Muhammad’s friendly relations with Armah, the King of Axum, and al-hijjra al-habašiyya – the emigration of the Kurayši Muslims to Axum and their return to Mecca. Muslim states and Muslim communities were founded in some parts of Ethiopia in the IXth –XIth cc. According to the great Arab historian Shihab ad-Din Ahmad al-

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‘Omari, in XIVth c. the true believers in the majority of these states professed the Hanafi mazhab of Sunni Islam. They kept it till now in spite of the dramatic events of history. There are four Sunni mazahib in Ethiopia. The Hanafi mazhab profess about 12 Million or 40% of Ethiopian Muslims. Nowhere in Africa can we find such a numerous Hanafi community of autochthon origin, not of Osman or Asian. Dodkhudoeva L.N. Institute of Oriental Studies and literacy legacy of Academy of Sciences, Tajikistan

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Peculiarities of Islamization in Contemporary Tajikistan: between Universal and Local For Tajikistan 1990s became a period of severe civil confrontation, associated with finding a path for renovating society, principles of formation of an independent state (secularism or shari’a). In 1992 this clash of positions led to a civil war that was ended in June, 1997 by signing of a peace agreement. This document took into consideration the interests of the conflicting sides. In fact its provisions defined further socio-political development of the country and influenced the life of the whole region. Real achievement of the Tajik society in overcoming the crisis and the most significant point of this agreement was legalization of activity of the Islamic Revival party of Tajikistan, its representation in the political life of the country, particularly its participation in the work of Parliament (Majlis-i Milli Majlis-i namoyandagon), regular publication of its official newspaper «Najot/Salvation» having been published with some breaks since 1997. Therefore Tajikistan presents a unique sample for analyzing peculiarities of a process of Islamization of the socio-political life in a country which had an experience of secularism. In the recent decade Tajikistan has experienced considerable influence of various Islamist groups and movements («Hizb ut-takhrir-i Islami», Salafiya, «Tabligh-i Jami ‘at-i Islami», etc.), which despite of differences in programs, goals and methods of their activity have a common idea of return to the “glorious Muslim past”, universality of the Muslim Ummah, etc. Young men who have formed their vision of the world in various religious centers (from al-Azhar up to semi legal courses in Pakistan) and are not very much burdened by a civic spirit returned to the country during this period. Raised on different bread these people introduce quite specific note to the Muslim chorus of the country. Today the Muslim community of Tajikistan, which is formed both by «old» Muslims, who fought for Tajik identity as real Muslims within the national State in the period of Perestroika, and by «new» Muslims that are looking at the development of Islam from ecumenical positions, is faced with a problem of a balance of representation of local/national and universal in a new social reality. The campaign, which is carried out at present by the political elite of the country, attests its clear alarm by the examples of violation of the balance between universal Islamic ideas and the interests of the national state.

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Orlov V.V. Moscow State University, Russia

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Moroccan State and Moderate Islamic Parties in the 2000s: Allies or Rivals? Moderate Islamic parties emerged on the Moroccan political stage at the end of the 90s. The largest of them – Party of Justice and Development (PJD, Hizb al‘adala wa-t-tanmiyya) – was founded in 1998 on the basis of a small secular party People’s Democratic Constitutional Movement and Islamist group «Reform and Renewal» (Al-Islahwa-t-tadjdid). The practical legalization of the Islamists occurred in Morocco during the parliamentary elections in 1997, when the union PDCM– «Al-Islah» won 9 seats. During the election campaigns in 2002 and 2007 the parliamentary representation of the Islamist forces increased: after winning 42 seats in the elections in 2002 and 46 seats in the elections in 2007 PJD joined a «club» of nationwide parties (together with the oldest parties in Morocco – Istiqlal and Socialist Union of Popular Forces, SUPF). After two successes of PJD the current system of political parties in Morocco is based on three essential blocs: 1) the bloc of leftcentrist parties grouped around SUPF; 2) the bloc of centrist «palace» parties led by National Alliance of Independents; 3) the Islamic-traditionalist bloc headed by PJD. Such political landscape permits Istiqlal, which is ideologically close to PJD, to maneuver and sustain communication with Islamists as well as the palace. Throughout 2000s the long-term alliance of the royal regime and PJD allowed the palace to appropriate the popular slogans of social protection, used by leftist parties, and at the same time split the ranks of radical Islamic opposition. PJD enjoys legal status for more than 10 years. The party is involved in coalition politics, compromises with the government, consistently supports the throne in asserting Moroccan positions in the West Saharan dispute. The loyalty of PJD is remunerated by a large-scale presence in the parliament, mass media and the Internet, and active contacts with Islamic forces in Morocco as well as abroad. However, in the second half of 2000s the Moroccan authorities shifted to latent restriction on the PJD capabilities and promoted its competitors. In June 2005 a left-Islamist party «Civilizitional Alternative» (PCA, Hizb al-badil al-hadari) was created with approval of the palace, and in December of the same year the constituent assembly of Party of Revival and Blessing (PRB, Hizb an-nahdawa-l-fadila), took place in Rabat. The progovernmental structure – Party of Authenticity and Modernity (PAM, Hizb alasalawa-l-mu‘asara), created in 2008 by royal administration and criticizing Islamist thought, also competes with moderate Islamists during the elections. Bobokhonov R.S. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The Taliban – Afghan Version of Islamic Triumph The main force of the Taliban (Taliban) was students of theological schools and madrasah in rural areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan. It originated in the southeastern Afghanistan in the summer of 1993 among Durrani Pashtuns, but then took

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on a mass character. In 1998 there were approx. 110 thousand Taliban, including those from Ghilzais and other tribes who were members of the Khalq faction of PDPA, Pakistani youths that joined the Taliban warlords. According to American military intelligence in 2010 coalition forces in Afghanistan were opposed by 27,000 fighters of the Taliban, some of whom are active members of Al Qaeda. Former Defense Minister of Germany Andreas von Buelow in an interview with German newspaper Der Tagesspiegel of 13 January 2002 credited the CIA with creating the Taliban: "With the crucial support of the U.S. intelligence services of at least 30,000 Muslim fighters were trained in Afghanistan and Pakistan, including a group of fanatics who were and still are ready for anything. And one of them – it's Osama bin Laden." I wrote a few years ago: "Here is this geek CIA increased the Taliban in Afghanistan, which had been produced on the Koran schools financed by the Americans and the Saudis". On Taliban-controlled territories Shariah is introduced, the implementation of which is strictly controlled. Television, music, musical instruments, art, computers and the Internet, chess, white shoes (white is the color of Taliban flag), the discussion of sex in an open form are banned. Men should always wear a beard of a certain length. Women are not allowed to work, to be treated by male doctors, to appear in public with an open face and without a husband or a male relative. The Taliban advocates a ban on female education (in 2001, girls accounted for only 1% of school pupils). Widely practiced are medieval punishments: cutting off one or two arms for theft and stoning for adultery are popular public corporal punishment. The Taliban are highly religiously intolerant. Being the followers of the Sunni form of Islam, they persecuted the Shiites, due to which dramatically worsened their relations with neighboring Iran. The idea of exporting "Taliban-style revolution" emerged immediately after taking power in Afghanistan. There were three directions: north-east (into the countries of Central Asia and on to Russia), east (to Pakistan and into India) and southeast (through Baluchistan to Iran and then to the Persian Gulf). However, in implementing this strategic plan, the Taliban was stopped by the resistance of the Uzbek opposition (led by Dostum) and the Tajik northern alliance (headed by Masud), as well as the arrival of NATO coalition forces in Afghanistan. Many of the Taliban, being active members of Al Qaeda, are in one way or another involved in many terrorist acts committed by this organization throughout the world, including in Africa. Issaev L.M. High School of Economics, Moscow Coup d’Etat in Egypt and its Possible Consequences for Russia After fleeing in Saudi Arabia the President of Tunisia, Zan El Abidine Ben Ali, wave of anti-government uprisings swept all Arab world. The King of Jordan Abdullah was forced to dissolve the government as a result of the demonstrations on the streets of Amman. Few weeks unrest is continuing in Algeria, Yemen, Bahrain and other Arab States. February, 11 resigned president Hosni Mubarak, who seemed

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unshakable president, whom the opposition calls «Pharaoh», located at power from 1981. Hardly anyone considered, that Mubarak's regime will fall under the the pressure of popular anger that has neither an organizer nor the artist. As a result, power in the country passed into the hands of the Supreme Council of the armed forces. However, in the first three-week riot in the streets of Egyptian cities have played into the hands of the Muslim Brothers - the eldest Islamic association. Mubarak's regime for the first years of its existence began a dialogue with the Islamists, when Vice President Omar Suleiman sat down at the negotiating table with the opposition, among whose were Brotherhood. On its intention to further cooperate with Muslim Brothers supported the two most probable candidate for the post Egyptian President: Mohamed El Baradei and Amr Moussa, whose term as Secretary-General of the Arab League ends Spring 2011. With a high probability it can be assumed that the presidential election support from the Muslim Brothers of a candidate can play a key role. Obviously, the Muslim Brothers will be part of future political establishment: the part of ministerial portfolios, as well as places in National Assembly will be behind them. In this regard, we should not forget well-known formula, under which what happened in Egypt, sooner or later, in varying degrees occurs inevitably in all Arab countries. This fact could have a major influence on the further political stability in Russia, where sectarian conflicts and conflicts intensify with each passing year. British Prime Minister David Cameron has already said at the Munich conference that the experiment of multicultural society in Britain has failed. Realizing all seriousness of the situation, President Dmitry Medvedev collected State Council Presidium meeting in Ufa-city, focused on Multiculturalism in Russia. A few hours before he met the Supreme Mufti of the Republic Bashkortostan Talgat Tadzhuddin, during which he called him to suppress manifestations of radicalism among Muslims in Russia.

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Batalina A.L. State University – Higher School of Economics, Moscow Islam and Policy in Modern Algeria Algeria is a country where Islamic values have always taken all of the indigenous population. At the political arena Islam came out in the late 1980s and coincided with the crisis of the regime and illustrated it. Before this time Muslim organizations wasn’t threat to the political regime, because practicing the principle of "passive resistance". In 1988, when anti-government demonstrations started in the country, Islamists have manifested themselves at the first time as an organized political group. They have tried to take demonstrations under control. After those events they started to enjoy great popularity, that was demonstrated by the municipal elections, during which party of the Islamic Salvation Front (ISF) got 65% of the votes. But the Islamists have not been able to take advantage of their victory in the elections: the

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Algerian army – a stronghold of the secular power, acted against them. Extremists methods which were used by Islamists to achieve power (intimidation and reprisals were put against the most stubborn opponents) antagonized or made to change there minds some voters, supported the Islamists before. Conflict between supporters and opponents of an Islamic State (the ISF raised the issue this way) provoked the beginning of the civil war, during which the secular government and armed forces over several years fought with the followers of establishment of the theocratic State in Algeria. In order to stop the fighting in the country the government has taken several measures. Firstly, splitting of the Islamist movement, to begun dialogue with non radical groups. Secondly, forced the militants to the transition to civilian life. Only against those who didn’t want to cooperate with the government, were adopted repressive measures. How successful was dialogue between official government and the Islamists could be judged by the events of January 2011, when popular unrest in Algeria was easily suppressed, and the Islamists didn’t took advantage of the prevailing insecurity, in order to take power into their own hands yet. Gerasimov I.V. St-Petersburg State University, Russia

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Islam in Darfur in the 17-18th cc. (as seen from Ibn Daifallah’ “Tabakat”) Darfur, as a state in the western part of modern Sudan, was formed much later than the state of Fongs in the Nile river; and the arrival of teachers, prophets and Sufi tutors there was met by Darfur rulers with great attention and respect. The newcomers were allowed to remain at the sultan’s court, and some members of the ruling dynasty were actively involved in the Sufi brotherhoods. The first muslims were not only Arabs but also Islamic representatives of West Africa especially from Mali. Their high education and deep devotion allowed them to preach and spread the Islamic sciences. This was distinguished Darfur from the northern and eastern sultanate states. The most valuable written source on the history of Sufi teachers and Sufi brotherhoods in Darfur is “Tabaqat” by Ibn Daifallah. The text was finished in the beginning of the 19th c., and is a hagiographical dictionary with the biographies of more than 200 Sudanese prophets and Sufi tutors. It contains important information on various aspects of life over three centuries of Sudanese history. Special attention is given to the activities of Sufi saints who spread the Islamic knowledge. Here we find biographies of Sufi tutors who taught in the Western regions. The most famous is Tadj ad-Din al-Bahari – the first representative of the Kadiya brotherhood in Sudan. “Tabakat” mentions Abu Surur al-Fadli al-Jaali, Baduiwalad Abu Dillik, Arbab ibn Ali ibn Aunibn Amir ibn Asbah al-Hashin. The study of the work by Ibn Daifallah reveals the peculiarities of Islam in Darfur and clarifies the relations of the brotherhoods with the state power of the sultanate. The text enables to grasp the uniting role of brotherhoods for the multinational

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north-western territories of Sudan and shows the stages of adoption of the Arabic Muslim culture there. Korotayev A.V. Zinkina Ju.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Suicide, Murders, and Religiosity in the Islamic Countries of Northern Africa: A Cross-National Perspective

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By means of correlation and discriminant analysis we have investigated the relationship between such sociocultural indicators as the level of religiosity, number of murders per 100 000, and number of male and female suicides per 100 000 in the countries of the world, in general, and the Islamic countries of Northern Africa, in particular. The dataset includes the World Health Organization data on committed suicides, World Values survey data indicating the level of religiosity, and primarily two (9th and 10th) United Nations surveys of crime trends. Our investigation revealed a number of rather clear cross-cultural patterns. There is no correlation between religiosity and the homicide rate, but some clear clusters can be seen. At the same time, there is a quite strong (r = -.526) and significant (p< .001) correlation between male suicide rate and religiosity. The negative correlation between female suicide rate and religiosity is particularly strong (r = -.646, p< .001). In general Islamic countries of Northern Africa form a rather tight cluster with the rest of the Islamic nations (for which the necessary data is available). The “Islamic cluster” turns out to be characterized by a rather high level of religiosity combined with extremely low levels of suicide and murder rate. Our findings suggest that politically stable Islamic countries are characterized by very low levels of not only suicide but also murder rates, which separates them from all the other civilization clusters. For example, like the Islamic cluster, the Latin American cluster is characterized by a high level of religiosity and low levels of suicide rates; but unlike, the Islamic cluster, it is characterized by extremely high levels of murder rates. The sociopolitical implications of those findings with respect to the theme of the panel are discussed.

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Panel 13. LANGUAGE IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING SOCIO-CULTURAL PARADIGMS IN AFRICA Convener: Prof. Victor Vinogradov Babaev K.V. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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On the Possibility of the Reconstruction of Verbal Morphology in Proto-Mande The task to reconstruct the Mande proto-language set within the framework of the international project “Niger-Congo: Comparative Analysis and Reconstruction”, has been on the agenda for long. Fundamental papers on the system of regular phonetic correspondences between Mande languages and the reconstruction of the Proto-Mande phonological system appeared in 1970s [Bird 1971, Bimson 1978]. But it is only in the past few years that the first attempts towards the reconstruction of the proto-language morphology were made, first of all by Vydrin [2006], Kastenholz [1996], and Dwyer [2005]. The verb system, however, remained virtually untouched and was never reconstructed for the proto-language. The majority of Mande languages are characterized by the analytical structure of grammar. Verbal categories (tense, aspect, modality and polarity) as well as those of its arguments (person, number) are mostly expressed by means of clitical markers preceding the verb or (rarer) following it. A lot of languages (among them South and South-West Mande) have accumulated verbal meanings within numerous series of predicative person markers emerged as a result of fusion with TAM markers and sometimes having no segmental exposure. Some grammatical meanings may be expressed by bound suffixes, which are most widespread in West Mande (SWM, VaiKono, Soso-Jalonké). The comparative analysis of verbal systems should be dealing with two structural levels: the level of typology of grammatical meanings and their possible diachronic development, and the level of comparison between concrete morphological markers. The analysis of verbal meanings gives a short and distinct list of grammemes (mostly TAM meanings) which are widespread in most of the family’s tongues. First of all these include characteristic “cluster” TAM meanings: factative, perfective (punctive, completive), imperfective (progressive, habitual, future, prospective), and irrealis (future projective, conditional, varieties of negative polarity). Such similarities, however, may easily be explained by the areal proximity of the languages of the family and cannot be handled as the basis for the reconstruction per se. Segmental forms of predicative markers expressing these and other meanings vary greatly. The process of losing older and grammaticalizing newer predicative modifiers seem to happen quickly and constantly in Mande, and it appears that only a small number of general conclusions on the structure of the proto-language verbal system can be made. A limited inventory of verbal markers can also be reconstructed on the basis of correspondences between at least a few groups of languages. These include ma(imperfective), la / da(perfective), lǪ / tǪ / ta(irrealis), etc.

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Cassuto Ph. Université de Provence, France Biblia Hebraica dans l’espace linguistique afro-asiatique

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La Bible est une œuvre réalisée et diffusée dans un contexte interculturel afroasiatique. Son texte, tel qu’il a été fixé et tel qu’il nous est parvenu, comprend dès l’origine des emprunts afro-asiatiques : depuis l’égyptien pharaonique jusqu’à l’akkadien auxquels les rédacteurs du texte vont emprunter nombre de termes, sans oublier les mots, les versets, voire les chapitres entiers rédigés en araméen d’empire. Les maîtres de la Mishna estiment, par exemple, que le livre hébreu de Job est traduit d’une autre langue. Suivant les opinions, Job aurait été rédigé en égyptien pharaonique, pour d’autres en akkadien ou en araméen. Dès l’Antiquité, la Bible va être traduite dans des langues afro-asiatiques, par exemple dans les dialectes coptes en Egypte, en Ge’ez en Ethiopie et dans les dialectes araméens targumiques ou syriaques. Au Moyen-Age, la diffusion de la langue et de la grammaire arabes va avoir une influence importante, en particulier pour la compréhension de termes rares, voire uniques dans le texte hébreu, les hapax legomena qui font l’objet de traités à part entière. Dès les 8e-9e siècles, ces traités vont comparer ces mots rares à d’autres langues, principalement l’arabe et l’araméen. Le cas de Yehudah ibn Quraysh de Fes au Maroc (9e-10e siècles) fait de ce dernier un des premiers linguistes comparatistes. Dans son traité appelé ‘Risala’, il compare les mots difficiles de la Bible hébraïque avec l'arabe, l'araméen, le latin, le persan et le berbère. Dès la Renaissance, dans les éditions polyglottes de la Bible, les langues afroasiatiques sont représentées depuis les araméens targumiques et syriaques, en passant par le copte et le ge’ez. A l’époque moderne et contemporaine, le texte hébreu de la Bible va être traduit dans toutes les grandes langues afro-asiatiques, par exemple dans les langues berbères. Les traductions en haoussa sont particulières du point de vue socio-linguistique car elles sont réalisées dans un contexte où les termes du monothéisme existent déjà par la traduction du Coran et des commentaires classiques musulmans. Un nouveau vocabulaire a été forgé par ces traducteurs. Diachkov M.V. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Functions and Peculiarities of English in The Republic of South Africa Functions, structural peculiarities and contacts of the local version of English with other SA languages have been considered. As a result of long linguistic contacts, especially with Afrikaans and Zulu, a local version of English has been formed, with its phonetical, phonological, lexical and grammatical peculiarities. After the abolishment of apartheid, Afrikaans was considered by numerous inhabitants as closely connected with the former regime. Local English was more and more considered as a means of interlinguistic communication, as the dominating language in a unified secondary education system and in administration.

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This has enlarged its contacts with other languages of South Africa, exerts impact upon its internal structure and adds to its sustainability. Ermisch S. Institute for AfricanLinguistics, Goethe-University, Frankfurt, Germany Concord and Argument Structure On a relatively superficial level the concept of “concord” – often associated with African (class) languages – seems to be a one-to-one correspondence to what is called “agreement” (German “Kongruenz”) in other languages. A closer look at the argument structure of verbs in these languages, however, reveals a fundamental difference with regard to these two concepts: While “agreement” expresses a reference to obligatory elements of a sentence or phrase, that is, to the verbal arguments, “concord” is the manifestation of exactly these arguments in their pronominal form. This is illustrated in the following examples from German and Swahili: German (1) a. Ich bin angekommen. PRO.SUBJ.1SG be.1SG arrive.PART ‘I have arrived.’

Swahili (2) Ni– me– fika. SCD.1SGPAST arrive ‘I have arrived.’

b. *Bin angekommen. be.1SG arrive.PART

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(3) a. Du bist angekommen. PRO.SUBJ.2SG be.2SG arrive.PART ‘You have arrived.’

(4) u– me– fika SCD.2SG PAST arrive ‘You have arrived.’

b. *Bist angekommen. be.2SG arrive.PART Although the agreement paradigm in German is very rich in contrast to, e.g., English, the verbal forms bin (1SG) and bist (2SG) in the examples (1) and (3) nonetheless require the presence of the personal pronouns Ich and Du which express the verbal arguments. In Swahili, on the other hand, the concord markers ni- (1SG) and u- (2SG) suffice to fulfil the argument structure of the verb.

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Gromova N.V. Moscow State University, Russia Swahili-English Newspeak in Mass-media

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Expansion of English in contemporary era of globalization has a significant influence on the languages of popular culture, and Swahili in this plan not an exception. The vocabulary structure of the national languages are certain changes due to the inclusion in it of the English speaking lexicon. As a result, a kind of ‘newspeak’, mixed Swahili-English, which has received the name ‘Swanglish’, formed. In contrast to Sheng, which has formed as the language of the lowest city layers in Kenya, Tanzanian Swanglish most widely is used by representatives of the educated elite, and then aggressively penetrates into the mass-media. Influence of English language can be traced on different levels of languagerecipient. Phonetic-prosodic level – the majority of English-speaking inclusions is exposed to phonetic adaptation (the rule of openness of a syllable operates: ko-mi-time-nti < commitment; replacement of the difficult English consonants with the simple: bradha/braza < brother), but deviations from the general rules are possible. At lexical level there are the numerous occasionalisms which have been not fixed by lexicographers (not adapted barbarisms type ku-serve, -enda shopping).Besides the separated words are borrowed the whole expressions like wansi endi foroo < once and for all. At morphology level – practically at full compliance of Swahili grammatical norms, in Swanglish there are verbs with the non-standard ending in –o: kukontroo < to control. The most stable syntax does not allow until serious violations of word order. However the agreement principle is not always respected, in particular adjectivesneologisms won’t be agreed (compare mi-pango mi-bovu ‘bad plans’, but mi-pango 0-endelevu ‘progressive plans’). Modern trends in Swahili lead to the formation of a hybrid idiom, not taking into account the national cultural traditions of Swahili society. Khabirov V.P. Ural State Pedagogical University, professor Ekaterinburg, Russia Characteristics of the Sociolinguistic Zones of the Republic of Congo The report deals with the typological description of ethno-linguistic situation in the Republic of Congo made on the basis of the new typological model of communicative milieu (CM) AS its basic notion [Vinogradov et al. 2007]. It seems advantageous to study how these communicative milieus are typologized in terms of greater units than communicative milieus – sociolinguistic zones (SZ) consisting of concrete CM on the basis of the typological analysis of the parameters of sociolinguistic state (SLS). This division is determined by economic, cultural, historical, so-

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cial, and political traditions of the peoples living there. A typological analysis of the sociolinguistic state of the Republic of Congo allows for 3 big sociolinguistic zones: 1) riverine sociolinguistic zone; 2) coastal (or Atlantic) sociolinguistic zone; 3) interior sociolinguistic zone. Within the framework of each of these SZ 3 big communicative milieus (taking into account the number of speakers) can be singled out: Sango-Lingala (mixed) communicative milieu, Lingala communicative milieu, Munukutuba (congolese) communicative milieu. Khachaturian M.L. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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Low-tone Izafet Marker in Mande Languages This report deals with the rules of formation of the genitive syntagma in Mande languages and with the usage of the grammatical low tone, a suprasegmental morpheme which marks the head in the syntagmas of such type and which functions as an izafet marker. Such morpheme can be encountered in almost all groups of the Mande language family although concrete rules of its usage may differ. Its wide spreading allows to trace it back to Proto-Mande [ȼɵɞɪɢɧ 2003], which is an important issue, for there appear to be few morphemes in Mande which can be reconstructed at such deep level. We will start with a short survey on the structure of the genitive syntagma in various Mande groups, taking as example a couple of languages in each group. First of all we will distinguish possible strategies of its formation: 1. Neutralisation of the tone of the non-initial component (as in Manding languages and Soninke), 2. Addition of the (extra-)low tone in the function of a marker of syntactic link, it is both the initial component (as in Boko) and the non-initial component (Soso, Vai, South Mande) that can attach the marker, 3. Selective addition of the (extra-)low tone by the non-initial component, sensible to the semantics of the link between the components of the genitive syntagma (some South Mande languages: Dan, Mano). Then we will consider in more detail the syntax of the genitive syntagma taking as example the Mano language, South Mande. Genitive attribute in Mano can be expressed by: - Noun, the izafet marker addition depends on the semantics of the link between the head noun and the dependent noun, - The group of a verbal noun with its dependents, the syntax of such group is quite complex; the izafet marker is always added; - Adjectives, which, being posed in the preposition of nouns, always require the izafet marker addition. Adj – N word order is very rare in other Mande languages, if ever encountered.

