Aeschylus: Persians: Duckworth Companions to Greek and Roman Trag 9781472539601, 9780715632864

Aeschylus' Persians is the earliest extant Greek tragedy and sole surviving historical tragedy. Produced in 472 BC,

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Aeschylus: Persians: Duckworth Companions to Greek and Roman Trag
 9781472539601, 9780715632864

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Preface I f i r s t r e a d t h e Persians t w e n t y y e a r s a g o a n d s o m e o f m y intuitions about t h eplay have held firm over t h eyears: t h e Persians i s m o r e a t r a g e d y o f d e f e a t t h a n a c e l e b r a t i o n o f victory; a crucial condition for i t s conception is t h e nascent A t h e n i a n e m p i r e ; its i n t e g r a t i o n o f p o e t r y a n d spectacle, w o r d and image, reveal a playwright a t the height of his powers. A s the earliest extant tragedy and first product of western culture t o d e a l w i t h e a s t e r n d e s p o t i s m a n d i m p e r i a l i s m , t h e Persians is also a n i n v a l u a b l e h i s t o r i c a l d o c u m e n t . It is m ypleasure t o acknowledge those w h o have taught, helped, a n d supported m e i n t h i s project. P r i d e o f place belongs to F r o m a Z e i t l i n a n d J o s h Ober. I could not h a v e been blessed w i t h better teachers, critics, a n d friends. S i m o n Goldhill, K u r t Raaflaub, Deborah Boedeker, David Konstan, Victoria Wohl, J o n H e s k , André L a r d i n o i s , a n d m y c o l l e a g u e s a t V i c t o r i a University o f Wellington, Matthew Trundle a n d Arthur Pomeroy, have a l l helped to i m p r o v e this book. T h e D u c k w o r t h t e a m - T h o m a s H a r r i s o n , D e b o r a h B l a k e , a n d t h e press's anonymous reader - have m ypraise a n dgratitude for their w o r k . I w o u l d also like to t h a n k the students a t P r i n c e t o n a n d V i c t o r i a U n i v e r s i t i e s w h o r e a d t h e Persians w i t h m e a n d h e l p e d m e t o see t h e p l a y w i t h f r e s h eyes. T h a n k s also t o S a r a h McMillan, w h o helped w i t h the maps. I dedicate t h i s book to m y parents, w h o gave m e t h e gifts o f life a n d love.

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T h e Persians, H i s t o r y , a n d Historical D r a m a P r e s e n t e d a t A t h e n s i n 4 7 2 B C , t h e Persians i s t h e e a r l i e s t surviving tragedy and the only extant tragedy based o n recent events, t h efailure o f the Persian k i n g Xerxes' land a n d sea invasion of Greece i n 480/79. T h e central interpretive problem of t h e play is w h e t h e r i t is a tragedy i n t h e canonical sense - a n enactment that can arouse sympathetic emotions such as pity a n d fear i n t h e audience - or a depiction o f P e r s i a n defeat a n d l a m e n t t h a t celebrates G r e e k m i l i t a r y a n d c u l t u r a l superiority, i n d u c i n g Schadenfreude a t t h e spectacle o f P e r s i a n pain. T h i s chapter is a p r e l i m i n a r y to a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e play. I t o u t l i n e s t h e Persians a n d l o c a t e s t h e p l a y i n i t s o r i g i n a l p e r f o r m a t i v e context before briefly discussing Aeschylus' life a n d career. T h e n i t sketches t h econflict between t h e G r e e k city-states and the Persian empire for control of the Aegean and discusses poetic t r e a t m e n t s o f the P e r s i a n W a r s before t h e Persians. T h e m a i n p o i n t o f t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s t h a t a l t h o u g h there w e r e f u n d a m e n t a l differences b e t w e e n t h e enemies A t h ens a n d Persia, there w e r e also factors t h a t could induce a n A t h e n i a n audience to identify w i t h the depiction of Salamis as a defeat a n d w i t h t h e tragedy o f a f a l l e n empire. T h i s b o o k d i s c u s s e s t h e Persians i n s e q u e n c e ; b u t i t m a y prove helpful for the reader t ohave a s u m m a r y of the play i n m i n d d u r i n g this chapter. The

Persians

Parodos ( c h o r a l e n t r y s o n g , 1 - 1 5 4 ) : f u n c t i o n s a s a p r o l o g u e . A chorus o f P e r s i a n elders, caretakers o f the k i n g d o m i n Xerxes' 11

Aeschylus: Persians absence, fears t h ew o r s t for t h e k i n g a n dhis a r m y ' s h o m e c o m i n g (nostos): A s i a ' s m i g h t h a s g o n e t o G r e e c e , b u t t h e c h o r u s h a s no w o r d of its fate. T h e elders catalogue the leaders a n d ethnic contingents t h a t left 'to p u t t h e y o k e o f s l a v e r y o n Greece' a n d describe t h e h e i g h t e n i n g a n x i e t y a n d l o n g i n g o f parents a n d w i v e s as t i m e passes. T r y i n g t o assuage i t s fears, t h e chorus tells h o w the a r m y m a r c h e d across t h e Hellespont over bridges b u i l t f o rt h e i n v a s i o n , ' p u t t i n g a y o k e o n t h e neck o f t h e sea'. T h e elders stress t h eferocity of t h e i r godlike k i n g , t h e invincib i l i t y o f his 'divine flock', a n d Persia's d i v i n e dispensation o f military supremacy on land. Xerxes' generation broke w i t h this t r a d i t i o n b y casting its gaze u p o n t h e sea. T h e chorus w o n d e r s w h a t m o r t a l c a n e s c a p e d i v i n e d e c e i t a n d t h e n e t s o f Ate, t h e spirit o f destructive delusion, w h i c h seduces h u m a n s i n t o t h e i r r u i n . A n x i o u s again, t h e elders i m a g i n e w o m e n p e r f o r m i n g a n t i p h o n a l l a m e n t s a n d t e a r i n g t h e i r robes a t t h e n e w s o f defeat before resolving to sit i n council to discuss t h e progress of t h e w a r . First Episode, I ( 1 5 5 - 2 5 5 ) . T h e Q u e e n , X e r x e s ' m o t h e r a n d the late k i n g D a r i u s ' wife, enters o na chariot. T h e elders fall t o t h e i r knees a n d bow before her i n a f o r m a l greeting. T h e Q u e e n fears t h a t D a r i u s ' d i v i n e l y w o n p r o s p e r i t y a n d h e r son's life a r e i n peril. H e r fears a r e t h eresult of last night's d r e a m a n d this m o r n i n g ' s b i r d o m e n - clear portents o f defeat - w h i c h s h e describes. T h e chorus advises t h e Q u e e n t o sacrifice t o t h e gods and t o Darius, w h oappeared i n h e r dream, t o prevent t h e f u l f i l m e n t of her visions a n d expresses confidence t h a t a l l w i l l t u r n out well. After a n exchange about t h ea i m of the invasion and t h e nature o fAthens, a messenger runs o n stage t o a n n o u n c e t h e disaster: t h e r u i n o f Persia's p r o s p e r i t y a n d loss o f t h e f l o w e r o f i t s m e n i n t o t a l defeat. C h o r u s a n d m e s s e n g e r l a m e n t t h e b a d n e w s (256-89), d i v i d i n g t h efirst a n d second p a r t s o f t h e episode. First Episode, I I ( 2 9 0 - 5 3 1 ) . T h e Q u e e n r e g a i n s h e r v o i c e a n d questions the messenger, w h o informs her that Xerxes survived b u t t h a t a host o f leaders, w h o m h e lists, died ingloriously. N u m b e r i n g t h e P e r s i a n fleet a t m o r e t h a n t h r e e t i m e s t h e size of t h e G r e e k fleet, h e recounts h o w X e r x e s w a s t r i c k e d i n t o b e l i e v i n g t h e G r e e k fleet s t a t i o n e d o n S a l a m i s w o u l d flee a t night, a n d blockaded t h e island t o destroy i t i n flight. T h e 12

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama G r e e k s e m e r g e d a t d a y b r e a k t o f i g h t a n d a t t a c k e d X e r x e s ' fleet. U n a b l e t o m a n o e u v r e , t h e P e r s i a n fleet w a s e n c i r c l e d a n d destroyed. T h e messenger t h e n tells of the massacre ofXerxes' noblest w a r r i o r s o n a n adjacent island. Xerxes, w h o watched f r o m a conspicuous place, t o r e h i s robes a t t h e disaster ( a m o m e n t i n h i s m o t h e r ' s d r e a m ) a n d o r d e r e d t h e a r m y t o flee. Finally, the messenger recounts the Persians' h a r r o w i n g m a r c h f r o m Greece to Thrace a n d announces the i m m i n e n t r e t u r n o f a s m a l l r e m n a n t . A f t e r t h e messenger exits, t h e Q u e e n recognizes t h e t r u t h o f h e r d r e a m . Criticizing t h e elders, s h e nonetheless v o w s t o m a k e t h e sacrifices t h e y e a r l i e r advised. Before she exits, the Q u e e n orders the chorus to comfort X e r x e s a n d escort h i m to t h e palace i f he r e t u r n s i n h e r absence. First Stasimon ( 5 3 2 - 9 7 ) . A l o n e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a , t h e e l d e r s b l a m e Zeus for t h e disaster a n d describe t h e l u x u r i a n t m o u r n ing of P e r s i a n w o m e n . T h e chorus sings a l a m e n t , alternately b l a m i n g X e r x e s a n d ships for defeat a n d c o n t r a s t i n g t h e deleterious young king w i t h h i s benign father. I m a g i n i n g sea creatures m a u l i n g P e r s i a n corpses a n d p i c t u r i n g t h e grief o f elderly a n d childless parents, t h e elders foresee t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e as a r e s u l t o f t h e n a v a l defeat. Second Episode, I ( 5 9 8 - 6 2 2 ) : T h e Q u e e n r e t u r n s a l o n e o n foot, c a r r y i n g r i t u a l offerings. H u m b l e d a n d f r i g h t e n e d , s h e orders t h echorus t o raise D a r i u s ' ghost b y singing a h y m n w h i l e she pours offerings. Hymn ( 6 2 3 - 8 0 ) : T h e e l d e r s a p p e a l t o t h e g o d s o f t h e u n d e r w o r l d t o release D a r i u s ' soul, praise D a r i u s as a god for his w i s d o m a n d benevolence, a n d l a m e n t t h e death o f Persia's y o u t h . I n a n e p o d e , t h e y b e w a i l t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e fleet. T h e h y m n divides t h e second episode into t w o parts. Second Episode, I I ( 6 8 1 - 8 4 2 ) : D a r i u s ' g h o s t a p p e a r s , b u t t h e chorus cannot bear to i n f o r m h i m of the disaster. H e learns the n e w s f r o m the Queen. D a r i u s recognizes t h a t the disaster fulfils a p r o p h e c y a n d c o n d e m n s h i s son's 'disease o f m i n d ' f o r t r e a t i n g the Hellespont as a 'slave i n chains' a n d for seeking t o 'domin a t e a l l t h e gods'. H e t h e n d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t X e r x e s ' i s t h e worst disaster i n the history of the Persian kingship. I n response to the elders' desire for vengeance, D a r i u s orders t h e m not to i n v a d e Greece. A s proof, h e prophesies i m p e n d i n g defeat 13

Aeschylus: Persians for Persia's forces a t P l a t a e a as p a y m e n t f o r l o o t i n g s t a t u e s a n d destroying Greek temples a n d altars. D a r i u s advises the chorus to rehabilitate Xerxes and instructs the Queen t o meet h i m w i t h a n e w robe: h e w i l l r e t u r n i n rags. D a r i u s r e t u r n s to t h e u n d e r w o r l d . T h e Q u e e n exits, v o w i n g to r e t u r n w i t h a n e w robe, but never returns. Second Stasimon ( 8 5 2 - 9 0 7 ) : T h e c h o r u s p r a i s e s D a r i u s a n d enumerates the Aegean empire h e conquered and ruled. T h e Persians have suffered a divinely inspired reversal of fortune: t h e y lost these cities i n n a v a l fighting. Kommos ( 9 0 8 - 1 0 6 5 ) : X e r x e s r e t u r n s a l o n e i n r a g s . T h e e l d e r s greet h i m w i t h a l a m e n t for Asia's fall. K i n g a n d chorus p e r f o r m a r i t u a l l a m e n t before X e r x e s seizes c o n t r o l o f t h e elders a n d orders t h e m to m u t i l a t e themselves i n m o u r n i n g . Exodos ( 1 0 6 6 - 1 0 7 7 ) : X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s l a m e n t i n a n epode a s t h e y e x i t to t h e palace. Performance, playwright and producer I n fifth-century A t h e n s a l l d r a m a —tragedy, comedy, and satyrplay - w a s p e r f o r m e d a t festivals for D i o n y s u s , god o f w i n e , life-giving liquids, masks, and madness, w h o was worshipped particularly t h r o u g h dance.1 T h e largest and most prestigious of these festivals was the City Dionysia.2 H e l d a t the onset of spring and celebrating the arrival of Dionysus to Athens from Eleutherae i n Boeotia, the festival m a r k e d the advent of the sailing season and attracted visitors from all over the Greekspeaking w o r l d . T h e C i t y D i o n y s i a came to be associated w i t h A t h e n i a n n a v a l p o w e r , f r e e d o m , a n d e m p i r e . 3 T h e Persians, t h e earliest e x t a n t m e d i t a t i o n o n these subjects, h a s a n a f f i n i t y w i t h t h e occasion o f its performance. Aeschylus presented four plays a t the City Dionysia i n 472: t h r e e t r a g e d i e s , Phineus, Persians, Glaucus of Potniae, a n d a s a t y r - p l a y , Prometheus Fire-Kindler (Hypothesis t o t h e Persians). O n l y t h e Persians s u r v i v e s i n t a c t ; w e p o s s e s s f r a g m e n t s from the other three. Aeschylus tended to present his dramatic vision i n tetralogies, a continuous n a r r a t i v e i n three tragedies, followed by a related satyr-play.4 Aeschylus' dramaturgy mixed t h e c o n c i s i o n o f d r a m a w i t h t h e e x p a n s i v e n e s s o f epic; h i s t r a g i c 14

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

t r i l o g i e s s e g u e d i n t o b u r l e s q u e a n d s e l f - p a r o d y . W h i l e t h e Persians d i d n o t f o r m a t e t r a l o g y w i t h i t s c o m p a n i o n p l a y s , s o m e argue that i t shared unifying thematic links w i t h them.5 A n attractive hypothesis, i t i s unconvincing o n t h e evidence w e p o s s e s s . 6 A s i t s t a n d s , t h e Persians i s b o t h t h e s o l e s u r v i v i n g historical tragedy a n d t h e only self-contained tragedy i n A e s c h y l u s ' e x t a n t oeuvre. T h e s e f o u r p l a y s ( n o t t h e Persians a l o n e ) w o n f i r s t p r i z e i n competition w i t h t w o other tragedians.7 Aeschylus was victorious t h i r t e e n t i m e s i n his career, w h i c h spanned t h eyears 4 9 9 to 4 5 6 . 8 H e w a s n o t a n i n s t a n t success i n t h e t h e a t r e : h e w o n h i s f i r s t v i c t o r y i n 4 8 4 . T h e Persians i s a w o r k o f h i s p r i m e . 9 T h e scion o f a n established a n d w e a l t h y family, Aeschylus son of E u p h o r i o n hailed from Eleusis, renowned for the Mysteries o f D e m e t e r a n d K o r e . 1 0 L i k e a l l A t h e n i a n s o f h i s generation, Aeschylus h a d first-hand experience o fwar. H ei s reputed t o have fought i n t h e defensive battles against t h e Persians o n m a i n l a n d Greece - M a r a t h o n (490), S a l a m i s (480), a n d Plataea ( 4 7 9 ) - t h a t f o r m t h e s p i n e o f t h e Persians (Life of Aeschylus 4 ) . I o n o fChios, a fifth-century poet a n d raconteur, claims t h a t A e s c h y l u s w a s p r e s e n t a t S a l a m i s (FGrH 3 9 2 F 7 ) . Aeschylus died i n Gela, Sicily i n 456. T h e epitaph attributed to h i s grave makes n o mention o f h i s dramatic artistry b u t m e m o r i a l i z e s h i s i n f a n t r y service a t M a r a t h o n : 'the h a l l o w e d field o f M a r a t h o n could tell o f his celebrated valour a n d t h e deep-haired Mede w h o k n o w s it'.11 T h e biographies of the a n cient Greek poets a r enotoriously u n t r u s t w o r t h y . 1 2 T h e story of A e s c h y l u s ' d e a t h is a case i n p o i n t : a n eagle s n a t c h e d u p a t u r t l e and tried t o break i t o n h i sbald head, m i s t a k i n g i tfor a rock (Life of Aeschylus 1 0 ) . T h e remains o f Aeschylus' poetry (six plays o f some 90, a r o u n d 5 0 0 f r a g m e n t s , a n d t h e d i s p u t e d Prometheus Bound), s h o w t h a t h i s style r a n g e d f r o m s i m p l e b e a u t y t o dense obscurity. A n c i e n t critics noted h i s grandiloquent language a n d religious sensibility. Aeschylus depicted w a r as a crucible o f personal a n dcommunal virtue; b u th ewas equally inclined t o treat warfare as boastful i m p i e t y a n d c o m m u n a l agony. H i s poetry combined aristocratic loftiness w i t h democratic patriotism, religious majesty w i t h a nearthy aesthetic. 15

Aeschylus: Persians A e s c h y l u s w a s a t h e a t r i c a l colossus: h e composed t h e poetry, lyrics, a n dmusic for his plays; h e choreographed t h e choral dances a n d m a y have designed t h e costumes.13 H e probably acted the leading parts, playing, for instance, the Messenger, D a r i u s , a n d X e r x e s i n t h e Persians, w h i l e a m a l e a c t o r p l a y e d t h e Q u e e n , a l t h o u g h t h e Life of Aeschylus r e p o r t s t h a t h e u s e d t w o professional actors (14-15).14 L i k e a l l extant Aeschylean t r a g e d i e s a p a r t f r o m t h e Oresteia, t h e Persians u s e s t w o s p e a k i n g actors. A r i s t o t l e credits Aeschylus w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a second actor - before t h i s tragedians used o n e (Aristotle Poetics 1 4 4 9 a l 5 - 1 9 ) . T w e l v e A t h e n i a n c i t i z e n s r e c r u i t e d f o r their talent played the chorus. T h e c h i e f m a g i s t r a t e o f A t h e n s , t h e A r c h o n E p o n y m o u s (socalled because t h e year w a s n a m e d after h i m ) assigned a p r o d u c e r (choregos) t o e a c h o f t h e t r a g e d i a n s w h o s e p l a y s w e r e selected for performance a t t h e C i t y D i o n y s i a . T h e producer paid for the upkeep of the chorus while they learned their lines, lyrics, melodies, a n d dances. H e also provided a venue f o r rehearsal and paid for the chorus' costumes; i f the p l a y w r i g h t w o n , he t o o k t h e credit, feted t h e chorus a n d actors, a n d erected a m o n u m e n t c o m m e m o r a t i n g h i s v i c t o r y . 1 5 T h e Persians' p r o ducer w a s a y o u n g m a n , Pericles s o n o f X a n t h i p p u s . 1 6 Xanthippus h a dmarried into t h e most prominent family o f A t h e n s , t h e A l c m a e o n i d a e ('the f a m i l y o f A l c m a e o n ' ) . 1 7 O s t r a cized i n 484, X a n t h i p p u s w a s recalled prior t o t h e P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n a n d elected general i n 480/79. H e spearheaded t h e A t h e n i a n counter-offensive against the Persians i n 479/78. Technically Pericles h a d n o control over the plays h e produced; t h e p l a y w r i g h t w a s assigned to h i m . B u t he h a d personal m o t i v e s f o r f i n a n c i n g t h e Persians. T h e p l a y ' s f o c u s o n X e r x e s ' bridges a n d cables (65-72, 112-13, 130-2, 719-26, 734-6, 745-51) w o u l d recall his father's generalship. T h e A t h e n i a n s brought h o m e t h e cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges over t h e H e l l e s p o n t u n d e r X a n t h i p p u s ' c o m m a n d (Herodotus 9.121). Moreover, the matern a l side o f Pericles' f a m i l y h a d been branded P e r s i a n supporters ('medizers') after t h e battle o f M a r a t h o n i n 4 9 0 ( 6 . 1 1 5 , 1 2 1 - 3 1 ) . 1 8 P e r i c l e s ' i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e Persians m i g h t counter such charges; a victory w o u l d help l a u n c h h i s o w n political career. H i s ability t o influence t h ed r a m a , however, 16

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w a s l i m i t e d . T h e Persians i s s i l e n t a b o u t t h e b a t t l e s a t w h i c h X a n t h i p p u s w a sgeneral, although i t implies t h e m (205-10, 876-903). Pericles dominated A t h e n i a n democratic a n d imperialist p o l i t i c s i n t h e g e n e r a t i o n a f t e r t h e Persians, l e a d i n g A t h e n s t o the peak of its power and prosperity and embroiling the city i n a w a r w i t h Sparta and its allies. G i v e n his i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the Persians, i t i s w o r t h n o t i n g t h a t P e r i c l e s w o u l d c o m e t o p l a y Darius' role i n his lifetime: the 'father' a n d exponent of empire as p a t r i m o n y , w h o s e p r o s p e r i t y a n d h a p p i n e s s w o u l d p r o v e t o be u n s u r p a s s a b l e , a n d w h o s e 'son', m o s t n o t o r i o u s l y h i s n e p h e w and w a r d Alcibiades son of Clinias, w o u l d forget his commands, r u i n i n g the empire he consolidated, ornamented, and defended i n a failed invasion of Syracuse i n 415-13. T h e comedian Eupolis raised Pericles' ghost (and those of other A t h e n i a n 'fathers') i n h i s c o m e d y Villages j u s t a s A e s c h y l u s r a i s e d D a r i u s ' g h o s t i n t h e Persians.19 Persian empire and Greek freedom T h a t m a i n l a n d Greeks could t h w a r t t h e Persian empire i n 480/79 w a s n o t h i n g short o f a miracle. U n d e r t h e successive rule o f C y r u s s o no f Cambyses (559-530), Cambyses s o n o f Cyrus (530-523), a n d D a r i u s son o f Hystaspes (522-486) t h e Persians h a d amassed the largest empire o n the globe.20 While the Persians were building their empire, Athens was ruled by a native tyrannical family, w h i c h monopolized political power outside o f l a w a n d custom. T h e founder o f the line, Pisistratus, came to power i n 560 and ruled intermittently until his death i n 527, w h e n his eldest son H i p p i a s succeeded h i m . 2 1 I n 514, the lovers H a r m o d i u s and A r i s t o g i t o n m u r d e r e d Hippias' brother H i p p a r c h u s i n a botched plot t o decapitate t h e ruling family a n d t o vindicate their freedom a n ddignity as citizens - they aimed to kill Hippias.22 Nevertheless, the A t h e nians remembered Hipparchus as 'tyrant', imagining t h e origins of their political order i n this act of 'tyrant-slaying'.23 T h e d e m o s ('people') f o u n d e d i t s p o w e r i n t h e m u r d e r o f a t y r a n t a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f h i s p o w e r t o a f r e e c i t i z e n b o d y . T h e Persians is a r g u a b l y a n a r r a t i v e o f t h i s type. T h e play depicts t h e A t h e 17

Aeschylus: Persians n i a n empire as a n acquisition f r o m a defeated t y r a n t , Xerxes. H e inherited i t from Darius, w h o w o n i t by conquest (852-907). T h e Pisistratidae w e r e so deeply entrenched i n A t h e n i a n society t h a t the A t h e n i a n s needed t h e m i l i t a r y assistance o f S p a r t a t o expel t h e m f r o m A t h e n s ( H e r o d o t u s 5.62-5; 6.123). Aristocratic factions vied t o fill the void. A t h e n i a n democracy w a s the fruit o f this conflict. I n 508, Clisthenes, a n A l c m a e o n i d contending for power w i t h a r i v a l aristocrat, Isagoras, w h o w a s A r c h o n Eponymous, appealed t oordinary citizens for support. These citizens voted t o empower themselves t o override t h e Archon Eponymous a n dinstitute a new tribal organization. The a i m of this organization was t o integrate the population and t o w e a k e n t h elocal a n dclan affiliations that h a d fragmented Athens' territory, Attica, into viciously competitive groups.24 Political power w a sdistributed among t h e citizen body b y a principle of numerical equality; the majority ruled. T h i s p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y , isonomia ( l i t e r a l l y , ' e q u a l i t y o f t h e l a w ' ) , w a s antithetical t o monarchy, i n w h i c h a single household a n d f a m i l y (oikos) m o n o p o l i z e d p o l i t i c a l p o w e r . 2 5 A t h e n s ' c o l l e c t i v i t y a n d c o h e s i v e n e s s p r o v e d i n v a l u a b l e a g a i n s t P e r s i a . T h e Persians recalls t h e t r i u m p h o f t h i s collective spirit over the desire o f a m o n a r c h , X e r x e s , to conquer a n d r u l e A t h e n s a n d Greece. A t h e n s came i n t o direct contact w i t h t h e P e r s i a n empire principally because its oligarchic neighbours and Sparta w e r e hostile to the city's nascent democracy. S u r r o u n d e d by enemies, A t h e n s s o u g h t a n a l l i a n c e w i t h P e r s i a c. 5 0 7 / 0 6 ( H e r o d o t u s 5.73.1). A r t a p h r e n e s , D a r i u s ' p a t e r n a l half-brother w h o a d m i n istered W e s t e r n Anatolia from Sardis i n Lydia, demanded that A t h e n s ' envoys offer e a r t h a n d water, symbols w h i c h opened a l i n e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d acted a s a p r o m i s e t o accede t o t h e king's future demands.26 T h e envoys made the offering on their o w n a n d faced charges w h e n t h e y r e t u r n e d to A t h e n s (5.73.3). B u t i t w a s too late t o repudiate t h e gift. A t h e n s w a s caught i n the net of the Persian empire. E x i l e s f r o m t h e G r e e k w o r l d flocked t o t h e P e r s i a n s s e e k i n g restoration t o their homelands as their agents. Exiled from A t h e n s i n 510, t h e t y r a n t Hippias petitioned A r t a p h r e n e s t o r e t u r n h i m t o p o w e r c. 5 0 1 / 0 0 ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 9 6 . 1 ) . A r t a p h r e n e s granted h i s plea a n d ordered t h e A t h e n i a n s t o restore h i m 18

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(5.96.2). T h e A t h e n i a n s rejected h i s u l t i m a t u m a n d 'decided to become openly hostile t o the Persians' (ibid.). T h e i r h o s t i l i t y soon became apparent. I n 499, Greeks living under Persian rule in Western Anatolia revolted from Persia.27 Starting i n Miletus (5.28-38), t h e r e v o l t s p r e a d f r o m B y z a n t i u m t o C y p r u s (5.103¬ 4). O u r sole source, H e r o d o t u s , c l a i m s t h a t t h e Persian-installed tyrant of Miletus, Histiaeus, and his nephew and son-in-law, Aristagoras, plotted to carve out a n a v a l empire u n d e r t h e aegis o f the P e r s i a n e m p i r e as compensation for salvaging Darius' invasion of Scythia (modern U k r a i n e ) over a decade earlier (4.136-42; 7.10g, 52.1).28 D a r i u s ' generals Megabazus a n d his son Megabates foiled t h e i r bid (5.23-36, 106.6; 6.2.1). A r i s t a g o r a s renounced h i s t y r a n n y a n d acted t o depose Persian-backed t y r a n t s ' i n a l l I o n i a ' (5.37.2-38). T h e M i l e s i a n t y r a n t s enlisted the support of ordinary citizens, w h o y e a r n e d f o r a n e g a l i t a r i a n p o l i t i c a l o r d e r (isonomia), t o i g n i t e a full-scale revolt. After failing to secure Sparta's aid, Aristagoras sought A t h ens' help (5.49-55.1). A p p e a l i n g t o t h e i r c o m m o n ancestry a s Ionians a n d piquing the demos' desire for the w e a l t h of the Persian empire, Aristagoras induced the Athenians to join the revolt. T h e y sent 20 shiploads o f m e n to M i l e t u s (5.97). Herodot u s b o r r o w s f r o m H o m e r to describe t h i s f a t e f u l m o m e n t : 'these ships were the beginning of woes for both Greeks and barbarians' (5.97.3).29 T h e r e v o l t s t a r t e d successfully. A t h e n i a n s a n d I o n i a n s capt u r e d t h e t o w n o f S a r d i s a n d set fire to a house. T h e fire s p r e a d t h r o u g h the cane a n d reed rooftops of the city a n d destroyed a t e m p l e o f t h e L y d i a n g r e a t - m o t h e r goddess, Cybebe (5.100¬ 2.1).30 Soon afterwards, however, the Persians intercepted and killed m a n y o f the invaders a t Ephesus (5.102.2-3). A t h e n s abandoned the revolt (5.103). B y 494, t h e Persians h a d quelled t h e revolts a n d held M i l e t u s u n d e r siege. A P e r s i a n n a v y m a n n e d b y P h o e n i c i a n s a n d E g y p t i a n s , a m o n g o t h e r s , p r e p a r e d t o face a m a i n l y I o n i a n n a v y off the island of Lade (6.6-13). R u l e d by single families for over t w o generations, the Ionians lacked leadership. T h e fleet fled t h e s c e n e o f b a t t l e ( 6 . 1 4 - 1 6 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s u n d e r m i n e d M i l e t u s ' fortifications a n d o v e r w h e l m e d t h e city, enslaving 19

Aeschylus: Persians w o m e n and children, and sacking and burning the temple and oracle o f Apollo a t D i d y m a (6.18-21). 'Miletus', Herodotus writes, 'was emptied of M i l e s i a n s ' (6.22.1). T h e image of Persia a n d A s i a ' e m p t i e d o f m e n ' a n d ' e m p t i e d o u t ' h a u n t s t h e Persians (114-39, 548-9, 718, 730, 759-61). O n e of m a n y ironic reversals of h i s t o r y i n the play, i t both recalls a n d reciprocates P e r s i a n atrocities against Ionians, including A t h e n s , w h i c h w a s evacuated and sacked i n 480/79. F r o m the P e r s i a n perspective, the b u r n i n g of Cybebe's t e m ple w a s a n egregious breach of faith - the A t h e n i a n s h a d given earth and water to Darius. Persian dignity required brutal and exact vengeance ( H e r o d o t u s 5.102.1; 7.8b2-3, 11.2). I o n i a n s w e r e treated as a people w h o rejected the G r e a t K i n g , representative o f t h e P e r s i a n god A h u r a m a z d a o n earth. L i k e other rebels, t h e y w o r s h i p p e d 'demons' a n d t h e i r temples w e r e destroyed.31 T h e b u r n i n g o f Sardis offered t h e Persians a n i r o n c l a d e x c u s e f o r i n v a d i n g m a i n l a n d G r e e c e ( A r i s t o t l e Posterior Analytics 9 4 a 3 6 - b 8 ) . I n 493, t h e Persians attacked cities i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a t h a t h a d revolted. According to Herodotus, t h e y collected t h e m o s t handsome boys a n d m a d e t h e m eunuchs, sending t h e m to the k i n g along w i t h t h e m o s t b e a u t i f u l girls before t h e y b u r n e d t h e i r cities a n d temples (6.31.2-32). O v e r the n e x t t w o years, the Persians regained the territories lost d u r i n g the revolt and added others i n the Aegean (6.31-45). O n e question remained: w h e n would Persia punish Athens? Historical tragedy as prophecy: Phrynichus' C a p t u r e of M i l e t u s P h r y n i c h u s ' Capture of Miletus, t h e f i r s t t r a g e d y o f w h i c h w e h a v e a n y definite i n f o r m a t i o n , m a y h a v e posed t h i s v e r y question.32 T h e play's date i s u n k n o w n , but the period 493-491 i s most likely.33 N o t a w o r d of it survives. Herodotus reports that d u r i n g the performance of the play 'the theatre fell into tears a n d t h e y f i n e d h i m 1,000 d r a c h m a e for r e m i n d i n g t h e m o f t h e i r o w n w o e s (oikeia kaka) a n d o r d e r e d n o o n e e v e r t o p e r f o r m t h i s d r a m a ' (6.21.2). M a n y interpret Herodotus' phrase 'their o w n woes' to m e a n 20

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'the woes they caused' and argue t h a t P h r y n i c h u s reproached A t h e n s for abandoning the I o n i a n revolt. T h e architect of A t h e n i a n naval power, Themistocles, was A r c h o n Eponymous i n 493/92 a n d m a y have begun fortifying a m o r e easily defensible harbour at Piraeus i n anticipation o f a Persian invasion.34 P h r y n i c h u s , t h e a r g u m e n t goes, s u p p o r t e d T h e m i s t o c l e s . 3 5 T h e shame of his reproach angered the Athenians. Hence they fined h i m and banned the play. It isimpossible to determine Phrynichus' intentions i n composing t h e play. W e c a n only analyse t h e play's reception. R e m i n d i n g t h e A t h e n i a n s o f 'their o w n woes' is unlikely t o mean that Phrynichus reproached Athens f o r betraying M i l e t u s . I n H e r o d o t u s , t h e p h r a s e 'one's o w n w o e s ' refers t o p a i n o c c a s i o n e d b y t h e s u f f e r i n g o f 'one's o w n people' (e.g. 1.45.2; 3.14.8-14). P h r y n i c h u s r e m i n d e d t h e A t h e n i a n s o f ' t h e i r own woes' because h e dramatized t h e t r a u m a o f 'their o w n people' - I o n i a n s , M i l e s i a n s , colonists, allies - forcing t h e audience to relive t h e p a i n o f M i l e t u s ' fall. The tragedy probably featured choral laments for Miletus' suffering.36 T h e extant tragedy dealing w i t h the capture of a c i t y , E u r i p i d e s ' Trojan Women, l a m e n t s t h e f a l l o f T r o y i n a v a r i e t y o f registers.37 T h e prologue establishes t h a t t h e gods w i l l p u n i s h t h e G r e e k s w h o d e s t r o y e d T r o y ( E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 4 8 - 9 7 ) . C a s s a n d r a f o r e s e e s r e c i p r o c a l v e n g e a n c e a g a i n s t A g a m e m n o n a n d h i s h o u s e ( 3 5 3 - 4 6 1 ; cf. 1 1 0 0 - 1 7 ) , p r e dicts Odysseus' sufferings (431-44), a n d denies glory t o t h e G r e e k s ( 3 7 5 - 4 0 5 ) . T h e Capture of Miletus m a y h a v e e n v i s i o n e d divine and h u m a n punishment of the Persians. I n ancient G r e e k culture, m e m o r y o f t h e past is a w a r r a n t for k n o w l e d g e o f the future. Hesiod's poet has a u t h o r i t y a n d inspir a t i o n f r o m t h e M u s e s t o sing ' w h a t w i l l be a n d w a s before' (Theogony 2 9 - 3 4 ; cf. 3 5 - 4 9 ; H o m e r Iliad 1 . 7 0 ) . A e s c h y l u s ' C a s sandra demonstrates her prophetic power by revealing the past (Agamemnon 1 0 9 0 - 9 ) . T h u c y d i d e s o f f e r s h i s History t o r e a d e r s who will w a n t t ok n o w the past and the future inferable from i t , g i v e n t h e c o n s t a n c y o f h u m a n n a t u r e ( 1 . 2 2 . 4 ) . T h e Capture of Miletus w a s h i s t o r i c a l t r a g e d y ; b u t r e - e n a c t m e n t o f t h e e v e n t f o r m u l a t e d a p r o p h e c y . W h i l e w a t c h i n g t h e Capture of Miletus, t h e spectators witnessed a n image of A t h e n s ' i m p e n d i n g de21

Aeschylus: Persians struction. T h e A t h e n i a n s h a d every reason t o consider t h e m selves i m m i n e n t targets o f P e r s i a n reprisal. W i t h t h e exception of S a m o s (Herodotus 6.25.2), t h e Persians e m p t i e d out, sacked, a n d b u r n e d t h e cities t h a t h a d revolted, destroying t h e i r t e m ples. T h e Capture of Miletus m a r k s a c r i t i c a l m o m e n t i n t h e h i s t o r y o f tragedy. A n c i e n t theorists define t h e subject o f trage d y a s ' o t h e r p e o p l e ' s s u f f e r i n g s ' (allotria pathe).38 T r a g i c practice conforms t o this: spectators witness the sufferings of those d i s t a n t i n t i m e , place, o r affection. S u c h distance i s required for pity as a n e m o t i o n of tragic spectatorship. P i t y requires the sufferer to be 'other' t h a n the v i e w e r a n d to be i n some sense u n w o r t h y of suffering.39 W e p i t y i n others w h a t w e fear for ourselves and our o w n . 4 0 Phrynichus' assault u p o n the sense of security required for the e n j o y m e n t of others' pains resulted i n the institution of a boundary between self and other i n tragic performance. Henceforth t h e subjects o f tragedy w e r e m y t h i c a l figures remote i n t i m e a n d place or rarely, v i c t i m s o f the audience's violence as i n Phrynichus' subsequent tragedy t h e Phoenician Women a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. H i s t o r i c a l d r a m a risked alienating its spectators by dramatizing or implying events too painful for t h e m to engage w i t h emotionally and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y . 4 1 T h e Persians o m i t s H e r o d o t u s ' ' o r i g i n o f w o e s for Greeks a n d barbarians' (5.97.3) a n d t h e b u r n i n g of Cybebe's t e m p l e . T h e p l a y s t a g e s ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s s u f f e r i n g ' (allotrion pathos) w h o s e o b v e r s e i s a G r e e k / A t h e n i a n v i c t o r y . I f t h e Capture of Miletus c o n t a i n e d t w o v i s i o n s - i m p e n d i n g Persian destruction of A t h e n s and reciprocal p u n i s h m e n t of the Persians - Phrynichus could hardly have imagined the deferral of both u n t i l a single m o m e n t , Xerxes' invasion of A t h e n s i n 480/79. The empire strikes back: Marathon and Xerxes' invasion I n 4 9 0 , H i p p i a s d i r e c t e d a P e r s i a n / G r e e k fleet t o M a r a t h o n , w h e r e s o m e 9,000 A t h e n i a n a n d 1,000 P l a t a e a n h o p l i t e s m e t and defeated t h e m (Herodotus 6.105-118).42 T h e victory legitimated the A t h e n i a n democratic order a thome and throughout 22

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Greece. A t h e n s alone faced t h e '46 peoples o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e ' a n d p r e v a i l e d i n a k i n d o f d u e l ( 9 . 2 7 . 5 ) . I n t h e Persians, M a r a t h o n is the precedent the battle of Salamis repeats o n a l a r g e r scale. W h e n X e r x e s succeeded D a r i u s i n 486, he i n h e r i t e d a p l a n to invade m a i n l a n d Greece a n d to incorporate i t into the P e r s i a n e m p i r e ( H e r o d o t u s 7.1-4). A c c o r d i n g t o H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s ' s w o r n aims were to bridge the Hellespont, to capture and b u r n A t h e n s as r e t r i b u t i o n for t h e b u r n i n g o f Cybebe's t e m p l e a n d sacred grove, a n d t o avenge his father's defeat a t M a r a t h o n (7.8bl-3; 8.102.3). H e w a n t e d to m a i n t a i n t h e s t a n d a r d o f conquest established by h i s predecessors (7.8a, 11.2) a n d i n t e n d e d to r e i n s t a t e t h e P i s i s t r a t i d a e a t A t h e n s (7.6; 8.52.2). H e contemplated bringing the Peloponnese under his power, holding an empire over Asia and Europe, and dreamed of u n i t i n g all lands under his rule: his empire w o u l d be differentiated only f r o m t h e h e a v e n s ( 7 . 8 g l - 2 ; cf. 8 . 1 0 0 . 3 , 1 0 1 . 2 - 3 ) . I n the Persians, D a r i u s c o n d e m n s X e r x e s ' a c t s a s ' v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e ' (hybris); b u t t h e play includes h i s desire t o avenge D a r i u s ' defeat a t M a r a t h o n (473-7), t o rule E u r o p e a n d A s i a (181-99), a n d t o m a i n t a i n D a r i u s ' standard of conquest (753-8). Interpreters of t h e Persians o f t e n s t r e s s t h e f i r s t e x p l a n a t i o n ; b u t a l l t h r e e should be t a k e n into account. H e r o d o t u s calculates t h a t X e r x e s invaded Greece w i t h 5,283,220 people, h a l f o f t h e m m i l i t a r y p e r s o n n e l (7.184-7.1).43 A f a v o u r i t e H e r o d o t e a n topos - w h i c h t h e Persians d o e s n o t u s e - i s t h a t t h e y d r a n k r i v e r s d r y (e.g. 7 . 4 3 . 1 ) . S u c h n u m b e r s a r e impossible, but the actual figures are elusive.44 T h i s exaggerat i o n u n d e r w r i t e s t h e G r e e k b e l i e f , c e n t r a l t o t h e Persians, t h a t a m e r e q u a n t i t y o f m e n w a s n o m a t c h for t h e q u a l i t y o f free Greeks defending t h e i r l a n d (7.101-4, 208-10). Xerxes' massive forces w e r e a l i a b i l i t y i n t h e n a r r o w battle-zones t h e G r e e k s devised for t h e m (7.211.2; 8.16.2). T h e Greeks considered Xerxes' invasion as m u c h a pageant of power as a m i l i t a r y operation. Placing h i m s e l f a t its centre, X e r x e s assembled a m o v i n g catalogue o f t h e peoples o f his empire (Herodotus 7.21, 40-1, 61-100), m a r c h i n g i t from Sardis t o G r e e c e i n M a y 4 8 0 . H i s fleet s a i l e d i n t a n d e m w i t h h i s a r m y . Xerxes transformed nature to display his irresistible power. H e 23

Aeschylus: Persians h a d a c a n a l c u t b e h i n d M o u n t A t h o s t o p r o t e c t t h e fleet f r o m storms t h a t descended from the m o u n t a i n and h a d damaged a P e r s i a n fleet i n 4 9 2 ( 7 . 2 1 - 4 , 3 7 ) . H e h a d t w o b r i d g e s b u i l t a c r o s s the Hellespont. Constructed from 674 triremes a n d 50-oared g a l l e y s , t h e b r i d g e s s p a n n e d r o u g h l y 1.5 k i l o m e t r e s f r o m A b y dus o n t h e A s i a n side t o a p r o m o n t o r y b e t w e e n S e s t u s a n d M a d y t u s o n t h e E u r o p e a n side; m e n a n d a n i m a l s crossed t h e m ( 7 . 3 3 - 6 ) . T h e Persians m a k e s t h e ' y o k i n g ' o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s y m b o l o f X e r x e s ' ' v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e ' (hybris), a n d ' d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n ' (ate): h i s d e s i r e t o r u l e a n e m p i r e e m b r a c i n g t w o continents i n violation of nature, divinity, and the freedom that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e G r e e k polis. Xerxes' a r m y a n d n a v y broke t h r o u g h G r e e k defences a t T h e r m o p y l a e a n d A r t e m i s i u m i n l a t e A u g u s t 4 8 0 . T h e Persians ignores these battles. W e h a v e a copy o f a n i n s c r i p t i o n o f a decree proposed by Themistocles t h a t m a n d a t e s t h e evacuation o f A t h e n s : w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n w e r e t o go t o T r o e z e n , o l d m e n a n d p r o p e r t y t o S a l a m i s ; a l l o t h e r s w e r e t o m a n t h e fleet a t A r t e m i s i u m . T h e decree's a u t h e n t i c i t y i s debated.45 H e r o d o t u s places the evacuation after A r t e m i s i u m . According to h i m , the Athenians sent their children a n d dependents t o Troezen, Aegina, a n d S a l a m i s (8.41.1). Xerxes' a r m y carved a path of destruction from Euboea t o Athens, looting and burning the land, homes, and temples of r e s i s t i n g c o m m u n i t i e s ; t h e p e o p l e fled t o t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d t o safe r e g i o n s ( H e r o d o t u s 8.23, 32-9, 50.2). E n t e r i n g a n A t t i c a 'emptied o f men', t h e Persians destroyed fields a n d houses, demolished t h e city wall, damaged mines, destroyed public buildings, and besieged the Acropolis, w h i c h they looted. T h e y set fire t o sanctuaries, l e v e l l e d a l t a r s , t o p p l e d t e m p l e s , stole statues, a n d m u r d e r e d suppliants (8.51-5, 6 5 , 142.3; T h u c y d i d e s 1.89.3; 2 . 1 6 ) . 4 6 I n t h e f o l l o w i n g year, after X e r x e s h a d left Greece, X e r x e s ' cousin a n d brother-in-law M a r d o n i u s forced a second evacuation, levelling a n y t h i n g still u p r i g h t (9.13.2-3). A t h e n i a n s rarely spoke o fthis i n t h e fifth century; interpreters o f the Persians o f t e n i g n o r e i t . A e s c h y l u s k e e p s t h e m e m o r y o f t h i s a t r o c i t y a l i v e i n t h e Persians; h i s m y t h i c a l t r a g e d i e s p r o j e c t i t onto others' suffering.47 Readers consider t h e Persian W a r s 24

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tragic only from the Persian perspective.48 B u t i n 472, they were still tragic f r o m t h e A t h e n i a n perspective. S a l a m i s w a s a vict o r y predicated u p o n a defeat. Xerxes accomplished his vow: h ebridged the Hellespont, m a r c h e d a n a r m y i n t o Greece, b u r n e d A t h e n s ' temples, a n d sacked the city. T h e equivalence of the Great King's w o r d and act w a s c e n t r a l t o t h e ideology o f h i s k i n g s h i p . B u t X e r x e s ' vengeance w o u l d prove costly. The empire strikes out: Salamis, Plataea and Mycale A t h e n s w a s lost. T h e Peloponnesians o n S a l a m i s w a n t e d t o fight for their o w n land, retreating to the I s t h m u s of C o r i n t h to face t h e P e r s i a n fleet ( H e r o d o t u s 8.49, 70.2). T h e i r g e n e r a l s ordered escape (8.56). T h e m i s t o c l e s failed t o convince a n ass e m b l y o f generals to m o u n t a n a v a l defence a t S a l a m i s (8.60ab). S e n s i n g t h a t t h e m o m e n t for b a t t l e a t S a l a m i s w a s s l i p p i n g away, Themistocles sent h i s slave Sicinnus t o t h e Persian generals t o r e p o r t t h a t h e w a s o n t h e k i n g ' s side, t h a t t h e G r e e k s w e r e p r e p a r i n g t o flee S a l a m i s t h a t night, a n d t h a t Persian collaborators and resisters were more likely to fight a naval battle between themselves t h a n to unite against Xerxes ( 8 . 7 5 ) . T h e Persians n a m e s ' a G r e e k m a n f r o m t h e a r m y o f t h e A t h e n i a n s ' w h o deceives X e r x e s r a t h e r t h a n h i s g e n e r a l s (355¬ 71). P l u t a r c h identifies S i c i n n u s as a P e r s i a n w a r captive w h o l o o k e d a f t e r T h e m i s t o c l e s ' s o n s (Life of Themistocles 1 2 . 3 ) . B a r r y Strauss suggests t h a t h e was a Greek from P h r y g i a . 4 9 H i s t o r i a n s h a v e doubted t h i s e n t i r e story.50 S i c i n n u s w a s rewarded w i t h w e a l t h and citizenship a t Thespiae i n Boeotia (Herodotus 8.75.1). T h i s suggests h e played some role i n t h e deception o f t h e Persians. A e s c h y l u s calls h i m G r e e k because o f his citizenship o r subsumes h i s identity under that o f his master a n d the m a s t e r - m i n d of the plot, Themistocles. Based i n P h a l e r u m , the Persians decided t o blockade t h e Greeks on Salamis and to crush t h e m i n flight. T h e y spent the night occupying the island of Psyttalia (modern Lipsokoutali) i n t h e middle o f the passage between Attica a n d Salamis, b l o c k i n g lanes o f escape, a n d a w a i t i n g t h e G r e e k f l i g h t ( H e r o 25

Aeschylus: Persians dotus 8.76). T h e G r e e k s h a d no choice b u t to fight t h e i r w a y o u t (8.78-82). M a i n t a i n i n g good order, t h e y cut t h r o u g h t h e disord e r l y P e r s i a n fleet, w h o s e n u m b e r s w e r e a l e t h a l l i a b i l i t y , driving i t out of the water and slaughtering the Persians o n P s y t t a l i a (esp. 8.86, 9 5 ; 4 3 5 - 6 4 ) . N o t u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e e x t e n t of t h e damage they h a d inflicted, t h e Greeks prepared f o r another battle (8.96.1, 108.1). According t o Herodotus, Xerxes feared that t h e Greeks w o u l d destroy t h e bridges over t h e Hellespont, trapping h i s f o r c e s i n E u r o p e ( 8 . 9 7 ) . H e t h e r e f o r e o r d e r e d t h e fleet t o r e t r e a t t h e n i g h t a f t e r t h e b a t t l e ( 8 . 9 7 , 1 0 7 ) . I n t h e Persians, X e r x e s o r d e r s t h e l a n d f o r c e s ' i m m e d i a t e flight; t h e s h i p s e s c a p e s e p a r a t e l y (468-70, 480-1). H e r o d o t u s claims t h a t X e r x e s left 300,000 troops u n d e r M a r d o n i u s ' c o m m a n d t o fight a decisive l a n d battle a n d to attack the Peloponnese (8.100-3, 113; 9.32.2). M a r c h i n g w i t h t h e rest o f h i s l a n d forces t o t h e H e l l e s p o n t i n 45 days (half t h e t i m e o f t h e m a r c h to Greece), X e r x e s r e t u r n e d to A s i a . T h e n a v y r e t u r n e d w i t h the a r m y a n d ferried i t across the Hellespont; the bridges w e r e d o w n (8.115-20, 126; 130.1; 9 . 1 1 4 . 1 ) . T h e Persians d e p i c t s t h e b r i d g e s a s X e r x e s ' s a l v a t i o n (735-6) a n d r e t u r n s h i m to Susa after Salamis. Herodotus keeps Xerxes i n Sardis u n t i l the battle of Mycale i n the s u m m e r of 479 (9.107.3), even t h o u g h h e also claims Persians l a m e n t e d f r o m the news of S a l a m i s u n t i l Xerxes' r e t u r n (8.99.2-100.1). M a r d o n i u s unsuccessfully pressured A t h e n s t o join Persia ( H e r o d o t u s 8.140-4; 9.3-4). U n d e r i n t e n s e p r o d d i n g f r o m A t h ens a n d M e g a r a , S p a r t a finally sent a n a r m y a n d mobilized its a l l i e s t o face M a r d o n i u s ' a r m y ( 9 . 6 - 1 1 , 2 8 - 3 0 ) , w h i c h w a s a u g m e n t e d w i t h G r e e k conscripts (9.31-2). T h e armies massed o n e i t h e r side o f t h e A s o p u s R i v e r i n Boeotia. T h e decisive f i g h t i n g at Plataea pit lightly armoured Persian cavalry a n d archers against h e a v i l y a r m o u r e d S p a r t a n hoplites (9.62.3). W h e n M a r d o n i u s f e l l , t h e P e r s i a n s fled ( 9 . 6 3 ) . T h e r e s t o f t h e a r m y f e l l apart (9.68), escaping into a palisade fort built before t h e camp a i g n (9.15, 65). T h e Greeks chased a n d killed t h e m i n flight; the A t h e n i a n s besieged the fort a n d the Greeks continued the s l a u g h t e r o n a h u g e scale (9.68-70). T h e d e f e a t a t S a l a m i s d e s t r o y e d t h e P e r s i a n fleet's f i g h t i n g capacity and cancelled Persia's n u m e r i c a l advantage; Plataea 26

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slaughtered t h e Persian a r m y a n d drove t h e r e m n a n t from Greece. A f u r t h e r P e r s i a n defeat a tM y c a l e i n M i l e s i a n t e r r i t o r y caused Greeks i nW e s t e r n Anatolia and the islands t o revolt f r o m P e r s i a n r u l e (Herodotus 8.130-3; 9.90-106.1). T h e G r e e k s were n o w o n the offensive. Simonides: the kosmos

of song and of virtue

T h e Greeks i m m e d i a t e l y celebrated their achievement. T h e p o e t S i m o n i d e s o f C e o s (c. 5 5 6 - 4 6 8 ) p l a y e d a m a j o r r o l e i n t h e project. M o s t o f t h e epigrams c o m m e m o r a t i n g t h e P e r s i a n W a r dead w e r e a t t r i b u t e d t o h i m . M a n y a r e later forgeries, b u t one t h e m e stands out: the heroization of the w a r dead by compensati n g t h e m w i t h i m m o r t a l g l o r y (kleos).51 T h e e p i g r a m s c e l e b r a t e t h e eternal fame of Greeks w h o died for the freedom of Greece.52 Simonides composed poems o n the battles of A r t e m i s i u m and S a l a m i s w h i c h p r o b a b l y p r e d a t e d t h e Persians.53 T h e p o e m o n Salamis glorified t h e n a v a l victory and Themistocles' intellig e n c e ( P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 5 . 2 ) . T h e p o e m o n A r t e m i s i u m stressed the aid of the N o r t h W i n d , Boreas, a kinsm a n by marriage of the mythical A t h e n i a nking Erechtheus. T h e Athenians claimed to have invoked Boreas to destroy the Persians m o o r e d o n t h e coast o f M a g n e s i a i n 4 8 0 a n d t o w r e c k t h e P e r s i a n fleet off M o u n t A t h o s i n 492 ( H e r o d o t u s 7.188-92).54 U n l i k e t h e Persians, t h e s e p o e m s f o c u s e d o n n a m e d G r e e k s a n d G r e e c e ' s m a g i c a l a n d d i v i n e defence m e c h a n i s m s . Papyri from Egypt have yielded fragments o f Simonides' Plataea, a p o e m o n t h e b a t t l e w r i t t e n i n e l e g i a c c o u p l e t s . 5 5 T h e date, place a n d occasion o f t h e poem's first performance a r e debated.56 T h e p o e m focuses o n S p a r t a , describing itself a s a r e m e m b r a n c e '[of m e n w h o ] w a r d e d o f f [the d a y o f slavery] f r o m S p a r t a [ a n d G r e e c e ] ' ( f r . 1 1 . 2 4 - 6 ) . 5 7 I t a t t r i b u t e s ' v i r t u e ' (arete) and ' i m m o r t a l g l o r y a m o n g m e n ' t o t h e S p a r t a n s ( f r . 1 1 . 2 7 - 8 ) a n d narrates the S p a r t a n a r m y ' s m a r c h t o Plataea accompanied by the demigods Castor and Pollux and the hero Menelaus (fr. 1 1 . 2 9 - 3 1 ) . ' P a u s a n i a s t h e s o n o f d i v i n e C l e o m b r o t u s , b e s t b y f a r ' ( f r . 1 1 . 3 3 - 4 ) l e a d s t h e m . U n l i k e t h e Persians, t h e Plataea n a m e d h i s t o r i c a l G r e e k s . S p a r t a n g e n e r a l o f t h e G r e e k forces at Plataea, Pausanias w a s accused of t r y i n g to betray Greece to 27

Aeschylus: Persians Xerxes i n 478/77. E i t h e r this story was not yet current w h e n the Plataea w a s p e r f o r m e d , o r i t d i d n o t a f f e c t h i s f a m e . 5 8 T h e poem begins w i t h a h y m n t o Achilles. Achilles a n d Pausanias are the n a m e d w a r r i o r s t h r o u g h w h o m the u n n a m e d G r e e k s r e t a i n t h e i r ' n a m e s ' , t h e i r kleos.59 T h e p o e m r e n e w s t h e f a m e o f t h e epic heroes by b e s t o w i n g i t u p o n soldiers w h o died a t P l a t a e a . 6 0 T h i s p e r f o r m a n c e i s t h e a n t i t h e s i s o f t h e Persians, w h i c h l a m e n t s u n b u r i e d P e r s i a n corpses, b e w a i l i n g t h e ignom i n y o f t h e i r d e a t h s . T h e Persians i m p l i e s kleos f o r t h e v i c t o r s a n d a s s u m e s p e r f o r m a n c e s s u c h a s t h e Plataea; b u t h e r o i z a t i o n is n o t its f u n c t i o n . T h e p l a y does n o t recall t h e G r e e k dead. S i m o n i d e s bills h i m s e l f as a n e w H o m e r , w h o conferred i m m o r t a l g l o r y o n t h e D a n a a n s for s a c k i n g T r o y a n d r e t u r n i n g h o m e (fr. 11.13-18). W h i l e S i m o n i d e s t r e a t e d t h e defence a t P l a t a e a a s a r e n e w a l o f t h e f a m e o f e p i c h e r o e s , t h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e fighting a new Trojan W a r on the Hellespont and throughout the Aegean.61 A new Trojan War: from Sestus to Eion I n late 479, the A t h e n i a n s a n d their n e w l y w o n allies besieged Sestus, the centre of Persian rule o n the Hellespont (Herodotus 9 . 1 1 4 . 2 - 1 1 8 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 8 9 . 2 ) . A f t e r t h e P e r s i a n g o v e r n o r A r t a y c t e s a n d h i s m e n escaped, t h e i n h a b i t a n t s opened t h e gates to the Athenians, w h o took control of the t o w n (Herodotus 9.118). T h e A t h e n i a n s h u n t e d a n d captured Artayctes, r e t u r n i n g h i m a n d his son t o Sestus (9.119.2). A r t a y c t e s h a d persuaded Xerxes t o give h i m the temple and sacred land of the G r e e k hero Protesilaus - the first G r e e k t o die i n the T r o j a n W a r ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 6 9 5 - 7 1 0 ) - t o l o o t a n d d e s e c r a t e a s a w a r n i n g against i n v a d i n g A s i a (Herodotus 9.116.3). Encouraged by the citizens of Elaeus, a n A t h e n i a n colony, X a n t h i p p u s nailed A r t a y c t e s to a p l a n k a n d stoned his son to death before his eyes near w h e r e t h e Persians secured t h e i r bridges t o E u r o p e ( 9 . 1 2 0 . 4 ; cf. 7 . 3 3 ) . 6 2 A r t a y c t e s ' c r u c i f i e d b o d y m a r k e d the boundary of Europe and w a r n e d the Persians against furt h e r invasion. I t w a s a measure of A t h e n s ' implacable rage. H e r o d o t u s c o n t r a s t s t h i s e v e n t w i t h t h e m o r e r e s t r a i n e d post u r e o ft h e S p a r t a n Pausanias, w h o refuses such reciprocal v i o l e n c e a s ' c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f b a r b a r i a n s ' ( 9 . 7 9 . 1 ; cf. 7 . 2 3 8 ) . T h e 28

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Athenians returned home with plunder from Mycale and the cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges to dedicate to t h e gods (9.121), t h e first spoils a n d a banner u n d e r w h i c h a n e w T r o j a n W a r w o u l d be w a g e d ; a n d t h e y s y m b o l i z e d A t h e n s ' h e g e m o n y i n i t . 6 3 A r tayctes w a s t h e first P e r s i a n to die i n t h i s n e w T r o j a n W a r , j u s t as t h e h e r o w h o s e t e m p l e h e v i o l a t e d , P r o t e s i l a u s , h a d been t h e first G r e e k to die i n H o m e r ' s T r o j a n W a r . I n the following spring, a G r e e k fleet a n d 'a n u m b e r of other allies' assembled under Pausanias' leadership (Thucydides 1.94.1). S a i l i n g f r o m C y p r u s t o B y z a n t i u m , w h i c h t h e y t o o k b y siege, t h e G r e e k s l i b e r a t e d W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a f r o m P e r s i a n g a r r i s o n s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.94.2; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 4 ) . Success d i v i d e d the Greeks. T h e A t h e n i a n s took the hegemony from the Spart a n s , w h o r e t u r n e d h o m e w i t h t h e i r a l l i e s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.95). A c c o r d i n g t o T h u c y d i d e s , P a u s a n i a s ' hybris t o w a r d t h e I o n i a n s p r o m p t e d t h e m t o beg t h e A t h e n i a n s t o replace h i m o n t h e grounds of kinship: his leadership 'seemed m o r e a n i m i t a t i o n of t y r a n n y t h a n a generalship' (1.95.3).64 According to Herodotus, the A t h e n i a n s desired the naval hegemony against Xerxes but Sparta's allies rebuffed t h e m ; once Greece w a s secure a n d t h e counter-offensive began, 'they t o o k i t f r o m t h e S p a r t a n s , offeri n g P a u s a n i a s ' hybris a s a p r e t e x t ' ( 8 . 3 . 2 ; c f . [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 3 . 4 ) . T h e P e r s i a n w i t h d r a w a l f r o m t h e A e g e a n left a v a c u u m o f power. T h e Greeks t h o u g h t t h a t Xerxes' desire w a s to rule 'all G r e e c e ' ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 5 7 . 1 ; cf. 1 3 8 . 1 ) . T h e G r e e k l e a d e r s w h o vanquished h i m acquired t h i s desire as a spoil o f victory. Pausanias was the first victim of this syndrome: h e 'had the desire t o b e t y r a n t o f a l l Greece' ( H e r o d o t u s 5.32; T h u c y d i d e s 1.128.3). T r y i n g t o b e t r a y Greece t o t h e P e r s i a n s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 2 8 - 3 0 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 3 2 ) , P a u s a n i a s w o r e t h e c l o t h e s , u s e d t h e bodyguard, a n d a t e t h e feasts o f a P e r s i a n (Thucydides 1.130.1; D i o d o r u s 11.44.5, 46.3). I n the G r e e k i m a g i n a t i o n , the ideal r e w a r d for victory over the Great K i n g w a s to become the Great K i n g . Alexander the Great fulfilled this conflicted and long-standing desire after h e defeated D a r i u s I I I i n 331/30.65 T h e Greek response t othe w e a l t h and power of eastern monarchs was simultaneous aversion and desire.66 T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f Pausanias i n t o a P e r s i a n t y r a n t is t h e 29

Aeschylus: Persians founding m y t h o f the A t h e n i a n empire. I t justifies Athens' annexation of Persia's Aegean empire as a n act of defeating P a u s a n i a s ' hybris, w h i c h i s t h e r e c r u d e s c e n c e o f X e r x e s ' hybris, 'the desire t or u l e a l l Hellas'. I t diverts a t t e n t i o n f r o m A t h e n s ' assessment of Persia's f o r m e r subjects to pay a n a n n u a l t r i b u t e of 460 silver talents.67 Such a n i n d e m n i t y was as typically Persian as the stereotypes Pausanias allegedly enacted. T h e payment of tribute was a m a r k of subordination based upon force; i t w a s a f o r m o f p o l i t i c a l s l a v e r y ( H e r o d o t u s 1.6.2-3; 7 . 1 0 8 . 1 ; A e s c h y l u s Persians 5 8 4 - 9 0 ) . 6 8 A p e r m a n e n t i n d e m n i t y for defeat o r t h e a d m i s s i o n o f defeat deferred a n n i h i l a t i o n w h a t H o m e r t e r m e d 'the pitiless day' - the m o m e n t w h e n a n a r m y destroys a c o m m u n i t y , enslaving its w o m e n and children a n d k i l l i n g i t s m e n ( H o m e r Odyssey 8 . 5 2 1 - 3 1 ; Iliad 9 . 5 9 0 - 6 ) . 6 9 Such a narrangement was unprecedented i n Greek relations. Indemnification w a s t h e basis f o r t h e A t h e n i a n empire. Herodotus claims t h a t m a n y Ionians i n the P e r s i a n fleet fought w i t h v a l o u r 'to g e t gifts f r o m t h e k i n g ' (8.10.3, 85.1), despite a t t e m p t s t o w i n t h e m over t o t h e G r e e k side o r t o attract P e r s i a n s u s p i c i o n ( 8 . 1 9 - 2 2 ) . T h e Persians' c h o r u s a s s e r t s t h a t Ionia provided 'the indefatigable strength of a r m o u r e d m e n and allies of a l l sorts' (901-2). A n A t h e n i a n envoy i n Thucydides frankly expresses A t h e n i a n feeling t o w a r d the Ionians: 'They attacked us, t h e i r mother-city, w i t h t h e M e d e , a n d t h e y did not have the heart, as w e did, to destroy t h e i r property by abandoning their city. T h e y were w i l l i n g t o endure their o w n slavery a n d t o impose the s a m e u p o n us' (6.82.4). H i s t o r i a n s believe t h a t this idea of the Ionians developed later; i tis not attested u n t i l Thucydides' account of the Sicilian expedition.70 B u t the Athenians are likely to have harboured this resentment while their city still reeked and smouldered from the Persian sack.71 T h e Persians could n o t have m o u n t e d a n invasion o f such magnitude without m e n from Thrace, Western Anatolia, t h e Hellespont, Caria, a n d t h e islands t o r o w t h e i r ships; t h e y m a n n e d s o m e 507 t r i r e m e s ( H e r o d o t u s 7.93-5, 185). A f t e r Sala¬ mis, Themistocles exacted indemnities from islands that provided r o w e r s a n d ships t o X e r x e s ' fleet, besieging A n d r o s a n d e x t o r t i n g m o n e y f r o m Paros a n d C a r y s t u s . H e r o d o t u s suggests t h a t 'others gave a n d n o t these alone' (8.111-12).72 30