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Konoshenko M.B. St.Petersburg State University, Russia The System of Pronominal-Predicative Markers in Guinean Kpelle The Kpelle language belongs to the South-Western group of the Mande language family in West Africa. It is spoken in Liberia and Guinea. However, Liberian and Guinean dialects are quite different from each other. The data presented in this talk were collected by myself during a field trip to Guinea, organized by Valentin Vydrin, in 2008-2009. It is often said that Mande languages are mainly analytical, so that they do not have rich morphology. Western Mande, e.g. Bambara, are usually given as an example. However, many Southern and South-Western Mande languages including Kpelle appear to have synthetic word forms as well. The so called pronominal predicative markers (further called PPM) are the matter of interest here. They consist of subject pronominals fused with different predicative markers (these predicative markers remain “pure” in Western Mande – cf. Vydrin 2008 for Bambara). Thus a complex system of portmanteau morphemes is observed in Kpelle which, on the one hand, agree with subject NPs in person and person, and on the other hand, they encode TAM and polarity. In my talk I will discuss the morphological structure of PPMs, the grammatical categories opposed within the system of these markers and the constructions in which different PPMs can appear in Kpelle. Kosogorova M.A. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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Concerning the Semantic Realization of the Noun Class System in Pulaar (FutaJallon Dialect) The Pulaar language is remarkable in many ways, and the noun class system is one of its special features. It is considered to be the most extensive in the world and numbers up to 25 classes. There are three criteria used to distinguish the noun classes – the syntactical, the morphological and the semantic ones. The problem of the semantic distribution of noun classes has already been made out and somewhat considered, although the general noun class distribution system based on semantic criterion hasn’t yet been found for all the classes. The point of this research is to describe the noun class distribution system based on the semantic criterion for one patois of the Futa-Jallon dialect. The existing studies on this topic (the pan-Fula and the Fula-Jallon research) are taken into account, along with the results of the fieldwork on the matter.

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Koval A.I. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Noun Classes as a Parameter of the Internal Classification of Pulaar-Fulfulde The Pulaar-Fulfulde language has the linguo-geographic profile of a vast “archipelago” and is characterized by a high level of dialectal compartmentalization. This fact was noted at an early stage in the study of this language (Sigismund Koelle). Nevertheless, still at the modern time the understanding of the dialectal structure of Pulaar-Fulfulde remains somewhat problematic. As for the issue of the internal classification of the language, authors rely on various principles: either the principle of mere enumeration of dialects or the principle of hierarchical grouping. The enumeration-based principle clearly prevails, especially in the studies oriented to an individual dialect, in which the given dialect is described against the background of several (usually six) major dialects. However, in the studies with a multi-dialectal orientation the nomenclature may grow to up to several dozen idioms taken into account by an author (particularly a lexicographer). The hierarchically-based trizonal model of the dialectal structure of PulaarFulfulde appears more adequate and more promising, both sinchronically and diachronically. The division of the general Pulaar-Fulfulde area into three zones – western, central and eastern – is corroborated by the evidence of noun class subsystems, functioning in specific dialects. The study and comparison of such subsystems lets one to draw a distinction between stable classes (those that are consistently realized in various dialectal subsystems, with the retention of their systemic status) and unstable classes (those demonstrating cross-dialectal variation). The behavior of unstable noun classes displays their distinctive force, confirming the trizonal model itself, as well as the subsequent differentiation between dialects and subdialects within each of the zones.

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Kuznetsova O.V. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Lability in the Guro Language 0. In Gouro (Mande > South Mande) there are several types of lability: agentpreserving lability, converse lability, reflexive lability, anticausative lability and passive lability. 1. Only single instances of agent-preserving lability and conversive lability are attested. The group of reflexively labile verbs is a little more numerous, but it is naturally restricted by the little number of inherent reflexives. Constructions with labile reflexive verbs and consturctions with marked reflexive are synonymic. The use of marked reflexive emphasizes that the action is unassisted and/or conscious.

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(1a)

E̖

e̗

bo̖

3SG.SBJ

3SG.REFL

self

tuɬo̗. wound.PFV

‘He wounded himself (intentionally)’. (1b)

E̖ 3SG.SBJ

tuɬo̗. wound.PFV

‘He wounded himself (by accident)’. 2. The most numerous are labile verbs of anticausative and passive types. The distribution of labile verbs in the lexicon is associated with the type of the situation denoted by the verb, it’s spontaneity, the animacy of patient and the type of causation. Typical labile verb in Guro is a verb which in the intransitive construction denotes the situation with unanimated patient. 2.1 In case of the passive lability the patient is strictly unanimated. But among the labile verbs of the anticausative type we find some verbs with animated patients. These are verbs which describe physiological processes (e.g. Ǣélí 1 ‘to recover – to treat’) and assume-position verbs (e.g. dǣ̖lǣ̖ 1‘straighten up – straighten’). 2.2 Some verbs with unanimated patient-like participant occupy an intermediate position between the passive and anticausative types. Intransitive constructions of these verbs express both meanings: (2a)

Aɬʘ 1SG

va̖Ț̖ shirt

fiɬaɬá . tear.PFV

‘I tore the shirt’. (2b)

Aɬʘ 1SG

leɬ Poss

vàȚ̖ shirt

fiɬaɬá . tear.PFV

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‘My shirt tore’. / ‘My shirt was torn’. 3. Passive lability is a typologically rare phenomenon. Full-blown unmarked passive is attested first of all in Mande languages. It is found in particular in Bambara, Kakabe, Kla-dan. In these languages almost every transitive construction can be transformed in an intransitive construction where the underlying direct object occupies the position of subject. That is why the passive lability is regarded as a syntactic transformation opposed to other types of lability attested in these languages (anticausative, reflexive, reciprocal) because the latter depend on the meaning of the verb. In Guro constructions with strictly intransitive verbs cannot be passivized, so passive lability cannot be regarded as syntactic transformation. Distribution of passive lability in the lexicon (as for the others types of lability) depends on the meaning of the verbs.

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Lutskov A.D. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Urb M.R. The Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University, Russia

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The Solar System as the Zulus Traditionally Saw it At a similar stage of historical development, when scientific views were unknown to them, African peoples had the same conception of heavenly bodies. A certain similarity of this notions probably could be found on all the continents where the local population had very little to do with modern education and urbanisation. All Nguni peoples including the Zulus had similar notion of heavenly bodies, but as for the Zulus and Xhosas, they had much more in common as their lands were washed by the ocean. So they believed that the sun by day traveled in its path in the sky, and at night it went by a path through the sea to the plase where it would rise in the morning. In both languages – Zulu and Xhosa the sun is called ilanga which also means “day”. It’s synonims are usuku and umhla, the latter being used at present mostly to mark dates. The moon (inyanga) is thought by Zulus to be “the second in rank” after sun and it has several names during the whole lunar cycle. The stars which were known to the Zulus, had the names of their own, such as isiLimela (Pleiades – a group of stars in the constellation Taurus), inKwenkwezi (a star of the constellation Argo), umThala or uMlaza (the Milky way). Unlike the countries near the equator, where only two seasons are observed: rainy and dry, the Zulu lands were far in the south, so there were four seasons corresponding to ours. These seasons (izikhathi zonyaka) have their names: intwasahlobo (spring), ihlobo (sommer), ikwindla (autumn), ubusika (winter), and the whole year’s cycle – unyaka (year). The traditional Zulu calendar was devided into 13 lunar months, each one of which commenced with the new moon. These months had their names. At present the names of all months are the words of English origine: uJanuwari, uMeyi, uNovemba etc. The description of surrounding world as thought by the Zulus (the nature in general) has a rich vocabulary, but the modern times demands that the language should overcome a considerable lag in therminology. Makeeva N.V. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Preverbs in the Kla-dan Language In the Kla-dan language, besides simple verbs, there is a considerable number of preverbal ones. These are lexemes that are derived by compounding verbal roots with nominal ones named ‘preverbs’. As a preverb there can be used the roots of a number of relational and free nouns. If a nominal component of a verb is repre-

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sented by a relative noun root then any simple verb can be used as a verbal component. If a nominal component of a verb is represented by a free noun root then the roots of a limited number of verbs can be used as a verbal component. Some of these verbs are notable for their strong polysemy. In view of a good separability of preverbs from verbal components it is necessary to look for formal criteria that would let determine whether a nominal component of a sequence is a preverb or a NP (head) in a position of the direct object. It can also be a case of syntactic homonymy. There can be found a semantic and syntactic criterion and morphological ones. ɚ) semantic and syntactic criterion If an adjective or a determinant inserted between a nominal and a verbal components determines the nominal one, the latter is a part of a direct object NP. But if its scope is the entire complex, the nominal component is a preverb. b) The morphological criteria. Ⱥ. The reduplication criterion. If a sequence of a nominal and a verbal components can be reduplicated with the distributive meaning, so that the whole sequence of a nominal and a verbal components is reduplicated, then the nominal component is a preverb. Otherwise it is a direct object NP. B. The causative marker criterion. In the causative form of a verb, if the causative marker occupies a position to the left of a nominal component, the latter is a preverb. Otherwise, it is a direct object NP. Mischenko D.F. St.Petersburg State University, Russia Grammaticalisation of the Word mà ‘Surface’ in Looma (South-Western Mande)

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The present paper deals with several items with the significant mà which are related etimologically; they represent the different stages of the process of grammaticalisation. These items originated from a locative noun mà ‘surface’. It may combine with animate subjects only; with inanimate subjects, a noun Ȗà is used, cf.: suғoғiғ mààȚǪғ ‘the animal body’s surface’, but tábàlì ȖààȚǪғ ‘the surface of the table’. It has all morphologic and syntactic features of a noun: it attaches the definite locative affix ȚǪғ and it may be used in genitive and attributive constructions. This noun has not plural form, which can be explained by its abstract semantics. The next stage of the grammaticalisation is represented by a postposition mà. Its has a general locative meaning. It can also participate in coding of a arguments, especially these with semantic roles of an addressee and stimul. The preverb mà descended to the postposition. Morphologically, it should be considered as a formant. It can always be omitted because it does not add any semantics to the verb: nàà nà soғoғiғ mágbàzù / gbàzù ‘I am washing my horse’. It seems that another type of situation should be distinguished when má modifies the verb

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meaning: gìlì ‘tie’, màȖìlì ‘dress’. In this case máis a word-formative affix. The main meanings ofmà include ‘interaction with a surface of the object’ and ‘incompleteness of the action’. The formant mà can attach to nouns and qualitative verbs, too. In this case its function is to transfer the word to the other grammatical class. Thus, relative nouns denoting parts of body become autosemantic and consequently they can be used without any reference to the possessor. Qualitative verbs with this formant become nouns denoting objects with a certain feature. Thus, the system of Looma allows us to observe the process of grammaticalisation of a noun mà accompanied by losing its autonomy and original lexical meaning and acquisition of a syntactic meaning. Najdenova N.S. People`s Friendship University of Russia

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Evolution of the Concept of Negritude and its Role in Contemporary Francophone African Literature The so-called civilization approach is becoming more and more popular among contemporary researchers. It is based on the study of interaction between civilizations, “the traditional” and “the modern”, the meeting of cultures giving birth to new structures, processes, phenomena, which differ from underlying and exported ones. Sub-Saharan Africa offers a lot of material for such kind of research. Today, the culture of sub-Saharan Africa is constituted by contact of two completely different cultures, which are completely different in all ways: traditional and western. The European culture is brought there by the French language imported during the colonial period and undergoing substantial changes in this completely new area. The concept of négritude was developped by Léopold Sédar Senghor, Aimé Césaire and Léon Damas and was initially defined as the valorization of African history, traditions, and beliefs. Going forward, the concept of négritude was expanded to include perception by Africans of the surrounding world, nature, people and events. Today, négritude is often replaced by migritude, which alludes to the intensive migration processes and acceptance of European values without total assimilation thereof, while preserving own cultural attitudes. This approach serves as basis for emergence of the new generation of francophone literature called Afrique-surSeine proclaiming formation of the new cultural identity equidistant both from African and French. On 16 March 2007, Le Monde published the Manifest signed by 44 francophone writers claiming the appearance of the new term – littérature-monde – analogous to the English world literature. The Manifest calls for giving to francophone writers the same status as to the French authors by abandoning the discriminatory term “francophone”. In their opinion, it will allow to expand the readership and overcome the crisis situation prevailing in the contemporary French literature. Thus, the concept of littérature-monde has been designed to assist the African literature in reaching a new level with the help of the French language used to reflect multicultural diversity.

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Perekhvalskaya E.V. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Evidentiality in South Mande (Mwan and Dan-Gweta) Sub-Saharan Africa is usually considered a linguistic area with no grammatical evidentiality. However, it does not mean that evidential meanings are totally ignored in this region (Plungian 2010). In the South Mande group, at least two languages express evidential meanings grammatically. Dan-Gweta formally expresses the indirect presumptive evidentiality by means of a specialized auxiliary (a pronominal predicative marker) of the evidential series (Vydrine, Kességbeu 2008: 25, 28-29): Yíí 3SG.NEG.PFV

dǣɬ put

sțɷ, well

waɬaɷ 3PL.EVI

nuɷ lòò’ come-NEUT come-INF

ʘ ʘɬ . Yaɬaɳmuɷs ó klǣɬǣ Yamoussoukro ‘They must have reach Yamoussoukro already’ (Vydrin, personal communication). In Mwan, evidentiality is a semantic component of certain verbal forms. Unlike in Dan-Gweta, it is the direct visual evidentiality that is expressed. Progressive and Resultative forms of the Mwan verb are characterized by evidential meaning. The Progressive codes an action which is going on in the moment of speech and which is observed by the speaker. E.g., the phrase:

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ƾ nuɬ zí 1SG come PROG ‘I am coming to Abidjan’.

Bíjà Abidjan

can be uttered only while one is actually marching or riding. An action unseen by the interlocutors can not be coded by the Progressive. E.g., in the following context, a progressive form can not be used: “In this moment the doctor is operating on a patient in that building.” Similarly, the Resultative construction points out a visually observable result of an action, e.g. à yaɬlàleɬ ò ‘he is sitting’ is conceptualized as the result of the action of “sitting down”, and this situation can be seen. However, results of the actions “to go away” (‘he has gone’) or “to bring somebody up” (‘the boy is brought up by my father’) can not be visually observed. Therefore, the Resultative construction can not be used here. The presented languages demonstrate different strategies in expressing evidentiality; different types of evidential meanings are expressed. Therefore, it can be concluded that evidential meanings have evolved in the presented languages independently and are relatively recent.

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Ponaryadov V.V. Institute of language, literature and history of the Komi Scientific Centre, Russia Vocalism of Arabic Loanwords in Swahili and Hausa in Comparison with Turkic Languages The vowel system of all recipient languages examined here is qualitatively richer than Arabic one. Hence in borrowing languages allophonic positional variants of Arabic vowels tend to be understood as independent phonemes and, therefore, one vowel of the original Arabic form splits into several independent vowels. It is possible to note that in all Turkic languages except Kumyk this process in more developed than in African languages. On the other hand, vocalism of Arabic loanwords in Kumyk appears to be very similar to one of Swahili and Hausa. Such a situation can be explained only if one supposes historical changes in norms of “learned” Arabic pronunciation functioning throughout all Islamic world, which is reflected in borrowings that penetrated Turkic and African languages mainly not by live contacts with native Arabic speakers, but through the system of Islamic education. Porkhomovsky V.Ja. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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On Criteria of genetic Classification of African Languages Genetic classification of languages is a distinct and specific branch of comparative historical linguistics. On the one hand, genetic classification results from comparative studies of related languages and of the reconstruction of protolanguages on different diachronic levels. On the other hand, the methods of comparative analysis may be applied only to genetically related languages, hence it is necessary to formulate a preliminary hypothesis not only about the presence or absence of genetic relationship of the languages in question, but also about the hierarchy of their relationship, i.e. about the internal classification of these languages. Thus, the problem of the genetic classification of languages is present both at the initial and final stages of comparative studies. The situation in African linguistics is the most complicated one among the languages of the world from this perspective. From the very beginning of scientific description and analysis of abundant and diverse language data it was necessary to make up preliminary classifications of these languages long before necessary arguments in support of these hypothetical schemes were arrived at. This necessity was triggered by a simple need to organize the ever growing list of African idioms in the course of field language studies. Thus, theoretical evaluation of problems and methods of genetic classification of languages must be regarded as an important part of African linguistics. The following problems may be singled out – correlation of morphological, lexical, phonetic and phonological isoglosses as criteria for genetic classification, the role of typological criteria, as well as of arguments beyond the limits of linguistics proper.

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Different approaches to these problems are attested in the history of African linguistics, what resulted in the emergence of various contradictory classificatory schemes. Prokhorov K. N. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Moscow, Russia Tonal Morphonology of Nnominal Plurality in Mombo (Dogon, Mali) In Mombo (Dogon language family, Mali), nominal plurality is expressed marker -ge/ƾge. One of two plural markers is added either directly to a ‘bare’ noun (1) or to the last adjective in a sequence of adjectives (2-3). (1)

(2)

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(3)

débú-gè house-PL ‘houses’ dèbù búnú-gé red-PL house.L1 ‘red houses’ dèbù kàndà house.L new.L ‘new red houses’

búnú-gé red-PL

Only in the former case the choice of one of the two markers is governed by the semantics of the nominal stem. Non-human nouns form the plural by adding marker -ge. Human nouns fall in two classes depending on which of the two markers is added to the stem in the plural. Membership in one of the two classes is defined lexically. No correlation between the two classes and internal semantic groupings within human nouns is observed. Adjective always use marker -ge irrespectively to whether the head noun they modify is human or non-human. The plural markers do interact tonally with the stem they attach to. Here there are two patterns observed. In one of them, the lexical tone contour of the stem “stretches” to the right and realizes on a substratum, which includes both the stem and the PL marker. I refer to this pattern as “(tone-contour) stretching”. In the other one, lexical tone contour is realized only on the stem, while the plural marker takes a tone, which is the opposite to the final tone of the stem. I refer to this as ‘polarization’. The two patterns are exemplified in (4). (4) stretching polarization

SG débù ‘house’ tálágà ‘pauper’

PL débú-gè ‘houses’ tálágà-gé ‘paupers’

1 In Mombo a noun takes a low-tone stem-wide contour, when followed by one or several adjectives (‘.L’ in interlinears). In adjective sequences every constituent except the final one is low-toned. Cf.(3) .

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In nouns the choice of the tonal pattern of plural formation is lexically defined. Adjectives all form plurals by stretching. There is some evidence in favor that stretching and polarization mark different degree of unity of the stem and the plural marker. This difference shows up in the way the other tonological rules apply to nouns and adjectives in the plural form. Stretching plurals are treated as single tonological words, while in polarization plurals the stem and the plural marker are treated separately. I discuss several cases that reveal this differentiation and hypothesize about possible origin of these two morphophonological patterns. Reid T. University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom

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Learning Phonemic Categories not Present in One’s Native Language: Field Techniques and Technologies It is a well known fact that our native language conditions our ability to perceive categorically distinctions in another language (Fujisaki, H. and T. Kawashima. 1969. On the modes and mechanisms of speech perception. Annual report of the Engineering Research Institute (Faculty of Engineering, University of Tokyo), 28, 67-73; Pisoni, D.B. 1971. On the nature of categorical perception of speech sounds. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of Michigan; Miyawaki, K., Strange, W., Verbrugge, P., Liberman, A.M., Jenkins, J.J., & Fujimura, O. 1975. An effect of linguistic experience: the discrimination of [r] and [l] by native speakers of Japanese and English. Perception and Psychophysics, 18, 331-340 ). What if a language that you are set to describe has too many distinctions that you cannot perceive? In this presentation I will discuss the tools that assisted me in learning to perceive categorically suprasegmental distinctions during my field work on an undocumented language Thok Reel (Western Nilotic, Southern Sudan, atu). The language has a rich system of suprasegmentals: three tonemes, modal vs. breathy voice quality distinction, and a three-way vowel length distinction (Reid, Tatiana. 2010. Aspects of Phonetics, Phonology and Morphophonology of Thok Reel. The University of Edinburgh MSc by Research thesis [available: http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/nilotic/output.shtml]). Since none of the above distinctions are present in my native Russian, the process of learning to discriminate between the suprasegmental categories was particularly lengthy. In order to do as much as to transcribe Thok Reel I had to come up with various techniques and to use specialist technological tools. The suprasegmentals in Thok Reel combine freely on predominantly monosyllabic words and, in addition, most of the morphology is encoded by means of alternations of these suprasegmental parameters. The independent combinations and alternations of the suprasegmentals in Thok Reel make it difficult for a non-native speaker to discern the distinctions by ear alone. One of the important strategies I used when conducting the field work was to verify the transcriptions made during the elicitation sessions by means of an instrumental (phonetic) analysis of the re-

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corded data. I used Praat software (Boersma, Paul and David Weenink. 2005. Praat: Doing Phonetics by Computer (the latest version 5.1.37) [Computer program]. Available from: http://www.praat.org/.) to determine acoustic correlates of voice quality, to measure vowel durations, and to compare f0 traces. I will discuss what information I was able to obtain using Praat, how this information helped me to learn to discriminate between the categories, and how the extrapolated evidences can assist language description in general. Ryabova I.S. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Presentative Demonstratives in the Dabida Language

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Dabida (Kenya, Bantu, E74a) is a rather rare Bantu language as its pronominal system displays two types (Aand B) of demonstrative pronouns. Type A is common in Bantu. It is represented by demonstratives proper ‘this’, ‘this/that already mentioned’, ‘that’ and function mostly as attributes to nouns although can also be used as independent pronominal forms. The demonstratives of type B are presentative demonstratives ‘here this/he/it is’,‘(t)here this/it/he is’, ‘there that/he/it is’. They are obviously related to the demonstratives proper but are only found in a few Bantu languages. The difference between two types in morphological structure, semantics and syntactic functions is evident. Table 1. The demonstratives of type A. ‘this/that mentioned’ ‘that’ uo/uho uja aßo ßaja ugho ghuja

class 1 2 3

‘this’ uhu aßa ughu

class

‘here this/he/it is’

1 2 3 4

hoyu haßa hoghu heyi

Table 2. The demonstratives of type B. ‘(t)here this/it/he ‘there that/he/it is’ mentioned is’ hoyo hoja haßo haßaja hogho hoghuja heyo heja / heyija

According to [Schadeberg, 1990:20] in the Umbundu language “the presentative demonstratives have a predicator ha- ‘there is’. In Dabida there is an identical deictic predicator and we can see it in every word form presented in Table 2. But Dabida deictic predicator is not exactly ha-, but ha-/he-/ho- as the vowel of the predicator is assimilated to that of the concord marker: Ni loli nyonyi herija It truth birds there-those-are ‘Indeed, the birds are over there upon the tree’.

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mǦinyi on-tree

The presentative demonstratives in Dabida are special forms of predicates. They are locative predicates stating the location of a subject in space. They are only used in dialogues and are accompanied by a pointing gesture. Shluinsky A.B. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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Causative Serial Verb Constructions in Kwa in Areal and Genetic Perspective Causative meaning in Kwa can be expressed (as the only or a possible option) with a non-standard serial verb construction where the causative verb with the lexical meaning ‘give’ (as ma ‘give’ in Akan, na ‘give’ in Ewe) is partially grammaticalized. Both the causative verb that is located in the left part of the construction and the lexical verb are finite; this fact forces to classify this construction as a special case of the serial verb constructions. Kwa languages are not homogeneous both in the widespreadness of such constructions and in their syntactic structure. First, a causative serial verb construction may be the only / the basic tool of expressing the causative meaning or a more or less peripheral one, coexisitng with another constructions. Second, the meanings that can be expressed by a causative serial verb construction can include a more wide or more narrow part of the semantic domain of causatives, in particular include the prescriptive meaning (‘make’) or only the permissive meaning (‘let’). Third, causative serial verb constructions may have different restrictions on the compatibility with lexical verbs, in particular may permit or not permit noncontrolled predicates as lexical verbs. Fourth, the verb ‘give’ in a causative serial verb construction may, but should not have properties indicating some formal grammaticalization. Fifth, the noun phrase that is used for the subject-like argument of the caused event may be marked morphosyntactically as an object of the ‘give’-verb or as a subject of the lexical verb. The presentation will deal with the Kwa languages for which there are accessible data. A comparison of these languages will be held based on the parameters that were listed here; it will be shown how these parameters can correlate with one another and with geographical and genetic factors. Starostin G.S. Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow, Russia Notes on the Genetic Classification of Nubian Languages Until recently, comparative Nubian studies were generally based on the premise of the existence of two major branches of the Nubian family – Nile Nubian, represented by Nobiin (= Mahas-Fadidja) and the Kenuzi-Dongolawi cluster, and Hill

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Nubian; two other languages, Birgid Nubian (recently extinct) and Meidob Nubian, were also granted the status of individual branches. This classification was based upon the data of numerous phonetic, morphological, and lexical isoglosses and was also essentially supported by several lexicostatistical analyses. Nevertheless, approximately twenty years ago this traditional model underwent a significant revision on the part of Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst, one of today's leading specialists in comparative Nubian linguistics. She noted that, although the lexicostatistical matrix does register a seriously high percentage of matches between Nobiin and Kenuzi-Dongolawi, the average percentage of matches between Nobiin and the other Nubian languages is significantly lower than the corresponding percentage between these other languages and Kenuzi-Dongolawi. The situation was interpreted as follows: Nobiin, in fact, represents the earliest separation from Common Nubian (this explains the low number of matches between Nobiin and Hill Nubian / Birgid / Meidob), whereas the unexpected increase in matches between Nobiin and Kenuzi-Dongolawi is to be explained as the result of a thousand-year old (at least) period of convergent development, during which Kenuzi-Dongolawi was dramatically reshaped through massive lexical and even grammatical borrowing from the “prestigious” Nobiin language. My presentation shows that this “lexicostatistical anomaly”, correctly spotted by Dr. Bechhaus-Gerst, may nevertheless be interpreted from an entirely different angle. The majority of non-matches, the “odd” words that may seem to indicate an archaic status for Nobiin, upon close scrutiny turn out to be deprived of internal Nubian etymologization; it is most likely that they represent the remains of an old nonNubian linguistic substratum (one or several) that, not earlier than the middle of the 1st millennium B.C., became “overwritten” by one of the Nile-Nubian dialects. If we acknowledge this scenario, this not only explains the “anomaly” and rescues us from the forced necessity of postulating a “creolization” hypothesis for KenuziDongolawi, but also helps improve our understanding of the Proto-Nubian lexicon, as well as formulate new hypotheses on the linguistic landscape of Northeast Africa over the 2nd/1st millennia B.C.

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Toporova I. N. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia On Some Peculiarities of Bantu Folklore Syntax Syntax of the text with grammar and semantics form the general concept of “Linguistics of the text” and involve word order and the variants of sentences combinations in text. In order to understand the text syntax we must note some aspects connected with this problem. In our case the question is of possibilities and degree of the verb use in text, while verb is organizational center of the sentence and a principal key to understanding elementary syntactic structure. Analyzing some Bantu tales from this point of view we would like to mark two cases of verb use. First of all we note the high degree of predication (extensive) and secondly the low degree (reduced) of predication.

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The high degree of predication is relevant to many Bantu tales especially to Lingala, Kuria, Gusii and Pogoro. On the whole it is connected with the double use of predicate or with a part of sentence which involves predicate (or predicates). The cases of verb reduplication and tautology are also noted. See some examples from the tales: Lingala Satonge a-buni buna buna, a-lembi ‘Dragon-fly it-struggled struggle struggle (very long), it-was tired’. Nsima ba-fandi, ba-baboli nyama, ba-lambi, ba-lei, ba-nyiti isusu, ba-lali ‘Then they-sat-down, they-cut meat, they-prepared, they-ate, they-smoked rests, they-went-to-bed’. The reduced predication (low degree of predication) in most cases is connected with absent of predicate (usually the auxiliary verb) as predicative copula or with the verb poor use, for example: Akwa O mboga mǪni [e-di] ndago ohogo oto ‘In village that [it-is] house one only’. Kuria Wiki mbana [ba-renge na] amarina gigikuria amakoro asansaba, atato agiegesaca na atato agiegekari ‘Also they-with [they-were with] names of the-kuria old six, three of-man and three of-woman’. Urb M.R. The Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University, Russia

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On the Problem of Language Situation in the RSA: the Venda Language The Venda language, also known as Tshi Venda of Lu Venda, is an indigenous “minority” language and one of 11 official languages of the Republic of South Africa. It operates in an environment of two dominant white languages, English and Afrikaans, which are the official languages of the whole region; and eight African languages which are official on a regional basis. In the numerical hierarchy of the South African languages, Venda ranks ninth (about 2%), with the Zulu language topping the list (about 22%). Venda belongs to the Venda group of Bantu languages. According to Guthrie’s referential classification, Venda is part of zone S. Varieties of Venda are Phani, Tavha-Tsindi, Ilafuri, Mbedzi, Manda, Guvhu, Lembetu. Venda is mainly spoken by the Vha Venda in the northern part of the Limpopo province, especially in the Vhembe district, and also in Zimbabwe. The total number of Venda speakers is about 1 152 000 people, in the RSA – 1 022 000 and in Zimbabwe – 130 000 (2001). The Vendas migrated from the southern part of Zimbabwe and settled in what is present-day Limpopo province. The relationship between the Vendas and other peo-

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ples of South Africa (mainly Sotho, Tsonga and Zulu) was noticeable and it is evident on the lexical level. Boer settlement of the Venda territory began in the 18th century. There are many new words in Venda, mainly in practical spheres, borrowed from Afrikaans. English influence on Venda began in the middle of the 19th century. It is evident in the terminology of Venda (mainly in technical spheres). Since Venda was elevated to the status of an official language it became clear that the language was not fully developed and there was need to overcome its present limitations and deficiencies in terminology. In spite of the fact that the country is intending to promote all the languages at the official level, there is the question: can the Venda language be developed to function like English and Afrikaans?

Urmanchieva A.Ju. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia

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Narrative and ‘Presence Effect’: the Case of Kinyamwezi The presentation deals with the so-called narrative strategies. A narrative strategy is a way of organization of a coherent text, which is usually coded by means of interchanging verbal forms. On narrative strategies see with special reference to Bantu languages see (Plungjan&Urmanþieva 2009a, Plungjan&Urmanþieva 2009b). The presentation concerns a peculiar narrative strategy, presented in Kinyamwezi. We analyzed folklore and everyday narratives, published in (Lutskov 1984) and (Maganga&Schadeberg 1992). It turned out, that there are two forms, which can be used as narrative in Kinyamwezi, the first one with the TAM-prefix ka- in preverbal position, the second one with the TAM-prefix u- in preverbal position. In (Lutskov 1984) these forms are labeled Perfect II and Narrative past, respectively, whereas in (Maganga&Schadeberg 1992) they are labeled Narrative and Consecutive. What is the difference between these two forms? It turned out, that the use of the first form correlates with the use of reported speech when it is needed to reproduce protagonist words, whereas the use of the second form correlates with the use of direct speech. So, it would be reasonable to suppose, that there are two narrative strategies in Kinyamwezi: the first one with the use of reported speech could be informally labeled renarrativestrategy, keeping a certain distance between listener and reported events. And the second one with the direct speech is meant to create the so-called “presence effect”, neglecting this distance. And these strategies in question use each its own TAM-form as a basic narrative form. Vinogradov V.A. Institute of Linguistics, Moscow, Russia Some Features of the Kenyang Grammatical Structure Kenyang belongs to the Southern Bantoid languages, Mamfe group; the number of speakers is about 40 000 (according to: Watters J.R., Leroy J. Southern Bantoid //

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Bendor-Samuel J.(Ed.)The Niger-Congo languages. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989.P. 401-420).The Kenyang language is the central member of the group also called Nyang. The nominal grammar of Kenyang is characterized by a current simplification of the noun class system which can be observed both on morphological and syntactic levels in the speech of younger generations (20-25 years old), a representative of which was my informant, a native speaker of Kenyang. Thus, the lexeme ‘man’ occurs in two forms –mù and mmù, the latter (with the 1 class prefix m-) being grammatically basic (but it becomes clear in slower word-byword pronunciation of sentences), while the short form is typical for a normal speech with its intonational and syntagmatic segmentation. In other words, these two forms come to be perceived as phonetic variants due to a style of pronunciation. One more peculiarity of the Kenyang nominal grammar concerns some kinship terms. For example, the noun cì‘ father’ belongs to the 1 class (plural in the 2 class: bàcì with the usual prefix of this class bà-), while its synonym tá (full form Ǫ̗tá) belongs to the 9 class and has a deviative number correlation 9 / 2:Ǫ̗tá – bǣ̖tá with a non-typical plural prefix bǣ̖-. On the syntactic level, some deviations from the typical Bantu “noun-class template”, cf. a following proverb: mǣ̖ cì ànǪ̖ cí this be child father ‘This is the son of (his) father’ The grammatically expected agreement of the verb “to be” (ànǪ̖ à-cí) and the

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possessive particle á in the nominal genitive construction (mǣ̖ á cì) are lacking here. Evidently, such surface agrammaticality may be due to a formula-like character of the bound expression in question (with the inner rhyme!) which is proper to the oral speech where, as one can see, stylistics may dominate over grammar.

Vydrina A.V. St.Petersburg State University, Russia Morphological Passive and Lability in North-western Dialects of Kakabe Language In my presentation I will analyze the semantics of passive marker in Northwestern dialects of Kakabe language. The difference between two groups of Kakabe dialects – the North-western and the South-eastern dialects – is a crucial one with respect to passive. In the South-eastern dialects there is no morphological marker of passive, instead, lability is very widespread there. The most part of verbs can be used both in transitive and in intransitive constructions. An intransitive usage can have either an anticausative meaning (with no agent at the semantic level) or passive meaning (the agent is not expressed but is present at the semantic level). In other

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words, there is unmarked anticausative and passive. As for the North-western dialects, apart from lability they also have a passive suffix -ma, which by itself is a very unusual fact for a Mande language – there is no other Mande language where morphological passive is attested. The presentation is concerned mainly with the comparison of passive and lability in the North-western dialects. Partly, lability and passive are lexically distributed. Apart from verbs, that can be used only intransitively, the verbal lexicon in divided between labile verbs, e.g. dìnbi ‘shake (tr. / intr.)’, dúfen ‘die / kill’ and transitive verbs, which can be used intransitively only with a passive marker, e.g. bùnten ‘pound’, fítan ‘sweep’. Labile verbs can be used in intransitive constructions either without any marking and have an anticausative meaning or with a passive marker with passive meaning, e.g. bìntan ‘burn (intr.)’ vs. bìntan-ma ‘be burnt by somebody’. Yet the problem of semantic correlation of unmarked intransitive usage and a passive form is not limited to the difference between anticausative and passive meanings. Some of those verbs, that, owing to their lexical semantics, are unable to have anticausative meaning, can still be used intransitively without a passive marker, and in this case the construction has the meaning of thoroughness or fullness of the fulfilled action. For example the verb dáa ‘make, manufacture’ can be used intransitively with the meaning ‘be well, thoroughly made’. Vydrine V.F. Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography, Moscow, Russia

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Tonal Article in Bamana: Its Semantics and Functions In modern Central Manding languages (Bamana, Maninka, Jula) the article is represented by a floating low tone. It is realized as a downward movement of a tonal contour at the end of a word before the pause; it is neutralized before a low tone, and it lowers a subsequent high tone. It is a case of grammaticalization of downdrift. The article can be reconstructed for the proto-language as a low-tone suffix -ò (like in modern peripheral Manding languages: Mandinka, Xasonka, Kagoro, certain Ivoirean varieties, Marka-Dafing, and also in certain north-eastern dialects of Bamana). In the Latin-based orthography for Manding languages, tones are usually unmarked; there are few texts in Bamana where tones (and especially, tonal articles) were marked. This fact deprives us of a possibility to undertake a corpus-based study of the tonal article. However, rules for tonal article use in Bamana have been formulated in special literature. In general lines, they can be formulated as follows: 1) by default, a noun (or a NP of the attributive type) carries an article. It is the absence of the article that represents a marked case; 2) in the following contexts, absence or presence of the article is relevant: – in a negative or interrogative sentence, for the negated NP/NP under question. An articleless form has a non-referential (generic) meaning, and the form with an article is referential;

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– there are two major relativization strategies in Bamana. According to one of them, the relative clause follows the main clause, while the relativized noun remains in situ in the main clause and carries no article. My work with a Bamana informant has revealed other contexts, hitherto unknown, where articleless nouns can appear, among them: – presence or absence of the article is relevant for certain kinship terms designating elder relatives. So, n fà (without article) means ‘my proper father’, while n faɴ` (with an article) means ‘one of my fathers’ (the group of “fathers” is composed by one’s father and his brothers); – sometimes, presence or absence of the article indicates closeness/remoteness of the object or situation in question. Establishment of new contexts for articleless forms underlines the necessity of creation, in the framework of the Bamana electronic corpus project, a sub-corpus for texts with a detailed tonal marking. Vossen R. Goethe university of Frankfurt-am-Main, Germany Bird Names in Kalahari Khoe (Southern Africa) between Structure and Cognition

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For a long time the study of animal names has been an attractive field of research in African linguistics. The planned paper deals with bird names in Kalahari Khoe, a branch of the so-called Central Khoisan languages, as spoken in the Republics of Botswana and Namibia; special emphasis will be laid on the Khoe subgroup varieties //Ani, Buga and Khwe. The linguistic analysis will largely focus on formal and semantic aspects, the formal aspect referring to the morphological structure of both, simple and complex names for birds. In contrast to other zoonyms in Khoe, bird names are often onomatopoetic and can in only very few cases be reconstructed for proto-stages within the Kalahari Khoe language family. The paper is to be seen as a pilot study within a large-scale project on zoonyms in selected African languages, in particular Khoisan and Nilotic languages. Zheltov A.Yu. St.Petersburg State University, Russia Analogy Changes or Submorphemic Neutralizations in Niger-Congo Pronominal System Pronominal systems are very important for establishing genetic relations between languages. At the same time these subsystems demonstrate quite a wide range of submorphemic neutralizations which are known in historical linguistic studies as analogy changes. This process should be taken into consideration when comparing pronominal systems. Sometimes the languages tend to keep some formal unifications rather than keep the forms themselves. In the paper I planto show some examples of the process for the Niger-Congo languages. For instance some closely re-

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lated South-West Bantu languages demonstrate a variety of pronominal forms, but rather common structure of submorphemic neutralizations. In a similar way, in Swahili we can see that the change of pronominal form causing the loss of the submorphemic neutralization leads to the reappearance of the same semantic neutralization for the other elements of the paradigm. This process is also observed in some Mande languages in which there are examples of forming the whole pronominal paradigm by the set of submorphemic features (Gban) and some very stable submorphemic formal marking for locutors. It is worth noting that tonal patterns can be used in the same function as submorphemic features.

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Panel 14. THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: MODERNIZATION IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD Convener: Dr. Alexander Tkachenko

Halaf M. The Center for Strategic Studies, UAE The Main Features of the Economic Strategy in a Globalizing World ( the UAE Case) The United Arab Emirates possess huge amounts of unique natural resources from which hydrocarbons are the most prominent ones. At the same time this Arab state has a long seashore in the region with a very intensive sea traffic. Moreover, the UAE are situated at the criss-cross of international airlines. All these natural wealth’s have been exploited in the UAE during previous decades in an very effective manner due to pragmatic economic strategy of the ruling regime. From the era of Sheikh Zayed there have been used the innovative economic strategy in development closely connected with the main trends of the world socioeconomic progress. It’s more important features are the following: accents on deepening the process of diversification of the national economy, development of the productive infrastructure, transforming cluster of local branches into international center of tourist industry, intensive development and modernization of the human resources as well as social infrastructure with special accent on the national education system. The Paper includes analysis of the socio-economic programs of UAE development (1990-2011). Khalafalla N.M.E. Sudan

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The background to Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement The war between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan's People Liberation Movement/Army (SPLAM/A) was ended in 2005 after a long peace talks between them. This civil war which was continued since 1983 deprived the rest of stability, growth and development. The Sudanese people have paid a terrible price. More than two million people died, four million were uprooted and some 600,000people sought shelter beyond Sudan's borders as refugees. The nature and size of our country's problems have frequently overflowed into neighboring countries and brought misery and insecurity to the region. Over the long years of war, there was a plethora of attempts by various external actors, including neighboring States, concerned donors and other States, as well as the parties themselves, to bring the conflict to an end. However, the immense complexities of the war and the lack of political will prevented its earlier resolution.

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In 1993, the Heads of State of the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) became involved in the latest initiative to bring the parties together. This was the beginning of a long process that has led to the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in.2005 This CPA included six partial protocols as follows : x The Protocol of Machakos Signed in Machakos, Kenya, on 20July 2002, in which the parties agreed on a broad framework, setting forth the principles of governance, the transitional process and the structures of government as well as on the right to self-determination for the people of South Sudan, and on state and religion x The Protocol on security arrangements: Signed in Naivasha, Kenya, on 25September 2003 x The Protocol on wealth-sharing: Signed in Naivasha, Kenya, on 7January 2004 x The Protocol on Power-sharing: Signed in Naivasha, Kenya, on 26May 2004 x The Protocol on the resolution of conflict in southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile States: Signed in Naivasha, Kenya, on 26May 2004 x The Protocol on the resolution of conflict in Abyie: Signed in Naivasha, Kenya 26May 2004 These steps led to a final agreement signed in 9th jan.2005 , according to that the national unity government was established putting an end to the longest civil war in Africa. Kobischanov Yu.M. Institute for Africa Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Processes of Arab Nation Emerging in the Globalizing World There were never in the world history such close connections between diaspora and its traditional homeland as under the conditions of globalization. At the same time all incomplete ethnic and national processes continue to go on. From time immemorial the Arab ethnic community consisted of clans, tribes, sub-tribes, tribal federations etc.; eventually ethno-religious groups added to them. The Arabs assimilated many peoples of the West Asia, North and North-East Africa. These peoples were transformed into ethno-religious groups. The processes of forming of the new ethno-religious groups went on in the frames of turuq – Sufi orders in the Arab countries of Africa at the 18th – early 20th cc. The Wahhabiyya played a similar role in Arabia. The process of the formation of nations began in more developed Arab countries in the second half of the 19th c. This process did advance further in Egypt, Tunis and Syria. There are ethno-religious groups in Egypt and Syria. The biggest ethno-religious groups became the nuclei of the nation in some other Arab countries such as Wahhabites in Saudi Arabia, Ibadites in Oman, the Baharina Shiites in Bahrain, Sinusites in Lybia etc. The struggle between ethno-religious groups (in Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen etc.) and ethnic groups (in Sudan, Chad, Iraq, Oman) pe-

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riodically develops into wars. The problems of the Berber peoples remained in Morocco and Algeria. New factors of integration within the Arab community appeared in the last 60 years: secondary and high education in Arabic, increasing influence of media, mass labor migrations. Egyptian media are the largest in the Arab world, and its influence is felt all over it, as well as that of French media in some Arab countries. In spite of this, every Arab country has its own television, radio, newspapers. Arab diaspora in France and other European countries is forming new communities that influence their historical homelands. Kostelyanyets S.V. Institute for Africa Studies, Moscow, Russia

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U.S., China and Sudan's Oil By some estimates, Sudan’s oil reserves may be as large as Saudi Arabia’s, and the country is also rich in natural gas, uranium and copper. Even though these resources have not yet been proven and thorough exploration is necessary, we can already speak of a "Cold War" over "black gold" between the U.S. and China in Sudan. Oil remains the focus of U.S. interests in Sudan. However, unlike Saudi Arabia, the Sudanese government continues to maintain its independence from Washington in the "oil issues". Unable to direct Sudan's oil policy, the United States - through the imposition of sanctions on Sudan's oil exports – has not only hampered the development of this industry, but has also exacerbated the country's regional contradictions. During two decades the United States supported the separatist movement in southern Sudan, where significant reserves of oil are situated. Without belittling the importance of humanitarian assistance provided by the U.S. to Darfur, it should be recognized that oil - its existing and potential reserves – is the subject of particular concern to Americans in this region. Americans do not abandon Sudan, but, on the contrary, provide both the country's central government and regions with material, military and humanitarian aid. U.S. seeks to establish itself as a neutral intermediary in Sudan and, with varying degrees of success, plays the Darfur card and the issue of economic sanctions to exert pressure on the central government in order to obtain larger oil concessions at least in the long term. China, on the other hand, disregards humanitarian questions and supplies Sudan with technologies for oil production and pipeline construction and buys oil in relatively large volumes. China’s growing demand for oil forces it to conduct aggressive "dollar diplomacy". Using its enormous foreign exchange reserves, China has initiated vigorous oil geopolitics, with Africa being its main object and Sudanese-Chadian region a priority area on the continent. This defines the line of a new frontier of a "Cold War" between the U.S. and China for the control of major oil resources, which escalated after the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. So far Beijing has played its cards more efficiently than Washington.

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Mohamed F.M. People`s Friendship University of Russia

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The Problem of Western Sahara: Solution is Possible? The conflict between front POLISARIO of Western, Sahara and Kingdom of Morocco has been lasting for 40 years. After proclaiming independence (1956) Morocco raised a claim to Western Sahara. The people of Western Sahara came out in a united front to proclaim their independence. In 1976 POLISARIO proclaimed formation of Saharian Arabic Democratic Republic (SADR). The Constitution of SADR was adopted. Its main bodies, parliament and government where in Tinduf (Algeria). SADR was recognized by more than 80 states. The attempts to decide the conflict by war did not bring results. The World Society (UN, OAE and others) for a long time had been insisting on a referendum about the future of Western Sahara. There were many proposals and plans for regulation the conflict were produced (for example General Assembly plans S/2001/163, S/2002/178). The UN don´t recognize the rights of Morocco, considering Western Sahara as « a not self-government» territory and supporting the legislative rights of people of Western Sahara for self - determination. Morocco considers Western Sahara to be its «southern province». The main reason Morocco for unwillingness to solve the problem is because of the reachness in natural resources of Western Sahara (iron, phosphate, coal, gold, uranium and others). The deposits of oil and natural gas were discovered on the continental shelf. The administration of Western Sahara is striving for independence and using the resources in their disposal in the interests of the people. The search for a just and acceptable solution that will be useful for both sides and for the world community is still under way. Our sides are aware that there is now another solution to this problem rather than negotiations. It is necessary to beat in mind that according to law the people of Western Sahara have all the rights to obtain self-justification, independence and are free to create their own state. Senkovitch V.V. Institute for Africa Studies, Moscow, Russia New Phenomenal TNC Expansion into North Africa in a Globalizing World 1. With globalization, North Africa continues to be the subject of active expansion of TNCs. To date such multinationals as Halliburton, Total, Exxon Mobil, Unilever Bestfoods, etc. carry out their activities in the region. From the perspective of investors North Africa is of interest not only because of large endowments of natural resources, but also because of strategically advantageous location. Total FDI, including investments by TNCs in the region over the past 10 years has two

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trends. If from 2000 to 2007, FDI increased by $ 20 billion, with $ 5 billion to $ 25 billion, in the period of 2008-2009 (because of the global economic crisis) the volume of FDI attracted to the region markedly decreased and amounted in 2009 to approximately $ 17 billion. 2. The main objects of the expansion of TNCs from developed and developing countries are energy, telecommunications, banking and other sectors. There is a tendency to increase investments by TNCs from developing countries in the establishment of special economic zones, development of infrastructure and labor-intensive manufacturing in North Africa; this allows to diversify the product range and improve its processing ability. Thanks to the participation of TNCs, the North African firms receive additional opportunities to enter the world market. 3. Since the late 1990's a change in government policy in relation to TNCs is observed in the region, compared with the period of 1970-80’s. Revival of interest in constructive cooperation with foreign capital in general and transnational in particular can be noticed. For example, according to the five-year plan for socioeconomic development of Algeria, 2006-2010, it was planned to raise $ 33.2 billion to develop oil and gas industry, of which 74% came from a state company Sonatrach, and 26% from interested foreign companies. 4. The flip side of the active involvement of TNCs is the desire of these powerful players to influence the internal political and economic processes in Northern Africa. This reflects the dialectics of global patterns of globalization process, in which the country gaining in some technology areas, are objectively forced to give part of their sovereignty to transnational forces. Smirnova G.I. Institute of Orient Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Transformation of the Libyan Society in an Epoch of Globalization The modern stage of the world development is characterized by the increase of the financial, trade and information flows, by growth of the industrial economic relations, expansion of the cooperation in other spheres – political, military and others. It is necessary for developing countries to adapt to the new demands of the world markets and international competition. Under conditions of sharp acceleration of scientific and technical progress limitation of contacts with the world market is unfavorable for the economic growth. This problem is especially acute for Libya, which for a long time finds itself in isolation from the international community. Libya, after the revolution of 1st of September 1969, proceeded along a complicated and contradictory way of socioeconomic development. The development of Libya in the context of globalization will require restructuring of the national economy, a right balance between public and private sectors of the economy, attracting private national capital in to the manufacturing sector, as well as creating favorable conditions for attracting foreign investment.