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama Themistocles sailed as far as Iasysus o n Rhodes to exact penalties.73 A decade earlier, M i l t i a d e s led 7 0 ships t o e x t o r t 100 talents from Paros for lending a t r i r e m e to the Persian invasion at M a r a t h o n (Herodotus 6.132-6; H e r o d o t u s explains t h i s as a private matter). Athens appropriated the rowers, tribute, and ship-building capacity of Greeks f o r m e r l y under Persian rule to prevent another Persian invasion. The Greeks burned t h e I o n i a n fleet a f t e r M y c a l e ( 9 . 1 0 6 . 1 ) . T o a l l o w t h e s e c i t i e s t o possess ships w h i c h t h e Persians could use i n a n o t h e r i n v a s i o n was too great a risk. T h e purpose o fAthens' empire, according t o Thucydides, 'was to avenge themselves for w h a t they had suffered by ravaging the l a n d of the king' (1.96.1). B u t i t w a s far easier to exact compensation f r o m X e r x e s by d i v e r t i n g resources f r o m subjects w h o s e c o m p l i a n c e h e c o u l d n o l o n g e r c o m p e l (cf. 5 8 4 - 9 4 ) . T h e A t h e n i a n empire originated as a scheme for security, compensation, vengeance, and the exploitation of the resources of the A e g e a n based u p o n n a v a l dominance.74 T h e 'allies' could n o better defend themselves against A t h e n s i n 478/77 t h a n they could a tthe height of the A t h e n i a n empire i n 432. T h e y had no choice: t h e y p a i d t r i b u t e e i t h e r t o A t h e n s or t o P e r s i a . T h e A t h e n i a n s introduced t e n 'treasurers o f Greece' to h a n dle t h e t r i b u t e a n d stored i t o n t h e island of Delos (Thucydides 1 . 9 6 . 2 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 7 . 1 ) . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , s c h o l a r s t e r m t h i s p h a s e o f A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m t h e ' D e l i a n League'. T h e choice o f D e l o s f u l f i l l e d m u l t i p l e objectives. T h e i s l a n d w a s safe: t h e Persians declared i t sacrosanct i n 490 (Herodotus 6.97). T h e birthplace of Apollo and A r t e m i s , Delos was a nancient centre of I o n i a n w o r s h i p and culture. A t h e n s adopted D e l i a n Apollo as its patron against the Persians.75 Athens had no standing temples to serve asfocal point for the organization. F o u r treasuries and a n u m b e r of other m o n u m e n t a l buildings sprouted on Delos i n the period 480-450.76 B y 454, the treasury was moved t o A t h e n s and the A t h e n i a n s began to dedicate one-sixtieth of the t r i b u t e to t h e i r city goddess A t h e n a . 7 7 A t h e n s dictated w h i c h cities paid t r i b u t e a n d w h i c h h a d s h i p s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 6 . 1 ) . C i t y - s t a t e s m a i n t a i n i n g fleets i n stead o f paying tribute were probably few: Samos, Chios, Lesbos, T h a s o s , N a x o s , a n d p e r h a p s s o m e o t h e r s , s u c h as T e n o s 31

Aeschylus: Persians a n d L e m n o s . 7 8 T h e y h a d f o u g h t o n t h e G r e e k side a t S a l a m i s or w e r e enrolled i n t h e G r e e k alliance after M y c a l e . T h e s e cities h a d t h e c r e d i b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n a fleet: t h e y r i s k e d P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l t o fight o n t h e G r e e k s i d e . T h u c y d i d e s c l a i m s t h a t m a n y a l l i e s i n i t i a l l y m a i n t a i n e d fleets, b u t t h e y g r a d u a l l y l o s t t h e h e a r t f o r w a r a n d chose t o become t r i b u t e - p a y i n g subjects, f o r f e i t i n g t h e i r o w n p o w e r w h i l e a u g m e n t i n g A t h e n s ' ( 1 . 9 9 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 1 1 ) . T h i s s e e m s t o b e a s e l f - j u s t i f y i n g m y t h . N a x o s , T h a s o s , S a m o s , a n d p r o b a b l y T e n o s a n d L e m n o s l o s t fleets f r o m c. 4 6 5 t o 440 (Thucydides 1.98.4,100.2-101; 115.2-117); evidence for others is lacking. T h a t t h e i r status slipped f r o m ship-providers to tribute-payers confirms that tribute payment is a penalty. T h u c y d i d e s , as H e r o d o t u s before h i m (6.11-32; 4.133-42) i n s i s t s o n t h e stereotype t h a t t h e ' I o n i a n ' chooses s l a v e r y over freedom. S i m i l a r m y t h - m a k i n g is a p p a r e n t i n Thucydides' c l a i m t h a t the allies were autonomous and conducted policy i n assemblies i n w h i c h e a c h a l l y h a d a n e q u a l v o t e ( 1 . 9 7 ; 3 . 9 - 1 4 ; cf. 6 . 7 6 . 3 - 4 ; Diodorus 11.47.1).79 T h e r e i sno independent evidence for such assemblies and they are inherently unlikely. E v e n i f they did exist, they did not prevent A t h e n s f r o m d o m i n a t i n g the ' D e l i a n League' i n its o w n interests. A s a general rule, tribute-payers do n o t get votes; a n d i n a n y case, s u c h p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s p l a y e d a d i s t a n t s e c o n d t o A t h e n s ' s e c u r i t y a n d c o m p e n s a t i o n . T h e Persians d o e s n o t c a l l m e m b e r s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e ' f r e e ' . T h e i r status is ambiguous: Cyrus and D a r i u s conquered and ruled t h e m ; Xerxes lost t h e m i n n a v a l fighting (770-1, 852-907). T h e first league action i n 476 a i m e d t o secure and enrich A t h e n s : t h e siege o f E i o n , a P e r s i a n s t r o n g h o l d o n t h e S t r y m o n River and westernmost point of Persian penetration i n Europe at the t i m e . E i o n served as a supply depot o n the l a n d route f r o m A s i a t o Greece ( H e r o d o t u s 7.25.2, 113). T h e A t h e n i a n s uprooted the T h r a c i a n population w h i c h supplied the fortress w i t h f o o d ( P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 2 ) , b r i n g i n g i t s i n h a b i t a n t s to the brink of starvation. T a k i n g control of Eion, the Athenians sold i t s p o p u l a t i o n i n t o s l a v e r y ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.98.1). P l u t a r c h adds that they colonized the territory, w h i c h controlled silver a n d t i m b e r r e s o u r c e s ( P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 3 , 8 . 2 . ) . A scholium t o Aeschines reports t h a t this colonization effort ended i n disaster.80 32

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama A t h e n s ' c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f E i o n ignores t h e 'allies'. T h e city monopolized the glory of victory because i t h a d a monopoly o n power. T h e Athenians inscribed epigrams commemorating the siege o n t h r e e h e r m s , squared p i l l a r s r e p r e s e n t i n g phallic H e r mes.81 T h e first argues t h a t A t h e n i a n hegemony enjoys H o m e r i c v a l i d a t i o n (3-4). Since H o m e r depicted the A t h e n i a n M e n e s t h e u s as a leader, ' a l l A t h e n i a n s are leaders b o t h i n w a r a n d i n m a n l i n e s s ' ( 5 - 6 ; Iliad 2 . 5 5 3 - 4 ) . W h a t i s t r u e o f a s i n g l e A t h e n i a n i nthe distant past is true of all Athenians i n the present; a n d i f t h e e p i g r a m i s a successful c o m m u n i c a t i o n , i t w i l l r e m a i n t r u e i n t h e f u t u r e , for t h e siege is a m o d e l for f u t u r e generations t o e m u l a t e (13-14). T h e epigrams are examples of t h e A t h e n i a n v a l u e o f e q u a l i t y , w h i c h a l s o g o v e r n s t h e Persians' depiction o f t h e P e r s i a n defeat: n e i t h e r n a m e s a l i v i n g A t h e nian. T h e name o f the A t h e n i a n s subsumes those o f t h e generals. T h e demos, composed of equal and interchangeable m e m b e r s , w i n s t h e glory of v i c t o r y a n d offers t h e epigrams as a 'wage' or 'reward' to its generals (11-12). T h e e p i g r a m s h e r a l d t h e d i s c o v e r y o f a n e w k i n d o f siege, which brings 'burning hunger a n dchill Ares' t o t h e enemy (8-10). T h e y p r o c l a i m A t h e n s ' leadership o f a n e w T r o j a n W a r a n d boast o f s u r p a s s i n g t h e t e n - y e a r siege o f T r o y : A t h e n s reduced the e n e m y to starvation. After Sestus, B y z a n t i u m , and E i o n , A t h e n s p r o c l a i m s itself a siege p o w e r b o t h a s a m a r k o f glory i n the G r e e k t r a d i t i o n a n d as a r e m i n d e r to the 'allies' of its source o f p o w e r over t h e m . Aeschylus' Persians s i m i l a r l y boast o f t h e i r siege prowess (102-7, 858-79). Phrynichus' P h o e n i c i a n Women Aeschylus' Persians

and

A r o u n d the t i m e of the E i o n campaign (476), P h r y n i c h u s presented a tragedy w i t h the hero of Salamis, Themistocles, as p r o d u c e r ; i t w a s p r o b a b l y t h e Phoenician Women.82 B a s i n g i t s authority on Glaucus of R h e g i u m , a fifth- and fourth-century s c h o l a r w h o w r o t e o n t h e p l o t s o f A e s c h y l u s , t h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians c l a i m s t h a t A e s c h y l u s m o d e l l e d h i s Persians o n t h i s p l a y . 8 3 T h e Hypothesis r e l a t e s t h a t t h e Phoenician Women w a s s e t a t S u s a , l i k e t h e Persians, b u t t h a t t h e p r o l o g u e f e a t u r e d a 33

Aeschylus: Persians eunuch preparing the seats of Persia's i m p e r i a l councillors and n a r r a t i n g X e r x e s ' d e f e a t . A t i t s o u t s e t , t h e Phoenician Women focused o n t h e radical difference b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e a n d t h e G r e e k polis o f c i t i z e n - w a r r i o r s , s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e eunuch.84 T h e eunuch figures the lack of manliness that eastern d e s p o t i s m i m p o s e s o n i t s subjects. T h e sole ' m a n ' i n h i s r e a l m , the Great K i n g mistrusts m e n . 8 5 P h r y n i c h u s exhibited Persia's i n h u m a n practices; A e s c h y l u s stages a r i t u a l o f greeting w h i c h implies t h a t t h ePersian royal family was considered divine ( 1 5 0 - 8 ; cf. 5 8 8 - 9 0 ) . T h e Phoenician Women p r o b a b l y h a d t w o c h o r u s e s : t h e i m perial councillors and Phoenician w o m e n , w h o come from Sidon and Aradus t o lament t h edeaths o ftheir m e n (Phrynichus TrGF 1 F 9 ) . P r e s u m a b l y t h e c o u n c i l l o r s e n t e r e d f i r s t ; w e d o n o t k n o w w h e n t h e w o m e n entered, o r w h e t h e r they formed a semi-chorus or a separate chorus. T h e t w o choral groups w o u l d have allowed t h e distinct lyrical expression o f private a n d public grief over the disaster, perhaps i n counterpoint. P h r y n i c h u s focused o n t h e P h o e n i c i a n n a v a l defeat, spotlighting Athens' domination of the Aegean. Phoenicians formed t h e backbone o f t h e P e r s i a n n a v y a n d faced t h e A t h e n i a n s a t S a l a m i s (8.85.1; D i o d o r u s 11.18.1); t h e y play a m i n o r role i n t h e Persians ( 4 0 9 - 1 1 , 9 6 3 - 6 ) , w h o s e c a t a l o g u e l i s t s o n l y E g y p t i a n sailors (35-40). P h r y n i c h u s ' focus o n P h o e n i c i a n s m i g h t b e rel a t e d t o t h e f a i l u r e o f h i s Capture of Miletus. T h e P h o e n i c i a n n a v y was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n Miletus' capture and i n the ensuing violence a g a i n s t G r e e k s i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a a n d t h e A e g e a n . H i s Phoenician Women m i g h t h a v e s t r e s s e d t h e r e v e r s a l o f P h o e n i c i a n aggression a t Salamis to vindicate his earlier drama. S o m e s u g g e s t t h a t t h e Phoenician Women i n t r o d u c e d a seco n d c a t a s t r o p h e , t h e d e f e a t a t M y c a l e . 8 6 I f so, t h e c h o r u s o f imperial councillors w o u l d have lamented it. Phoenicians played n o role i nt h i s l a n d defeat (Herodotus 9.96.1); t h e i r w o m e n w o u l d not convincingly l a m e n t i t . Accuracy i s not req u i r e d o f h i s t o r i c a l d r a m a . B u t e r r o r s t e n d to be t a n g e n t i a l a n d t o h a v e d r a m a t i c f o r c e . T h e Persians' c h o r u s o f c a r e t a k e r s obviates such problems: a blow t o any part of the empire i sa blow to it. T h a t T h e m i s t o c l e s p r o d u c e d t h e Phoenician Women h a s 34

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

t e m p t e d h i s t o r i a n s t o s e e a p a r a l l e l i n t h e Persians' d u o o f Aeschylus and Pericles and to argue that the a i m of both plays w a s t oglorify Themistocles and to bolster his sagging political fortunes after Salamis.87 A s architect of A t h e n i a n naval power, g e n e r a l o f t h e A t h e n i a n fleet a t S a l a m i s , a n d t r i c k s t e r w h o ensured t h e naval battle, Themistocles m i g h t hope t o gain p o l i t i c a l c a p i t a l b y f i n a n c i n g t h e Phoenician Women. H o w e v e r , h e w o n l i t t l e f r o m i t o r f r o m t h e Persians - h e w a s o s t r a c i z e d s o m e t i m e between 474/3 a n d 471/0 a n d later convicted o f m e d i s m in absentia.88 I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e e h o w s t a g i n g o t h e r s ' laments and explaining their sorrows could directly glorify a p o l i t i c i a n a n d g e n e r a l . T h e Persians d e p i c t s S a l a m i s a s a P e r sian defeat a n d a collective G r e e k victory, not as a general's victory. A n y suggestion to the contrary w o u l d damage T h e m i s tocles m o r e t h a n help h i m . Pour

encourager

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T h e A t h e n i a n onslaught continued after Eion. I n 475, they captured the island of Scyros, sold the native population into s l a v e r y , a n d c o l o n i z e d i t ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 8 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 8 . 3 ; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 6 0 . 2 ) . A t h e n s u s e d t h i s o c c a s i o n t o create another s y m b o l o f dominance. W h e n the Spartans established h e g e m o n y i n t h e Peloponnese, t h e y m a r k e d t h e occasion by 'retrieving' the bones of Orestes from Tegea i n Arcadia and ' r e t u r n i n g ' t h e m to S p a r t a (Herodotus 1.66-8).89 C i m o n , w h o led t h e i n v a s i o n o f Scyros, 'discovered' t h e bones o f Theseus o n the island and 'returned' t h e m t o Athens.90 T h e Athenians built a t e m p l e to house the bones, decorating i t w i t h images o f Theseus as a n a g e n t o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , h u m a n i t y , vengeance, a n d salvat i o n . 9 1 O u t o f t h e ashes o f t h e P e r s i a n sack, t h e A t h e n i a n s r e f o u n d e d t h e i r polis a s m a s t e r o f t h e A e g e a n . 9 2 T h e s e u s , s o n o f the m o r t a l Aegeus, eponymous hero of the Aegean, and Poseidon, g o d o f t h e sea, personified A t h e n s ' d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e Aegean.93 A t h e n s ' sieges d i d n o t f r i g h t e n a l l i n t o s u b m i s s i o n ; n o r d i d t h e city differentiate between w i l l i n g a n d forced collaboration w i t h t h e Persians i n exacting penalties. T h e Persians h a d forced Carystus, a t o w n i n s o u t h e r n Euboea, to j o i n t h e m after 35

Aeschylus: Persians besieging i t a n d destroying its crops i n 490 (Herodotus 6.99.2). Eager to avoid trouble i n 480, Carystus contributed one t r i r e m e t o X e r x e s ' fleet ( 8 . 6 6 . 2 ) . T h e m i s t o c l e s e x t o r t e d m o n e y f r o m Carystus after S a l a m i s a n d ravaged i t s l a n d (8.121.1), b u t Carystus w o u l d not pay tribute w i t h o u t a fight, and Athens w e n t t o w a r w i t h t h e t o w n t o force i t i n t o t h e e m p i r e ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 8 . 3 ) . 9 4 T h u c y d i d e s p l a c e s t h i s w a r b e t w e e n c. 4 7 5 a n d c. 4 6 5 , a f t e r t h e c a p t u r e o f S c y r o s a n d b e f o r e A t h e n s c r u s h e d N a x o s ' r e v o l t (1.98.3-4).95 T h e date o f N a x o s ' r e v o l t is u n k n o w n , but according to Thucydides, the A t h e n i a n s besieged the island a n d ' t h i s w a s t h e f i r s t a l l i e d polis t o b e e n s l a v e d c o n t r a r y t o c u s t o m ' ( 1 . 9 8 . 4 ) . N a x o s w a s t h e f i r s t s h i p - c o n t r i b u t i n g polis t o fall into tribute-paying status. T h e island joined the vast maj o r i t y o f A t h e n s ' 'allies'. T h e P e r s i a n s m a d e a n a t t e m p t t o l a u n c h a fleet i n t o t h e Aegean sometime between 469 and 466. C i m o n , campaigning to force C a r i a n cities i n t o t h e e m p i r e , sailed w i t h 2 0 0 t r i r e m e s t o t h e E u r y m e d o n R i v e r i n P a m p h y l i a , w h e r e a P h o e n i c i a n fleet awaited reinforcements w i t h a n i n f a n t r y force.96 T h e A t h e n i a n s attacked t h ePhoenician ships i n t h em o u t h of the river, destroying t h e b u l k of t h e m a n d seizing t h e rest before r o u t i n g t h e i n f a n t r y a n d c a p t u r i n g a large cache o f booty. S h o r t l y afterw a r d s , t h e A t h e n i a n fleet i n t e r c e p t e d r e i n f o r c e m e n t s c o m i n g from Cyprus a n ddefeated t h e m o n t h ewater. T h e Persians could no longer m a i n t a i n a n a v a l presence i n the Aegean. Athens 472 Xerxes' invasion refashioned t h esymbolic universe i n w h i c h the Athenians lived. M y t h i c a l narratives gained new resonance as f i g u r a t i o n s o f t h e i n v a s i o n . 9 7 T h e t r a u m a o f 4 8 0 / 7 9 a n d s u b s e q u e n t v i c t o r i e s u n i t e d A t h e n i a n s a n d b e c a m e core elements o f their communal identity. Athens' institutions expressed a civic f o r m o f life, w e r e m e c h a n i s m s o f defence a g a i n s t Persia, and had enabled the city to take the leading role i n the Aegean. Salamis transformed Athens' democracy. T h e entire c i t i z e n b o d y faced t h e P e r s i a n s a t sea: a l l A t h e n i a n s w e r e t h e heroes of Salamis.98 T h e i r performance justified their political power a t A t h e n s a n d t h r o u g h o u t Greece.99 T h e basic values o f 36

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama A t h e n i a n society - freedom, citizenship, free speech, equality, collectivity - had proved themselves superior literally under fire. B a r b a r i a n 'slavery', subjection to the P e r s i a n k i n g , stratification based on b i r t h and ethnic identity, and subordination t o t h e d e s i r e s o f t h e r o y a l oikos w e r e n o w i n t h e e y e s o f t h e A t h e n i a n s i r r e f u t a b l y i n f e r i o r t o t h e i r o w n socio-political organization. A n d yet b o t h A t h e n s a n d Persia relied u p o n n u m e r i c a l superiority for their power and required large amounts of money to maintain their domination. Both extorted money from commun i t i e s a s a c o n t r a c t u a l d e f e r r a l o f p u n i t i v e siege. Indeed, A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m w a s as old as t h e democracy, w h i c h planted colonies (cleruchies) i n defeated c o m m u n i t i e s such as C h a l c i s b e f o r e t h e y e a r 5 0 0 ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 7 - 8 ; cf. S a l a m i s , M L 2 14 = F o r n a r a 44), p r o v i d i n g l a n d t o citizens a n d establishing garrisons. B y 472, A t h e n s satisfied the criteria for empire: i t p e r m a n e n t l y exploited Persia's f o r m e r subjects b y exacting tribute from t h e m ; i t prosecuted yearly wars t o increase o r m a i n t a i n its holdings; i t sold defeated populations i n t o slavery and/or took t h e i r land.100 A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m grew increasi n g l y complex, self-conscious, a n d autocratic over t i m e ; t h e empire was nascent i n 472.101 B y this time, however, Athens' n a v a l power h a d become a means for indefinite expansion. T h i s is a factor i n assessing t h e play's depiction of Persia's disastrous naval imperialism, i t sfictionalization o fthe fall o f Persia's e m p i r e , a n d t h e d e a t h o f a l l A s i a n s o f m i l i t a r y age. T h e defence at Salamis t u r n e d rapidly into aggressive i m p e r i a l i s m . T h o u g h profitable, its d y n a m i s m could - and did - drive i t t o r u i n i n m u c h t h e s a m e w a y a s A e s c h y l u s i m a g i n e s i n t h e Persians. Athens' u l t i m a t e form of control was the power t o induce starvation. Athenian culture transformed this power into moral leadership; a n d tragedy w a s t h e pre-eminent voice of t h i s leadership. Aeschylus' immediate a i m i n 472 was to w i n first prize i n the tragic competition; b u t h e also hoped t o establish his d r a m a as a voice o f A t h e n s ' m o r a l hegemony. H e exhibited a tragedy w h i c h not only affirmed A t h e n i a n military power, but its justice, virtue, and w i s d o m by stressing the limits of h u m a n power i n the cosmos and b y depicting the fulfilment of insatiable imperialism i n insatiable lament. 37

Aeschylus: Persians T o r e t u r n t o o u r i n i t i a l p r o b l e m : d o e s t h e Persians d e p i c t t h e disaster o f Persia's e m p i r e a s a spectacle t o d e l i g h t t h e victors, or does i t f a s h i o n a negative e x a m p l e for t h e nascent A t h e n i a n empire? T h e following chapters w i l l show h o w the play achieves both.

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2

Fear 'The departed' T h e c h o r u s ' f i r s t l i n e s o f t h e Persians, ' W e a r e c a l l e d t h e t r u s t e d of t h e P e r s i a n s w h o departed for t h e l a n d o f Greece' (1-2) allude t o t h e e u n u c h ' s f i r s t l i n e o f t h e Phoenician Women, ' t h e s e a r e ... o f t h e P e r s i a n s w h o w e n t l o n g a g o ' . T h e Persians u s e s t h e p a r t i c i p l e (oichomenon), w h i c h m e a n s ' d e p a r t ' , 'be g o n e ' , o r ' d i e ' to indicate t h e Persians' absence.1 T h e w o r d conveys t o t h e audience t h e feared r e a l i t y t h a t t h e forces h a v e perished. T h e Persians p l a y s o n t h e m e a n i n g o f t h i s v e r b , r e p e a t i n g i t i n t h i s o m i n o u s sense (13, 60, 178) u n t i l t h e messenger announces t h e c a t a s t r o p h e : ' t h e flower o f t h e P e r s i a n s i s g o n e (oichetai), f a l l e n i n battle' (252). After that, t h e verb signifies t h e l a m e n t e d P e r s i a n dead (546, 916). T h i s slight verbal shift signals Aeschylus' change of dramatic emphasis. P h r y n i c h u s ' e u n u c h n a r r a t e d Xerxes' defeat i n t h e p r o l o g u e ; t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e p l a y l a m e n t e d t h i s pathos a n d p e r h a p s i n t r o d u c e d a n e w pathos t o m o u r n . T h e Persians' d r a m a t i c c o n c e p t i o n d i f f e r s . A e s c h y l u s d e f e r s t h e pathos b y e x p l o r i n g i t a s a n object o f fear. T h e d r a m a t i c characters experience, interpret, a n dseek t o avert t h e realization o f p r e m o n i t i o n s , a d r e a m , a b i r d o m e n , a n d a n h i s t o r i c a l precedent w h i c h represent Xerxes' defeat w i t h increasing clarity a n d o b j e c t i v i t y . I n a d d i t i o n , A e s c h y l u s p r e - e n a c t s t h e pathos a s a particular version of a u n i v e r s a l sequence of action, suffering, a n d e m o t i o n a l r e s p o n s e : v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e (hybris), d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n (ate), a n d l a m e n t . T r y i n g t o a l l e v i a t e t h e i r p r e m o n i tions o f disaster, t h eelders contribute t o i t sfulfilment b y symbolically enacting its causes a n d l a m e n t i n g its outcome i n the song a n d dance o f the parodos.

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Aeschylus: Persians Counting power: the catalogue of the parodos T h e elders enter reciting anapaests, expressing foreboding a b o u t X e r x e s ' a n d t h e a r m y ' s h o m e c o m i n g (nostos). X e r x e s mobilized his entire empire, but no one has arrived w i t h news of the i n v a s i o n (8-15). T h e chorus catalogues the leaders a n d the countless m e n w h o invaded - o n horseback, ship, a n d o n foot - to assuage its a n x i e t y . O u t l i n i n g t h e size o f Persia's i n v a d i n g f o r c e , t h e e l d e r s d e p i c t t h e s c a l e o f P e r s i a ' s pathos, w h i c h i s a l s o t h e reversal of t h e i r confidence i n the power of m a t e r i a l a n d n u m e r i c a l superiority. T h e catalogue i s a balance sheet o f Xerxes' power recited as a remedy against foreboding. T h e chorus displays t h e subconscious process b y w h i c h countable resources - gold, m e n , m a t e r i e l - produce t h e delusion o f i n v u l nerability, the prelude to enormous suffering. K e y t e r m s are t h e adjective ' m u c h ' or ' m a n y ' (25, 46) a n d t h e p r e f i x poly- ( ' m u c h ' : 3 , 9 , 3 3 , 4 5 - 6 , 5 3 ) . 2 P e r s i a a n d i t s s u b j e c t c i t i e s S a r d i s a n d B a b y l o n a r e p l a c e s o f ' m u c h g o l d ' ( 3 , 9, 4 5 , 5 3 ) . N u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y is a source o f confidence: E g y p t i a n sailors defy c o u n t i n g (40); L y d i a sends a 'crowd' (41-2); B a b y l o n a mass of conscripts (53-4). I n a nexaggeration t h a t rivals Herodotus', w h o c o u n t e d 2,641,610 soldiers a m o n g X e r x e s ' forces (7.185.3), t h e chorus claims 'the entire m i g h t o f A s i a ' (11) i n v a d e d G r e e c e (cf. 5 7 - 8 , 1 2 6 - 3 1 ) . P e r s i a ' s c h i e f t a i n s p o s s e s s courage a n d t h e ability t o i n s p i r e fear (26-9), b u t a s t h e catalogue progresses, courage recedes; n u m b e r s o f m e n a n d o f chariots, useless i n battle, become p r o m i n e n t (45-8). These are elements of a military pageant, a nexpensive display of power aimed a t frightening the Greeks into submission. Such posturi n g - a k i n d o f hybris - p r o v e s f a t a l t o t h e P e r s i a n s . 3 T h e catalogue evokes a massive presence, m a k i n g the absence o f t h e m e n palpable. I t s seventeen personal n a m e s create a Persian- and foreign-sounding atmosphere. Recalling the Hom e r i c ' C a t a l o g u e o f Ships', i t e n d o w s t h e i n v a s i o n w i t h epic grandeur.4 T h e leaders are not m e r e l y generals but 'chieftains of t h e Persians, k i n g s subject to t h e G r e a t K i n g ' (23-4), r u l e r s (36-7), a n d ' c a p t a i n k i n g s ' (44). T h e epic effect s u g g e s t s t h e t h e m e o f a ' N e w T r o j a n W a r ' , w h i c h reflects u p o n Greeks 40

2. Fear p r i m a r i l y t h r o u g h the Persians, w h o are depicted i n H o m e r i c terms. T h e chorus lists five peoples o f t h e empire: Persians (21-32), E g y p t i a n s (33-9), L y d i a n s (41-8), M y s i a n s (49-52), a n d Babylon i a n s (52-5), adding the 'dagger-wielding people o f a l l A s i a ' (56-9).5 T h e Greeks of W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a are included under the L y d i a n s (42). A p a r t f r o m the Persians, t h i s list o m i t s f i g h t i n g peoples o f t h e e m p i r e - Medes, Sacae, Bactrians, a n d I n d i a n s (Herodotus 8.113). I t is a s m a l l selection: H e r o d o t u s lists 46 i n v a d i n g p e o p l e s a m o n g X e r x e s ' l a n d f o r c e s a l o n e ( 7 . 6 1 - 8 0 ; cf. 9.27.5). I n c l u d i n g these p a r t i c u l a r peoples underscores t h e P e r s i a n confusion of w e a l t h and military power. T h e chorus touts a 'crowd o f delicate-living L y d i a n s ' (41), t h e first people to coin a n d use m o n e y a n d to engage i n r e t a i l trade; the Greeks considered t h i s l i f e s t y l e 'soft'.6 T h e chorus' depiction o f M y s i a n s ' r u s h i n g to p u t t h e y o k e o f slavery o n Hellas' (49-52) is n e a r l y absurd: the M y s i a n s w e r e not a w a r l i k e people.7 Indeed, the chorus lists peoples w h o paid t h e largest tributes, n o t those w h o contributed t h e m o s t effective soldiers.8 B a b y l o n a n d A s s y r i a t o g e t h e r p a i d 1,000 t a l e n t s a n d 5 0 0 c a s t r a t e d boys ( H e r o d o t u s 3.92.1). E g y p t w a s i n a group t h a t paid 700 talents i n a d d i t i o n to g r a i n a n d revenue f r o m fish (3.91.2-3). L y d i a a n d M y s i a w e r e i n a district t h a t paid 500 talents (3.90.1). T h e chorus exhibits the conflation of quantity and quality at the heart of tribute-collecting imperialism.9 T h e relationship between imperial power a n d p a y i n g subjects is m u t u a l l y e n e r v a t i n g . H e r o d o t u s conc l u d e s h i s Histories w i t h a p a r a b l e a b o u t t h e t e n d e n c y o f e m p i r e t o w e a k e n i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s as t h e y adopt t h e l u x u r i o u s c u l t u r e s of t h e peoples t h e y conquer (9.122). T h e catalogue is a dramatic fiction. T h e c o m m a n d e r s the chorus assigns to a contingent did not actually lead it. O n l y five n a m e s i n the catalogue - A r t a p h r e n e s (21), Megabates (22), A r t e m b a r e s (30), A r s a m e s (36), a n d A r i o m a r d u s (37) - are b o r n e by k n o w n P e r s i a n s a n d k i n d r e d peoples; A r t e m b a r e s a n d Megabates were not involved i n this invasion. Since transliteration from Persian into Greek was highly variable, other names m a y be a p p r o x i m a t i o n s . 1 0 Herodotus lists M a r d o n i u s and five other commanders of the 41

Aeschylus:

Persians

l a n d forces. T h e s e i n c l u d e X e r x e s ' cousins, T r i t a n t a e c h m e s a n d Smerdomenes, a n d his full brother Masistes (7.82, 121.2). A n other o fXerxes' full brothers, Achaemenes, h i s half-brother Ariabignes, w h o died a t S a l a m i s (8.89.1), a n d his second cousin, Megabazus son of Megabates, were among the commanders of t h e f l e e t ( 7 . 9 7 , 2 3 6 . 1 ) . T h e Persians n a m e s n o n e o f t h e s e m e n . The play shows n oawareness that Xerxes' k i n comprised the m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e . T h e Persians f o c u s e s on the triangle of father, mother, and son. T h e play presents Xerxes as a son and king, eliding his other k i n relationships, including his marriage.11 Xerxes 'empties' A s i a of its men, mobilizing his entire empire a n d losing i t i n defeat. T h e e m o t i o n a l correlate to Asia's e m p t i ness i sanxiety a n d longing for 'the flower' a n d 'youth' of m e n — i n t h e l a n d itself (61-2), a m o n g w i v e s a n d parents (62-3, 132-9, 5 4 1 - 5 ; cf. 5 7 9 - 8 3 ) , t h e c i t y ( 5 1 1 - 1 2 ) , a n d f i n a l l y , b e t w e e n X e r x e s and the chorus (955-1001). T h e chorus ends the catalogue o n this ominous note. 'The wave of the sea is invincible': hybris and ate The chorus concludes its procession i n t o a n d a r o u n d t h e orchest r a a n d b e g i n s t o s i n g i n I o n i c a minore m e t r e - t h e c a d e n c e o f the P e r s i a n voice i n t h eplay.12 I n t h e anapaestic prelude, M y s i a n s r u s h e d 'to p u t t h e y o k e o f slavery o n Greece' (50). T h e elders n o w describe h o w t h e ' r o y a l city-sacking a r m y ' crossed into Europe over the Hellespont, 'putting a yoke on the neck of t h e sea' (72). T h e y depict X e r x e s ' a r m y a s a n i n v i n c i b l e force: a 'divine flock' (75), a 'great s t r e a m o f m e n ' w h i c h 'no one has t h e courage t o keep o u t w i t h s t r o n g defences' (87-9). I n short, t h e chorus boasts, 'the a r m y o f t h e Persians i s irresistible a n d its people i s valorous a t heart' (91-2). E n e r g i z e d b y m u s i c a n d d a n c e , t h e c h o r u s s i n g s o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m hybris, t h e a r r o g a n c e o f i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y , t o ate, d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n , a s i t n a r rates t h e Persian army's passage from A s i a t o Europe.13 T o e n s l a v e f r e e p e o p l e s a n d s a c k t h e i r c i t i e s i s hybris; t o e n s l a v e t h e s e a , d i v i n i t y e m b o d i e d i n n a t u r e , i s ate. X e r x e s i s t h e focal point o f t h e song. T h e 'impetuous 42

2. Fear (thourios) l e a d e r o f p o p u l o u s A s i a ' ( 7 3 ; cf. 7 1 8 , 7 5 4 ) , h e b e a r s a H o m e r i c e p i t h e t o f A r e s (Iliad 5 . 3 0 , 3 5 , 3 5 5 ) . H i s y o u t h f u l , r a s h , a n d v i o l e n t s p i r i t does n o t so m u c h d e s i r e b a t t l e as t o t e r r i f y t h e Greeks i n t o submission. A 'godlike m a n o f a race b o r n f r o m gold' (79-80), X e r x e s i s also a n e a r t h b o r n monster, a chaotic r i v a l to t h e gods o f t h e sky. L i k e T y p h o , w h o h a s a h u n d r e d snakeheads, Xerxes has the d a r k l y evil look of a 'murderous snake' and ' m a n y hands and m a n y sailors' (81-3).14 H e personifies his a r m y a s a chaotic force s e e k i n g to enslave Greece, ' y o k i n g ' t h e Hellespont and the continents it divides under his rule. Xerxes appears 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' (84). A prophecy which Herodotus reports the Delphic Oracle delivered t o the A t h e n i a n s contains a version of this phrase. Apollo w a r n e d the A t h e n i a n s t o 'flee t o t h e e n d s o f t h e e a r t h ' i n t h e face o f X e r x e s ' invasion, for 'Fire and sharp Ares w i l l bring i t down, d r i v i n g a n A s s y r i a n - m a d e c h a r i o t ' ( 7 . 1 4 0 . 2 ) . T h e Persians' u s e o f t h e phrase 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' suggests t h a t this prophecy circulated sometime between 481/80, its date i n Herodotus, and 473/72.15 'They learned to look to the sea' T h e elders are supremely confident about P e r s i a n l a n d power. T h e y describe Persia's i n v i n c i b i l i t y i n w a r s t h a t destroy city walls, feature cavalry battles, and drive populations from their homes as a n ancient, divine dispensation (102-7). T h e y fear t h a t X e r x e s ' n a v a l a m b i t i o n s d e v i a t e f r o m t h i s t r a d i t i o n (108¬ 13) a n d sense t h a t X e r x e s ' desire t o c o n t r o l t h e sea c o u l d b e a d i v i n e t r a p . 1 6 T h e ' c u n n i n g - m i n d e d deceit o f god' t e m p t s m o r t a l s t o t h e i r r u i n ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) . 1 7 T h e p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f t h i s deceit, Ate, i s l i k e a h u n t i n g d o g , e n t i c i n g m o r t a l s i n t o h e r c o r d o n e d - o f f zone a n d t h e n trapping t h e m i n inescapable nets. T h e k e y w o r d o f t h i s epode i s ' m o r t a l ' (94, 99, 100). W h e t h e r X e r x e s is a god, godlike, or m o r t a l is a c e n t r a l a m b i g u i t y o f t h e p a r o d o s . T h e c h o r u s h o p e s t h a t t h e a n c i e n t ' d i v i n i t y ' (daimon) overseeing Persia's success i n b a t t l e h o l d s f i r m , a n d t h a t X e r x e s can prove his godhood t h r o u g h conquest (155-8). T h i s hope i s p a r t a n d p a r c e l o f t h e hybris a n d ate t h a t a f f l i c t n o t o n l y X e r x e s , b u t a l l Persia: t h e delusion t h a t t h e k i n g is 'divine'. T h e chorus 43

Aeschylus: Persians is t o r n b e t w e e n P e r s i a n conventions a n d a n x i e t y t h a t t h e k i n g is, after a l l , a m e r e m o r t a l . T h e elders' language betrays t h e m . X e r x e s y o k e d the neck o f t h e s e a (65-72), b u t r e f e r r i n g t o Persia's m i l i t a r y force, t h e chorus declares 'the w a v e o fthe sea i s invincible' (90). T h e moral/religious t r u t h o f the song a n d of the d r a m a slips t h r o u g h the water imagery used to express Persian military supremacy: the seais n oman's slave.18 I n the naval battle a t Salamis, the 'stream' o f t h e Persian navy a t first withstands t h e Greek attack, but t h e n overwhelms itself i n the narrows around the island (412-16) and 'a great sea of woes' breaks over the Persians a n d b a r b a r i a n race (433-4). A similar, t h o u g h m o r e gruesome, i n v e r s i o n takes place w i t h t h e idea o f n u m e r i c a l superiority. T h e p a r o d o s a r o u s e s m e m o r i e s o f a pathos t h a t i s p a r a l l e l t o the o n e unfolding i n t h e drama: t h e evacuation a n dsack of Athens. T h e chorus' description of the 'city-sacking a r m y of the king' (65-6), its depiction o f X e r x e s 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' (84), i t s p o r t r a y a l o f t h e P e r s i a n a r m y as a unstoppable force (87-92), a n d its a f f i r m a t i o n o f Persia's divine dispensation t o penetrate city w a l l s a n d 'drive out cities' (102-7) m a y seem t o be boasts, b u t t h e y w e r e r e a l i z e d i n X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , a n d a r e calculated to revive the audience's emotions of t h a t experience. A l t h o u g h t h e Persians f o c u s e s o n ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s s u f f e r i n g ' , t h e p l a y does n o t e n t i r e l y forget A t h e n s ' ' o w n suffering'. Moreover, t h e parodos frames t h e antithesis between t h e Persian past a n d present, n a t u r a l a n d learned behaviour, l a n d and naval power, i n a w a y that resonates w i t h A t h e n i a n hist o r y . 1 9 A t h e n s became a n a v a l p o w e r o n l y i n t h e decade before t h e p l a y . F o r T h u c y d i d e s , t h e A t h e n i a n s b e c a m e a ' n a v a l people' i n response t o X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n (1.18.2). H e r o d o t u s pushes the t i m e back slightly i nthe 480s, w h e n A t h e n s a n d A e g i n a w e r e a t w a r (7.144.2). After t w o generations of A t h e n i a n n a v a l supremacy, t h e Syracusan Hermocrates roused h i s m e n t o b a t t l e i n 4 1 3 b y a s s e r t i n g t h a t A t h e n i a n c o n t r o l o f t h e sea w a s neither 'ancestral' n o r 'timeless'. T h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e more land-lubbers t h a n the Syracusans: 'they w e r e forced to become a n a v a l people by t h e Medes' (Thucydides 7.21.3).20

44

2. Fear 'My heart is torn with fear': the harvest of tears Shifting to lyric trochaic metre (lecythia), the chorus returns to the keynote of fear (114-19),21 i m a g i n i n g that the w o m e n of S u s a w i l l l a m e n t i n a c i t y ' e m p t i e d o f m e n ' (kenandron, 1 1 9 ) a n d t h a t t h e w o m e n o f C i s s i a w i l l s h o u t oa!, a P e r s i a n e x c l a m a t i o n of woe, a n d t e a r t h e i r l i n e n robes i n response (120-5). T h e elders raise the audience's expectation t h a t choruses of w o m e n m a y perform laments i n the drama, an expectation aroused perhaps b y t h e c h o r u s e s ( o r s e m i - c h o r u s e s ) o f t h e Phoenician Women. But t h e elders themselves p e r f o r m a series o f l a m e n t s : i n t a n d e m w i t h a s p e a k i n g actor (256-89), solo (548-83), a n d i n concert w i t h a s i n g i n g actor, X e r x e s (932-1077). T h e chorus d e s c r i b e s w o m e n ' s l a m e n t s ( 1 3 3 - 9 , 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) , b u t i t w i l l s h o u t oa\ a n d other exclamations of grief (570, 573, 578, 581). T h e chorus' description o f its fear, ' m y h e a r t w e a r i n g a black tunic, is t o r n w i t h fear' (114-15) introduces t h e focal v e r b a l a n d v i s u a l i m a g e o f t h e d r a m a - t h e t e a r i n g o f clothes i n grief, sorrow, and shame.22 T h e image originates i n the chorus' heart as a seal o f s i n c e r i t y , a n i n t e r i o r s e n s a t i o n w h i c h t h e d r a m a w i l l g r a d u a l l y externalize a s a grievous spectacle for t h e audience t o w i t n e s s . T h e G r e e k w o r d ' t u n i c ' (chiton) w a s a l o a n - w o r d from Phoenicia. The Greeks borrowed other words meaning 'linen' from the East. L i n e n i s the m a t e r i a l of Xerxes' bridge cables, t h e chest p r o t e c t i o n o f e a s t e r n w a r r i o r s , ships' sails a n d tackle, robes, veils, a n d t h e I o n i a n t u n i c . 2 3 L i n e n cables h o l d t h e h u l l o f a t r i r e m e together like a 'girdle'.24 L i n e n is t h e fabric t h a t is t o r n i n t h i s p l a y a b o u t t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f a f l e e t , t h e h a c k i n g t o pieces o f m e n , a n d t h e s e l f - m u t i l a t i n g l a m e n t i t causes i n Persia. The final strophic/antistrophic pair, sung i n the play's m e t r e of l a m e n t , lyric iambic, s u m m a r i z e s the parodos. I t establishes an inverse relationship between Xerxes' 'yoking' of A s i a and E u r o p e to p u t the 'yoke o f slavery' o n Greece a n d the m a r r i a g e 'yoke'.25 T h e bridges enabled Xerxes t o 'empty Asia', leading soldiers a n d h o r s e m e n i n t o b a t t l e 'like a s w a r m o f bees' (126-9). I n response to t h e emptiness, P e r s i a n w i v e s 'fill t h e i r beds w i t h t e a r s ' ( 1 3 3 - 4 ) , a n d ' e a c h a n d e v e r y P e r s i a n w o m a n ... i s l e f t yoked alone w i t h longing for her husband' (135-9). T h e Queen's 45

Aeschylus: Persians dream will play o nt h eyokes o fempire a n dmarriage. T h e i m a g e o f t h e y o k e f i g u r e s t h e hybris a n d ate o f i m p e r i a l i s m . I t represents the desire t oenslave a n d exploit t h r o u g h conquest which transgresses fundamental boundaries. T h e shattering of t h i s y o k e d e s t r o y s t h e m a n p o w e r o f A s i a , i t s hebe ( V i t a l y o u t h ' ) , the capacity of Persia to reproduce itself t h r o u g h marriage and i n h e r i t a n c e , a n d P e r s i a ' s ' h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y ' (olbos), c a u s ing insatiable l a m e n t i n Persia. H y b r i s , ate, lament T h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e p a r o d o s i s t h a t o f t h e t r a g e d y : hybris ( 6 5 - 1 0 7 ) , ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 8 - 1 3 ) , a n d l a m e n t ( 1 1 4 - 2 5 ) . S p e l l b o u n d by t h e g l e a m o f gold, t h e fearsome appearance o f m e n a n d materiel, a n d the 'divinity' of t h e i r k i n g , the elders h y m n the hybris o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m . 2 6 T h e y d o n o t u s e t h e w o r d hybris - l i k e a n o t h e r k e y i d e a o f t h e p l a y , f r e e d o m (eleutheria), w h o s e r o o t a p p e a r s o n l y t h r e e t i m e s ( t w i c e a t 4 0 3 , 5 9 3 ) , hybris occurs j u s t t w i c e i n t h e play (808, 821). T h e elders a r e n o t conscious o f t h e i r s t a t e o f m i n d a n d do n o t see t h e i n v a s i o n a s hybris; r a t h e r , t h e y i n t u i t i v e l y g r a s p t h a t t h e i n v a s i o n e n t a i l s ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) , w h i c h i m p l i e s hybris. T h e e l d e r s r e c r e a t e t h e i n v a s i o n a s a spectacle o f i n v i n c i b i l i t y t o alleviate t h e i r fear, singing and dancing the sequence of action by w h i c h a n empire strives b e y o n d its l i m i t s a n d l a m e n t s its losses.27 D a r i u s w i l l m a k e this p a t t e r n explicit (821-2). P r i o r to this, the d r a m a presents i t as a recurrent pattern for the audience to contemplate. The parodos establishes the t e r m s for the reversal of Persia's i m p e r i a l i s m . Countless n u m b e r s o f sailors, ships, chariots, horsemen, and archers w i l l be reduced to nothing; their pains a n d corpses w i l l defy c o u n t i n g (429-32). R a t h e r t h a n i n s p i r e f e a r (27, 4 8 ) , t h e y w i l l e x p e r i e n c e i t i n t h e face of t h e G r e e k fleet (386-93). T h e Persians, ' a n invincible w a v e o f the sea' w i l l become sea-tossed corpses c r a s h i n g a g a i n s t t h e shores o f Sala¬ mis (274-7, 302-30, 419-21, 962-6, 974-7). T h e i r a r m a d a w i l l become f r a g m e n t s o f w o o d , used t o club a n d slice t h e m l i k e f i s h (408-28). T h e i r chieftain-kings a n d captain-kings (23-4, 44) w i l l be b u t c h e r e d l i k e m e a t (441-64). W e a l t h e x p e n d e d t o e n s l a v e the Hellespont a n d Greece w i l l destroy Persia's happiness i n 46

2. Fear prosperity (249-52) and purchase the l u x u r i a n t l a m e n t of Pers i a n w i v e s ( 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) . T h e y o k e w i l l be s h a t t e r e d ; t h e e m p i r e w i l l crumble (181-99, 584-94, 852-907). A n d finally, 'the godlike m a n o f a race b o r n f r o m gold' a n d shepherd o f 'a d i v i n e herd', Xerxes, w i l l appear i n rags as a fallen m o r t a l t o re-enact and b e w a i l his disaster (73-80, 181-99, 832-51, 908-1037). 'At the tomb of Darius'? The elders r e t u r n t oreciting anapaests, e x h o r t i n g themselves to consider t h e progress o f t h e w a r ' s i t t i n g a t / i n t h i s a n c i e n t b u i l d i n g ' ( 1 4 0 - 3 ) . T h e w o r d t r a n s l a t e d ' b u i l d i n g ' (stegos) i s a m biguous: it could m e a n a roofed structure or a containing vessel s u c h a s a n u r n o r a t o m b . T h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians s e t s the play a t Darius' tomb. T h e most economical hypothesis concerning the play's setting integrates this roofed structure a n d D a r i u s ' tomb, m a k i n g i t either adjacent t o o r coextensive w i t h it.28 T h e difficult problem i s w h e t h e r the t o m b and t h e stegos a r e t h e s a m e s t r u c t u r e . 2 9 S o m e b e l i e v e t h e e p i t h e t ' a n c i e n t ' (archaion) a p p l i e d t o t h e stegos c a n n o t a p p l y t o D a r i u s ' t o m b , since he died i n 486, six years before t h e d r a m a t i c date o f the play (but f o u r t e e n years before its performance).30 I f the c h o r u s ' f e a r o f D a r i u s c a n b e ' o l d ' (archaios, 6 9 4 - 6 ) a n d ' a n c i e n t ' (palaion, 7 0 3 ) , h o w e v e r , t h e n p e r h a p s a n y t h i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h i m m i g h t b e considered 'old', o r 'reverend'. D a r i u s i s t h e 'anc i e n t r u l e r ' ( 6 5 7 - 8 ; cf. 8 5 6 ) e v e n t h o u g h , f r o m t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e p l a y , h i s r u l e e n d e d o n l y s i x y e a r s a g o . T h e e p i t h e t archaios need not r u l e out a reference t o D a r i u s ' tomb. T h e simplest s o l u t i o n i s t o p o s i t a t e m p o r a r y w o o d e n s t r u c t u r e (skene) a s a combined tomb/council chamber. I t r e m a i n s possible t h a t t h e skene r e p r e s e n t s a c o u n c i l c h a m b e r a n d D a r i u s ' t o m b i s a s e p a r a t e f e a t u r e o f t h e s t a g e s p a c e , t h o u g h a s w e s h a l l see, t h i s c o m p l i c a t e s t h e s t a g i n g o f D a r i u s ' a r r i v a l . O n e t h i n g i s c e r t a i n : t h e skene d o e s n o t r e p r e s e n t t h e r o y a l p a l a c e , a s i t d o e s i t i n t h e Agamemnon a n d Libation Bearers.31 T h e p a l a c e i s o f f s t a g e i n t h e Persians ( 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 228-30, 524-31, 832-4, 849-50, 1038, 1068, 1076-7). O t h e r s t h i n k t h a t t h e stegos i s a n i m a g i n e d c o u n c i l c h a m ber.32 T h e chorus' reference t o 'this ancient building' cues the audience t o i m a g i n e its existence; i t i s not physically present. 47

Aeschylus: Persians M o r e o v e r , t h e a r g u m e n t goes, t h e t h e a t r e h a d n o t e m p o r a r y w o o d e n b u i l d i n g (skene) t o f u n c t i o n a s a b a c k d r o p t o t h e a c t i n g s p a c e u n t i l A e s c h y l u s ' Oresteia o f 4 5 8 . 3 3 B u t w h y w o u l d t h e c h o r u s s a y ' s i t t i n g i n / a t t h i s (tod) a n c i e n t b u i l d i n g ' u n l e s s a b u i l d i n g w e r e there?34 'Let u s t a k e good a n d deep-counselling t h o u g h t ' (141-3) suffices t o convey t h e i n t e n t i o n t o deliberate. A s i t is, t h e chorus' w o r d s o n l y indicate a n i n t e n t i o n to sit a n d deliberate. T h e y do n o t e n t e r t h e b u i l d i n g t o sit i n council; t h e Queen's entrance interrupts t h e m . T h e council chamber/tomb r e m a i n s before the eyes of the audience t h r o u g h o u t t h e play: t h i s is w h e r e a l l t h e stage action t a k e s place. T h e r e i s n o need t o posit changes o f scene i n t h e Persians, a s a c t u a l l y h a p p e n s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, w h e r e t h e scene changes f r o m t h e Delphic Oracle t o t h e A t h e n i a n Acropolis and Areopagus a t the base of the Acropolis.35 The bow and the spear: a clash of cultures T h e elders w a n t to consider the question 'whether the d r a w o f the bow i s the w i n n e r o rthe m i g h t of spear-tipped lance has w o n ' (147-9). Since they have no i n f o r m a t i o n for such a council, some have viewed this motivation as a result of Aeschylus' i m i t a t i o n o f t h e Phoenician Women, w h i c h o p e n e d w i t h a c o u n cil scene.36 Aeschylus alludes t o P h r y n i c h u s ' d r a m a ; b u t h e m a k e s s o m e t h i n g different o f t h e council scene. T h e elders deliberate a t the w r o n g time; the Queen's entrance interrupts t h e m before t h e y begin. S u c h m i s t i m i n g is characteristic o f the Persians' s t a g i n g . M o r e o v e r , t h e c h o r u s e x p e c t s a c o n f r o n t a t i o n of l a n d forces - b o w a n d spear - b u t a n a v a l b a t t l e is decisive. T h r o u g h o u t t h e parodos, t h e chorus stressed Persia's bowm e n (26, 30, 55, 85-6). T h e spear a n d t h e bow are m e t o n y m s w h i c h simplify the national characters of Greeks and barbarians. T h e y symbolize t h e q u a l i t y a n d courage o f free m e n a n d t h e q u a n t i t y a n d c o w a r d i c e o f P e r s i a n s u b j e c t s (cf. H e r o d o t u s 7.226). A r c h e r s fight f r o m afar, h e s i t a n t t o r i s k t h e i r lives i n battle, b u t eager to kill. T h i s defines the G r e e k v i e w o f barbarian warfare; Salamis and Psyttalia will exemplify it. Greek h o p l i t e s , b y c o n t r a s t , f i g h t face-to-face, p r o t e c t e d b y b r o n z e a r m o u r . 3 7 T h e y value their persons - w h i c h are their o w n and 48

2. Fear not a master's - b u t r i s k t h e i r lives as the price of inflicting death. W h e n h e brings n e w s of the disaster, the messenger declares ' m a n y missiles a l l m i x e d together came futilely f r o m A s i a to t h e l a n d o f Zeus, t h e l a n d o f Greece' (268-71). T h e y w e r e u s e l e s s i n t h e n a v a l b a t t l e ( 2 7 8 - 9 ) . I n t h e kommos, X e r x e s exhibits his nearly empty quiver: multitudes of arrows, men, and m o n e y are ineffective against valorous Greeks (1019-25). T h i s a n t i t h e s i s does n o t t e l l t h e full story. A t h e n i a n s w i e l d the bow a t Psyttalia (459-61); the M y s i a n leaders T h a r y b i s and M a r d o n a r e ' a n v i l s o f t h e s p e a r ' ( 5 1 - 2 ; cf. 3 2 0 - 1 ) . D a r i u s 'acq u i r e d great w e a l t h for his c h i l d r e n w i t h the point o f a spear' (754-5).38 Dadaces falls from his ship under the blow of a spear ( 3 0 4 - 5 ) , b u t t h e c o n s p i c u o u s s p e a r i n t h e Persians i s t h a t o f S p a r t a n hoplites - the ' D o r i a n spear' - w h i c h l u r k s m e n a c i n g l y i n the future of the d r a m a (816-17). T h e bow and the spear symbolize a c u l t u r a l difference between Greeks a n d Persians. 'A light like the eyes of the gods': conquest, wealth and olbos The Queen's entrance sets a p a t t e r n for the play's stage action. E a c h e n t r y i n t e r r u p t s a n action, defers a n exit, o r displaces a n o t h e r e n t r y . 3 9 T h e m i s t i m i n g o f t h e play's staging is symptom a t i c o f Persia's m i s f o r t u n e . T h e P e r s i a n s are u n a b l e t o act a t t h e r i g h t t i m e o r i n the r i g h t measure. I n H o m e r , effective performance i n the proper sequence and a t the appropriate t i m e i s t e r m e d ' i n o r d e r ' (kata kosmon).40 T h e s t a g i n g o f t h e p l a y v i s u a l i z e s t h e P e r s i a n f a i l u r e t o a c t kata kosmon. T h e c o n c e p t becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y i m p o r t a n t a s t h e P e r s i a n forces d i s p l a y g o o d o r d e r (kosmos) a t t h e w r o n g t i m e a n d d i s s o l v e i n t o d i s o r d e r l y (akosmos) flight i n t h e h e a t o f b a t t l e ( 3 7 4 , 4 2 2 , 4 7 0 , 4 8 1 ) . The play will pivot on an attempt to provide Xerxes w i t h a new r o y a l r o b e (kosmos, 8 3 3 , 8 4 9 ) t o r e p l a c e s y m b o l i c a l l y t h e l o s s o f h i s ' a r r a y (kosmos) o f m e n ' a n d e m p i r e ( 9 2 0 ) . T h e n a r r a t i v e a n d s t a g i n g o f t h e p l a y t r e a t t h e l a c k o f kosmos i n t h e f u l l s e n s e o f the w o r d as endemic to the Persians. The Queen enters o n a chariot, a visible correlate t o t h e verbal image o f X e r x e s o n a n A s s y r i a n chariot (81-6). ' A light e q u a l t o t h e eyes o f t h e gods' (150), she a r r i v e s f r o m h e r palace, 49

Aeschylus: Persians 'furnished i n gold' (159). Xerxes, by contrast, has the d a r k look of a snake o n his chariot (81-2). I ti s difficult t otell w h e n she began t o enter.41 S h e is a w a r e t h a t t h e chorus sang ' m y h e a r t is t o r n w i t h fear' (160; 114-15), a n d m a y be v i s i b l e t o t h e audience a t t h i s p o i n t . I n a n i d e a l s t a g i n g , t h e a u d i e n c e w o u l d see h e r chariot a s t h e chorus describes X e r x e s o n h i s chariot. A n 'ornam e n t o f s u p e r - r i c h l u x u r y ' ( [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 4 6 5 - 6 ) , t h e c h a r i o t i s a s y m b o l o f hybris - m i l i t a r y p o s t u r i n g w h i c h threatens conquest a n d t h e dispossession o fthe v a n q u i s h e d ( 4 1 - 8 , 8 1 - 1 0 7 , 1 8 1 - 9 9 ; c f . A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 750-974). I t represents v i s u a l l y t h e t h e m e o f t h i s scene: t h e expenditure of w e a l t h t o achieve conquest as a condition for ' h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y ' (olbos). T h e p a r o d o s a n d t h i s s c e n e j u x t a p o s e t w o sides o f P e r s i a n c u l t u r e : v i o l e n t acts o f enslavem e n t a n dcity-sacking and bedazzled servitude t o t h e royal oikos. T h e elders state t h e i r i n t e n t i o n t o b o w i n obeisance a n d address the Q u e e n i n a f o r m a l greeting (151-4). F o r the Greeks, proskynesis, a P e r s i a n s o c i a l r i t u a l b y w h i c h i n f e r i o r s b o w f r o m t h e i r k n e e s t o greet s u p e r i o r s , d e f i n e d P e r s i a a s a s l a v e society.42 Since all mortals were inferior t o t h e Persian king, proskynesis w a s r e q u i r e d i n h i s p r e s e n c e ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 3 6 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 2 7 ) . T h e G r e e k s r e s e r v e d t h i s gesture for gods - hence t h e i r belief t h a t t h e P e r s i a n k i n g w a s considered divine.43 Greeting the Queen as wife and m o t h e r of a god - u n l e s s X e r x e s fails - t h e c h o r u s sees t h e i n v a s i o n a s a t e s t o f X e r x e s ' d i v i n i t y ( 1 5 5 - 8 ) . T h e Persians p o s i t i o n s X e r x e s a t three thresholds: a y o u t h on the verge of manhood, a son trying to emulate and avenge his father, and a m o r t a l seeking divinity. T h e chorus addresses t h e Q u e e n i n trochaic tetrameters. A r i s t o t l e describes t h i s m e t r e a s characteristic o f p r i m i t i v e drama, whose poetry w a s m o r e danceable a n d suitable to satyrp l a y (Poetics 1 4 4 9 a 2 1 - 2 3 ) . 4 4 I t s u s e h e r e i n d i c a t e s e m o t i o n a l excitement as t h e chorus bows before t h e Queen. T h e Q u e e n responds i n the same metre to indicate her e m o t i o n a l distress (her language is barely coherent). She establishes s y m p a t h y w i t h the chorus (161). T h e chorus depicted Xerxes' i n v a s i o n f r o m m u l t i p l e perspectives - t h e P e r s i a n t r a d i t i o n o f l a n d conquest, t h e w i v e s a n d m o t h e r s o f P e r s i a n soldiers, t h e e a r t h o f 50

2. Fear A s i a , t h e cosmos i n w h i c h gods m a i n t a i n s u p r e m a c y over m o r t a l s t h r o u g h deceit. T h e Q u e e n offers a single perspective, t h a t o f t h e r o y a l oikos.45 T h e Q u e e n expresses h e r fear as a proverb 'that "great W e a l t h (Ploutos) l i f t i n g a c l o u d o f d u s t f r o m t h e g r o u n d , o v e r t u r n w i t h i t s f o o t t h e p r o s p e r o u s h a p p i n e s s " (olbos) D a r i u s w o n n o t w i t h o u t o n e o f t h e gods' (161-4). T h i s p r o v e r b i s n o t o t h e r w i s e attested a n d its m e a n i n g is debated.46 I t s obscurity arises f r o m a m i x t u r e of metaphors: W e a l t h is a n a r m y raising a cloud o f d u s t a n d a f i g u r e w h i c h o v e r t u r n s olbos ' w i t h i t s f o o t ' . 4 7 G r o e n e b o o m s u g g e s t s t h a t Ploutos i s a h o r s e d r i v i n g a c h a r i o t c o n t a i n i n g olbos, w h i c h i s o v e r t u r n e d . 4 8 T h i s f i t s t h e v i s u a l m e a n i n g o f t h e c h a r i o t o n t h e stage. T h o u g h i t can b e specifically connected to h o r s e m e n a n d chariots, a cloud o f dust is a n index o f a n a r m y o n t h e move, as s m o k e is a n index of fire.49 T h e Q u e e n fears t h a t Xerxes' expenditure of w e a l t h i n a failed bid t o c o n q u e r G r e e c e w i l l s u b v e r t t h e olbos D a r i u s a c q u i r e d b y divine favour. Olbos i s a c e n t r a l c o n c e p t o f t h e Persians. T h e t r a g e d y d r a m a t i z e s P e r s i a ' s l o s s o f olbos i n a f a i l e d i n v a s i o n . Olbos i s a q u a l i t y o f ploutos c o n n o t i n g h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y , d i v i n e favour, good fortune, good repute, a n d the capacity to t r a n s m i t t h e s e t o t h e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n . I n H o m e r ploutos a n d olbos a r e s o m e t i m e s p a i r e d , b u t olbos a p p e a r s i n c o n t e x t s i n w h i c h a w e a l t h y m a n w i n s h o n o u r f r o m h i s people, m a k e s a good m a r riage, h a s f i n e sons, a n d p e r p e t u a t e s h i s legacy.50 Olbos i s n o t o r i o u s l y i m p e r m a n e n t . O n e w a y o f d e a l i n g w i t h its i n s t a b i l i t y i sto c l a i m t h a t i t bears no r e l a t i o n to a person's m o r a l w o r t h : ' Z e u s g i v e s olbos t o m o r t a l s , b o t h t o t h e g o o d a n d t o t h e b a d , h o w e v e r h e w i s h e s t o e a c h ' (Odyssey 6 . 1 8 6 - 9 ) . 5 1 A n o t h e r i s t o seek m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s for i t s possess i o n o r l a c k ( H e s i o d Works and Days 2 8 0 - 5 ) . 5 2 T h a t olbos i s a p e r m a n e n t a t t r i b u t e o f t h e dead is a c e n t r a l tenet o f t h e Eleusi n i a n M y s t e r i e s ( H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 2 ) . I n h i s confrontation o f S o l o n a n d Croesus, H e r o d o t u s depicts t h i s idea a s e s s e n t i a l t o t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e G r e e k polis i n c o n t r a s t t o t h a t o f e a s t e r n d e s p o t i s m , w h i c h c o n f l a t e s olbos w i t h s u c h t e m p o r a r y goods a s w e a l t h a n d p o w e r (1.30-3).53 T h e Q u e e n is i n a double bind. She realizes t h a t ' w h e n w e a l t h 51