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Tkachenko A.A. Institute for Africa Studies, Moscow, Russia The Processes of Modernization of the Middle East and North Africa in the Globalizing World

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The MENA region is facing numerous unprecedented challenges in its attempts to modernize national economies as well as political systems and social infrastructure. The processes of globalization have become a common feature of the political and economic landscape of the Middle East and North Africa which are characterized by a highly controversial nature. It opened new unprecedented possibilities of economic growth and social development but at the same time this could only be achieved with some prerequisites and conditions. The challenges of the XXI century are: sharp demographic growth, deepening scarcity of natural resources including water and agricultural lands, “brain drain”, capital resources outflow, huge widening unemployment etc. Under the pressure of globalization their influence on modernization in economic and socio-political life gains new dimensions and in some cases brings unexpected results. Industrially developed democracies are enlarging their assistance to the BMENA countries, mainly to its less developed periphery in implementing the programs of modernization and social reforms. In the paper key elements of foreign assistance including its approaches and forms as well as its influence on the processes of modernization are examined. The paper analyses the pace of correction of modernization course and its tools aimed at performing effectively the tasks of the policy of reforms. The conclusions include various scenarios of development of different groups of BMENA countries under the expected controversial modernization and globalization trends.

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Panel 15. PEACE AGREEMENTS AND CONSOLIDATION OF POLITICAL ORDER IN AFRICA Convener: Dr. Aleksi Ylonen

Munene M. United States International University Discoursing Peace and Political Order in Africa Peace, successful management of negative conflicts, depends on politics which is the art of organizing and applying power to run the affairs of people in a given place in an orderly manner. Peace and political order are symbiotic but they are not the same. It is not possible to have one without the other but political order precedes peace. Politics is the instrument for ensuring peace. The two need to be balanced to ensure that they are in harmony in any given place. Excessive preoccupation with political order can lead to self-negation while attention to peace that ignores political order would undermine the essence of peace. Balancing the demands of peace and those of political order has been a problem for Africa which partially explains why peace agreements tend to break down. The difficulties started in the 20th Century colonial period when the seeds of suspicion and perpetual dependency on Euro-forces were planted. Those seeds were retained through those who acquired power at independence because they had been properly groomed to perpetuate dependency. They inherited and retained a colonial mindframe and passed that legacy to their now grown children, as the “younger” rulers of African states. With such legacy, policy makers generally reach agreements that are temporary interludes in continuing confrontations.

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Rawson D. Spring Arbor University, USA Cooperation and Contest in International Humanitarian Intervention: the Rwandan Case, 1992-1994 This paper will look at efforts of the international community to turn Rwanda from conflict between the then Rwandan government and the Rwandese Patriotic Front towards a peace based on democratic principles, power-sharing and integration of the contending militaries. Actors in this international endeavor initially included neighboring states (Zaire, Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi), states with resident embassies and development programs in Rwanda, (France, Belgium, Germany and the United States) and regional organizations (the Economic Community of the Great Lakes and the Organization of African Unity). With the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords on August 5, 1994, the focus turns to the United Nations (the UN Security Council and the UN Secretariat) which became guarantor of the Peace Ac-

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cords through the establishment of a UN Mission and peace-keeping force, UNAMIR. While states and international organizations agreed on the basic goals for Rwanda and cooperated in numerous ways to achieve those goals, there were differing views about to how to organize for peace, how to compose a peace-keeping force and, most significantly, about how to respond when civil war and genocide erupted. These contests of international will were implicated in the failure of the international community to stop genocide in Rwanda. That failure in turn raises questions about the capacities of the state system today to protect the innocent and deter conflicts that can lead to human rights disasters. Research for this paper is based on documentary records of the period, especially recently unclassified documents from the United States government, and on the experience of the author, the first US Observer at the Arusha peace negotiations in 1992 and Ambassador of the United States to Rwanda, 1994 to1996. Rudolf M. Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Germany

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“Marché de la paix” - a Record of Broken Peace Treaties in Senegal The war in the Casamance is the longest lasting in Africa. But it is neither the kind of conflict nor its duration – it is the record of mediation efforts, reconciliation measures and repeatedly broken peace treaties that is truly exceptional. Diachronic and synchronic analysis of the present situation show that only a model that overcomes the classical division between pre-, actual, and post-conflict will provide valuable results. The paper will argue, that the perception of post-conflict – and necessarily conflict itself – has to be reconsidered. It is rather a misconception to treat conflict as pathological. It is not the conflict, but the mechanisms of conflict management and resolution, which seem to be the issue worthwhile analysing: Are these institutionalised in a way that is based on a broad social consensus established through communicative action? Do the majority of actors therefore respect the results and the monopoly of violence? How can reconciliation and post-conflict actually be defined in this perspective? How sustainable are national reconciliation measures compared to conflict settlement mechanisms that are embedded locally? Why did/do they fail? Or are there existing forms of conflict resolution observable, which are merely not recognized by authorities? How is can the relative stability be explained and assessed regarding the national political order? As conflict theory has shown, violent actors in conflicts tend to act rationally in many ways. In order to survive in a market of violence they need to manage resources (arms, soldiers, fear, etc.) in the most profitable way. As a condition and a result this self-perpetuating vicious circle alienates and antagonises the affected individuals. The social organisation of conflict, on the other hand, is linked directly to the strength of societal incorporation as such. This means that integration can be

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achieved by means of equal access to justice. Common procedures to resolve conflicts without violence strengthen social cohesion. The Casamance is an example of a peculiar dialectic: integration through conflict! Here both the insistence on violence and the negotiation of peace are rational tactics through which actors do achieve their means. Peace brokers and violent actors do ensure their economic survival mutually. Furthermore a complex equilibrium seems to have been established: The frameworks of traditional mediation give the local population means to lessen their grievances, but impede – due to the nonhierarchical structure – any final and general peace agreement. Ruiz-Gimenez Arrieta I. Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain Somalia: the Role of External Actors in the Unpredictable and Tortuous Path to Rebuilding the Somali State During the last twenty years, the international community had made wideranging efforts (including more 15 failed peace agreements) to rebuild a unified Somali state since 1990. After the last peace agreement (2004) was signed, the resolution of the conflict remains elusive. The paper examines the underlying causes of why this last attempt by the international community to impose a solution has failed so far. It argues that the UN and the policies of western countries are partly responsible for deterioration of the political, economic, social and humanitarian situation in Somalia, reaching levels of insecurity not seen since the early 1990s. Grobbelaar J. University of Pretoria, South Africa

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South Africa: Some Elements of a Transitional Expedition towards Democracy How can a just, democratic and secure South African society for all of its people be built and survive in the light of the enormous disparities of wealth and life chances that typify it? Competing understandings of, and answers to this question, underpin and drive the new South Africa’s post 1994 proposed transitional journey towards democracy and freedom. This paper is concerned to engage the nature and dynamics of the ongoing transitional expedition by addressing some of the major elements thereof. Three of the rudiments of this process will be unpacked with a view to engaging the conditions and dynamics of the consolidation of socio-political order in South Africa: the negotiated peace agreement that took place over the period from 1990 and Nelson Mandela and the other political prisoners release from prison - together with the unbanning of the hitherto banned political movements, to 1994 and the holding of the first ever general election in South Africa to take place via universal franchise. In the second place, the formal and official process of dealing with the crimes of the past and societal reconciliation via the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission from 1995 to around 2003 and, finally, the split that took place in 2007 at the Polokwane Conference of the ANC.

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Pérez de Armiño K. University of the Basque Country Basque Country-Spain War and Peace in Angola. The Persistence of Needs, Grievances and Greed as a Threat to the Rehabilitation Process

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The peace agreement of Luena (2002) put an end to four decades of war in Angola. In fact, along that period there was a succession of several wars: a war of liberation and decolonization (1961-1975), a civil war after independence framed in the Cold War (1975-1992), and a civil war in two stages (1992-1994 and 19982002). On the causes of each one of these wars have been offered different explanations, focused on international and internal dimensions, and on factors such as identity confrontations, political grievances or the political economy of war. Our hypothesis is twofold. Firstly, that under the different types of armed conflict occurred in the country throughout its history, there have been some underlying lines of continuity that have caused or contributed to armed violence. In other words, several conflicts and tensions of political, social, economic and identity nature, with deep historical roots. Secondly, that such structural tensions continue today, even after the end of the war. This is largely due to the way in which the armed conflict ended (with the victory of the government’s army) and the characteristics of the subsequent rehabilitation process: lack of a genuine process of democratic transition before the elections of 2008, lack of policies promoting human development for the majority, extended poverty and increasing social inequalities, the persistence of a depredatory system with elites using oil and other resources for their enrichment, feelings of political exclusion of various political and ethnic-territorial groups, etc. In conclusion, many of the factors that motivated or stimulated the successive wars in the country have not been successfully tackled after the peace agreement. Thus, the persistence of this combination of needs, grievances and greed could pose a threat to the rehabilitation process itself and plant a seed of future conflicts. Ylönen A. University of Bayreuth, Germany The State of a State in the Making: Southern Sudan since the Comprehensive Peace Agreement In January 2005 Sudan’s longest-running war came to its formal end. The peace process culminated in the signing of the internationally pressured Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the main warring parties, the National Congress Party controlled Government of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) rebel movement. The treaty established a six-year interim period (2005-2011) during which the protagonists pledged to make political unity of Sudan attractive to southern Sudanese who were generally considered to have suffered most during the war. It was stipulated that in the course of the interim period

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presidential and general elections would take place and before its end southern Sudanese would be allowed to choose between unity and separation in a historic selfdetermination referendum. This unprecedented plebiscite possibly leads to the establishment of a new independent state of South Sudan. The self-determination referendum took place in January 2011 with the southern Sudanese overwhelmingly favoring political separation from northern Sudan which they generally perceive as the main obstacle to the realization of peace, equality and prosperity in their own region. In the aftermath of the plebiscite, many southerners expect political secession and transition of the currently autonomous South Sudan into an independent state. Yet, considering the brief period of post-war interim SPLM rule, and given the lack of consolidation of a system based on political plurality together with limited infrastructure and the absence of a diverse multi-sector economy in southern Sudan, the region faces a number of difficulties related to nation- and state-building. This paper analyses the period of CPA implementation (2005-2011) with a focus on the consolidation of post-war political and economic order in southern Sudan. It points out major challenges related to the process of establishing an independent state. Finally, it maps probable post-CPA scenarios and suggests political and economic arrangements that could facilitate transition to independence. The paper seeks to contribute to the discussion about the viability of South Sudan as Africa’s newest state.

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Panel 16. RELIGION IN CONTEMPORARY SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: MULTILINEAR EVOLUTION. THE FATE OF TRADITIONAL BELIEFS IN PRESENT-DAY CONDITIONS Convener: Dr. Oleg Kavykin

Butovskaya M.L., Burkova V.N. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Moscow, Russia

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Conservatism of Magic Rituals in Everyday Life of Datoga of Northern Tanzania (the Case of the Boma Purification from Negative Influence of Witchcraft and Sorcery) Despite the spread of Christianity and Islam in Tanzania nowadays, the Datoga – semi-nomadic pastoralists of Nilotic origin – remained the followers of traditional animistic beliefs. Numerous magic rituals remained to be the essential part of their everyday life. The social status of magic people (“mganga”) remained to be exclusively high. Magicians are making forecasts for people on the basis of their dreams, healing from various illnesses, reliving from negative influence of witchcraft and sorcery. The presence of mgangas is still viewed by modern Datogas as obligatory precondition of survival and wellbeing. This paper is going to describe in details the ceremony of purification of boma from negative destructive influence of witchcraft and sorcery. This ceremony is a rare one. The 76-year old owner of the boma in which the ceremony took place commented in his interview with us, that he will participate in such activity for the third time in his life. The ceremony takes about 5 days and consists of a number of stages (the preparatory stage, the sacrifice, the extinguishment of all fires in the boma, the creation of “clean” renovated fire, the treating with renovated smoke of all people and cattle present, the cleaning of all houses and yards inside the boma, the placement of sacred amulets through the boma to prevent it from new attacks of evil spirits). For the whole period of ceremony no strangers are allowed to enter the boma. The succession of actions in the process of the ceremony as well as the allocation of duties among participants deserves special attention. The ceremony is conducted personally by the owner of the boma, with the help of one of his brothers and the older son under the guidance of the mganga, specially invited for this purpose. The ceremony should be conducted by mature males, who already produced healthy offspring. All married females, owners of fire places, are blessed by means of the new smoke and provided with burning aches for the new (clean) fires. According to informants, this ceremony remained immune from current modernization processes in Tanzania. The paper will be accompanied by presentation photo- and video-data. This paper was prepared due to financial support from RFHR (grant ʋ08-01-00015ɚ), RFBR (grant ʋ10-06-00010-ɚ) and the Federal Program from the Ministry of Education and Science 2009-2013 (grant ʋ2010-1.2.1-102-022-20). The study was conducted with the permit from Tanzanian Government (COSTECH).

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Firsov N.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Religion and Political Struggle in Contemporary Africa: The Case of Madagascar The processes of political modernization in the majority of francophone African countries started in the late 80ies – early 90ies. From authoritarian one-party political systems they moved to multi-party democratic society, with free presidential and parliamentary elections. This led to the emergence and incredible growth of democracy-oriented parties seeking social and economic innovations. However, most of these parties had religious or ethno-religious background in spite of constitutional regulations; and their primary objectives were to improve the position of their own group, clan or ethnos what in its turn worsened the general socioeconomic situation in the respective countries. The multiplicity of parties and the fact that many of them had their own military forces, as well as a lack of constraints of any kind (authoritarian or garrison state), led to armed conflicts that sometimes led to civil wars in place of presidential elections. Another consequence of the same phenomena was the creation of alliances, unions and coalitions of various kinds. Political pluralism and African democracy affected also the religious associations as such, which due to their ethno-regional nature acted as an integrating factor in the processes of political modernization. This is observable clearly in the countries in which socialist experiments took places such as Benin, Guinea, and Madagascar. A change of ideology and social values subsequently creates vacuum, filled with suppressed ethnical and religious identity models. Finally, the religious organizations’ political engagement influenced their own politicization and position, resulting in a new level of tension and creating obstacles on the way to the formation of stable political systems. Unfortunately, this is true in regards to the present-day Madagascar which is approaching a conflict between Catholics and Protestants whose religious leaders are political opponents.

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Kavykin O.I. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Transformation of the Zambian Traditional Rulers’ Power Legitimization The paper is based on the evidence collected during the expedition of the Institute for African Studies of the RAS in the Republic of Zambia of which the author was part (see http://www.histant.ru/eng/?q=node/59). The Zambian case shows that in the situation of direct contact of cultures one of the possible scenarios of the traditional political institutions’ transformation is the integration of traditional rulers (Paramount chiefs, Senior chiefs and chiefs) in the modern system of power (based on the principles introduced by the British colonial administration). At the same time it is possible to observe partial desacralization of the traditional rulers’ power compensated by the adaptation of this institution’s ideological background of legitimization to Christianity (as the dominant religion). “Desacralization” means that the religious is not the society’s the constituent basis.

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When Christianity (and the ideas of “tolerant” and “laic” modern civil society which have emerged in the Christian civilization’s milieu) replaces “traditional” beliefs, it becomes the background of the system of cultural norms and institutions targeted at supporting it. The search of a new, “laic,” legitimization takes place as an outcome of these processes. On the other hand, the traditional rulers’ pagan rituals continue to be performed, too. Podyma K. Municipal Museum in ĩory, Poland

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When Non-Artistic Objects/Non-Art Become(s) Art. Changes in the Perception and the Function of West African Traditional Social and Religious Objects The modern take on the term “African art” seems to be very obvious; one might think that it should not be questioned, just like in the case of the right to breathe freely. There is no reason to say that this attitude is completely wrong, but one should also take into consideration that this state is not fully precise and does embrace a much wider area of meanings that could imply specific cognitive confusion. “African art”, according to the definition, entails specific kind of objects which reflect specific esthetic state. All these determinants describe very imprecisely the discussed topic. In the case of the so called tribal art, the definition does not imply at all. During researches carried out in West Africa, the informants gave surprising answers when asked about art definition. These answers showed clearly, that the White man approach towards art was not adequate to the researched matter. The term “art” does not exist in local languages. But the adaptation to African from European languages is so ambiguous, that it automatically creates many misunderstandings. The final statement is as follows: We cannot speak about tribal art, since there is no tribal art. There is a huge gap between the theory that applies to the European and the one that applies to the African history of art, which leads to false definitions. The only way to cut this Gordian knot is to accept the term African nonart as the term that describes all the connotations in the tribal context. The changes that we can observe nowadays are so significant, that it should automatically lead to the creation of a new and separate definition of tribal art. We have to face reality and confront the fact that - our art is our heritage. Within Kurumba people (Burkina Faso) – a majority Muslim population, there is a discussion about the necessity of the revival of local tradition in the context of heritage. At present times, there is a part of the tradition that becomes art in the European meaning. And that is unquestionable. Buchalik L. Municipal Museum in ĩory, Poland The Social Role of the Rain-Making Rituals in the Modernizing Society of West Africa Traditional communities inhabiting the region of Sahel, who struggle to cope with nature’s whims and perceive rain as the greatest blessing of all, developed a

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complex system of rituals, whose aim – according to local beliefs – is to invoke rain. These rituals belong to the system of beliefs held by the local communities, but they also play an important role within the social realm. Hitherto, the main objective of these rituals was to bring rain when the rainy season was late, or when the rain stopped falling during the rainy season. This has always been a source of anxiety for the local communities, both agricultural and pastoral. Drought is a synonym for famine and poverty, and that is why people are so fearful of this phenomenon. A problem common to all needs to be solved by all; and so, it unites various – often conflicting – ethnic groups. Hence, the ceremonies of rain-making play an important social role. It might seem that in communities undergoing modernisation (using tractors, ploughs, and sometimes even chemical fertilizers) traditional beliefs would lose in significance. Indeed, such a tendency can be observed – my informants stressed the fact that in the past more people used to participate in the ceremonies of rainmaking. These ceremonies ought to be perceived also from the point of view of the changing society. The transition from local to translocal consciousness heading towards a civic society (in an African understanding of the term). Nowadays, the ceremonies of rain-making carry an increasingly greater significance as intensifying rituals, and lesser as agrarian rituals. Local communities unite around those ceremonies, and this phenomenon can be observed both within an individual ethnic group and within the realm of cross-ethnic relations. The latter aspect is particularly important in the multi-ethnic countries of the West Africa today. This paper is concerned with the Voltaic peoples (above all the Kurumba and the Dogon), who inhabit the Republic of Mali and Burkina Faso. It is based on the author’s own research carried out during the period 2002–2010, and – to enable comparison – on reference books, mostly the works of A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel and W. Staude from the 1960s. Andreeva L.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Prophet as a Bearer of Religious Experience in Afro-Christianity: Willam Wade Harris Religious experience is a sum of perceived religious feelings, evaluated, and transformed by a individual from the religious point of view. This sum is important for formation and development of the persons’ religious world outlook. The study of the religious experience is important because it is a universal phenomenon and the depth of it does not depend on the level of civilizational development. Prophets are the bearers of intensive religious experience. The prophets’ holiness is a result of the direct possession by God’s spirit. A prophet is God’s voice in this world. In Afro-Christianity the messianic movements play a special role. The intensive religious experience of these movements’ founders (e.g., William Wade Harris, André Grenard Matsoua and others) has become a source and powerful stimulus for the spiritual, social, cultural and legal changes.

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The missionary work of prophet Wade Harris has led to mass oblivion of the external practices characteristic of the traditional African beliefs all over the coast. Harrism has embraced dozens of ethnic groups, chiefly, due to the immanent idea of unity amidst variety: one God, one theocentric law (the Ten Commandments), one book (the Bible), one sign (the Cross), one Baptism (breaking off with the fetish), one place for cult performance, one organization (Church under the guidance of twelve apostles). Prayers (among which was the Lord's Prayer) have replaced sacrifices and adoration of fetishes. As early as in 1921 Catholic missionaries in Côte d'Ivoire saw the threat of the country’s transformation into a protestant one, though ten years before they had expressed doubts on the possibility of successful missionary work. So, there are grounds to argue that one person’s individual religious experience has changed the life and world outlook of tens of thousands of people and has transformed into a socially significant phenomenon – revelation for many ethnic groups. Here we deal with the phenomenon of wide recognition of the personal religious experience by society. This phenomenon stimulated religious enthusiasm of coreligionists and was a powerful factor of the social activities of the masses. Kobishchanov Yu.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Africa in the collective international project ‘Essays of the history of Christian civilizations. Vol. I–IV’ Now we are working the vol. I. Introduction to the history of the Christian civilizations. It contains parts and chapters on the prehistory and ancient history (to the V ɫ.) and on the conditions of their development. At this period in went on predominately by the way of the grafting to the ancient civilizations, partly by the synthesis of the peripheral civilizations and proto-civilizations (of the Berbers, the Germans) with the Christian civilizations, predominately the Roman-Byzantine one. Later on the second one became the main. All the parts of the volume abound in African materials. Vol. II will contain parts on the first growth of the Christian civilizations at the VI – mid VIII cc., vol. III – to the mid VIII–XI cc., vol. IV – to the period of the Crusades to the Mongol conquest (XII – early XIII cc.). It contains investigation of the social and historical types of personalities and classes of the time of greater feudal formation such as: peasantry, artisans, military classes, bureaucracy, priesthood, merchants, tax-farmers and bankers etc. It investigates urbanism, hired workers, usury, social and historical structures; distant trade and its role in the spread of the world religions as well as the system of ancient, medieval and new time feudalism; the system of the civilizations and protocivilizations and the characteristics of some of them. African materials (for instance, on the peasantry of Egypt, Roman Africa, Ethiopia etc.) take an important, even key, place in this part of the volume. The authors observe the world demography of the 1st millennium B.C. and the 1st millennium A.C., Christ’s chronology, pre-Christian and Christian calendars,

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spiritual searches of the Apostles’ predecessors and contemporaries, the development of the sciences in the end of the antiquity and early middle age. Part 10 contains the phenomenon of the Christian Jerusalem and the second Jerusalem in Africa, Asia, Europe and America. The name of the chapter is «Axum and Lalibela – two Jerusalems in Ethiopia». To our regret, we could not find authors for historical and semeiotic analysis of the Christian monasteries of Egypt, cathedrals of South Africa, former Portuguese colonies and independent Afro-Christian churches. There will be chapters on the history of the African states and civilizations in every volume. They give a brief description of pre-Christian civilizations and a more detailed of the Christian ones, for instance Coptic Egypt by the group of authors, Northern Africa by Yelena Sergeyeva (Velikiy Novgorod), North-East Africa by Yuriy Kobishchanov. But we have no specialists on the history and cultures of the Christian ɋyrenaica, Kerala, some aspects of the Coptic civilization, Christian Nubian art.