Aeschylus: Persians l a c k s m a n h o o d (anandron)' i t f a i l s t o c o m m a n d t h e m a s s e s ' f e a r a n d respect; i t i s not h o n o u r a b l e (166).54 T h e Q u e e n reveals later i n the d r a m a t h a t X e r x e s invaded Greece for this reason. He endured taunts that Darius' conquests provided w e a l t h for h i s c h i l d r e n , b u t t h a t h e f a i l e d t o a d d t o h i s p a t e r n a l olbos b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s ' (anandria, 7 5 3 - 8 ) . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , she understands t h a t i t is impossible to realize social a n d political power w i t h o u t a sufficient q u a n t i t y o f w e a l t h : 'for those w h o lack w e a l t h t h e l i g h t does n o t s h i n e to t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r strength' (167). Xerxes' chariot a n d serpentine gaze a n d the Queen's chariot and divine radiance converge a tthis point. T h e y are t h e o r i g i n a n d final product of a process o f conquest, dispossession of others' w e a l t h , a n d l e g i t i m a t i o n o f t h a t w e a l t h a s p o w e r a n d b l e s s e d n e s s (olbos).55 W e a l t h d e r i v e d f r o m c o n q u e s t h a s t h e ' h o n o u r ' (time) r e q u i r e d f o r i t s r e a l i z a t i o n a s socio-political power; but i t m u s t be reinvested t o r e n e w a n d e x t e n d t h a t p o w e r . C o n q u e s t , w e a l t h , a n d olbos f o r m a p o t e n t i a l l y endless cycle. T h e Q u e e n w o r r i e s t h a t X e r x e s ' defeat m a y end it. T h e r e a l object o f t h e Queen's fear i s t h e u n t i m e l y d e a t h o f h e r s o n , w h o m s h e c a l l s t h e 'eye', t h e s o u r c e o f h e r h o u s e h o l d ' s l i g h t a n d life, its best a n d m o s t v i t a l part, t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l root o r b u d f r o m w h i c h a f a m i l y r e p r o d u c e s i t s e l f . 5 6 T h e Persians treats X e r x e s as a y o u t h w i t h no children, t h e o n l y son of D a r i u s a n d t h e Q u e e n ( D a r i u s h a s o t h e r sons, p r e s u m a b l y b y o t h e r w o m e n , 717, 754). X e r x e s i s t h e 'eye o f t h e house', w h i c h t h e Q u e e n glosses a s 'the presence o f t h e master' (168-9).57 I f X e r x e s d i e s , t h e r o y a l oikos w i l l b e u n a b l e t o r e p l i c a t e i t s e l f . 5 8 T h e m a s t e r (despotes) w i l l b e a b s e n t ; t h e oikos w i l l b e b l i n d e d , f a l l into darkness, die.59 T h i s i sthe u l t i m a t e tragedy i n the Greek u n i v e r s e ; b u t i t w i l l n o t b e f a l l t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l oikos. T h e ' e y e ' of t h e h o u s e w i l l s u r v i v e , b u t o n l y a t t h e cost of X e r x e s ' 'eye', t h e b e s t a n d m o s t t r u s t e d s e g m e n t o f h i s k i n g d o m ( 4 4 1 - 4 , 955¬ 1001). T h a t t h e 'eye' o f t h e h o u s e i s i t s source o f l i g h t a n d life becomes clear after the messenger announces Xerxes' s u r v i v a l (299). T h e Q u e e n rejoices i n t h e n e w s a s a great 'light' a n d a 'bright day after a black night' for the r o y a l household (300-1). W h i l e t h e l i g h t o f t h e r o y a l oikos s h i n e s , ' m u r k y g r i e f ( 5 3 5 - 6 ) 52

2. Fear and a 'Stygian mist' (669-70) descend o n Persia. T h e light e m a n a t i n g f r o m the w e a l t h of the r o y a l house, personified by t h e 'eye o f t h e house', X e r x e s , i s t h e ' e v i l eye': t h e gaze t h a t causes blight, death, and barrenness.60 Xerxes' malevolent, dark-blue look (81-2) also emanates f r o m his 'dark-eyed ships' (559) - t h e h u l l s o f t r i r e m e s w e r e d e c o r a t e d w i t h m a r b l e circles, painted as eyes.61 B o t h w i l l be averted a t S a l a m i s b y G r e e k ships and by the light of the sun. T h e w h i t e horses carrying the c h a r i o t of t h e day i n t o t h e s k y w i l l s h i n e u p o n t h e G r e e k defence against Xerxes' A s s y r i a n chariot (386-7). The land of the Ionians Changing to iambic trimeter, the m a i n spoken metre of drama, t h e Q u e e n confides t h a t s h e h a s experienced m a n y d r e a m s 'from the t i m e m y son raised a n a r m y and departed, w a n t i n g to s a c k t h e l a n d o f t h e I o n i a n s ' ( 1 7 7 - 8 ) . T h e Persians e x p l o i t s i t s depiction of P e r s i a n speech to create solidarity a m o n g Ionians. N e a r E a s t e r n peoples called a l l Greeks 'Ionians'; Persians c a l l e d t h e m a n d t h e i r l a n d Yaund.62 B u t a c c u r a c y i s n o t t h e principle governing the use of ethnic t e r m s i n the drama. T h e P e r s i a n s c a l l t h e m s e l v e s , t h e i r l a n d , race, language, a n d a r m y 'barbarian(s)', the Greek w o r d for non-Greeks.63 Persians i n the play distinguish between I o n i a n and D o r i a n (183, 816), but sometimes fail t o distinguish themselves from the Medes, a different I r a n i a n people w i t h w h o m the Greeks conflated t h e m (236, 7 9 1 ) . 6 4 D a r i u s , a P e r s i a n , t r a c e s t h e o r i g i n s o f h i s k i n g s h i p to a n e p o n y m o u s ancestor o f t h e M e d e s , M e d u s (765). W h e n the Q u e e n refers t o t h e 'land o fthe Ionians', s h e speaks i n a n o n - G r e e k w a y ; b u t a reference to ethnic I o n i a n s is irrepressible.65 T h e lyrical portions of the play w h i c h attribute responsibility t o 'Greeks' for t h e P e r s i a n defeat a t S a l a m i s exclusively u s e t h e t e r m Tonian(s)' (560-4, 950-4, 1011-13, 1025). T h e p l a y u n d e r w r i t e s I o n i a n n a v a l s u p r e m a c y e v e n as i t implicitly r e m e m b e r s a h i s t o r y of I o n i a n p a i n a n d considers the liabilities of n a v a l supremacy: Cyrus' conquest of I o n i a (770-1), t h e s u f f e r i n g s o f c i t y - s t a t e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e I o n i a n r e v o l t (852¬ 907), t h e sack o f A t h e n s (807-14), a n d t h e disaster o f X e r x e s ' n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . T h e p l a y ' s u s e o f I o n i c a minore m e t r e a n d 53

Aeschylus: Persians its h i g h incidence of Ionic forms suggest a tragic intersection b e t w e e n the 'delicately l i v i n g Ionians', whose cities a n d temples the Persians destroyed, and 'Ionian Ares', the A t h e n i a n sailors w h o 'cut', 'reaped', a n d ' h a r v e s t e d ' t h e P e r s i a n s ( 9 5 0 - 4 ) , j u s t a s the Persians destroyed Athens' l a n d a n d city.66 T o be called ' I o n i a n ' i s t o b e addressed a s a P e r s i a n subject. H e r o d o t u s t h o u g h t t h a t ' T h e r e s t o f t h e I o n i a n s a n d t h e A t h e n i a n s flee t h e name, because they do not w a n t t obe called Ionians and even now m a n y of t h e m seem t o m e t obe ashamed b y the name' ( 1 . 1 4 3 . 2 - 3 ; cf. 4 . 1 4 2 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e n a m e o f t h e I o n i a n s unites pride of victory and l a m e n t for a history of pain. The yoke shattered: the Queen's dream T h e Queen asks t h echorus t o advise h e ro n a remedy for a d r e a m she h a d last n i g h t a n d a b i r d o m e n she w i t n e s s e d t h i s m o r n i n g , c a l l i n g o n t h e ' t r u s t e d o l d m e n ' t o be h e r advisors; t h e y readily agree (170-5). T h e elders are indeed 'called t h e trusted' as t h e y c l a i m i n t h e p a r o d o s ( 2 , 171). T h e y s u p p r e s s t h e i r premonitions of disaster to hearten the Queen. I n cultures t h a t lack freedom, the function of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d speech i s t o gratify the sovereign. W h e n the elders i m a g i n e the fall of the P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a r e s u l t o f t h e king's loss o f d o m i n a t i n g force, the people speak freely (584-94). Herodotus develops t h i s aspect of P e r s i a n despotism: t h e r i s k of free speech to X e r x e s is decapit a t i o n . 6 7 T h e Persians i s m i l d e r . T h e w i s d o m o f f r i g h t e n i n g t h e Q u e e n a t this stage is debatable; a n d the Q u e e n expects frankness f r o m the chorus (520). T h e Queen dreamed of t w o large and beautiful w o m e n , both w e l l dressed, one i n Persian, the other i n D o r i a n clothing - the Ionian tunic is similar t othe Persian (181-5).68 M o s t take the w o m e n to represent Greece a n d Persia, but some consider t h e m personifications o fEurope and Asia, w h i l e others t h i n k they represent m a i n l a n d and eastern Greeks.69 Greece and Persia are the central referents: they wear D o r i a n and Persian clothi n g , are 'sisters o f t h e s a m e race', a n d f i g h t one a n o t h e r ; Greece (not Europe) shatters Xerxes' yoke a tSalamis. T h e w o m e n are 'sisters o f t h e s a m e race' (185-6) t h r o u g h Perseus, son o f D a n a e fathered by Zeus i n a golden shower. Perseus' son Perses is the 54

2. Fear eponymous ancestor of the Persians. Persians express this view i n t h e play (79-80, 145-6); t h e historical Persians adopted t h i s m y t h aspropaganda.70 T h e Q u e e n tempers Persian foreignness, m a k i n g conflict w i t h Greece conform t oa n expectation o f trage d y - v i o l e n c e a m o n g k i n ( A r i s t o t l e Poetics 1 4 5 3 b l 5 - 2 6 ) . 7 1 T h a t she t e r m s t h e struggle between t h e t w o w o m e n 'internecine s t r i f e ' o r ' c i v i l w a r ' (stasis) r e i n f o r c e s t h e b o n d b e t w e e n t h e peoples (188-9). T h e difference between t h e m i s c u l t u r a l a n d behavioural: they wear different clothing; they have been allotted different lands (186-7). O n e i s proud t obear the yoke; the other w i l l not endure i t (192-6). W h e n X e r x e s l e a r n s o f t h e i r stasis, h e t r i e s t o c o n t r o l a n d mollify t h e m : p u t t i n g a y o k e u p o n t h e i r necks, he fastens t h e m to h i s chariot (189-92). T h e w o m a n i n P e r s i a n c l o t h i n g p r o u d l y obeys; t h e o t h e r bucks, t e a r s t h e h a r n e s s t o pieces, s h a k e s o f f the bit, a n d shatters t h e yoke t h r o u g h t h e middle (192-6). X e r x e s falls a n d h i s father stands beside h i m , p i t y i n g h i m (197-8). W h e n X e r x e s sees h i s father, h e t e a r s h i s robes (198-9). T h e dream figures Xerxes' invasion of Greece as a n act of civilization - t a m i n g a w i l d horse and healing i n t e r n a l strife. F r o m t h e G r e e k perspective, i t i s a n act o f enslavement, a n attempt t oexploit their lives and labours and t odeprive t h e m o f t h e i r h u m a n i t y . I n t h e Prometheus Bound, P r o m e t h e u s b o a s t s T w a s t h e f i r s t t o y o k e w i l d b e a s t s ... a s s l a v e s ... s o t h a t t h e y m i g h t b e successors o f m o r t a l bodies' g r e a t e s t t o i l s ' (462¬ 5). T h e G r e e k s w i l l n o t e n d u r e t h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n . I n d o m i t a b l e , they shatter Xerxes' yoke of slavery. T h e Queen's d r e a m elides a n y sense o f geographical, historical, or religious t r a n s g r e s s i o n t h a t m a d e t h e chorus a n x i o u s . I t is a m o t h e r ' s d r e a m , t h e v i s i o n o f a son's perverse m a r r i a g e , a n attempt t o m a r r y t w o w o m e n simultaneously.72 T h e chorus indicated this d i m e n s i o n of Xerxes' 'yoke' across the Hellespont i n the parodos - i t left P e r s i a n w i v e s 'yoked alone' (126-39). A tale Herodotus tells transfers Xerxes' yoking of t w o continents to h i s desire for t w o w o m e n - h i s brother's w i f e a n d d a u g h t e r . X e r x e s d e s i r e d h i s b r o t h e r ' s w i f e , so h e m a r r i e d h i s s o n D a r i u s to h i s brother's d a u g h t e r h o p i n g t o get h e r m o t h e r - a k i n d o f double m a r r i a g e t h a t goes a w r y , for X e r x e s falls i n love w i t h h i s son's wife. X e r x e s ' w i f e finds o u t a n d m u t i l a t e s h i s brother's 55

Aeschylus: Persians wife, b l a m i n g h e r f o rXerxes' love-affair w i t h Darius' wife. Xerxes ultimatelyhas to have his brother killed (9.108-13).73 T h e Queen's prophetic d r e a m prefigures events i n the dramatic n a r r a t i v e i n a different register. I nthe dream, Xerxes tears his robes as a response to his father's pity: h el a m e n t s his failure i n h i s father's eyes (197-9). I n t h e messenger's n a r r a t i v e , Xerxes tears his clothes out of grief at the depth of the disaster h e witnesses (465-8). N o r does t h e d r e a m e n v i s i o n events a s they w i l l be staged i n the play. L i k e the chorus' vision of t w o female choruses i n a n t i p h o n a l l a m e n t (114-25), t h e Queen's d r e a m contains a n element t h e d r a m a leaves unfulfilled. D a r i u s shows little p i t y for his son. H e censures his a i m s and actions as a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (744-51), a defiance o f h i s commands (782-3), a n d the w o r s t disaster i n Persian h i s t o r y (759-64, 784-6). D a r i u s envisions Xerxes' r e t u r n i n rags (832-8), ordering the chorus t o educate h i m (829-31) and the Q u e e n t o palliate his grief a n d s h a m e (832-8, 845-51). T o this extent, h e shows pity. I n the staged play, the chorus substitutes for the father i n the dream, instilling shame i n Xerxes (913-6, 932-4) and p i t y i n g h i m (1030-2). The bird omen A f t e r h e r d r e a m , t h e Q u e e n tries t o m a k e apotropaic sacrifice o f a peíanos, a p o r r i d g e - l i k e s u b s t a n c e c o n s i s t i n g o f h o n e y , o i l , a n d m e a l ( 2 0 0 - 4 ) . A peíanos c a n b e b u r n e d a n d o f f e r e d t o t h e gods o f t h e s k y o r p o u r e d t o t h e gods o f t h e e a r t h . 7 4 H o p i n g t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h t h e gods above, t h e Q u e e n is u n a b l e to m a k e t h e offering. A b i r d o m e n pre-empts i t : a h a w k chases a n eagle to t h e a l t a r o f Apollo, p l u c k i n g t h e eagle's h e a d w i t h its talons; t h e eagle cowers, a l l o w i n g t h e h a w k t o m a u l i t (205-10). T h e o m e n defers t h e Queen's peZcmos-offering u n t i l after n e w s o f defeat, w h e n i t i s directed t o t h e gods o f t h e u n d e r w o r l d t o release D a r i u s ' soul (524-6, 606-21). T h e f i n a l peZcmos-offering of the drama, t h e blood o fPersian w a r r i o r s a t Plataea, i s a p a y m e n t for the Persian destruction of Greek temples, altars, and looting of statues (807-20). T h e o m e n r e p r e s e n t s X e r x e s ' flight f r o m G r e e c e a n d h i s inability to defend himself from counter-aggression. Herodotus 56

2. Fear reports t h a t a n o m e n appeared t o X e r x e s a s h e crossed t h e Hellespont: a horse gave b i r t h t oa hare. T h e o m e n symbolized the entire invasion: 'Xerxes was destined to drive an a r m y upon Greece w i t h the greatest pride, pomp, a n d circumstance, b u t l a t e r r u n n i n g for h i s life, h e w a s destined to a r r i v e a t t h e s a m e p l a c e ' ( 7 . 5 7 . 1 ) . T h e Persians' o m e n f i g u r e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n X e r x e s as depicted i n t h eparodos - the hybristic a n d g o d - l i k e l e a d e r o f a ' d i v i n e h e r d ' - a n d i n t h e kommos, a d e f e a t e d king i n rags leading a self-mutilating lament. T h e G r e e k s considered t h e eagle e m b l e m a t i c o f t h e P e r s i a n empire.75 T h e h a w k o r falcon, sometimes associated w i t h Apollo, m a u l s t h e eagle a t Apollo's altar. O n e o f Apollo's names, P h o e b u s , h a s a s o u n d s i m i l a r t o t h e w o r d f o r f e a r , phobos. T h e t w o words create a jingle i n the Queen's description (206). B u t m o r e t h a n sound-play i s involved. P y t h i a n Apollo received tithes f r o m t h e spoils of a l l t h e G r e e k victories over t h e Persians.76 A n d A t h e n s organized its empire around D e l i a n Apollo. The omen h a sa meaning beyond the drama, symbolizing Del i a n Apollo's 'ravaging' t h e P e r s i a n eagle j u s t a st h e A t h e n i a n s sought vengeance 'by r a v a g i n g t h e l a n d of t h e k i n g ' (Thucydides 1.96.1). T h e o m e n refers specifically t o X e r x e s ' f l i g h t f r o m Greece, b u t i t also figures t h e counter-offensive after M y c a l e : Xerxes 'cowered' w h i l e A t h e n s annexed his Aegean empire. T h e Q u e e n ' s d r e a m i s a mise en abyme - a p a r t o f a w o r k o f a r t w h i c h depicts t h e w h o l e i n m i n i a t u r e . 7 7 I t depicts t h e essence o f t h e n a r r a t i v e a n d plays o n possibilities for its d r a m a t i c enactment. T h e o m e n figures Xerxes' flight and homecoming but also leads beyond the w o r k o f art to the w o r k o f empire. I s o n o m i a and accountability T h e Q u e e n i n f o r m s t h e c h o r u s t h a t X e r x e s ' success w o u l d m a k e h i m a 'man t o be admired', but failure and survival m e a n 'he r u l e s t h i s l a n d j u s t t h e s a m e - h e i s n o t a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e polis' (211-14). Xerxes w i l l monopolize the glory of victory and become a god, b u t h e i s u n a c c o u n t a b l e for defeat ( H e r o d o t u s 8.102-3). H e r o d o t u s a s s o c i a t e s isonomia w i t h f o u r p r a c t i c e s : r e f e r r a l o f decisions t o a n assembly of citizens, m a j o r i t y rule, selection of offices b y lot, a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y f o r office-holders (3.80.6). T h e 57

Aeschylus: Persians Persians i m p l i c a t e s P e r s i a ' s l a c k o f isonomia i n t h e t r a g e d y . O n e m a n - X e r x e s - rules A s i a a s h i s household slaves; h e s u r v i v e s a n d r e m a i n s k i n g , w h i l e a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y age i n h i s e m p i r e p e r i s h b e c a u s e o f h i s v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e (hybris) a n d d e l u s i o n s o f d i v i n i t y (ate). D a r i u s w i l l e x p l a i n t h a t Z e u s p u n ishes h u m a n s for 'excessively arrogant intentions' (827-8), a n d Xerxes w i l l have to account for the m e n he abandoned i n Greece (908-1007). B u t t h efinal lament o fthe play dramatizes t h e Queen's m e a n i n g : X e r x e s t a k e s c o n t r o l o f t h e elders a n d scores his defeat, s h a m e , a n d s o r r o w onto t h e i r bodies. I n t h i s regard, P e r s i a i s a n t i t h e t i c a l to A t h e n s , w h e r e successful leaders faced the w r a t h o fthe demos for failures real o r imagined.78 T h e A t h e n i a n s had t o recall X a n t h i p p u s and Aristides f r o m ostracism to lead t h e m against the Persians; they ostracized T h e m i s t o c l e s e i t h e r b e f o r e o r w i t h i n t w o y e a r s a f t e r t h e Persians. R e t u r n i n g t o trochaic t e t r a m e t e r s , t h e elders prescribe apotropaic a n d p r o p i t i a t o r y sacrifices t o t h e gods (215-19) a n d liquid offerings to the E a r t h , to the dead, and to D a r i u s to b r i n g success t o l i g h t b u t t o keep disaster i n t h e d a r k n e s s (219-23). T h e chorus adopts a n optimistic tone (224-5), delighting t h e Queen: she v i e w s t h e chorus' advice as a good o m e n 'for m y child a n d m y house' (226-7), i g n o r i n g the chorus' reference to 'the city and a l l your nearest and dearest' (219). T h e prospect of a r i t u a l solution briefly relieves the Queen and chorus of their premonition and anxiety. Cue for disaster: Marathon Before t h e Q u e e n exits, she asks t h e chorus about t h e a i m s o f the invasion and nature of A t h e n s (230-45). Queen and chorus conduct a dialogue i n single lines of verse, s t i c h o m y t h i a ('talking i n lines'), w h i c h often builds t o w a r d a climax. T h e Q u e e n establishes herself i n t h e role she w i l l play i n the n e x t h a l f o f the episode: questioner. H e r questions conclude w i t h a m e n t i o n of the last bad o m e n for the invasion, the defeat of D a r i u s ' 'large a n d b e a u t i f u l a r m y ' (244) a t M a r a t h o n , t h e messenger's cue t o arrive and announce the disaster a t Salamis. Often considered a n excuse t o praise A t h e n s , t h escene i s a k i n t o t h e 'Teichos c o p i a ' i n Iliad 3 . 1 3 9 - 2 4 4 : a n o n - G r e e k a d v e r s a r y c o m e s t o 58

2. Fear k n o w the Athenians, w h o stand for the Greeks, later t h a n our s e n s e o f n a r r a t i v e l o g i c p e r m i t s . E v e n so, t h e t i m i n g o f t h i s scene is o u t - o f - k i l t e r , as a r e t h e chorus' c o u n c i l a n d t h e Q u e e n ' s apotropaic sacrifices. The Q u e e n asks about A t h e n s ' location (230-1). T h e chorus' answer, Tar a w a y at the settings of the w a n i n g sun' (232) locates A t h e n s i n t h e g l o o m o f Hades, a place o f darkness a n d death, s e t t i n g u p t h e i m a g e s o f corpses l i t t e r i n g t h e sea a n d shore a r o u n d S a l a m i s . A t h e n s w i l l be a l a n d o f d e a t h for t h e Persians. Since Greeks imagined their opposition to Persians i n terms of sun and moon, the description of Athens' location m a y seem favourable to the Persians. I n Herodotus, just after X e r x e s leaves S a r d i s for t h e H e l l e s p o n t , t h e r e is a solar eclipse. H i s magi i n t e r p r e t i t a s a f a v o u r a b l e o m e n : i t p r e d i c t s t h e ' a b a n d o n m e n t ' (eclipse) o f t h e G r e e k city-states, since t h e s u n w a s t h e G r e e k s ' p r e d i c t o r a n d t h e m o o n t h e P e r s i a n s ' (7.37.2¬ 3).79 T h e p e r i s h i n g s u n m a y prefigure the defeat o f the Greeks f r o m the P e r s i a n perspective. S u c h confidence m a y e x p l a i n t h e Queen's n e x t question w h y X e r x e s 'desires' t o capture A t h e n s (223). T h e v e r b 'capture' applies to a n i m a l s a n d suggests the P e r s i a n practice of f o r m i n g h u m a n d r a g n e t s t o ' h u n t ' t h e p e o p l e o f a polis ( H e r o d o t u s 6 . 3 1 ) . 8 0 T h e i m a g e o f t h e i n v a s i o n as a h u n t d o v e t a i l s w i t h t h e chorus' e a r l i e r w o r r y t h a t X e r x e s m a y be u n a b l e t o escape t h e h u n t i n g n e t s o f Ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) . T h e G r e a t K i n g , w h o d e p i c t e d h i m s e l f as a h u n t e r , w i l l be c a u g h t i n t h e nets o f a s u p e r i o r h u n t e r - w h o t u r n s o u t t o be a f i s h e r m a n . 8 1 The chorus' answer, 'all Greece w o u l d become the king's subject' i f X e r x e s captures A t h e n s (233-4), expresses a n A t h e n o centric v i e w o f t h e i n v a s i o n . A t h e n s is a synecdoche for Greece. H e r o d o t u s describes X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n as n o m i n a l l y directed a t A t h e n s b u t a i m e d at subjugating ' a l l Greece' (7.138.1). A t h e n s is t h e k e y t o t h e P e r s i a n c o n q u e s t . T h e c i t y ' h e l d t h e b a l a n c e ' i n t h e w a r : w h i c h e v e r side i t j o i n e d w a s l i k e l y to w i n (7.139.5). Herodotus believes the A t h e n i a n s deserve the title 'saviours of Greece' (ibid.).82 G i v e n t h e P e r s i a n s t r e s s o n c o u n t a b l e objects, i t w o u l d be surprising i fthe Queen did not ask about quantities of m e n and m o n e y . T h e chorus a n s w e r s t h e Queen's q u e s t i o n about t h e size 59

Aeschylus: Persians of A t h e n s ' a r m y (235) i n t e r m s of its quality (236), but this description a n d a r e m i n d e r o f t h e q u a n t i t y o f 'woes' A t h e n s ' a r m y inflicted a t M a r a t h o n m a k e n o impression o n her. T h e Queen's question about w h e t h e r A t h e n s has 'sufficient w e a l t h f o r i t s h o m e s ' ( 2 3 7 ) , r e i n f o r c e s h e r f i x a t i o n o n t h e oikos a s o p p o s e d t o t h e polis a n d d i f f e r e n t i a t e s t h e p r i v a t e v a l u e o f Persia's w e a l t h from the public value of Athens'. According t o tradition, Themistocles persuaded the A t h e n i a n s to use a surplus f r o m t h e i r silver m i n e s to b u i l d a fleet of t r i r e m e s i n the period 483-480 rather t h a n distribute ten drachmae t o each m a l e c i t i z e n a s f i r s t p l a n n e d ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 4 4 . 1 - 2 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 4 . 3 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 2 . 7 ) . A t h e n s ' silver is collective w e a l t h , t h e m a t e r i a l e m b o d i m e n t o f shared values and interests; Persian gold i s private, l u x u r y wealth, expended to buy Xerxes' i m m o r t a l i t y . 8 3Athens' 'fount of silver, a t r e a s u r e t r o v e o f t h e soil', contrasts w i t h P e r s i a n gold a n d t r i b u t e e x t o r t e d b y force (238, 584-90) a n d suggests Xerxes' i m p e r i a l i s t greed: he desired A t h e n s ' 'fount o f silver' b u t discovered 'a fount of woes for his nearest and dearest' (743). Recalling the description of the Persian a r m y as a 'divine herd' (73), the Q u e e n asks, w i t h reference t o t h e A t h e n i a n s , ' w h a t s h e p h e r d i s s e t o v e r t h e m a n d w h o i s m a s t e r (despotes) over t h e army'? (241). T h e chorus' answer, 'they a r e called n e i t h e r t h e slaves n o r t h e subjects o f a n y m a n ' (242), concent r a t e s t h e t h r u s t o f t h e s c e n e , t h e d e s p o t i c g r i p o f t h e r o y a l oikos on Persia and the consequent inability of Persians to hold the k i n g accountable a n d t o live as free m e n a n d citizens. T h e Greeks live and fight w i t h no master above t h e m to monopolize the material and symbolic rewards of their lives and labours. T h e y fight because they have a stake i n the battle: their families, h e r i t a g e , glory, h o n o u r , p r o f i t , f r e e d o m (402-5; cf. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 8 ; H i p p o c r a t e s , Airs, Waters, Places 1 6 , 2 3 ) . T h e Persians, by contrast, fight as slaves of the Great K i n g (Herodotus 7.135.3), w h o takes credit f o rvictory, b u t diverts responsibility for defeat onto others (8.102). F o r t h i s reason, h e n c h m e n m u s t drive his soldiers i n t o battle under the w h i p ( 7 . 5 6 . 1 , 1 0 3 . 4 , 2 2 3 . 3 ; X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 4 . 2 6 ) . 8 4 T h a t w a r r i o r s w o u l d r e m a i n t o face t h e e n e m y w i t h o u t c o m pulsion confounds the Q u e e n (243). T h e chorus r e m i n d s her 60

2. Fear t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s destroyed D a r i u s ' 'great a n d b e a u t i f u l a r m y ' (244) . T h e second reference to M a r a t h o n disturbs her: 'you say terrible t h i n g s for t h e parents o f those w h o are gone to consider' (245) . W i t h these words, the chorus announces the a r r i v a l of the messenger, w h o s e ' P e r s i a n r u n n i n g ' indicates 'he b r i n g s s o m e clear outcome, good or bad to hear' (246-9).85

61

3 Pathos 'A multitude of woes' T h e m e s s e n g e r a n n o u n c e s t h e pathos a s a r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e c h o r u s ' a n d Q u e e n ' s f e a r s . T h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos) o f P e r s i a n m e n w h i c h t h e chorus o m i n o u s l y described a s 'departed' (60) is n o w ' d e p a r t e d , f a l l e n i n b a t t l e ' ( 2 5 2 ) . P e r s i a ' s olbos i s r u i n e d i n a 'single blow' (251-2; 163-4). T h e defeat is total: 'the entire a r m y of the barbarians has been destroyed' (255). T h e swiftness and completeness o fthe reversal belie t h efive generations o f conquest that built the Persian empire (759-86).1 I f any narrative prior to Thucydides' account of the A t h e n i a n invasion of Sicily i n 415-413 (7.61-87) makes palpable the catastrophic reversal and total defeat of a n imperialist invasion, i t i s the m e s s e n g e r - s p e e c h o f t h e Persians. T h e p o i n t o f t h e m e s s e n ger's g r u e s o m e d e t a i l i s not so m u c h 'to r e v e l i n t h e destruction of the Persians', as t orecall the merciless and divinely sanctioned violence that defenders of their homeland inflict on invaders, and to stress the multiplier-effect distance f r o m one's o w n l a n d exerts o n a failed i n v a s i o n . 2 Invaders a i m t o 'enslave' a c o m m u n i t y and subject i t to unspeakable degradation. Defenders therefore fight w i t h o u t restraint, righteously slaughtering t h e m ; survivors m u s t abandon their dead. T h e pathos o f t h e Persians i s a s t o r y o f i n t e r l o c k i n g m i l i t a r y disaster a n d glorious defence, b o t h a m e m o r y o f t h e Greeks' 'day o f freedom' a n d a n e x e m p l u m o f a n i n v a s i o n gone disastrously wrong. T h e messenger decries his role as the first to announce the catastrophe, b u t declares i t 'necessary t o unfold t h e entire s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos, 2 5 3 - 5 ) . T h e m e t a p h o r d e r i v e s f r o m p a p y r u s rolls, w h i c h were unfolded t o read.3 According t o Herodotus,

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3. Pathos a m a n u e n s e s accompanied X e r x e s t o record t h e peoples o f his i n v a d i n g force a n d t h e n a m e , p a t r o n y m i c , c i t y - s t a t e , a n d capt a i n o fsailors w h o excelled a t S a l a m i s (7.100.1; 8.90.4). T h e Persians' m e s s e n g e r l i s t s d e t a i l s - n a m e s , m i l i t a r y t i t l e s , a n d n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s - as i f d e r i v e d f r o m w r i t t e n records. A r o u n d t h e t i m e o f t h e Persians, t h e A t h e n i a n s b e g a n t o i n s c r i b e l i s t s o f their w a r dead by tribe, including military title or function, and, i f n o n - A t h e n i a n s , place o f origin, t o preserve t h e i r n a m e s a n d ' i m m o r t a l glory'.4 P e r s i a n deaths, however, a r e n o t glorious: t h e y are a 'disgrace t o t h e Persians' (332). I n v a d i n g Greece w i t h m e n a n d resources beyond count, X e r x e s draws d o w n 'a m u l t i tude of pains' (477) and 'a m u l t i t u d e of woes' (429) u p o n his people: 'never o n a single d a y h a s a m u l t i t u d e o f so great a n u m b e r o f m e n died' (431-2). T e n days w o u l d n o t suffice for t h e messenger to tell the entire tale (429-30).5 'How I lament when I remember Athens' The chorus laments i n response t o t h emessenger's a n nouncement, performing t h e role i t envisioned f o r Persian w o m e n (114-25). F o r Herodotus, n e w s o f t h e n a v a l defeat interrupts P e r s i a n celebration over the capture of A t h e n s (8.99). T h e Persians break into 'boundless lament' a n d 'tear t h e i r tunics' (8.99). X e r x e s ' a r r i v a l stops t h e i r l a m e n t , w h i c h t h e y p e r f o r m o u t o f fear f o r h i m r a t h e r t h a n for g r i e f o v e r t h e ships (8.99.2¬ 1 0 0 . 1 ) . H e r o d o t u s c o r r e c t s t h e Persians, w h i c h s t a g e s i t s m o s t intense l a m e n t a t Xerxes' h o m e c o m i n g a n d stresses Persia's anguish over ships (548-64, 678-80, 950-4, 1008-37, 1074-5). I n t h e i n i t i a l l a m e n t o f t h e Persians, n e i t h e r t h e m e s s e n g e r n o r t h e c h o r u s m e n t i o n s X e r x e s . A t t h e m o m e n t o f pathos, A e s c h y l u s ' P e r s i a n s a r e m e m b e r s o f a polis r a t h e r t h a n s l a v e s o f a king. T h i s continues u n t i l Xerxes re-establishes control i n the kommos. Chorus a n d messenger perform a n epirrhematic lament w h i c h divides t h e first episode i n t o t w o 'acts'.6 T h e m e s s e n g e r speaks i niambic t r i m e t e r s ; the chorus sings i n lyric iambics. T h e y respond t o one another, b u i l d i n g o n each others' words, a n d g r o w i n g i n s y m p a t h y a s t h e exchange develops. T h e y first register t h e shock o f t o t a l defeat (256-61).7 A s is t h e convention, 63

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the messenger affirms t h a t h e w a s a n eye-witness (266-7). Dramatic convention a n d extra-dramatic reality merge i f Aeschylus played the role of messenger: h ewas witness to the disaster. T h e second strophe a n d a n t i s t r o p h e focus o n Persia's deluded n u m e r i c a l superiority a n d lack o f order. T h e chorus bewails the ineffectiveness of 'the m a n y arrows a l l m i x e d together' t h a t w e n t to Greece (268-71). T h e messenger describes t h e c a r n a g e i n t e r m s o f P e r s i a n n u m b e r s (plethos): t h e c o r p s e s o f t h e m e n X e r x e s e m p t i e d f r o m P e r s i a f i l l (plethousi) t h e s h o r e s o f S a l a m i s ( 2 7 2 - 3 ; cf. 4 1 9 - 2 1 ) , j u s t a s P e r s i a n w i v e s f i l l e d their e m p t y beds w i t h tears i n longing for t h e i r husbands (133-4). T h e principle o f reciprocity, action balanced a n d redeemed b y suffering, operates both a t the level of verbal i m a g e r y and as a l a w of cosmic order i n the play. T h e chorus seeks t o impose r i t u a l order o n t h e horrific spectacle b y i m a g i n i n g P e r s i a n corpses i n a sea-tossed f u n e r a l procession (274-7).8 T h e p a i r focuses o n t h e causes of t h e catastrophe. T h e chorus implicates t h e gods (280-3), w h i l e t h e messenger singles o u t S a l a m i s a n d A t h e n s : ' O n a m e o f S a l a m i s , g r e a t e s t object o f hatred to m y ears. Alas, h o w I l a m e n t w h e n I r e m e m b e r A t h e n s ' (284-5). T h e chorus elaborates t h e messenger's l a m e n t , declari n g A t h e n s 'detested' to its enemies a n d recalling h o w 'it m a d e m a n y P e r s i a n w o m e n bereft o f c h i l d r e n a n d o f h u s b a n d s ' (286¬ 9). T h e l a m e n t , l i k e t h e s t i c h o m y t h i a p r i o r to t h e messenger's entrance, concludes o n a n A t h e n i a n note, m e r g i n g past a n d present, M a r a t h o n and Salamis, i n a single m o m e n t of Persian pain. T h e Persians confront the audience w i t h their anguish a n d hatred. Does the audience reciprocate this hatred?9 Does i t s u r m o u n t e n m i t y and feel pride t h a t the 'name of Salamis' 'divine Salamis' according t o t h e Delphic Oracle (Herodotus 7.141.4) - conveys such intense a n i m o s i t y to t h e Persians? Does the Persian m e m o r y of Athens induce the audience t o r e m e m b e r P e r s i a , b o t h f o r t h e pathos i t i n f l i c t e d o n t h e m , a n d b e c a u s e Xerxes' disastrous i n v a s i o n of Greece is the product of delusions t h a t are t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f h u m a n n a t u r e ? 1 0 T h i s is t h e riddle o f t h e Persians.

64

3. Pathos Counting the dead who count: the messenger's catalogue The Q u e e n speaks i n iambic t r i m e t e r s , e x p l a i n i n g her silence d u r i n g t h e l a m e n t : s h e w a s ' s t r u c k o u t o f h e r s e n s e s ' (ekpeplegmene, 2 9 0 - 1 ) . T h e p l a y e x p l o r e s t h e s y m p a t h e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p a m o n g t h e ' b l o w ' (plege) e n d u r e d b y t h e fleet, t h e ' b l o w ' t o Persia's happiness i n prosperity (251), a n d the 'blow' both inflict on the Persians, giving i t visual expression i n the dance of the kommos, a s X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s r e c r e a t e t h e ' b l o w ' d e a l t t o Persia (1008-15, 1046-55). T h e Queen's body registers Persia's p a i n i n t h e p l a y , r e f l e c t i n g t h e shock, grief, a n d h u m b l i n g effect of t h e defeat. Picking u p t h e messenger's image o f a papyrus roll, t h e Q u e e n o r d e r s h i m t o u n f o l d ' t h e e n t i r e d i s a s t e r (pathos)', e v e n t h o u g h he laments (294-5). R e t u r n i n g to the role of questioner, she tries t o shape the n a r r a t i v e according to her d e m a n d s for knowledge. T h e most i m p o r t a n t matter for h e r i s w h e t h e r Xerxes survived the catastrophe. She tactfully pursues this line of i n q u i r y (296-8). T h e messenger understands h e r question and answers that 'Xerxes himself lives and looks upon the light' (299). T h e Queen's fears a b o u t t h e 'eye o f t h e house' a r e ass u a g e d ( 3 0 0 - 1 ; 1 6 8 - 9 ) . T h e r o y a l oikos w i l l n o t e n d u r e t h e darkness t h a t descends i n the absence of a m a l e heir. The Q u e e n cannot exercise complete control over t h e n a r r a tive. T h e messenger rapidly lists t h e leaders w h o died a t Salamis, giving name, ethnic, title, and a description of the u n b u r i e d corpse o r m a n n e r o f death (302-30). T h e messenger offers a selection; a f u l l account o f P e r s i a n 'sufferings' is impossible (329-30). The chorus' list of Xerxes' m i l i t a r y leaders (21-59) i s n o w a list o f the dead. T h e five names repeated f r o m t h e chorus' catalogue - A r t e m b a r e s (30, 302), A r s a m e s (36, 308), A r c t e u s (44, 3 1 2 ) , A r i o m a r d u s (37, 3 2 1 ) , a n d T h a r y b i s ( 5 1 , 3 2 3 ) - c r e a t e continuity.11 T h i r t e e n n e w names give a sense of o v e r w h e l m i n g losses, a s d o d e a t h s o f m e n f r o m peoples n o t n a m e d i n t h e parodos, such as Bactrians (306, 318) a n d Cilicians (326-8). A s i n t h e chorus' catalogue, accuracy is not t h e a i m . I t i s u n l i k e l y that Bactrians died o r were 'wiped out' a t Salamis (732).12 65

Aeschylus: Persians Indeed, t h e messenger's catalogue i s n o t entirely consistent w i t h the chorus'. T h a r y b i s c o m m a n d s M y s i a n i n f a n t r y i n the parodos (51-2), b u t t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s T h a r y b i s h a i l s f r o m elsew h e r e and commands 250 ships (323-5). L i k e w i s e A r i o m a r d u s : a leader o fE g y p t i a n Thebes i n t h e parodos, h i s d e a t h 'gives grief to Sardis' (321-2) as i f he w e r e L y d i a n . E l a b o r a t i n g t h e e p i r r h e m a t i c l a m e n t , t h e messenger offers vignettes of u n b u r i e d corpses crashing against t h e shores o f S a l a m i s (303, 307, 309-10). H o w does a n i n v a d i n g n a v y r e t r i e v e its dead i n alien and hostile territory? T h i s isa problem inhere n t i n n a v a l power: a b a n d o n i n g t h e dead i s t h e price o f defeat. I n t h e i r p u b l i c f u n e r a l s , w h i c h f e a t u r e d o n e b i e r f o r t h e crem a t e d r e m a i n s o feach tribe, t h e A t h e n i a n s provided a n eleventh bier for the 'invisible' dead (Thucydides 2.34.3), those w h o s e corpses w e r e irretrievable. These descriptions advance a further theme: A t h e n s i s a h a r d l a n d w h i c h produces 'hard' m e n . 1 3 A r t e m b a r e s ' corpse s t r i k e s t h e ' r u g g e d ' c o a s t o f S a l a m i s ( 3 0 3 ; cf. 9 6 3 - 6 ) ; o t h e r s 'knock u p against t h e m i g h t y land' (308-10). Artabes' corpse i s 'a r e s i d e n t a l i e n o f t h e h a r d e a r t h ' ( 3 1 9 ) . A single leader, t h e Cilician Syennesis, w h o m H e r o d o t u s lists a m o n g the most celebrated non-generals of the Persian forces (7.98), f o u g h t courageously a n d 'died g l o r i o u s l y ' (326-8). H e i s the exception. T h e messenger catalogues P e r s i a n ignom i n y . T h e Queen's reaction m a k e s this explicit (331-2). The deceit of a Greek man and the envy of the gods: hybris and ate The Queen assumes that the Greeks had a numerical advantage i fthey challenged the Persians to battle (333-6). According to the messenger, whose assertion that h e k n o w s the Persian tally w e l l m a y declare Aeschylus' presence, the Persians h a d 1,000 t r i r e m e s , o f w h i c h 2 0 7 w e r e b u i l t for speed, w h i l e t h e Greeks h a d 300 triremes, a n d only t e n built for speed (339-43).14 H e r o d o t u s n u m b e r s t h e P e r s i a n fleet a t 1,207 s h i p s ( 7 . 8 9 . 1 , 1 8 4 . 1 ) a n d t h e G r e e k fleet a t 3 8 0 s h i p s ( 8 . 1 1 . 3 , 8 2 ) . I f n u m b e r s w e r e decisive, t h e messenger declares, t h e b a r b a r i a n fleet w o u l d h a v e w o n ( 3 3 7 - 8 ) . O n t h i s f a t e f u l d a y , t h e P e r s i a n fleet 66

3. Pathos s a n k u n d e r i t s size a n d w e i g h t ( 3 4 5 - 6 ) . 1 5 Persia's excessive n u m e r i c a l superiority w a s self-defeating. W i t h o u t p r o m p t i n g , t h e messenger declares t h a t 'the gods saved t h e goddess Pallas' city' (347) - A t h e n s . Readers h a v e tried t o explain w h y the play refers only here t o A t h e n a . 1 6 T h e city's s a l v a t i o n c o u l d n o t b e a t t r i b u t e d t o civic gods. T h e y p r o v e r b i a l l y a b a n d o n e d a c a p t u r e d c i t y ( A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes, 2 1 6 - 1 8 ) . 1 7 A t h e n a e v a c u a t e d t h e c i t y b e f o r e t h e P e r s i a n s s a c k e d i t ( H e r o d o t u s 8 . 4 1 . 2 - 3 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 0 . 1 ) . T h e Queen interprets the messenger's declaration t o m e a n t h a t A t h e n s r e m a i n s un-sacked (348). T h e messenger's reply, 'a d e f e n c e (herkos) c o m p o s e d o f m e n i s s e c u r e ' ( 3 4 9 ) , r e s p o n d s t o t h e chorus' boast i n t h e parodos t h a t i t is impossible to keep o u t t h e P e r s i a n s ' w i t h m i g h t y d e f e n c e s (herkesinf ( 8 7 - 9 ) . 1 8 T h e Persians o m i t s t h e ' w o o d e n w a l l ' w h i c h t h e D e l p h i c O r a c l e p r o p h e s i e d Z e u s ' g r a n t s t o T r i t o g e n i a (sc. A t h e n a ) a l o n e t o b e un-sacked' (Herodotus 7.141.3), a n d w h i c h Themistocles interpreted as t h e A t h e n i a n fleet (7.143). N o r does t h e messenger e q u a t e A t h e n s ' fleet a n d t h e polis, a s H e r o d o t u s ' T h e m i s t o c l e s d o e s ( 8 . 6 1 ) . A polis c o n s i s t s o f t e r r i t o r y , a c i t y w a l l , b u i l d i n g s , institutions, cults a n drituals, narratives, male citizens a n d t h e i r dependents. I t i s also a c o m m u n a l spirit a n d ethos. T h e P e r s i a n s r a n s a c k e d a n d b u r n e d t h e m a t e r i a l o f t h e polis, b u t they did not impose political rule. T h e y destroyed things, not people or i n s t i t u t i o n s . T h e A t h e n i a n idea t h a t persons are m o r e valuable than immoveable property was born at this moment ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.143.5 a t t r i b u t e s i t t o Pericles). T h e m e s s e n g e r ' s r e p l y d e f i n e s t h e polis i n n o n - m a t e r i a l a n d u n q u a n t i f i a b l e t e r m s . T h i s i s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o t h e P e r s i a n m i n d s e t , w h i c h conceives o f r e a l i t y ( a n d p o w e r ) m a t e r i a l l y a n d q u a n t i t a t i v e l y . T h e Q u e e n n o w suspects t h a t Xerxes, 'exulting i n his n u m b e r of ships', s t a r t e d t h e b a t t l e (350-2). X e r x e s ' excess o f m e n a n d materiel was intended t o induce submission w i t h o u t a fight. H e r o d o t u s m a k e s t h i s explicit (7.8g3, 101.2, 146-7, 210, 212; 8 . 6 . 2 , 1 0 . 1 ) . I n t h e Persians, w h e n ' a G r e e k m a n f r o m t h e a r m y of t h e A t h e n i a n s ' tells X e r x e s t h a t t h e G r e e k s w i l l escape u n d e r cover o f darkness (355-60), h e lures h i m i n t o a r r a y i n g h i s m a s s i v e fleet i n t h e n a r r o w s a r o u n d S a l a m i s ( 3 6 3 - 7 0 ) , t u r n i n g his numerical advantage into a liability. A t this moment, 67

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X e r x e s ' hybris — h i s c o n f i d e n c e t h a t n u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y a l o n e w i l l a t t a i n v i c t o r y - t u r n s t o ate, d i s a s t r o u s d e l u s i o n . G r e e k / A t h e n i a n ' c u n n i n g - i n t e l l i g e n c e ' (metis), t h e c a p a c i t y to v i c t i m i z e t h e p h y s i c a l l y s t r o n g e r t h r o u g h deceit a n d disguise and to dominate by mastering the opportunities of the moment, i s t h e c a t a l y s t f o r t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . 1 9 ' T r i c k e r y ' (dolos) i s a f u n d a m e n t a l e l e m e n t o f métis. D i v i n e p o w e r s , e n v i o u s o f a m o r t a l seeking divinity, also conspire against Xerxes: 'a spirit of vengeance o r evil d i v i n i t y ' (354), ' t h e c u n n i n g - m i n d e d (dolomêtis) d e c e i t o f g o d ' ( 9 3 ) , a n d ' t h e e n v y o f t h e g o d s ' ( 3 6 1 - 2 ) , abet 'the Greek m a n ' i n l u r i n g Xerxes i n t o disaster. So the rich and powerful i n general and Xerxes i n particular come to r u i n in the Greek imagination.20 Xerxes compounds his blindness w i t h cruelty, threatening his a d m i r a l s w i t h decapitation i f t h e G r e e k s escape (369-71).21 Y e t h i s fleet r e s p o n d s w i t h g o o d o r d e r a n d a n o b e d i e n t s p i r i t (374-6). W h e n n i g h t falls, every sailor i s 'lord o f t h e oar' a n d e v e r y m a r i n e 'master of his a r m s ' (378-9). T h e ships s a i l to t h e i r stations, staying a t oar throughout the night (380-3).22 H e r o d o t u s s t r e s s e s d i v i s i o n i n t h e G r e e k r a n k s ; t h e Persians o m i t s i t . N o r does t h e p l a y indicate t h a t t h e ' G r e e k m a n ' w a s a slave o r n a m e T h e m i s t o c l e s . R a t h e r , t h e m e s s e n g e r focuses o n the d r a m a o f Xerxes' deception a n d the process b y w h i c h the Persians recognize t h a t t h e Greeks a r e resolved t o fight r a t h e r t h a n t o flee, r e v e r s i n g t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n a n d f r u s t r a t ing t h e i r a i m s . T h e n i g h t is t h e t i m e o f X e r x e s ' d e l u s i o n (357, 364-5, 377-83). D a y l i g h t i l l u m i n a t e s t h et r u t h and heralds t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet t o f i g h t ' w i t h c o n f i d e n t courage' (384-94). 'O sons of the Hellenes, go, free your fatherland': Salamis The barbarians were orderly w h e n they thought t h e enemy w o u l d flee. T h i s i s a G r e e k s t e r e o t y p e o f t h e b a r b a r i a n : b r u t a l w h e n h e s e n s e s h e c a n k i l l w i t h o u t r i s k (cf. t h e a r c h e r ) , c o w a r d l y w h e n h e faces a n a r m y i n r a n k . 2 3 H e a r i n g t h e G r e e k b a t t l e s o n g b u t u n a b l e t o s e e t h e G r e e k fleet - a n A e s c h y l e a n f o r m u l a for fear - t h e y experience b l i n d i n g t e r r o r . 2 4 T h e song, a 68

3. Pathos paean, w a s s u n g after t h e battle sacrifice a n d p r i o r to t h e blare of the t r u m p e t ; i f w o m e n were present, they shrieked i n r e s p o n s e t o i t . 2 5 I n t h e Persians, t h e p a e a n r e s o u n d s s h r i l l y o f f t h e rocks; its echo substitutes for t h e s h r i e k o f w o m e n a n d causes t h e b a r b a r i a n s to lose t h e i r w i t s (388-92). I n H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s ' uncle A r t a b a n u s w a r n s h i m t h a t e n v i o u s gods ' s t r i k e fear' i n t o massive armies, a l l o w i n g t h e m to be 'destroyed u n w o r t h i l y ' by s m a l l e r forces (7.10e). T h i s is h o w t h e n a v a l disaster u n f o l d s i n t h e Persians ( b u t n o t i n H e r o d o t u s ) . A t r u m p e t blare signals t h eGreek attack. T h e messenger u s e s s y n a e s t h e t i c i m a g e r y t o describe i t s effect: i t ' s e t t h e i r w h o l e side ablaze w i t h its blare' (395). T h e appearance o f t h e G r e e k fleet i s a c o s m i c e v e n t , l i k e t h e r i s i n g o f t h e s u n . T h e s u n 'sets t h e e a r t h a b l a z e w i t h i t s b e a m s ' ( 3 6 4 ; cf. 5 0 4 ) a s t h e t r u m p e t sets t h e Greeks ablaze; like the day, ' b r i l l i a n t t o t h e s i g h t ' ( 3 8 7 ) t h e fleet a p p e a r s ' c o n s p i c u o u s t o t h e s i g h t ' ( 3 9 8 ) . T h e messenger describes the r h y t h m i c beat o f t h e Greeks' oars, w h i c h sound out the depths of the sea and t h r e a t e n the 'depth' of the i m p e n d i n g P e r s i a n disaster (465, 712). T h e n he describes t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet, t h e r i g h t flank f o l l o w e d b y t h e r e s t o f t h e l i n e . H e e m p h a s i z e s t h e g o o d o r d e r (kosmos) a n d d i s c i p l i n e o f t h e G r e e k s ( 3 9 6 - 4 0 1 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet i s i t s e l f a n e p i p h a n y , o b v i a t i n g t h e divine signs and epiphanies f o u n d i n the later t r a d i t i o n . 2 6 T h e r i s i n g s u n heralds the Greeks' 'day o f freedom'. A H o meric phrase, 'day of freedom' appears i n negative contexts i n t h e Iliad: w a r r i o r s ' s t r i p ' i t f r o m t h e f e m a l e s o f t h e d e f e a t e d (6.455; 16.831; 20.193). A f t e r X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , t h e 'day o f freed o m ' appears i n positive contexts.27 T h o u g h not called the 'day o f f r e e d o m ' i n t h e Persians, t h e d a y o f t h e b a t t l e o f S a l a m i s appears o n a chariot d r i v e n b y w h i t e horses (386-7) t o defeat Xerxes, w h o desires to enslave Greece by y o k i n g i t to his chariot ( 1 8 9 - 9 2 ) . F r e e d o m (eleutheria) i s i t s e l f a k i n d o f l i f e - g i v i n g l i g h t w h i c h e n a b l e s a c o m m u n i t y t o flourish, g r o w t o f u l l n e s s , a n d r e p r o d u c e i t s e l f , b o t h p h y s i c a l l y a n d t h r o u g h kleos.28 Herodotus' Themistocles delivers a battle exhortation to the m a r i n e s before t h e y e m b a r k u p o n t h e i r ships. L i s t i n g good a n d bad qualities ' i n the nature and constitution of m e n ' h e adjures the m e n t o chose the better over the worse (8.83.1-2). I n t h e 69

Aeschylus: Persians Persians, t h e r e i s n o g e n e r a l ' s s p e e c h . R a t h e r , t h e e n t i r e f l e e t speaks w i t h a single voice as i t r o w s i n t o battle (402-5): O s o n s o f t h e H e l l e n e s , go, f r e e y o u r f a t h e r l a n d , f r e e y o u r c h i l d r e n a n d w i v e s a n d t h e seats o f y o u r fathers' gods a n d the graves of your ancestors. N o w isthe contest for everything!