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Panel 17. SOUTHERN AFRICA: MODERNIZATION, ELECTIONS, REGIONAL COOPERATION Convener: Dr. Andrey Tokarev

Aksyutina O.A., Zelenova D.A., Kruchinsky V.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Phenomenon of Grassroots Self-organisation in South Africa The idea of crisis of representative democracy and of the state as such is currently attracting a significant attention of both academic community and the common people. At the same time, practices of self-rule and principles of self-organisation are developing rapidly. The people's protests of the last decade (whether in Latin America, Africa or Europe) has shown that significant portion of the world population rejects not only the neoliberal model of economy and representative politics, but also hierarchic and remote structures, including such “struggle vehicles” as trade unions. In this respect South African case seems to be nothing short of unique. The degree of political consciousness of the masses in South Africa is notoriously high due to the broad participation of the people in the liberation struggle. The level of mass participation in politics hasn’t diminished after transition to democracy: political awareness of the common South Africans is still high. To some extent, the legacy of inclusiveness persuades the people to regard themselves not only as the means of voting politicians into power, but to try to bring the famous struggle era slogan “People shall govern” to actual realisation. Many researchers note that a high proportion of South African population distrusts “big politics” of the parties and NGO’s and tries to pursue “people’s politics”. The famous struggle era motto, “Amandla – Ngawethu!” is being filled with new meaning and becomes a slogan of a struggle for an autonomy. This paper analyses South African communities organised upon the nonhierarchic principles and containing some elements of egalitarian social structure. The paper examines specific non-hierarchic communities and analyses practical realisation of the principles of horisontality, decentralisation and collective decisionmaking. Arkhangelskaya A.A. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia South African Foreign Policy after 2009 South Africa occupies an important geo-strategic position. RSA has significant, largely untapped, natural resources that promote the growth of its influence on the continent. South Africa was once again elected as a nonpermanent member to the

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UN Security Council. South Africa's mediation efforts in resolution of the crisis situation in Zimbabwe and in other African countries increase its importance and political weight on the international arena. President Jacob Zuma, elected in 2009, is determined to attract new international strategic partners. South Africa is a gateway to Africa. South Africa’s GDP is a quarter of the GDP of the African continent. South African business operates in 24 African countries. New South African President also declared a policy of diversification of trade and industrial relations with a special focus on the BRIC countries. During the G20 meeting in November 2010, the BRIC countries told about South Africa's bid for inclusion in BRIC and noted that none of the countries oppose it. Current market conditions give Russian business an opportunity to take their place in the African market. Russian business has certain advantages: it has no colonial past, it does not import its work force into the country etc. Greenstein R. University of the Witwatersrand, RSA

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Alternative Modernity and the Discourse of Development in Post-apartheid South Africa The paper explores the notion of alternative modernity as an important but controversial theme in the discourse of development in post-apartheid South Africa. It understands that concept as an attempt to combine modern technological advances with real or imaginary African historical and cultural forms. The extent to which different social and political actors adopt this approach varies, and the paper examines their perspectives and their implications for South African post-apartheid transformation. Based on theoretical elaboration of the meanings of modernity and development in general, and specifically in the African context, the paper examines the approaches of key actors: the South African government, the ANC as a ruling party under former President Mbeki, the ANC as a party under President Zuma, forces on the Left in alliance with the ANC (the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South Africa Trade Unions), and the independent Left (mostly organized as radical social movements). The paper argues that development discourse has shifted between mainstream approaches used by the government (which pay no more than lip service to the ‘alternative’ dimension) and dissident approaches that reject the quest for modernity – as it is commonly understood – as inherently tainted by global relations of power, in which South Africa, Africa and the Third world broadly are doomed to marginalization. In between these poles, the ruling party and its allies have been debating how to steer a course of action that would retain the goal of development but with a local twist (reflecting South Africa’s unique history). Whether this twist amounts to a real difference in policy or merely an attempt to appear progressive is an issue also discussed, as is the relevance for understanding the contemporary social and political scene.

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Ndali Che Kamati Namibia Political Processes in Countries of Southern Africa (Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa) after the End of Colonialism and Apartheid The purpose of this paper is to look into the political processes that took place immediately after the achievement of independence and continue to shape sociopolitical developments in those countries today. The paper attempts to conceptualize the approach of the former liberation movements, now ruling parties, to the crucial issues which impact on governance such as national reconciliation which is a requisite for inclusive, harmonious nation building and stable development. More importantly, the paper investigates problems of democratic transformation, and addresses issues of multiracialism and ethnicity in the context of nation building. The paper will attempt to analyze the challenges of governance facing the former liberation movements; the issues pertaining to the unity of the democratic forces; the new political realignment of forces and development of political pluralism and multiparty systems. The paper will conclude with investigation of the difficulties facing political leadership of former liberation movements, conceptualizing on the emergency of contradictory trends and attempts to form alternative platforms. Finally, it investigates the emergence of opposition political parties, their peculiarities and analyzes the mushrooming civil society organizations, their objectives and perspectives. KruchinskyV.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Corporation “Melting Pot”: ANC and Depoliticisation of Ethnicity in South Africa In the light of extraordinary growth of importance of ethnic aspects in modern politics worldwide South African case seems to be nothing short of a paradox. This paper examines constant decline of “ethnical” politics after 1994. The paper concentrates on the steady loss of support by ethnic-based political organisations, such as a generally pro-Zulu Inkatha Freedom Party, and diminishment and marginalisation of pro-Afrikaner political powers operating both inside and outside current political establishment. Logically thinking, one could have expected unprecedented rise of politicisation of ethnicity in post-apartheid South Africa. Reality has proven otherwise. On the other hand, the global trend towards rediscovery of the potential of political mobilisation on ethnic base is on the steady rise. This paradoxical situation can partly be explained by the shift from exclusiveness, which dominated South African politics in the apartheid era, to the system which, to some extent, recalls free market, with

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ANC operating as a super-corporation with ability to absorb once outspokenly ethnical powers and to fuse often mutually exclusive political agendas. Liebenberg I. Stellenbosch University, South Africa Militarised politics, economic consequences and the implosion of state legitimacy under apartheid Racialism with its origins in colonialism gradually turned into paternalist and authoritarian rule over the black South Africans (1948 – 1989). Social engineering carries costs and consequences. The contribution here describes the increasing authoritarian elements in the ruling minority party and the militarisation of white society. The article reflects on the outcome of one-sided dominant party rule which underestimated civil resistance amongst South Africans, the nature of a (nationalist) struggle for liberation and the costs of upholding a minority state. It shares with the reader how economic costs of a protracted internal strife and the projection of aggressive military power in the region eventually brought about the dissolution of the apartheid state by 1994. Mafisa L. Africa Institute of South Africa, RSA

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The Role of Personal Attributes of an Individual in Pursuit of Knowledge Production Knowledge production is breaking the new ground and moving in an unchartered territory and exploring unconventional ways of doing things for the benefit of the larger community. Producing knowledge does not just come in a haphazard or rather in a fortuitous manner. It needs, meticulous planning, fearlessness, being passionate or inspirational about one`s vision, singleness of purpose and to being result oriented. It is without doubt that Prof Magubane stands out as able scholar that academics would like to emulate in matters of knowledge production. He has these attributes for being fearless, passionate or inspirational about his vision, singleness of purpose, high motivation and result oriented. This paper traces stated he personal attributes of Prof Magubane and indicates how other renowned African scholars also shared the same attributed in their pursuit of knowledge production. This paper will explore the extent to which these eminent African scholars: Kwame Nkrumah and Thabo Mbeki embodied these attributes in their quest to breaking new grounds for knowledge production in Africa. The paper will explore the complementary nature of these eminent scholars in their pursuit of knowledge production: the one coming from western Africa (Ghana) and one in the Southern Africa (South Africa). The author strongly believes that critical appraisal of these scholars personal attributes will set a standard which aspiring scholars will emulate.

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Interviews will be employed with a few scholars to establish what are the essential attributes for enabling an individual to produce knowledge. Rethmann P. McMaster University, Ontario, Canada The Revolution Eclipsed: A Critical Look at Robben Island Museum South Africa’s Robben Island Museum (RIM) has become one of the country’s premier tourist sites. Perhaps best known as the location where former African National Congress Leader and South Africa’s first black president Nelson Mandela was incarcerated from 1964 until 1982 (he was incarcerated from 1982-1988 in Pollsmoor Prison, Cape Town, and from 1988-1991 in Victor Verster Prison near Paarl), the RIM is now marked as a historically highly charged commerative site, associated with notions such as courage, commitment, and freedom. Instead of looking, as has so often been done before, at the ways in which South Africa’s “hero history” is now narrated by tour guides and the museum’s visual representations, in this talk I examine how the radical and revolutionary potential so important to the “the struggle” has been eclipsed by these representations. How do museal representations of a victory achieved negate, deny, and obscure the unrealized potential of the struggle? Why is it the case that the achievement of a supposed racial equality is and can be celebrated today, while other forms of inequality, forms whose abolition was also part of the struggle, persist? What does this say about the ways in which we think about political revolution and radical change today?

Sidorov V.A. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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South African Mining Industry Presentation considers the current state and development trends of South African mining industry. In the past mining was the main engine of South African economy. And, though today influence of the mining industry isn't so great as it used to be, it is essential to note that in terms of abundance and variety of different types of minerals South Africa is at the top of the world list (along with Russia, USA, Canada and China). From a long list of minerals extracted in South Africa you can single out several that are most important: gold, diamonds, platinum group metals, chrome, manganese, iron ore and coal. The beginning of presentation is focused upon level of mineral output (including a short historical review of gold mining) and the total (discovered) reserves, also mentioning the companies that mine corresponding types of minerals and key deposits. Further attention is drawn towards peculiarity of "De Beers" as the world diamond cartel and the "flight" of the mining companies from South Africa ("De Beers" and «Anglo American»).

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Besides, the mining industry analysis includes assessment of the contribution of mining to South African GDP as well as the changing role of mining within South African economy (both overall, and by separate types of minerals). Also the importance of mining for South African exports and the role played by South Africa in the international commodity market is analysed. Thus the composition of mineral exports and their geographic distribution (including changes in the list of countries that import South African commodities) is underlined. Towards the end the situation with mineral processing within the country – in downstream industry (metallurgy and manufacture of synthetic fuel) – is reviewed. In conclusion there is a summary about the influence of a global economic crisis on a situation in the mining sector today and its prospects for the future; in particular proposals asking for nationalisation of the industry are analyzed. Skubko Yu.S. Institute of African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Some Problems of Modernization in South Africa South Africa remains the most developed country of the most underdeveloped continent. It is the scientific and technological leader of Africa still producing a lion`s share of discoveries, innovations, research papers and patents though this share and its quality is gradually diminishing. At the same time one can hardly avoid the impression that the country is on a slipping down from the first to the third world, being inefficiently managed and losing its human capital. There is an obvious growing mismanagement of most social institutions, from civil service, army and police to science and technology. Blatant incompetence in economic planning brought the energy crisis. The main, most prestigious and costly innovation program of the country – production of pebble-bed modular reactors, aimed at returning the country on the nuclear map of the world, has finally collapsed: the PBMR company is being liquidated, state financing terminated from 2010, practically all R&D and engineering personnel involved in the project, – hundreds of bright heads, – have already left for USA, Canada and Australia. Quality of higher education (with the imposition of black empowerment, more and more resembling apartheid) has generally declined despite all the formal growth in expenditure and research chairs. Decline is also seen in many other fields; last but not least law and order without which anything positive can develop. With rampant crime conquering formerly protected city areas, mass emigration of all categories of qualified personnel capable of finding work abroad, not only white (increasingly Indian), is taking place on an increasing scale. In spite of all the obstacles South Africa has not yet lost its potential for modernization and innovation as the corruptional degeneration of the power structures and social institutions is, though growing, still far from total as in certain other parts of the world.

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Storkmann K. Military History Research Institute, Potsdam, Germany

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Helping Decolonisation or Fighting the Cold War in Southern Africa? East German military support to the FRELIMO of Mozambique In April 1980, the cover of the Hamburg weekly “Der Spiegel” depicted a closeup of four soldiers of the National People’s Army (NVA) titled “Honecker’s Africa Corps” written in the style of a Wehrmacht armband. In its cover story behind this eye-catching headline the weekly described the military activities of the East German armed forces in the Third World, in particular on the black continent. Specifically mentioned were the training of Southern Africans in the GDR and the training provided by NVA officers in Zambia and Mozambique. According to the Spiegel in 1980, the NVA also provided training for the ANC, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe. The NVA instructors made sure that the lower ranks were given the “correct and full drill […], including ideological indoctrination”. According to the Spiegel, 600 NVA advisors were said to be working in Mozambique alone. Other publications alleged that NVA officers even participated in and “commanded” the bloodbath of Munhava against RENAMO fighters in Mozambique in 1979. In 1982, the GDR, namely its Minister of Defence, allegedly planned and coordinated a large-scale operation together with Cuba, Angola and Mozambique. It was planned to fly Cuban troops from Angola to Mozambique and replace them with East German soldiers. However, South Africa is said to have thwarted the plan in advance. Hardly had there been any other field of GDR military politics and NVA history which was surrounded by so many speculations, rumours and exaggerations like the coverage of NVA activities in the Third World. The numbers provided in western press reports of the 1970s and 1980s ranged from 3,000 to 30,000 East German soldiers serving in Africa alone. The lurid Western reports were in sharp contrast to the secretive silence maintained in the GDR. To this day, there are still rumours and vague ideas circulating with regard to NVA activities in Southern Africa. The paper will provide initial well-founded academic information on former activities of the GDR military, based on original documents of the GDR Ministry of Defense and Ministry of State Security (Stasi), other government bodies and, above all, the SED Central Committee that have been researched and analysed for the very first time. The paper focuses on the military assistance of the GDR for the FRELIMO in the fight against the Portuguese colonial power from 1967 to 1975/76, which was almost exclusively provided in the form of weapons and equipment deliveries. The paper will then focus on the continued the military assistance after the FRELIMO seized power in 1975 and 1976, respectively. Under the conditions of a “reversed front” the GDR and her army now supported government troops fighting against guerrilla units. Hence, in addition to the supply of weapons and equipment, military assistance focused on modelling “socialist armed forces” after the principles of the Warsaw

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Pact armies regarding organization, structure and training. Since the early 1980s this increasingly included the training of African officers and NCOs in NVA training institutions. The author describes and analyses in detail whether the National Peoples Army (NVA) trained the armed forces of Mozambique in guerrilla warfare. The paper concludes with a very short look on the military commitment of other states, east and west, and their armed forces in Southern Africa. The GDR was not singular in her assistance. To this day, the military commitment of East Germany in the Third World, in particular in Southern Africa, has been the topic of sometimes unfounded speculations. This paper wants to contribute to an academic reappraisal of this secret part of GDR history. Telepneva N. London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) United Kingdom

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The Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee and the National Liberation Movements in Southern Africa, 1966-1975 Based on documents from the Russian and German archives, the paper explores the relations of the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee (SAASC) with national liberation movements in southern Africa between 1966 and 1975. The committee, set up under the supervision of the Central Committee’s International Department, consisted of representatives from various Soviet institutions and government departments. The committee had two main functions. Firstly, it was tasked with developing contacts with national liberation movements still fighting for national independence and majority rights. Secondly, the committee provided political and humanitarian support to such movements within the framework of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization (AAPSO), based in Cairo. The paper focuses on the committee’s relationship with Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) and the African National Congress (the ANC). From the Cold War perspective, the committee had to deal with the consequences of the Sino-Soviet split, which provided a radical alternative to the Soviet economic model for certain African leaders. From a regional African perspective, the committee had to deal with escalating armed struggle in the mid-1960s in Angola and Mozambique, as well as the beginning of armed struggle in Zimbabwe. Confident of the relationship with the national liberation leaders by the late 1960s, concerns about China and internal instability of certain liberation movements resurfaced in the early 1970s. One of the paper's main arguments is that Soviet policy in Southern Africa after the collapse of the Portuguese empire can not be understood without reference to Soviet concerns, illustrated in the actions of the AASC. The paper also tries to raise broader questions on the interaction between the Cold War and instability in southern Africa, seeking to emphasize internal African politics.

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Tetekin V.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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The Role of Mass Democratic Organisations in the Elimination of Apartheid The first general elections in the history of South Africa on 27 April, 1994, with equal participation of both Blacks and Whites ended with the victory of the African National Congress (ANC). With the support of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and South African Communist Party (SACP), ANC won 62,5% of votes. What forces contributed to the fall of a powerful system of apartheid? A common point of view is that victory over apartheid was secured by the ANCCOSATU-SACP alliance. However, it should be noted that the ANC and the SACP have operated in the underground while their command centers were in exile. The South African Congress of Trade Unions (which before emergence of COSATU in 1985 represented the labor movement in the liberation alliance) operated in similar conditions. However, since early 80s legal mass democratic organisations (MDO) began to play a more important role. It is known that the strategy of the liberation struggle in South Africa was based on four main pillars: the armed struggle, underground structures, international solidarity and mass political struggle. Of course, there are no historical scales, which could accurately determine the contribution of each of these forms. They have complementary nature. The author believes, however, that the most visible form of struggle against apartheid in the 80's was the legal mass struggle. In contrast to the armed and underground forms that involved, in the best case, thousands of people, the MDOs involved hundreds of thousands and sometimes, in the most powerful upsurges, – millions of people. Thus the contribution of MDOs was not only the eradication of apartheid, but also the development of political consciousness among the masses of people who previously never thought that the opposition to the Apartheid system is possible. Thus, the importance of South African MDOs in the 70's - 80's is in the birth of political consciousness among the masses and in creation of diverse and effective mechanisms for the expression of this consciousness. The subject of the presentation will be objective and subjective conditions of ITI, their social and community base, the specific form of creation of these organisations, the dynamics of their development and contradictions they have faced. Cherinda B. Mozambique The democratic process in Mozambique and the external interferences This paper will focus on the post-conflict developments in the 90’s when Mozambique turned into a multiparty democracy, how the elections where conducted and the influence it suffered from external forces. How a country was “forced” to follow a model of democracy that have more external roots than internal.

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I argue that these models though they please some people are not suitable for Mozambique not only because they are not rooted from within but also because they are expensive to sustain and turning the country more dependent from the outside world, mainly, international financial institutions and western countries.

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Panel 18. STATE ECONOMICS POLICY AND BUSINESS: NEW PHENOMENA Convener: Dr. Evgeniya Morozenskaya

Bessonov S.A. Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia

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Modernization and Traditionalism in African Economies: Role of the State 1. Modernization and traditionalism are two most important paths of the economic development. The significance and necessity of modernization. Traditionalism is the main state of African economies. The routes and the purposes of vitality and basic forms of traditionalism. Traditionalism as the main obstacle of economic progress. Pseudo-modernization and neo-traditionalism are the major forms of transition from the traditionalism to modernization. Formal modernization and real modernization. 2. The state as a major modernization-maker in African countries. The economic policy of metropolitan states and modernization in African colonies. The role of the State in modernization processes due to structural adjustment programs as the main way of planned modernization at the macro-level. The liberalization of the economic climate and the privatization of public enterprises are also major features of the state economic modernization. Some specific features of the African states’ economic policy in the context of the world economic crisis (2008-2010). Contradictions between a state-sponsored modernization and its causes. Elements of traditionalism in state economic activities in Africa. 3. Modernization and traditionalism: struggle and coexistence in African countries. 3.1 Modernization as the main path of development of modern economic sector in Africa. Modernization in African economies as an organic part of global modernization. The role of African states and of international economic organizations in this process. 3.2 Traditionalism is the basic form of economic activities in the traditional (non-modern) sectors of African economies. A cɨrelation between modernizing (modern) sector and traditional economic sector in some African countries. Dominance of traditional methods of economic activities in all African countries, excluding RSA, especially in the field of labor occupation. Bragina E.A. Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Moscow New Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI): Possibilities for Practical Approach Poverty is a relative category, which depends on economic and social situation in the country. In common form poverty could be defined as level of individual/ group, when they cannot satisfy definite minimal needs necessary for life.

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World Bank introduced different quantitative indicators for poverty ($1.08-2 per head daily). UNDP offers in its Report 2010 to use Deprivation Approach, which was worked out by Amartia Sen. MPI has three dimensions: health, education, standard of living. These are measured using 10 indicators. The MPI reveals the combination of deprivations that batter a household at the same time. Experts underline that 2010 MPI index was created to reflect poverty in less developed countries. The incidence of MPI poverty is greatest in Sub-Saharan Africa. The intensity of poverty – the average number of deprivations for each household takes place in SSA, too. The practical approach can be considered from two main positions – official aid programs and NGO programs, which are capable to take into account specific local needs. João Bosco Monte University of Fortaleza, Brazil

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Africa and Latin America and the Strengthening of Horizontal Cooperation The relations between Africa and Latin America are generally not studied. However, with the growth and dynamism of South-South, or between developing countries, one wonders to what extent African-American ties participating in the phenomenon. A commercial level of interregional relations remain at fairly low levels and have high levels of concentration in terms of number of countries involved and exchanged products. However, the bonds have risen sharply in recent years, with subsequent diversification. While it is very difficult to know exactly the volume of inter-regional investment due to lack of database, we can deduce that the phenomenon is still at an early stage. The few times that it is the subject of trade between Africa and Latin America, is set to enhance the competition between these two regions in the world market and studies the case of trade with the People's Republic of China. This statement, however nuanced, must be studied over time, as the South-South trade relations have developed very rapidly in recent years. While economic ties are relatively low between Africa and Latin America can be explained in part by strong barriers to their proper development. However, today the interrelationships can not be summarized in a purely economic issue. Indeed, some Latin American countries have implemented specific policies towards the African continent, particularly in the case of Brazil which is undoubtedly the major African partner in Latin America. Other countries, like Argentina, Chile and Mexico, have attracted increasing interest in Africa, but for now in a less planned. These emerging trends suggest that the development of Latin American African relations is potential but a long way to go.

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Kalinichenko L.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The Role of the Renewable Energy Resources in Economic Development Plans of African countries The renewable energy resources can provide wider access to modern energy supply for both the rising population and industrial enterprises on the African continent. Nowadays the efforts of many African states are aimed at economic policy development in this sphere including legal documentation. In connection with this it is necessary, on one hand, to estimate both the consumer market and the energy supplier’s potential, on the other. The Declaration and the Plan of actions on the enhancing of the renewable energy usage in African countries were adopted at the energy conference in Dakar in April 2008. One of the main targets, outlined in these papers, is the increase of investments of the international partners into the renewable energy development in Africa. The necessity of attracting private capital into this sphere is also stressed. African countries are well endowed with a wide range or renewable energy resources – including hydro-energy, geothermal, solar, biomass, wind, tidal – that are currently used at a very low level. If successfully exploited these sources of energy can significantly contribute to the key goals of the energy sector. First, it is the provision of energy security taking into account the high cost of fossil fuel compounded by power shortages and drought. Second, it is increasing access to modern energy for the majority of population and, as a result, poverty reduction. Matsenko I.B. Ph.D.econ., Senior Research Fellow, Institute for African Studies, RAS

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Sub-Saharan Africa: Implementing the Millennium Development Goals Ten years have passed after adopting the Millennium Declaration in 2000 that set up eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. From the very beginning sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) seriously lagged behind other developing regions (except Western Asia and Oceania) in implementing the MDGs. The recent global economic and financial crisis worsened the situation. Yet some progress was recorded in the region as regards the access to primary education, fighting the AIDS and reducing child mortality. Sub-Saharan Africa recorded the world’s fastest growth in primary school enrolment in recent years (by 36 per cent), although it still lags behind other developing regions. As a result of global efforts in fighting the AIDS epidemic and other infectious diseases the annual number of new HIV infections in sub-Saharan Africa has declined by more than 25 per cent since the mid1990s and under-five mortality – by 22 per cent since 1990. However, the region as a whole still accounts for half of such deaths worldwide. With regard to other important MDGs (eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, declining unemployment, promoting gender equality, reducing maternal mortality

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etc.) there is little progress by most African countries on these targets. Overall poverty, hunger and unemployment are on rise, gender inequality remains large, especially in education and work, maternal mortality is not declining. As for a global partnership for development the commitments by the Group of Eight at the 2005 Gleneagles Summit to double annual official development assistance (ODA) to Africa by 2010 have not been fulfilled. It is estimated that in 2010 Africa will receive only about $ 11 bn out of the $ 25 bn increase envisaged at Gleneagles. It is quite obviously if current trends continue no one out eight MDGs will achieve by 2015 in SSA as a whole. The exception may be a very limited number of countries such as Botswana, South Africa. Mauritius and Seychelles had only for several targets (primary education, gender parity). Matsenko S.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Microfinance in Africa South of Sahara Over the past decade the governments of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and their international partners started to increasingly realize that if their economies are to progress further their financial sectors must be deeper, more diversified and efficient. But financial sectors in their current form pose major problems for the economies of SSA. Insufficient access to credit by small and medium enterprises constrains their ability to develop and limits countries’ growth potential. The majority of households in SSA (more than 80 per cent) have no access to banking services; this significantly reduces their opportunities to accumulate for future investment in the improvement of living conditions. Given the vast unmet demand for financial services in SSA microfinance plays a critical role. Its importance to meet the needs of the poor cannot be overestimated. Access of the poor to various banking services such as savings, loans, remittances etc gives them opportunity to invest into small and medium enterprises, food, housing, education and health. Moreover, the access to microfinance services is a powerful catalyst for women’s empowerment. Microfinance in SSA (initially as microcredit) started to develop actively in the late 1990’s. The adaptation of Grameen Bank’s model (group service, collective responsibility, lack of collateral) to Africa was first implemented in Kenya in 1997 by Kenyan Rural Bank K-REP. Today microfinance institutes (MFIs) operate in 33 SSA countries. Their total number is near 200. The number of active borrowers reached 8 million and depositors – 21 million people. Gross borrowings amount to almost $ 5 bn, savings – $ 5.2 bn, assets – $ 8.5 bn (2009). Most MFIs are located in countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Tanzania, Uganda, Senegal, Cameroun, Benin, Burkina-Faso, Mali and Ethiopia. As a whole, despite the rapid growth of microfinance in SSA in recent years, its real scale is still very modest. On average, in a large number of SSA countries fewer than 2 out of every 100 individuals have an account with an MFI, and the whole region’s share of the world’s microfinance services is only two per cent.