A l t h o u g h the root of the w o r d appears only three times i n the Persians, f r e e d o m i s a k e y w o r d o f t h e p l a y ; i t i s t h e s t a k e s o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s for the Greeks, w h o fight for socio-political life and light, t o protect their families and t o live w i t h i n the laws a n d customs o f t h e i r fathers a n d t h e i r gods. T h e G r e e k s fight to prevent a 'master' from exploiting their lives and labours b y imposing a surrogate ruler upon them, extorting tribute, a n d d e m a n d i n g t r o o p s a n d s h i p s . F o r a polis t o w e a r t h e ' y o k e o f slavery' is its death. R e d u c e d to ash, its w e a l t h pillaged, its m e n slaughtered, its w o m e n and children carried off into slavery, t h e polis i s d e r a c i n a t e d . 2 9 T h e p a r a d o x o f S a l a m i s i s t h a t A t h ens suffered the 'yoke o f slavery', but its people a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s emerged unscathed a n dempowered. T h i s i s reflected i n t h e Queen's dream: the w o m a n w h o represents Greece shatters the yoke only after i t has been placed o n her neck (189-96). T h e battle exhortation applies more strictly to the Athenians t h a n t o t h e other Greeks i n t h e fleet. A t t h e t i m e o f its utterance, t h e Persians occupied a n d were destroying their f a t h e r l a n d , t h e seats o f t h e i r gods, a n d t h e g r a v e s o f t h e i r ancestors; their wives and children were deposited i n Troezen, o n A e g i n a , a n d o n S a l a m i s . T h e loss, d e s t r u c t i o n , a n d r e c o v e r y o f t h e i r polis l e n t t h e A t h e n i a n s a n a u t h o r i t a t i v e v o i c e o n w h a t c o n s t i t u t e s a polis a n d o n w h a t i t m e a n t t o b e G r e e k ( s e e e s p . Herodotus 8.144). T h e messenger's account of S a l a m i s i s but one example of the A t h e n i a n capacity t o articulate the values of Greek culture to a Panhellenic audience. T h e messenger's first answer to the Queen's question about the beginning of the battle stressed divine agency: 'a spirit of vengeance o r malicious divinity appearing from somewhere' induced Xerxes t o a r r a y his fleet i nthe n a r r o w s (353-4). H i s second answer involves h u m a n agency: 'a Greek ship started the ramming, and shattered the entire high stern of a Phoenician ship' (409-11). According t o Herodotus, t h e Greek ships 70

3. Pathos were backing water and r u n n i n g aground, but A m i n i a s of Pallene launched his ship a n d r a m m e d a ne n e m y vessel. H e could not extricate his ship, and other Greek ships coming to his aid joined t h e fray (8.84.1). T h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e arrayed against the Phoenicians a t S a l a m i s (8.85.1; Diodorus 11.18.1). T h e y w o u l d have t a k e n the messenger's narrative of the r a m m i n g of a Phoenician vessel as their action. I n t h e b e g i n n i n g , t h e 'flow' or 'flood' o f t h e P e r s i a n n a v y holds f i r m against the G r e e k attack (412-13; Diodorus 11.18.4). I n the end, its sheer size defeats i t . P e r s i a n ships m a s s i n a n a r r o w space a n d a r e u n a b l e t o m a n o e u v r e ; t h e y s t r i k e each other, shearing off each other's oars (413-16). Herodotus says t h a t Persian ships stationed i n the rear tried t o move t o the front r a n k s to impress Xerxes, but crashed into ships fleeing from the f r o n t ( 8 . 8 9 . 2 ) . I n t h e Persians, G r e e k s h i p s ' n o t u n s k i l f u l l y ' encircle t h e tangled m a s s of P e r s i a n ships, s t r i k i n g a n d upendi n g t h e m (417-19). T h e sea d i s a p p e a r s b e n e a t h t h e w r e c k a g e o f ships and carnage of m e n (419-20). T h e shores a n d rocks j u t t i n g u p f r o m t h e sea's surface catch corpses f r o m t h e c h o p p y seas ( 4 2 1 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s h i p s f l e e i n d i s a r r a y (akosmôs), r e v e r s i n g their orderly advance to a w a i t the Greek flight (422-3; 374-83). It w a s a Greek commonplace that barbarians could n o t s w i m . 3 0 T h e i n a b i l i t y t o s w i m (nein) s i g n a l l e d a l a c k o f m e n t a l c a p a c i t y (noeih). U n l i k e H e r o d o t u s , t h e Persians d o e s n o t s t r e s s t h i s lack.31 R a t h e r , t h e play depicts t h e barbarians as slaughtered w h i l e seeking t h e safety o f l a n d . T h e G r e e k s 'keep striking t h e m , keep slicing t h e m i n half w i t h fragments of oars a n d shattered bits of wreckage like t u n a or a h a u l offish' (424-6; cf. 9 7 4 - 7 ) - a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e i r ' c u n n i n g i n t e l l i g e n c e ' (métis).32 T h e s l a u g h t e r a t S a l a m i s r e a l i z e s t h e i m a g e o f X e r x e s ' atê i n a n u n e x p e c t e d w a y - h i s m e n a r e c a u g h t i n f i s h i n g r a t h e r t h a n i n h u n t i n g nets (93-101).33 So long as the s u n shines, the P e r s i a n s s u f f e r h o r r o r s a n d t h e i r w a i l i n g h o l d s t h e sea, ' u n t i l t h e d a r k eye of t h e n i g h t takes i t a w a y ' (426-8). T h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m d a yt o night, crucial t o t h e Persians' deluded hope for victory, finally ends their torment. T h e m e s s e n g e r quantifies t h e debacle: 'never o n a single day h a s a m u l t i t u d e (plêthos) o f s o g r e a t a n u m b e r o f m e n d i e d ' (431-2). T h e Queen, silent d u r i n g the long n a r r a t i v e , uses the 71

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a p p r o p r i a t e m e t a p h o r t o describe t h e defeat: 'a great s e a o f sufferings h a s burst forth upon t h ePersians a n d t h e entire b a r b a r i a n race' (433-4). T h e s e a defies q u a n t i f i c a t i o n , h u m a n control, and the imperialist urge. Xerxes sought t oput a yoke on its neck, to u n i t e E u r o p e a n d A s i a physically a n d politically under a yoke of slavery. T h e battle of Salamis shattered that y o k e a s i t s h a t t e r e d X e r x e s ' fleet. Psyttalia: quantity vs. value The messenger tells of a disaster after S a l a m i s t h a t 'counterbalanced t h e scale t w i c e a s m u c h ' (436-7) a s S a l a m i s . H e does not n a m e the place of the disaster, Psyttalia, or its agents, the Athenians.34 T h e defeat a t P s y t t a l i a recapitulates t h e Greek/barbarian distinction of quality t oquantity within the Persian ranks. T h e value of the Persian nobility slaughtered on t h e i s l a n d i s twice t h a t of t h e largest n u m b e r of corpses ever produced o n a single day.35 The m e s s e n g e r says t h a t X e r x e s sent t h e force to t h e i s l a n d to save P e r s i a n s a n d t o k i l l G r e e k s e m e r g i n g f r o m w r e c k e d s h i p s ( 4 5 0 - 3 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 7 6 . 2 - 3 ) . 3 6 H e s t r e s s e s X e r x e s ' c r u elty: these G r e e k s w o u l d b e 'easy t o k i l l ' (450-2). P s y t t a l i a r e a f f i r m s X e r x e s ' flawed k n o w l e d g e o f t h e f u t u r e a n d h i s d i s a s t r o u s m o r a l / i n t e l l e c t u a l b l i n d n e s s ( 4 5 4 ; cf. 3 7 3 ) . A t h e n i a n s gird t h e i r bodies i n 'finely crafted bronze' a n d leap f r o m their ships after the n a v a l victory, encircling the Persians on t h e island (454-9). Herodotus places t h e attack d u r i n g t h e mêlée o f t h e n a v a l b a t t l e ( 8 . 9 5 ) . S u r r o u n d e d a n d i m m o b i l i z e d , Aeschylus' Persians are struck by stones and arrows, and finally butchered like meat (457-64).37 T h e i r deaths complement those of t h e s a i l o r s , w h o a r e e n c i r c l e d , c l u b b e d , c a u g h t , a n d filleted l i k e t u n a (424-6). T h e b a r b a r i a n invaders fall below slaves i n t h e c h a i n of being: t h e y are k i l l e d a n d p r e p a r e d a s food. Aeschylus and Herodotus agree that every Persian sent t o the island w a s slaughtered (464; 8.95).38 F o r Aeschylus, Psyttalia annihilates the Persian nobility (441-4). T h e stratification of P e r s i a n society contrasts w i t h A t h e n i a n e q u a l i t y - a l l citiz e n s b e l o n g e q u a l l y t o t h e polis a n d m e r i t e q u a l m a t e r i a l a n d symbolic rewards for t h e i r labour. T h e P s y t t a l i a episode devel72

3. Pathos ops t h i s t h e m e . A t h e n i a n lower-class s t o n e - t h r o w e r s a n d archers encircle a n d i m m o b i l i z e t h e P e r s i a n n o b i l i t y ; middle/upper-class hoplites h a c k t h e m to pieces (457-64). A t h ens' e a r l y depictions o f democracy a s a m o r a l force project class solidarity. T h e A t h e n i a n s m e m o r i a l i z e d t h e i r first hoplite vict o r y c. 5 0 6 o v e r t h e w e a l t h y ' k n i g h t s ' (hippobotai) o f C h a l c i s , whose l a n d t h e y seized a n d settled, a n d Boeotians, w h o m t h e y ransomed, w i t h a bronze statue of a four-horse chariot, e m b l e m of horse-loving aristocrats ( H e r o d o t u s 5.77-8). A n e p i g r a m a t the base of the statue proclaims that A t h e n i a n hoplites 'exting u i s h e d ' t h e f i e r y g l e a m o f t h e i r a d v e r s a r i e s ' hybris, ' b r e a k i n g ' t h e m i n b a t t l e ( 5 . 7 7 . 4 ) . Hybris i s d e v i a n t b e h a v i o u r i n d u c e d b y wealth, y o u t h , a n dstatus.39 A t h e n s represented i t s uses o f m i l i t a r y f o r c e a s m o r a l a c t i o n a g a i n s t s u c h hybris. Psyttalia glorifies A t h e n i a n light-armed troops and hoplites for t h e i r role i n t h e defeat of t h e Persians. H e r o d o t u s uses the battle more particularly to praise the achievement of Aristides and Athens' hoplites, w h o had been stationed on Salamis but did not r o w i n t h e fleet (8.76.3, 95).40 Aeschylus' hoplites m a y have rowed, served as marines, or been spectators o n Salamis - i t is impossible t o tell.41 Aeschylus invokes t h e A t h e n i a n hoplite t r a d i t i o n b y associating P s y t t a l i a w i t h t h e god P a n (447-9), w h o w a sworshipped a t A t h e n s after M a r a t h o n (6.105.2-3).42 Y e t i t i s m i s t a k e n t o read t h e episode as a n a t t e m p t t o h o n o u r A r i s t i d e s a n d A t h e n i a n h o p l i t e s a t t h e expense of Themistocles and the navy.43 Psyttalia complements and duplicates the n a v a l victory as a victory on land - where the Persians were allegedly invincible.44 A t h e n i a n hoplites and light-armed troops inflict twice as m u c h h a r m o n t h e P e r s i a n s a s t h e s a i l o r s do. P s y t t a l i a exaggerates the infantry's role; b u t i t also foregrounds the agony of Persia's nobility.45 T h e audience m i g h t take this as a horrifying d i m e n s i o n of w a r i n general.46 I t m i g h t also v i e w the slaughter of the P e r s i a n n o b i l i t y a function of n a v a l invasion. T h e destruct i o n o f A t h e n s ' best citizens w a s associated w i t h the conduct of n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . 4 7 T h e Queen blames the navy, composed of lower-class non-Persians, for the defeat o f the upper-class Persian i n f a n t r y (728). T h e play's o m i n o u s t r e a t m e n t of the w o r d a n d c o n c e p t o f plethos, ' n u m b e r ' , m a y a l s o a d d r e s s A t h e n i a n 73

Aeschylus: Persians concerns about the conduct of democracy a n d i m p e r i a l i s m . I n A t h e n i a n p o l i t i c a l a n d l e g a l d i s c o u r s e , t h e w o r d plethos r e f e r s t o t h e r u l i n g m a j o r i t y . 4 8 T h e Persians d e p i c t s t h e i n v e s t m e n t o f a plethos o f m e n a n d s h i p s i n a s e a - b o r n e i n v a s i o n a s a f o r m u l a f o r a plethos o f w o e s . U n l i k e l a t e r t r e a t m e n t s o f S a l a m i s , t h e Persians i s s i l e n t a b o u t t h e s i z e o f t h e A t h e n i a n n a v y , w h i c h c o m p r i s e d n e a r l y t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e G r e e k fleet ( e . g . T h u c y d i d e s 1.74.1). T h e p l a y stresses Persia's c a t a s t r o p h i c n u m e r i c a l superiority, b u t t h i s i s also a feature o f n a v a l w a r f a r e for t h e audience to consider. The flight from Salamis to Thrace X e r x e s is a spectator a n d a spectacle a t t h e battle, occupying a conspicuous seat (465-8).49 According t o Herodotus, his gaze impelled his sailors to fight w i t h greater zeal a t Salamis t h a n t h e y h a d fought at A r t e m i s i u m d u r i n g his absence (8.86). I n the Persians, h e s e e s t h e ' d e p t h o f w o e s ' , a n d i m i t a t e s t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f h i s fleet a n d w a i l i n g o f h i s s a i l o r s , ' t e a r i n g h i s r o b e s a n d w a i l i n g shrilly' (465-8). Rapidly relaying orders to his i n f a n t r y t o flee, ' h e w e n t i n d i s o r d e r l y flight' ( 4 6 9 - 7 0 ) . A t this m o m e n t , Xerxes realizes his mother's dream. Darius' p i t y i n t h e d r e a m s e e m s t o be a f u n c t i o n o f X e r x e s ' s i m i l a r i t y t o h i m : b o t h suffered defeat a t A t h e n s . T h e Q u e e n treats t h e i r defeats a s parallel, r e t u r n i n g t h e episode t o t h e cue for its beginning, the battle of M a r a t h o n . Xerxes' attempt t o avenge his father's defeat t u r n e d out to be 'bitter': he w a s not content w i t h Persian deaths a t M a r a t h o n (473-7). Salamis repeats the e a r l i e r P e r s i a n defeat o n a l a r g e r scale; i t r e n e w s t h e g l o r y o f A t h e n i a n v a l o u r against P e r s i a n aggression. 'Celebrated A t h ens' (473), t h e defender o f G r e e k freedom, foiled X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t to avenge his father's defeat a t M a r a t h o n . T h e messenger-scene follows a recurrent pattern. T h e Queen r e q u e s t s specific i n f o r m a t i o n ; t h e m e s s e n g e r a n s w e r s h e r question, b u t adds a cascade o f l a m e n t a b l e news. T h e Q u e e n n o w asks for the location of the s u r v i v i n g ships (478-9). T h e messenger r e p l i e s t h a t t h e s h i p s ' c a p t a i n s 'set s a i l . . . i n n o w e l l - o r d e r e d (ouk eukosmon) flight' ( 4 8 0 - 1 ) . T h e n h e l a u n c h e s i n t o a n a c c o u n t o f t h e l a n d forces' m a r c h h o m e . 74

3. Pathos Describing t h e P e r s i a n route home, t h e messenger catalogues G r e e k territories w h i c h collaborated w i t h the Persians (482-3; H e r o d o t u s 7.132.1; 8.31; 9.31.5). T h e k i n g of Macedonia, A l e x a n d e r I , w a s a medizing Greek, t h o u g h Herodotus depicts h i m as a clever double-dealer.50 I n Boeotia, the h e a r t of G r e e k collaboration, t h e Persians die of t h i r s t a n d f r o m a condition t h a t has dropped out of the text (482-4). Phocis resisted a t first, and t h e Persians sacked their towns, b u t a t t h e battle o f P l a t a e a 1,000 P h o c i a n s f o u g h t o n t h e P e r s i a n side. T h e i r n a m e was not inscribed on the 'Serpent C o l u m n ' commemorating the 3 1 poleis t h a t ' f o u g h t t h e w a r ' a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s . 5 1 T h e c i t i e s of Thessaly, w h e r e the Persians wintered i n 480/79 (Herodotus 8.113, 129.3), w e l c o m e d t h e P e r s i a n a r m y o n i t s h o m e w a r d march, but 'the most died here of t h i r s t and hunger' (488-91). M e d i z i n g G r e e k poleis w e r e d e a d l y t o t h e r e t r e a t i n g P e r s i a n s . T h e Persians s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e l a n d o f G r e e c e i t s e l f h a r m e d the Persians, irrespective o f i n d i v i d u a l cities' actions. I n t h i s way, the play introduces the theme of poverty as preserving Greek freedom. D a r i u s reiterates this point: G r e e k soil cannot support a large i n v a d i n g a r m y (792-4).52 P o v e r t y w a s second n a t u r e t o t h e G r e e k s , w h o i m p o r t e d ' v i r t u e / c o u r a g e ' (arete) t o combat poverty and despotism w i t h wisdom and law (Herodot u s 7 . 1 0 2 . 1 ; cf. A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 5 5 7 - 6 4 ) . T h e c o l l e c t i v e a n d l a w - g o v e r n e d n a t u r e o f G r e e k societies s t e m s f r o m t h e i r poverty a n dcontrasts w i t h t h e vast surplus a n d unchallenged power of the Persian king. E d o n i a n t e r r i t o r y i n Thrace was a hot-spot of Greco-Persian conflict. D a r i u s r e w a r d e d H i s t i a e u s o f M i l e t u s w i t h a colony a t M y r c i n u s , w h i c h controlled timber, precious metals, and m a n power; M e g a b a z u s t h w a r t e d t h i s p l a n ( H e r o d o t u s 5.11.2, 23-4; 1 2 4 . 2 ; 7 . 1 1 2 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 4 . 1 0 8 . 1 ) . T h e c l i m a x o f t h e n a r r a tive of retreat takes place here a t the S t r y m o n River, w h i c h divides M a c e d o n i a f r o m T h r a c e (495-7). W h e n t h e r i v e r freezes d u r i n g a n unseasonably cold night, the P e r s i a n r e m n a n t t h i n k s it has achieved miraculous salvation. E v e n those w h o 'thought t h e gods o f n o account' h e a p prayers u p o n t h e m , a n d 'bow i n obeisance t o E a r t h and Heaven' (497-9). Those w h o began t o cross before t h e s u n m e l t e d t h e ice m a d e i t t o t h e o t h e r side; b u t as a f t e r n o o n w o r e o n , t h e s u n m e l t e d t h e ice ( 5 0 0 - 5 ) , a n d t h e 75

Aeschylus:

Persians

Persians 'fell u p o n one another'; t h e quickest to die w e r e luckiest (506-7). S a l v a t i o n t u r n s to disaster: t h e m e n l e t h a l l y c r o w d one another i n t h e river, just as Persian ships crowded o n e another a t Salamis, and sink to their deaths. N i g h t is the t i m e w h e n events delude t h ePersians into t h i n k i n g their hopes w i l l be achieved; the sun i l l u m i n a t e s the t r u t h and destroys them. The Persians' treatment of the river's freezing as proof of t h e gods' existence a n d t h e i r p r a y e r s a n d p r o s t r a t i o n b e fore the e a r t h and sky r a t h e r t h a n before the k i n g ironically highlight t h e deadly consequences o f t h e delusion that Xerxes is divine.53 S a l a m i s a n d P s y t t a l i a r e q u i r e d h u m a n agency. T h e disaster at t h e S t r y m o n is d i v i n e deception u n m e d i a t e d by m o r t a l s . T h e f o r m a t i o n o f a b r i d g e o f ice across t h e S t r y m o n r e - e n a c t s a n d reciprocates Xerxes' bridging o fthe Hellespont.54 D a r i u s describes X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t t o b i n d 'the sacred f l o w i n g H e l l e s p o n t ' as a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (745-50). T o stop t h e f l o w o f t h e Hellespont i s a crime against t h e cosmos - matter, t i m e , change, differentiation - t u r n i n g w a t e r i n t o land. T h e m y s t e r i ous forces o f n a t u r e exact v e n g e a n c e for X e r x e s ' d e f o r m a t i o n o f the landscape to link the continents, fashion symbols of power, unite Europe and A s i a under his rule, and achieve t r a n s i t i o n from mortality t o divinity. Herodotus a n d Simonides i n h i s Artemisium t r e a t n a t u r a l p h e n o m e n a a s G r e e k d e f e n c e m e c h a n i s m s against the Persians.55 I n Aeschylus, t h e cosmic order vindicates itself. G r e e k soil and the S t r y m o n R i v e r p u n i s h the Persians w i t h t h e t w o worst forms o fdeath, starvation a n d d r o w n i n g ( H o m e r Odyssey 1 2 . 3 4 0 - 5 1 ) . Xerxes ordered a bridge constructed over the S t r y m o n w h i c h t h e i n v a d i n g force used ( H e r o d o t u s 7.24, 114.1); t h e r e t r e a t i n g Persians probably crossed i t (8.115, 126). A n a l t e r n a t i v e t r a d i tion, w h i c h H e r o d o t u s rejects, suggests t h a t t h e Persians encountered difficulty here. Xerxes marched as far asthe Strym o n b u t did n o t cross i t . H e sailed f r o m E i o n to t h e H e l l e s p o n t ( 8 . 1 1 8 - 2 0 ) . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e n a r r a t i v e i n t h e Persians derives f r o m such a t r a d i t i o n , b u t i t is m o r e l i k e l y a m o r a l i z i n g fiction. The Persians controlled t h e S t r y m o n until t h e Athenians captured E i o n i n 476. According to a commentator to Aeschines' 76

3. Pathos On the False Embassy, T h r a c i a n s s l a u g h t e r e d A t h e n i a n c o l o nists there.56 A parallel A t h e n i a n disaster m a y lie below the surface o f this n a r r a t i v e . T h e S t r y m o n f o r m s a significant a n d o m i n o u s b o u n d a r y between Greece a n d Thrace. I t belongs neither to Greeks nor to Persians. Xerxes' arrival? T h e messenger concludes t h e longest series of speeches delivered b y a single character i n extant tragedy by preparing the Queen, chorus, and audience for the arrival of a s m a l l Persian r e m n a n t (cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 1 1 5 . 1 ) a n d f o r t h e l a m e n t o f t h e polls (508-12). T h e messenger's final w o r d s assert the t r u t h o f his narrative and reiterate t h a t i t was a selection of the Persians' 'god-inflicted' woes (513-14). A s t h e messenger exits, t h e chorus bewails the divinity w h o brought 'hard suffering', 'leaping w i t h b o t h y o u r feet u p o n t h e e n t i r e r a c e o f P e r s i a n s ' ( 5 1 5 - 1 6 ; cf. 9 1 1 - 1 2 ) . T h e daimon t r a m p l e d t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o t r a m p l e d t h e Hellespont, t h e S t r y m o n , Greece, a n d A t h e n s . 5 7 T h e Q u e e n recognizes t h a t the disaster fulfils her dream, a n d rebukes the elders for their interpretation (518-20). E v e n so, s h e r e s o l v e s t o p e r f o r m t h e r i t e s t h e y e a r l i e r a d v i s e d . T h o u g h too late, they m a y somehow i m p r o v e t h e Persians' prospects (521-6). S h e is also concerned t h a t t h e chorus r e m a i n faithful advisors i n the a f t e r m a t h of the disaster (527-8). T h e Q u e e n n o w considers Xerxes' arrival. A s s u m i n g the role she w i l l p l a y i n t h e n e x t episode - chorus leader - she orders t h e chorus t o 'console h i m a n d send h i m i n t o t h e house' if h e r e t u r n s so t h a t h e does n o t m u l t i p l y h i s w o e s ( 5 2 9 - 3 1 ) . X e r x e s ' h o m e c o m i n g does n o t h a p p e n w h e n first expected. T h e Queen's r e t u r n pre-empts it; D a r i u s arrives f r o m Hades before X e r x e s r e t u r n s f r o m a f i g u r a l Hades, A t h e n s . T h i s 'false p r e p a r a t i o n ' has prompted m u c h discussion.58 B u t i tis a red herring. T h e deferral of Xerxes' entrance is part of a n ensemble of pre-empted, delayed, a n d unexpected stage events. T h e chorus' deliberations a r e t o olate; t h e Queen's entrance interrupts them. T h e bird o m e n pre-empts the Queen's apotropaic rites; t h e messenger's entrance defers t h e Queen's exit a n d renders apotropaic rites g r a t u i t o u s . T h e Queen's concern is for h e r son. 77

Aeschylus: Persians Before exiting, she arranges for the chorus t o soothe h i m a n d escort h i m to t h e palace.59 T h i s i sdeferred u n t i l t h e e n d o f t h e play; b u t i t does n o t h a p p e n o n t h e Queen's t e r m s . X e r x e s w i l l r e t u r n i n rags to m u l t i p l y his woes by re-enacting the Persians' suffering i n l a m e n t . A n d he w i l l regain control of the chorus a n d c o m m a n d t h e elders to escort h i m to t h e palace (1038-77). From Salamis to the end of empire: lament Alone i n the orchestra, the chorus performs the first stasimon. A n anapaestic prelude restates the narrative as a lament. T h e c h o r u s ceases t o s p e a k v a g u e l y o f ' d i v i n i t y ' o r 'god' a s t h e c a u s e of P e r s i a n suffering a n d blames 'Zeus t h e k i n g ' for destroying 'the a r m y of the boastful and m u l t i t u d i n o u s Persians' and for obscuring Persia i n mists of'gloomy lament' (532-6). Darkness - the m a t r i x of Xerxes' hopes a t Salamis and Persian joy a t the S t r y m o n - n o w settles o n Persia, obscuring the g l e a m of its w e a l t h , p o w e r , a n d hybris u n d e r m i s t s o f t e a r s . T h e e l d e r s describe w o m e n ' s tender h a n d s r e n d i n g t h e i r veils, t h e i r breasts drenched w i t h tears i n g r i e f (537-40). T h e y focus o n 'delicately l a m e n t i n g ' brides w h o long t o see t h e i r ' n e w l y w e d h u s b a n d s ' (artizugia, ' r e c e n t y o k i n g ' , 5 4 1 - 2 ) . T h e w o r d r e c a l l s Xerxes' 'yoke' o nthe Hellespont as a perverse marriage and hints a t the theme of a new Trojan War. Protesilaus was a newlywed, leaving a half-built house and a bride tearing her c h e e k s i n m o u r n i n g ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 6 9 5 - 7 1 0 ) . T h e m e s s e n g e r s t a t e d t h a t t h e polis w o u l d l a m e n t ' l o n g i n g f o r t h e d e a r e s t y o u t h (hebe) o f t h e l a n d ' ( 5 1 1 - 1 2 ) . T h e w o r d hebe d e s i g n a t e s m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e . M o r e g e n e r a l l y , hebe i s a s t a t e of physical and sexual m a t u r i t y , a benchmark o r 'measure' of h u m a n life, w h e n t h e body reaches i t s p e a k o f v i g o u r a n d desirability.60 I t is t h e t i m e w h e n m e n become w a r r i o r s a n d fathers a n d w o m e n a r e r e a d y f o r m a r r i a g e a n d c h i l d - b e a r i n g . 6 1 Hebe i s t h e object o f t w o k i n d s o f l a m e n t : for i t s evanescence, a s y o u t h y i e l d s t o o l d age, a n d f o r i t s l o s s i n b a t t l e . 6 2 P e r s i a n w o m e n c o m b i n e these: l o n g i n g for 'exquisitely cushioned m a r r i a g e beds, t h e pleasu r e o f l u x u r i a n t y o u t h (hebe)' ( 5 4 2 - 4 ) , t h e y m o u r n t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' d e a t h s i n b a t t l e a s t h e l o s s o f t h e i r o w n hebe.63 78

3. Pathos T h e chorus eroticizes P e r s i a n w o m e n i nlament. T h e keyw o r d f o r t h e i r d e l i c a t e l u x u r y i s habros, w h i c h f o r m s s u c h compounds as ' l u x u r i a n t i n lament' (135) and 'delicately lam e n t i n g ' ( 5 4 1 ; cf. 5 4 3 ) . 6 4 P e r s i a ' s f e m i n i n e l u x u r y i s t h e o b v e r s e of its i m p e r i a l i s m , as t h e Queen's entrance displayed. T h e desire f o rw e a l t h a n d empire h a s n o point o f satisfaction. Xerxes' expenditure o f w e a l t h t o conquer Greece purchases female laments that are superlatively 'unsatisfiable' (545). L a m e n t i s t h e f i n a l a c t o f i m p e r i a l i s t l u x u r i a n c e i n t h e Persians. Recalling t h e first l i n e of t h e play, t h e elders decide to h o n o u r t h e f a t e o f ' t h e d e p a r t e d ' ( 5 4 6 - 7 ; cf. 1 , 6 0 , 1 7 8 , 2 5 2 ) . T h e y s i n g a lament i n lyric iambic metre. Describing the land of Asia as ' e m p t i e d o u t ' a n d g r i e v i n g (548-9; cf. 119), t h e y r e d u c e t h e d r a m a t i c n a r r a t i v e to its essence a n d p u n c t u a t e i t w i t h exclam a t i o n s o f a n g u i s h . T h e s t o r y has a single subject: X e r x e s . H e led, d e s t r o y e d (or lost), a n d f o o l i s h l y m a n a g e d t h e b a t t l e a t sea (550-4). T h e chorus reiterates the messenger's stress o n Xerxes' moral/intellectual failure (361-2, 373, 454). T h e chorus b l a m e s X e r x e s ' y e a r n i n g for n a v a l e m p i r e , cont r a s t i n g his calamitous desire w i t h D a r i u s ' benign leadership of archer-citizens (555-7). T h e chorus made a s i m i l a r distinction i n the parodos (102-13). D a r i u s wielded power w i t h i n the l i m i t s o f t h e P e r s i a n t r a d i t i o n . X e r x e s t r i e d t o c o n t r o l t h e sea. T h e a n t i s t r o p h e i d e n t i f i e s t h e disaster a s specific t o n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m (558-63). S h i p s replace X e r x e s as t h e subject w h i c h led a n d destroyed/lost, s h a r i n g b l a m e w i t h the reckless y o u n g king. B o t h Xerxes and ships have a m a l i g n a n t 'dark-blue' look (559; 81-2) a n d bear a n equivalent e m o t i o n a l charge i n this lament. T h e disaster o f t h e Persians' l e a r n i n g 'to cast t h e i r gaze u p o n t h e h a l l o w e d f i e l d o f t h e sea' ( 1 0 8 - 1 3 ) h a s m u l t i p l e , c o n t r a d i c tory meanings. I t reinforces Athens' n a v a l supremacy i n the Aegean. T h a t the chorus uses the t e r m Tonians' for 'Greeks' here (563) a n d subsequently i n its l a m e n t s (950-4, 1011-13, 1025) i n s t e a d o f 'Greeks', a s t h e m e s s e n g e r does, signals t h i s tendency of t h e d r a m a . B u t i t also expresses a general w a r n i n g against n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m and associates i t w i t h the violation of sacred space.65 T o defend one's h o m e l a n d a g a i n s t a b a r b a r i a n i n v a d e r a s A t h e n s d i d a t S a l a m i s d i f f e r s f r o m l a u n c h i n g fleets 79

Aeschylus: Persians as a siege p o w e r - t h e A t h e n i a n m o d u s o p e r a n d i after S a l a m i s . 'Others' pains' - even w h e n inflicted by the audience - are the sole source o f tragic w i s d o m . H i s t o r y a s s u m e s t h e f o r m o f m y t h i n t r a g e d y because w h a t i s a l i e n s o m e h o w becomes one's o w n and the particular gains a general resonance.66 Persian laments for the disaster thus sound t h eperils o f n a v a l p o w e r , w h i c h w a s n o t o r i o u s l y i m p e r m a n e n t , a n d associated w i t h greed, i n v a s i o n , a n d t h e destabilization o f t r a d i t i o n . 6 7 I n a period o f t h r e e decades, I o n i a n s , Phoenicians, a n d A t h e n i ans dominated the Aegean. T h e i r stories are cautionary tales. T h e f i r s t G r e e k n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s t , P o l y c r a t e s o f S a m o s ( r u l e d c. 540 t o 522) ended u p crucified and decapitated, enticed t o his death b y w h a t h e t h o u g h t w e r e chests o f gold (Herodotus 3.122-5). T h e M i l e s i a n t y r a n t s ' bid for n a v a l e m p i r e ended i n disaster - Histiaeus too w a s decapitated (6.30). Herodotus lam e n t s the ships A t h e n s sent t o M i l e t u s as 'the beginning of woes f o r both Greeks a n d barbarians' (5.97.3). P h r y n i c h u s ' Phoenician Women b e w a i l e d t h e e n d o f P h o e n i c i a n n a v a l power. Ships enabled t h e Persians t o prosecute a large-scale i n v a sion w h i c h r i s k e d a n d i n c u r r e d t o t a l defeat. T h e y w o u l d s i m i l a r l y seduce t h e A t h e n i a n s . T h e fourth-century orator Isocrates exaggerates w h e n h e lists t h e A t h e n i a n loss o f 2 0 0 ships i n Egypt i n 454, 150 ships i n Cyprus, 10,000 hoplites i n Drabescus i n 464, 40,000 m e n and 140 ships i n Sicily i n 413.68 ' W h o could count', h e realistically adds, 'ships lost by tens a n d f i v e s a n d m o r e , a n d m e n d y i n g b y t h e 1 , 0 0 0 a n d 2 , 0 0 0 ' ? (On the Peace 8 . 8 6 - 7 ) . N a v a l p o w e r w a s e x p e n s i v e a n d u n s u s t a i n a b l e w i t h o u t tribute-collecting imperialism; i t expended h u m a n lives m o r e prodigiously t h a n l a n d power. E v e n a modest fleet of 60 triremes gambled some 12,000 lives, more t h a n A t h e n s risked a t either M a r a t h o n o r Plataea. Thucydides' Pericles asserts, ' k n o w t h a t the city has the greatest reputation for not yielding t o disasters a n d f o rexpending t h e most lives a n d e f f o r t s i n w a r ' ( 2 . 6 4 . 3 ) . T h e Persians d e p i c t s s u c h c a r n a g e a s a Persian problem; a n du n l i k e Pericles' A t h e n i a n s , Aeschylus' Persians yield t o unbridled l a m e n t after t h e disaster. S u c h laments are radically other, it is true; but they are inescapably h u m a n , a n d l i n k e d specifically to n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . A s A t h e 80

3. Pathos n i a n deaths i n w a r escalated, t h e tragic t h e a t r e became a n o u t l e t for t h e expression o f c o m m u n a l grief, misrecognized as 'others' woes'. The chorus' l a m e n t ends w h e r e the messenger's narrative did, w i t h X e r x e s ' escape t h r o u g h T h r a c e ( 5 6 4 - 7 ) . M o d u l a t i n g t o lyric dactylic metre, t h e elders go beyond t h e messenger's speech. T h e i r vision borders o n fantasy a n d prophecy. U t t e r i n g the exclamations of woe they feared the city w o u l d hear i n the parodos (114-19), they direct themselves t o l a m e n t t h e Persians' 'heaven-sent woes' (571-5) a n d i m a g i n e P e r s i a n corpses 'horribly m a n g l e d ' by fish, 'the voiceless c h i l d r e n o f t h e undefiled one' (576-8). T h i s k e n n i n g expresses t h e G r e e k idea t h a t the sea is i m m u n e t oreligious pollution and that t operish a t sea i s a k i n d o f n o t h i n g n e s s , t o e n t e r t h e food c h a i n a n d t o disappear w i t h o u t a trace.69 T h e messenger described Persians caught, killed, a n d prepared as food (424-6, 462-4). T h e chorus completes his vision: fish devour the Persians, a m o m e n t Herod o t u s a l s o i n c l u d e s i n h i s Histories ( 6 . 4 4 . 3 ) . R e t u r n i n g t o a k e y n o t e of the anapaestic prelude, the chorus m o u r n s for P e r s i a n households, w h i c h 'stripped o f i t s m a n grieves', a n d tells o f 'elderly, childless parents l a m e n t i n g heaven-sent woes' (579-83). T h e r e t u r n t o t h e p r e l u d e o f t h e ode signals a n e w b e g i n n i n g . The chorus becomes prophetic: Persia's A s i a n empire w i l l c r u m ble because o f defeat at S a l a m i s . Subjects w i l l no longer tolerate P e r s i a n r u l e , p a y t r i b u t e u n d e r 'despotic necessity', or be r u l e d a n d bow d o w n before t h e k i n g (584-90). T h e elders performed proskynesis b e f o r e t h e Q u e e n ; b u t t h e y w i l l n o t b o w b e f o r e t h e Q u e e n o r X e r x e s after t h e defeat. T h e rest o f t h e e m p i r e w i l l follow. F r e e speech figures t h e fall o f empire: 'the people h a s been s e tloose t o speak freely, for t h e y o k e o f p o w e r has been loosened' (591-4). T h e image o f the yoke i s a vehicle for telling the story o f the play: Xerxes yoked t h e Hellespont (65-72, 721-30, 744-51) a n d sought to p u t the 'yoke' of slavery o n Greece (50, 1 9 0 - 2 ) . S a l a m i s s h a t t e r e d t h e y o k e o f P e r s i a n s l a v e r y , destroying the 'yoke' of Persian marriages and r e m o v i n g the 'yoke' o f silence f r o m t h e people. T h e failed a t t e m p t to conquer m a i n l a n d Greece threatens the P e r s i a n empire a t its heart.70 W e w i l l see r e s u l t o f t h i s w h e n t h e e l d e r s s p e a k f r e e l y t o X e r x e s upon his r e t u r n (918-1001). 81

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Persian power a n d g r a n d e u r lie o n the bloody fields of Ajax's island, S a l a m i s (595-7). These last w o r d s of the l a m e n t echo a Greek m e m o r i a l for the dead a t Salamis: 'but n o w the island of S a l a m i s h o l d s u s ' (FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X I ) . T h e P e r s i a n pathos ends w h e r e i t began, o n the 'island of Ajax' (307, 368), separated from Attica a tits narrowest point by a fraction over a kilometre. H o m e r d e s i g n a t e d A j a x ' t h e b u l w a r k (herkos) o f t h e A c h a e a n s ' (Iliad 3 . 2 2 9 ; 6 . 5 ; 7 . 2 1 1 ) , t h e w o r d f o r A t h e n s ' d e f e n d e r s i n t h e Persians ( 3 4 9 ) . A j a x i s a n a p t h e r o f o r t h e b a t t l e . T h e d e f e n d e r w h o wears a gigantic shield, h e i s unable t o w i t h s t a n d t h e Trojan onslaught b y himself. H ewithdraws, enabling Hector a n d t h e T r o j a n s t o s e t f i r e t o t h e A c h a e a n s h i p s ( H o m e r Iliad 16.101-24). So too t h e A t h e n i a n s w i t h d r e w a n d t h e P e r s i a n s set fire to Athens. Remembering the victory a tSalamis from the perspective of the Persian disaster allows t h e Athenians t o celebrate t h e greatest victory i n their history and t olament their greatest defeat. T o u n d e r s t a n d t h e Persian, a n d b y i m p l i c a t i o n , t h e A t h e n i a n , pathos, t h e p l a y r a i s e s t h e g h o s t o f D a r i u s . B u t h e bears little resemblance t othe historical Darius. I s Darius a figment of the barbarian i m a g i n a t i o n o ra m a s k for the playwright's o w n message? T h i s i s t h equestion t h enext t w o chapters will attempt to answer.

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A T r a g e d y of Succession 'Everything is full of fear' T h e Q u e e n enters embodying the abjection of A s i a and its hope for t h e p r o p i t i a t i o n o f t h e gods responsible for t h e disaster. A s i n h e r f i r s t e n t r a n c e , she i s a f r a i d . N o w , h o w e v e r , she sees t h e w o r l d t h r o u g h the filter of her reversal of fortune. F o r those w h o suffer 'a w a v e o f woes', s h e says, ' e v e r y t h i n g i s l i k e l y t o cause fear' (599-600). B y contrast, those w h o enjoy continuous good fortune 'trust that the same w i n d of fortune will always blow' (601-2). T h e Q u e e n locates h e r s e l f a m o n g t h eformer: 'everyt h i n g i s full o f fear' (603). D e p i c t i n g t h e h u m a n condition as a perilous voyage contingent upon invisible powers, t h e Queen again formulates the appropriate response to the Persian m a r i t i m e d i s a s t e r (cf. 4 3 3 - 4 ) . H e r a p p r e c i a t i o n o f t h e m u t a b i l i t y o f fortune and expectation of further misfortune differ m a r k e d l y f r o m the chorus' expression of invincibility i n the parodos.1 T h e Queen's physical appearance attests to Persia's reversal of f o r t u n e . S h e first e n t e r e d o n a c h a r i o t a n d w a s t h e object o f t h e c h o r u s ' proskynésis a n d f o r m a l a d d r e s s ( 1 5 0 - 8 ) . N o w s h e enters unannounced; her chariot a n d 'finery' are gone (607-8).2 T h e Q u e e n sees, h e a r s , a n d feels a spectacle o f i n n e r p a i n . Visions of divine hostility and menacing sounds - like the Greek p a e a n t h a t t e r r i f i e d t h e P e r s i a n fleet - a s s a u l t h e r ( 6 0 4 - 5 ; c f . 3 8 8 - 9 2 ) . A s t o n i s h m e n t (ekpléxis) c a u s e d b y s u f f e r i n g ' s t r i k e s o u t ' h e r s e n s e s ( 6 0 6 ; cf. 2 9 0 - 1 ) . T h e Q u e e n ' s b o d y a n d m i n d r e g i s t e r t h e ' b l o w ' t o P e r s i a ' s olbos d e l i v e r e d a t S a l a m i s ( 2 5 1 - 2 ) . T h e Q u e e n p r o p o s e d t o r e t u r n w i t h a peíanos a s a g i f t t o t h e e a r t h a n d the dead (521-6). N o w s h earrives carrying ingredie n t s t h a t m a y q u a l i f y a s peíanos, b u t l a c k m e a l , t h e s t a p l e o f this porridge-like substance: milk, honey, spring water, wine,

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o l i v e o i l , a n d flowers.3 T h e Q u e e n e n d o w s t h e s e o b j e c t s w i t h magical properties b y n a m i n g t h e m i n kennings (611-18).4 These kennings t u r n simple produce into remedies for disaster, p r e f i g u r i n g t h e i n t e n d e d effect of D a r i u s ' a p p e a r a n c e , a 'cure f o r woes' (631-2). T h e ' u n y o k e d cow' (literally, 'pure') is innocent o f X e r x e s ' t r a n s g r e s s i v e ' y o k e ' . 5 T h e ' b l o s s o m - w o r k i n g bee' is a f o i l for t h e i n v a d i n g a r m y , w h i c h w a s c o m p a r e d t o 'a s w a r m o f bees' (128-9). T h e garlands recall a n d reverse t h e loss o f 'the flower of t h e Persians' (59-62, 250-2, 925-7), w h o r e m a i n unburied, never to r e t u r n to the earth, the m o t h e r w h o bore and laments t h e m . 6 Food a n d d r i n k offerings counter Persian deaths b y thirst and s t a r v a t i o n (482-4, 490-1). T h e k e n n i n g s also allude to A t h e n s ' destruction a n d r e b i r t h f r o m P e r s i a n fire. T h e 'wild mother' (614) suggests the ' m o u n t a i n mother' Cybebe, whose temple a t Sardis t h e A t h e n i a n s a n d Ionians burned.7 T h e description of the olive as'forever t e e m i n g w i t h life i n its leaves' (616-17) m a y refer t o a t r a d i t i o n t h a t X e r x e s sent A t h e n i a n s t o sacrifice o n t h e Acropolis after h e burned it. T h e y reported that the olive w h i c h A t h e n a produced to w i n patronage of A t h e n s , t h o u g h burned, h a d shot u p overn i g h t (Herodotus 8.55). T h i s olive symbolized t h e free c o m m u n i t y of A t h e n s a n d its capacity to reproduce itself f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l a u t o c h t h o n o u s l i n e ( E u r i p i d e s Ion 1 4 3 3 - 6 ; cf. Trojan Women 7 9 9 - 8 0 3 ) . T h e Q u e e n figures t h e r e s t o r a t i v e p o w e r o f h e r offerings i n a riddling language w h i c h h i n t s a t t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos a n d t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s f o r r e g e n e r a t i o n . 8 T h e dominant trope of these riddles is personification. T h e life-giving mother and the pure virgin, Demeter and Kore,a r e present i n t h e language. T h e pair i s also p r o m i n e n t i n t h e fourth-century comedian Antiphanes' parody of such kennings (Aphrodisius, f r . 5 5 . 3 , 9 [ K - A ] ) , w h i c h i n c l u d e s t h r e e o f t h e s e items: 'streams o f t h e buzzing bee' (honey, 7),'sweat o f B r o m i u s ' fount' (wine, 12), a n d 'dewy drops of t h e n y m p h s ' (spring water, 13). T h e Queen's offerings are foils for t h e chariot, a s y m b o l o f w e a l t h w o n b yconquest a n d dispossession of the vanquished; t h e y s u g g e s t olbos d e r i v e d f r o m t h e e a r t h . I n i t s r e l i g i o u s f o r m , olbos i s a r e l a t i o n t o t h e e a r t h : t h o s e w h o a r e ' b l e s s e d ' (olbioi) are favoured b y Gaea, Demeter, and K o r e . 9 T h e derivation of 84

4. A Tragedy of Succession olbos f r o m c o n q u e s t i s a t t h e h e a r t o f t h e P e r s i a n d i s a s t e r . T h e second episode r e t u r n s to t h e e a r t h a n d t h e dead f a t h e r b u r i e d i n i t a s a r e m e d y . T h i s act o f r e m e d i a t i o n h a s special resonance for the A t h e n i a n s , whose l a n d a n d ancestral t o m b s w e r e destroyed i n 480/79.10 T h e raising of D a r i u s ' ghost comes as a surprise. T h e Q u e e n withholds t h e purpose o fher offerings u n t i l t h e end o f her speech. She enters c a r r y i n g 'propitiatory libations to t h e f a t h e r of t h e child, soothing to t h e dead' (609-10). A f t e r h e r k e n n i n g s , s h e o r d e r s t h e c h o r u s t o i n v o k e ' t h e d i v i n i t y (daimon) D a r i u s ' w i t h h y m n s w h i l e she pours 'these h o n o u r s t o t h e gods o f t h e lower world' (619-22). T h e kennings t r a n s f o r m propitiatory offerings t o t h edead into ingredients o fa necromantic rite. T h e y also signal a change i n t h e Queen's d r a m a t i c role. A seeker o f advice a n d questioner i n t h e first episode, t h e Q u e e n assumes t h e role o fchorus leader, c o m m a n d i n g t h e chorus' performance and d e t e r m i n i n g the stage action.11 Aristotle theorized tragedy's origin from 'the chorus leaders of the d i t h y r a m b ' (Poetics 1 4 4 9 a 9 - 1 4 ) ; a n a c t o r i n t h e r o l e o f c h o r u s l e a d e r i s essential t oAeschylean drama. This is the position of power, a u t h o r i t y , a n d risk; t h e chorus leader acts as a director o n s t a g e . I n t h e Persians, t h e r o l e e v o l v e s a s i t p a s s e s f r o m t h e messenger, t o t h e Queen, t o D a r i u s , a n d finally t o Xerxes himself, w h o regains despotic c o n t r o l o f t h e k i n g d o m asa leader of choral lament.12 Before o u r eyes, t h e Q u e e n a n d t h e c h o r u s raise D a r i u s f r o m t h e d e a d . N e c r o m a n c y i s a n o c t u r n a l r i t e par excellence; c o n ducted i n d a y l i g h t by d r a m a t i c necessity, i t nevertheless stages the inversion of day/night, light/darkness that was integralt o the messenger's narrative.13 Darius' tomb T h e elders accept t h e i r role i n a n anapaestic prelude, w h i c h covers m o v e m e n t into position a t D a r i u s ' t o m b t op e r f o r m the rites and sing the h y m n (623-32). Precisely h o w the t o m b was represented a n d w h e r e i t w a s located w i t h i n t h e theatrical space are u n k n o w n . T h e m o s t i n g e n i o u s t h e o r y is t h a t o f N i c h o las H a m m o n d , w h o argues t h a t a rock outcrop o n the eastern 85

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edge o f t h e orchestra, w h i c h w a s r e m o v e d s o m e t i m e b e t w e e n 463 a n d 458, f u n c t i o n e d as a n elevated acting space a n d w a s o u t f i t t e d t o s e r v e a s D a r i u s ' t o m b i n t h e Persians.14 A . W . Pickard-Cambridge a n d Oliver T a p l i n also locate t h e t o m b o n t h e side o f t h e orchestra ( t h o u g h n o t o n t h e outcrop).15 P e t e r A r n o t t believes t h a t a n altar o n a n elevated stage functioned as Darius' t o m b . 1 6 I ti s difficult t o see h o w the ghost-raising w a s staged i f t h i s w a s t h e a r r a n g e m e n t , since t h e a l t a r w o u l d not have been large enough to conceal D a r i u s or his m o v e m e n t into position for t h e scene.17 D a v i d W i l e s asserts t h a t T n p e r f o r m ance t e r m s the climax of the play demands use of the strongest point' and argues t h a t the t o m b was located a t the altar i n the c e n t r e o f t h e o r c h e s t r a , t h e thymelè; b u t t h i s g i v e s D a r i u s a n a n t i - c l i m a c t i c e n t r a n c e 'as a d i s e m b o d i e d s p i r i t . . . t o t h e o r c h e s t r a f r o m t h e t e r r a c e b e h i n d ' . 1 8 P o s i t i n g a skènè a s b o t h a t o m b and council chamber is the most elegant hypothesis, though i t is b y n o m e a n s certain. I t has t h e advantage o f m a k i n g t h e t o m b t h e v i s u a l focus o f t h e t h e a t r i c a l space a n d o f offering a mechan i s m for concealing Darius' body and screening his emergence to the top of the structure. B u t basic uncertainties about t h e t h e a t r e i n 4 7 2 - w h e t h e r i t f e a t u r e d a skènè, w h e t h e r a n a c t i n g s p a c e w a s e l e v a t e d a b o v e t h e d a n c i n g s p a c e (orchèstra) — m a k e any hypothesis tenuous. The power of lament: the chorus' hymn Addressing the divinities responsible for releasing the dead t o the w o r l d o fthe living, t h e elders explain t h e i r d e m a n d for Darius' r e t u r n : 'if he k n o w s some further cure of our woes, h e alone o f mortals m i g h t speak their fulfilment' (627-32). T h e chorus classifies D a r i u s as a m o r t a l ; t h a t h e i s dead i n H a d e s and m u s t r e t u r n confirms i t (688-93).19 References to his divinity are part of the ideology of Persian kingship and the rhetoric of t h e disaster. D a r i u s lived 'a f o r t u n a t e life l i k e a god a m o n g t h e P e r s i a n s ' ( 7 1 1 ) . ' S u r p a s s i n g a l l m o r t a l s i n olbos' ( 7 0 9 ) , h e e m b o d i e s t h e olbos X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n r u i n e d a n d w h i c h p l a y s a n ambiguous role i n the etiology o f the disaster. T h e h y m n isrhythmically varied, but the first line, containi n g f o u r I o n i c a minore m e t r a , e s t a b l i s h e s i t s c a d e n c e , w h i c h 86

4. A Tragedy of Succession grows increasingly Ionic before concluding w i t h a n iambic a n d d a c t y l i c e p o d e . 2 0 T h e m e t r e o f hybris a n d ate i n t h e p a r o d o s , I o n i c a minore n o w c o n v e y s t h e m a g i c a l p o w e r o f P e r s i a n language a n d s o r r o w t o a w a k e n t h e dead; i t i s t h e r h y t h m o f Persia's r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e , p a i n , loss, a n d l o n g i n g . I t h a s t h e p o w e r to c o m m u n i c a t e across t h e g u l f t h a t separates living a n d dead, G r e e k a n d Persian, e v o k i n g joint P e r s i a n / I o n i a n suffering.21 T h e elders seek t o establish c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h D a r i u s , a s k i n g 'the blessed godlike k i n g ' i f he can hear t h e m . Dolefulness and variations of pitch and v o l u m e are required for the living t o reach the dead. A n exotic q u a l i t y helps: the chorus describes its utterances a s 'barbarian' (634-9).22 T h e a n t i s t r o p h e beseeches chthonic p o w e r s to g r a n t D a r i u s ' release. A m p l i f y i n g t h e i r praise, t h e elders c a l l D a r i u s 'god o f t h e P e r s i a n s b o r n i n Susa', u n i q u e a m o n g those b u r i e d i n P e r s i a n soil (640-6). M a k i n g h e a v y use o f anaphora, t h e second strophe elaborates the h y m n ' s opening. T h e elders proclaim love for D a r i u s , his t o m b , a n d his character, before directly appealing to Hades to escort 'the d i v i n e m a s t e r D a r i a n ' t o t h e l i v i n g (647-51). 'Darian' approximates Darius' Persian name, enhancing the exotic sound of the h y m n and intensifying the personal bond between chorus a n d king. T h e antistrophe reiterates the desire for D a r i u s ' r e t u r n i n t e r m s of his difference f r o m X e r x e s (652-6). D a r i u s ' p r u d e n t a n dsuccessful leadership contrasts w i t h X e r x e s ' d e s t r u c t i v e m a r i t i m e a m b i t i o n s (cf. 5 5 5 - 7 ) . A d o l e f u l e x c l a m a t i o n , ee, f o l l o w s D a r i u s ' n a m e a t t h e e n d o f t h e second strophe a n d concludes t h e a n t i s t r o p h e ( 6 5 1 , 656). T h e concluding refrain of the third strophic/antistrophic pair punctuates the c o m m a n d for the 'harmless father D a r i a n ' to arrive w i t h t h e e x c l a m a t i o n ' o f ( 6 6 3 - 4 , 6 7 1 - 2 ) . 2 3 I n t h e first s t a s i m o n t h e e x c l a m a t i o n s popoi a n d totoi f o l l o w e d X e r x e s ' a n d ' s h i p s ' ( 5 5 0 - 1 , 560-1); s i m i l a r cries p u n c t u a t e d t h e chorus' l a m e n t for t h e dead w h o w o u l d never r e t u r n (568-81). I n t h i s h y m n , t h e chorus attaches t h e p a i n of t h e disaster to D a r i u s ' n a m e to compel h i s presence. T h e h y m n r e a c h e s i t s i n c a n t a t o r y p e a k i n t h e t h i r d stro¬ phe/antistrophe. T h e chorus repeatedly calls u p o n D a r i u s t o a r r i v e a n d a p p e a r , i n v o k i n g h i m w i t h t h e e x o t i c t i t l e 'batten, a n c i e n t batten' ( 6 5 7 - 8 ) , e i t h e r a P h r y g i a n r o y a l t i t l e o r a t i t l e d e r i v e d f r o m a B a b y l o n i a n w o r d f o r r o y a l d e c r e e , palu, t h e 87

Aeschylus: Persians source of the P h o e n i c i a n honorific B a ' a l . 2 4 T h e chorus defines expectations for Darius' v i s u a l appearance, c o m m a n d i n g h i m to appear o n h i s funeral mound's o r tomb's 'highest pinnacle' w e a r i n g t h e P e r s i a n 'crocus-dyed slipper' a n d r e v e a l i n g t h e 'tip of y o u r r o y a l t i a r a ' (659-61), t h e h a t w h i c h o n l y t h e P e r s i a n k i n g could wear upright.25 Darius' ornate and intact royal costume w i l l contrast w i t h Xerxes' rags.26 T h e elders state t h e i r reason for c o m m a n d i n g D a r i u s ' presence: t o h e a r ' s t r a n g e a n d n e w woes' (665). I r o n i c a l l y r e d u c i n g t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e place w h e r e D a r i u s i s a n d t h e place w h e r e t h e y order h i m to appear, t h e chorus describes P e r s i a as a k i n d o f Hades: 'the m i s t o f t h e Styx hovers, for n o w the entire y o u t h of our land has perished' (669-70). The text o f t h e epode i s corrupt, b u t t h e chorus r e m i n d s Darius of lavish laments for h i m a t his death. H i s appearance w i l l repay t h i s favour. A s M a r a t h o n w a s t h e cue for t h e messenger's a r r i v a l , S a l a m i s i s t h e cue for D a r i u s ' . T h e elders e n d t h e h y m n o n t h e k e y n o t e o f t h e n a v a l defeat: 'for a l l t h e t r i r e m e s i n t h i s l a n d h a v e p e r i s h e d ; t h e ships a r e n o ships, n o ships' (673¬ 80). T h e loss of t h e fleet is t h e p a i n f u l b l o w t o P e r s i a . A g a i n , t h i s stress highlights the A t h e n i a n achievement even as i t underscores t h e evanescence o f n a v a l p o w e r . W h e n D a r i u s emerges from Hades, h e tells the elders t h a t the Queen's libations made h i m afraid (684-5) and t h a t t h e i r wailing 'with soul-attracting laments, invoked m e pitiably' (686-8). T h e h y m n arouses t h e canonical emotions o f tragic performance, p i t y a n d fear; song, music, a n d m o v e m e n t w o r k a k i n d of magic.27 T h e Queen's d r e a m focalized pity for Xerxes t h r o u g h D a r i u s (198). I n t h e staged d r a m a , D a r i u s pities t h e polis r a t h e r t h a n h i s s o n , e n g a g i n g t h e a u d i e n c e ' s e m o t i o n s w i t h t h e polis a s t h e v i c t i m o f d i s a s t e r . P e r f o r m i n g a l a m e n t w h i c h ' l e a d s s o u l s ' f r o m H a d e s , t h e Persians l u r e s a g h o s t t o t h e world of the living and a Greek audience into a Persian tragedy. Darius' entrance The staging o f D a r i u s ' a r r i v a l is impossible to d e t e r m i n e . Oliver T a p l i n suggests t h a t h e m a y emerge t h r o u g h a n u n d e r g r o u n d p a s s a g e . 2 8 M a e S m e t h u r s t c o n j e c t u r e s t h a t h e a r i s e s f r o m be88

4. A Tragedy of Succession h i n d a moveable prop representing his tomb.29 Others suggest t h a t h e s u r m o u n t s a n object s u c h a s a m o u n d or r o c k decorated as a t o m b . 3 0 S o m e h a v e u s e d v a s e p a i n t i n g t o s u p p o r t t h e i r positions, b u t these paintings d o not inspire confidence a s precise renditions of a m o m e n t i n a tragedy.31 A wooden struct u r e is a s i m p l e r a n d m o r e economical t h e a t r i c a l device t h a n a n u n d e r g r o u n d passage or a specialized prop. D e p i c t e d a s a god, D a r i u s m a y h a v e a p p e a r e d o n t o p o f a skene w h i c h r e p r e s e n t e d h i s t o m b ; t h e l a t e r t h e a t r e w o u l d s t a g e t h i s a r r i v a l a s a deus ex machina.32 Premonition, dream, omen, oracle: the fulfilment of tragedy D a r i u s ' e m e r g e n c e i n t o t h e l i g h t e x t e n d s t h e scope o f t h e d r a m a backwards and forwards i n time, f r o m the origin of the Persian/Median kingship six generations earlier to three generations after t h e P e r s i a n defeat a t Plataea. T h e s t i c h o m y t h i a between the Queen and Darius articulates the tragedy as a fulfilment of the chorus' premonition, the Queen's dream and bird omen, the precedent of M a r a t h o n , and prophecies k n o w n to D a r i u s (703-43). D a r i u s condemns his son (744-52), places his disaster i n the context of the history of the Persian kingship (759-86), a n d prophesies defeat a t P l a t a e a (800-20). F i n a l l y , h e d e s c r i b e s t h e t r a g e d y a s t h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate a n d l a m e n t , n a m i n g Z e u s as t h e god w h o p u n i s h e d X e r x e s f o r h i s ' o v e r w e e n ing ambitions' (821-8), a n d attempts t o r e m e d y the disaster, ordering the chorus to educate Xerxes and the Queen to provide h i m w i t h a n e w kosmos ( 8 2 9 - 3 8 ) . T h e Persians i s c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m r e p e a t e d p a t t e r n s . 3 3 D a r i u s ' ghost arrives as the Q u e e n did i n the first episode spectacularly but fearfully to seek i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m the elders ( 6 8 1 - 2 ; cf. 1 7 0 - 2 ) . A w a r e o f l a m e n t i n P e r s i a - w a i l i n g , b r e a s t beating, scoring o f t h e e a r t h - he does not k n o w , as he asks i n p l a i n t i v e a l l i t e r a t i o n , ' w h a t p a i n p a i n s t h e polis'l ( 6 8 2 ) . 3 4 Darius knows the past and future, but h e is ignorant of the p r e s e n t . T h e first p a r t o f t h i s episode i s h i s r e c o g n i t i o n scene: he learns t h a t the P e r s i a n disaster fulfils prophecies w h i c h h e t h o u g h t w o u l d be r e a l i z e d i n t h e d i s t a n t f u t u r e (739-41). 89

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T h e chorus' response t o Darius' question repeats and intensifies t h e spectacle o f fear a n d reverence a t t h e Queen's first entrance. I n three anaphoric a n d r h y m i n g lines, t h e elders express their i n a b i l i t y t olook a t o rto address D a r i u s because of t h e i r 'old fear' o f h i m (694-6). D a r i u s responds i n trochaic tetrameters, signalling his impatience as h e pleads w i t h t h e chorus to tell h i m the news (697-9). Awe-struck, the elders are unable to deliver bad news to their beloved k i n g (700-2). D a r i u s appeals t o his 'noble wife' t o stop h e r l a m e n t a n d t o t e l l h i m s o m e t h i n g 'clear' (703-6). H e u s e s m a x i m s t o coax h e r into divulging the news (706-8). D a r i u s ' sympathetic awareness s h o w s t h a t h e i s r e a d y for b a d n e w s . T r e a t i n g l a n d a n d sea a s s e p a r a t e spheres, h o w e v e r , h e i s u n p r e p a r e d for X e r x e s ' act — b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t - t r a n s f o r m i n g sea i n t o l a n d a n d i n c u r r i n g d i s a s t e r o n b o t h l a n d a n d sea. T h e Queen, as t h e messenger before her, b l u n t l y states t h e catastrophe: 'the empire of the Persians h a s been nearly des t r o y e d ( l i t e r a l l y , ' s a c k e d ' ) ' ( 7 1 4 ) . T h e Persians r e c a l l s A t h e n s ' sack (65-72, 81-107, 177-8, 807-12) b u t t u r n s t h e tables o n t h e Persians, r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r defeat a s a m e t a p h o r i c a l 'sack' o f their empire.35 T h e reversal instantiates the principle of'action' (drama) a n d ' s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos): t h e P e r s i a n s a c k e r s a r e s a c k e d . T h a t t h e G r e e k w o r d f o r P e r s i a n s , Persai, i s t h e a o r i s t i n f i n i t i v e o f t h e v e r b 'to sack', e n h a n c e s t h e i d e a . 3 6 T h e Q u e e n p a i r s t h e 'sack' o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e w i t h X e r x e s ' ' e m p t y i n g out the entire p l a i n of the m a i n l a n d ' (718), developing Persia's pathos a s t h e a n a l o g u e a n d a n t i t h e s i s o f A t h e n s ' . T h e Q u e e n defines t h e m i l i t a r y disaster a n d object o f l a m e n t : 'the navy, being defeated, destroyed t h e i n f a n t r y ' (728). S u c h a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n fleet a n d a r m y b e c a m e c o n ventional wisdom. I n Herodotus, Queen Artemisia o f Halicarnassus advises Xerxes n o tt o r i s k a n a v a l battle a t S a l a m i s . G r e e k sailors, she contends, 'are better t h a n y o u r m e n at sea a s m e n are b e t t e r t h a n w o m e n ' ( 8 . 6 8 a l ) . 3 7 X e r x e s a l r e a d y h o l d s A t h e n s ; t o f i g h t a n a v a l b a t t l e for i t w o u l d be s u p e r f l u o u s . She advises the k i n g to m a r c h to the Peloponnese (8.68a2-b2). Q u o t i n g A e s c h y l u s ' Q u e e n , s h e c o n c l u d e s , T f e a r t h a t t h e fleet, being defeated, w i l l destroy t h e l a n d a r m y too' (8.68gl). H e r o dotus considers A r t e m i s i a ' s advice sound (7.99.3); m o d e r n 90

4. A Tragedy of Succession h i s t o r i a n s h a v e b e e n l e s s e n t h u s i a s t i c . 3 8 T h e Persians l o c a t e s the vulnerability of Xerxes' invasion i n the navy. Herodotus and T h u c y d i d e s f o l l o w s u i t ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 3 9 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1.73.4¬ 74.1). E x p l a i n i n g X e r x e s ' defeat i n these t e r m s justifies A t h e n s ' title as 'saviours o f Greece' (Herodotus 7.139.5); b u t i t also identifies t h e n a v y as t h e enabling factor i n a t o t a l defeat w h i c h jeopardizes t h e socially s u p e r i o r l a n d forces. D a r i u s ' l a c k o f c o n c e r n f o r X e r x e s a n d h i s o w n oikos i s conspicuous; h e does n o t k n o w w h i c h o f h i s sons led t h e i n v a sion (717). T h e Queen steers t h e discussion t o w a r d Xerxes, i n f o r m i n g h i m t h a t , as one o f few s u r v i v o r s , h e crossed t h e bridge 'yoking the t w o lands' to safety (734-6). Herodotus insists t h a t t h e b r i d g e s w e r e d o w n ( 8 . 1 1 7 . 1 ) . T h e Persians t r e a t s t h e bridges both as Xerxes' destructive madness and as his means of salvation. Xerxes' salvation triggers D a r i u s ' recollection of prophecies of the disaster. H e t h o u g h t t i m e w o u l d delay t h e i r fulfilment (740-1), b u t i t came i n a n unpredictable i n s t a n t (739-40).39 D a r i u s blames Xerxes f o r accelerating their realization: h e attracted divine assistance (742). T h e dialogue isolates Xerxes' y o k i n g o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s a n act o f madness, t h e m o m e n t w h e n ' d i v i n i t y ' a b e t t e d h i s hybris a n d c a u s e d h i m t o l o s e h i s s e n s e s (719-25). T h e play stresses i n t e r p l a y b e t w e e n m a n a n d god i n realizing the catastrophe; now, however, the Greeks are h a r d l y i n t h e p i c t u r e . T h e gods' r o l e i n a b e t t i n g X e r x e s p r e d o m i n a t e s . 4 0 T h e Persians d o e s n o t s p e c i f y t h e s o u r c e o r c o n t e n t o f t h e s e p r o p h e c i e s . S o m e c o n j e c t u r e t h a t t h e Phineus ( a p r o p h e t , i n s o m e a c c o u n t s , b l i n d e d b y t h e g o d s ) , w h i c h p r e c e d e d t h e Persians, c o n t a i n e d t h e m . 4 1 T h e s e p r o p h e c i e s s e e m t o h a v e a d u a l message. T h e y p o r t e n d t h e 'sack' a n d 'evacuation' of t h e P e r s i a n empire (714, 718) a n d the king's 'salvation' (735-8).42 I n this regard, t h e y a r e p a r a l l e l a n d opposed t o t h et w o prophecies Herodotus claims the Delphic Oracle delivered to the Athenians before X e r x e s reached t h e city. B o t h prophesied t h e sack o f A t h e n s , b u t t h e second h i n t e d a t A t h e n s ' s a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h evacuation and n a v a l battle a t 'divine Salamis' (7.141.3). T h e s u r v i v i n g A t h e n i a n collective i s analogous a n d antithetical t o the surviving individual Xerxes. T h e Persians g r a d u a l l y d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n pathos o n t h e 91

Aeschylus: Persians m o d e l o f A t h e n s ' : evacuation, sack, s a l v a t i o n , f u l f i l m e n t o f a double prophecy. T h e bridge over t h e Hellespont i s Xerxes' d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n a n d m e a n s o f s a l v a t i o n ; t h e A t h e n i a n fleet enables the sack of A t h e n s and the salvation of the A t h e n i a n s a s a polis. S u c h e c h o e s d e v e l o p t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s r e c i p r o c a l vengeance for the t r a u m a they inflicted o n Athens. T h e y instant i a t e t h e p l a y ' s m a j o r t h e m e , t h a t a c t i o n (drama) n e c e s s i t a t e s r e c i p r o c a l s u f f e r i n g (pathos) t h a t i s n o l e s s v i o l e n t a n d p a i n f u l . T h e P e r s i a n pathos - t h e l o s s o f a fleet, a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e , t h e n o b i l i t y , a n d w i t h t h e m , olbos a n d e m p i r e - c o m p e n s a t e s f o r t h e A t h e n i a n pathos. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e s y m m e t r y a n d o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n P e r s i a ' s a n d A t h e n s ' pathos a l s o e n a b l e s t h e a u d i e n c e t o experience a n effect c r u c i a l t o t r a g e d y : t o r e a l i z e t h e self i n the pain of the other.43 ' A disease of the mind' F o r D a r i u s , Xerxes' ignorance, y o u t h f u l audacity, a n d defiance of his commands a r e the cause of the disaster (744, 782-3). D a r i u s condemns Xerxes, accusing h i m o f h o p i n g 'to h o l d t h e s a c r e d flowing H e l l e s p o n t i n b o n d s l i k e a s l a v e ' ( 7 4 5 - 6 ) , c h a n g ing the shape of the Hellespont (747), a n d m a k i n g a p a t h for his great a r m y ' b y t h r o w i n g h a m m e r - b e a t e n shackles' o n t h e Hellespont (747-8). D a r i u s ' charge i s not t h a t Xerxes tried t o enslave a free people, o r t h a t h e challenged superior G r e e k s a i l o r s t o a n a v a l b a t t l e , a s w e m i g h t e x p e c t i f t h e Persians a i m e d s i m p l y to celebrate G r e e k superiority. Rather, he excoria t e s h i s s o n f o r t r y i n g t o d o m i n a t e a l l t h e gods, s i n g l i n g o u t P o s e i d o n , god o f sea ( 7 4 9 - 5 1 ) . 4 4 D a r i u s calls t h i s h i s son's 'dise a s e o f t h e m i n d ' ( 7 5 0 - 1 ) . I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s d e c l a r e t h a t 'olbos ... c o m e s f r o m t h e h e a l t h o f t h e m i n d ' ( 5 3 5 - 7 ) . T h e Persians d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e c o n v e r s e : X e r x e s ' ' d i s e a s e o f t h e m i n d ' r u i n s P e r s i a ' s olbos. Herodotus relates t h a t Xerxes, enraged after a s t o r m destroyed his first bridges, ordered the Hellespont punished. H e imposed 300 lashes u p o n i t a n d cast a pair of shackles into its depths, fettering a n d stigmatizing h i s errant slave (7.35). Themistocles berates Xerxes for this as well as for destroying A t h e n s ' temples, citing these acts as proof t h a t m o r t a l s w e r e 92