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The majority of MFIs in SSA operate through government financial support and funds from international donors, and private investors and donations. It is obvious that in the foreseeable future the development of many MFIs will continue to depend on government subsidies and foreign aid; however the trend to expand contacts with commercial banks is clearly noticeable. Migaleva T.E. The Russian economic university after G.V. Pleɤhanov, Moscow, Russia Problems of Stabilization of Economic Development

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The recent global recession did not spare Africa. GDP growth for Africa as a whole fell markedly with negative implications for employment and, more broadly, for social conditions across the continent. The continent, however, seems to withstand the shock better than on previous occasions, mainly as a result of stronger initial positions. Countries that did well were mostly those that had had a more broadbased sustained growth, i.e. countries that had been relatively successful in diversifying their production and export base. Success in securing high and sustainable growth, generating enough decent jobs for the rising working population and achieving broader social development depends largely on success in economic diversification (United Nations, Economic Commission for Africa and African Union Commission, 2007). Macroeconomic and structural policies as well as institutional reforms formulated and implemented in Africa should be secondary to this broader development goal. Success in diversifying production and export base away from primary commodities requires competitive real exchange rates. Countries, irrespective of their exchange-rate regime, are confronted with the challenge of maintaining an appropriate real exchange rate that ensures the competitiveness of tradable goods and services. Increasing investment into infrastructure, human capital and other productivity-enhancing activities will be an effective way of increasing economywide productivity and competitiveness. The global economic crisis has heightened the need to develop and strengthen measures that ensure the inclusion of vulnerable groups into the mainstream development framework. Morozenskaya E.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Influence of Global Financial Crisis on the Economic Policy of African States 1. Successful economic development of any country is possible only on condition that normative and positive government’s functions are balanced. Nevertheless in practice they are more diverse: in developed countries – because of the methods of governance, in developing countries – because of conservation of numerous traditional institutions.

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2. International competition under globalization is transferred to the national markets, enforcing their dependence on the international market conditions and, consequently, their vulnerability to external economic influences. 3. Global financial crisis influenced African trade volume and FDI (foreign direct investment) as well as socioeconomic situation in African countries. Trade volume and FDI fell significantly (FDI, for example, from 87.6 $US billions in 2008 to 58.6 $US billions in 2009)1. Apart from a shift in the proportion of modern and traditional sectors in favor of the last, the growth in activity of informal sector is visible. 4. In the situation of global financial and currency instability, balanced growth of African economies would be reached by two ways: 1/ partial transfer (delegation) of State’s managerial functions to intergovernmental authorities at different levels, especially regional and sub-regional; 2/ determination of the manner in which Africa would benefit from relations with its new perspective partners, the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, China), regularly and in full. Morozov V.P. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Africa under Conditions of Global Economic Recession In many countries of Africa the state measures in the field of monetary, credit and budgetary policy along with structural reforms, and under conditions of weak links with the world financial centers have helped them to sustain the consequences of international financial crisis more successfully than in 70-80-s. The central banks of the countries of Africa had stronger positions in terms of the international reserves during crisis than earlier, and this gave them protection against shocks in current transactions of the balance of payments. Besides debt relief from IMF and other donors to the countries with low incomes has liberated resources which at the recovery stage were used for improvement of the business climate, investments in infrastructure and rendering of aid to the needy. At the same time global economic recession has led to real losses for Africa. After 2002 rates of economic growth of the countries of Africa on the average exceeded 6 %, but in 2009 they were only 1 %. Therefore incomes per capita in fact have also fallen, and it is the first decrease in a standard of living in Africa for the last 10 years. By estimations of IMF, in spite of the fact that crisis has shaken economic and social structure of Africa, in 2010 signs of recovery of the economy are observed on continent under resumption of trade, export incomes, bank credit and business activity growth. Under IMF forecasts economic growth in Africa in 2010 will reach approximately 4.5 %, but returning to former channel of growth acceleration in many respects depends on restoration of the world economy which is currently in early stages. Global financial crisis has brought down stock markets of the countries of Africa down to the level of exchange turnover 5-7 years ago. Therefore for developing countries of Africa, where the size of export receipts and the national income 1 UNCTAD.World Investment Report 2010.N.Y.-Geneva, 2010.Annex, Table 1.P. 167; UNECA.Economic Report on Africa. 2010. P.96.

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strongly depends on the situation in the commodity markets (for example, Nigeria, Angola, Guinea, Libya), great significance for estimation of prospects of their development is maintained by long-term trend of price movement of the raw materials as well as inflow of investment onto their stock markets. Novikova Z.S. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Seaport Export/Industrial Zones as a Factor of Economic Progress of African Countries Africa is a subject of the global economic system. Intercontinental transport links were formed as a continuation of maritime logistics. For long seaports had been formed as industrial centres. Rails and roads served external trade as well. Development of maritime transport at international level, modernisation and expansion of ports, container terminals, improvement in quality of service, safety and efficiency are in the centre of African governments’ attention over the last twenty years. A new concept of economic policy is creation in ports of export/industrial zones actively using private capital that will form innovative economic systems. This policy may be successfully fulfilled thanks to NEPAD’s programme that is aimed at creating commercially and economically viable corridors devoid of barriers, formalities and unnecessary road blocks. Integrated complex including ports export/industrial zones and associated rail/road links may greatly influence real economic progress of African countries.

Pavlov V.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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World Economic Recession 2010-2011 and Prospects of Economies of the Countries of Africa: Monetary and Financial Aspect 1. Overall, consequences of the international economic crisis of 2008–2010 on the economy of African countries, certainly, will appear more important, structural and deep, than its direct influence. Among the most important: fall of international commodity prices, reduction in volumes of world export, increase in instability on the international market of the private capital, consistent easing of inflow of foreign private investment capital into the countries of the continent. Under such conditions many African countries will inevitably face decrease in the overall price level of exported goods, first of all for traditional commodity export. 2. Countries with limited volumes of centralized currency reserves and with high (integrated) dependence of development on the inflow of external aid will face the most serious problems. In the given context, in the near future emergency increase in scale of external emergency aid to the poorest countries of region may become necessary. A great number of countries of Africa will need regular financial

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support of the international funds and multilateral interstate institutions of development, including various specialized funds and development banks. Podbiralina G.V. The Russian economic university after G.V.Pleɤhanova, Moscow, Russia

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Agricultural Sector in African Low-income Countries and External Challenges Agriculture and the branches connected with it play a key role in maintenance of economic growth in low-income countries. This is caused by the fact the agicultural sector accounts for the principle share of export output (in some countries up to 85%) and labour. Besides, it is the basic source of foodstuffs for quickly growing African population. The agricultural sector faces challenges both internal and external, including demographic shifts and changes in human diet, development of manufacture of biofuel and limitation of natural resources, climate change, confrontations, fluctuations of prices for agricultural commodities on the international markets and cyclical economic fluctuations. Serious damage to agricultural sector is made by negative phenomena connected with climate change as the poor population, whose life depends on agriculture, is mostly defenseless in front of natural disasters. Frequent droughts and growing shortage of water lead to poor harvests and undermine food safety in the countries of Africa south of Sahara, and in the process of increase of global warming these consequences will become more serious. Global financial and economic crisis and its consequences negatively affect the agricultural production of many African countries as external financing has decreased, including both streams of aid and remittances of migrants, and that has reduced the general purchasing capacity of poor layers of population that live under conditions of food insecurity. Absence of corresponding mechanisms of reaction to external shocks or protection of the most vulnerable layers of the population against their consequences leads to substantial growth in the scale of famine, reduction of consumption of foodstuffs in terms of quantity and variety, etc. Popov A.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Change of Government Policy in Africa in 2009-2011 due to the Global Financial Crisis The impact of financial crisis on the African continent showed up in 2009 in terms of reduced demand and, accordingly, prices of commodities exported from Africa, decrease in remittances and private investment into the continent. Despite the contraction of the economy in general, a lot of African countries showed a good resilience to global financial instability. Lower prices for oil, gas and metals had a

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negative impact only for exporters. In addition, reduced investments did not cause a strong outflow of funds in the banking sector, because the total African banking assets are less than 1% of global assets and financial sector in Africa is practically not involved in the processes of globalization. Measures used to solve new economic problems were different because of differences in the structure of economies, imports and exports. For example, the CFA franc zone countries and South Africa have lowered key interest rates to stimulate domestic credit. Nigeria, in early 2009, was troubled by a high inflation level and found it reasonable to tighten monetary policy, but was forced to turn the course like Tanzania. Elsewhere, in Ethiopia and DRC, limited coordination between treasury and central bank hampered liquidity management, thus leading to excess liquidity. Also discretionary fiscal impulses targeted public investment in Algeria, Cape Verde, Egypt and Rwanda, as these countries attempted to relieve infrastructure bottlenecks. The last global crisis has shown that reforms of recent years in Africa have substantially improved the situation, but various negative processes taking place internationally did not affect these states only because of the weak involvement in the global economy. Now African countries are confronted not only with the financial problems but also those of infrastructure development and implementation of various social projects, which act as “bottlenecks” for further development. And the current crisis has only pointed out the most critical spots in already weak economies. Roshchin G.E. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Improving Investment Climate in African Countries 1. The governments of African states carry out active policy of attracting foreign investment and creation of favourable investment climate. 2. The most important policy priorities are liberalisation of investment regime; special encouragement measures – tax, custom, financial and other privileges; legal protection of foreign property; guarantees on capital repatriation and export of investment profits. 3. According to the World Bank, greatest negative effect on investment climate have (in per cent) political uncertainty (28), macroeconomic instability (23), taxation (19), legal regulation (10) and corruption (10). Runov B.B. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia Sub-Saharan Africa: Positive and Negative Factors of Brain-Drain 1. Sub-Saharan countries suffer from a brain-drain most in all developing world. They are not characterized by a drain of massive number of qualified cadres (about 20000 a year), but they constitute a large percent of the countries specialists (more than 50%).

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2. Sub-Saharan countries put forward measures to reduce or compensate braindrain by means of financial aid from developed countries for training the national cadres. 3. However some scientists point out the dissimilar character of brain-drain and an ability of its positive elements (creative connections of local scientists with specialists from diasporas abroad; enlisting cooperation with local cadres; other communication channels). This conception has appeared at the end of XXth century (“diaspora option”). 4. The most serious element of such ties is the organization of communication system, particularly by Internet; opening of websites; creating scientific consortiums. 5. Nevertheless, summing up advantages and disadvantages of brain-drain, majority of scientists are inclined to think that brain-drain outweighs brain-gain. Opening the economies and the scientific sphere to new ideas and knowledge is insufficient to guaranty scientific and technological progress. It often depends on absorbing capacity of the economy, the sphere where it can be realized. It is also important to integrate foreign knowledge and technologies locally accommodating them to local human capital and natural conditions. In the absence of these elements it may be difficult to reach brain-gain. Shaji S., Shetter Y. Institute of Indian Council of Social Science Research-ICSSR

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Asian Involvement in Africa: The Emergence of New State Business Relations Since mid ninetieth, there has been greater involvement of Asian powers such as China, India, Malaysia in Africa, especially in the realm of oil and other natural resources. African countries, which view western countries’ involvement as a form of colonialism, have found friends in Asian countries who provide them with necessary technology and other economic resources in exchange for energy and other natural resources. In the course of time, the involvement widened and new allegations of ‘hegemony’ and ‘neo-colonialism’ on the part of Asian countries too have begun to emerge, along with criticism of Asian countries supporting non-democratic regimes in Africa. A few case studies prove that interest of state and business, cutting across national boundaries, converging on certain areas which are beneficially to them, irrespective of positive and negative impacts to the common citizenry of host African states. In this context, the current paper, through specific cases, argues that Indian, Chinese, Malasian involvement in African continent, have thrown up mixed results such as increased economic growth, transfer of technology in a few states, along with negative ‘spill overs’ such as non-interference in human rights issues, collaboration with non-democratic regimes, and so on. In other words, the paper argues that Asian countries while looking for avenues to achieve energy security and access to market, an imperative process under current phase of globalization, have to seriously address issues of development, protection of local environment and larger democratization of Africa.

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Sidorov M.A. Institute for International Economics, Moscow, Russia Expansion of US Retail Companies on the African continent: New Trends

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In the recent years we have seen a significant increase in interest of the world’s largest multinational companies to the African continent. Retail companies are not an exception – which is proved by the African presence of such groups as Auchan and Carrefour. At the same time, the influence of US retail has been quite limited – branches of US merchants were very rare in the region. The declared intent of the US largest chain Wal-Mart to purchase 51% shares of the South African Massmart, started a new era in US – African economic relationships. The world largest merchant agreed that South Africa represents a great opportunity for sales development, and that its entry fully fits WM strategy of entering high-growth markets in developing countries. Wal-Mart will bring significant benefits to the region. Using its method of direct cooperation with local food suppliers, it will help them to grow sales, as well as improve their efficiency through applying the world’s leading experience in agricultural production. At the same time, the outcome for small and mid-sized local merchants remains an issue for much debate, as well as the question of employees working conditions and salaries. There is a tendency to think that Wal-Mart entry can kill local retailers, and that the company will underpay its new workers. These fears currently are the main hurdles for approving the deal between WM and Massmart by the local authorities. However, Wal-Mart success in Africa would mean that other retailers can be successful as well and can open branches on the continent. The benefits of this are obvious. After some time, having established sound relationships with local producers, the newcomer chain can use them as suppliers for the home market. That is, Wal-Mart success in South Africa can and, most probably, will speed up the region’s integration into the world economy, and raise its suppliers and consumers lives to a new quality level. Sonkin V.N. The Russian economic university after G.V. Pleɤhanov, Moscow, Russia Africa: Access of Vulnerable Groups of Population to Employment According to the International Labour Organization in countries of Africa vulnerable groups of the population – women, young people, persons with disabilities, older persons, people living with HIV/AIDS, migrants and other vulnerable groups face particular challenges in obtaining decent work. Most of them have vulnerable employment (as unpaid contributing family workers or self-employed workers or in seasonal employment or in informal and poorly paid petty business), which is char-

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acterised by insecure employment, low earnings and low productivity. Young people are faced with the challenge of high unemployment owing mainly to lack of experience and relevant training. Individuals with disabilities lack access to decent jobs owing to discrimination, lack of relevant training and lack of physical access to buildings. People living with HIV/AIDS experience considerable barriers in finding and keeping a job even before the disease renders them incapacitated because of stigma and discrimination. Other important dimensions of economic participation by vulnerable groups include access to productive resources such as credit, technologies, information, land and other assets to enable them to undertake small-scale income-generating projects. However, people in the vulnerable groups lack access to these resources, and this affects their ability to move out of poverty. Clearly, even before the onset of the economic crisis, vulnerable groups had limited access to employment opportunities and productive resources. Since most of them work in vulnerable employment, that is less well-covered by social safety nets, they are more vulnerable to the impact of the crisis. Older workers who are displaced from the labour market are also likely to be affected because they have fewer chances of securing a job after losing one (United Nations, Economic and Social Council, 2009). Governments are likely to reduce public expenditure on programmes that improve the employment opportunities of vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities or young people. Migrant workers are hardest hit during economic downturns, as the sectors in which they are employed such as construction, manufacturing and hospitality services are highly vulnerable to job cuts. It is important that Governments adopt or strengthen specific measures to promote employment opportunities for people in vulnerable groups. Tkachenko K.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Resources of the State and Private Sector in Foreign Economic Policy of Germany in the Middle East and North African Countries The niche of Germany in the economy of the Middle East and North African countries (MENA region) in the second half of the XX – beginning of the XXI century was formed under the influence of a group of factors – concentration of foreign economic ties of Germany on the priority directions for the country (EU, where Germany occupies the position of economic leader, other developed countries, countries of Eastern Europe), supply of stable inflow of the necessary raw materials from abroad, development of reliable niche on the world markets. Due to this, German foreign economic ties with the countries of MENA region (source of energy, rapid developing market for a wide spectrum of industrial production and various kinds of services etc) were considered important, but of secondary importance. Globalization, which strongly and more intensively affects the world’s society, and Germany is not an exception, is also forming new components of foreign economic strategy of EU’s economic “locomotive”. They are combined with large-

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scale plans of modernization of the MENA economies and with social reforms, implemented within the last 20-30 years. The report covers the various aspects, including acceptability and new events in the foreign economic policy of Germany, the new emphases of this policy regarding the MENA countries. They include the intensification of state support of German private industry, which during the long postwar period adhered to the cautious policy of participation in economic development of the Arab states; handover of new technologies to the benefit of development of key and socially important branches of economy of MENA countries; increase of effectiveness of official development assistance (ODA); extension of cooperation for the purpose of development of small and medium business; realization of mutual programs in the sphere of professional education etc.

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Panel 19. TENDENCIES OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTIPOLAR WORLD’S FORMATION Convener: Dr. Denisova Tatiana

Kupriyanov P.I. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Agricultural Policy of Sub-Saharan Africa in the Globalization Era

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Agriculture is the basis of the economies of sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for 40% of GDP, with a greater or lesser degree it involves over 60% of the population. Tropical Africa has enormous agricultural potential and, at the same time, it remains one of the poorest regions of the world. Of more than 1 billion hungry people in the world 265 million live in sub-Saharan Africa. In an era of globalization purchases of agricultural land in poor countries by multinational companies are widespread. This is a sort of "neo-colonization” of African lands, acquired for next to nothing and for empty promises. This business, according to FAO, is worth about 100 billion euros. Over the past two decades the vast majority of countries in sub-Saharan Africa allocated very limited resources to the development of the agricultural sector. At the same time, in 2003, the region's governments have agreed to bring the annual budgetary expenditure on agriculture up to 10%. So far only eight countries honoured the agreement, among them: Burkina Faso, Malawi, Mali, Senegal and Tanzania. It is advisable to divert most of the money from the subsidy of food imports to direct investment in agricultural production and development of processing industries. While the first wave of "green revolution" has begun to decline, yet the new "green revolution" should remain a priority in the development of agriculture. Kusova A.Kh. Plekhanov`s Russian Economic University, Moscow, Russia Current Trends in the Economy of Uganda: Example of Catch up Development Possibilities Winston Churchill called Uganda the Pearl of Africa. Alongside with the charms of nature and the riches of flora and fauna it is distinguished by the relatively favourable geographical position, the abundance of cheap labor and promising possibilities for agricultural development. Uganda is one of the leading world manufacturers and the exporter of coffee as well as other products of agriculture. Besides, the country is rich in hydropower and other natural resources including copper, cobalt, gold, etc. In recent years the deposits of hydrocarbons have been struck and developed there…

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After independence Uganda survived years of mismanagement and political confrontation that undermined its economy. Nevertheless, nowadays, this East African state, located in the area of Great African Lakes, has become one of the examples of Africa’s revival. This process has been initiated by Yoweri Museveni’s coming to power (1986). He stimulated the gradual stabilization of political and economic conditions, including economic growth; restoration of some traditional and new branches of economy. This process has been appreciably developed at the edge of 20-21 centuries. At that time a consensus concerning the further economic development has been reached not only internally within the country, but also with Uganda principal political and economic partners on the international scene, World Bank and IMF in particular. The substantial foreign investments started to flow into the country. Due to this inflow the modernization of manufacturing process have been promoted and resulted in a new expansion of national economy. Today, when Uganda has all the necessary conditions for successful development of economy and prosperity, and primarily political stability; the country’s leaders have managed to solve a number of economic problems. In particular, it concerns the reduction of the country’s dependence on the situation in some international agricultural commodity markets... As a result, absolute export orientation of Uganda starts to be dissolved against alternative ways of economic development and alternative kinds of division of labor. The Russian-Ugandian ties are essentially promising. Russia already has investments in Uganda (in the area of cotton growing and in some other areas of agricultural production). Now the Russian company "LUKOIL" considers possibility of developing oil deposits in this country. Matveeva N.F. Institute for African studies, Moscow, Russia

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Kenya: Some Shortcomings of Educational Development Education as an integral part of the general process of development of the society. Extremely limited African access to sound education in colonial Kenya. Rapid growth of the popular demand for education after independence (1963). Uncontrolled movement Xarambee (“pull together” in Kiswahili, an important part of African traditional culture) and its participation in the construction of schools. Fast increase in the number of schools did not correspond to the plan’s calculations. Growth in the size of graduates with low-quality education inconsistent with the society’s needs. Increase in unemployment among educated youth. Frustrated and unemployed educated youth as a potential opposition force threatening the society’s stability. Further deterioration of the quality of education with the introduction (2003) of free Primary education. Regional, ethnic and social inequalities in receiving education. Factors restraining the reforms in higher educational system. Evaluation of results of donor’s aid to education. Perspectives of educational development in Kenya in the context of UN and NEPAD programs.

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Mezyaev A.B. Academy of Management "TISBI”, Kazan, Russia

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Tropical Africa in the System of International Justice One of the main problems of the contemporary political situation in sub-Saharan Africa is the armed conflict in the central region of the continent, particularly in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. At the beginning of the XXI century the situation in these countries has become the subject of not only political but also of international judicial bodies. So, the situation in the DRC in a broad sense (i.e. involving not only the Congo but also Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda) was the subject of consideration by the International Court of Justice (ICJ). However, the ICJ has not solved all the issues, and the situation continues to be considered in a new element of the system of international justice – the International Criminal Court (ICC). However, unlike the ICJ, at the ICC the situation in Congo received a completely different angle of consideration. If in the ICJ the Congo raised the question of hostile actions of governments of Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda against the interests of the DRC, then at ICC the Congolese government is trying more to solve its domestic problems. Thus, in the Thomas Lubanga case, the Congolese authorities, in essence, demanded from the ICC to conduct the trial instead of the Congo’s judicial system. Other cases (Katanga and Chui case, Ntaganda case) also apply to members of the Army of the Congo, and the leaders of opposition political parties and their military units. Interestingly, the case of J.-P. Bemba, although formally considered within the framework of the situation in the Central African Republic, is, in fact, also the ɫcontinuation of the situation in Congo because the accused is the former vicepresident of the DRC. Thus, at the ICC we are witnessing the attempt to resolve the conflict in central Africa by localized judicial strikes regarding the leaders of the military and political opposition. Despite the fact that such an attempt is contrary the ICC Statute, which established the principle of complementarity of the court in relation to national jurisdictions, it is disregarded by the authorities of the States affected by conflict, neither the International Criminal Court. In the absence of direct objection, we can conclude that, in fact, this situation satisfies the Member States of the Assembly of States Parties of the ICC Statute. Patience Sh. University of Nottingham, Sheffield, UK The Definition and Prevention of Evil. The exclusion of political groups within the 1948 Genocide Convention and United Nations enforceability: case study Kenya Debate within this paper addresses the problems within the 1948 Genocide Convention’s definition of genocide, arguing an expansion is needed to encompass political groups within this definition. It shows the importance of closing this legal loophole in regards to academic debate surrounding the area, and factually through

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the killings that occurred in Kenya from December 2007 to February 2008; whereby over 1,000 people were killed and 600,000 displaced. This case-study demonstrates the argument of expansion towards the current definition and the way the twentyfirst century is moving. Without this expansion, this paper argues, governments and individuals are free to hide behind a smokescreen with no threat from prosecution and a continuation of a two tier definition of killing. The paper furthermore argues that merely changing in the current Conventions definition would not extinguish genocide entirely and that to orchestrate the eradication of genocide, the inadequacies and nature of international law need to be addressed in three areas. Firstly, enforceability of the Convention needs strengthening through a re-structure of the UN Security Council and an extinguishment of the veto. Secondly, stronger deterrence and prevention mechanisms are needed to reverse the responsive tone of the Convention to a pre-emptive nature, with greater use of smart sanctions and strengthening the UN peacekeeping force. Thirdly, it is imperative to create a strong, universal court to prosecute individuals held responsible of genocidal violence, concluding that if these changes fail to be implemented the world will never eradicate itself from this Definition and Prevention of Evil. Petruk B.G. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Geopolitical Dimension of the Evolution of Political Culture in Nigeria Definition, classification, forms and functions of political culture. Political culture, as part of spiritual culture, includes those elements of the latter, which are related to socio-political institutions and political processes. This system of values provides the unity of the political system, its institutions and organizations. Geopolitical dimension of the evolution of political culture. The structure of political culture in pre-colonial Nigeria. Traditional chiefs and rulers were seen as "guardians" of local culture and traditions. Features of political culture in different ethnic groups. Prevailing notions of identity, individualism and communalism in traditional societies. The role of traditional religions in shaping the political outlook of ethnic groups. The continuous effects and resilience of traditional culture on the attitude of peoples either in the colonial or the post-independence era. In the colonial period the imposition of alien culture has produced a situation in which a symbiosis was developed in which aspects of the traditional culture through the medium of language, Christianity and western education were merged to produce a new culture. But there are also cases in which the traditional culture displayed so much resilience that attempts to impose colonial culture failed dismally. The independence, in 1960, served as a spark for the democratic development of Nigeria, but because of the significant lack of political culture and experience the new leaders of the country were unable to stay within the logic of the democratic