4. A Tragedy of Succession n o t r e s p o n s i b l e f o r X e r x e s ' defeat: 'gods a n d heroes, w h o s e e n v y prevented one u n h o l y and transgressive m a n from being k i n g of E u r o p e a n d A s i a , accomplished this' (Herodotus 8.109.3). T h i s i s t h e t h r u s t o f D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n i n t h e Persians. X e r x e s s o u g h t t o d o m i n a t e ' a l l t h e gods'. Z e u s p u n i s h e d h i s p r e s u m p t i o n ( 8 2 7 - 8 ) . M o s t scholars rule out reference to Xerxes' p u n i s h m e n t of the H e l l e s p o n t i n t h e Persians.45 Y e t h o w ' h a m m e r - b e a t e n s h a c k les' (747) can refer t o X e r x e s ' bridges, boats l a s h e d t o g e t h e r w i t h Phoenician w h i t e l i n e n and E g y p t i a n papyrus, anchored, a n d w i n c h e d t a u t , i s difficult t o see ( H e r o d o t u s 7.33-6; cf. 8.20).46 T h e s o l u t i o n i s t h a t 'shackles' are a m e t a p h o r for the bridges. N o t o n l y did t h e y 'yoke' the continents, t h e y 'chained' t h e sacred w a t e r d e m a r c a t i n g t h e m . 4 7 X e r x e s ' c r i m e i s expecti n g 'to h o l d t h e sacred f l o w i n g Hellespont like a slave i n chains', turning ever-flowing water into inert land, and marching a n a r m y over i t (745-8). A tragedy of succession D a r i u s fears t h a t his w e a l t h , w h i c h h etreats as its essential v a l u e - t h e l a b o u r (ponos) h e e x p e n d e d t o a c q u i r e i t - w i l l b e pillaged i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f X e r x e s ' defeat (751-2). H i s fear dovetails w i t h t h e o m e n o f t h e h a w k m a u l i n g t h e eagle (205-10) and w i t h the chorus' vision of the end of tribute (584-90). D a r i u s is a m a t e r i a l i s t . T h e A t h e n i a n s defined t h e i r e m p i r e as i m m o r t a l g l o r y (kleos) — s y m b o l i c r a t h e r t h a n f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l . 4 8 T h e y expressed t h e v a l u e o f e m p i r e ast h e r i s k a n d expenditure o f life a n d e f f o r t (ponos) t h a t e a r n e d kleos, g r a t i t u d e (charis), a n d e x p r e s s e d t h e i r v i r t u e a n d e x c e l l e n c e (arete) a s a c o m m u n i t y . 4 9 V i e w i n g i m p e r i a l i s m f r o m a P e r s i a n p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e Persians d e m y s t i f i e s i t a s a k i n d o f hybris a i m e d a t t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n o f m o n e y a n d p o w e r a n d t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f ' b l e s s e d n e s s ' (olbos) derived f r o m dispossessing others. According t o Herodotus, 'the Persians s a y D a r i u s w a sa m e r c h a n t , Cambyses a despot, a n d C y r u s a father' (3.89.3). D a r i u s established fixed tribute assessments from 20 districts, essentially t ofund a n augmented navy (Herodotus 3.89-96).50 Xerxes' defeat a n n u l s D a r i u s ' labour a n d u n d e r m i n e s t h e e m pire's economic foundations, w h i c h enable its d y n a m i s m a n d 93

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g r o w t h . T r i b u t e supports conquest, w h i c h generates a d d i t i o n a l w e a l t h , e n a b l i n g conquest t o b e f u n d e d o n a n i n c r e a s i n g scale. T h e Q u e e n referred t o t h i s process (161-7): s h e feared t h a t wealth embodied i n a ninvading a r m y might subvert the quali t y o f w e a l t h t h a t g i v e s i t n o n - e c o n o m i c v a l u e , olbos. Y e t s h e also realized t h a t w e a l t h w i t h o u t the i m p r i m a t u r of conquest does n o t c o m m a n d respect. D a r i u s does n o t i m p l i c a t e P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m i n X e r x e s ' disaster. T h e Q u e e n m a k e s t h i s connection. S h e depicts t h e disaster as a t r a g e d y o f succession. X e r x e s sought to avenge h i s father (473-7) and t o a t t a i n his standard of conquest and enrichment. S h e insists that Xerxes 'learned these things associating w i t h b a d men', w h o ridiculed h i m for failing t o m e a s u r e u p t o h i s f a t h e r : D a r i u s ' a c q u i r e d w e a l t h (ploutos) b y t h e p o i n t o f t h e spear', b u t X e r x e s ' w i e l d e d t h e spear i n t h e h o u s e b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s (anandria) a n d d i d n o t i n c r e a s e h i s p a t e r n a l olbos'.51 R e s p o n d i n g t o t h e s e r e p r o a c h e s , Xerxes planned the i n v a s i o n of Greece (753-8). Readers dismiss this as a mother's excuse for a son w h o c a n do n o w r o n g . 5 2 Herodotus, however, found this position plausible. Xerxes' u n cle A r t a b a n u s t e l l s h i m o n t h e eve o f t h e i n v a s i o n o f G r e e c e t h a t he has achieved a measure of w i s d o m , but t h a t 'the company of bad m e n trips y o u up'. S u c h m e n , h e claims, urge a n i n v a s i o n t h a t ' i n c r e a s e s hybris'. T h e y n e g l e c t t h e w i s d o m ' t h a t s a y s instructing the soul always to seek to have m o r e t h a n i t has i s w r o n g ' (7.16a). T h e constant yearning to acquire more isthe heart and soul o f a n c i e n t i m p e r i a l i s m ; D a r i u s c o n d e m n s i t ( 8 2 5 - 6 ) . T h e Persians s h o w s t h a t i t i s e n d e m i c t o e m p i r e . H o w d o e s t h e s o n o f a f a t h e r w h o s u r p a s s e d a l l m o r t a l s i n olbos ( 7 0 9 - 1 1 ) i n c r e a s e h i s i n h e r i t e d olbos? T h e Persians l o c a t e s X e r x e s i n a n o - w i n s i t u ation between avenging his father's failure a t M a r a t h o n and s u r p a s s i n g h i s success. A e s c h y l u s ' t r i l o g i e s t e n d t o e x p l o r e t h e w o r k i n g s o f a n i n h e r i t e d c u r s e ( e . g . Oedipus Trilogy, Oresteia).53 I n t h e Persians, t h e b l e s s i n g o f s u p e r l a t i v e p a t e r n a l olbos b e c o m e s a n i n h e r i t e d c u r s e . X e r x e s m u s t p r o v e h i s f i t n e s s for k i n g s h i p by conquest; t h i s is h o w D a r i u s a n d Persia's kings a c q u i r e olbos. A e s c h y l u s ' Q u e e n u n d e r s t a n d s t h i s . H e r o d o t u s ' A t o s s a voices t h i s v i e w o f P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p a n d empire: i m p e 94

4. A Tragedy of Succession r i a l p o w e r c a n n o t b e idle. I t m u s t b e e m p l o y e d t o a d d 'peoples' a n d 'power' t o itself (3.134.1). T h i s i s especially fitting for a young king w h o is 'master of much wealth': h e must demons t r a t e h i s v i r t u e 'so t h a t e v e n t h e P e r s i a n s w i l l k n o w t h a t t h e y are r u l e d by a m a n ' (3.134.2). T h e t r a g e d y focuses o n t h e i m p e r a t i v e for a son, a n d indeed, for a younger generation, to a t t a i n t h e standard of t h e i r fathers. T h i s i s encoded i n t h e Queen's d r e a m : X e r x e s tears his robes n o t because h e falls, b u t because h e sees h i s f a t h e r p i t y i n g h i m ( 1 9 7 - 9 ) . I n H e r o d o t u s , P e r s i a n ' t r a d i t i o n ' (nomos) m a n d a t e s Xerxes' i n v a s i o n o f Greece: f r o m t h e t i m e Persia t o o k t h e hegemony from t h e Medes, Persian kings pursued a n u n i n t e r r u p t e d p a t h o f conquest. F o l l o w i n g t h e g o dw h o l e d t h e m , t h e Persians acquired n u m e r o u s peoples u n d e r C y r u s , Cambyses, a n d D a r i u s (7.8a). H e r o d o t u s ' X e r x e s locates h i m self i n this t r a d i t i o n and measures his w o r t h according to it. I n t h e Persians, D a r i u s p l a c e s X e r x e s i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n a n d f i n d s h i m w a n t i n g (759-86).54 T h e Persians e n v i s i o n s t h a t o n c e e m p i r e b e c o m e s p a t r i m o n y , it a s s u m e s a life o f its o w n . I t cannot be lost, squandered, o r alienated; i t m u s t be increased. I t i s a possession o f t h e past, present, a n d future simultaneously: t h e present generation holds it, but i t belongs to the fathers w h o acquired i t a n d m u s t be b e q u e a t h e d t o sons a s a l a r g e r legacy. A t s o m e p o i n t , t h e p r o b l e m arises: h o w can t h e heirs of a n e m p i r e ensure t h a t t h e y do n o t fall b e l o w t h e s t a n d a r d o f t h e i r forebears, w h o acquired and augmented the empire by expending their lives and labour (ponos)?55 T h e Persians, H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, a n d T h u c y d i d e s ' History o f f e r s i m i l a r a n s w e r s : b y c a l a m i t o u s o v e r e x t e n s i o n o f t h e i r power a n dresources i n a n act o fi n v a s i o n intended t o emulate t h e greatness o f t h e fathers a n d t o increase their legacy.56 E m p i r e i s configured t o realize itself as a tragedy of succession. A blessing, e m p i r e e v e n t u a l l y t u r n s i n t o a curse b e c a u s e i t h a s n o p o i n t o f s a t i a t i o n . Hybris a n d i n s a t i a b i l i t y (koros) a r e e m b e d d e d i n i t , i n e v i t a b l y p r o d u c i n g ate a n d l a ment.57 For Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon, the story of a n empire is a tragedy w h i c h ends i nlament. T h e y followed A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. I n t h i s perspective, X e r x e s is a tragic figure trapped b e t w e e n 95

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l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s ' (anandria), f a i l i n g t o m e a s u r e u p t o h i s f a t h e r , a n d hybris, s u r p a s s i n g h i s a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s . 5 8 C r i t i c s h a v e n o t e d t h a t t h e Persians d o e s n o t f e a t u r e a d e b a t e o r f a t e f u l m o m e n t o f c h o i c e . 5 9 T h e t r a g e d y o f t h e Persians i s n o t a m a t t e r of choice, b u t o f necessity. H e r o d o t u s ' n a r r a t i v e o f X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n features a s i m i l a r l a c k o f choice. A t first X e r x e s does not w a n t t o i n v a d e Greece; h e i s preoccupied w i t h E g y p t (7.5). U n d e r t h e influence o fM a r d o n i u s a n d Greek exiles, h e a n nounces his i n t e n t i o n t o invade, but t h e n changes his m i n d , deciding to follow A r t a b a n u s ' advice (7.5-13). A l a r g e a n d handsome man', however, appears t o Xerxes i n t w o dreams, threatening h i m w i t h a rapid and h u m b l i n g fall from power i f he fails t o invade (7.12-14). Xerxes persuades A r t a b a n u s t o w e a r h i s clothes, sit o n h i s t h r o n e , a n d sleep i n h i s bed a s a test of the dream's divinity (7.15-17). T h e d r e a m visits A r t a b a n u s a n d threatens h i m w i t h p u n i s h m e n t i f h e 'deters w h a t m u s t happen' a n d i s o nthe verge of b u r n i n g out his eyes w i t h h o t i r o n s w h e n h e a w a k e s a n d accedes t o t h e i n v a s i o n , i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e d r e a m to m e a n t h a t t h e gods are sending r u i n to t h e G r e e k s (7.17-18). X e r x e s has a t h i r d d r e a m - a clear o m e n o f f a i l u r e w h i c h t h e magi m i s i n t e r p r e t a s s i g n t h a t ' a l l m e n w i l l b e h i s slaves' (7.19), a b e t t i n g t h e d e l u s i o n i m p l a n t e d b y t h e gods. T h e Persians' p r o d u c e r P e r i c l e s w e n t o n t o b e c o m e t h e g r e a t est A t h e n i a n e x p o n e n t o f e m p i r e a s p a t r i m o n y ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.144.4; 2.36, 62.3). T h e g e n e r a t i o n t h a t succeeded h i m s o u g h t to r i v a l a n d surpass t h e i r fathers ( T h u c y d i d e s 6.17.7, 18.6-7), crippling t h e e m p i r e after t o t a l defeat i n a sea-borne i n v a s i o n of Syracuse.60 Pericles adjured the A t h e n i a n s never to fall short of t h e s t a n d a r d set b y t h e i r f a t h e r s a n d t o preserve t h e i r e m p i r e a t a l l costs. T h e s t r a t e g y h e a d o p t e d a g a i n s t S p a r t a a n d i t s allies w a s essentially t o re-enact S a l a m i s - to sacrifice h o m e s and l a n d t o t h e i n v a d i n g Peloponnesians (but n o tt h e city, w h i c h w a s fortified and connected t o the ports a t Piraeus b y long w a l l s ) a n d to protect t h e i r 'liquid' assets, t h e i r t r i b u t e a n d fleet.61 One basis for this strategy w a s the idea t h a t A t h e n s w a s a n i s l a n d ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 4 3 . 5 ; [ X e n o p h o n ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 . 1 3 - 1 6 ; c f . H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 7 4 ) . A l t h o u g h t h e l o n g walls were not completed u n t i l 456, this mode of t h i n k i n g dates to d i r e c t l y a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.93). 96

4. A Tragedy of Succession According t o Thucydides, Pericles first told the A t h e n i a n s t h a t t h e y n o t o n l y r u l e d 'allies', b u t w e r e 'most s u p r e m e over t h e e n t i r e sea' i n 4 3 0 / 2 9 ( 2 . 6 2 . 1 - 2 ) . A p e r m a n e n t , t r i b u t e - c o l l e c t i n g n a v a l e m p i r e , h o w e v e r , i s predicated u p o n such a belief. I n Thucydides' narrative o f the final battle i n t h e harbour o f Syracuse, A t h e n i a n generals reproach admirals of retreating ships w i t h the question, 'Are they retreating because they t h i n k e n e m y l a n d m o r e t h e i r o w n n o w t h a n t h e sea, a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h n o l i t t l e pain'? (7.70.8). T h e A t h e n i a n s c a m e t o v i e w t h e sea a s property over w h i c h they exercised a u t h o r i t y . Aeschylus attributes such a delusion to the Persians. F e w w o u l d deny t h a t A t h e n i a n s o f Pericles' g e n e r a t i o n conducted the empire i n a m a n n e r comparable t othe Persians.62 H o w d o e s t h i s f a c t r e l a t e t o t h e Persians? M o s t a n a l y s t s c o n sider i t a coincidence, asserting t h a t A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m w a s too r u d i m e n t a r y i n 472 or denying t h a t the play has a visionary quality.63 B y this time, however, Athenians applied the figure of 'the M e d e ' to t h e i r o w n citizens. I f w e accept t h e r e s t o r a t i o n of a n o s t r a k o n f r o m the agora, somebody called Aristides 'the brother of Datis' (the Mede w h o led the Persians a t M a r a t h o n ) to exclude h i m from t h e citizen body.64 After t h e battle o f Salamis, Callias son of Cratias was tagged 'the Mede' or 'from the Medes' o n nearly 2 0 ostraka and sketched as a Persian archer o n one.65 A e s c h y l u s ' choice t o dress h i m s e l f a n d o t h e r A t h e n i a n s a s P e r s i a n s t o re-enact t h e i r defeat a n d loss o f empire a t a time w h e n Athens was forming its o w n empire should be seen as a f u n c t i o n o f ambivalence t o w a r d s t h e city's n e w role as both leader of a n anti-Persian alliance and heir to t h e P e r s i a n s i n t h e A e g e a n . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s a f i c t i o n alized fall of the Persian empire t o demonstrate h o w empire collapses t h r o u g h o v e r e x t e n s i o n a n d to a v e r t such a n outcome for A t h e n s ' i m p e r i a l i s m . Fathers and sons: a history of Persian imperialism D a r i u s ceases t o speak i n trochaic t e t r a m e t e r s a n d shifts t o iambic t r i m e t e r s (759), m a r k i n g t h e e n d o f his recognition scene. J u x t a p o s i n g t h e p r e s e n t w i t h t h e o r i g i n s o f Zeus-be97

Aeschylus: Persians stowed monarchy over a l l Asia, D a r i u s characterizes Xerxes' disaster as the worst i n Persian history, describing i t as the c o m p l e t e ' e m p t y i n g out' o f S u s a a n d ' a l w a y s t o be r e m e m b e r e d ' (759-64). D a r i u s ' denunciation refines the analogy and polarity b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos. F o r t h e A t h e n i a n s , Salamis was 'always t obe remembered', because i t produced 'immortal glory.'66 A s the complete 'emptying out' of Athens, however, i t w a s also the w o r s t catastrophe i n A t h e n s ' h i s t o r y . 6 7 T h e Persians r e p r o d u c e s t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f S a l a m i s b y t r a n s p o s i n g a v e r s i o n o f t h e A t h e n i a n pathos t o S u s a . F r o m t h i s d i s tance, t h e P e r s i a n perspective focalizes G r e e k l i b e r a t i o n , grief for i t s costs, a n d t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . D a r i u s d e s c r i b e s t h e f i r s t k i n g M e d u s a s hegemon stratou, 'leader o f t h e a r m y ' (765).68 T h e principle o f h e g e m o n y i n A t h e n i a n society w a s also m i l i t a r y . Citizens w i t h t h e m o s t political p o w e r w e r e generals, elected for yearly, renewable t e r m s . Sons t e n d e d t o follow t h e i r f a t h e r s i n t h e office.69 M i l i t a r y success legitimated the power of the demos asa whole; the demos was a c o l l e c t i v e hegemon stratou o f i t s e m p i r e . Herodotus relates that the Persian kings hailed from the clan of Achaemenes, a sub-group of the tribe Pasargadae, w h i c h h a d t h e highest status i n P e r s i a n society (1.125.3). T h e historical C y r u s and D a r i u s derived their e n t i t l e m e n t t o rule f r o m A c h a e m e n e s . 7 0 I n t h e Persians, t h e P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p b e g i n s w i t h Medus, eponymous ancestor o f the Medes, a different I r a n i a n people. T h i s w a s a t y p i c a l G r e e k conflation. E p i g r a m s c o m m e m o r a t i n g t h e defence against t h e Persians declare victory over 'the Mede'.71 T h e y also distinguish Medes f r o m Persians or claim to have vanquished the Persians.72 T h e Greek w o r d f o r c o l l a b o r a t i n g w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s i s medismos, ' t a k i n g t h e side o f t h e M e d e ' . T o t h e G r e e k ear, 'Mede' c o n n o t e d t h e barbarian invader.73 H e r o d o t u s narrates a succession o f M e d i a n k i n g s - Deioces, Phraortes, Cyaxares, and Astyages, w h o lost the kingship to his h a l f - P e r s i a n g r a n d s o n , C y r u s s o n o f C a m b y s e s (1.95-130; cf. 1.75.1).74 H e r o d o t u s stresses t h e d u a l n a t u r e o f C y r u s ' rise t o power — he 'liberated' the Persians and 'enslaved' the Medes.75 Aeschylus depicts the kingship of A s i a as continuously M e d i a n / P e r s i a n ; a figure such as Astyages does not f i th i s 98

4. A Tragedy of Succession conception of royal history. Similarly, h e treats kingship and e m p i r e a s o r i g i n a t i n g t o g e t h e r . H e t h e r e f o r e o m i t s a k i n g corresponding t o Deioces. H e r o d o t u s uses Deioces, t h e first M e d i a n king, to exemplify the incompatibility of kingship and equality and the inverse relationship between political order (eunomia) a n d p o l i t i c a l f r e e d o m ( 1 . 9 5 - 1 0 1 ) . 7 6 Aeschylus' Medus approximates to Phraortes, w h o began the c o n q u e s t o f t h e N e a r E a s t ( H e r o d o t u s 1.102). T h e n e x t k i n g corresponds t o his son, Cyaxares, w h o consolidated r u l e over t h e peoples o n t h e eastern side o f t h e H a l y s R i v e r (1.103.1-2). H e defeated the Assyrians, sacking A s h u r i n 614 a n d capturing N i n e v e h i n 612. According to Herodotus, Cyaxares avenged his father, w h o h a d died t r y i n g to take N i n e v e h (1.103.2). D a r i u s describes h i m a scompleting his father's w o r k (766). Herodotus refers t o a t r a d i t i o n of praise for Cyaxares (1.103.1). D a r i u s praises Medus' son for his self-control - 'the rudder of his m i n d controlled his spirit' (767). M e t a p h o r s f r o m seafaring figure i n praise w h i c h frames Xerxes' b l a m e w o r t h y naval ambitions (550-63). I n D a r i u s ' catalogue, C y r u s i s t h e second f a t h e r i n t h e sequence o f n a m e d fathers a n d a n o n y m o u s sons. H e is t h e ' t h i r d ' f r o m M e d u s ; his relationship to M e d u s ' son is unexplained. H i s e p i t h e t eudaimon ( ' b l e s s e d ' , ' h a v i n g a g o o d daimon', 7 6 8 ) a l i g n s h i m w i t h D a r i u s b u t c o n t r a s t s h i m w i t h X e r x e s , w h o s e daimon is malicious a n d shifts course o nh i m (158, 942-3), d e l u d i n g (472-3), t r a m p l i n g (515-16, 911-12), a n d c u t t i n g d o w n the Persians (920-1). A s D a r i u s w i l l explain, X e r x e s 'despised h i s p r e s e n t daimon' ( 8 2 5 - 6 ) . A f u n c t i o n o f a p e r s o n ' s m o r a l c h o i c e s , daimon i s c o n n e c t e d w i t h c h a r a c t e r . A s t h e p h i l o s o p h e r H e r a c l i t u s p r o c l a i m s , ' a m a n ' s c h a r a c t e r i s daimon' ( f r . 1 1 9 D - K ) . I n t h e Persians, h o w e v e r , c h a r a c t e r i s m o r e a f u n c t i o n o f o u t comes t h a n o f choices. C y r u s 'conquered a l l I o n i a b y force' (768-71). T h e p r e s u m p t i o n is t h a t t h e I o n i a n s resisted but lost. Herodotus' n a r r a t i v e of the Persian conquest of Ionia contains a similar premise (1.169.1; 7.51.1). Defence i s a l w a y s p r a i s e w o r t h y ; i n v a s i o n i s p r a i s e w o r t h y o n l y i f i t succeeds. D i v i n e f a v o u r a n d v i r t u e are e n t a i l m e n t s o f t h i s success. T h u s ' G o d d i d n o t h a t e ' C y r u s , ' b e c a u s e h e w a s w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d a n d i n t e l l i g e n t ' (euphron, 99

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772). C y r u s ' success recalls X e r x e s ' f a i l u r e : h e 'directed everyt h i n g f o o l i s h l y ' (dysphronos, 5 5 3 - 4 ) . E n s l a v i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t a n d s e e k i n g t o d o m i n a t e ' a l l t h e gods' (745-50), h e w a s n o t ' i n his r i g h t m i n d ' (725); h e suffered f r o m a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (750-1). T h e tyrant's s o nis a degenerate figure. Reared w i t h a n e n t i t l e m e n t t od oas h e pleases and the power t o satisfy a n y desire, his pleasure i s t o realize transgressive desires a n d h i s life unfolds a s a series o f destructive crimes. I n t h e t r a d i t i o n Herodotus followed, Cyrus' s o n Cambyses exemplifies this s t a g e . 7 7 I n t h e Persians, h o w e v e r , C a m b y s e s i s t h e d u t i f u l f o u r t h k i n g t o ' g o v e r n t h e a r m y ' ( 7 7 3 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t t r e a t succession a s degeneration.78 T h e e a r l y h i s t o r y o f t h e Persian kingship features t w o pairs o f named fathers a n d a n o n y m o u s sons. M e d u s ' son i s a n e x e m p l a r y son-king; C y r u s i s t h e p a r a d i g m a t i c f a t h e r - k i n g (cf. H e r o d o t u s 3 . 8 9 . 3 , q u o t e d above). X e r x e s is a n t i t h e t i c a l to both. H e is t h e o n l y n a m e d son and the only son to fail his father. T h e fifth k i n g M a r d u s prefigures X e r x e s ' place i n t h e d r a m a . B o t h a r e disgraces t o t h e i r f a t h e r l a n d a n d kingship (774-5, 9 3 2 - 4 ) a n d v i c t i m s o f ' t r i c k e r y ' (dolos, 3 6 1 - 2 , 7 7 5 - 7 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t s p e c i f y M a r d u s ' d i s g r a c e . I n H e r o d o t u s , M a r d u s bears t h e name Smerdis. H eis a pretender o fthe w r o n g e t h n i c g r o u p a n d c a s t e , a M e d e a n d a magus. H i s n a m e i s t h e same as Cambyses' brother - w h o m Cambyses h a d assassinated - Smerdis (3.30), a n d h e physically resembles h i m (3.61.2). I n the B e h i s t u n Inscription, D a r i u s names t h i s pret e n d e r G a u m a t a , a magus w h o t a k e s t h e n a m e a n d i d e n t i t y of Cambyses' m u r d e r e d brother, n a m e d Bardiya, and rules i n his place.79 I n Herodotus, t h e struggle t o r e m o v e t h e pretender Smerdis i spart of the larger conflict between Medes a n d Persians for d o m i n a t i o n (3.65, 73). I n the B e h i s t u n I n scription, D a r i u s declares that he restored the kingship to its rightful clan.80 Mardus' reign explains h o w Darius gained t h e kingship, restored its legitimacy, a n d re-established succession b e t w e e n father and son. A m e m b e r of the group of friends w h o m u r d e r e d t h e p r e t e n d e r , D a r i u s a t t a i n e d t h e k i n s h i p b y l o t ( 7 7 9 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 3.80-6). Recent scholars h a v e been inclined t oi n 100

4. A Tragedy of Succession elude line 778, 'sixth w a s M a r a p h i s , seventh Artaphrenes' i n the text.81 Edith Hall claims that Maraphis' and Artaphrenes' kingship h a s 'psychological impact' a n d'implies a n unstable a n d bloody b a r b a r i a n court, susceptible to vicious intrigues a n d serial coups'.82 S u c h a n impression i s difficult t o derive f r o m this line a n d inconsistent w i t h the rest o f the catalogue, w h i c h is a m o d e l o f stable succession. W h e r e v e r i t i s f o u n d - D a r i u s ' B e h i s t u n I n s c r i p t i o n , H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, C t e s i a s ' Persian History — t h e s t o r y o f t h e v a n q u i s h e d p r e t e n d e r e x p l a i n s h o w Darius became k i n g o f Persia. Including line 7 7 8makes i t explain h o w M a r a p h i s and Artaphrenes became kings. T h e best e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t t h i s line belongs to a list of conspirators, 'the m e n bound by friendship and kinship, whose business this was' (777) a n d w a s m i s t a k e n l y added after the fifth k i n g . 8 3 Condemning father and condemning audience T h e Persians p r e s e n t s P e r s i a n h i s t o r y a s t h e s u c c e s s i o n o f fathers a n d sons i n a society geared t o w a r d m i l i t a r y conquest. Fathers are self-made and named; except for Xerxes, sons a r e d u t i f u l a n d a n o n y m o u s . D a r i u s concludes t h a t i n the h i s t o r y of t h e P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p , X e r x e s h a r m e d h i s polis m o r e t h a n a n y other k i n g (784-6). Darius' catalogue implies t h a t Xerxes alone w a s responsible f o r t h e debacle. D a r i u s t h u s counters t h e Q u e e n ' s i n s i n u a t i o n t h a t h i s olbos p r o v e d t o b e h i s s o n ' s p r o b lem. Youthful impetuosity impelled Xerxes beyond the boundaries o f sense; h e forgot his father's c o m m a n d s (782-3), s t r i v i n g beyond t h e limit, a n d i n c u r r i n g Zeus' p u n i s h m e n t (827-8). D a r i u s authorizes earlier blame o f Xerxes (361-2, 373, 454, 548-57) a n d absolves P e r s i a n culture, kingship, a n d e m p i r e f r o m r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , d i v e r t i n g sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y u p o n X e r x e s . T h i s is a p r o b l e m for those w h o consider t h e p l a y a n i n d i c t m e n t of barbarian kingship and empire.84 According t o Darius, Persian k i n g s h a v e been self-controlled, moderate, blessed, a n d beloved o f t h e gods. Darius' catalogue i s inconsistent w i t h the depiction of Persian i m p e r i a l i s m i n the rest of the play. T h e elders speak of the P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a n i n v i n c i b l e c i t y - s a c k i n g force, e n s l a v i n g m e n a n d n a t u r e alike (65-107), forcing subjects i n A s i a t o pay 101

Aeschylus: Persians t r i b u t e a n d b o w before t h e k i n g , a n d stifling t h e i r freedom o f speech (584-94). T h e y consider divinity a r e w a r d for Xerxes' success (157-8) a n d t r e a t D a r i u s a s a d i v i n i t y (150-8, 640-56). Darius' history of the Persian empire is a story of continuous expansion. B u t w h a t a r e i t s limits? T h i s is t h e problem o f empire: the only w a y of finding its limits is b y transgressing them. M o s t readers emphasize D a r i u s ' assertion t h a t 'Zeus bestowed this honour: f o r o n e m a nt o be chieftain o f a l l f l o c k - n u r t u r i n g A s i a , h o l d i n g t h e g o v e r n i n g sceptre' (762-4), and argue that Xerxes' transgression was his attempt to extend Persian rule t o Europe.85 T h e m a t t e r cannot be so simple. Athens' empire includes A s i a (898-902). Aeschylus' audience k n e w that Darius extended the Persian empire into Europe; the Persians d e s c r i b e s D a r i u s a s c o n q u e r i n g a n d r u l i n g a n e m p i r e i n E u r o p e ( 8 5 8 - 7 9 ) : 'so m a n y c i t i e s a s h e c a p t u r e d n o t c r o s s i n g the passage o f the H a l y s R i v e r o r s t i r r i n g f r o m h i s hearth' (865-7). Does the play distance D a r i u s f r o m t h e P e r s i a n debacle because he used surrogates to conquer? T h i s is a superficial a n d unsatisfactory distinction. D a r i u s condemns his son for actions h e h i m s e l f committed. Darius bridged the continents, h i r i n g Mandrocles of Samos t o l i n k t h e m across t h eT h r a c i a n Bosporus t o invade S c y t h i a . 8 6 T h e i n v a s i o n w a s a m a t t e r o f record: Herodotus reports t h a t D a r i u s erected i n s c r i p t i o n s recording t h e act a n d t h a t M a n d r o cles d e d i c a t e d a p a i n t i n g o f D a r i u s l e a d i n g h i s a r m y across t h e bridge i n the temple of H e r a o n Samos (4.88). Aeschylus allows a h i n t o f D a r i u s ' transgression to slip t h r o u g h — D a r i u s calls t h e Hellespont the Bosporus w h e n castigating his son (723, 746). I n t h e second h a l f o f t h i s episode, D a r i u s w i l l c o n d e m n a l l Persians f o rdestroying temples a n d altars a n d looting statues (800-31); t h e historical D a r i u s i n a u g u r a t e d these atrocities. Historically, t h e k i n g w h o condemns his son a n d people shares their guilt. T h i s i s i m p o r t a n t . O n t h e one h a n d , t h e audience c a n suspend belief a n d accept D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n o f X e r x e s as t h e playwright's message. Readers of the play often equate Darius' and Aeschylus' perspectives.87 O n the other, the audience can see t h a t D a r i u s ' h i s t o r y o f P e r s i a ' s k i n s h i p a n d i m p e r i a l i s m , 102

4. A Tragedy of Succession f e a t u r i n g pairs o f n a m e d f a t h e r s a n d a n o n y m o u s sons, seeks to d e n y a tragedy o f succession. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , D a r i u s a l l o w s t h e a u d i e n c e t o see t h e g r o w t h o f P e r s i a ' s e m p i r e t o t h e p o i n t o f h i s son's d i s a s t r o u s o v e r e x t e n s i o n . D a r i u s focalizes m u l t i p l e perspectives. T h i s scene features h i m i nthe role of condemning father; but D a r i u s i s also the pitying father of the Queen's dream. D a r i u s ' perspectives guide t h e audience b e t w e e n t h e poles o f p i t y based o n shared experience a n d c o n d e m n a t i o n f r o m a position o f m o r a l a n d intellectual superiority. X e r x e s can be a scapegoat for Persia's i m p e r i a l i s t hybris; h e c a n b e a n o b j e c t o f p i t y f o r h i s p l a c e i n t h e succession o f k i n g s a n d i n t h e h i s t o r y o f P e r s i a n expansion. T o complete t h e episode, D a r i u s prophesies f u t u r e disaster at Plataea, explaining i t as a function o fgeneral laws. T h e Darius-episode juxtaposes past, present, a n d f u t u r e i n a n intelligible pattern. I t constitutes t h e synoptic m o m e n t o f t h e drama, enabling beginning and end, action and suffering, individual a n d group responsibility, Persian a n d Greek t o be understood together.

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5

The Synoptic M o m e n t T h e Persians e x t r a c t s u s a b l e k n o w l e d g e f r o m t h e P e r s i a n d i s aster. W h e n t h e chorus breaks its silence to ask D a r i u s h o w t h e Persians c a nact i n t h e i r best interest, D a r i u s rules out a large-scale i n v a s i o n t o a v e n g e t h e i r losses, 'for t h e l a n d i t s e l f is their ally' (787-92).1 Ancient historians continued the tradition. H e r o d o t u s stresses t h a t e n e m y l a n d is insidious for invaders: i t lures t h e m i n u n t i l i t starves t h e m (7.49). F o r Thucydides, i t is a x i o m a t i c t h a t long-distance i n v a s i o n s r a r e l y succeed, b o t h because i n v a d e d peoples u n i t e i n defence a n d because o f problems of provisioning (6.33.5). T h e chorus suggests sending a n elite force t o Greece, b u t D a r i u s unexpectedly reveals t h a t such a force c u r r e n t l y i n Greece w i l l not r e t u r n (795-7) a n d prophesies i t sdefeat a t Plataea (800-20). Darius' catalogue of Persian kings stressed X e r x e s ' sole c u l p a b i l i t y . F o r t h e balance o f t h e episode, h o w ever, t h e Persians share Xerxes' guilt a n d p u n i s h m e n t . 2 Discussion o f S a l a m i s focused o n X e r x e s ' transgression against gods embodied i n n a t u r e . T h e defeat a t P l a t a e a punishes P e r s i a n crimes against gods embodied i nc u l t u r e - t h e destruction of temples and altars and the looting of statues. For this, not only Xerxes, but all Persians are responsible. T h e transition from i n d i v i d u a lto group responsibility at the point o f d e s e c r a t i n g t e m p l e s e l a b o r a t e s P e r s i a n hybris; b u t i t a l s o furthers t h esymmetry between the Persian and Athenian pathos. A s t h e n a r r a t i v e e n v i s i o n s e v e n t s i n t h e f u t u r e o u t s i d e t h e d r a m a , i t also arrives a t a n origin i n the past: t h e b u r n i n g of Cybebe's temple. D a r i u s w a s t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e o r i g i n a l pathos, t h e a t t a c k o n S a r d i s . H e i s a l s o t h e a u t h o r o f P e r s i a ' s r e t r i b u t i v e drama: Xerxes fulfilled his v o w t op u n i s h A t h e n s (Herodotus 5.105).3 104

5. The Synoptic Moment D a r i u s articulates the principle that explains both Persia's and A t h e n s ' pathos: d e s e c r a t i o n o f t e m p l e s , a l t a r s , a n d s t a t u e s e n t a i l s the guilt and punishment of entire communities, not merely their perpetrators. The synoptic moment of the

Persians

T h e Darius-scene permits the audience to understand the tragedy f r o m its beginning, Zeus' bestowal of the r u l i n g sceptre o n 'one m a n to b e c h i e f t a i n o f f l o c k - n u r t u r i n g A s i a ' a n d 'leader o f t h e a r m y ' (hegemon stratou, 7 6 2 - 5 ) t o i t s e n d , t h e m o u n d s o f Persian bones that for three generations 'will signal w i t h o u t a voice to the eyes o f m o r t a l s t h a t i t i s not r i g h t for a m o r t a l t o t h i n k beyond his nature' (818-20). T h i s trajectory implies that p o l i t i c a l / m i l i t a r y h e g e m o n y is configured to exceed t h e boundaries o f m o r t a l n a t u r e a n d m o r a l sense. I f e m p i r e i s p a t r i m o n y t h a t m u s t be a u g m e n t e d each generation t h r o u g h conquest, a point o f disastrous transgression is foreseeable. I n t h e Poetics, A r i s t o t l e a r g u e s t h a t t h e p a r t s a n d w h o l e o f a dramatic plot should be comprehensible i n relation to one another (1450b34-1451al5). T h e beauty of a plot consists i n its arrangement and magnitude. I f i t i s too extensive, i tcannot be c o m p r e h e n d e d a l l a t once or as a w h o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o i t s parts. T o o short a plot yields little m e a n i n g f u l i n f o r m a t i o n . Aristotle advises t h a t p a r t s o f a p l o t b e ' e a s i l y s e e n t o g e t h e r ' (eusynoptos). H i s d e f i n i t i o n o f s u c h a m a g n i t u d e i s t h a t ' b e g i n n i n g (arche) a n d e n d (telos) b e c a p a b l e o f b e i n g s e e n t o g e t h e r ' ( 1 4 5 9 b l 9 - 2 0 ) . T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f a s y n o p t i c m o m e n t - a speech, ode, o r episode t h a t articulates t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d o f t h e n a r r a t i v e , allowing the audience t ocomprehend the action as a whole w h i l e a l s o d e f e r r i n g i t s telos - i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f A e s c h y l u s ' d r a m a t u r g y . T h e C a s s a n d r a - s c e n e i n t h e Agamemnon, w h i c h defers a n d predicts A g a m e m n o n ' s m u r d e r a n d foresees Orestes' vengeance, placing both i n the context of the 'original crime' of t h e H o u s e o f A t r e u s , t h e feast o f Thyestes, is t h e best e x a m p l e o f t h i s m o m e n t (Agamemnon 1 0 3 5 - 3 3 0 ; cf. Seven against Thebes 7 2 0 - 9 1 ) . T r a g i c a c t i o n i n A e s c h y l e a n d r a m a u n f o l d s o v e r generations; the magnitude of this action sometimes requires characters w i t h special knowledge to m a k e its m e a n i n g intelli105

Aeschylus: Persians g i b l e . D a r i u s p e r f o r m s t h i s r o l e i n t h e Persians. H i s f i n a l s p e e c h articulates t w o principles of the dramatic narrative: that viol e n t a c t i o n (drama) e n t a i l s r e c i p r o c a l s u f f e r i n g (pathos, 8 1 3 - 4 ) a n d t h a t hybris, f l o w e r i n g i n t o ate, p r o d u c e s a h a r v e s t o f l a m e n t (821-2). T h e first explains t h e defeat a t P l a t a e a outside o f t h e d r a m a ; t h e second explains t h e f i n a l episode i n t h e d r a m a , t h e kommos, w h i c h s t a g e s a h a r v e s t o f t e a r s . R e a d e r s o f t e n c o n sider the Darius-episode the transcendent climax of the play.4 B u t i t also possible t o see i t as deferring t h e c l i m a x - Xerxes' h o m e c o m i n g a n d l a m e n t for his defeat - a n d p r o v i d i n g t h e context for its reception. Reciprocity: d r a m a and

pathos

D a r i u s foretells P e r s i a n defeat a t P l a t a e a as a reciprocal paym e n t f o r 'hybris a n d g o d l e s s i n t e n t i o n s ' ( 8 0 7 - 8 ) , t h e l o o t i n g o f divine statues a n d destruction of temples a n d altars i n Greece (809-12). T h e 'height o fsufferings' a w a i t i n g the Persians a t P l a t a e a w i l l b e ' p a y m e n t ' (apoina) f o r t h e s e t r a n s g r e s s i v e a i m s a n d a c t i o n s . Pathos w i l l r e d e e m drama: a c t i o n a n d r e a c t i o n , aggression and suffering, crime and p u n i s h m e n t w i l l balance one another, but only a t a m i n i m u m . 5 T h e Persians suffer and w i l l suffer m o r e t h a n the h a r m t h e y inflicted (813-14). T h i s is a basic principle of Aeschylean n a r r a t i v e . 6 I f D a r i u s describes Persian p u n i s h m e n t for the desecration of Greek temples as building a 'temple of Woe' whose foundations a r e yet t obe finished (814-15), t h everbal i m a g e r y itself reciprocates t h e crime.7 Persian suffering is a metaphorical 'temple o f Woe' w h i c h compensates for the temples they toppled. Darius' condemnation of Persian looting and destruction of G r e e k sacred property is another o f t h e drama's surprises. T h e Q u e e n a n d c h o r u s do n o t a n t i c i p a t e i t . 8 Pericles Georges a r g u e s t h a t a s b a r b a r i a n s P e r s i a n s do n o t realize t h a t t h e y are atrocit i e s . 9 B u t D a r i u s d o e s ; a n d i n A e s c h y l u s ' Agamemnon t h e h e r a l d declares t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f T r o j a n t e m p l e s a glorious act (524-37). Barbarians do not have a monopoly o n such violence in m y t h or history.

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5. The Synoptic Moment 'The most beautiful victory of all we know': monument and sacrifice D a r i u s figures t h e battle a t Plataea as a k i n d o f perverted s a c r i f i c i a l r i t u a l ( 8 1 6 - 1 7 ) . 1 0 A peíanos i s a b l o o d l e s s o f f e r i n g ; t h e f i n a l peZcmos-offering o f t h e t r a g e d y w i l l be a b l o o d - p a y m e n t f o r t h e 'hybris a n d g o d l e s s i n t e n t i o n s ' ( 8 0 7 - 8 ) t h a t b l o o d l e s s o f f e r ings could not avert o rremedy (201-11; 524-6, 609-22). T h e A t h e n i a n s donot avenge the destruction of their temples. D a r i u s credits t h e S p a r t a n s a n d t h e i r allies, t h e ' D o r i a n spear', w i t h e x a c t i n g t h i s v e n g e a n c e ( 8 1 7 ) . 1 1 R e a d e r s t e n d t o u n d e r v a l u e t h e r o l e o f P l a t a e a i n t h e Persians.12 C e r t a i n l y t h e p l a y stresses A t h e n i a n / I o n i a n n a v a l p o w e r a s d e a l i n g P e r s i a t h e decisive b l o w ; S a l a m i s is sole object o f P e r s i a n l a m e n t . B u t u n l i k e t h e navy, t h e ' D o r i a n spear' vindicates t h e moral-religious order, imposing justice a n d long-term m e a n i n g o n events. Plataea is a r e d e m p t i v e sacrifice t h a t produces a m o n u m e n t - t h e m o u n d s o f bones - a s a w a r n i n g t o m o r t a l s . P i e t r o Pucci observes t h a t 'sacrifice is t h e v i o l e n t r i t u a l t h r o u g h w h i c h m e n achieve a r e m e d y ... e s t a b l i s h o r d e r i n c h a o s , c o m p e n s a t e f o r l o s s e s a n d r u i n s ' . 1 3 T h i s i s t h e f u n c t i o n o f P l a t a e a i n t h e Persians. I t d i s t a n c e s t h e audience f r o m its o w n v i n d i c a t i o n a n d m a k e s i t spectators of the l a w s o f t h e cosmos. I n t h e struggle w h i c h t h e Persians depict as a battle b e t w e e n t h e b o w a n d spear, t h e S p a r t a n s w i e l d t h e spear. H e r o d o t u s calls Pausanias' v i c t o r y a t P l a t a e a 'the m o s t beaut i f u l v i c t o r y o f a l l w e k n o w ' (9.64.1). H e too depicts P l a t a e a as a payment, t h o u g h h e makes t h e payees t h e Spartans. M a r donius' death a t Plataea fulfils Delphi's d e m a n d for recompense f o r K i n g Leónidas' d e a t h ( 8 . 1 1 4 ; 9 . 6 4 . 1 ) . Leónidas' d e a t h , i n t u r n , spared S p a r t a f r o m A t h e n s ' fate, for D e l p h i prophesied t h a t Sparta w o u l d either l a m e n t a dead k i n g o r be sacked (7.220.3-4). T h e P e r s i a n dead compensate f o r t h e deaths o f Leónidas a n d t h e S p a r t a n s a t T h e r m o p y l a e ( 9 . 7 9 . 2 ) . L i k e Aeschylus, Herodotus represents Plataea as a massive k i l l i n g field. O f the alleged 260,000 Persians a t Plataea, Herod o t u s c l a i m s t h a t b a r e l y 3 , 0 0 0 s u r v i v e d ( 9 . 7 0 . 5 ; cf. 9 . 4 3 . 2 ) . B o t h stress t h a t the Persian dead remained unburied. T h e Plataeans a l l o w e d t h e corpses t o r o t a n d t h e n heaped t h e i r bones i n t o a massive m o u n d (9.83.2). 107

Aeschylus: Persians Look to the end: hybris,

ate and lament

D a r i u s e l a b o r a t e s t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e s e b o n e s : ' f o r hybris, w h e n i t c o m e s t o f u l l f l o w e r , p r o d u c e s t h e f r u i t o f ate, f r o m w h i c h i t reaps a h a r v e s t o f complete l a m e n t ' (821-2). T h e G r e e k s conc e i v e d o f hybris a s e x c e s s i v e a n d f r u i t l e s s p o t e n c y . 1 4 W h e n applied t oplants, i t means that they grow prodigious flowers a n d w o o d , b u t b e a r n o f r u i t . 1 5 Hybris i s a s e l f - d e f e a t i n g a n d unsustainable performance: i t appears as exuberance a n d power, but reaps a harvest of death and tears. Herodotus quotes a Delphic Oracle w h i c h prophesies t h a t after the Persians sack A t h e n s , ' d i v i n e J u s t i c e w i l l e x t i n g u i s h m i g h t y Koros, s o n o f Hybris ( 8 . 7 7 . 1 ; cf. P i n d a r Olympian Ode 1 3 . 9 - 1 0 ) . V i o l e n t a r r o gance a n d i n s a t i a b i l i t y feed off one a n o t h e r . 1 6 T h e i m a g e o f l u x u r i a n t g r o w t h for arrogant, violent, a n d chaotic behaviour i n t e r l o c k s w i t h t h e p l a y ' s t h e m e s o f w e a l t h (ploutos), c o n f i d e n c e i n n u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y (plethos), a n d h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y (olbos).17 L u x u r i a n t g r o w t h u n d e r l i e s t h e m e t a p h o r o f t h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos: 5 9 - 6 2 ; cf. 2 5 2 , 9 2 2 - 7 ) a n d ' n a t i v e y o u t h ' (hebe) o f A s i a a n d P e r s i a ( 9 2 2 - 7 ; cf. 5 1 1 - 1 2 , 5 4 1 - 5 ) . Hybris i s t h e e s s e n c e o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m . 1 8 Ate a n d l a m e n t a r e i t s f u l f i l m e n t . T h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate a n d l a m e n t has recurred throughout the play. T h e chorus enacted i t i n the parodos; t h emessenger's n a r r a t i v e o fS a l a m i s a n d P s y t t a l i a implied these terms; the d r a m a staged this pattern from the parodos t o the l a m e n t of the first stasimon. D a r i u s identifies this pattern as the beginning, middle, and end of Xerxes' invasion o f Greece. T h u s h e solves a k i n d o f puzzle encoded i n t h e d r a m a . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e g r o w t h o f hybris i n t o ate, w h i c h culminates i n a harvest of spectacular lament. P a r t of this message w a s f a m i l i a r t o the audience. D a r i u s voices t h e w i s d o m o f t h e sixth-century A t h e n i a n poet a n d l a w giver Solon, A t h e n s ' 'father', w h o stressed t h a t w e a l t h derived f r o m hybris, e v e n t h o u g h m e n h o n o u r i t , d o e s n o t c o m e ' i n g o o d o r d e r ' (kata kosmon), b u t ' i s s w i f t l y m i x e d u p w i t h ate' (Elegies fr. 13.7-13 [ W e s t ] ) . 1 9 S o l o n w a s r e m e m b e r e d for t h e w a r n i n g ' l o o k t o t h e e n d ' (fr. 1 3 . 1 6 - 3 2 ; H e r o d o t u s 1.32.9, 8 6 . 4 - 5 ) . D a r i u s r e v e a l s t h e e n d o f hybris t o t h e a u d i e n c e : t h e b o n e s o f u n b u r i e d corpses a n d l a m e n t . H e explains t h e outcome o f t h e n e w phe108

5. The Synoptic Moment nomenon of imperialism i n terms of the primitive sentiments of t h e G r e e k p o e t i c t r a d i t i o n . E v e n b e f o r e S o l o n , t h e Odyssey h a d w a r n e d a b o u t t h e l o s s o f olbos t h r o u g h i n v a s i o n (Odyssey 1 7 . 4 1 9 - 4 4 ) . W h a t i s n e w i s t h e d r a m a t i c f o r m t h e Persians g i v e s t o t h i s m e s s a g e : i t e x h i b i t s h o w koros, i n s a t i a b i l i t y , a n d hybris, v i o l e n c e t o w a r d s o t h e r s , a r e r e a l i z e d i n ate a n d i n s a t i a b l e , self-mutilating lament. R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s t o r n between t w o explanations of the Persian disaster: the Persians t h i n k t h a t olbos a n d d i v i n e e n v y a r e r e s p o n s i b l e , b u t D a r i u s s e e s t h a t hybris i s r e s p o n s i b l e . 2 0 I t i s p r e f e r a b l e t o s y n t h e s i z e t h e s e t w o e x p l a n a t i o n s . Olbos i s n o t t h e c a u s e o f X e r x e s ' d i s a s t e r ; koros a n d hybris, w h i c h d r i v e t h e a c q u i s i t i o n a n d v a l i d a t i o n o f w e a l t h a s olbos, are r e s p o n s i b l e . 2 1 P e r s i a n i m perialism i sthe cause of the tragedy: its f u n d a m e n t a l lack i s justice.22 T h e metaphor of flower, fruit, and harvest underscores t h e difference b e t w e e n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d i m p e r i a l i s m as s o u r c e s o f olbos. T h e f o r m e r p r o d u c e s olbos i n i t s j u s t a n d divinely sanctioned form.23 T h e latter violently diverts i t f r o m others and, as S o l o n w a r n e d , 'sooner o r later i s m i x e d u p w i t h ate. P e r s i a d e p l o y e d i t s e x c e s s i v e s u r p l u s t o d i s p o s sess o t h e r s . D a r i u s ' f i n a l i n j u n c t i o n , 'let n o m a n , d i s d a i n i n g h i s p r e s e n t f o r t u n e (daimon), p o u r o u t h i s g r e a t olbos b y desiring others'' (825-6) w a r n s against i m p e r i a l i s m as a k i n d o f koroslhybris w h i c h d e s t r o y s olbos. A g a i n , D a r i u s h a s a H o m e r i c p a r a l l e l (Odyssey 1 8 . 1 3 8 - 4 2 ) . A tale of two cities Olbos i s a f u n c t i o n o f j u s t i c e , w h i c h i n s u r e s p r o d u c t i v i t y i n b o t h t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d l i f e - c y c l e s . Hybris d i s r u p t s t h e s e c y c l e s . T h e p o e t H e s i o d u r g e d h i s b r o t h e r P e r s e s t o be j u s t a n d n o t t o ' i n c r e a s e hybris' (Works and Days 2 1 3 ) . Hybris, h e w a r n e d , l e a d s t o ' d i s a s t e r s ' (atai), a n d u l t i m a t e l y b r i n g s c a l a m i t y a n d barrenness t o a city. ' U l t i m a t e l y ' i s t h e operative t e r m , f o r j u s t i c e w i n s o u t o v e r hybris ' i n t h e e n d ' ( 2 1 7 - 1 8 ) . I n a j u s t c i t y , c r o p s , flocks, t r e e s a n d p e o p l e flourish ( 2 2 5 - 7 , 2 3 2 - 4 ) . Z e u s d o e s not o r d a i n w a r (228-9). T h e people raise t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n peace ( 2 2 8 ) . C r o p d i s e a s e (ate) a n d f a m i n e a r e a b s e n t ; t h e c o m m u n i t y 109

Aeschylus: Persians enjoys the fruits of its labours i n feasts (230-1). Since the l a n d bears crops, t h e r e is n o need for ships (236-7). B y contrast, Zeus ordains 'punishment' for those w h o pract i c e hybris e v e n i f a s i n g l e m a n i n t h e c o m m u n i t y i s t h e perpetrator (238-41). T o such a city, Zeus brings the 'pain' of f a m i n e a n d plague; t h e people perish (242-3). W o m e n d o not give b i r t h ; the n u m b e r of households decreases (244-5). A t one t i m e or another, Zeus exacts payment, destroying a large a r m y , c i t y w a l l , o r ships a t sea (245-7). H e s i o d ' s c i t i e s o f j u s t i c e a n d hybris u n d e r l i e t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n D a r i u s ' a n d X e r x e s ' r e i g n s i n t h e Persians. I n X e r x e s ' reign, Zeus w r e c k e d the P e r s i a n fleet a n d destroyed the entire a r m y (532-6). W o m e n are 'yoked alone' (133-9) bereft of husb a n d s ( 2 8 6 - 9 , 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) ; t h e ' y o u t h ' (hebe) a n d ' b l o s s o m ' (anthos) of A s i a perish (59-60, 252-5, 511-12, 669-70, 733, 918-30, 978-9); h o u s e h o l d s go e x t i n c t ( 9 7 8 - 8 3 ) . H e s i o d ' s M y t h o f t h e A g e s is also a s u b t e x t f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n c e (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 0 1 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s i n t e r p r e t t h e t i m e o f D a r i u s a s a G o l d e n A g e (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 6 ) o f u n b r o k e n t r a d i t i o n , w e a l t h , w i s d o m , b e n e v o l e n c e , a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f s u f f e r i n g . 2 4 D a r i u s ' olbos i s unsurpassed; h e l i v e d l i k e a god a m o n g t h e Persians (709-12). X e r x e s ' r e i g n i s a n a l o g o u s t o t h e S i l v e r A g e , a t i m e o f hybris a n d f a i l u r e t o h o n o u r t h e g o d s (Works and Days 1 2 7 - 4 2 ) , w h e n m e n d o n o t l i v e l o n g p a s t y o u t h (hebe, 1 3 2 - 4 ) . 2 5 It i s true that t h e blame o f Xerxes enhances praise o f Darius.26 B u t the recreation of Darius' reign as a lost Golden Age, a n object o f l o n g i n g , c a n also elicit t h e audience's y e a r n i n g for the past. T h e s t a r k r u p t u r e i n Persia between D a r i u s a n d Xerxes, depicted p r i m a r i l y as the difference between l a n d a n d naval empire, evokes the m e m o r y of pre-Salamis Athens, a t i m e before ships, w h e n A t h e n s ' city w a l l , temples, fields, a n d h o m e s were intact. W a r f a r e became a constant reality i n post-Salamis A t h e n s . S h i p s , a s i g n o f p r o d u c t i v e l a c k c r e a t e d b y hybris i n Hesiod's scheme, a r e t h e city's m o s t p r o m i n e n t possession. D a r i u s arises t ocondemn his son as a n aberration i n Persian history, the only k i n g to 'completely empty out this city of Susa' (761); b u t A t h e n s ' disaster echoes i n his words. D a r i u s speaks w i t h the p a t e r n a l voice o f the G r e e k poetic t r a d i t i o n . A s w i l l become clear i n t h e second stasimon, the A t h e n i a n s are D a r i u s ' 110

5. The Synoptic Moment heirs: they acquired the empire he w o n and Xerxes lost i n the naval battle a t Salamis. Failure to understand? T h e Persians barely respond t oD a r i u s ' prophecy (843-6) a n d i g n o r e i t i n t h e kommos. P e r i c l e s G e o r g e s i n t e r p r e t s t h i s l a c k o f response a s t h e k e y t o t h e d r a m a : t h e P e r s i a n s do n o t u n d e r stand D a r i u s ' message 'because barbarians are u n c o m p r e h e n d ing by nature'.27 R.P. Winnington-Ingram, whose interpretation Georges adapts, suggests t h a t 'Aeschylus m u s t have hoped t h a t h i s a u d i e n c e w o u l d be m o r e p e r c e p t i v e . Y e t t h e course o f f i f t h century history m a y w e l l m a k e us doubt w h e t h e r the lesson of Z e u s kolastes ( ' p u n i s h e r ' ) w a s r e a l l y g r a s p e d b y t h e A t h e n i ans'.28 C l e a r l y , D a r i u s ' message does n o t get t h r o u g h : X e r x e s never receives i t ; t h e chorus does n o t teach h i m self-control a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods' (829-31); t h e Q u e e n does n o t r e t u r n w i t h a kosmos a n d s o o t h e X e r x e s w i t h w o r d s ( 8 3 2 - 8 , 8 4 6 - 5 1 ) . Since the i n t e r n a l audience hardly interferes i n the prophecy a n d e x p l a n a t i o n , h o w e v e r , D a r i u s ' f i n a l speech effectively addresses the audience of the play. 'Remember Athens and Greece' D a r i u s orders his audience t o bear witness t o the 'penalties' ( 8 2 3 ) t h e P e r s i a n s p a i d f o r hybris, a d j u r i n g t h e m t o ' r e m e m b e r A t h e n s a n d Greece' (824). T h i s c o m m a n d alludes t o a n o r a l tradition of his response to the burning of Sardis. Darius was so o b s e s s e d w i t h v e n g e a n c e t h a t h e i n s t r u c t e d a s e r v a n t t o r e m i n d h i m three times w h e n h e served his meal, 'master, r e m e m b e r t h e A t h e n i a n s ' ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 1 0 5 . 2 ; cf. 6 . 9 4 . 1 ) . 2 9 T h e call to ' r e m e m b e r t h e A t h e n i a n s ' is a n o a t h o f vengeance w h i c h the Persian destruction of A t h e n s fulfilled. Aeschylus' D a r i u s r e m i n d s the audience of his response to the sack of Sardis, but ironically reverses its meaning: his c o m m a n d t o 'remember A t h e n s a n dGreece' interdicts P e r s i a n aggression against Greeks. T h e signature of Aeschylus' tragic vision is the a m b i g u i t y of violence p e r p e t r a t e d i n t h e n a m e o f a society's h i g h e s t values.

Ill

Aeschylus: Persians P e r s i a n v e n g e a n c e i s a drama t h a t p r o v o k e s a m o r e s e v e r e pathos, j u s t a s t h e A t h e n i a n / I o n i a n drama a t S a r d i s p r o v o k e d the disproportionately h a r s h destruction o f t h e i r cities a n d t e m p l e s . T h e P e r s i a n pathos i s i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h A t h e n s ' : i t i s a n evacuation, a sack, t h e f u l f i l m e n t o f a double oracle, a s i m u l t a n e o u s d e s t r u c t i o n a n ds a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h boatbridges/ships, the w o r s t disaster i n the h i s t o r y o f the city, a n d a realization of the call to 'remember Athens' for the destruction o f t e m p l e s . T h e kommos w i l l a d d a n o t h e r e c h o - l a m e n t f o r a lost harvest. A d o p t i n g t h e voice o f t h e G r e e k poetic t r a d i t i o n , D a r i u s s p e a k s a c r o s s c u l t u r e s . 3 0 Hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t i s n o t a n exclusively P e r s i a n sequence.31 Rather, i t is the oldest G r e e k pattern of deviant intention, action, and divine punishment, which Persian imperialism exemplifies. Holding the unaccountable to account T h e Q u e e n d e c l a r e d h e r s o n ' n o t a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e polis' ( 2 1 3 ¬ 14). D a r i u s e x p l a i n s t h a t 'Zeus p u n i s h e s i n t e n t i o n s t h a t are too arrogant, a h e a v y chastiser' (827-8). T h e w o r d for 'chastiser', euthynos, s u g g e s t s t h e m e c h a n i s m f o r h o l d i n g o f f i c i a l s a t A t h e n s a c c o u n t a b l e , euthynai.32 S o m e a r g u e t h a t t h e Persians p r o jects such democratic oversight into the cosmos.33 B u t t h e play transcends particular political systems.34 Xerxes is politically u n a c c o u n t a b l e ; e v e n so, h e m u s t a n s w e r t o Z e u s , w h o m a i n tains order i n the cosmos. A l l m o r t a l s , w h e t h e r the G r e a t K i n g or the A t h e n i a n demos, are accountable to Zeus. Democracy is n o t i m m u n e t o t h e c y c l e o f c o n q u e s t , w e a l t h , a n d olbos o r t o t h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t . 3 5 I n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e Persian destruction of Athens, the equation of precious m e t a l a n d s u b j e c t c i t i e s w i t h olbos b e c a m e a n A t h e n i a n c o l l e c t i v e ideal. T h e gleam of w e a l t h and power can ensorcel the masses a n d t h e i r leaders as readily as i t can kings a n d t h e i r subjects ( S o l o n Elegies f r r . 4 , 6 [ W e s t ] ; H e r o d o t u s 5 . 4 9 , 9 7 ; 6 . 1 3 2 ; T h u c y dides 6.24.3). T h e u p s h o t o f t h e D a r i u s - e p i s o d e is t h a t successful military hegemony makes a c o m m u n i t y increasingly liable t o hybris a n d ate o v e r t i m e .