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model; and the struggle for state power among different political groups took an ethnic character, which ultimately led to the collapse of the first Republic. The succession of military coups in the country has exposed the link between political separatism of different groups and regions and the desire for religious and ethnic separation within the Nigerian society. The military have provoked a civil war, but still managed to prevent the collapse of the state. In Nigeria, in the first decade of the 21st century, significant changes in the paradigm of social and political development took place. After nearly 30 years of military rule, the country has embarked on the path of constitutional democracy. However, it is obvious that the ruling elite still is far from the norms of democratic political culture. The 2007 general elections admittedly have been rife with serious violations and could hardly be considered fair. In April 2011 there will be next presidential, parliamentary and gubernatorial elections. 63 political parties are engaged in a desperate fight for high positions in the state. Formally, they all adhere to the norms of the existing constitution. However, in reality, many parties do not honour the inner-party democracy. Still a lot of contenders for leading positions are not guided by ideas and programs; they prefer to rely on ethnic, regional (north - south) and religious (Muslim - Christian) resources. Pozdnyakova A.P. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Land Legislation in Uganda Land legislation in Uganda can be traced back to 1900 when the Buganda Agreement (later it was interpreted as Uganda Agreement) was signed, according to which mailo land was created by giving large tracts of land measured in miles to kabaka (king) of Buganda kingdom and his nobility. Mailo land was in fact a form of freehold tenure. Later on such agreements were concluded with the kingdoms of Toro and Ancole, some territories of which were given as freehold to few ganda, who had collaborated with the English during their colonization of Ugandan territories. Indigenous inhabitants of these lands became tenants open to expulsion by the landowner. Since 1903 customary land was given the status of Crown Land by the colonial administration and. customary users became tenants on it. Since then there have been several legislations concerning the land including the Busulu and Envujo Law of 1927 (about tenants’ levies), the 1969 Public Land Act, the 1975 Land Reform Decree and the 1998 Land Act. The most radical of them, the 1975 Land Decree, declared all the land in Uganda to be public. It canceled Freehold Land Tenure in Uganda. For many decades land under customary tenure was not legally recognized; and such policies led to land grabbing, unlawful evictions and poor implementation. Rural areas as a result experienced low investment, limited land transactions, limited access to credit and land conflicts. Current land reforms started with the 1995 Uganda Constitution that has provisions regarding strengthening land rights on customary land, especially rights of the underprivileged groups of women and children. Chapter 15 of the Constitution, to-

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gether with a few articles scattered elsewhere, represents the principles of land policy as they can be discerned in Uganda. The principal constitutional provisions relating to land vested to the citizens of Uganda uphold private property rights against public acquisition; provide for customary, mailo, leasehold and freehold tenure; for customary and leasehold tenure to be converted to freehold; and guarantee the security of tenants on mailo land. In addition, the Constitution requires the establishment of District Land Boards and Land Tribunals, and obliges the state to protect and manage natural resources under public trust. The 1998 Land Act emphasizes resolving historical tenure problems by defining and entrenching land rights of all Ugandans in order to increase the efficiency of land use for economic growth. The Act not only sets out the procedure to regularize the position of tenants on mailo land and so to acquire certificate of occupancy, but also lays out a framework under which holders of customary land can acquire certificate of customary ownership and how these certificates of ownership can be converted to freehold. This is expected to enhance the functioning of land market in a manner that can reduce inequality in land holding, enhance agricultural productivity and household welfare, and reduce poverty in the country. Shlyonskaya S.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Madagascar at the Crossroads: Vectors of Strategic Partnership 1. The opening decade of the current century saw no less than a tectonic shift in the political life of Madagascar. For the first time in its contemporary history it was the country’s alternatives of strategic partnership in the multipolar world that became the main axis of the domestic political struggle, whereas issues dealing with ways and means of tackling urgent domestic problems, which had formerly been at the top of the agenda, drifted into the background. There are good reasons to state the incipience of an objectively-conditioned long-term trend that signifies a fundamentally new stage in the development of Madagascar. 2. The chief political forces competing in the struggle over the issue of Madagascar’s strategic partners are proponents of France, on one hand, and those advocating strategic partnership with the USA, on the other. In the course of the struggle Madagascar went through a sequence of extended political and constitutional crises, general strikes, mass disturbances, two “orange” revolutions and, at one point, balanced on the brink of a civil war. For the last two and a half years the country has been living under the pressure of a deep political crisis and rigid sanctions imposed by some foreign states and international organizations. The balance in the struggle for power tilts to one side or the other. In 1996-2002 the post of President was held by D. Ratsiraka, advocate of strategic partnership with France. In 2002-2009 – by M. Ravalomanana, who favors USA. In 2009-2011 the power was again in the hands of France’s proponents headed by A. Radjoelina. After the forthcoming presidential elections, due to be held next month, it will be clear which of the two political forces assumes power in Madagascar this time.

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3. A peculiar characteristic of the struggle over the patterns of Madagascar’s strategic partnership is its latency. The counteracting parties are understandably very taciturn about their positions on this issue. Their true goals and intentions are concealed under the cover of banal populist rhetoric saturated with mutual recriminations of corruption, inability to tackle urgent national problems, etc. Nevertheless, there are a number of facts that testify the real character of this struggle as well as the decisive influence it exerts on the dynamics of political situation in Madagascar and the pattern of its overall development. 4. One should not expect that either political force might win a final unilateral victory in this struggle under the conditions which currently prevail in the world and in Madagascar itself. Growing number of the strategic partners – that is the most probable outcome of the incessant political confrontation. Of late things have been moving towards materialization of a two-vector pattern of Madagascar’s strategic partnership, France and USA being its counterparts. In longer-term perspective China and India might further diversify this pattern. Sidorova G.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Issues of Creation of Congo-Kinshasa Legislative System in the Post-conflict Period Problems of the legitimate power in Congo-Kinshasa already existed at the dawn of the country’s independence. Patrice Lumumba, Antoine Gizenga, Loran Desire Cabila and finally Joseph Kabange Kabila, the acting President of the DRC, strived for the creation of foundations for a legal state. The political, socio-economic and military situation in the DRC after the Civil War (1998-2003) remained very tense. The war did not only cause severe damage to the socio-economic entities, but also destroyed the system of government, management of enterprises and the legislative system of the country. Against the backdrop of overall disruption, the conflict between political leaders became more acute, since they, as in the past, were seeking clan solidarity. The government did not have a united conceptual approach to solution of existing problems. Inter-party and ethnical hostilities deepened, the situation in the eastern regions became tenser. All these issues presented significant barriers on the path of creation of a legitimate state. However, it was under these circumstances that the reestablishment of government power over the whole territory of the country, the creation of a common legal base, administrative reforms and reduction in social tension were required. In 2006 the efforts of the Coalition Government of the DRC were focused on conducting the first, in 45 years, democratic elections of the President, the new Parliament and local authorities. The conduct of such a large scale event in the conditions of a political crisis was possible only because of the consolidation of the forces of international community, massive financial and logistical support of the electoral process by the European Union and donor countries. An important role in the organization and maintenance of security of the election was played by the DRC UN mission, France, Belgium, UK, USA and the traditional regional DRC partners. South Africa took the burden of providing ballots to the polling stations. T. Mbeki

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was constantly “putting down” political disputes, that could have hampered the election. Angola provided military and consultative support. On February 18, 2006 President J. Kabila signed the new Constitution and soon after – the Election Law, which defined its timeframe and process. The country’s symbols were altered – a new state flag and coat of arms were introduced (the anthem remained the same). The Independent Voting commission responsible for the election in a difficult political and socio-economic environment conducted the registration of 25 million voters and has prepared 50 thousand polling stations, bringing the country to the main event of the year – the national election. After a fierce struggle (a record number of 33 candidates were running for presidency), under the conditions of a military and political crisis, J. Kabila was elected as the new President, and his political opponent J.-P. Bemba was literally bared from the political process and brought to the hands of International Justice. The new architecture of power provided for a democratic balance of all branches of government. According to the new constitution under the conditions of political pluralism a new official opposition was brought to life instead of previously existing “chaotic” one. Overall, after a tedious way, the DRC has reached the main goal of the transition period – conduction of a national election, which became a historic moment for the DRC. Vinogradova N.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Structural changes in the Economy of the Republic of the Congo During the 50-year period of independence significant structural changes took place in the economy of the Republic of the Congo. During the years 1960–2009, GDP (PPP) has increased 128 times from $130 million to $16.7 billion. Average annual growth rate of GDP in 1960s – 2.7%, in the 1970s – 4.1%, in early 1980s real GDP increased annually by more than 10% (1982 – 12%), in the second half of 1980s – 1990s by an average of 1.4%, in 2000–2009 – 5.7%. According to the level of per capita income Congo has taken one of the top places among the Francophone sub-Saharan Africa (over $1000, and in some years exceeding $4000). Feature of the development of economic structure of the Congo has become an increasingly important role of industry. During the years 1960–2009 its share in GDP has increased by more than 4 times (from 17% to 72%), at the same share of agriculture (including forestry) decreased from 23% to 5%. Until the mid-1970s leading role in the industrial production of the country belonged to the manufacturing industry represented by the food industry, wood processing and production of certain types of consumer products. With the development of mining industry – exploration of deposits of potassium salts, non-ferrous metals and oil – its share in GDP increased from 35% in 1990–1995 up to 54% in 1996– 2009. The oil sector has become the leading sector in Congo – more than 50% of GDP, while revenues from oil exports – the main source of financing the state budget (over 50% of government revenues and about 95% of export earnings).

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In the 1980–1990s rapid development took place in manufacturing and mining industry, construction and public works, which respectively accounted for 7–9%, 28–37% and 2–5.5% of GDP. In the 2000s, these figures were: 7.6%, 50.6%, 2%. Civil War of the 1990s caused serious damage to the Congo’s economy. In the 2000s measures were taken to overcome these negative effects. Such measures were the anti-crisis program, programs of rehabilitation and economic recovery, and poverty alleviation program that were developed with the participation of experts from the IMF and World Bank and designed to attract substantial external financial assistance to the target destinations. By mid-2000s economic situation in the Congo relatively stabilized, the tendency towards exiting the deep financial and economic crisis associated with the consequences of armed conflict of the 1990s. The country again became a part of a group of stable developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Vinokurov Yu.N. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Maoist Episode in the Recent History of the Democratic Republic of Congo: an Uprising in the Province of Kwilu (1963-1966) Socio-political situation in the country before the proclamation of the independence of Belgian colony (1958-1960) and the first years of the DRC sovereignty (1960-1963) established a favorable environment for the propagation of ideas of "folk (peasant)" war in the Congo region. The process of Kwilu revolutionization was also contributed by the unfolded in those years struggle between the two world systems – socialist and capitalist – for influence in Africa. Leader of the rebellion, Pierre Mulele (1929-1968) was an associate of Antoine Gizenga (as founder and secretary general of his Parti Solidaire Africain) and Patrice Lumumba (as education minister in his government). However, Mulele became an opponent of the colonial regime earlier than his older colleagues. Already in January 1951 he was expelled from the agricultural college and mobilized into the Force Publique for seditious and anti-colonialist views. In the mid-50's, he said that he shared the ideas of pan-Africanism and supports the armed struggle of the Algerian people for independence. In April 1962 Mulele and his friend Théodore Bengila studied theory and practical guidance of anti-imperialist peasant war in the PRC. Upon his return to Congo they have developed policy documents for uprising in Kwilu, called "Lessons." Mulele was the author of "lessons" on "Social classes of Congolese society", "Fight the reformist and revolutionary struggle," "Eight orders of Force Publique", "Women and Revolution"; Benga authored "a lesson" "Capitalism will not survive forever". These materials, compiled under the significant influence of ideological and theoretical systems of Mao Zedong, have been studied in courses on training the cadres of middle and lower echelons. In the active phase of the uprising (1963-1965) subjects learned were supplemented by the slogans: "Organization – the key to victory," "The structuring of management – the key to success," "Unity of the leaders and the masses," "The

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unity and equality of all ethnic groups", "Individualism and tribalism – the two most dangerous enemies of the revolution". In June 1963 Mulele and Bengila published a manifesto, which stated that they call on the people to revolt. "The Congolese people, the country is dying because of the machinations of colonialism. They want to impose a new form of domination, neo-colonialism, that is oppression through our corrupt fellow citizens, namely the reactionaries and the bourgeoisie. The fight for decolonization must be fought long and hard. This is proved to us all the history of mankind. Our victory is inevitable". In February 1964, Mulele guerrillas have established total control over a territory of 300 km from north to south and 120 km from west to east in the triangle Kikwit-Idiofa-Gundu. By December 1964 Mulele army consisted of 5,000 armed Maquis. They executed raids to the north to Ochve (crossing the Kasai river), to the west toward Kinshasa, to the east of the Kasai to the Tchicapa. Some researchers believe that it was under the influence of the war in Kwilu in that year that an even more powerful insurgency of 1964-1965 took place in eastern Congo. In August 1966 Mulele made a special address to Gizenga and Loran-Desiré Kabila, and through them to all Congolese Patriots. He urged politicians to forget "the past fruitless quarrels," put the interests of the nation above their personal ambitions, to dissolve all existing political parties in the country and create a single Parti révolutionnaire avancé. An expansive, long-term suppression of the uprising was accompanied with authorities punishing not only the rebels, but also repression against the population as whole, especially in rural areas: shooting, burning whole villages, the plundering of the entire peasant belongings. Extreme cruelty was accompanied by the execution of Mulele and Bengila (October 1968).

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Panel 20. ZIMBABWE AT THE CROSSROADS Convener: Prof. Vladimir Shubin

Bidaurratzaga Aurre E. University of the Basque Country, Valcárcel González F.

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Any Light at the End of the Tunnel?: Reflections on the Role of a Melting Pot of Foreign Actors in the Future of Zimbabwe Next year 2011 will be crucial for Zimbabwe and its people, not only if President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai finally agree to hold a referendum on a new Constitution and to call for elections, but also, and related to it, because of the role that international and local actors will play in the future of the country. The analysis of international and local actors, since -and before- first elections were hold in Zimbabwe in 1980, is considered essential to understand the evolution of civil and political rights in the country as well as its social and economic situation till nowadays, and therefore to point out some ideas about what might happen in the next future. Several events of the last fifteen years and their consequences are part of the recent history of Zimbabwe that need to be studied: on one hand, to measure the level of good governance, free elections, corruption, rights violations, etcetera, and on the other hand, but not separately, in terms of economic policies and trends, promoted either by the government or by foreign actors, that have affected directly on Zimbabweans’ living conditions. To that end, we will consider the influence of the main international actors on the past, present and future of the country: from the African ones (Southern African Development Community, African Union, and regional governments) to the traditional international powers (United Kingdom, United States or the European Union) and emergent powers such as China, Russia, Iran, as well as international social movements. Hanlon J. Open University and London School of Economics, Smart T. Institute of Education, University of London, UK Zimbabwe’s Land Reform More than 200.000 families have been resettled in Zimbabwe’s ongoing land reform, most since 2000 as part of a “fast track” programme. The paper will be based on research to be carried out in early 2011, so results cannot be offered in this abstract. However, three untold stories are already emerging from this and other re-

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search: that land is being used productively, that dollarization of the economy has had a rapid impact, and that many white Zimbabweans have a continuing role. Attitude toward land is different in Zimbabwe than in neighbouring states. Commercial farming is seen as an important method of accumulation. Also, Zimbabweans were only pushed off the land in the 1950s – within living memory – and many of the guerrillas in the independence war had personal memories of being violently evicted by the colonial administration. Thus, even where “elites” are being given land, they are using it and not leaving it idle. Also, although many Zimbabweans have rural links, the new generation of land reform farmers is well educated and often with urban links, which gives them access to markets and finance. The result is that resettlement farmers have been able to invest and produce at levels approaching those of the former white farmers, and they were able to survive the 2007-2008 hyperinflation. Several hundred white farmers continue to operate, and have often built links with resettlement farmers, providing services such as ploughing. Others have left farming but moved upstream, playing a key role in marketing beef and tobacco. This picture is very mixed. Not all resettlement farmers have been successful, and tenure remains an issue. This paper will attempt to summarise our own and others recent research in Zimbabwe land. Khamatshin A.D. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Path to Economic Recovery in Zimbabwe During the last decade (1999-2008) the economic crisis in Zimbabwe has seriously damaged the industrial and agricultural capacity of the country, reduced the quality of infrastructure, human and physical capital. But after achieving relative political stability in 2009 there was 4% GDP growth during that year. One of the key factors was a move from national currency to multicurrency system. It is likely that the country will enter a rand area. This variant is more preferable as compared to using of U.S. dollars because the main trade partner of Zimbabwe is South Africa. It can be a decisive step towards adoption of rand as a regional currency within SADC integration process. To reach full recovery the Zimbabwean economy should maintain high growth rates, but there are some considerable constraints: x critical lack of internal long-term lending caused mainly by remaining distrust amid population towards the country’s financial infrastructure; x negative perception of the country abroad and continuing sanctions that hamper the attraction of foreign investment and tourists; x shortage of skilled labour due to mass brain drain during the crisis; x power outages; Zimbabwe produces less electricity than it needs. Besides the necessity of solving these problems the government will have to find optimal approaches to the issues of effective use of abundant mineral and land resources, support of agricultural and industrial sectors, relations with IMF, indigenisation policy. This can be achieved only under stable political situation.

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Kharitonova E.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Strategic "Niche" for Russia in International Business Communication: what Partner Zimbabwe is waiting for? (Based on Empirical Research)1

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In April-May 2010 the research group of the Institute for African Studies visited Zimbabwe. At present, due to serious crisis affecting the economic, political, financial and social spheres, the country needs foreign investment, but at the same time demands a reliable strategic partner that could help in covering not only immediate but also long-term development objectives of the country. In general, Russia has always been recognized as a state socially-oriented and ready to support African countries. While organising negotiations with African partners, what path should be taken and to what extent our own geopolitical interests coincide with the interests of our partner? The contradictions within the government of Zimbabwe are quite obvious. Has the cleavage among the authorities led to a split within the society? Is this process reflected in people's minds, does it influence their social attitudes, stated values, vision of their own history, way of development, geopolitical outlook? Can we, being aware of all this, draw conclusions and effectively build a system of relations with this country? To find answers to these questions, a socio-psychological study was conducted to determine the priorities and preferences of the local people regarding the type and nature of partnership in the field of business relations between Zimbabwe and representatives of international business. We conducted a survey at the universities of Zimbabwe with a specially developed authors’ questionnaire method, based on the selection between the five attitudes to foreign business partner for the African country. The content of the questionnaire items was adapted to the local circumstances. The data obtained reflects the major trends in the choice of a foreign business partner for Zimbabwe. This information allows us to properly organise the logic of negotiations on cooperation with representatives of business and political circles of Zimbabwe. The report will outline the key findings and conclusions drawn. Makgetlaneng S. Africa Institute of South Africa Pretoria, South Africa South African Foreign Policy towards Zimbabwe: Key Issues Avoided by Critics There is the structural and fundamental need to provide the theoretical position capable of adequately appropriating for understanding South Africa’s policy to1

The study was sponsored by RHF grant "The interaction of business and government in promoting the image of Russia as a social state in Africa» ʋ 09-03-00674 a /p

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wards Zimbabwe as required by its being the Southern African regional and African continental power seeking to consolidate its power and authority inherit in its status. Related to this status is the fact that South Africa also seeks to be international power, a major force within the G-20 group of countries and important actor within the United Nations Organisation. It will begin serving as a member of the group of countries consisting of Brazil, Russia, India and China from the early 2011. These issues are critical in understanding South Africa’s policy towards Zimbabwe. What should South Africa do for it to consolidate its status as the regional and continental power and to become international power, a major force within G-20 group of countries and important actor within the United Nations Organisation in its mandate to contribute towards the resolution of the Zimbabwean question in relation to external powers opposed to the African agenda of socio-political and economic transformation and increasing their dominance in Southern Africa? This is one of the key challenges faced by South Africa in its Zimbabwe policy. Critics of its Zimbabwe policy have been silent on this strategic issue. They have been and continue avoiding this issue in their analysis of its policy towards its closest and powerful neighbour. This work provides a critical analysis of South Africa’s policy towards Zimbabwe. It is informed by key factors characterising South African strategic interests in Southern Africa, Africa and beyond with Zimbabwe serving as its theatre. South Africa’s Zimbabwe policy is the task specified by political practice it is confronting in its relations with the rest of Southern Africa, Africa, the rest of the South and the North. Njenesani N. Zimbabwe

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From 1963 ɝ. to Yesterday One cannot fully appreciate the highly contested political terrain in Zimbabwe without starting from 1963. Some of the leaders in the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union [ZAPU] left to form the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU]. ZAPU and later ZANU PF were both successors of the National Democratic party [NDP], formed in 1960. From 1963, Zimbabwe, Rhodesia then also saw the emergence of a hardened settler colonial structure after the unilateral Declaration of Independence [UDI] in 1965. Thus after the NDP there would never have been a platform that made national liberation a one and ideologically steadfast endeavour. British foreign policy considered the Rhodesian question as its baby. The desire to localize internal rifts was to replicate itself decades later when ZANU PF sought to disengage regional and continental institutions like SADC, the Commonwealth etc in a stand off against the pro-democracy movement led by Morgan Tsvangirai. During and after the Lancaster House, the two movements could not field one candidate in the elections leading to independence in 1980. ZANU PF led by Robert Mugabe, won. Zimbabwe at the crossroads scenario was compounded by the unresolved internal questions like land, the habit of careless national security personnel as happened in Matabeleland during the 80’s and a faltering economy.

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To date, Zimbabwe looks forward to the uncertain possibility of elections in May 2011 after what President Mugabe argues to be the expiry of the Government of National Unity [GNU] set up after the SADC and AU facilitated Global Political Agreement [GPA]. Rupiya M. The African Public Policy and& Research Institute Pretoria, South Africa

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The "Peace Dividend": Evaluating the Peace and Security Mandate/Performance of the GNU in Zimbabwe One of the most important mandates for the African Union (AU) and SADC (Southern African Development Community) motivated Transitional arrangement in Zimbabwe, following a particularly violent election preceded by a debilitating political and economic crisis in 2008, was for the three principals, who agreed to the negotiated agreement, to bring about peace and stability in the interim period before the scheduled free and fair elections in twenty-four months. With the recent calls for elections in 2011 coming from the major parties: ZANU (PF) and the MDC-T, it is an opportune moment for us to critically evaluate whether or not the country and people of Zimbabwe were provided with a Peace-Dividend by the GNU over the last 22 months? Furthermore, the crisis in Zimbabwe had also included the participation of highly politicised state organs as acknowledged by the three leaders in the Global Political Agreement (GPA) signed on 15 September 2008. In this, there were clear provisions for removing the Security Sector from playing a partisan and political role that sought to influence the electoral process in favour of ZANU (PF). Secondly, the GPA also provided the need to reprofessionalise, the need to establish a new National Security Council (NSC)--whose primary purpose would be to the exclusive forum for the three principals to deal with Executive security policy; review recruitment methods and funding of this sector that had now appeared to have deliberately been allowed to enter and capture state-power as an alternative to waning mass political support for the then ruling party-ZANU (PF). In any post-conflict and reconstruction context, the resolution of the political and socio-economic crisis is predicted on the willingness of the parties in conflict to set aside conflictual practices in order for any recovery to occur. Preliminary evidence in the Zimbabwean case study appears to indicate that relative success for providing security to allow "normal" political and economic recovery [with industries and factories at 30% but beginning to stagnate yet again--an important dimension has also emerged during the Transition; of the levels of Security and Defence Expenditure in relation to the Security Sector. In a country surviving on a cash budget, the Ministry of Defence appears to have secured independent lines of paying for services to Russia and China through allowing both countries exclusive access and diamond mining rights. The Minister of Finance is not aware of the secret deals that have been struck and the challenge is to reposition resource prioritisation from the miltiary to social and education/human resources developments issues--] to was delivered by the GNU. This is in spite of obvious ommissions such as denying

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the NSC, enacted in March 2009, a meaningful role in place of the much discredited Joint Operational Command (JOC). In fact, evidence does show that JOC has continued to run as a parallel body while no fundamental security policy issues have been placed before the NSC. An important observation citing the GNU inability to reform the Security Sector during the Transitional period however, points towards internal ZANU (PF) power struggles The net effect of this is that the GNU while succeeding to deliver partial peace; has however failed to address the GPA provisions for SSR. While making this significant observation, however, we need to acknowledge that, those in ZANU (PF) able to deliver the partial peace-dividend; have also succeeded in positively positioning the gradual reform of institutions, including the Security Sector after the elections. Stated differently, it is unlikely that, at least at the policy level, appetite still exists for allowing the brutal state sponsored violence witnessed during the 2008. This is the essence of this paper that argues that, for the AU and SADC, to take cognizance of what has been achieved but be cautious of what still needs to be done. Much more importantly, the role of Russia and China with the Zimbabwe Security Sector is going to be central when actual reform begins given the impact of diamond wealth in the exclusive control of the generals at this stage. Saunders Ch. Centre for Conflict Resolution Cape Town, South Africa

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South Africa and the Zimbabwe Crisis This paper will consider South African policy to Zimbabwe over the past decade, in particular analysing the SADC mediation of Thabo Mbeki and the `facilitation' undertaken by the Zuma administration, along with the South African government's campaign against the sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by the US and the EU. This paper emerges from work on SADC mediation being undertaken for the Centre for Conflict Resolution and will draw upon interviews with officials in South Africa's Department for International Relations and Co-Operation and in the Presidency, and on documentation produced by the Zimbabwe Solidarity Trust and other relevant organisations. The paper will argue that despite the GPA and the advent of a coalition government in Zimbabwe, South African policy has been fundamentally misconceived, for the Zimbabwe crisis continues, at great cost to South Africa itself and to the region as a whole. Shubin V.G. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Zimbabwe: Myths and Realities This paper will compare wide-spread myths concerning Zimbabwe with the realities of that country.