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5. The Synoptic Moment Seeing the end of the drama: Xerxes' rags D a r i u s e n j o i n s t h e c h o r u s t o t e a c h X e r x e s 'to be sensible' a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods w i t h a r r o g a n t audacity' (829-31). Ordering the Q u e e n t o r e t u r n t o the house and t o retrieve a 'fine g a r m e n t ' (kosmos), h e i n s t r u c t s h e r t o m e e t X e r x e s w i t h i t a n d to soothe h i m w i t h w o r d s : X e r x e s ' c l o t h i n g i s t o r n t o s h r e d s 'because o f grief over his m i s f o r t u n e s ' (832-8). T h e conclusion o f the drama pivots on verbal remedies and Xerxes' investiture w i t h a n e w kosmos. L i k e e v e r y o t h e r s i g n i f i c a n t s t a g e a c t i o n i n t h e p l a y , h o w e v e r , t h e y w i l l be p r e - e m p t e d . R a t h e r t h a n a p p e a r before the audience i n n e w clothes, soothed a n d rehabilitated, Xerxes w i l l l a m e n t his rags (1030) a n d order the elders to tear t h e i r robes (1060). The stress o n Xerxes' clothing derives from Greek conventions o f poetic a n d d r a m a t i c representation.36 I n v e s t i t u r e a n d divestiture a r e basic f o r m s of v i s u a l m e a n i n g , especially t o a c h i e v e c l o s u r e . B a c c h y l i d e s ' Dithyramb 1 7 , a n a r r a t i v e o f struggle for a u t h o r i t y between M i n o s , k i n g of Crete, and the A t h e n i a n hero Theseus, contains a positive version of the failed p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e Persians.31 T h e p o e m d e p i c t s T h e s e u s p r o v ing his paternity from Poseidon: h e dives into t h esea a n d dolphins speed h i m to the house o f Poseidon's wife, A m p h i t r i t e , who cloaks h i m i n a purple l i n e n m a n t l e and puts her wedding c r o w n o n h i s h e a d . T h e s e u s e m e r g e s d r y f r o m t h e sea a n d A t h e n i a n y o u t h s aboard ship rejoice i n r i t u a l s h o u t i n g a n d singing. T h e h e r o i n h i s n e w garb appears as saviour o f h i s people f r o m M i n o s ' hybris. T h e c h a l l e n g e a r o s e o u t o f M i n o s ' t o u c h i n g a n A t h e n i a n m a i d e n , w h o m Theseus defended. I n t h e absence o f his father, a mother-substitute (his m o t h e r i s A e t h r a ) endows Theseus w i t h symbols of his paternity, proving his right t o restrain Minos' hybris.38 B y w i t h h o l d i n g X e r x e s ' n e w kosmos, t h e p l a y c o n t r a s t s h i m w i t h t h e figure o f t h e l i b e r a t o r , p r o t e c t o r , a n d d e f e n d e r a g a i n s t hybris, a r o u n d w h o m t h e g r o u p u n i t e s . T h e p l a y ' s r e f u s a l t o p r o v i d e a n e w kosmos f o r X e r x e s m a y i m p l y a kosmos f o r t h e G r e e k s w h o d e f e a t e d h i m ; a kosmos w a s t h e a i m o f p r a i s e p o e t r y o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s ( S i m o n i d e s Plataea f r . 1 1 . 2 3 , r e s t o r e d ) . I n v e s t i t u r e is a r i t e o f i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e group a n d t r a n s i t i o n t o a n e w s t a t u s . I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s f i r s t 113

Aeschylus: Persians a p p e a r i n c l o t h i n g (kosmos) i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o w e a r ' a t t h e s t a t ues o f t h e gods o r t h e houses o f m e n ' (55-6). A f t e r A t h e n a persuades the E r i n y e s to become powers of fertility, h a r m o n y , and justice i n Athens, the Athenians welcome t h e m into their c o m m u n i t y a n d h o n o u r t h e m w i t h n e w 'red-dyed robes', r e deeming t h e bloodshed a n d violence o f t h e trilogy,a n d symbolizing the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the E r i n y e s from curses into blessings (1025-31).39 T h e comic stage e m p l o y s t h i s device. T h e c h o r u s o f t h e Knights i n v e s t s t h e S a u s a g e - S e l l e r w i t h a f r o g green garment a t the end of the play as h e enters the Council c h a m b e r f o r a f e a s t ( A r i s t o p h a n e s Knights 1 4 0 4 - 6 ; c f . 8 6 1 - 6 ; Wasps 1 1 2 2 - 7 3 ) . T h i s i s t h e t h e a t r i c a l m o m e n t D a r i u s o r d e r s the Q u e e n to enact; against the gradient o f his a n d the Queen's wishes, t h e d r a m a refuses to fulfil i t . Darius the hedonist? R e a d e r s o f t h e Persians q u e s t i o n D a r i u s ' a u t h o r i t y , a r g u i n g t h a t the audience w o u l d have received h i m as a self-serving despot or that, as t h e k i n g w h o became a god t h r o u g h conquest, h e e m b o d i e s t h e hybris a t t h e h e a r t o f P e r s i a n c u l t u r e . 4 0 T h e r e is no w a y to r u l e o u t t h i s reception o f D a r i u s ' first t w o speeches. Y e t i t fails to t a k e i n t o account D a r i u s ' t h i r d , prophetic speech, which has the authority of the Greek tradition of poetry and of S o l o n i n p a r t i c u l a r . W h y does D a r i u s s p e a k so s e n s i b l y ? D a r i u s ' p a r t i n g w o r d s , 'rejoice, elders, e v e n i n woes, g i v i n g daily pleasure t o y o u r soul, since w e a l t h i s n o benefit t o t h e dead' (840-1) h a v e cast f u r t h e r doubt o n h i s a u t h o r i t y . 4 1 T h e s e w o r d s express t h e outlook of d r i n k i n g songs a n d of comedy. S u c h advice, however, i s typical o f w h a t t h e dead or t h e d y i n g t e l l t h e l i v i n g . 4 2 D a r i u s ' r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f pleasure a n d cont e n t m e n t addresses Persia's insatiability; they are part of the r e m e d y t h e chorus expects D a r i u s to provide (631-2). T h e G o l d e n A g e - a t i m e o f feasting - associated w i t h D a r i u s i s defined b y sufficiency a n d c o n t e n t m e n t r a t h e r t h a n b y excess a n d insatiability. F r o m the perspective o f G r e e k sympotic poetry, pleasure is t h e focus o f h u m a n life. S i m o n i d e s asked, ' W h a t h u m a n life or w h a t t y r a n n y is desirable w i t h o u t pleasure? W i t h o u t i t , n o t e v e n t h e l i f e o f t h e g o d s i s e n v i a b l e ' (PMG f r . 5 8 4 ) . 114

5. The Synoptic Moment Solon wove the themes of wealth, pleasure, and contentment i n t o h i s elegies, e q u a t i n g those w h o possess great w e a l t h w i t h those w h o have enough for comfort, take a wife i n season and h a v e a c h i l d . ' T h i s ' h e declares, 'is w e a l t h for m o r t a l s . N o o n e goes i n t o H a d e s p o s s e s s i n g c o u n t l e s s goods, a n d y o u c o u l d n o t e s c a p e d e a t h b y m a k i n g p a y m e n t ...' (Elegies f r . 2 4 = T h e o g n i s Elegies 7 1 9 - 2 8 [ W e s t ] ) . D a r i u s ' l a s t w o r d s e c h o t h e v i e w o f m o r t a l i t y expressed i n sympotic poetry, the songs of the d r i n k i n g a n d f e a s t i n g g r o u p w h i c h a r e a m o d e l f o r t h e polls.43 T h e sympotic tenor of Darius' parting words elaborates his earlier w a r n i n g , i n w h i c h olbos w a s a c u p o f w i n e ' w a s t e d b y d e s i r i n g o t h e r s ' ' (824-6).44 G r e e k sympotic poets expressed a s i m i l a r v i e w of t h e P e r s i a n invasion. 'Let u s drink', Theognis urges, 'sharing pleasant conversion w i t h one another, h a v i n g no fear o f w a r w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s ' ( 7 6 3 - 4 ; cf. 7 7 3 - 8 2 [ W e s t ] ) . Critics similarly read the Queen's response to Xerxes' r e t u r n in rags as a n indictment of the barbarian mentality.45 After D a r i u s r e t u r n s t oHades, the elders express t h e i r grief for the barbarians' m u l t i t u d e of present and future woes (843-4). T h e Q u e e n seconds t h e i r grief (845-6) a n d describes w h a t distresses h e r t h e most: t h e d i s h o n o u r to h e r son's person (846-7). S h e i s not so m u c h obsessed w i t h 'sartorial display' as w i t h w h a t Xerxes' rags symbolize, dishonour t o h e r son a n dt h e royal oikos.46 H e n c e s h e r e s o l v e s t o f o l l o w D a r i u s ' o r d e r s , g e t t i n g a r o b e (kosmos) a n d m e e t i n g h e r s o n a s h e r e t u r n s ( 8 4 9 - 5 0 ) . The following stasimon implies that Athens is heir t o t h e e m p i r e D a r i u s conquered a n d ruled, b u t X e r x e s lost. I t r e i n f o r c e s t h e s t a t u s o f D a r i u s in loco patris a n d u n d e r s c o r e s t h e idea t h a t e m p i r e is p a t r i m o n y . Torn empire: the second stasimon D a r i u s returns t o the underworld.47 T h e Queen exits t o fetch X e r x e s ' kosmos. T h e c h o r u s i s a l o n e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a a n d s i n g s t h e second s t a s i m o n . T h e chorus e n u m e r a t e s t h e city-states t h a t D a r i u s conquered a n d ruled a n d Xerxes lost after h i s defeat a t S a l a m i s . T h e ode explores i n geographical t e r m s t h e i m a g e o f X e r x e s ' t o r n robe, w h i c h s y m b o l i z e s t h e r u p t u r e bet w e e n X e r x e s a n d D a r i u s a n d t h e loss o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 4 8 115

Aeschylus: Persians A l t h o u g h there is a causal connection b e t w e e n X e r x e s ' defeat a t S a l a m i s a n d t h e loss o f P e r s i a n h o l d i n g s l i s t e d i n t h e ode, t h e majority of t h e m r e m a i n e d under Persian control between Salamis and Xerxes' r e t u r n to Asia. T h e chorus envisions events outside o f dramatic time, between 4 7 9a n d 473, as i f they happened directly after Salamis. I n keeping w i t h its visionary character, t h e m e t r e o f the song is lyric dactylic.49 Picking u p the conclusion of the first stasimon, w h i c h envisioned the disintegration of Persia's A s i a n empire (584-94), the ode l a m e n t s t h e r e v e r s a l o f P e r s i a n p o w e r i n Thrace, t h e Hellespont, Ionia, and the Aegean islands, including Rhodes a n d Cyprus. W i t h the exception o f the cities o f C y p r u s (892-7), the cities e n u m e r a t e d i n this s t a s i m o n w e r e likely m e m b e r s o f the A t h e n i a n empire i n472.50 S o m e o f t h e m , such as Lesbos, Samos, Chios, Naxos, and perhaps Tenos and Lemnos, provided ships (880-6, 891). Others, such as Paros, Myconos, A n d r o s , Icaros and m a i n l a n d Ionia were likely tribute-payers (885-902). T h e first strophe reinforces the image of Darius' reign as a G o l d e n Age, focusing o n e m p i r e as 'the great a n d good life o f r u l i n g cities' (852-3). T h e chorus reiterates a n d expands t h e range of Darius' epithets, broadening the schism between the old a n d n e w Persian orders. T h e 'old king' w a s 'completely s u f f i c i e n t ' ( 8 5 4 - 6 ) , ' c a u s i n g n o h a r m ' ( 8 5 5 ; cf. 5 5 5 , 6 6 3 - 4 = 6 7 1 - 2 ) , ' i n v i n c i b l e ' ( 8 5 6 ) a n d ' g o d l i k e ' ( 8 5 7 ; cf. 1 5 7 , 6 3 3 - 4 , 6 4 3 , 6 5 1 , 654-5, 711). T h e a n t i s t r o p h e stresses t h e success o f Persian armies during Darius' reign: they were 'honoured' (858) a n d kept fortified cities under control. Successful i n t h e i r w a r s , t h e y r e t u r n e d t o f l o u r i s h i n g h o m e s ' w i t h o u t suffering' (861-4).51 T h e elders r e t u r n t oa t h e m e of the parodos a n d first s t a s i m o n : t h e Persians' d i v i n e l y sanctioned success as a l a n d p o w e r , p e n e t r a t i n g w a l l e d f o r t i f i c a t i o n s a n d d r i v i n g settled populations from their homes (87-107, 555-7). Persia's era o f i m p e r i a l d o m i n a t i o n enforced b y siege p o w e r has ended. I t i s n o w A t h e n s ' , w h o s e a b i l i t y t o collect t r i b u t e w a s based u p o n siege p o w e r o f a different k i n d : blockades w h i c h induced starvation. T h e following three strophic-antistrophic pairs detail Darius' conquests a n d additions t o t h ePersian empire i n t h e Greek w o r l d a n d i t s periphery. T h i s topic i s often a n occasion for 116

5. The Synoptic Moment praeteritio, c a l l i n g a t t e n t i o n t o s o m e t h i n g b y d e c l i n i n g t o s p e a k about i t . 5 2 T h e chorus offers a detailed list o f t h e cities D a r i u s c o n q u e r e d a n d r u l e d , a n d i n s o m e cases, r e c o n q u e r e d d u r i n g and after the I o n i a n revolt. C r o s s i n g w a t e r b o u n d a r i e s s y m b o l i z e s t h e hybris o f i m p e r i a l i s t d e s i r e i n t h e Persians. T h e c h o r u s p r o c l a i m s t h a t D a r i u s t o o k t h e cities i n t h i s ode, ' n e i t h e r c r o s s i n g t h e passage o f t h e H a l y s R i v e r nor s t i r r i n g f r o m his h e a r t h ' (865-8). F o r Herodotus, the H a l y s demarcates the empire of Lydians from that of the Medes and articulates A s i a i n t o t w o geographical a n d political u n i t s (1.72). D a r i u s personally remained w i t h i n his natural, religious, a n d c u l t u r a l l i m i t s ; h e w a s a j u s t k i n g a n d as a consequence, h i s people flourished. T h i s is a t h e m e associated w i t h Hesiod's city of justice (Works and Days 2 2 5 - 3 7 ) . S o m e c o n s i d e r t h i s p r a i s e o f D a r i u s a c t u a l l y a ' s n e e r ' a g a i n s t h i m a s a ' s t a y - a t - h o m e ' . 5 3 I n t h e Persians, however, D a r i u s 'acquired great w e a l t h for his children w i t h the point o f t h e spear' (754-5) a n d claims t o h a v e 'invaded m a n y t i m e s w i t h m a n y a n a r m y ' (780). D a r i u s ' presence i n Persia w h i l e increasi n g h i s e m p i r e i s a s i g n o f p o w e r , l i k e Z e u s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Suppliants, w h o a c c o m p l i s h e s h i s a i m s w i t h o u t e f f o r t o r m o t i o n ( 9 1 - 1 0 3 ; cf. Xenophanes frr. 20-2 D - K ) . S u c h conquest contradicts the premise t h a t t h e P e r s i a n empire's d i v i n e l y sanctioned sphere is A s i a . T h e earliest inscriptions e n u m e r a t i n g the cities t h a t paid tribute to A t h e n s date from 454. Lists of first-fruit offerings t o A t h e n a from the tribute, a sixtieth of the payment, they lack a geographical f o r m a t . T h e sequence o f cities i n the lists differs f r o m year to year; t h i s probably reflects the order i n w h i c h t h e y paid.54 I n 442 the t r i b u t e - p a y i n g cities w e r e grouped i n t o five districts: Ionia, Hellespont, Thrace, Caria, Islands.55 T h i s order becomes fixed, a l t h o u g h t h e sequence o f cities p a y i n g w i t h i n each d i s t r i c t v a r i e s . T h e s e c o n d s t a s i m o n o f t h e Persians r o u g h l y i n cludes these five districts, t h o u g h i n a different order: Thrace, Hellespont, Islands, Caria, Ionia. I n the anapaestic prelude to the parodos t h e chorus listed h i g h tribute-payers - Lydia, M y s i a , Babylon, E g y p t - as fearsome allies (33-55). T h e principle o f p a y m e n t g o v e r n s t h e o r d e r o f d i s t r i c t s i n t h i s ode. T h r a c e i s consistently the highest paying district i n the A t h e n i a n empire i n the period 453-434, followed b y t h e Hellespont, t h e Islands, Caria, and Ionia.56 T h i s r a n k i n g probably obtained i n 472. 117

Aeschylus: Persians Thracian and Hellespontine districts T h e chorus first lists 'river cities o f the S t r y m o n i a n G u l f (pelagos), n e i g h b o u r s o f T h r a c i a n h u t s ' ( 8 6 9 - 7 1 ) a s c i t i e s D a r i u s c a p t u r e d a n d w h i c h o b e y e d h i m . T r a n s l a t i n g pelagos a s ' l a k e ' , some t h i n k that the lines refer to a branch of the Paeonians w h o dwelled i n Lake Prasias i n huts built o n stilts (Herodotus 5.16).57 T h i s is unlikely. Megabazus was unable t o conquer these Paeonians (5.12-16). I t i s m o r e likely t h a t t h e chorus refers to settlements o n the G u l f of S t r y m o n near the S t r y m o n River, such as Eion.58 T h e chorus begins w i t h t h e G u l f of S t r y m o n because i twas a cardinal point of A t h e n s ' empire, a chief source o f t r i b u t e a n d r a w m a t e r i a l s a n d the w e s t e r n m o s t b u l w a r k against Persian reprisal. T h e antistrophe claims t h a t fortified settlements 'outside the limné' o n t h e c o n t i n e n t o b e y e d D a r i u s ( 8 7 2 - 5 ) . F o r t h o s e w h o i d e n t i f y t h e ' S t r y m o n i a n pelagos' w i t h L a k e P r a s i a s , t h i s r e f e r s to l a n d 'outside the lake'. A g a i n , this i s improbable. A l t h o u g h t h e w o r d limne n o r m a l l y r e f e r s t o s t a n d i n g w a t e r , i n p o e t r y i t c a n d e s i g n a t e t h e s e a (e.g. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 5 2 4 - 3 0 ) a n d S o p h o c l e s u s e s i t t o m e a n ' g u l f (Women ofTrachis 6 3 6 ) . T h e w o r d h e r e refers t o the G u l f of S t r y m o n . T h e r e w e r e n u m e r o u s fortified settlements between the Gulf of S t r y m o n and the Hellespont. Herodotus lists t h e m f r o m east t o west as h e narrates Xerxes' r o u t e a c r o s s T h r a c e t o G r e e c e ( 7 . 1 0 6 - 9 ; cf. 6 . 4 6 - 8 ; 8 . 1 2 0 ) . 5 9 T h e antistrophe concludes by n o t i n g t h a t settlements o n the Hellespont, Propontis and the m o u t h of the Black Sea were subject to D a r i u s . T h e s e w e r e also c a r d i n a l points o f A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m : t h e y p r o v i d e d access t o c o m m o d i t i e s f r o m t h e B l a c k Sea, e n a b l i n g A t h e n s t o exploit its n a v a l p o w e r by controlling t h e flow o f these commodities t o t h eAegean. T h e Persians gained t h e m after the invasion of Scythia and t h e n regained t h e m after the I o n i a n revolt. Islands, Caria, and Ionia T h e t h i r d strophe and antistrophe detail the islands Darius ruled. T h e first group adjoins the coast of W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ; the chorus describes t h e m f r o m the perspective o f the m a i n l a n d 118

5. The Synoptic Moment (880-2). Lesbos, Samos, a n d Chios have pride o f place (883-5). These islands were early allies of Athens; each m a n n e d its o w n fleet d u r i n g Aeschylus' lifetime. T h e a u t h o r o f t h e A r i s t o t e l i a n Constitution of the Athenians c a l l s t h e m t h e ' s e n t i n e l s o f e m pire' (24.2). C h i a n insurgents pushed for I o n i a n liberation after t h e battle o f S a l a m i s (Herodotus 8.132). S a m i a n s swore oaths to enter t h e G r e e k alliance u n d e r S p a r t a n leadership before t h e battle of M y c a l e (9.91-2) a n d led the revolt a t battle of M y c a l e (9.103.2). Lesbos a n d Chios joined the G r e e k alliance under S p a r t a n leadership after Mycale, along w i t h 'the other islanders w h o happened t o be campaigning w i t h t h e Hellenes' (9.106.4). H e r o d o t u s does n o t i d e n t i f y these 'other islanders', b u t o f t h e islands the chorus m e n t i o n s next, N a x o s a n d Tenos w e r e probably among them. T h e admiral of the four triremes the Naxians s e n t t o X e r x e s ' fleet, D e m o c r i t u s , j o i n e d t h e G r e e k s a t S a l a m i s (Herodotus 8.46.3). A t r i r e m e f r o m T e n o s also left t h e Persians to fight w i t h the Greeks a t S a l a m i s (8.82.1). T h e N a x i a n s h a d their name inscribed on the 'Serpent Column'; the Tenians were added later.60 I t did not take long for either island to become a t r i b u t e - p a y i n g subject o f A t h e n s . N a x o s w a s t h e first i s l a n d to r e v o l t , p e r h a p s a r o u n d 4 6 5 ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.98.4). T h e r e are n o records for Naxos' tribute payments u n t i l 447, w h e n i t paid 6 | talents, a sizable s u m . Tenos paid three talents i n 449, t h e earliest date for w h i c h w e h a v e records. T h e appearance of Myconos, Paros, a n d A n d r o s (885-6) i n the t h i r d strophe i s surprising. T h e y are part of the Cyclades; but they had little claim t o importance. Myconos probably paid tribute from the start. W h e n its records are first extant i n 4 5 1 , it pays 1 | talents. N e i t h e r Paros n o r A n d r o s enjoyed good relations w i t h Athens. Herodotus reports that t h e Parians j o i n e d n e i t h e r side i n t h e battle o f S a l a m i s , b u t a w a i t e d t h e outcome o n the island of Cythnos, one of only six Aegean islands to r i s k f i g h t i n g o n t h e G r e e k side b u t u n n a m e d i n t h i s o d e (8.67.1). Themistocles extorted a large s u m o f m o n e y f r o m P a r o s after t h e b a t t l e o f S a l a m i s (8.112.2). A s i s t h e case w i t h all the islands, tribute figures are sketchy, but the A t h e n i a n s exacted a h e a v y toll f r o m Paros. I n 449 the island paid 16|, a h u g e a n d p u n i t i v e s u m . A n d r o s w a s also subject t o A t h e n i a n 119

Aeschylus: Persians reprisal for m e d i s m (8.111, 121.1). Themistocles' unsuccessful siege o f t h e i s l a n d f r i g h t e n e d P a r o s i n t o offering p a y m e n t . H e r o d o t u s surmises t h a t other islands also paid (8.112.2). M y conos w a s probably one o f t h e m . T h e t h i r d antistrophe treats a m i x e d geographical range of islands a n d peninsular Cnidus, spanning t h eIonian, Island, and C a r i a n districts. T h e chorus' description of islands farther f r o m t h e A s i a n coast (890-3) applies to t h e first three: L e m n o s , Icaros, and Rhodes. T h e A t h e n i a n s established a foothold o n L e m n o s i n the early fifth century (Herodotus 6.136-40). L e m n o s s e n t s h i p s t o X e r x e s ' fleet. A n t i d o r u s ' s h i p e s c a p e d t o t h e G r e e k side a t t h e battle o f A r t e m i s i u m (8.11.3) a n d f o u g h t w i t h t h e Greeks a t S a l a m i s (8.82.2). Icaros was probably i n the Persian ambit i n490 w h e n the Persians sailed beside i to n the w a y t o E r e t r i a a n d M a r a t h o n (Herodotus 6.95.2). W ehave n o record t h a t t h e i s l a n d paid tribute as a whole. T w o o fits towns paid separately i n t h e I o n i a n district, indicating the presence of A t h e n i a n settlers on the island. Rhodes, a D o r i a n island, likewise endured A t h e n i a n settlers, paying as separate t o w n s i n t h e C a r i a n district. I t s major towns paid large sums. T h e m o s t interesting cities i n this catalogue a r e those o f Cyprus: Paphus, Soli, and Salamis, 'whose m o t h e r city is the cause o fthese laments' (892-7). According t o Herodotus, t h e Cypriots 'gave themselves' t o t h e Persians a n d i n v a d e d E g y p t w i t h Cambyses' n a v y i n 525 (3.19.3). T h e cities S a l a m i s a n d Soli were the spiritual centre of the island's revolt f r o m D a r i u s i n 499/98 (5.110). O n e s i l u s o f S a l a m i s w a s a force b e h i n d t h e resistance, p u t t i n g h i m a t odds w i t h his brother Gorgus, t h e pro-Persian k i n g of S a l a m i s (5.104). W h e n Onesilus w a s killed in the fighting, his brother Gorgus returned to Salamis, saving t h e c i t y f r o m P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l ( 5 . 1 1 0 - 1 5 ) . S o l i w a s n o t so f o r t u nate. I t w i t h s t o o d a P e r s i a n siege f o r f o u r m o n t h s before s u c c u m b i n g (5.115.2). H e r o d o t u s does n o t m e n t i o n P a p h u s i n connection w i t h the I o n i a n revolt, but archaeological evidence suggests t h a t it revolted and was t a k e n after the Persians built a siege m o u n d ( a P e r s i a n specialty).61 C y p r u s as a w h o l e sent 1 5 0 s h i p s t o X e r x e s ' fleet ( 7 . 9 0 ) . P a p h u s s e n t a c o n t i n g e n t (7.195), as did Salamis, whose k i n g Gorgus accompanied t h e 120

5. The Synoptic Moment expedition (7.98). I n478, the Greeks under P a u s a n i a s 'campaigned against Cyprus and subdued m u c h of it' (Thucydides 1.94.2; D i o d o r u s 11.44.2). T h e l i b e r a t i o n d i d n o t l a s t l o n g . T h e cities of C y p r u s never became part of the A t h e n i a n empire.62 T h e chorus m a y express A t h e n s ' desire for Cyprus' inclusion i n the empire. I t m a y recall Salamis' role i n the I o n i a n revolt, linking it w i t h A t h e n i a n Salamis' role i n defeating the Persians. I t could also recall a h i s t o r y o f C y p r i o t m e d i s m . F i n a l l y , t h e chorus details t h e loss o f m a i n l a n d I o n i a i n a n epode. C y r u s 'conquered a l l I o n i a b y force' (771); t h e chorus r e f e r s t o I o n i a a s t h e ' I o n i a n i n h e r i t a n c e ' ( 8 9 8 - 9 , kleros). A c cording to Herodotus, Cyrus' son Cambyses considered Ionians a n d A e o l i a n s 'inherited slaves' (2.1.2). T h e cities of I o n i a h a d been, as t h e c h o r u s says ' w e a l t h y a n d p o p u l o u s ' (898-9). M i l e t u s i n particular was 'the j e w e l of Ionia' a t the t u r n of the fifth c e n t u r y ( H e r o d o t u s 5.28). I t h a d gone over to C y r u s w i t h o u t a fight i n 535 (1.143.1). T h e chorus recalls I o n i a n collaboration: the t e r r i t o r y w a s the source o f a n 'inexhaustible s t r e n g t h o f a r m o u r e d m e n ' a n d of 'allies o f a l l sorts' (901-3), a description o f I o n i a n c o n s c r i p t s (cf. 5 4 ) . T h e I o n i a n s p r o v i d e d 1 0 0 s h i p s t o Xerxes' fleet (Herodotus 7.94). T h e ode s t r a d d l e s a l i n e b e t w e e n r e c a l l i n g t h e T h r a c i a n , Hellespontine, island and I o n i a n failure to defend their freedom against D a r i u s and proclaiming their liberty after the battle of S a l a m i s - w h e r e m a n y f o u g h t o n t h e P e r s i a n side. I t r e p r e s e n t s the reversal of Persian imperialism i n the Aegean. T h e chorus asserts t h a t t h i s r e v e r s a l is a n act o f t h e gods i n n a v a l f i g h t i n g (903-7). T h e catalogue projects A t h e n i a n n a v a l power, recalls I o n i a n suffering u n d e r t h e Persians, a n d is a n e x e m p l u m o f t h e evanescence of n a v a l empire. I ti s significant that the chorus p r e f a c e s t h e r e v e r s a l w i t h ' n o w ... i n t u r n ' ( 9 0 3 - 5 ) : s u c h a l t e r nation is characteristic of naval power. Athens' empire is a n inheritance from Darius w h i c h Xerxes squandered; the Athenians are D a r i u s ' heir. T h e i r challenge is to a v o i d t h e e x a m p l e o f Xerxes.

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A Harvest of Tears The

kommos

Xerxes enters alone, unannounced, and i n t o r n robes (1030), wearing a virtually empty quiver (1019-24).1 H em a y have entered o n a covered w a g o n (1000-1), b u t he is o n foot t h r o u g h o u t t h e episode.2 T h i s i s t h e m o m e n t w e h a v e awaited; t h i s i s t h e event t h e p l a y defers u n t i l t h e end: X e r x e s ' h o m e c o m i n g (nostos). H o w w i l l h e b e r e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o h i s r e a l m ? W i l l h e c o m p o u n d his woes, as the Q u e e n feared w h e n she first considered his r e t u r n ? (529-31). W i l l the chorus teach h i m 'self-control' a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods' (829-31) as D a r i u s d e m a n d e d ? W i l l t h e Q u e e n r e t u r n w i t h a n e w kosmos f o r h e r s o n ? ( 8 4 9 - 5 1 ) . T h e Persians e n d s w i t h a kommos: a s u n g l a m e n t b e t w e e n actor and chorus.3 Readers are divided over h o w to interpret it. S.M. A d a m s calls i t a 'satyr-play' a n d 'appendage' to t h e d r a m a , w h i c h i s 'lighter i n mood' t h a n the preceding scenes.4 M i c h a e l G a g a r i n r e a d s t h e kommos a s o f f e r i n g ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' a s w e l l a s 'support and comfort' t o Xerxes.5 D a v i d Schenker suggests i t r e c r e a t e s t h e 'proper r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a k i n g a n d h i s peop l e ' . 6 T h e kommos i s t h e p l a y ' s d r a m a t i c c l i m a x . 7 I t e x h i b i t s t h e telos o f t h e t r a g e d y a n d o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , s t a g i n g t h e ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' D a r i u s d e s c r i b e d a s t h e f u l f i l m e n t o f hybris a n d ate ( 8 2 1 - 2 ) , a n d r e a l i z i n g t h e p l a y ' s v e r b a l i m a g e s a s s y m bolic a c t i o n o n stage. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h eeffect o f t h i s r e - e n a c t m e n t i s t h e r e n e w a l o f X e r x e s ' hybris: h e t a k e s c o n t r o l of the elders a n d c o m m a n d s t h e m t o m u t i l a t e t h e i r bodies i n m o u r n i n g before t h e y escort h i m to t h e palace (1038-77). X e r x e s r e g a i n s h i s g r i p o n P e r s i a ; b u t t h e kommos t u r n s P e r s i a n hybris u p o n itself, d e m o n s t r a t i n g h o w enslaving i m p e r i a l i s m i s fulfilled i n the self-directed aggression o f l a m e n t .

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6. A Harvest of Tears T h e kommos i s b a s e d o n e a s t e r n r i t u a l l a m e n t s f o r t w o k i n d s of unseasonable loss: a lost h a r v e s t a n d t h e d e a t h o f a k i n g ' s o n l y son i n a n a t t e m p t to save crops f r o m devastation. H e r o d o tus' account o f t h e original eastern imperialist, Croesus o f Lydia, includes a narrative of this type. Croesus' heir A t y s i s killed by a n errant j a v e l i n w h i l e h etries to subdue a w i l d boar d e s t r o y i n g M y s i a n fields (1.36-45).8 T h i s loss f o r m s p a r t o f C r o e s u s ' s a g a : h e c l a i m e d t o b e t h e ' m o s t b l e s s e d ' (olbiotatos) m a n , b u t l o s e s h i s h e i r , olbos, a n d e m p i r e ( 1 . 6 , 1 . 2 6 - 9 2 ) . 9 A l t h o u g h t h e Persians i s n o t a t r a g e d y o f t h i s t y p e , i t i s a n i r o n i c v a r i a t i o n o f t h i s p a t t e r n . X e r x e s l o s e s h i s olbos a n d e m p i r e , b u t u n l i k e Croesus' son A t y s , D a r i u s ' son X e r x e s i s t h e sole s u r v i vor. T h e y o u n g k i n g s u r v i v e s , b u t loses 'the e n t i r e y o u t h ' o f h i s e m p i r e ( 6 7 0 ) . T h e kommos m o u r n s t h e l o s s o f t h e s e n o b l e y o u t h s , ' t h e hebe o f t h e l a n d ' ( 9 2 2 - 4 ) . L a m e n t s for Adonis, a m o d e l for the w o m e n ' s l a m e n t s reported i n the first stasimon, are also o f s i m i l a r type to those of t h e kommos. A r o y a l s o n k i l l e d i n a b o a r h u n t , A d o n i s i s l a m e n t e d a t t h e h e i g h t o f s u m m e r ; h i s d e a t h coincides w i t h t h e loss o ft h e h a r v e s t . 1 0 A t A t h e n s , w o m e n m o u r n e d A d o n i s i n private ceremonies held o n roof-top gardens.11 T h e y planted lettuce, fennel, barley o r w h e a t i n pots, w a t c h i n g t h e m sprout and w i t h e r i n the s u m m e r heart. T h e y t h e n used these as biers for the l a m e n t e d effigy of Adonis, d u m p i n g b o t h i n t o springs or the sea.12 A s M a r c e l D e t i e n n e notes, 'the greenness o f A d o n i s guaranteed no harvest a t all'.13 P o i n t i n g to the proverb, 'more fruitless t h a n the gardens of Adonis', Gregory Nagy interprets Adonis as a f i g u r e f o r 'hybris i n t h e b o t a n i c a l s e n s e ' . 1 4 A d o n i s i s a f i g u r e o f luxuriant b u t unsustainable g r o w t h w h i c h ends i n lament. I n d e e d , A d o n i s e m b o d i e s t h e ' f l o w e r i n g o f hybrid, ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' , a n d l o s s of hebe a n d anthos t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e P e r s i a n t r a g e d y . T h a t h i s g a r d e n a n d effigy e n d u p i n springs o r t h e sea parallels t h e fate o f Persia's ' y o u t h ' a n d 'flower', w h o s e corpses litter the seaand springs. Xerxes' y o k i n g of the Hellespont, a fruitless 'marriage' w h i c h leaves P e r s i a n w i v e s 'yoked alone', bringing barrenness to Asia, evokes Adonis asa 'negative image of marriage and fertile union'.15 I t is u n c a n n y t h a t w h i l e A t h e n i a n m e n w e r e v o t i n g to invade 123

Aeschylus: Persians S i c i l y i n 4 1 5 , t r a d i t i o n h a d i t t h a t A t h e n i a n w o m e n w e r e celeb r a t i n g t h e Adonia, l a m e n t i n g t h e effigy o f the lost y o u t h , proleptically l a m e n t i n g t h e lost 'flower' o f A t h e n s about t o invade Sicily.16 W a l t e r B u r k e r t interprets the ritual of Adonis as 'play-acting the failure of planting i n order to ensure by contrast t h e s u c c e s s i n r e a l i t y ' . 1 7 T h e kommos o f t h e Persians s e r v e s a n a n a l o g o u s r i t u a l f u n c t i o n : l a m e n t f o r t h e l o s s o f a fleet a n d a n e m p i r e is a n apotropaic r i t u a l against t h e s a m e fate for A t h e n s . 1 8 T h e image of lost y o u t h asa lost flower/harvest, standard i n r i t u a l l a m e n t , i s c r u c i a l t o t h e kommos b o t h i n i t s f i g u r a l a n d l i t e r a l m e a n i n g s . 1 9 T h e P e r s i a n s m o u r n t h e loss o f t h e i r noble y o u t h as a metaphorical lost harvest; the A t h e n i a n s m o u r n the l i t e r a l d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i r l a n d . 2 0 T h e P e r s i a n s caused t h e loss of t w o A t h e n i a n harvests (Herodotus 8.142.3), h a m p e r i n g agricultural production fort h e next generation.21 Thucydides claims that the A t h e n i a n s had only just recovered i n 4 3 1 w h e n the Spartans began to ravage A t t i c a (2.16.1). T h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos, d e p i c t e d a s p a r a l l e l b u t o p p o s e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e p l a y , i n t e r s e c t i n t h e kommos. X e r x e s ' n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m d e s t r o y s n a t u r a l v a l u e . 2 2 T h e deceptive radiance o fprecious m e t a l supplants it, seducing individuals a n dcommunities into t h e pursuit o f monetary w e a l t h t h a t has no l i m i t . 2 3 M o n e y is problematic a s a principle of g r o w t h and renewal. A r i s t o t l e views i t as a n unrestricted potential for increase deriving f r o m a desire u n r e s t r a i n e d b y political a n d m o r a l values.24 M o n e y is a principle of i n s a t i a b i l i t y w i t h o u t l i m i t ; e m p i r e h a s a s i m i l a r s t r u c t u r e (cf. T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 1 8 . 3 ) . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e telos o f e m p i r e a s i t s termination; the play exhibits its insatiability as fulfiled by insatiable l a m e n t . 2 5 Thucydides develops t h i s d i m e n s i o n o f e m p i r e i n h i s History: i m p e r i a l i s m ' c a s h e s i n ' t h e l i v e s o f i t s c i t i z e n s f o r e t e r n a l glory, a process w h o s e f u l f i l m e n t i s m o u n d s o f u n b u r i e d corpses, k i l l e d b o t h b y plague a n d b y failed i n v a s i o n (2.34-54; 7 . 5 9 - 8 7 ; cf. 8 1 8 - 2 2 ) . W e lack t h e music, dance, gestures, m a s k s , costumes, a n d o t h e r m a t e r i a l c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e kommos t h a t w o u l d e n a b l e u s t o appreciate its full impact. T h e words and metre are merely its s k e l e t o n . E v e n so, t h e y c o n v e y a s e n s e o f t h e e m o t i o n a l p o w e r o f the play's ending and of Aeschylus' dramatic technique. 124

6. A Harvest of Tears Male lament Ritual lament is a female performance i n fifth-century Athen i a n culture.26 Solon's laws allegedly proscribed female self-mut i l a t i o n i n l a m e n t . 2 7 M a l e l a m e n t i n v e r t s proper gender roles. S u c h a n i n v e r s i o n is b o t h a generic feature of t r a g e d y - t h e m o s t virile heroes, Heracles a n d Ajax, decry t h a t t h e y have become w o m e n - and a function of the Greek construction of barbarian culture asfeminized.28 Herodotus' Persians tear their clothing i n ' b o u n d l e s s l a m e n t ' ( 3 . 6 6 . 1 ; 8 . 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; cf. 9 . 2 4 ) . Y e t is possible to overstate t h e b a r b a r i a n e m o t i o n a l i s m of t h e Persians. O l d m e n p e r f o r m r i t u a l l a m e n t s i n t h e G r e e k t r a d i t i o n . I n E u r i p i d e s ' Andromache, P e l e u s e x h o r t s h i m s e l f t o t e a r his h a i r and t o beat his head i n l a m e n t for his grandson Neoptolemus (1209-11). T h e archetype of the old m a n i n l a m e n t is P r i a m , w h o s m e a r s his h e a d a n d neck w i t h d u n g w h i l e m o u r n i n g H e c t o r ' s d e a t h ( H o m e r Iliad 2 4 . 1 5 9 - 6 5 ) . P l a t o ' s c r i t i q u e o f t r a g e d y i n t h e Republic f o c u s e s o n m a l e l a m e n t . T h e most self-controlled m e n i n the audience experience l a m e n t w i t h vicarious pleasure, even though i n their everyday lives they pride themselves on enduring grief and resisting lament t h i s is s o m e t h i n g w o m e n do. T r a g e d y l i b e r a t e s t h e i r r e p r e s s e d d e s i r e s t o l a m e n t (Republic 6 0 5 a 8 - 6 0 6 c l ; cf. 3 8 7 d l - 3 8 8 e 3 ) . T h e kommos o f t h e Persians i s a n e x a m p l e o f t r a g e d y ' s c a p a c ity to evoke the y e a r n i n g for l a m e n t i n a society d e m a n d i n g its suppression. T h e kommos, t h e n , n e e d n o t b e i n t e r p r e t e d p r i m a r i l y a s a spectacle o f P e r s i a n effeminacy w h i c h reinforces the audience's sense of c u l t u r a l and m i l i t a r y superiority. B a r b a r i a n emotionalism is its enabling condition rather t h a n its meaning. T h e kommos i s a p u b l i c l a m e n t f o r c o m m u n a l s u f f e r i n g ( 9 4 4 - 7 ) . 2 9 I t m a y be difficult for us t o i m a g i n e t h e o r i g i n a l a u d i e n c e l a m e n t i n g t h e s a m e t h i n g a s t h e P e r s i a n s - t h e loss o f e m p i r e , t h e a n n i h i l a t i o n o f a n u n b u r i e d nobility, t h e c r u s h i n g n a v a l defeat, the blow to X e r x e s a n d Persia, the disgrace of Xerxes' t o r n robes a n d e m p t y q u i v e r . T h e kommos f o s t e r s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h s u c h lament by locating the audience between past and future grief for its o w n suffering. I t activates the construction of the P e r s i a n pathos a s a d i s p l a c e m e n t o f A t h e n s ' pathos a n d e v o k e s c o n t e m 125

Aeschylus: Persians p o r a r y A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s t practices as sources o f identification. I t is l i k e l y t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s lost m o r e citizens i n battle in the period from 480 t o 472 t h a n i n their entire previous history.30 Herodotus claims that during the reigns of Darius, Xerxes, and his son Artaxerxes, 'there were more woes for Greece t h a n i n t h e 20 generations before D a r i u s ' (6.98.2).31 P a i n a n d s u f f e r i n g (ponos) are t h e s t u f f o f i m p e r i a l i s m w h i c h b i n d s Persians and Athenians. Anapaestic prelude: Xerxes' fall and the lost harvest Spoken of i n the third person throughout the drama, Xerxes enters l a m e n t i n g his o w n fate (909-10).32 U n l i k e the audience, h e does n o t u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e i n v a s i o n w a s a predictable a n d predicted disaster.33 X e r x e s r e m a i n s s i m i l a r l y u n i n f o r m e d about the future (913). H e interprets his fate as the w o r k of a 'savage-minded' and arbitrary 'divinity' w h i c h 'trampled the r a c e o f P e r s i a n s ' (daimon, 9 1 1 - 1 2 , cf. 5 1 5 - 1 6 , 9 2 1 , 9 4 2 - 3 , 1 0 0 5 ¬ 7 ) . W e s e e t h e p r i n c i p l e o f drama a n d pathos e n a c t e d u p o n Xerxes' entrance: the trampler enters asthe trampled. T h e Queen's d r e a m offers a m o d e l for X e r x e s ' c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y after his fall: h e tears his robes i n disgrace. I n t h e s t a g e d d r a m a , h i s b o d y goes slack w h e n h e sees Darius' contemporaries (913-14) and he yearns for the invisibility o f death (915-17). Xerxes' slack body personifies t h e dissolution of 'royal might' (589-90) and the loosening of the 'yoke o f force' t h a t holds h i s e m p i r e together, a l l o w i n g free speech t o emerge (591-4). T h e chorus speaks freely. Xerxes' entrance realizes the chorus' prophecy i n the first stasimon. X e r x e s c a l l s t h e e l d e r s ' c i t i z e n s ' ( 9 1 4 ; cf. 5 5 5 - 7 ) ; t h e y s p e a k a s citizens. T h e elders' reception o f X e r x e s reverses t h e i r awestruck reception of his parents (150-8, 694-702). T a k i n g up Xerxes' l a m e n t for the savage divinity, the chorus m o u r n s 'the good a r m y a n d t h e great h o n o u r of P e r s i a n r u l e a n d t h e r a n k s (kosmos) o f m e n t h e d i v i n i t y c u t d o w n ' ( 9 1 8 - 2 1 ) . 3 4 X e r x e s ' n e w kosmos c a n s y m b o l i c a l l y r e p l a c e t h e kosmos o f m e n 'cut d o w n ' a n d restore t h e g r a n d e u r o f h i s e m p i r e , b u t t h e p l a y does n o t stage such a r e n e w a l . R a t h e r , i t stresses t h e i d e n t i t y 126

6. A Harvest of Tears of Xerxes' t o r n robes a n d t h e n o b l e m e n h e expended i n t h e invasion that destroyed his empire. T h e chorus develops the a g r i c u l t u r a l m e t a p h o r o f the verb ' c u t d o w n ' : ' t h e e a r t h l a m e n t s t h e n a t i v e y o u t h (hebe) k i l l e d b y X e r x e s , s t u f f e r o f H a d e s w i t h P e r s i a n s ' ( 9 2 2 - 4 ) . T h e n a t i v e hebe i s a h a r v e s t , t h e ' f l o w e r (anthos) o f t h e l a n d ' , w h i c h X e r x e s reaps and crams into Hades (926). T h e Persian k i n g celebrated himself as the guardian of agricultural bounty.35 Early Greek poetry linked the bounty of land and water w i t h the justice of t h e k i n g ( H o m e r Odyssey 1 9 . 1 0 7 - 1 4 ) . 3 6 I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s w i l l b o t h p u n i s h i n j u s t i c e a t A t h e n s a n d p r o m o t e t h e f e r t i l i t y o f t h e l a n d , p e o p l e , flocks, a n d w a t e r s ( 9 0 0 - 1 0 2 0 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 6 2 5 - 7 0 9 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e o u t c o m e o f t h e k i n g ' s hybris i s a h a r v e s t o f d e a t h . P e r s i a ' s m a t e r i a l excess defies t h e space o f t h e l i v i n g a n d o f t h e dead. T h e n a r r o w s o f S a l a m i s c o u l d n o t c o n t a i n t h e fleet; G r e e k s o i l could n o t feed t h e a r m y . Hades barely contains t h e P e r s i a n dead. T h e p l a y ' s s t r e s s o n hebe i s a l s o a f u n c t i o n o f t h i s hybris. Y o u t h f u l p o w e r a n d e x u b e r a n c e , hebe i s t h e s e a s o n i n t h e h u m a n l i f e - c y c l e w h e n hybris a n d ate b l o s s o m . 3 7 T h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos) o f P e r s i a n m e n l i k e w i s e r e s o n a t e s w i t h t h i s t h e m e : ' f l o w e r o f hebe' i s a t r o p e f o r p h y s i c a l m a t u r i t y a n d b e a u t y , w h i l e ' f l o w e r o f ate' d e s c r i b e s t h e b u r g e o n i n g o f d i s a s t e r . 3 8 D a r i u s m a d e t h i s c o n n e c t i o n e x p l i c i t ( 8 2 1 - 2 ) ; t h e kommos d e v e l ops t h e idea i n v e r b a l a n d v i s u a l images. I n t h e Queen's d r e a m , X e r x e s falls, his father pities h i m , a n d h e t e a r s h i s robes. I n t h e s t a g e d d r a m a , X e r x e s sees t h e chorus, h i s body goes slack, a n d h e p r o b a b l y falls. W h i l e t h e chorus describes A s i a o n i t s k n e e (929-31), X e r x e s m a y be o n h i s . 3 9 T h e image derives from w r e s t l i n g . 4 0 T h e chorus fell to its knees as the Queen entered. T h e Queen feared that great wealth, raising a c l o u d o f d u s t , m i g h t ' o v e r t u r n w i t h i t s f o o t t h e olbos D a r i u s w o n ' (163-4). T h e staging of Xerxes o n his knee enacts this cluster of v e r b a l images as a v i s u a l i m a g e o n stage. S e e k i n g d i v i n i t y a n d w o r s h i p p e d a s a god, X e r x e s a p p e a r s a s a f a l l e n m o r t a l t r a m p l e d b y t h e gods. X e r x e s ' e n t r a n c e re-establishes the proper order between mortals and immortals.

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Aeschylus: Persians Xerxes' confession and the Mariandynian mourner Xerxes begins t o sing i n lyric anapaests, m a k i n g himself the focus o f l a m e n t . H e confesses t h a t h e h a s 'become a n e v i l (kakon) t o m y r a c e a n d t o t h e l a n d o f m y f a t h e r s ' ( 9 3 2 - 4 ) . A t e r m o f b l a m e , t h e w o r d kakon c o n t r a s t s X e r x e s w i t h D a r i u s , w h o ' c a u s e s n o e v i l / h a r m / w o e ' (akakos, 6 6 3 - 4 = 6 7 1 - 2 , 8 5 5 ) . T h e m e s s e n g e r , t h e c h o r u s , a n d D a r i u s b l a m e d X e r x e s . T h e kommos b e g i n s w h e n X e r x e s a s s u m e s p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the disaster. T h e chorus picks u p Xerxes' confession, p r o m i s i n g t o welcome h i m i n his homecoming w i t h a ' M a r i a n d y n i a n mourner's evil-omened cry' (937).41 M a n y accounts o f M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n i n g ritual circulated i n antiquity.42 A t the height of summ e r , t h e M a r i a n d y n i a n s l a m e n t e d t h e loss o f a r o y a l y o u t h , variously named M a r i a n d y n u s , B o r m u s , or B o r i m u s . T h e latter t w o w e r e t h e o b j e c t o f f a r m e r s ' l a m e n t s ( P o l l u x Onomasticon 4 . 5 4 - 5 ; A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 1 4 . 6 1 9 F ) . T h e c h o r u s wails the l a m e n t of a M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n e r because this dirge is p r o v e r b i a l for m o u r n i n g accompanied by a double-reed pipe, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e I o n i a n mode.43 P e r h a p s i t i s also a slave's lament: t h e Mariandynians indentured themselves t o t h e M e g a r i a n c o l o n i s t s o f H e r a c l e a ( A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 6 . 2 6 3 C - E ) . L a m e n t i n g t h e t r a g i c i n t e r s e c t i o n o f t h e life- a n d agricultural-cycles a n d encompassing b o t h f a r m e r s ' l a m e n t s a n d m o u r n i n g for t h e p r e m a t u r e loss o f a r o y a l heir, t h e figure o f t h e ' M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n e r ' fuses t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos o f a ' l o s t h a r v e s t ' . X e r x e s y e a r n s t o m a k e h i m s e l f t h e object o f l a m e n t . H e approves of the chorus' i n t e n t i o n t o sing a dirge (941-2), but defines i t s object a s h i s c h a n g e o f f o r t u n e (942-3). T e a r s o f l a m e n t are a refrain i n the opening sequences (940, 949). F o r w h o m does t h e chorus weep? T h e elders declare t h a t t h e y w i l l sing a l a m e n t ' h o n o u r i n g t h e sufferings o f t h e people a n d t h e s e a - b e a t e n g r i e f o f t h e polis, o f t h e r a c e ' ( 9 4 4 - 7 ; cf. 5 4 6 - 7 ) . T h e chorus sings a public l a m e n t for Persia's n a v a l defeat, b e w a i l i n g t h e a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e P e r s i a n nobility i n Greece, unburied and unlamented. 128

6. A Harvest of Tears Ionian Ares and longing I n t h e s e c o n d s t r o p h e , t h e m e t r e c h a n g e s t o I o n i c a minore. Xerxes n a m e s the malicious divinity w h o defeated h i m 'Ionian Ares': he 'despoiled' t h e Persians of t h e i r lives, 'cutting d o w n t h e n i g h t - b l a c k p l a i n o f t h e sea a n d t h e u n f o r t u n a t e shore' (950-4). T h e G r e e k w o r d ' c u t t i n g d o w n ' refers to t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f crops t h a t functions as a prelude to i n f a n t r y battle. X e r x e s depicts t h e d e a t h o f h i s m e n a s a d e s t r o y e d h a r v e s t . 4 4 I o n i c a minore f i n a l l y appears a s t h e m e t r e o f P e r s i a n l a m e n t for defeat a t t h e h a n d s of t h e I o n i a n s , w h i c h voices shared I o n i a n / P e r s i a n suffering. T h e chorus d e m a n d s to k n o w w h e r e 'those w h o s t a n d beside you i n battle' are (956-7). T h e elders treat X e r x e s as a hopliteinitiate, a n ephebe, w h o swore a n o a t h not to 'abandon the m a n beside m e i n battle'.45 Ephebes swore before d i v i n e witnesses a n d b y w h e a t , barley, grape-vines, olives, a n d figs. T h e i r d u t y w a s t o protect t h e crops a n d t h e harvest. T h e l a m e n t depicts Xerxes' disgrace f r o m t h e double perspective o f lost nobility a n d lost harvest. I t recalls the P e r s i a n defeat i n t e r m s t h a t suggest failure to p e r f o r m the function of the farmer, citizen, a n d noblem a n : to protect the food supply. A t t h e e n d o f t h e t h i r d a n t i s t r o p h e , t h e elders focus o n t h e Persian elite w h i c h attended Xerxes' chariot (1000-1). T h e t h e m e is longing; the subtexts are the anapaestic list of leaders i n the parodos (21-59) a n d the messenger's iambic t r i m e t e r c a t a l o g u e o f l e a d e r s w h o d i e d a t S a l a m i s ( 3 0 2 - 3 0 ) . T h e kommos r e p r i s e s t h e s p o k e n c a t a l o g u e s o f n a m e s i n t h e l y r i c register, m a k i n g the absence of Xerxes' m e n palpable i n song a n d dance. T h e elders ask about t w o leaders t h e y n a m e d i n the parodos, Pharandaces (958, 31) a n d Susiscanes (960, 35), whose fates r e m a i n u n k n o w n . T h e y also m e n t i o n previously u n n a m e d leaders (959-60). X e r x e s explains t h a t t h e m e n died w h e n t h e i r Phoenician ship sank at Salamis and admits that he abandoned t h e i r c o r p s e s ( 9 6 2 - 6 ; cf. 3 0 3 ) . T h e a n t i s t r o p h e n a m e s f o u r m e n listed i n the parodos. W i t h the exception of M i s i s t r a s (971, 30), the messenger reported their deaths: A r i o m a r d u s (968, 3 2 1 , 38), T h a r y b i s (971, 323, 51), a n d A r t e m b a r e s (972, 302, 29). T h e elders also ask about t w o others, P h a r n u c h u s (967, 313) a n d 129

Aeschylus: Persians Lilaeus (970, 308), w h o m the messenger already reported dead. A d d i n g generic epithets t o t h e i r names, the chorus gives the impression of longing for real people.46 X e r x e s confesses t h a t these m e n ' l o o k i n g a t p r i m e v a l , h a t e d Athens, all i n the single plash of a wave, wretchedly breathe their last breath o n land' (974-7), dying like fish out of water. T h e i n d i g n i t y o f t h e i r death is t h a t t h e i r last sight w a s the l a n d of Athens. Xerxes relives t h e final instant o f their lives, a recreation m a d e m o r e c h i l l i n g by fact t h a t t h e actor w h o plays Xerxes (Aeschylus?) looks out a t 'primeval Athens' w h i l e h e utters these lines. T h e chorus i s mortified that Xerxes abandoned 'the p r i m e (aoton) o f t h e P e r s i a n s , y o u r e y e t r u s t e d i n e v e r y t h i n g ' ( 9 7 8 - 9 ) . 4 7 T h e w o r d translated as 'prime' refers t othe best part of anything, but applies particularly to fine w o o l or l i n e n fabric. L i k e t h e w o r d s kosmos ( 9 2 0 - 1 ) a n d anthos ( 9 2 6 ) i t d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o Xerxes' rags as a symbol of the obliterated Persian nobility and empire, and reminds u s of the Queen's concurrent attempt t o r e p l a c e t h e m . 4 8 ' E y e ' h a s a m e a n i n g s i m i l a r t o aotos - t h e b e s t and vital part of something. I t completes the t h e m e of Xerxes' ' e v i l eye', t h e m a l i g n a n t gaze t h a t b r i n g s d e a t h a n d b a r r e n n e s s . X e r x e s a b a n d o n e d h i s 'eye' - t h e b e s t p a r t o f h i s society; y e t h e r e t u r n s a s t h e 'eye o f h i s house', t h e r i g h t f u l h e i r w h o c o n t i n u e s his lineage (168-9).49 Batanochus' only beloved son (his n a m e has dropped o u to f the manuscripts) is a pointed contrast (980-1): h e i s t h e sole h e i r o f a l i n e w h i c h includes f o u r n a m e d g e n e r a t i o n s (981-3). H i s l i n e goes e x t i n c t w i t h h i s d e a t h . 5 0 T h e lament peaks i n the t h i r d antistrophe. Xerxes experiences t h e l o n g i n g t h a t afflicts the l a n d of A s i a , P e r s i a n wives, t h e polis, a n d t h e c h o r u s ( 9 9 1 - 2 ; 6 0 - 3 , 1 3 3 - 9 , 5 1 1 - 1 2 , 5 4 1 - 5 ) . R a t h e r t h a n u s e t h e k e y w o r d ' l o n g i n g ' (pothos) X e r x e s u s e s a m e t o n y m y : t h e w r y n e c k (iunx), a b i r d t h a t f u n c t i o n e d i n G r e e k erotic magic (988-9).51 T i e d t oa w h e e l and spun around w h i l e i n c a n t a t i o n s w e r e c h a n t e d t o l u r e b a c k a l o s t l o v e r , t h e iunx indicates Xerxes' desire for a magical retrieval of the dead, as the Persians recalled D a r i u s f r o m Hades. Xerxes assimilates h i s ' n o b l e c o m p a n i o n s ' (hetaroi, an I o n i c f o r m ) t o l o v e r s , s u g g e s t i n g l a m e n t s f o r A d o n i s . 5 2 T h e w o r d hetaroi i m p l i e s b o n d s o f private friendship that are prized more highly t h a n the public 130

6. A Harvest of Tears g o o d a n d a r e p o t e n t i a l l y s u b v e r s i v e o f i t . X e r x e s ' l o n g i n g assumes a m a r k e d aristocratic form. The play exhibits t h e r e s o l u t i o n o f i m p e r i a l i s t d e s i r e i n p a i n f u l l o n g i n g . X e r x e s ' desire - to yoke t w o beautiful w o m e n to his chariot (181-99), t o c a p t u r e A t h e n s ( 2 3 3 ) , t o a p p r o p r i a t e o t h e r s ' olbos o u t o f d i s c o n t e n t w i t h h i s o w n daimon ( 8 2 4 - 6 ) - i s r e a l i z e d i n t o r t u r e d longing for w h a t is absent, dead, a n d irretrievable. Concluding t h ethird strophe, t h echorus expresses a s t o n i s h m e n t t h a t t h e m e n i t n a m e d do n o t a c c o m p a n y X e r x e s ' c u r t a i n e d chariot (1000-1). According to Herodotus, after he left Sardis for Greece, X e r x e s m o v e d f r o m his w a r chariot t o his c u r t a i n e d c h a r i o t (harmamaxa) ' w h e n e v e r t h e w h i m s e i z e d h i m ' (7.41.1). W h i l e t r a v e l l i n g i n this vehicle - a n e m b l e m of l u x u r i a n t excess - X e r x e s w a s attended by h i s best soldiers, 2 2 , 0 0 0 l i v i n g s y m b o l s o f h i s p o w e r a n d g r a n d e u r . I f t h e harmamaxa i s o n s t a g e , i t s y m b o l i z e s t h e a b s e n c e o f X e r x e s ' e l i t e corps, t h e ' n o b l e r a n k s ' , ' b l o s s o m ' , 'eye', a n d ' p r i m e ' 'cut d o w n ' in the invasion. The final transformation of the Persian w a r chariot and chariot yoke - images of Persian imperialism - the u n a t t e n d e d harmamaxa s t a n d s f o r t h e n u l l i f i c a t i o n o f P e r s i a ' s excess a n d l u x u r i a n c e i n m i l i t a r y defeat. I t is a l l t h a t r e m a i n s of a massive surplus expended i n the invasion. Ate,

the blow of defeat, and lost

olbos

T h e fourth strophe and antistrophe contain a sharp change of m e t r i c a l a n d speech forms. W i t h a few exceptions, the m e t r e is lyric iambic a n d the dialogue consists i n one-line utterances. Xerxes and the chorus perform the lament w h i c h continues to the exodos. T h e subject g r a d u a l l y changes f r o m w h a t is absent - t h e k i n g ' s 'eye'—to w h a t is present, X e r x e s ' v i r t u a l l y e m p t y q u i v e r a n d t o r n r o b e s , v i s u a l p r o o f o f h i s ate. T h e f o u r t h s t r o p h i c / a n t i s t r o p h i c p a i r a r t i c u l a t e s t h e c h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r e o f t h e kommos. At first o p p o s e d a s a c c u s e r t o a c c u s e d a n d d i v e r g i n g m e t r i c a l l y (908¬ 1001), t h e chorus a n d X e r x e s u n i t e i n a single voice o f p a i n ( 1 0 0 2 - 1 5 ) , b e f o r e g r a d u a l l y d i s e n g a g i n g , first a s s p e c t a t o r s t o spectacle (1016-37), t h e n as slaves t o m a s t e r (1038-77). T h e f o u r t h s t r o p h e b e g i n s a s t h e p l a y does, m a r k i n g t h e beginning of the end: the statement t h a t leaders of the a r m y 131

Aeschylus: Persians ' h a v e g o n e ' ( 1 0 0 2 ; cf. 1-2). N o w a t t e n t i o n f o c u s e s o n t h e o r c h e s t r a w h e r e o v e r t w o m y r i a d s o f m e n s h o u l d be escorting X e r x e s ' c u r t a i n e d c h a r i o t . T h e l e a d e r s ' a r e g o n e w i t h o u t a n a m e ' (nonymoi, 1 0 0 3 ) . D e s p i t e t h r e e c a t a l o g u e s o f n a m e s , t h e P e r s i a n s v a n i s h ' w i t h o u t a name', t h a t is, w i t h o u t glory. L i s t s o f n a m e s c a n n o t c o m p e n s a t e for i g n o m i n i o u s d e a t h - as i n v a d e r s s e e k i n g to enslave Greece, a s slaves of t h e k i n g , a s a r c h e r s w i l l i n g t o k i l l but u n w i l l i n g to risk their o w n lives, as u n b u r i e d corpses.53 T h e 'namelessness' of the n a m e d Persian dead completes the t h e m e o f l o s t olbos. Olbos i m p l i e s f o r m s o f i m m o r t a l i t y ( s e e H e r o d o t u s 1 . 3 0 - 3 ; c f . H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 2 ) . T h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f a l i n e a g e a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a n oikos i s a k i n d of i m m o r t a l i t y - denied to Batanochus' line (980-3). T h e transm i s s i o n o f one's n a m e a n d acts to posterity, feZcos-immortality, i s a h i g h e r f o r m . I n t h e Odyssey, A g a m e m n o n p r o n o u n c e s A c h i l l e s ' b l e s s e d (olbie) s o n o f P e l e u s , A c h i l l e s l i k e t h e g o d s , y o u w h o d i e d f a r f r o m A r g o s i n T r o y ' ( 2 4 . 3 6 - 7 ) . Olbos i n c l u d e s glorious d e a t h i n battle, h o n o u r f r o m gods a n d m e n , a n d physical m e m o r i a l i z a t i o n (24.37-92). B u t its essence i s t h e r e t e n t i o n o f a glorious n a m e after death: 'So n o t e v e n d y i n g d i d y o u lose y o u r n a m e , b u t a l w a y s y o u w i l l h a v e g o o d kleos u p o n a l l m e n , A c h i l l e s ' (24.93-4). T h e Persians' n a m e s are sounds w i t h o u t glory. T h e ' b l o w ' d e a l t t o P e r s i a i s a l s o r e l a t e d t o t h e t h e m e s o f ate a n d l o s t olbos. T h e m e s s e n g e r a n n o u n c e d t h e d i s a s t e r a s ' i n a s i n g l e b l o w g r e a t olbos h a s b e e n r u i n e d ' ( 2 5 1 ) . T h e n a v a l b a t t l e at Salamis i s a concrete manifestation of this blow (408-32, 9 0 6 - 7 ) a n d a f o r m o f ate: ' d i s a s t e r s (atai) o f d e a d l y w a r ' ( 6 5 2 - 3 ; cf. 1 0 3 7 ) . I n t h e f o u r t h a n t i s t r o p h e , X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s embody this 'blow' as a sympathetic u n i t y , m a k i n g i t visible as a physical and emotional state. Xerxes exclaims that the blow of defeat has s t r u c k d o w n a l i f e t i m e o f good f o r t u n e (1008).54 T h e chorus completes his statement: 'we have been struck - for it i s clear t o see' (1009), probably signalling gestures t h a t imitate the reception of a blow. Xerxes completes their utterance: 'by n e w , n e w , woe, w o e ' (1010). X e r x e s a n d t h e chorus use the first-person p l u r a l verb, 'we have been struck' (1008-9) t o m a r k their u n i o n i n grief.55 'New woe' binds the young k i n g and the elderly chorus as 'strange and new woes' bound the chorus and D a r i u s i n the necromantic h y m n (665-6). 132

6. A Harvest of Tears T h e l a m e n t re-enacts the n a v a l defeat. I n the parodos, t h e c h o r u s depicted X e r x e s a s a m o n s t r o u s i n v a d i n g force, a l l h a n d s a n d s a i l o r s ( 8 3 ) . N o w X e r x e s ' b o d y i s h i s fleet a n d a r m y . H e p r o c l a i m s T ... h a v e t a k e n a b l o w t o m y a r m y o f s u c h a n u m b e r ' as i f h i s a r m y w e r e p a r t o f h i s body (1014-15). T h e c h o r u s sets up Xerxes' m i m e b y bewailing t h e unlucky encounter w i t h ' I o n i a n sailors', e x c l a i m i n g t h a t 'the P e r s i a n race is u n f o r t u n a t e i n w a r ' ( 1 0 1 1 - 1 3 ; cf. 9 5 0 - 4 ) . T h e chorus asks Xerxes w h a t h a s survived (1016). Xerxes a n s w e r s w i t h a q u e s t i o n , ' D o y o u see t h i s r e m n a n t o f m y o u t f i t (stole)'? ( 1 0 1 9 ) . 5 6 T h e w o r d stole m e a n s e q u i p m e n t , a r m a m e n t , and clothing; its u s epoints t o the equivalence of symbol and r e a l i t y . X e r x e s ' r o y a l o u t f i t i s h i s i n v a d i n g force, h i s n o b i l i t y , and his empire.57 A l lthat remains of t h e m ishis nearly empty quiver (1020). Described as a spent treasure chest (1022), t h e q u i v e r m a k e s visible t h e s y n d r o m e by w h i c h t h e Persians confuse countable objects - m o n e y , m e n , a n d m a t e r i e l - w i t h p o w e r a n d p r o m i s c u o u s l y expend m e n a n d resources i n a self-defeating perf o r m a n c e . L i k e t h e harmamaxa, t h e q u i v e r i s t h e r e m n a n t o f a n e x c e s s i v e s u r p l u s ; i t e m b o d i e s X e r x e s ' ate a n d l o s t olbos. B e c a u s e of his prodigious expenditure, Xerxes stands alone a n d defeated. B u t self-defeat i s n o t t h e f u l l story. T h e chorus replies, 'the I o n i a n p e o p l e d o e s n o t flee i n b a t t l e ' ( 1 0 2 5 ) . T h e T o n i a n s ' a r e the n a v a l people w h o defeated Xerxes (950-4, 1111-13), a n d X e r x e s d e c l a r e s t h e m ' v e r y m a r t i a l ' ( 1 0 2 6 ) . T h e kommos s t a g e s a k i n d o f r e c o g n i t i o n s c e n e . W h i l e l a m e n t i n g t h e i r ate a n d l o s t olbos, t h e d e f e a t e d P e r s i a n s c o m e t o r e a l i z e t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e victorious Ionians. T h i s type o f recognition differs f r o m those of the previous episodes, w h i c h i n v o l v e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g h o w events realized previous representations of them. T a i n for us but joy for our enemies'? X e r x e s reports t h a t h ewitnessed (from a distance) a n 'unexpected catastrophe' (1026-7). T h e chorus pre-empts h i m , asking, 'Do y o u m e a n the routed n a v a l host?' (1028). Xerxes h a d the best perspective o n the battle (466-7). H e returns to Persia both as c a u s e o f t h e d i s a s t e r a n d a s a u t h o r i t a t i v e w i t n e s s , b e a r i n g v i s u a l t e s t i m o n y o f defeat. H e confesses: T tore m y robes a t t h e 133

Aeschylus: Persians occurrence of disaster' (1029-30). Xerxes embodies a defeat and g r i e f u n s a t i s f i a b l e i n l a m e n t . T h e e l d e r s e x c l a i m 'papai papal i n agony, articulating t h e i r e m o t i o n a l distress as physical p a i n (1031). X e r x e s is unsatisfied by t h i s expression. H e corrects t h e c h o r u s : 'papai, a l a s , b u t e v e n m o r e t h a n papal ( 1 0 3 2 ) . T h r o u g h out the play we have heard of Xerxes' transgressions of limits of nature, culture, and h u m a n i t y . Salamis was the single greatest s l a u g h t e r i n h u m a n h i s t o r y (431-2); t h e d e a d a t M a r a t h o n w e r e not enough for h i m (473-7); h e w a s not content w i t h his daimon ( 8 2 4 - 6 ) . T h i s e x c h a n g e s t a g e s i n s a t i a b i l i t y - koros - a s a m o m e n t of supremely unsatisfiable lament. T r y i n g to satisfy X e r x e s , t h e c h o r u s b e g i n s t o u t t e r 'yes, d o u b l e a n d t r i p l e [the pains]', b u t X e r x e s completes t h e i r t h o u g h t : 'the p a i n [for us]; but joy for the enemy' (1033-4). T h e H o m e r i c phrasing of this s e n t i m e n t m a y enhance the audience's sense of heroic achievem e n t ( H o m e r Iliad 3 . 5 1 , 6 . 8 2 , 1 0 . 1 9 3 ) . B u t i s t h e a u d i e n c e actually m e a n t to feel joy a t this lament? S o m e m i g h t t a k e X e r x e s ' w o r d s l i t e r a l l y a s a cue for t h e i r o w n response, but the situation i s more intricate. Xerxes h a s yearned for death (915-17), confessed to being a n evil to his race a n d f a t h e r l a n d ( 9 3 2 - 4 ) , r e l i v e d h i s m e n ' s d y i n g m o m e n t s (974¬ 7), e x p e r i e n c e d l o n g i n g s h o u t i n g f r o m h i s h e a r t (988-91), re-enacted t h e b l o w inflicted o n h i s n a v y (1008-37), a n d displayed his spent quiver (1019-24). H e a n dt h e chorus have n a m e d the I o n i a n s t h e victor (950-4, 1111-3, 1025-30). H e i s a paragon of h u m i l i t y i n defeat. W h a t i s t h e appropriate emot i o n a l response to t h i s spectacle? Aristotle thought that a man's deserved downfall and the pathos o f e n e m i e s c o u l d e v o k e ' h u m a n e f e e l i n g ' (Poetics 1 4 5 3 a 2 7 - 1 4 5 4 a l 5 ) , b u t n o t p i t y a n d fear, w h i c h r e q u i r e undeserved suffering a n dm o r a l parity between t h e sufferer and spectator.58 Greek cultural norms reserve pity for u n m e r i t e d suffering. P i t y i s also i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h 'one's o w n p a i n ' . 5 9 S e v e r a l f a c t o r s c o m b i n e t o u n d e r m i n e t h e s e n o r m s i n t h e kommos. X e r x e s ' d e f e a t a n d A t h e n s ' d e s t r u c t i o n a r e t w o s i d e s o f t h e s a m e 'lost harvest'; p r e m a t u r e death, l a m e n t , a n d r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e a r e p i t i a b l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n t h e y a f f e c t a n o b l e oikos' ability t o reproduce itself; t h e audience, o w n e r s o f the m o s t powerful navy i nthe Aegean, takers of tribute, enslavers of 134

6. A Harvest of Tears populations, heirs of Darius' empire, are vulnerable to the same sort o f tragedy. I t is appropriate to respond to t h i s m o m e n t t h e w a y Odysseus responds to his e n e m y Ajax's plight i n Sophocles' Ajax: w e n e e d n o t l o o k p a s t o u r s e l v e s t o s e e t h a t w e a r e n o m o r e t h a n spectres o r insubstantial shadows.60 A s t h e spectators witness Xerxes' lament, they realize t h a t they a r e a single sea-borne invasion removed from a harvest of tears. T h e p a r a d i g m o f t h e Iliad, w h i c h e n d s w i t h r i t u a l l a m e n t f o r Hector's death and the hero's burial, determined the horizons o f r e s p o n s e t o a d e f e a t e d e n e m y . 6 1 T h e Persians s t a g e s t h e o u t c o m e o f hybris i n a ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' , a f a c t i n h a r m o n y w i t h t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c o s m o s . 6 2 T h e P e r s i a n pathos c o u l d h a p p e n t o a n y i m p e r i a l i s t i n v a s i o n . A t t h i s m o m e n t , t h e kommos u n i t e s t w o contradictory elements of the play, the depiction of Xerxes' p a r t i c u l a r defeat a n d t h e use of h i s defeat to i n s t a n t i a t e genera l l y a p p l i c a b l e l a w s . R e a d i n g s t h a t i n s i s t t h e kommos e l i c i t s only Schadenfreude o r a sense of i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y based u p o n f r e e d o m , democracy, a n d G r e e k e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i n effect a r g u e t h a t the play's depiction of the catastrophic outcome of P e r s i a n hybris e n c o u r a g e s A t h e n i a n hybris. A r i s t o t l e r e c o g n i z e d t h a t 'those w h o are i n great good f o r t u n e ' are i m m u n e to fear (Arist o t l e Rhetoric 1 3 8 2 b 3 4 - 1 3 8 3 a 3 ) a n d i n c a p a b l e o f c o n s i d e r i n g t h e i r f u t u r e s u f f e r i n g ( 1 3 8 5 b 2 9 - 3 2 ) . L i k e w i s e , t h o s e w h o 'consider t h e m s e l v e s s u p e r f o r t u n a t e ' do n o t p i t y , b u t 'are h y b r i s t i c ' ( 1 3 8 5 b l 9 - 2 1 ) .6 3 T h e r e is reason for seeing t h i s k i n d o f response a s i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e Persians: t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos a r e p a r a l l e l a n d i n t e r s e c t i n g ( A t h e n s d o e s n o t e n j o y 'great good fortune'); t h e play depicts n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m as p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e a n d stages l a m e n t s for n a v a l defeat. Catharsis and the renewal of

hybris

A n d y e t X e r x e s ' hybris i s u n e x p e c t e d l y r e n e w a b l e . X e r x e s ' m o m e n t o f i n s a t i a b l e g r i e f is t r a n s f o r m a t i v e ; i t effects a k i n d o f catharsis. Xerxes realizes his identity as pathetic witness and cause o f t h e disaster. T h e n he seizes c o n t r o l o f t h e chorus; w i t h a single exception, his every utterance is a n i m p e r a t i v e . H a r r y A v e r y a r g u e s t h a t X e r x e s r e c e i v e s h i s kosmos at l i n e 1 0 3 8 ; t h i s motivates h i m to take control of the chorus.64 Such silent stage 135

Aeschylus: Persians action r a r e l y occurs i n A t h e n i a n d r a m a ; w o r d s c o n f i r m significant s t a g e e v e n t s . I n d e e d , t h e r e c a n b e n o kosmos i n a n y s e n s e o f t h e w o r d for Xerxes. This is the point of the drama. T h e r e is n o 'world-order for h i m to control, no 'battle-order' t h a t can conquer t h e G r e e k s for h i m , n o 'noble r a n k s ' t o f u n c t i o n as a n alter-ego a n d l i v i n g s i g n o f h i s p o w e r , n o 'glory', ' e m p i r e ' or ' o r n a m e n t a l robe'. T h e final s t a g i n g o f t h e P e r s i a n i n a b i l i t y t o a c t kola kosmon i s t h e Q u e e n ' s f a i l u r e t o e n t e r w i t h a n e w kosmos f o r h e r s o n . T h e kommos b r i n g s t h e n a r r a t i v e f u l l c i r c l e , s t a g i n g X e r x e s ' r e t u r n . I t s h o w s t h e c y c l i c a l n a t u r e o f t h e s e q u e n c e hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t : a r e n e w a l o f hybris f o l l o w s t h e c a t h a r t i c r e c o g n i t i o n o f ate i n a h a r v e s t o f t e a r s . T h e c h o r u s d o e s n o t r e i n c o r p o r a t e Xerxes into his kingdom as an honoured and praiseworthy king. H e r e i n t e g r a t e s h i m s e l f b y force. B u t n o w h e r u l e s a n e m p i r e o f tears. George D e v e r e u x observes t h a t ' I n m o u r n i n g for s o m e t h i n g l o s t , o n e r e g u l a r l y further increases o n e ' s l o s s e s : m o u r n i n g i s i n s e p a r a b l e f r o m s e l f - a g g r e s s i o n ' . 6 5 T h e kommos d i s p l a y s t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f hybris i n t o m o u r n i n g , s t r e s s i n g t h e u l t i m a t e l y s e l f - d e f e a t i n g c h a r a c t e r o f hybris b y e x h i b i t i n g i t s f u l f i l m e n t i n self-directed aggression. T h e question t h a t h a n g s over t h e d r a m a is w h e t h e r X e r x e s w i l l r e d i r e c t h i s hybris o u t w a r d , o r w h e t h e r h e w i l l l e a r n m o d e r a t i o n a n d stop h a r m i n g t h e gods. W h i l e t h e Persians e s t a b l i s h e s c l o s u r e a s d r a m a , i t s i n s e r t i o n i n t o t h e h i s torical process r e m a i n s open-ended. Exodos The t e x t becomes a series o f stage directions a n d s t a t e m e n t s of performance. X e r x e s orders the elders to weep for the disaster, to s t a r t t h e procession o f f stage t o w a r d s t h e palace, a n d t o s h o u t i n responsion to h i m s e l f (1038-40). T h e dirge is a n a s y m m e t r i cal e x c h a n g e b e t w e e n t h e k i n g a n d h i s subjects. T h e e l d e r s c a l l X e r x e s ' m a s t e r ' (despotes); t h e y a r e h i s s l a v e s ( 1 0 4 9 ; cf. 1 6 9 ) . R e c a l l i n g X e r x e s ' c o n f e s s i o n t h a t h e i s kakon, t h e e l d e r s d e s c r i b e t h e i r c r i e s a s a ' w r e t c h e d (kakan) g i f t o f w r e t c h e d (kakon) c r i e s f o r w r e t c h e d c r i e s (kakoisf ( 1 0 4 1 ) . Xerxes orders the chorus t om a k e r o w i n g gestures, beating t h e i r h e a d s i n l a m e n t a s a ' f a v o u r ' (charin) t o h i m s e l f ( 1 0 4 6 ) , a k i n d of tribute. T h e ritual gesture of rowing ferries the dead 136

6. A Harvest of Tears across t h e A c h e r o n t o H a d e s b y sympathetic magic (Aeschylus Seven against Thebes 8 5 4 - 6 0 ; cf. Libation Bearers 4 2 3 - 8 ; E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 1 2 3 5 - 6 ) . 6 6 T h e c h o r u s ' b l o w s t o t h e h e a d m a k e a s o u n d l i k e t h e p l a s h o f a n o a r s t r i k i n g w a t e r (Seven against Thebes 8 5 5 - 6 ) . S i n c e n o n e o f t h e P e r s i a n d e a d r e c e i v e d b u r i a l , t h e chorus' r o w i n g does n o t h a v e t h e r i t u a l f u n c t i o n o f t r a n s p o r t i n g t h e m t o t h e i r f i n a l r e s t i n g place. R a t h e r , i t re-enacts t h e sailors' r o w i n g to the 'Hades' t h a t 'hated A t h e n s ' w a s for t h e m . X e r x e s orders the elders to beat t h e i r chests a n d to shout a M y s i a n l a m e n t (1054) before c o m m a n d i n g t h e m t o 'ravage ( l i t e r a l l y : ' s a c k ' ) t h e i r w h i t e b e a r d s ' ( 1 0 5 6 ) . W e see t h e d o u b l e reversal of P e r s i a n aggression: the P e r s i a n sackers are sacked a n d t h e n 'sack' t h e i r o w n bodies, re-enacting t h e i r defeat i n l a m e n t (65, 177-8, 714, 807-12). E v e n i f t h e elders' m a s k s are n o t bloodied, t h e v e r b a l image of M a t a l l u s of Chrysa's b u s h y beard stained royal purple w i t h blood (316-17) enables the audience to imagine bloodied beards. I n the antistrophe, Xerxes orders the elders to pluck the h a i r f r o m t h e i r heads a n d to l a m e n t the a r m y (1062). A g a i n , w e witness a double reversal prepared by verbal i m a g e r y . T h e o m e n o f t h e h a w k a n d e a g l e figured X e r x e s ' flight a n d t h e reversal of his aggression: t h e Persians n o w 'pluck' t h e i r o w n h e a d s a s t h e h a w k ' p l u c k e d ' t h e c o w e r i n g e a g l e ' s h e a d (207¬ 1 0 ) , t h o u g h t h e v e r b f o r p l u c k i n g i n t h e kommos m a y a l s o s u g g e s t t h e fate o f Persia's b o w m e n , since i t applies m o r e p a r t i c u l a r l y t o d r a w i n g a bowstring or plucking a stringed instrument. Between the hair and beard pulling, Xerxes communicates his condition to the elders, o r d e r i n g t h e m to tear t h e i r 'flowing robes' (1060-1). W e w i t n e s s a s t h e a t r i c a l spectacle t h e i m a g e w h i c h began its d r a m a t i c life as t h e chorus' sensation o f fear for the reality they n o w l a m e n t (114-19). T h e image circulates from chorus t o actors a n d grows increasingly objective. T h e Q u e e n declared t h a t ' w o r r y tears m y heart too' (160) a n d saw X e r x e s tear his robes as a response t o his father's pity i n her d r e a m (197-9). T h e messenger witnessed X e r x e s rending his robes as he gazed u p o n a 'depth of woes' after P s y t t a l i a (465-8). T h e agent himself, X e r x e s , confessed t h a t he tore h i s robes w h e n h e witnessed t h ecatastrophe (1030). Finally, verbal image bec o m e s t h e a t r i c a l fact: t h e elders t e a r t h e i r robes, r e p l i c a t i n g their fearful sensation i n the parodos as a ritualized gesture of 137

Aeschylus: Persians l a m e n t . Xerxes' s h a m e a n d h u m i l i a t i o n before his father; t h e l o s s o f h i s ' e y e ' , e m p i r e , olbos, a n d s u b s e q u e n t l o n g i n g ; t h e disgrace o f t o t a l defeat, t h e p a i n o f w i v e s l a m e n t i n g t h e i r h u s b a n d s and the grief of childless parents (60-4,114-25,133-9, 286-9, 537-45, 579-83) - these the elders tear into their robes as a n act o f obedience a n d m o u r n i n g . T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of v e r b a l into visual images is a n integral part of theatrical meaning: s p e c t a t o r s w i t n e s s t h e pathos i n s y m b o l i c f o r m , f e e l i n g a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g m o r e t h a n t h e y see b e c a u s e o f i t s v e r b a l p r e p a ration. Xerxes orders t h e elders t o keep l a m e n t i n g as they exit (1068). Despite l u x u r i o u s slippers, the chorus finds P e r s i a n soil 'hard t o tread upon' (1072-3). T h e chorus and Xerxes l a m e n t m e n destroyed 'by t r i p l e - b a n k e d boats' (1074-5). N e i t h e r Persians nor A t h e n i a n s can forget t h a t X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n w a s a 'lost harvest'. S u b s t i t u t i n g for Xerxes' y o u n g escorts, k i l l e d i n t h e p r i m e o f t h e i r lives, t h e elders escort X e r x e s t o his palace, b e a r i n g t h e m a r k s o f t h e t y r a n t ' s hybris o n t h e i r p e r s o n s ( 1 0 7 6 ¬ 7 ) . François H a r t o g o b s e r v e s , ' t h e despotes [ ' m a s t e r ' ] e x e r c i s e s h i s p o w e r o v e r p e o p l e ' s b o d i e s .... T h e k i n g c u t s , m u t i l a t e s , a n d m a r k s t h e b o d i e s o f h i s s u b j e c t s ' . 6 7 T h e pathos o f t h e d r a m a , first 'unfolded' as i f w r i t t e n o n p a p y r u s a n d 'read' o n t h e stage (253-5, 294-5) is re-enacted a n d reinscribed o n t h e bodies o f t h e c h o r u s i n t h e kommos.

138

7

Interpreting and R e i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e Persians The Persians

as tragedy

S c h o l a r s g e n e r a l l y a g r e e t h a t t h e Persians i s n o t A e s c h y l u s ' finest tragedy. Critics f a u l t the d r a m a for h a v i n g 'no action a n d no plot' and for lacking subtlety and depth.1 Others c l a i m t h a t the play could n o t engage t h e sympathetic emotions o f t h e audience: p a i n for t h e Persians i s joy for t h e audience. T h e Persians i s c o n t e s t e d a s t r a g e d y . T h i s c h a p t e r d i s c u s s e s c r i t i c a l appraisals and interpretations of the play. T h e n i t examines r e s p o n s e s t o t h e Persians i n G r e e k p o e t r y b e f o r e s k e t c h i n g t r e a t m e n t s o f the n a r r a t i v e f r o m the Renaissance t o the present. U l r i c h v o n W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f s c l a i m t h a t t h e Persians c o n s i s t s o f t h r e e s e l f - c o n t a i n e d a c t s , e a c h a d r a m a i n i t s e l f t r a n s p i r i n g i n i t s o w n location, has i n f l u e n c e d s u b s e q u e n t appraisals o ft h e play. ' I tis very much w o r t h realizing', W i l a m o w i t z advises, 'that Aeschylus i n 472 still could construct a tragedy w i t h o u t a n y u n i t y of plot and action.'2 M o s t scholars have reacted against this view. S . M . A d a m s incorporates W i l a m o w i t z ' s idea of three dramas into a positive interpretat i o n o f t h e p l a y ' s s t r u c t u r e . H e a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s a condensed tetralogy, a tragic 'symphony' composed o f three m o v e m e n t s a n d a kommos, w h i c h s u b s t i t u t e s f o r a s a t y r - p l a y . 3 I n the first movement, the chorus and Queen are t o r n between a n x i e t y a n d c o n f i d e n c e ; i n t h e s e c o n d , t h e daimon c a u s e s d i s a s ter; i n the t h i r d , D a r i u s explains t h a t the tragedy i sthe result o f hybris r a t h e r t h a n t h e w o r k o f a daimon. A d a m s ' m o d e l o f a s y m p h o n y is fruitful; however, its m o v e m e n t s are better conside r e d hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t : t h i s s e q u e n c e r e c u r s i n d i f f e r e n t 139

Aeschylus:

Persians

keys f r o m t h e parodos to t h e exodos of t h e play. T h e comparison o f t h e kommos t o s a t y r - p l a y i s i n a p t . R.P. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m offers a nuanced v e r s i o n o f A d a m s ' h y p o t h e s i s . 4 T h e Persians h a s t h r e e ' p a n e l s ' : t h e f i r s t ( p a r o d o s a n d f i r s t e p i s o d e ) a n d t h e t h i r d (kommos), e x p r e s s t h e i d e a t h a t malicious divinities cause w o e to m o r t a l s w h o a t t a i n excessive prosperity; t h em i d d l e panel (Darius-scene) shows t h a t prosp e r i t y d o e s n o t a t t r a c t d i v i n e m a l i c e : Z e u s p u n i s h e s hybris t o preserve the cosmic order. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m considers t h e kommos' f a i l u r e t o i n c o r p o r a t e D a r i u s ' m e s s a g e a n d i t s r e t u r n to the outlook of the first panel meaningful. D a r i u s ' observations, h e contends, 'change everything'; b u t X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s c o n t i n u e t o b l a m e t h e daimon f o r t h e c a t a s t r o p h e . 5 W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m p e r h a p s d e m a n d s a philosophical discussion instead o f t h e theatrical response t o Darius' message w h i c h t h e Persians o f f e r s : t h e kommos s t a g e s t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f hybris i n l a m e n t , r e - e n a c t i n g t h e pathos o f t h e d r a m a a s s y m b o l i c a c t i o n o n s t a g e . 6 L a m e n t i n g t h e i r ate a n d l o s t olbos t h e P e r s i a n s come to realize a m o r e p o w e r f u l 'reaper', I o n i a n A r e s . T h e r a w e m o t i o n o f t h e kommos e x h i b i t s t h e l a w o f drama a n d pathos a s d r a m a t i c s p e c t a c l e . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m m a k e s t o o r i g i d a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e play's cZaimd?x-centered v i e w o f the tragedy and the moral/religious view; they are complement a r y . N o o n e h o l d s olbos r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a t t r a c t i n g a n e n v i o u s daimon; t h e p l a y i m p l i c a t e s t h e P e r s i a n m o d e o f p r o d u c i n g olbos t h r o u g h c o n q u e s t i n t h e t r a g e d y . H . D . F . K i t t o identifies the 'lack o f a clear focal point i n the a c t i o n ' a s t h e p l a y ' s w e a k n e s s . 7 T h e Persians f e a t u r e s n o f a t a l decision; its characters a n d chorus are w e a k . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a second actor disrupts t h e balance o f t h e tragedy, m a k i n g its core difficult t o f i n d . 8 I s t h e p l a y t h e t r a g e d y o f Persia? K i t t o t h i n k s n o t : ' t h e p l a y ... i s ... t h e t r a g e d y o f X e r x e s ' s i n ' . 9 T h e n o t i o n o f s i n h a s n o place i n a discussion o f G r e e k tragedy, h o w e v e r loosely the t e r m m a y be used. A n d i t seems obvious t h a t t h e Persians i s t h e t r a g e d y o f X e r x e s , h i s f a m i l y ( D a r i u s a n d t h e Queen), h i s k i n g s h i p , a n d h i s empire, w h i c h has catastrophic r e s u l t s for h i s nobility, subjects, allies, a n d t h e ' e n t i r e b a r b a r i a n race'. R e a d e r s i n t e r p r e t t h e Persians a s a t r a g e d y a b o u t X e r x e s ' 140

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting

the P e r s i a n s

a n d t h e Persians' r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r loss o f olbos, d r a m a t i z e d a s a m o v e m e n t f r o m f o r e b o d i n g t o r e a l i z a tion.10 T h e y stress the interplay of verbal and v i s u a l i m a g e r y t h e yoke, t h e t o r n robe, t h e b o w a n d a r r o w , t h e chariot - a n d the play's development of t h e m e t h r o u g h repetition a n d enactm e n t a s spectacle. W i l l i a m T h a l m a n n i n p a r t i c u l a r has s h o w n h o w X e r x e s ' r a g s s y m b o l i z e ' t h e w r e c k o f P e r s i a n olbos a n d 'how the yoke of Persian power has been shattered'.11 W h i l e i t i s e a s y t o d e s c r i b e t h e Persians a s a f o r m a l t r a g e d y , i t h a s p r o v e d r a t h e r m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o s h o w t h a t t h e Persians fulfils the rhetorical function of a tragedy - t h a t i t arouses pity, fear, a n d related e m o t i o n s . Is the Persians

tragedy?

Aristotle differentiated poetry from history on the grounds that t h e f o r m e r depicts 'the sorts of t h i n g s t h a t can h a p p e n a n d w h a t is possible according t o l i k e l i h o o d o r necessity' w h i l e h i s t o r y r e p r e s e n t s ' w h a t h a p p e n e d ' (Poetics 1 4 5 1 a 3 6 - 1 4 5 1 b 5 ) . I n h i s view, poetry is 'more philosophical and more serious t h a n history' because w h a t i t represents is 'more universal' (1451b5-10). Aristotle allows t h a t historical poetry c a n represent 'the k i n d s o f things t h a t were likely to happen' (1451b29-32). T h e problem for t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e Persians i s w h e t h e r t h e p l a y d r a m a t i z e s the 'kinds of things that can happen' or merely 'what happened'. Aristotle's definition of tragedy i s relevant: 'tragedy i s t h e i m i t a t i o n of a serious and complete action that has magnitude ... o f p e o p l e a c t i n g a n d n o t t h r o u g h n a r r a t i v e , a c c o m p l i s h i n g t h r o u g h p i t y a n d f e a r t h e c a t h a r s i s o f s u c h e m o t i o n s ' (Poetics 1449b24-8). B o t h p i t y a n d fear require t h e spectators' sympathetic awareness a n d consciousness o f t h e i r o w n v u l n e r a b i l i t y . T h e Persians i n d u c e s f e a r f r o m i t s m e m o r y o f X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , t h e prospect of another invasion, a n d b y p r o m p t i n g reflection o n the fictionalized fall o f Persia's empire. T h e play's depiction of t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s s y m m e t r i c a l a n d a n t i t h e t i c a l t o t h e A t h e n i a n pathos i s a s t r a t e g y t o a r o u s e p i t y . T h e f o r m o f t h e P e r s i a n pathos i s s i m i l a r t o A t h e n s ' , b u t d i f f e r e n t e n o u g h t o p r o v i d e t h e d i s t a n c e f o r p i t y u n t i l t h e kommos, w h e n t h e t w o b r i e f l y i n t e r s e c t , releasing t h e tensions o f pity, fear, a n d longing. 141

Aeschylus: Persians T h e Persians i s o f t e n r e a d a s a t r a g e d y i n f o r m a n d p e r f o r m a t i v e occasion b u t as a n epinician, a praise p o e m f o r t h e v i c t o r y o v e r t h e P e r s i a n s , i n f u n c t i o n . 1 2 J . D . C r a i g p u t s t h e case succinctly: ... i s i t l i k e l y t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e g o i n g t o ... e x t e n d t o t h e Persians that measure o fsympathy w h i c h w o u l d lead t o t h e t r a g i c katharsis o f p i t y a n d t e r r o r i n v i e w o f t h e i r s u f f e r i n g s ? I t w o u l d b e s a f e r n o t t o a p p l y t h a t p r i n c i p l e a t a l l . T h e Persae i s u n l i k e a n y o t h e r d r a m a s .... T h e y w e r e t o w i t n e s s t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybris, a n d t h e c h a s t i s e m e n t w a s t o b e a t t h e i r o w n hands.13

C r a i g finds support f o rh i s p o s i t i o n i n A r i s t o p h a n e s ' port r a y a l o f A e s c h y l u s i n t h e Frogs: t h e t r a g e d i a n d e c l a r e s t h a t h i s Persians t a u g h t t h e A t h e n i a n s ' a l w a y s t o d e s i r e t o d e f e a t their enemies, because i t glorified t h e best achievement' (1026-7). C r a i g does n o t offer a m o r e general i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e play, b u t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o e x t e n d h i s r e a d i n g : t h e m y t h o f t h e Persians i s t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s d e f e a t hybris. T h i s w a s a n e s s e n t i a l p a r t of A t h e n i a n democratic self-understanding throughout the fifth century.14 This m y t h justifies Athens' empire asa form of m o r a l l e a d e r s h i p . I n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e Persians w o u l d n o t b e t r a g edy i n a n ym e a n i n g f u l sense b u t a projection o f group identity; the fictionalized fall o ft h e Persian empire w o u l d be a n act o f praise fort h e A t h e n i a n s w h o vanquished i t . 1 5 B u t one should t a k e t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s t e p f u r t h e r : t h e Persians p r o j e c t s A t h e n i a n m o r a l leadership because i t recognizes t h e l i m i t s o f h u m a n p o w e r i n t h e cosmos. I n particular, i t depicts t h e l i m i t s o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . X e r x e s ' ate a n d ' d i s e a s e o f t h e m i n d ' consist i n h i s a t t e m p t t o enslave t h e Hellespont a n d 'to domin a t e a l l t h e gods, especially Poseidon' (744-51). W h i l e t h e p l a y recalls t h e l i b e r a t i o n o f Greece, i t also d r a m a t i z e s t h e v u l n e r abilities o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m , both reassuring t h e 'allies' a n d w a r n i n g t h e Athenians about t h e limits o fempire. Because i t recognizes t h e h u m a n i t y o f Xerxes' delusion, t h e tragedy a n d the laws i t instantiates apply t o mortals rather t h a n merely t o barbarians. T h i s is the crux of the matter. Recent versions of the patriotic 142

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hypothesis read the play as a construction o f G r e e k civic a n d ethnic identity w h i c h dehumanizes the Persians. Tragedy articulated the i n s t i t u t i o n s , m y t h s , r i t u a l s , a n d ideologies w h i c h enabled A t h e n i a n society a n d politics.16 S u c h self-definition r e q u i r e d t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d c o n t a i n m e n t o f t h e 'other'. E d i t h H a l l r e a d s t h e Persians a s t h e f i r s t e x t a n t m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f what E d w a r d Said terms 'orientalism' i n western culture, t h e set o f discourses b y w h i c h t h e W e s t ' k n o w s ' t h e E a s t , a n d l a y s the g r o u n d w o r k for d o m i n a t i o n . 1 7 H a l l interprets the play as e x h i b i t i n g P e r s i a n s a n d b a r b a r i a n s n o t m e r e l y as 'slaves' u n d e r a divine k i n g w h o monopolizes power and glory, but as deficient i n h u m a n i t y , intelligence, courage, a n d v i r i l i t y . 1 8 She a l l o w s for dissonance between the play's 'orientalism' and its reception, p a i r i n g t h e play's depiction o f t h e b a r b a r i a n 'other' w i t h opport u n i t i e s f o r t h e spectators' 'covert exorcism o f t h e i r o w n p s y c h o l o g i c a l p a i n ' . 1 9 B u t H a l l r e a d s t h e Persians a s c r o w n i n g A t h e n s ' greatness w i t h the sort o f i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y t h a t charact e r i z e s P e r s i a n hybris i n t h e p l a y ( e . g . 8 7 - 1 0 7 ) . 2 0 T h i s p r e s e n t s a p a r a d o x : t h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e f a l l o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a r e s u l t o f hybris t o i n s t i l a s e n s e o f e t e r n a l s u p e r i o r i t y i n t h e audience. Craig's r e a d i n g poses a s i m i l a r p r o b l e m . A w a r e n e s s o f and respect for t h e divinely imposed limits o f h u m a n power as clarified b y the Persian disaster temper the c e l e b r a t o r y e l e m e n t o f t h e Persians. Recent historical readings o f the play restrict audience responses t o Schadenfreude and exclude audience identification w i t h b o t h t h e P e r s i a n s a n d t h e i r pathos. P e r i c l e s G e o r g e s r e a d s t h e Persians a s a d r a m a o f t h e ' p u r e s t b a r b a r i a n e t h o s ' . X e r x e s is ' b e n e a t h tragedy'. T h e elders a r e i n c o m p e t e n t , w a r m o n g e r ing, effeminate, u n t r u s t w o r t h y , disobedient slaves. T h e Q u e e n is m a s c u l i n e . T h e P e r s i a n s a r e i n c a p a b l e o f c o m p r e h e n d i n g t h e m o r a l a n d religious m e a n i n g o f t h e i r defeat a n d s h o w 'autistic belligerence'. T h e play urges the audience to continue t h e w a r . 2 1 I f t h e Persians i s a b o u t t h e ' p u r e b a r b a r i a n e t h o s ' w h y d o e s it not stress the c o n t i n u i t y of this ethos? W h y i s M e d u s ' son a m o d e l o f self-control (767) a n d C y r u s 'blessed' (768) a n d 'welli n t e n t i o n e d ' t o w a r d t h e gods (772)? W h y i s D a r i u s glorified? The historical D a r i u s w o u l d have i l l u m i n a t e d the 'pure barbari a n ethos' m o r e clearly t h a n A e s c h y l u s ' D a r i u s , w h o depicts 143

Aeschylus: Persians X e r x e s a s a n a b e r r a t i o n . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e e h o w t h e Persians urges w a r . D a r i u s legitimates Persian rule i n A s i a (762-4) a n d interdicts f u r t h e r i n v a s i o n of Greece (790-2). T h e play's fiction of t o t a l defeat - a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e die, a l l ships are lost, a n d t h e e m p i r e w i l l fall - is difficult to square w i t h a call to w a r . W h a t remains to fight? Finally, w h a t limits such a n interpretat i o n ? S h o u l d w e s a y t h a t t h e Persians e r o t i z e s P e r s i a n w o m e n i n l a m e n t a s a c a l l t o G r e e k s t o i n v a d e a n d s e i z e t h e m ? (cf. H o m e r Iliad 2 . 3 5 4 - 6 , 3 . 2 9 8 - 3 0 1 ) . G e o r g e s i s r i g h t t o s t r e s s t h a t t h e Persians i s o p e n - e n d e d - X e r x e s d o e s n o t r e c e i v e a kosmos or D a r i u s ' message; h i s proposed r e h a b i l i t a t i o n does not t a k e place w i t h i n d r a m a t i c t i m e . T h e r e i s a possibility t h a t X e r x e s m a y c o n t i n u e t o ' h a r m t h e g o d s ' . B u t t h e kommos d e p i c t s X e r x e s ' hybris a s c o n f i n e d t o a p a t h e t i c r e m n a n t o f e l d e r s . T h e audience o f t h e play receives the message intended for Xerxes. T h o m a s Harrison reads the play as a nassertion of Hellenic cultural superiority a n da supremely optimistic projection of A t h e n i a n naval i m p e r i a l i s m w h i c h 'immunises' t h e audience a g a i n s t t h e b a r b a r i a n pathos.22 I f t h i s r e a d i n g i s r i g h t , t h e Persians w o u l d f o r m p a r t o f t h e c u l t u r a l m a t r i x e n a b l i n g s u c h disastrous A t h e n i a n ventures as that i n Egypt (460/59-454 BC) and against Sicily (415-413 BC). I t w o u l d promote the delusion t h a t o n l y 'barbarians' suffer t o t a l defeat i n sea-borne invasions of conquest and appropriation. O n t h e o t h e r s i d e a r e t h o s e w h o c o n s i d e r t h e Persians' ' p a t r i otic' e l e m e n t t a n g e n t i a l t o its m e a n i n g a n d r e a d t h e p l a y as c a n o n i c a l t r a g e d y . 2 3 S o m e s t r e s s t h a t t h e Persians a t t r i b u t e s t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybris t o t h e g o d s , n o t t o t h e G r e e k s . 2 4 Others point to the dignity of the Persians, their heroic quality, or t h e mildness w i t h w h i c h A e s c h y l u s depicts t h e m (given t h a t t h e y destroyed A t h e n s ) as signs t h a t the play eschews t r i u m phalism.25 Against such interpretations it m a y be said that the Persians l a m e n t t h e i r defeat a t I o n i a n h a n d s (563, 950-1, 1011¬ 12, 1025-37). D i v i n e a n d h u m a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y are c o m p a t i b l e a n d m u t u a l l y reinforcing; d i g n i t y accorded t h e Persians c a n also serve patriotic purposes.26 X e r x e s cues the audience's response t o his p a i n as 'joy for m y enemies' (1034). I t i s difficult to deny that t h e play differentiates Greeks a n dPersians as victor a n d v a n q u i s h e d a n d as slaves a n d free. N o r is i t difficult 144

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s to see t h a t some, perhaps most, i nthe audience m i g h t have experienced the play as a t r i u m p h staged as a tragedy. B u t there ismore to this tragedy t h a n patriotic celebration. I t i s possible t o synthesize t h e play's epinician a n d tragic perspectives. A s Gregory N a g y notes, t h e f u n c t i o n o f epinician is two-fold: to praise victory a n d to w a r n against t h e seductions o f hybris a n d t y r a n n y . 2 7 T h e Persians i m p l i e s p r a i s e f o r v i c t o r y b u t a l s o c o n v e y s i n s i g h t i n t o t h e d a n g e r s o f hybris a n d e m p i r e . 2 8 Three features of the tragedy are i m p o r t a n t i n this regard: Zeus holds m o r t a l s accountable for overweening a m b i t i o n (827-8); m a l i c i o u s d i v i n i t i e s a b e t h u m a n d e l u s i o n s ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 , 3 6 0 - 1 , 724¬ 6, 7 4 2 ) ; t h e c o s m o s v i n d i c a t e s i t s o r d e r i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f m o r t a l s ( 4 9 5 - 5 0 7 , 7 4 4 - 5 1 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t i m p l y t h a t o n l y b a r b a r i a n s c o m m i t hybris; i t u s e s X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n o f Greece as a paradigmatic expression o f it. T h e P e r s i a n tragedy exemplifies a tendency of h u m a n nature. T h e Persians i n c l u d e s m u l t i p l e a n d i n c o n s i s t e n t p e r s p e c tives w h i c h spectators w o u l d have to balance. M i c h a e l G a g a r i n reads t h e play as a synthesis o f t w o perspectives: a tragic, P e r s i a n perspective, w h i c h m i g h t evoke sympathy, a n d a triu m p h a n t , G r e e k / A t h e n i a n perspective, w h i c h celebrates victory and experiences Schadenfreude. A l t h o u g h his interpret a t i o n i s w e i g h t e d i n favour o f t h e victorious perspective, G a g a r i n finds w a r n i n g implicit i n the d r a m a . 2 9 T h e dual-perspective m o d e l is helpful, b u t probably too simple. T h e Persians speak sometimes as Persians, sometimes as Greeks; characters w i t h i n the play do not speak f r o m a single perspective. T h e Q u e e n differs radically from D a r i u s i nh e rinterpretation of Xerxes' m o t i v e s . D a r i u s depicts X e r x e s as a n a n o m a l y ; t h e Q u e e n locates h i m i n a n i m p e r i a l i s t society w h i c h requires t h e v a l i d a t i o n o f r o y a l w e a l t h a s olbos b y c o n q u e s t ( 1 5 9 - 7 2 , 7 5 3 - 8 ) . D a r i u s speaks as a character w h o s e m o t i v e is to deny responsibility for t h e disaster a n d as a voice of objective reality. A majority o finterpreters find a balance o f contradictory p e r s p e c t i v e s a n d m e a n i n g s i n t h e Persians. S i m o n G o l d h i l l detects a n e p i n i c i a n i m p u l s e i n t h e play's c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Sala¬ m i s asa conflict of political systems w h i c h vindicates the cosmic o r d e r ; y e t h e t a k e s t h e p l a y ' s s t a g i n g o f a kommos f o r t h e Persians as a n a t t e m p t 'to develop a complex u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f 145

Aeschylus: Persians recent events of A t h e n i a n history, and to raise questions about a response t o the victory'.30 Christopher P e l l i n g sketches t h e p a r a m e t e r s o f a u d i e n c e r e s p o n s e t o t h e Persians, f r o m Schadenfreude t o shock, as the play explores a n d a f f i r m s t h e Greek-barbarian antithesis. H e argues that the play enables the A t h e n i a n s to realize t h e i r collective self-identity by experiencing pity rather t h a n disregard w h e n confronted w i t h their enemy's suffering.31 R u s h R e h m stresses t h e play's focus o n death as bridging t h e gulf between Persian a n d Greek.32 A s y m p a t h e t i c A t h e n i a n response i m p l i e s ' t h a t grief a n d loss can d r a w together e v e n m o r t a l enemies, o p e n i n g a space t h a t pree m p t s , r a t h e r t h a n d e f i n e s , a c a t e g o r y l i k e ' t h e " O t h e r " '. 3 3 T h u s 'Aeschylus validates barbarian suffering and makes their grief available to a n audience w h o m i g h t otherwise w i s h to denigrate or m i n i m i z e i t ' . 3 4 The riddle of Darius The Darius-scene is t h e central variable for interpreting t h e Persians. M a n y r e a d e r s c o n s i d e r D a r i u s a m o u t h p i e c e f o r A e s c h y l u s . 3 5 D a r i u s ' w i s d o m , however, is t r a d i t i o n a l ; no one can take credit for it. Bengt Alexanderson argues t h a t D a r i u s i s merely another character i n the drama: ignorant of the present, knowledgeable o f t h e f u t u r e because o f oracles, b u t not because h e possesses a h i g h e r w i s d o m . 3 6 S t i l l others consider h i m a self-serving despot w h o tries t o distance h i m s e l f f r o m t h e disaster he fathered.37 Interpretations of D a r i u s r u n the g a m u t t o a n extent unparalleled for any other character i n the drama. D a r i u s is t h e play's c e n t r a l fiction. H e is a u n i t y composed o f contraries: h e i s b o t h a god a n d a m a n ; a P e r s i a n w h o bridged the Bosporus to invade the Scythians, h e excoriates his son for b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t t o i n v a d e Greece; h e ordered I o n i a n s treated as non-persons f o r revolting a n d their temples destroyed for b u r n i n g t h e t e m p l e o f Cybebe, y e t h e condemns Persian looting of statues and destruction of Greek temples and altars; h elimits the sphere of Persian imperialism to Asia and is depicted a s h o l d i n g a n e m p i r e w i t h i n i t s p r o p e r l i m i t s , y e t t h e play praises h i m as conqueror and ruler of a n Aegean empire outside of those limits (865-97); h e represents t h ehistory of 146

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s Persian imperialism as moderate, just, and divinely sanctioned w h i l e c o n d e m n i n g hybris; t h e c h o r u s d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e as m a i n t a i n e d b y force (586-94) a n d c o n s t i t u t e d b y practices, such as city-sacking a n d e n s l a v e m e n t by tribute-exa c t i o n , t h a t q u a l i f y a s hybris. M y s o l u t i o n h a s b e e n t o v i e w Darius as a transcendent paternal figure, both Xerxes' a n d A t h e n s ' father, w h o speaks w i t h the voice of the G r e e k poetic tradition, embodies w i s d o m born of suffering, shares guilt w i t h those h e condemns, a n d still finds a place for pity. H e loudly criticizes his son for ignoring his commands, seeking to dominate t h e sea, and destroying Greek sacred property; b u t h e s i l e n t l y r e m i n d s t h e A t h e n i a n s o f t h e i r drama, t h e b u r n i n g o f C y b e b e ' s t e m p l e a s a n e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e i r pathos, a n d w a r n s t h e m o f t h e o u t c o m e o f hybris.

* T h e s i t u a t i o n o f tragic performance is complex; a n y interpretation of a tragedy should allow for this complexity. A tragedian has m u l t i p l e allegiances: to his art, to the i n h e r i t e d traditions of poetry, to his class a n d s t a t u s group, to his city, to Greece, t o v i c t o r y i n t h e t r a g i c c o m p e t i t i o n . T h e Persians d o e s n o t h a v e a single i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I t offers variable messages t o different segments o f t h e audience, depending u p o n po/Zs-affiliation, status, class, k n o w l e d g e o f h i s t o r y , a n d f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h t h e p o e t i c t r a d i t i o n . M a n y a g r e e t h a t t h e Persians i s a n i m p l i e d e n c o m i u m . B u t t h i s does n o t do justice t o t h e P e r s i a n perspect i v e . T h e p l a y f o r m u l a t e s t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s s y m m e t r i c a l a n d opposed t o t h e A t h e n i a n - evacuation, sack, f u l f i l m e n t o f prophecies of disaster and salvation, a t t r i b u t i o n of salvation to w h a t enabled the disaster (bridges/fleet), p u n i s h m e n t for t h e violation of temples, l a m e n t for a lost harvest. E n v i s i o n i n g the telos o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m i n l a m e n t f o r s h i p s a n d m e n , w h i l e depicting victory a t Salamis and i m p l y i n g the formation of a n A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , t h e Persians i s a m e m o r y o f v i c t o r y / d e f e a t a n d a prophecy of h o w empire falls. A s i m i l a r contradiction i s apparent i n the play's construction of the Persians. T h e y lack f r e e d o m , e q u a l i t y , a n d e q u a l access t o p o w e r , o c c u p y i n g t h e negative space of t h e A t h e n i a n socio-political i d e n t i t y . B u t t h e i r 147

Aeschylus:

Persians

s t o r y i s a h u m a n p a r a d i g m : a t a l e o f drama a n d pathos; a s t o r y o f h o w t h e c y c l e o f c o n q u e s t , w e a l t h a n d olbos i s a f o r m u l a f o r t h e l o s s o f olbos; a n a r r a t i v e a n d e n a c t m e n t o f hybris, ate, a n d lament; a prophecy of the tragedy of empire as p a t r i m o n y and succession; a m y t h o f Zeus' i n t e r v e n t i o n t o h o l d m o r t a l s accountable for extra-legal crimes. T h e f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s e x p l o r e t h e t e r m s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians established asconstitutive of the Persian tragedy i n Timotheus' Persians a n d i n t h e c o u n t e r - t r a d i t i o n o f A t t i c c o m e d y , w h e r e Persians figure ridiculed Athenians o r appear i n Golden Age fantasies. T h e n the discussion t u r n s to versions of the narrative in Renaissance Italy, enlightenment Europe and America, and finally i n post-World W a r I I revivals and adaptations. Appropriated b y Christians i n the M i d d l e Ages, Xerxes figures the menace o f T u r k i s h i m p e r i a l i s m i n t h e Renaissance before m a k ing a transition to romantic villainy a n d heroism i n early modernity, a n d f i n d i n g a place i n t h e discourse o f fascism, imperialism, and w a r i n the W e s t after W o r l d W a r II. Timotheus' Persians:

the king's great escape

T i m o t h e u s ' (c. 4 6 0 - 3 5 0 ) Persians w a s d i s c o v e r e d o n a p a p y r u s roll i n E g y p t i n 1 9 0 2 ; i t s2 4 0 o r so f r a g m e n t a r y verses m a y comprise u p t ohalf of the poem.38 Prior t othis, the poem was k n o w n f r o m Plutarch's quotations a n d notices i n late authorities. P l u t a r c h cites i t a s a p a t r i o t i c poem, q u o t i n g a dactylic h e x a m e t e r l i n e f r o m t h e p r o e m : ' m a k i n g a g r e a t , c e l e b r a t e d kosmos o f f r e e d o m for Greece'.39 T h e subject o f ' m a k i n g ' i n t h i s line i s debated, b u t I suspect i t is T i m o t h e u s , w h o locates h i s song i n t h e t r a d i t i o n o f p o e t i c c o m m e m o r a t i o n s o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s a s a kosmos, p e r h a p s f o l l o w i n g S i m o n i d e s (Plataea f r . 1 1 . 2 3 , r e s t o r e d ) . 4 0 A c cording t o Plutarch, t h e singer Pylades' performance o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persians at t h e N e m e a n g a m e s i n 2 0 5 B C r e n e w e d t h e glory of the Persian W a r s , inducing its auditors to feel as i f t h e y w e r e l i v i n g i t s g l o r y i n t h e p r e s e n t (Life of Philopoemen 1 1 . 3 - 4 ) . T h e Persians i s a k i t h a r o d i c n o m e , m e t r i c a l l y c o m p l e x a s t r o phic lyrics accompanied b y t h e kithara. According t o Julius P o l l u x , t h e k i t h a r o d i c n o m e h a s s e v e n s e c t i o n s (Onomasticon 4.66). T h e papyrus includes three of t h e m : central narrative 148

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s (omphalos o r ' n a v e l ' ) , p o e t i c ' s e a l ' (sphragis), w h e r e t h e p o e t imprints his signature o nhis work, and epilogue.41 T h e date a n d p l a c e o f t h e Persians' f i r s t p e r f o r m a n c e a r e u n k n o w n . M o s t scholars place its first performance b e t w e e n 412 a n d 395, considering t h e period from 410 t o 408 most likely.42 Euripides' Orestes, p e r f o r m e d i n 4 0 8 , i s c r u c i a l t o t h e d a t i n g . I n i t , a P h r y g i a n slave r e p o r t s Orestes' 'sacrifice' o f H e l e n a n d chaos i n t h e palace (1369-1502).43 Because he sings astrophically, scholars argue t h a t Euripides i m i t a t e d T i m o t h e u s ' P h r y g i a n (140-61) a n d t h a t the Persians m u s t h a v e b e e n first p e r f o r m e d b e f o r e 4 0 8 . 4 4 S u c h lines o f influence are difficult to d e t e r m i n e . T h e song's first performance fits better between 396 a n d 394 w h e n the Spartan k i n g Agesilaus led an invasion of the Persian empire.45 T h e pretext for the invasion was the belief that the Persian king, A r t a x e r x e s I I , w a s preparing t o l a u n c h a fleet into the Aegean t oinvade m a i n l a n d Greece.46 T h e Spartans entrusted Agesilaus w i t h both land and seacommand against Persia i n 3 9 5 ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 2 7 - 9 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 1 0 . 5 - 6 ) . T h e t h e m e o f t h e Persians p l a y s i n t o t h e p r e t e x t f o r t h e S p a r t a n i n v a s i o n (cf. T i m o t h e u s f r . 7 9 0 PMG). F i r s t performance is m o r e likely t o w a r d t h e end o f t h e i n v a sion i n 394, a n d Ephesus i s t h e best location.47 Agesilaus operated out of Ephesus; Timotheus' suppliant P h r y g i a n claims ' m y A r t e m i s , g r e a t god, w i l l protect m e a t E p h e s u s ' (160-1). T h i s is t h e o n l y G r e e k city besides M i l e t u s n a m e d i n t h e e x t a n t poem; the line has a n ironic bite i f uttered a t Ephesus. Agesilaus turned Ephesus into a nimmense 'workshop of war'.48 H e put the economy o n a w a r t i m e footing and held contests for his warriors, w h o crowded t h e gymnasia a n d marketplace. H e orchestrated a spectacle o f b a r b a r i a n effeminacy t o i n s t i l cont e m p t f o r t h e e n e m y i n h i s t r o o p s ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 6 - 1 8 ; Agesilaus 1 . 2 5 - 8 ) . H i s h e r a l d s a n n o u n c e d t h e s a l e o f c a p t u r e d b a r b a r i a n s n a k e d . X e n o p h o n w r i t e s : ' A n d so w h e n t h e soldiers s a w they were w h i t e from never t a k i n g off their clothes, soft a n d n e v e r t o i l i n g because a l w a y s r i d i n g o n c h a r i ots, t h e y t h o u g h t t h a t t h e w a r w o u l d be n o different f r o m f i g h t i n g w o m e n ' ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 9 ; Agesilaus 1.28). T i m o t h e u s ' p o e m g i v e s v o i c e t o t h i s s p i r i t , d e p i c t i n g n a k e d barbarians (98-103, 132-9) a n d describing t h e ' w h i t e - a r m e d 149

Aeschylus: Persians hands' w i t h w h i c h Lydians embrace Cybele i n supplication and l a m e n t (126). T h e n a m e d peoples o f h i s song a r e t h o s e t h e Spartans plundered - Phrygians, Mysians, a n dLydians. Ti¬ m o t h e u s strips t h e m of t h e i r clothes a n d t h e i r dignity.49 M a n y have assumed t h a t because t h e poem i s about t h e battle of Salamis - not n a m e d i n the extant poem —the song was first performed a t Athens.50 B u t this is unlikely. Timotheus, a Milesian, w o u l d not have announced that his city and those of t h e t w e l v e I o n i a n cities h a i l e d 'from t h e Achaeans' w h i l e performing a t Athens (234-6).51 T h a t Ionians a r e A t h e n i a n colonists i s a cardinal point of A t h e n i a n ideology (Herodotus 1 . 1 4 7 ; E u r i p i d e s Ion 1 5 7 5 - 8 8 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 2 . 6 ) . T h e ' n o b l e s t ' a n d 'purest Ionians', those o f t h e t w e l v e cities o f w h i c h T i m o t h e u s calls M i l e t u s p r e - e m i n e n t (235-6), departed f r o m t h e P r y t a n e u m o f A t h e n s ( H e r o d o t u s 1.146.2; 7.95.1).52 A c h a e a n heritage expresses I o n i a n self-definition as a people f r o m t h e Peloponnese a n d places I o n i a n s u n d e r ' t h e great leader o f S p a r t a ' , a s T i m o t h e u s s t y l e s S p a r t a i n h i s e p i l o g u e ( 2 0 7 ; cf. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 1 . 3 ) . 5 3 S p a r t a n s u s e d t h i s t i t l e o f t h e m s e l v e s ( H e r o d o t u s 7.228.3; T h u c y d i d e s 1.128.7; cf. Si¬ m o n i d e s Plataea f r . 1 1 . 3 2 - 4 ) . T h e ' l e a d e r o f S p a r t a ' l e a d s G r e e c e . N o poet w o u l d n a m e S p a r t a i n t h i s w a y a t A t h e n s . T i m o t h e u s ' Persians c o n t e s t s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians, w h i c h c r e a t e d a f u s e d Athenian/Ionian identity under A t h e n i a n hegemony. T i m o t h e u s ' topography of battle a n d flight i s so vague, t h e absence o f divine, heroic, a n d h u m a n figures associated w i t h S a l a m i s so conspicuous, a n d the f i g h t i n g described so u n l i k e traditional narratives of Salamis, that the poem as w e have it h a r d l y corresponds t o the A t h e n i a n idea of Salamis.54 Battles fought against the Persians are condensed into a single n a v a l battle, w h i c h itself is partly assimilated t o t h enaval battles t h a t created Sparta's current land a n d sea hegemony. T h e prominence of javelins i n the naval fighting is crucial i n this r e g a r d ( 2 1 - 8 ; cf. 1 6 2 - 5 ) . N e i t h e r A e s c h y l u s n o r H e r o d o t u s m e n t i o n s t h i s weapon's use a m o n g those f i g h t i n g o n t h e G r e e k side a t S a l a m i s (cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 9 0 . 2 - 3 ) . T h e j a v e l i n w a s a n t i t h e t i c a l to t h e A t h e n i a n concept o f n a v a l w a r f a r e as t h e s k i l l o f m a noeuvring a n d r a m m i n g . Aeschylus' account o f t h e battle stresses this skill (417-18). H i s sailors donot even have weap150

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s ons: t h e y k i l l t h e e n e m y w i t h f r a g m e n t s o f t h e i r w r e c k s (424-6). T h e j a v e l i n was characteristic of the D o r i a n practice o f ' f i g h t i n g l a n d b a t t l e s a t sea' w h i c h e n a b l e d t h e m t o defeat Athens i n t h e harbour o f Syracuse i n 413.55 I t figures Peloponnesian prowess. Some argue that T i m o t h e u s narrates a typical naval battle and is not interested i n history, but i tislikely that h e narrates a symbolic naval battle and presents a synoptic view of history.56 T h e y o k i n g o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s s o c i a t e s T i m o t h e u s ' Persians w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l n a r r a t i v e s . A d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n t e l l s t h e sea, ' a l r e a d y , i n s o l e n t sea, y o u h a d y o u r f u r i o u s n e c k y o k e d d o w n i n a l i n e n - b o u n d s h a c k l e ' ( 7 2 - 4 ; cf. 1 1 4 - 1 8 ) , c o m b i n i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e b r i d g e i n t h e p a r o d o s o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians a s a ' y o k e o n t h e n e c k o f t h e sea' a n d a ' l i n e n - b o u n d b o a t - b r i d g e ' (68-9, 72) w i t h D a r i u s ' i m a g e o f t h e bridge as'shackles' (747). T h e barbari a n t r e a t s t h e sea a s a u n i t y , a d d r e s s i n g t h e s t r a i t s o f S a l a m i s as i f t h e y w e r e t h e H e l l e s p o n t . Aeschylus' depiction o fSalamis is present throughout T i m o t h e u s ' Persians57 T i m o t h e u s ' n a r r a t i v e c o n c e p t i o n - d e f e a t , flight, l a m e n t - is Aeschylus'. T h e papyrus starts w i t h a r a m m i n g episode: sailors pop o f f t h e deck a n d t h e G r e e k s u p e n d b a r b a r i a n s h i p s b y r a m m i n g t h e m ( 1 - 2 0 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Persians 303-30, 417-19). L i k e Aeschylus, T i m o t h e u s envisions shores a n d p r o m o n t o r i e s clogged w i t h corpses (94-7).58 T h e essence o f S a l a m i s , t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f t h e P e r s i a n fleet i n t h e n a r r o w s ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 4 1 3 - 1 6 ) a l s o f e a t u r e s i n T i m o t h e u s . I n A e s c h y l u s , t h e G r e e k fleet m e n a c i n g l y s o u n d s o u t t h e ' d e p t h s o f t h e sea', a s i t s t r i k e s t h e w a v e s i n r h y t h m ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 3 9 6 - 7 ) . T i m o t h e u s ' d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n v o m i t s o u t t h e ' d e p t h s o f t h e sea' i n a m e n a c i n g t o r r e n t o f w o r d s ( 7 2 - 8 5 ) . T i m o t h e u s c o n d e n s e s P e r s i a n hybris a n d t h e D i o n y s i a c v i o lence t h a t destroys i t i n his p o r t r a i t o f t h i s d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n (60-85).59 P l a y i n g o n t h eequivalence o fdrunkenness, rough seas, a n d d r o w n i n g , h e uses s y m p o t i c i m a g e r y t o characterize the barbarian.60 W a t e r 'is poured' into his a l i m e n t a r y tract; 'surging up f r o m his m o u t h ' , i t 'seethes over' like w i n e (61-5).61 T h e verb m e a n i n g 'seethe over' i s cognate w i t h the w o r d for a w o m a n d r i v e n m a d b y D i o n y s u s , a thyias.62 T i m o t h e u s ' l a n guage suggests w i n e and Dionysiac madness, but the sea-water 151

Aeschylus: Persians itself i s ' w i t h o u t Dionysus' (62), paradoxically producing t h e hybris o f i n t o x i c a t i o n . ' M a k i n g h i m s e l f l i k e t h e sea, t h e m u t i l a t o r o f h i s b o d y ' ( 7 0 - 1 ) , t h e d r o w n i n g m a n v e n t s s h r i l l a r r o g a n c e ( 6 6 - 8 1 ) . H i s hybris a n d m a d n e s s m i r r o r h i s p o r t r a i t o f t h e sea; t h e sea-water h e v o m i t s reifies h i st o r r e n t o fwords (83-5). T i m o t h e u s w a s a m a s t e r o f m i m e t i c effects. H i s d e p i c t i o n o f a b a r b a r i a n i m i t a t ing the sea w h i l e his w a t e r y v o m i t m i r r o r s his words m a r k s his o w n i m i t a t i v e m u s i c a l effects.63 T h e n a r r a t i v e of the n a v a l defeat culminates i n the performance of lament, but T i m o t h e u s shifts the lamenters' perspective to t h e f u t u r e . B a r b a r i a n c o m b a t a n t s m o u r n t h e i r i m p e n d i n g deaths a t t h e scene of battle (98-139). Thucydides approximates this pathos i n his narrative of the A t h e n i a n n a v a l defeat i n t h e Syracusan harbour. A t h e n i a n hoplites l a m e n t a n d consider 'how t h e y w i l l be saved' (7.71). T i m o t h e u s ' L y d i a n s look f o r a 'sweet escape f r o m death' (119-20) a n d desire t o supplicate C y b e l e . A e s c h y l u s v i s u a l l y connectedproskynesis w i t h A s i a a n d X e r x e s o n t h e i r knees i n defeat. T i m o t h e u s l i n k s defeat a n d supplication, placing oneself at t h e mercy of another under t h e protection o f t h e gods b y f a l l i n g a n d clasping his o r h e r knees.64 A L y d i a n imagines h i m s e l f falling a t t h e knees o f Cybele, h i s 'mistress'. E m b r a c i n g h e r d a r k l y clad body w i t h 'white-armed h a n d s ' (121-6), h e l a m e n t s his d e a t h a n d t h e fate o f h i s corpse, 'a p i t i a b l e feast f o r f l o c k s o f b i r d s w h o e a t r a w food' ( 1 2 8 - 3 9 ) . T i m o t h e u s does not n a r r a t e his fate. H e intensifies t h e pathos, but deprives t h ebarbarians of h u m a n i t y . T h i s scene segues i n t o Greeks c a p t u r i n g barbarians. T i m o t h e u s describes o n e capture. A 'Greek a r m e d w i t h iron' seizes a P h r y g i a n 'by t h e h a i r ' (140-4). T h e P h r y g i a n ' e n t w i n e s ' h i m s e l f a r o u n d t h e Greek's knees a n d begs for his life i n pidgin Greek (145-61). H ew i l l go back a n d live a t Sardis, Susa, o r Ecbatana. A r t e m i s w i l l protect h i m a t Ephesus - a city teeming w i t h Greek soldiers a n d mercenaries. T i m o t h e u s i s s i m i l a r l y silent about his fate. T h e G r e e k r o u t o v e r t a k e s t h e scene. B a r b a r i a n s t h r o w a w a y t h e i r j a v e l i n s (161-5) a n d t e a r t h e i r faces i n g r i e f (166). T h e pathos f i n a l l y r e a c h e s t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o l a m e n t i n t h e i r s t y l e , t e a r i n g t h e ' b e a u t i f u l l y w o v e n g a r m e n t s (stole) o n t h e i r b o d i e s ' 152

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s (167-70). T h e 'shrill l a m e n t of Asia' reaches the king's entourage, w h i c h resounds w i t h l a m e n t , 'looking u p o n t h e i r f u t u r e pathos w i t h f e a r ' ( 1 6 9 - 7 2 ) . T i m o t h e u s ' n a r r a t i v e o f t h e p a s t merges w i t h the current Spartan invasion. F i n a l l y , t h e k i n g a p p e a r s (173-4). H e i s u n n a m e d . H e sees the disorderly flight of his army, and 'falling o nhis knee h e m u t i l a t e s h i s body' (176). T i m o t h e u s transfers Aeschylus' i m a g e of Xerxes' falling a n d t e a r i n g his robes i n t h e Queen's d r e a m to t h e k i n g ' s response t o defeat. L i k e A e s c h y l u s ' X e r x e s , T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g f o c a l i z e s t h e pathos: h e ' s e e t h e s l i k e w a v e s a t h i s f a t e ' ( 1 7 7 ) , a t e c h n i q u e applied t o t h e d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n . T h e sea embodies hybris a n d l a m e n t , t w o s i d e s o f t h e s a m e r e a l i t y . T i m o t h e u s r e t a i n s A e s c h y l u s ' d e p i c t i o n o f hybris a s f u l f i l l e d i n l a m e n t . T h e king's lament i n T i m o t h e u s recapitulates Aeschylus' kommos. H e b e w a i l s ' t h e f a l l o f h o u s e s ' ( 1 7 8 ) , a t h e m e A e s c h y lus l i n k e d to Xerxes, 'the eye of the house' w h o survives a t the c o s t o f h i s ' t r u s t e d e y e ' ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 9 7 9 ) . 6 5 H e l a m e n t s t h e G r e e k n a v y ' s d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e ' p o p u l o u s y o u t h (hebe) o f m y s h i p s ' ( 1 8 0 - 1 ; c f . A e s c h y l u s Persians 5 1 2 , 6 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 3 3 ) . T i m o t h e u s also depicts t h e loss o f m e n a s a lost harvest, a c e n t r a l i m a g e o f t h e kommos. T h e k i n g c o m p a r e s t h e G r e e k s h i p s w h i c h destroyed Persia's 'youth' to Sirius, the D o g Star, whose rising signals t h e h e a t t h a t w i t h e r s crops, sickens m e n , a n d m a r k s t h e t i m e for l a m e n t s for such figures as A d o n i s . 6 6 T h e n h e segues into a n image of his ships on fire (182-5). Referring to Aeschyl u s ' kommos a n d t o t h e c u r r e n t i n v a s i o n o f S p a r t a , T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g predicts future l a m e n t s ' o nPersian land' (185-6) a n d apostrophizes his fate (187-8). After his lament, the k i n g orders four horses yoked t o his c h a r i o t a n d h i s c a r t s l o a d e d ' w i t h olbos b e y o n d c o u n t ' ( 1 9 0 - 2 ) . T h e c o m m a n d s u b v e r t s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians: t h e t r a g e d y i m a g ined Xerxes' 'yoke' shattered a t S a l a m i s (188-9) and Persia's olbos ' o v e r t u r n e d ' ( 1 6 4 ) , ' d e s t r o y e d ' ( 2 5 2 ) , a n d ' p o u r e d o u t ' (825). T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g orders his tents burned, contradicting H e r o d o t u s , w h o reports t h a t X e r x e s left his t e n t a n d f u r n i t u r e w i t h M a r d o n i u s for the Greeks t o capture a t Plataea (9.82). T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g stints the Greeks of his w e a l t h (194-5). D o e s t h i s e n d i n g i m p l y t h a t t h e k i n g r e t a i n e d h i s olbos f r o m his earlier defeat a n d t h a t t h e S p a r t a n s can m a r c h to Susa a n d 153