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The first myth is related to the national liberation struggle; Moscow is being accused in supporting the “wrong movement”, “minority Ndebele-based ZAPU” instead of “majority Shona-based ZANU”. In reality however, the ethnic composition of the Zimbabwe population, support of the movements as well as Soviet policy were much more complicated. The second myth puts all the responsibility for the deep political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe on one person (a “crazy old man”, if to use a term of Wikileaks papers). To say this is to forget IMF-proposed (or, rather, imposed) Economic and Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP), unsustainable dichotomy in agriculture, historical experience and historical connections of the dominant party. The third myth claims that “the international community” fully supports the opposition in Zimbabwe and goes up against the “regime”. The paper will attempt to analyze the realities in all these three cases and prove that they are rather far from dominant views, proliferated by international massmedia.

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Panel 21. FREE COMMUNICATION PANEL Convener: Bondarenko Dmitriy M., Dr. Sc.(Hist.), Professor James L. London School of Economics, UK An Education: George Padmore, Black Radicalism, and the Comintern, 1929-1934

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The four years George Padmore spent working for the Communist International were formative: for his political ideology, his organizational skills, and his networks. His first book, The Life and Struggles of Negro Toilers, set out a basic political philosophy which he generally adhered to for the rest of his career. While in the Soviet Union he witnessed both political pragmatism and exploitation for political ends. His work in Hamburg and France organizing the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) gave him the experience required to create disciplined political organizations in the future. His travels in Africa in 1930 and the correspondence he cultivated while leading the ITUCNW provided him with contacts that he would maintain once he left the Communist Party. His decision to leave the Soviet Union has been contested by a number of historians who all search for a definitive split between Padmore and Moscow. This paper will show that rather than a precise moment, Padmore’s departure from the Comintern was a result of his mounting frustration with the lack of support from organizations that were supposed to work in cooperation with the ITUCNW, such as the International Seamen’s Union and the League Against Imperialism. These years were not only formative for his political skills, but also his attitude. His relations with fellow black comrades such as James W. Ford, Otto Huiswood, Arnold Ward, and Jomo Kenyatta became a tense dialogue of emotion and ideology. The attack against his principles in 1934, and the betrayal of those who had been some of his first mentors, profoundly affected his guarded attitude to political alliances. The need to ‘present’ himself in particular ways and for a particular audience developed in this period, becoming a key part of his political strategy. Balodis J. Prague University, Czech Republik Military conflicts in Africa (1800–2009). Military and Geographical Aspects Africa is the most crucial continent where is happening several military conflicts. Important aspect of this cruciality is geographical aspects – boundaries and location. Physical geographical conditions are a very important aspect of military conflict location. Biomes and landscapes are also important in war strategy. The artificial boundaries created by colonial rulers as they ruled and finally left Africa had the effect of bringing together many different ethnic people within a nation that did not reflect, nor have (in such a short period of time) the ability to accommodate or provide for, the cultural and ethnic diversity. The freedom from imperial powers

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was, and is still, not a smooth transition. The natural struggle to rebuild is proving difficult. Size and shape of African military conflicts is important. It is important to know how large the area of military conflict is. Bondarenko D.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia

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Non-African Minorities and Nation-Building in Tanzania: Inclusion or Exclusion? Tanzania is a rare case of an African state in which formation of the nation is not only really going on but this process has also reached a meaningful point by now, notwithstanding hardships on its way like the problems of Zanzibar or of the Nilotic – Bantu (mainly the Maasai – Sukuma) relations. One of the most significant factors that contribute to the general success of nation building is that Tanzania is lucky to have the Swahili culture (and language as its part and a vivid expression) as the substratum for, and an effective means of, the country nationals’ integration as it is perceived as their own culture by the overwhelming majority of them atop of interethnic, religious, regional and other differences. However, the non-African minorities, insignificant in numbers but active in many spheres of the country’s life, enjoy a specific position in Tanzanian cultural milieu. We have studied the attitude of “Afrotanzanians” to their originally non-African compatriots: the Tanzanian Arabs, South Asians (usually called “Indians”), and Europeans (mainly Greeks); the currently forming Chinese community has remained beyond the immediate scope of our current research. The main questions of the present paper are as follows: Do those who belong to the cultural majority accept people with completely different cultural background and group history, but yet their compatriots, as part of the forming Tanzanian nation – a supraethnic community united by a system of values and its members’ civil feeling directed onto this community? What are the differences in their attitude to people of the three respective groups of “non-African Tanzanians”? The paper gives answers to these (and other related questions) based on the results of the authors’ several seasons of fieldwork in the country during which almost 1,000 filled out extensive questionnaires and about 50 structured interviews were collected by him together with colleagues. Ivanchenko O.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia The influence of the urban environment on it’s citizens identity in Sub-Saharan Africa on the example of Dar es Salaam Dar es Salaam is the largest city of Tanzania, its former capital, and it’s economic, cultural and political center. Since the colonial times people moved to Dar es Salaam from across the country looking for a better life and this leads to competition for resources. People belonging to various ethnic, confessional, social groups find themselves in an unusual common space and little by little they have to get used to the urban culture. The distinctive feature of Dar es Salaam is the fact that

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even those people who were born there are urbanites in a 2 or 3 generation, they maintain very close ties with relatives living in the countryside and, in many cases, keep the traditional mentality. A large variety of social contacts (in comparison with rural and provincial environment) often bridges gaps between different groups and strata of the population; moreover in the city people who came from the province, in general, broaden their outlook because of the availability of various sources of information. At the same time, some contradictions between the various social, ethnic and religious groups in the city become stronger (because of the competition for resources); in addition some people prefer to maintain their usual environment as much as possible, they create associations with people of the same ethnic group (or with those who come from the same region). Many citizens believe that in Dar es Salaam (and also in Tanzania) there is no single culture (and therefore a single Tanzanian nation), and, in particular, the so-called "urban culture" is a number of cultures of different ethnic groups. In this paper we will discuss the influence of relationships between various social, ethnic and religious groups of people in the city on the formation of Dar es Salaam citizens’ identity. Kabiri N. University of Cape Town South Africa

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Governing Transboundary Wildlife Conservation under Conflicting Legal Regimes The proposed study inquires into the ways in which conservation actors both within and across states legitimize their preferred wildlife governance regime under a context of conflicting trans-boundary legal regimes. The question of the ownership of transboundary terrestrial species remains quietly contentious. International protocols seem to confer this ownership to the state in which the wildlife is at a particular time. The observed meaning is that one state can pursue, without violating international conservation norms, consumptive wildlife utilization regime even when the other country just pursues a non-consumptive utilization regime. While such a situation may be silently tolerated at the macro (state to state) level, tensions are bound to obtain within the national context between the sub-national and national wildlife conservation actors. Where local actors are constrained by national laws from physical harvesting of wildlife, yet they can see the same happening across the border, the legitimacy of their national conservation laws becomes a salient policy concern. This tension can be expected to be heightened where national laws empower sub-national actors to raise their own revenue, while at the same time ring-fencing environmental regulation by placing that jurisdiction under the central state. The desire by the sub-national actors to appropriate environmental flow within their locale poses a challenge to anti-consumptive wildlife-use coalition to resolve the puzzle suggested in the penultimate sentence. The proposed study uses the case of Kenya and Tanzania to inquire into how this governance puzzle is negotiated and to place it within the emerging wildlife policy debates in Kenya that are henceforth to take place within a context of a new constitutional dispensation in which both

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citizen voice and legal power to sub-national actors has been enhanced. The study shall be based on both primary and secondary sources. Popov S.A. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Ritual Body Modification Practices and their Influence on HIV/AIDS Spread in East Africa The existence of some ritual practices makes an essential impact on the course of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the rural areas in East Africa, therefore a struggle for their abolition or their change is a good opportunity to achieve higher welfare and health standards for those people. In this paper the author will examine ritual body modification practices that influence the HIV/AIDS spread in the region, such as body piercing, scarification, male and female circumcision. The author will also discuss the possible ways of changing the traditional practices in consideration. Shakhbazyan E.V. Institute for African Studies, Moscow; Arusha, Tanzania

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Rebellious Women: Disobedience in the Maasai Culture It is a human feature always to struggle for his/her “Ego’s” approval in social milieu; hidden or public competition for higher positions on the social ladder can be observed in almost all human societies. Remarkably, the more hierarchical societies, that seem not to allow any deviations, are the higher is the probability to find social tensions and dissatisfaction along with a variety of different ways of social stabilization and conflicts slackening. In our paper we will study the Maasai society social structure. At present the Maasai live in the South of Kenya, North and partly East and Center of Tanzania. The majority of them still keep the traditional nomadic way of life. Numerous researches on this society (including gender studies) have testified many times to strict social hierarchy in it that is based on age classes, severe male and female initiation rituals and the historical heritage (the high level of Maasai society’s militarization connected with cattle raids, particularly in the end of the 19th century). In this patriarchal society where a “real human” is the Moran (young warrior) and polygamy is widespread, the women’s social status is undoubtedly low. However, we have collected evidence of women’s disobedience, their hidden opposition to their husbands; we have also observed not once the facts of confusion or even opposition of gender roles during different kinds of feasts in the Maasai villages. What means of gender balance restoration exist in the Maasai society? Do the Maasai have special “carnivals” (in Bakhtin’s definition) during which the social and gender roles can be temporarily turned upside down and acting as regulators of social tensions? What sanctions can be imposed on the rebellious women? We intend to answer these questions in our paper.

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Williams G. St Peter’s College, Oxford, Williams R. University of Chicago, USA Discourses and the Dop: Alcohol Consumption and its Consequences in the Cape Winelands, 1890-2010 The ubiquitous provision of wine during the working day for Coloured farm workers in the western Cape (the dopstelsel/ tot system) was an integral part of the labour regime and of a culture of consumption of wine from the nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century. The world’s highest recorded incidence of foetal alcohol syndrome is found today among Coloureds in rural areas in the Western and Northern Cape. The ‘organised wine industry’ consistently defended the system against the temperance movement, and its critics among academics and medical practitioners, before a series of official committees of inquiry into labour issues, liquor legislation, and the social conditions of Coloured people. Farmers separated the ‘dop’ from the scourge of ‘drunkenness'. From the 1980s, wine producers began to distance themselves from the practice in response to social, political, and economic pressures. The paper will examine the ways in which contentious moral, social, political, economic and medical discourses have been deployed in official reports and public hearings, and in the stated policies and the practices of organizations engaged in and with the industry. A final question is why ‘Fetal Alcohol Syndrome’/’Spectrum Disorder’/ was late to be identified (Paris 1967/68; Seattle 1973; Cape Town 1978), and when and how it became an issue of political concern, epidemiological research, and social and medical response in South Africa (1993). Moral commitments were initially linked to social disorder and public health; community health practitioners now respond to social disorders and engage in morallyoriented interventions.

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Tishchenko S.M. Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia Using of a Mutual Assistance System in the Process of Communication of Russian Business with its African Colleagues A complicated system of communal and relational communication remains in African countries as a consequence of severe socio-economic conditions. The communal and relational communications are based, apart from everything else, on its members’ inner mutual assistance. This makes the system of labour communications quite specific for this region. Communication of Russian Business with local colleagues in South Africa (SA) and Namibia may be performed only under complete consideration, and use of local cultural norms and peculiarities of behaviour and maintenance of interpersonal communication. The mutual assistance system, which can be met not only in these two countries but in many other sub-Sahara countries, may be divided into several trends:

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1) implementation of a socially profitable project by Russian Business for the population of the country and the region where it is planned to do business (for example, water well drilling in Namibian villages next to which the enterprise will be located1; a present from Nornikel to the president of SA – KamAZ equipped with satellite telemetry for the diagnostics of diseases and for rendering aid in distant areas of the country; organisation of educational projects for employees and their families2; 2) mutual assistance and support from both sides of business communication as partners interested in the project realisation (on-time filling up of necessary documents and contracts, delivery of materials and equipment within the period stipulated, assistance in the search for additional reliable partners – suppliers and customers). For example, a negative and unexpected action of Renova company (registered in Switzerland) was well remembered in SA. The company first bought good land plots having promised to start massive extraction of ore. Its profit was supposed to provide the treasury of SA with comfortable income. But, having fulfilled none of the promises the company sold all its assets in SA to a Chinese company. The government of the country was against it3; 3) the system of inner relations, mutual support and mutual assistance of the colleagues from SA and Namibia (carrying out a detailed evaluation and constant tracking of social relations, political news, and decisions of the ruling and oppositional authorities that may influence the activity of the Russian company). The right use of the mutual assistance system in the process of communication of Russian business with its African colleagues will make it possible to improve not only business communications, but also to keep the image of Russia as a Social State.

1 Interview ʋ ɊȺ – with ambassador of Republic of Namibia in Russian Federation (Moscow). 2 This present was made during the Russian – South African forum (05-06.08.2010, Moscow), which was attended by the author. 3 Interview ʋɘ11Ɋ02/10/10 – with chief of consulting firm, which are giving consultation to Russian companies in South Africa (South Africa, Johannesburg).

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INDEX OF CONTRIBUTORS

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Abramova, Irina 2 Adeleke, Tunde 3 Aksyutina, Olga 17 Amaka, Gloria Amadi 10 Andreeva, Larissa A. 16 Ansorg,Nadine 7 Antoshin, Alexey V. 8 Arkhangelskaya, Alexandra A. 17 Arsanov, Saidmagomed S. 2 AyéPimanova, Tamara 9 Ayupova, Asiya 12 Azerbaev S.G. 8 Azwifaneli, Managa10

Deych Tatiana L. 2, 5 Diachkov, Mark V. 13 Dmitriev, Ruslan V. 6 Dodkhudoeva, Lola N. 12 Dolgov, Boris 12 Dronova,Darya 9 Dubey, Ajay 5, 19 Ermisch, Sonja 13 Evseenko V.I. 4 FahrutdinovaNelli Z. 7, 9 Filatova,Irina 4 Funeka,Yazini April 5 Firsov,Nikolay N. 16 Fituni, Leonid 2

Babaev, Kirill V. 13 Balezin, Alexander S. 4 Balodis, Jaanis 21 Banshchikova, Anastasiya A. 8 Batalina, Anna 6 Battera, Federico7 Beliakov, VladimirV. 9 Bello, Ola 7 Bessonov S.A. 18 Bidaurratzaga Aurre, Eduardo 20 Biswas, Aparajita 5 Blinova, Elisavetta V. 3 Bobokhonov, Rahim S. 6, 12 Bolgov, Radomir V. 10 Boltunov V.A. 1 Bondarenko, Dmitri M. 21 Bragina, Elena 18 Buchalik, Lucjan 16 Burkova, Valentina 16 Butovskaya, Marina 9, 16

Gavristova, Tatiana M. 3 Gerasimov, Igor 12 Gerrit, Olivier 4 Gottschalk, Keith 2 Gousarov, Vladilen I. 1 Greenstein, Ran 6, 17 Gribanova Valentina V. 8 Grishina, Nina V. 7, 9 Grobbelaar, Janis 15 Gromov, Mikhail 11 Gromova, Nelli V. 13 Gromova Olga 1, 9 Gusarova, Ekaterina V. 10 Hakhverdyan, Gevorg K. 10 Halaf, Mustafa 14 Hanlon, Joseph 20 Helly, Damien 5

CalchiNovati, Gian Paolo 7 Cassuto, Philippe 13 Chambi Chachage 1 Cherinda B. 17 Chernov, Igor V. 10 Chinyakov, Maxim K. 8 Gorokhov, Stanislav A. 6

Ilina, Nadezhda 9 Ismagilova, Roza. N. 7 Issaev, Leonid M. 6 Ivanchenko, Oksana V. 21 Ivanova, Lyubov 4 James, Leslie 21

Davidson Apollon B. 4

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Makgetlaneng, Sehlare 20 Mandrup, Thomas 7 Matemulane, José Zakarias Samuel 10 Matsenko I.B. 18 Matsenko S.A. 18 Matveeva N. F. 18, 19 MastersLesley 1, 5 Mazov S.V. 4 MezyaevAlexander 7, 19 Miftakhova Sabina 1 Migaleva T.E. 18 Milto, Anna V. 3 Mischenko, Daria F. 13 Mohamed, Fadel Mohammed 14 Morozenskaya, Evgeniya V. 18 Morozov V. P. 18 Moseiko, Aida N. 6 Mshale, Baruani 1 Munene, Macharia 15 Murnova, Nelli 9

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João Bosco Monte 18 Kalinichenko, Liudmila 18 Kalinina L.P. 2 Karpacheva,Olga 12 Katagoshchina Irina T. 6 Kavykin, Oleg I. 16 Khabirov, Valery P. 13 Khachaturian, Maria L. 8, 13 Khalafalla, Nayla Mohamed Elhassan 14 Khamatshin, Albert 20 Kharitonova, Elena 20 Khokhlova, Valentina P. 8 Kisriyev, EnverF. 12 Kobishchanov, Yuri M. 12, 14, 16 Konoshenko, Maria B. 13 Korablev, Igor A. 2 Korendyasov, Evgeni N. 2 Korotayev, Andrey 12 Koshina, Mihal 5 Kosogorova, Maria A. 13 Kostelyanyets, Sergey 14 Kosuchin, Nikolay D.7 Koval, Antonina I. 13 Kovalevskaya, Natalia V. 10 Krivushin, Ivan 4 Kruchinsky, Vladislav 17 Krylova , Natalia L. 9 Ksenofontova, Natalia A. 9 Kulkova, Olga 2, 9 Kupriyanov, Pyotr I. 19 Kurbak M. 4 Kurgat, Paul K. 2 Kusova, AlbinaKh. 19 Kuznetsova, Olga V. 13

Naidenov M.V. 4 Najdenova, Natalia S. 13 Ndali Che Kamati 17 Neflyasheva , Naima 12 Nesterova, Irina E. 10 Njenesani, Ntungakwa 20 Novikova Z. 18 Nwaka, Geoffrey I . 8 Orlov, Vladimir V. 12

Ladan, Usman 12 LandaR G. 12 Lebedeva N.B. 2 Lekhotla, Mafisa 17 LiIeev I.L. 2 Liebenberg, Ian 17 Lutskov, Anatoly D. 13 Lvova E. 1

Panov, Alexander A. 9 Pantserev, Konstantin A. 6, 10 Patience, Shona 19 Pavlov V.V. 18 Perekhvalskaya, Elena V. 13 Pérez de Armiño, Karlos 15 Petruk, Boris G. 19 Philippov, Vasiliy R. 4 Plokhova, Daria 3 Podbiralina G.V. 18 Podyma,Katarzyna 16 Ponaryadov, Vadim V. 13

Makeeva, Nadezhda V. 13

Popov Alexey 18

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Sidorov, Vasily 17 Sidorova, Galina M. 2,7, 8, 19 Siphokazi, Magadla3 Skubko, Yury 17 Sledzevski, Igor V. 6 Smart,Teresa 20 Smirnova, Galina 14 Sonkin V.N. 18 Starostin, George S. 13 Stolyarov K.V. 4 Storkmann , Klaus 17 Suhov, Nikolay V. 9 Sukhorukov V.D. 1

PopovPeter 3 Popov Sergey A. 21 PopovVladimir A. 11 Porkhomovsky, Victor Ja. 13 Potgieter, Thean 5 Pozdnyakova, Ariadga P. 19 Pridatko , Ekaterina 3 Projogina, Svetlana V. 9 Prokhorov, Kirill N. 13 ProkopenkoLubovYa. 7, 9 Rawson, David 15 Reid, Tatiana 13 Rethmann, Petra 17 Rinkanya,Alina 11 Ronin, Vladimir 8 Roshchin,Georgy18 Roubailo-Koudolo, Svetlana 9 Rudolf, Markus 15 Ruiz-GimenezArrieta,I tziar 15 Runov B.B. 18 Rupiya, Martin 20 Ryabova, Irina S. 13 Ryabova, Vera I. 8 Rybalkina I .G. 1

Taddia, Irma7 Tatarovskaya, Irina G. 8 Telepneva, Natalia 17 Tetekin, Viacheslav 17 Tishchenko, Svetlana M. 21 Tkachenko, Alexandre 14 Tkachenko K. 18 Toporova, Irina N. 13 Tsvetkov, Edward Georgiev 3 Tsvetkova, Nina 2 Turyinskaya, Khristina M. 8

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Sabo, Robert Pastor 7 Sadovskaya L. 7 Saunders, Chris 20 Savateev, Anatoliy D. 12 Savateev, Artyom A. 1 Scherbakov, Nickolay 4

Urb, Monika R. 13 Urmanchieva, Anna Ju. 13 Urnov, Andrey 2 Usov, Vyacheslav 5 Vinogradov, Viktor A. 13 Vinogradova, Natalia V. 19 Vinogradova, Svetlana M. 10 Vinokurov, Yuri N. 19 Voevodsky,ȺlexandrV. 8 Vossen, Rainer 13 Vydrina, Alexandra V. 13 Vydrine, Valentine F. 13

Schoeman M. 5 Senkovitch, Vladislav 14 Sepeleva N. 2 Shaji S. 18 Shakhbazyan , Ekaterina V. 21 Shcherbovich, Andrey A. 10 Shetter Y. 18 Shishkina, Alisa R. 9 Shlapentokh, Dmitry 12 Shluinsky, Andrey B. 13 Shlyonskaya S.M. 19 Shubin, Vladimir 20 Sidorov, Mikhail A.18

Williams, Gavin 21 Williams, Rosa 21 Yagya V.S. 10 Yenshu,Vubo Emmanuel 7 Ylönen Aleksi 15

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Zelenova, Daria 17 Zheltov, Alexander Yu. 13 Zherlitsina, Natalia A. 8 Zhukov, Alexandr 2, 7 Zinkina, Julia 12

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12th CONFERENCE OF AFRICANISTS AFRICA IN THE CHANGING WORLD DEVELOPMENT PARADIGM

Moscow, Russia May 24–26, 2011 ABSTRACTS

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Ɂɚɜ. ɊɂɈ ɇȺ. Ʉɫɟɧɨɮɨɧɬɨɜɚ

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Ʉɨɦɩɶɸɬɟɪɧɚɹɜɟɪɫɬɤɚɢɞɢɡɚɣɧ ȽɆ. Ⱥɛɢɲɟɜɨɣ

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Africa in the Changing World Development Paradigm, Meabooks Inc., 2015. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Edited by Alexei Vasiliev

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AFRICA IN THE CHANGING WORLD DEVELOPMENT PARADIGM

The volume contains abstracts of papers presented at the 12th Conference of Africanists organized by the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences in May 2011. The Conference, held triennially since 1969 is a major event in the area of African studies in Russia and beyond. What is particularly remarkable is the number and the diversity of the participants: academics, diplomats, Moscow-based and provincial as well as foreign participants from a staggering number of countries: Belgium, Brazil, Cameroon, Canada, Cote dʼIvoire, Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, India, Italy, Kenya, Kazakhstan, Mozambique, Nigeria, Poland, Spain, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, UAE, UK, USA, Zimbabwe. Subjects covered range from economics, foreign relations, security issues, administration to history, culture, linguistics and religious studies. The book is a good reference tool to todayʼs problematics in African studies as it presents a cross-section of this vast and diverse field.