Aeschylus: Persians strip h i m ? O r does i t q u e s t i o n t h e idea o f n a r r a t i n g t h e P e r s i a n defeat a s a great victory? W e hear t h e insane a n d pathetic voices of barbarians f r o m t h e fringes of t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e — b u t w e d o n o t w i t n e s s t h e k i n g l a m e n t i n g h i s l o s t olbos. T i m o t h e u s ' e n d i n g h i n t s at t h e u n d e r l y i n g r e a l i t y o f f o u r t h - c e n t u r y Greece: t h e k i n g ' s 'olbos b e y o n d c o u n t ' f i n a n c e d t h e S p a r t a n n a v y t h a t captured the A t h e n i a n fleet a t A e g o s p o t a m i i n 405 a n d w a s funding a resurgent navy aimed a tdriving the Spartans from the sea.67 T h i s happened a t the battle of Cnidus i n 394.68 T h e r o y a l olbos d e s c r i b e d a t t h e e n d o f t h e Persians b o t h made a n d destroyed the 'great leader o f Sparta'. B r i b i n g leaders of Thebes, C o r i n t h , and Argos w i t h 5 0 talents of gold w h i l e Agesilaus was i n Ephesus, Artaxerxes I I solidified a land and sea a l l i a n c e a g a i n s t S p a r t a , f o r c i n g A g e s i l a u s t o r e t u r n t o G r e e c e t o d e f e n d h i s h o m e - b a s e ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3.5.1-4.2.8). W h a t began self-consciously a s a n e w T r o j a n W a r - Agesilaus attempted t o replicate t h e sacrifice A g a m e m n o n m a d e a t A u l i s ( X e n o p h o n History 3 . 4 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 6 . 4 - 6 ) - w a s s h a p i n g u p a s y e t a n o t h e r internecine war. The golden race: Persians

in comedy

I f t r a g e d y depicts t h e o t h e r a s t h e self, c o m e d y depicts t h e s e l f as t h e other. I n comedy, A t h e n i a n s are depicted a s P e r s i a n s , w h o signify Athens' aristocratic, luxurious, effeminate, moneyo r i e n t e d , i m p e r i a l i s t c u l t u r e . I n E u p o l i s ' Maricas o f 4 2 1 , t h e A t h e n i a n politician Hyperbolus appears as Maricas, a w o r d D a r i u s used to address the reader of his inscriptions.69 L i k e n i n g M a r i c a s t o Xerxes crossing the Hellespont, the play's chorus p a r o d i e s A e s c h y l u s Persians 6 5 : ' t h e c i t y - s a c k i n g M a r i c a s h a s a l r e a d y c r o s s e d ' ( E u p o l i s Maricas f r . 2 0 7 K - A ) . T h e Maricas styles Hyperbolus, a litigious merchant-politician-imperialist a n d bête noire o f c o m e d y , a s X e r x e s . 7 0 A c o n t e m p o r a r y o f E u p o lis, t h e c o m e d i a n P l a t o , has a character quote X e r x e s ' r e f r a i n i n t h e e x o d o s o f t h e Persians, ' s h o u t n o w i n r e s p o n s i o n t o m e ' ( f r . 2 2 6 K - A = 1040, 1048, 1066). W e do n o t k n o w w h a t comedy t h e q u o t e c o m e s f r o m , b u t P l a t o ' s Hyperbolus, a p l a y r i d i c u l i n g H y p e r b o l u s a s a slave, foreigner a n d v i l l a i n w h o w i n s t h e 154

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s lottery to become a m e m b e r of the Council ahead of his master, who is a n alternate, i s a good possibility. C o m e d y d r e w o u t golden-age t h e m e s associated i n Aeschyl u s ' Persians w i t h D a r i u s ' r e i g n a n d g e n e r a l l y w i t h t h e w e a l t h y cultures of the East. Aeschylus' Xerxes is a 'godlike m a n of a g o l d e n - b o r n race' (79-80); P e r s i a (3, 9, 159), L y d i a (45), a n d B a b y l o n (53) are associated w i t h ' m u c h gold'. I n A e s c h y l u s , gold finances a n invasion aimed a t appropriating the freedom and silver of the Greeks; its radiance implants delusions of power a n d divinity. G o l d symbolizes a culture w h i c h m i s t a k e s signs for r e a l i t i e s , confuses p a g e a n t r y a n d l u x u r y w i t h p o w e r , a n d p r o d u c e s a f a l s e s e n s e o f olbos; t h i s c u l t u r e s e d u c e s X e r x e s i n t o s e e k i n g t o t r a n s c e n d h u m a n n a t u r e . 7 1 I n c o m i c g o l d e n - a g e scenarios, sign and reality, culture and nature, m a n and divinity, g o l d a n d olbos a r e f u s e d . T h e c e n t r a l i d e a o f t h e G o l d e n A g e i s t h e presence o f ' a l l good things' w h i c h come 'on t h e i r o w n ' : no labour is r e q u i r e d . 7 2 S u c h a G o l d e n A g e i s ' a u t o m a t i c ' . H e s i o d ' s ' g o l d e n r a c e o f m o r t a l m e n ' i s t h e p r o g e n i t o r o f t h e c o n c e p t (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 6 ) . H . C . B a l d r y c o n s i d e r s t h e c o m i c topos a w a y o f ridiculing old fantasies.73 I a n Ruffel, by contrast, interprets i t as a n ' e x p r e s s i o n o f r a d i c a l p o p u l a r i d e a l i s m ' . 7 4 T h i s m a y be; b u t t h e comic G o l d e n A g e is never far r e m o v e d f r o m dystopia. Old comedy's staging of Persians i l l u m i n a t e s the sympotic a n d festive ideals w h i c h Aeschylus, Choerilus, and T i m o t h e u s i n v e r t t o f a s h i o n i m a g e s o f P e r s i a n hybris a n d d e f e a t . 7 5 T h e Utopian component o fold comedy is a n ideal o f c o m m u n i t y realized i n t h e feast a n d s y m p o s i u m t o t h e exclusion o f w a r , politics, a n d l i t i g a t i o n . L a b o u r a n d s o m e t i m e s s l a v e r y a r e absent. Aeschylus' D a r i u s espouses this ideal. Herodotus constitutes his Persians i n a version of this scenario (1.125-6). I f t h e P e r s i a n s f o l l o w C y r u s t h e y w i l l b e c o m e 'free', e n j o y i n g feasts, a v o i d i n g s l a v e r y a n d servile l a b o u r - i n short, t h e y w i l l h a v e ' a l l g o o d t h i n g s ' ( 1 . 1 2 6 . 4 - 6 ) . 7 6 T h r o u g h o u t H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, P e r s i a n s a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e n o r m o u s f e a s t s a n d e x c e s s i v e w i n e (1.133, 212.2; 3.34; 7.118-19). T h e r u l e r s o f a n e m p i r e are a feasting/drinking group t h a t enjoys ' a l l good things'. Pherecrates, a contemporary of Aristophanes, was credited w i t h a c o m e d y e n t i t l e d t h e Persians, d a t e d b e t w e e n 4 2 7 a n d 416.77 T h e comedy h a d definite golden-age elements, t h o u g h w e 155

Aeschylus: Persians have n o precise idea of h o w Persians functioned i nthe play. T h e y could have figured t h el u x u r y of wealthy Athenians o r A s i a n plenty and p r i m i t i v i s m w h i c h satisfied Utopian yearnings. W e a l t h is certainly a t h e m e of the play. A t one point the chorus o f Persians denies i t h a s a n y need for f a r m i n g , craftsm e n w h o support i t ( i n c l u d i n g a y o k e - m a k e r ) , seeds o r vine-poles. T h e y w i l l enjoy ' a l l good things' w i t h o u t labour: 'rivers of black broth' containing rich cakes and the best bread ' w i l l g u s h o n t h e i r o w n f r o m t h e f o u n t s o f W e a l t h ' (fr. 137.1-5 [K-A]). T h e e v e r - f l o w i n g r i v e r o f goods g u s h i n g t h r o u g h t h e Golden Age can beread against Aeschylus' tragic images i n the Persians s u c h a s ' w a v e o f w o e s ' ( 5 9 9 - 6 0 0 ) , ' f o u n t o f w o e s ' ( 7 4 3 ) , 'flood of t h e P e r s i a n a r m y ' (87-92, 412), t h e freezing a n d t h a w ing S t r y m o n (495-507), a n d X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t t o 'stop t h e sacred, flowing Hellespont' (745-6).78 A n a t u r a l limit of m o r t a l power, t h e r i v e r f l o w s w i t h u n n a t u r a l goods i n t h e comic G o l d e n Age. Zeus' r a i n nourishes a bounteous river; nature and culture, l a n d a n d sea, p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s a r e u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d (fr. 137.6-10 [K-A]). M a n w i l l n o t labour. T h e c o m e d y i n v o l v e s a b u n d a n t feasting a n d t a b l e w a r e o f precious m e t a l s (fr. 134 [ K - A ] ) . I n comedy Xerxes a n d Persians a r e vehicles for fantasies about i m p e r i a l i s t greed, lack o f m a n l i n e s s , t h e pleasures o f l u x u rious feasting, drinking, and culture as n a t u r a l bounty. Aeschylus located a G o l d e n A g e i n Persia: X e r x e s ' defeat m a r k s its end. The Turkish menace: Apollonio's Xerxes9 I n v a s i o n of

Greece

In 1461, t h e Florentine merchant Giovanni Rucellai commissioned Apollonio di G i o v a n n i to paint decorations for his daught e r ' s b r i d a l c h e s t (cassone).19 A p o l l o n i o ' s d e c o r a t i v e p a i n t i n g , Xerxes' Invasion of Greece, p r o j e c t s F l o r e n c e a s t h e n e w A t h e n s . T h e p a i n t i n g m o v e s s p a t i a l l y a n d t e m p o r a l l y f r o m r i g h t to left, Asia t o Europe. A t t h e f a rright, prideful Xerxes (labelled S E R S E S ) crosses a bridge over t h e Hellespont, w h i c h is crowded w i t h vessels.80 A p o l l o n i o t h e n depicts a cavalry battle: X e r x e s e x h o r t s h i s t r o o p s t o f i g h t w h i l e C i m o n ( l a b e l l e d C Y M O N ) captures surrendering Persians, and Pericles (labelled P E R I C L E S ) m a r s h a l s k n i g h t s i n t o b a t t l e . A c o m p a n i o n p a n e l , The Triumph 156

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s of the Victorious Greeks, d e s t r o y e d i n a G e r m a n r a i d o n B a t h , m o v e s i n space a n d t i m e f r o m left t o r i g h t , f r o m S a l a m i s t o Athens.81 Beginning w i t h a naval battle, i t merges w i t h a t r i u m p h a l procession leading t o Athens, whose architecture recalls ancient R o m e . 8 2 Victorious Greeks a n d t h e i r leaders, one labelled T E M I S T O C L E S , l i n e t h e procession. N o t o n l y does A t h e n s look like Rome; the narrative unites the Salamis tradition w i t h Vergil's description of Actium: naval victory followed by t r i u m p h a l procession.83 Apollonio's v i s i o n o f eastern defeat a n dw e s t e r n t r i u m p h d r a w s o n B o c c a c c i o ' s a c c o u n t o f X e r x e s ' p r i d e f u l f a l l i n t h e Fates of Illustrious Men ( 1 3 6 0 ) a n d P e t r a r c h ' s ( 1 3 0 4 - 7 4 ) c r u s a d e m o n g e r i n g Rime 2 8 . 8 4 P a i n t i n g s o f B o c c a c c i o ' s Theseid of the Wedding of Emilia ( 1 3 3 9 ) , a h e r o i c r o m a n c e e x e m p l i f y i n g t h e prudence o f Theseus, D u k e o f A t h e n s , w h i c h also included his t r i u m p h over Scythian amazons, framed t h e t w o historical panels.85 Apollonio's paintings comprised a complete account of A t h e n s ' t r i u m p h over the 'other' f r o m Theseus to Pericles. Xerxes' a r m y figures the menace of contemporary O t t o m a n i m p e r i a l i s m . S o m e of his soldiers w e a r the hats and carry the pikes o f O t t o m a n janissaries.86 C o n s t a n t i n o p l e is visible i n t h e distance a s X e r x e s crosses t h e H e l l e s p o n t . 8 7 T h e T u r k s captured C o n s t a n t i n o p l e i n 1453, eight years before Apollonio received h i s c o m m i s s i o n . 8 8 R e c a l l i n g Persia's defeat a n d A t h e n s ' t r i u m p h , t h e paintings prophesy Christian victory over the T u r k s . A p u b l i c r e a d i n g o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians i s a n a d d e n d u m t o Apollonio's w o r k . A f t e r a C h r i s t i a n navy's defeat o f a T u r k i s h fleet i n t h e battle o f L e p a n t o i n 1571, citizens o f t h e island o f Zacynthus, w h i c h contributed a contingent t o t h e Christian fleet, recited t h e play. T h e T u r k s replaced t h e Persians as t h e e a s t e r n v a n q u i s h e d foe i n t h e i m a g i n a t i o n o f t h e I t a l i a n R e n aissance; t h e people o f Z a c y n t h u s , a n i s l a n d u n d e r V e n e t i a n control, probably read a n I t a l i a n translation.89 Xerxes as a figure of romance T h e first large-scale restaging o f a G r e e k tragedy, Sophocles' Oedipus the King, t o o k p l a c e i n V i c e n z a , I t a l y , i n 1 5 8 5 . 9 0 T h e earliest adaptations of Xerxes' story appeared i n opera, w h e r e 157

Aeschylus: Persians X e r x e s featured as a r o m a n t i c antihero. Francesco C a v a l l i pres e n t e d a Xerxes i n V e n i c e i n 1 6 5 4 a n d r e p e r f o r m e d i t i n P a r i s shortly after Louis XIV's wedding i n 1660.91 Giovanni B o n o n c i n i s c o r e d a Xerxes i n 1 6 9 4 . G e o r g e F r e d e r i c H a n d e l ' s version, based o n both Cavalli's a n dBononcini's, debuted i n L o n d o n i n 1738. Xerxes i s a trouser o r travesty role - a part w r i t t e n for a castrate T h e u n n a t u r a l lover and k i n g w h o cannot o b t a i n t h e object o f h i s desire, X e r x e s f i n a l l y m a r r i e s t h e w o m a n w h o w a n t s his t h r o n e a n d poses as a m a n - a w o u n d e d v e t e r a n - t o g e t i t . H a n d e l ' s Xerxes c l o s e d a f t e r f i v e p e r f o r m ances but today is one o f his most popular operas.92 I n 1699 t h e E n g l i s h actor a n d p l a y w r i g h t Colley Cibber ( 1 6 7 1 - 1 7 5 7 ) m o u n t e d a Xerxes at L i t t l e L i n c o l n ' s I n n F i e l d s w h i c h w a s a n e v e n greater flop: i t closed after one p e r f o r m ance.93 T h e tragedy depicts t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f X e r x e s , failed invader of Greece w h o cannot rouse the passion t o avenge his honour, into a romantic villain bent on destroying the virtue of the w o m a n w h o spurned h i m . Cibber's X e r x e s r e t u r n s to Persia after his defeat t o celebrate a false t r i u m p h . T h e Persians d o not tear t h e i r clothes i n lament, b u t 'Rend t h e Skies w i t h Ecchoed W e l l c o m e s ' (1.140) for t h e i r ' t r i u m p h a n t ' k i n g . X e r x e s uses t h e occasion to p u n i s h t h e elements t h a t betrayed h i s fleet and vows to drive the chariot of the sun. Cibber recalls the m y t h of P h a e t h o n as a paradigm for Xerxes' failure i n Aeschylus' Persians.94 Xerxes' false t r i u m p h plays o n golden-age t h e m e s of e t e r n a l spring a n d t h e freeing o f slaves. H i s sycophantic poet proclaims 'Now w e shall t u r n t h e Glass o fT i m e , / A n d m a k e i t r u n t h e G o l d e n A g e a g a i n ' (1.182-3). X e r x e s concocts a s c h e m e t o devote h i m s e l f t o insatiable pleasure (1.393-4), p l o t t i n g t o test a w o m a n of superlative virtue, T a m i r a , w h o spurned his love and throne, and t h e n t o rape her. T h e cruel hedonist uses every t y r a n n i c a l ploy - m u r d e r , torture, treachery, rape, m u t i l a t i o n . Xerxes' 'Golden Age' becomes a t i m e of debauchery, civil war, and mob violence. T a m i r a tricks X e r x e s i n t o t h i n k i n g t h a t she w i l l betray her husband A r t a b a n u s to gratify his lust; this disgusts Xerxes, and he n o longer desires t o rape h e r because she h a s n o v i r t u e t o spoil. X e r x e s trusts his divinity a n d capacity to avoid his fate to 158

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s the very end. H e meets T a m i r a ' s husband A r t a b a n u s i n a duel; X e r x e s a n d t h e v i r t u o u s general die f r o m t h e blows t h e y inflict on each another. Cibber stages t y r a n t - s l a y i n g as aristocratic self-sacrifice. X e r x e s ' d e a t h restores a m i l i t a r y aristocracy t o p o w e r . Xerxes f u s e s t r a d i t i o n s o f h i s t o r y , t r a g e d y , a n d c o m e d y to create a romantic tragedy. T h e f u s i o n o f tragedy a n d romance is t h e t h e m e o f a n anonym o u s A m e r i c a n p l a y w r i g h t ' s Xerxes the Great, o r The Battle of Thermopyle (sic), p r o d u c e d i n P h i l a d e l p h i a i n 1 8 1 5 . T h e p l a y sets Xerxes' a m b i t i o n for t h e glory of conquering Leonidas a n d Sparta against S p a r t a n republican ideals. T h e deposed S p a r t a n King Demaratus returns with Xerxes t o regain h i s throne. S p a r t a i s divided b e t w e e n Leonidas' m a n d a t e t o fight a n d die for f r e e d o m a n d t h e case for a p p e a s i n g X e r x e s a n d s a v i n g lives. Leonidas persuades a n assembly that freedom is inalienable a n d t h a t t h e r e i s n o choice b u t t o fight for i t . A s i n Cibber, t h e play c u l m i n a t e s i n a duel. X e r x e s calls t h e 'demigod' Leonidas t o battle. Leonidas' blow shatters Xerxes' s w o r d a n d causes h i m to fall, but Xerxes' h e n c h m a n kills h i m . Leonidas' dying words convey the ambiguities of Xerxes' fame, w h i c h w i l l soon t u r n to i n f a m y (V.iv.21-3). T h e play ends w i t h Xerxes' t r i u m p h a n t ride i n a chariot through Sparta and the return o fDemaratus t o t h ethrone. The romance of Xerxes' victory a n d t h e tragedy o f Leonidas' heroic sacrifice are prelu d e s t o X e r x e s ' t r a g e d y , t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f h i s 1,000 ships a t Salamis (V.i.20-2). Transcending history: Shelley's H e l l a s I n 1821, the Greeks revolted f r o m the O t t o m a n empire. I n 1822, P e r c y B y s s h e S h e l l e y p u b l i s h e d a l y r i c a l t r a g e d y o n t h e subject, Hellas.95 E m p l o y i n g t h e f o r m a n d i m a g e r y o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians, S h e l l e y ' s p o e m p r o p h e s i e s t h e f a l l o f I s l a m a n d t h e O t t o m a n empire and the rise of a n e w Greece i n the C h r i s t i a n West.96 A n unfinished Prologue includes a divine assembly i n w h i c h Christ, S a t a n , a n d M o h a m m e d stake claims before G o d o n h o w destiny should unfold a t this turning point.97 Christ proclaims the i m m o r t a l i t y o f Greece a n d t h e victory o f freedom over 159

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tyranny. Satan claims ownership of any empire that emerges f r o m a reshuffling of power o n e a r t h before C h r i s t i n t e r r u p t s h i m : 'Obdurate spirit! T h o u seest b u t t h e Past i n t h e To-come' ( 1 6 1 - 2 ) . T h e p r a y e r o f Hellas i s t r a n s c e n d e n c e o f t h e c e a s e l e s s l y r e p e a t i n g p a t t e r n o f h i s t o r y i n a n e w age o f w e s t e r n , C h r i s t i a n freedom. T h e t r a g e d y u n f o l d s i n five episodes. I n t h e first, M a h m u d , S u l t a n of the O t t o m a n empire, awakes unable to recall a recurrent dream. H i s u n d e r l i n g H a s s a n arranges for h i m t o see Ahasuerus, a n ancient Jew. Probably the n a m e for Xerxes i n t h e Book of Esther, A h a s u e r u s a l l o w s h i s g e n e r a l H a m a n t o extirpate the Jews f r o m his empire, b u t changes course under the influence of his J e w i s h wife Esther.98 H e honours her cousin Mordecai, w h o s e refusal to bow before H a m a n w a s t h e origin o f H a m a n ' s plot. A h a s u e r u s allows M o r d e c a i to w e a r his clothes, ride his horse, and proclaim the vengeance of the Jews througho u t t h e e m p i r e i n h i s n a m e : t h e y h a n g H a m a n a n d h i s t e n sons, kill 500 enemies i n Susa, a n d slaughter 75,000 adversaries t h r o u g h o u t t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e (Esther 9 : 1 - 1 6 ) . T h e s t o r y i s s e t i n the year of Plataea and Mycale (479 BC) and constitutes a J e w i s h v e r s i o n o f t h e G r e e k story o f defeating t h e peoples of t h e Persian empire. Shelley's Ahasuerus stands a t the intersection of Judeo-Christian and E a s t e r n empires; he figures Xerxes, the T u r k s ' predecessor, a n d t h e Jews, precursors of C h r i s t i a n s . 9 9 A h a s u e r u s i s t h e s u p e r s e d e d p o w e r w h o advises h i s successor.100 H a s s a n a n d three messengers i n succession deliver bad n e w s before A h a s u e r u s speaks w i t h M a h m u d , enabling h i m to recall his dream: M a h o m e t I P scapture o f Constantinople. I n A e s c h y l e a n t e r m s , t h i s i s t h e ' a c t ' (drama) w h i c h r e q u i r e s ' s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos). A s M a h m u d ' s e m p i r e w a s b o r n i n b l o o d s o it w i l l die (896-913). T h i s scene realizes t h e Satanic principle: the vision o f the 'To-come' i n the past, as t h e f u t u r e repeats a n d reciprocates past violence. After A h a s u e r u s departs, M a h o m e t I Iemerges f r o m t h e grave to i n f o r m M a h m u d o f I s l a m ' s collapse. M a h m u d l a m e n t s v i c t o r a n d v a n q u i s h e d a l i k e i n t h e p r o c e s s i o n o f h i s t o r y (948¬ 5 7 ) . Hellas r e a d s t h e Persians a s a l a m e n t f o r t h e c y c l e o f drama a n d pathos. A s M a h m u d m o u r n s t h e i m p e n d i n g f a l l o f h i s 160

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s empire, he h e a r s shouts o f v i c t o r y a n d calls for vengeance. T h e T u r k s have gained t h e upper hand against t h e Greeks. M a h m u d c o n s i d e r s t h e s e e x p r e s s i o n s o f t r i u m p h p a t h e t i c (986¬ 8): T m u s t r e b u k e / T h i s d r u n k e n n e s s o f t r i u m p h ere i t d i e , / A n d d y i n g , b r i n g d e s p a i r ' . E a s t e r n i n t o x i c a t i o n a n d hybris c o a l e s c e as i n C h o e r i l u s a n d T i m o t h e u s . T u r k s celebrate t h e i l l u s i o n o f victory and call for the enslavement and slaughter of Greeks. T h e chorus of captive Greek w o m e n envisions the light of A t h e n s a n d Greece rising again i n the W e s t a n d attempts t o imagine a new origin (1118-23). After contemplating Greek history a n dm y t h , particularly t h efall o fTroy, t h e w o m e n conclude t h a t h i s t o r y itself m u s t end. A n e w Golden Age i s d e s t i n e d t o c o m e t o t h e s a m e e n d as t h e old, r e p l i c a t i n g t h e p a s t i n t h e present. T h e c h o r u s orders a n e n d t o t h e v i c i o u s cycle o f drama a n d pathos ( 1 1 5 4 - 9 ) . The restoration of freedom is contingent on the renewal of pity. T h e chorus urges reconstruction of the 'broken' A t h e n i a n altar of P i t y near the temple of W i s d o m (775-6). Shelley reads t h e Persians a s a n a t t e m p t t o e l i c i t p i t y f o r t h e P e r s i a n s . T h e basis for his U t o p i a n v i s i o n is t h e exchange o f 'love for h a t e a n d t e a r s f o r b l o o d ' ( 7 7 9 ) . Hellas u n i t e s t h e e t h i c s o f t r a g i c s p e c t a torship w i t h C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y to envision the end of history, conceived as a t r i u m p h of freedom w i t h o u t empire. Restaging the

Persians

A e s c h y l u s w a s s a i d t o h a v e r e s t a g e d t h e Persians i n S i c i l y ; t h i s tradition m a y have arisen as a nexplanation of w h y Dionysus m i s r e p r e s e n t s t h e p l a y i n t h e Frogs: t h e r e w e r e t w o v e r s i o n s o f it.101 T h e Athenians voted to honour Aeschylus by allowing his p l a y s t o be r e p e r f o r m e d after h i s d e a t h . 1 0 2 A e s c h y l u s f o u n d e d a theatrical dynasty: his sons E u p h o r i o n and Euaeon, both tragedians, probably restaged his plays. T h e most likely t i m e for a r e s t a g i n g o f t h e Persians i s t h e e a r l y 4 2 0 s . 1 0 3 I n A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Acharnians o f 4 2 5 , D i c a e o p o l i s d e s c r i b e s h i m s e l f s i t t i n g i n t h e theatre w i t h his m o u t h agape, 'expecting Aeschylus' b u t getting a c o n t e m p o r a r y h a c k ( 9 - 1 2 ) . T h e p r o l o g u e o f t h e Acharnians p l a y s o n t h e e n d i n g o f t h e Persians. E u p o l i s ' q u o t a t i o n i n t h e Maricas c a n b e d a t e d t o 4 2 1 a n d c o u l d d e r i v e f r o m a r e v i v a l ; t h e 161

Aeschylus: Persians d a t e o f P l a t o ' s q u o t a t i o n o f t h e Persians i s u n k n o w n . F u r t h e r f r u s t r a t i n g efforts a t d a t i n g is t h e likelihood t h a t t h e comedians k n e w t h e Persians f r o m t e x t s . A t e x t w a s t h e b a s i s f o r H e r o d o t u s ' q u o t a t i o n o f t h e p l a y (8.68g; 7 2 8 ) a n d f o r h i s e n g a g e m e n t w i t h i t t h r o u g h o u t t h e Histories. T h e Persians' a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t m e s s a g e a n d i t s s e n s e t h a t h i s t o r y belongs t o t h e free m a d e i ta staple o f l i b e r a t i o n movements and a b u l w a r k against totalitarianism. T a k i s Mouzendis' staging o f t h e p l a y a t E p i d a u r u s i n 1 9 7 1 w a s received as a n act of subversion o f t h e J u n t a t h a t r u l e d Greece f r o m 1967 t o 1 9 7 4 . 1 0 4 Y e t t h e Persians a l s o h e l d a p p e a l f o r t o t a l i t a r i a n r e gimes w h i c h s a w their Victory' presaged i n it. T h e Nazis restaged t h e play i n t h e w i n t e r o f 1942; i t w a s one o f a series o f tragedies produced as they struggled i n the East.105 Rightists i n t h e G r e e k c i v i l w a r o f 1 9 4 6 - 4 9 a p p r o p r i a t e d t h e Persians i n their w a r against c o m m u n i s m . 1 0 6 I n 1951, leftist political prisoners interned o n the island of A i Stratis, allowed t o perform t h e Persians a s p a r t o f t h e i r ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' , r e c l a i m e d t h e p l a y as a t r a g e d y a n d p r o p h e t i c e x h i b i t i o n o f G r e e k d e l u s i o n s o f power, victory, and m o r a l superiority.107 E a s t G e r m a n y became a f r u i t f u l place f o r restaging t h e Persians; i t w a s h e r e t h a t t h e p l a y s t r u c k a u d i e n c e s a s a n t i - w a r a r t . M a t t i a s B r a u n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians a s a n a n t i - f a s c i s t play, produced several times i n G e r m a n y d u r i n g t h e period 1960 t o 1969, w a s received as a n a n t i - w a r d r a m a contesting American involvement i n the Korean and V i e t n a mWars.108 The f i r s t p r o f e s s i o n a l r e v i v a l s o f t h e Persians i n N e w Y o r k i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s s t a g e d t h e Persians a s a n a n t i - V i e t n a m p l a y . 1 0 9 T h e f i r s t G u l f W a r i n 1 9 9 1 b r e a t h e d n e w l i f e i n t o t h e Persians. I n 1 9 9 3 , P e t e r S e l l a r s d i r e c t e d a Persians at t h e S a l z b u r g F e s t i v a l , u s i n g R o b e r t A u l e t t a ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians a s a d r a m a t i z a t i o n o f S a d d a m H u s s e i n ' s c r u s h i n g d e f e a t . Xerxes is Saddam Hussein (who is never named i n the play). T a k i n g place i n B a g h d a d d u r i n g t h e 'smart' b o m b i n g c a m p a i g n of 1991, the play inverts the o r i g i n a l play's story of a massive empire felled by t i n y Greece to probe the symbiotic pathologies of eastern despotism and western culture. T h e second G u l f W a r produced a n o t h e r a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians, E l l e n M c L a u g h l i n ' s , w r i t t e n a t t h e r e q u e s t o f t h e l a t e 162

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s A m e r i c a n a c t o r , T o n y R a n d a l l . 1 1 0 T o M c L a u g h l i n , t h e Persians 'warns us of the perils of conquest and imperialism - this rolling catastrophe o f war, never-ending, soul-sapping, civilizationdestroying ....'m A e s c h y l u s ' Persians i s t o d a y e n s h r i n e d i n t h e a n t i - w a r a n d anti-imperialist discourse of western culture. Xerxes personifies t h e t h r e a t t o t h e w e s t e r n m a l e i d e n t i t y a n d t o t h e m o r a l , political, and religious orders w h i c h sustain it. T h e quintessent i a l loser of history, w h o r u i n s the Golden A g e h e inherited, Xerxes continues to h a u n t those w h o defeat h i m asthey rebuild the r u i n s left i n his w a k e , for the t e m p t a t i o n to become X e r x e s is the price o f victory over h i m .

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Notes 1. The Persians,

History, and Historical Drama

1. S e e Détienne, Dionysos at Large; L o n s d a l e , Dance and Ritual Play, e s p . 76-136. 2. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 5 7 - 1 2 5 ; P a r k e , Festivals, 1 2 5 - 3 5 ; S i m o n , Festivals, 1 0 1 - 8 ; C s a p o / S l a t e r , p p . 1 0 3 - 2 1 . 3. M L 2 4 6 = F o r n a r a 9 8 ; I s o c r a t e s On the Peace 8 . 8 2 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I I I . 3 5 A ; S c h o l i u m t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 5 0 4 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I I I . 3 5 B ; C o n n o r , 'City Dionysia a n dA t h e n i a n Democracy'; Goldhill, 'Great Dionysia'. 4. S e e G a n t z , ' A i s c h y l e a n T e t r a l o g y ' . 5. F l i n t o f f , ' U n i t y ' ; M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie'. 6. B r o a d h e a d , l v - l x ; G a n t z , ' A i s c h y l e a n T e t r a l o g y ' , 1 3 4 . 7. T h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians r e p o r t s A e s c h y l u s ' v i c t o r y i n 4 7 2 a n d i t i s c o n f i r m e d b y a n i n s c r i p t i o n . F o r t h e j u d g i n g of t r a g i c c o m p e t i t i o n s , see P i c k a r d ¬ C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 9 5 - 9 ; C s a p o / S l a t e r , p p . 1 5 7 - 6 5 . 8. Life of Aeschylus 1 3 s a y s h e w o n t h i r t e e n v i c t o r i e s . T h e S u d a , a t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD e n c y c l o p a e d i a , c l a i m s h e w o n 2 8 (s.v. A e s c h y l u s ) . 9. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 0 - 1 . 10. F o r A e s c h y l u s ' b i o g r a p h y , s e e P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 1-7. TrGF 3 pp. 31-108 collects t h e evidence. 11. Life of Aeschylus 1 1 = C s a p o / S l a t e r 1 . 2 3 a . FGE ' A e s c h y l u s ' I I i d e n t i f i e s it as a forgery. 12. L e f k o w i t z , Lives, 6 7 - 7 4 . 13. A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 1 . 2 1 D - 2 2 A = C s a p o / S l a t e r I V . 3 0 4 . 14. S o m e t h i n k t h a t A e s c h y l u s p l a y e d t h e Q u e e n a n d X e r x e s b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t a p p e a r t o g e t h e r w h e n t h e d r a m a l e a d s u s t o e x p e c t t h a t t h e y w i l l (e.g. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 1 3 8 ) . T h i s i s a n i n a d e q u a t e r e a s o n ( T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 0 ) . M c C a l l , A e s c h y l u s i n t h e Per sad, 4 7 a r g u e s t h a t A e s c h y l u s played these roles because t h e y required his a u t h o r i t y t o w i n s y m p a t h y . 15. S e e W i l s o n , Khoregeia, e s p . 7 1 - 1 0 3 . 16. T h e Fasti r e c o r d t h a t P e r i c l e s p r o d u c e d t h e Persians (TrGF 1 p p . 2 2 - 5 ) . 17. S e e P o d l e c k i , Pericles, 1 - 1 0 . 18. S e e G i l l i s , Collaboration, 4 5 - 5 8 . 19. S e e S t o r e y , Eupolis, 1 1 4 - 1 6 . 20. F o r t h e e x t e n t o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , s e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander 172-83. 21. S e e L e w i s , ' T y r a n n y o f t h e P i s i s t r a t i d a e ' ; L a v e h e , Fame, Money, and Power. 22. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 5 5 - 6 ; T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 5 3 . 3 - 5 9 ; cf. [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 1 8 .

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Notes to pages 17-23 23. S e e T a y l o r , Tyrant Slayers; O b e r , ' T y r a n t - K i l l i n g ' . 24. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 6 6 - 9 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 1 ; A n d r e w e s , ' R e f o r m B i l l ' ; O s t w a l d , ' R e f o r m ' ; M a n v i l l e , Origins, 1 5 7 - 2 0 9 ; O b e r , 'Athenian Revolution'. 25. PMG 8 9 3 , 8 9 6 , t r a n s l a t e d a n d d i s c u s s e d i n T a y l o r , Tyrant Slayers, 2 2 - 3 5 ; V l a s t o s , ' I s o n o m i a ' , a n d O s t w a l d , Nomos, 9 6 - 1 7 3 o f f e r d i f f e r e n t f o r m u l a t i o n s o f t h e p r i n c i p l e o f isonomia. 26. K u h r t , ' E a r t h a n d W a t e r ' . 27. G e o r g e s , ' P e r s i a n I o n i a ' ; M u r r a y , ' I o n i a n R e v o l t ' ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 4 6 - 5 6 . 28. F o r t h e P e r s i a n - i n s t a l l e d t y r a n t s , see A u s t i n , ' G r e e k T y r a n t s ' ; G e o r g e s , 'Persian Ionia', 10-23. 29. H o m e r Iliad 5 . 5 9 - 6 4 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 1 2 . 3 . 30. C y b e b e i s a L y d i a n v e r s i o n o f t h e g o d d e s s k n o w n i n G r e e c e a s C y b e l e . S e e R o l l e r , God the Mother, e s p . 6 3 - 1 8 6 . 31. X e r x e s , P e r s e p o l i s H = K e n t 1 5 0 - 2 = B r o s i u s 1 9 1 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 5 5 0 - 3 , 9 6 5 - 6 . 32. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 2 1 . 2 n a m e s t h e p l a y a s i f i t s t i t l e w e r e t h e Capture of Miletus, a s d o t h e l a t e r w r i t e r s P l u t a r c h (Moral Essays 8 1 4 A - B 5 ) a n d A e l i a n (Various History 1 3 . 1 7 ) . M a n y d o u b t t h a t t h i s w a s t h e a c t u a l t i t l e . 33. R o s e n b l o o m , ' S h o u t i n g " F i r e " ', 1 7 0 - 2 ; R o i s m a n , ' P h r y n i c h u s ' Sack of Miletus' a r g u e s f o r a d a t e a f t e r 4 7 9 . 34. D i o n y s i u s o f H a l i c a r n a s s u s Roman Antiquities 6 . 3 4 . 1 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1.93.3. N o t a l l agree t h a t T h e m i s t o c l e s w a s A r c h o n o r t h a t h e b e g a n t o f o r t i f y P i r a e u s i n 4 9 3 / 2 . F o r t h e c a s e a g a i n s t b o t h , see F o r n a r a , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' . F o r t h e c a s e i n f a v o u r , see L e w i s , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' . 35. F o r r e s t , ' T h e m i s t o k l e s a n d A r g o s ' , 2 3 5 ; P o d l e c k i , Themistocles, 6 - 7 . C f . A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s Roman History 2 8 . 1 - 3 - 4 . 36. E l s e , Origin and Early Form, 7 4 - 5 ; L l o y d - J o n e s , ' E a r l y G r e e k T r a g e d y ' , 232. 37. S e e S u t e r , ' L a m e n t ' . 38. P l a t o Republic 6 0 4 e 5 - 6 , 6 0 6 b l ; cf. G o r g i a s Helen 1 1 . 9 ( D - K ) ; T i m o c l e s , Women at the Dionysia f r . 6 ( K - A ) ; R o s e n b l o o m , ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , a n d H e g e m o n y ' , 101-3. 39. A r i s t o t l e Rhetoric 1 3 8 6 a - b ; Poetics 1 4 5 3 a 6 ; K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, 2 7 - 1 0 4 . F o r t h e c o m f o r t s o f p i t y , see P u c c i , Violence of Pity, 1 7 1 - 4 . 40. A r i s t o t l e Rhe£oncl386a27-8; S t a n f o r d , Greek Tragedy and the Emotions, 21-48. 41. F o r t h e r a r i t y o f h i s t o r i c a l d r a m a a t A t h e n s , s e e C a s t e l l a n i , ' C l i o v s . Melpomene'. 42. S e e G r u n d y , Great Persian War, 1 6 2 - 9 4 ; G r e e n , Greco-Persian Wars, 3 0 - 4 0 ; B u r n , Persia and the Greeks, 2 3 6 - 5 7 ; H a m m o n d , ' E x p e d i t i o n o f D a t i s a n d A r t a p h r e n e s ' ; L a z e n b y , Defence, 4 5 - 8 0 . 43. F o r X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , s e e G r u n d y , Great Persian War; H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion; G r e e n , Greco-Persian Wars; B u r n , Persia and the Greeks; H a m m o n d , ' T h e E x p e d i t i o n o f X e r x e s ' ; Y o u n g , ' A P e r s i a n P e r s p e c t i v e ' ; L a z e n b y , Defence; S t r a u s s , Battle of Salamis. 44. M a u r i c e , ' T h e S i z e o f t h e A r m y o f X e r x e s ' , a r g u e s t h a t 2 1 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e and 75,000 animals were the m a x i m u m supportable. Y o u n g , ' A Persian Perspective', c o u n t e r s t h a t e v e n t h e s e n u m b e r s w o u l d h a v e b e e n i m p o s s i b l e ; cf. B a r k w o r t h , ' O r g a n i z a t i o n ' . S e e f u r t h e r L a z e n b y , Defence, 9 0 - 2 ; H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 3 4 5 - 5 5 .

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Notes to pages 24-30 45. M L 2 2 3 = F o r n a r a 5 5 . F o r i t s a u t h e n t i c i t y , see J a m e s o n , ' W a i t i n g f o r t h e Barbarian', and 'Provisions for Mobilization'; H a m m o n d , 'Herodotus V I I and t h e D e c r e e o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' d a t e s t h e d e c r e e t o S e p t e m b e r 4 8 1 . H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 5 8 - 6 8 c o n s i d e r s i t a f o r g e r y . 46. S e e T h o m p s o n , ' A t h e n s F a c e s A d v e r s i t y ' ; S h e a r , ' T h e D e m o l i s h e d T e m p l e a t E l e u s i s ' ; ' T h e P e r s i a n D e s t r u c t i o n o f A t h e n s ' ; P e d r i z e t , ' L e Témoignage d'Eschyle'. 47. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 1 2 6 - 3 4 , 3 3 8 - 4 7 , 5 2 2 - 3 7 , 8 1 0 - 2 9 ; Seven against Thebes 2 8 7 - 3 6 8 ; F e r r a r i , ' T h e I l i o u p e r s i s i n A t h e n s ' . 48. E . g . K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 4 . 49. S t r a u s s , The Battle of Salamis, 1 0 9 - 1 1 . 50. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 0 3 - 8 . 51. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' V I I I , I X , X X ( a ) ; S i m o n i d e s f r . 5 3 1 PMG. 52. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X V I , X V I I I , X X ( a ) ; cf. P i n d a r f r . 7 7 ; R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 5 8 - 8 9 . 53. S e e R u t h e r f o r d , ' T o w a r d s a C o m m e n t a r y ' , 3 5 - 8 ; W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i vivus'; Sider, ' F r a g m e n t s 1-22 W 2 ' , 13-17 f o r t r a n s l a t i o n s o f t h e p a p y r u s fragments. 54. W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , 3 - 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p o e m c o n t a i n e d a prophecy of the O l d M a n of Sea. 55. S e e S i d e r ' F r a g m e n t s 1-22 W 2 ' , 2 8 - 9 f o r t e x t a n d t r a n s l a t i o n . 56. F o r a n o v e r v i e w o f t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , see R u t h e r f o r d , ' T o w a r d s a C o m m e n tary', 38-41. 57. B r a c k e t s i n d i c a t e r e s t o r e d o r c o n j e c t u r e d w o r d s . 58. W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , 8 - 9 i n f e r s f r o m Plataea f r . 1 4 . 5 - 8 t h e p o e m w a s performed after the f o r m a t i o n of the A t h e n i a n empire and prophesied t h a t A r e s w o u l d drive the Persians f r o m A s i a ; see also F l o w e r , ' F r o m S i m o n i d e s t o Isocrates', 66-9. I find t h i s doubtful. 59. L l o y d - J o n e s , ' N o t e s o n t h e N e w S i m o n i d e s ' , 1 ; S h a w , ' L o r d s o f H e l l a s , Old M e n o f t h e Sea', 1 8 0 - 1 connect A c h i l l e s a n d P a u s a n i a s . A l o n i , ' T h e P r o e m of S i m o n i d e s ' P l a t a e a Elegy', 9 8 a n d Boedeker, 'Paths t o H e r o i z a t i o n a t Plataea', 157-8 argue t h a t Achilles figures the collective dead. 60. A l o n i , ' T h e P r o e m o f S i m o n i d e s ' P l a t a e a E l e g y ' , 9 3 - 1 0 5 ; B o e d e k e r , ' P a t h s to H e r o i z a t i o n a t Plataea'. See also S i m o n i d e s ' song for t h e d e a d a t T h e r m o p y l a e ( f r . 5 3 1 PMG). 61. S e e B o e d e k e r , ' H e r o i c H i s t o r i o g r a p h y ' , 1 2 4 - 7 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 58-66 views the theme as a Greek inversion of Persian propaganda, vengeance for t h e sack o f T r o y . 62. S e e B o e d e k e r , ' P r o t e s i l a u s a n d t h e E n d o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories'; M o l e s , 'Herodotus W a r n s the Athenians'; Dewald, ' W a n t o n Kings, Pickled Heroes, and Gnomic Founding Fathers'; Desmond, 'Punishments a n dt h e Conclusion o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories'; F l o w e r / M a r i n c o l a , Histories IX, 3 0 9 . 63. P e r s i a n b o o t y w a s a s i g n i f i c a n t a d d i t i o n t o A t h e n s ' w e a l t h a n d a n i m p e t u s t o a n e w l e v e l o f m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . S e e M i l l e r , Athens and Persia, 3 2 - 6 2 . 64. F o r n a r a 6 1 , c o l l e c t s t h e s o u r c e s . S e e L a n g , ' S c a p e g o a t P a u s a n i a s ' ; Evans, 'The M e d i s m of Pausanias'. 65. S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 8 5 2 - 7 6 ; Mossé, Alexander, 6 6 - 7 2 . 66. A v e r s i o n : A r c h i l o c h u s f r . 1 9 ( W e s t ) ; d e s i r e / i m i t a t i o n : H y b r i a s f r . 9 0 9 (PMG). S e e M c G l e w , Tyranny and Political Culture, 1 4 - 5 1 ; W o h l , Love among the Ruins, 2 1 5 - 6 9 . 67. Badián, ' T h u c y d i d e s a n d t h e O u t b r e a k ' , 1 3 0 ; cf. F o r n a r a , ' S o m e A s p e c t s ' , 2 6 6 . F o r t h e a s s e s s m e n t o f t r i b u t e , s e e T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 6 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of

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Notes to pages 30-35 Aristides 2 4 . 3 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 7 . 1 ; ATL 3 . 2 3 4 - 4 3 ; M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 5 0 - 6 7 . F o r P e r s i a n t r i b u t e , see H e r o d o t u s 3 . 9 0 . 1 ; 6 . 4 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 3 8 8 - 4 2 1 . 68. E h r e n b e r g , From Solon to Socrates, 1 1 5 ; R o b e r t s o n ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 6 4 - 9 . S e e R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, e s p . 1 3 7 - 4 6 f o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w . B r u n t , 'The Hellenic League', 158 describes the tribute as 'an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e amendm e n t ' . I c o n s i d e r t h i s v i e w a n a c h r o n i s t i c . P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 2 4 . 1 c l a i m s t h a t the alliance against Xerxes levied payments from its members, but i t is more likely that each ally was self-supporting. 69. V a n W e e s , Status Warriors, 1 8 3 - 9 0 . S e e H o m e r Iliad 3 . 2 8 1 - 9 1 , 4 5 6 - 6 0 ; cf. 7 . 3 6 1 - 4 . S e e f u r t h e r , X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 2 . 2 8 ; Education of Cyrus 7 . 5 . 7 2 - 3 . 70. R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 1 7 6 - 7 d a t e s i t t h e P e l o p o n n e s i a n W a r . 71. F o r n a r a / S a m o n s , Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 1 0 9 . 72. S e e ATL 3 . 1 8 5 . C a w k w e l l , ' F a l l o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' , 4 1 s e e s s u c h e x t o r t i o n as ' n a t u r a l ' . 73. T i m o c r e o n f r . 7 2 7 (PMG). ATL 3 . 1 8 5 i n t e r p r e t i t a s a c o m m u n a l p e n a l t y . Timocreon represents it as a private payment to repatriate h i m . 74. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 7 4 m a k e s t h e l e a g u e e x c l u s i v e l y p u n i t i v e ; t h i s was one i m p o r t a n t dimension of it. Sealey, 'The Origin', likewise reduces the league to a single function, piratical raids. 75. T h e P e r s i a n s c o n s i d e r e d A p o l l o t h e q u i n t e s s e n t i a l G r e e k g o d ( M L 2 1 2 = F o r n a r a 3 5 ) ; s e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 4 9 1 - 3 . F o r p o s s i b l e r e f l e c t i o n s o f D e l i a n Apollo i n A t h e n i a n vase-painting of the period, see Shapiro, 'Athena, Apollo, and Religious Propaganda'. 76. O s b o r n e , ' A r c h a e o l o g y a n d t h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , 3 2 4 . 77. S e e P r i t c h e t t , ' T h e T r a n s f e r o f t h e D e l i a n T r e a s u r y ' . 78. C f . R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 7 1 - 3 . 79. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e , C o n t i n u e d ' , 1 1 9 - 2 0 . M o s t s c h o l a r s a c c e p t a d e m o c r a t i c l e a g u e . M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 6 - 9 s u m m a r i z e s t h e c o n s e n s u s ; cf. R h o d e s , Athenian Empire, 6 - 7 . 80. S c h o l i u m t o A e s c h i n e s On the False Embassy 2 . 3 1 = F o r n a r a 6 2 . B a d i a n , ' T o w a r d s a Chronology', 81-6 accepts t h e t e s t i m o n y . Thucydides, w h o k n e w t h e region well, omits this attempt a t colonization (4.102). 81. FGE X L . A e s c h i n e s Against Ctesiphon 3 . 1 8 4 - 5 a n d P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 4 - 5 q u o t e t h e m i n a d i f f e r e n t o r d e r . 82. P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 5 . 4 . T h e d a t e i s c e r t a i n ; t h e p l a y i s n o t . 83. L l o y d - J o n e s , ' P r o b l e m s ' , 2 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e Persians w a s b a s e d o n a p l a y p e r f o r m e d w i t h t h e Phoenician Women. T h e S u d a s.v. P h r y n i c h u s n a m e s t h e s e p l a y s Just Men o r Persians o r Throne Partners. 84. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 1 0 5 . 2 ; X e n o p h o n Education of Cyrus 7 . 5 . 5 8 - 6 5 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 7 0 - 7 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 1 5 7 - 9 ; H o r n b l o w e r , ' P a n i o n i o s ' , esp. 5 0 - 7 . 85. C f . H a l l , ' A s i a U n m a n n e d ' , 1 1 5 - 1 6 . 86. T h i s i s s u p p o s e d l y b a s e d o n P h r y n i c h u s TrGF 1 F l O a . S e e S t o s s l , 'Aeschylus as a Political T h i n k e r ' , 116. 87. F o r r e s t , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s a n d A r g o s ' , 2 3 5 - 7 ; P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 1 4 - 1 5 . 88. S e e L e n a r d o n , ' C h r o n o l o g y ' ; P o d l e c k i , Themistocles 1 9 7 - 8 . 89. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 1 7 6 - 7 ; B o e d e k e r , ' H e r o C u l t ' . 90. P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 8 . 5 - 6 ; Life of Theseus 3 6 . 2 - 3 ; P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 6 ; P o d l e c k i , ' C i m o n , S k y r o s a n d " T h e s e u s ' B o n e s " '. 91. P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 2 - 3 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Theseus 3 6 . 1 .

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Notes to pages 35-43 92. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 6 9 . 93. S h a p i r o , ' T h e s e u s i n K i m o n i a n A t h e n s ' , 3 3 - 9 . 94. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e , C o n t i n u e d ' , 1 1 0 . 95. F o r t h e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e p e r i o d 4 7 8 - 4 3 5 , see U n z , ' C h r o n o l o g y ' ; B a d i a n , 'Towards a Chronology'. 96. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 0 0 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 1 2 - 1 3 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 6 0 . 3 ¬ 6 2 ; M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 7 3 - 8 4 . 97. S e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 2 - 9 . 98. S e e E u b e n , ' T h e B a t t l e o f S a l a m i s a n d t h e O r i g i n s o f P o l i t i c a l T h e o r y ' , 363-8; H a l l , 12. 99. F o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w , see v a n W e e s , ' P o l i t i c s a n d t h e B a t t l e f i e l d ' , 1 5 7 - 6 1 . 100. F o r t h e s e c r i t e r i a , see F i n l e y , ' E m p i r e i n t h e G r e c o - R o m a n W o r l d ' , 1-8. 101. F o r t h e m e t h o d s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , s e e M e i g g s , Athenian Empire 2 0 5 - 3 3 9 ; R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 1 1 8 - 6 5 . F i n l e y , ' T h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , 42-3 argues convincingly against a discrete change f r o m h e g e m o n y to e m p i r e . 2. Fear 1. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' A W o r d i n Persae. 2. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 7 6 - 7 . 3. F o r hybris a s v a u n t i n g a n d c o n f i d e n t m i l i t a r i s m , see e.g. A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes 3 9 7 - 4 0 7 . 4. S a i d , ' T r a g e d i e e t R e n v e r s e m e n t ' , 3 2 9 . F o r t h e Persians' d e b t t o H o m e r , see S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 2 6 0 - 9 . 5. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1.6 = K e n t 1 1 9 = B r o s i u s 4 4 . 6 , l i s t s 2 3 l a n d s a n d p e o p l e s u p o n his accession. Later, h e lists 30 (Naqs-i R u s t a m A . 3 = K e n t 138 a n d Susa E = Brosius 46.3). X e r x e s lists 3 1 (Persepolis H.3 = K e n t 151 = Brosius 191.3). S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 7 2 - 8 3 . H e r o d o t u s 3 . 8 9 - 9 4 l i s t s 2 0 t r i b u t e - b e a r i n g provinces a n d some 65 peoples. 6. X e n o p h a n e s Elegies f r . 3 ( W e s t ) ; H e r o d o t u s 1 . 9 4 . 1 ; cf. 1 . 1 5 5 . 2 - 4 ; K u r k e , Coins, Bodies, Games, and Gold, 1 6 5 - 7 1 . 7. T h a t t h e M y s i a n s f o u g h t w i t h t h e T r o j a n s ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 8 5 8 - 6 1 ) m a y h a v e i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r i n c l u s i o n . T h e f i n a l l a m e n t o f t h e Persians i s M y s i a n (1054). 8. H e c a t a e u s c o u l d b e A e s c h y l u s ' s o u r c e f o r P e r s i a n t r i b u t e s ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 3 6 . 2 ; c f . 5 . 4 9 ) , t h o u g h H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 4 - 6 c o g e n t l y a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians' d e b t t o H e c a t a e u s i s s m a l l . 9. S e e K o n s t a n , ' P e r s i a n s , G r e e k s , a n d E m p i r e ' . 10. F o r t h e n a m e s i n t h e p l a y , s e e S i d g w i c k , 6 6 - 8 ; B r o a d h e a d , 3 1 8 - 2 1 ; L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , 8 4 - 8 ; S c h m i d t , Iranier-Namen; B a l c e r , Prosopographical Study. 11. X e r x e s m a r r i e d A m e s t r i s , d a u g h t e r o f O t a n e s . H e h a d a t l e a s t o n e marriageable son w i t h her i n 479, D a r i u s (Herodotus 9.108), and m a n y sons w i t h o t h e r w o m e n (8.103; 7.39.1). A t the t i m e o f his accession, X e r x e s h a d a n infant daughter n a m e d R a t a s a h (Brosius 162). 12. S e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 2 - 3 . 13. Hybris t u r n s t o ate w h e n i t s d i s a s t r o u s c o n s e q u e n c e s b e c o m e a p p a r e n t . S e e H o m e r Iliad 1 . 2 0 2 - 1 4 , 4 0 7 - 1 2 ; 9 . 1 6 - 2 8 ; N e u b u r g , Ate R e c o n s i d e r e d ' , 5 0 2 ; see a l s o P a d e l , Whom Gods Destroy, 1 6 7 - 2 0 2 , 2 4 9 - 5 9 . 14. F o r T y p h o , see H e s i o d Theogony 8 2 0 - 8 0 ; [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 3 5 1 - 7 2 ; M o r e a u , Eschyle: la violence et la chaos, 1 4 8 - 5 0 c o m p a r e s X e r x e s a n d Typho.

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Notes to pages 43-48 15. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 4 1 - 4 ; F o n t e n r o s e , The Delphic Oracle, 1 2 4 - 8 believes t h a t Aeschylus influenced Herodotus (128 n . 9). 16.1 f o l l o w Müller i n p l a c i n g 9 3 - 1 0 1 a f t e r 1 1 3 . T h e s e l i n e s f i t b e s t a f t e r t h e statement o f Xerxes' deviation; see Broadhead, 53-5. T h e translators Benardete, S m y t h , and Lembke/Herington transpose the lines. F o r arguments a g a i n s t t r a n s p o s i t i o n , see G r o e n e b o o m , 3 0 - 1 ; H a l l , 1 1 5 - 1 6 , w h o d o e s n o t t r a n s p o s e . N o r d o e s P o d l e c k i , Persians. 17. S c o t t , ' T h e M e s o d e ' , a r g u e s t h a t t h e G r e e k s a r e t h e s u b j e c t o f t h i s r e f l e c t i o n ; s e e a l s o S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 6 - 7 ; G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 49, 183-4 n . 5. 18. M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 8 - 9 . G a r v i e , ' A e s c h y l u s ' S i m p l e P l o t s ' , 6 7 - 7 0 downplays 'the m o r a l lesson' of the play, c l a i m i n g t h a t Aeschylus could have developed i t i n the parodos (67). 19. S e e H o l t s m a r k , ' R i n g C o m p o s i t i o n ' , 1 1 - 1 2 ; M i l l e r Tngenium a n d Ars' 78-81; W i l s o n , 'Territoriality', 53-7 f o rt h e contrast between n a t u r a l a n d learned activity a t 102-13. 20. S e e R o s e n b l o o m , ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , H e g e m o n y ' , 9 3 - 8 . 21. R i n g c o m p o s i t i o n i s t h e b a s i c s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t o f t h e Persians. S e e Holtsmark, 'Ring Composition'. 22. S e e H e r o d o t u s 3 . 6 6 . 1 ; 8 . 9 9 . 2 , w h e r e P e r s i a n s r e n d t h e i r chitönes a f t e r X e r x e s ' d e f e a t ; cf. S a p p h o f r . 1 4 0 a ( L o b e l / P a g e ) . 23. F o r l i n e n c o r s e l e t s , see P a g e , Sappho andAlcaeus, 2 1 5 - 1 6 ; f o r t h e I o n i a n t u n i c , see H e r o d o t u s 5 . 8 8 . 1 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 6 . 3 ; B a c o n , Barbarians, 2 6 - 3 1 . 24. M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 1 6 9 - 7 1 . A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 1 3 4 c a l l s a t r i r e m e ' a l i n e n - s t i t c h e d h o u s e ' . T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 5 c a l l s t h e h u l l o f a trireme 'linen-bound flanks'. 25. F o r t h e i m a g e o f t h e y o k e , s e e F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s I m a g e r y ' , 3 - 6 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition 8 1 - 7 . 26. F o r t h e Persians a s a p l a y a b o u t hybris, s e e J o n e s , On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy, 7 2 ; K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 6 . 27. C f . T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 3 0 - 1 , w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o A t h e n s ' i n v a s i o n o f S i c i l y i n 4 1 5 . 28. S e e H a l l , 1 1 8 - 1 9 . S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 1 0 9 - 1 4 d i s c u s s e s physical and ideological l i n k s between council houses and tombs of ancestral h e r o e s . H a r m o n , ' T h e S c e n e o f t h e Persians' s e t s t h e p l a y a t t h e c i t y - g a t e s o f Susa, w h e r e eastern cities held councils a n d b u r i e d t h e i r dead. B u t the play n e v e r m e n t i o n s c i t y - g a t e s ; a n d t h e Persians d o e s n o t d e m a n d t h i s k i n d o f accuracy; the play locates D a r i u s ' t o m b i n Susa, w h e n i n fact h e w a s b u r i e d n e a r P e r s e p o l i s . F o r m o r e o n D a r i u s ' t o m b , see C h a p t e r 4 . 29. D a l e , ' I n t e r i o r S c e n e s ' , 2 6 0 - 2 s e e s t h e skene a n d t h e t o m b a s t h e s a m e s t r u c t u r e . C f . H a r m o n , ' T h e S c e n e o f t h e Persians', 9 . A r n o t t , Greek Scenic Conventions, 5 8 a r g u e s t h a t t h e c o u n c i l h o u s e a n d t h e t o m b c a n n o t b e i d e n t i c a l b e c a u s e stegos i s t o o v a g u e a t e r m a n d t h e t o m b i s n o t m e n t i o n e d u n t i l t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e p l a y . A s T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 0 6 n o t e s , h o w e v e r , t h e p l a y avoids prior preparation for the ghost-raising: it isa surprise. 30. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Theatre of Dionysus, 3 5 . 31. P r i c k a r d , 5 3 a n d M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 5 5 i d e n t i f y t h e skene w i t h t h e r o y a l palace. 32. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 4 5 3 - 4 t h i n k s t h e s c e n e c h a n g e s f r o m a n i m a g i n e d council chamber t o D a r i u s ' t o m b after the first stasimon. S e e also Belloni, 105-6. 33. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 ; T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 4 5 2 - 9 ; B e l l o n i , 1 0 5 - 6 ; H a m m o n d , ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 1 - 1 2 ; W e s t , Studies, 4 8 . H a m -

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Notes to pages 48-52 mond, 'Conditions o fD r a m a t i c Production', 425-7 t h i n k s that a r u d i m e n t a r y skene, a c o v e r e d s t a l l o p e n a t t h e f r o n t a n d s i d e s , r e p r e s e n t e d t h e c o u n c i l h o u s e . T h e b e l i e f t h a t a skene w a s n o t u s e d r e s t s u p o n a n i n s u f f i c i e n t s a m p l i n g o f p l a y s . 34.1 a g r e e w i t h W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 3 a n d B r o a d h e a d , xlv. 35. W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 8 - 5 1 s e t s t h e a c t i o n a t t h e council-chamber, t h e n a t Darius' tomb, and finally o n a country road. C f . Broadhead, xlvi. 36. K i t t o , Greek Drama, 3 7 ; B r o a d h e a d , x l v . 37. S e e C o n n o r , ' L a n d W a r f a r e a s S y m b o l i c E x p r e s s i o n ' , 2 6 . 38. D a r i u s r e p r e s e n t e d h i s p o w e r i n t e r m s o f t h e s p e a r : N a q s - i R u s t a m A . 4 = Brosius 48.4; Naqs-i R u s t a m B . 8 h = Brosius 103.9. 39. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 7 - 8 s u g g e s t s t h a t a c t o r s ' e n t r a n c e s i n t e r r u p t t h e epodes o f the chorus' h y m n (673-80) a n d the second s t a s i m o n (898-907). 40. H o m e r Odyssey 3 . 1 3 7 - 4 0 ; 8 . 4 8 7 - 9 1 ; 2 0 . 1 7 8 - 8 2 . 41. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 7 0 - 1 p r e f e r s 1 5 5 . 42. X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 2 . 1 3 . H e r o d o t u s s a y s t h a t e q u a l s k i s s e d o n t h e lips, near equals kissed o n the cheek, a n d the 'far m o r e ignoble' p e r f o r m e d proskynesis b e f o r e t h e i r s u p e r i o r s ( 1 . 1 3 4 . 1 ) . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 2 2 - 3 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian 9 6 - 7 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 7 - 8 ; Couch, 'Proskynesis'. 43. H e r o d o t u s 7 . 5 6 . 2 , 2 0 3 . 2 d e n y X e r x e s ' d i v i n i t y ; G o r g i a s f r . 5 a ( D - K ) : 'Xerxes i s Zeus o f the Persians'; Gow, 'Notes', 134-6. 44. F o r d i f f e r i n g v i e w s o f t h i s m e t r e i n t h e p l a y , s e e D r e w - B e a r , ' T r o c h a i c T e t r a m e t e r ' , 3 8 5 - 9 3 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition 4 1 - 6 4 . 45. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 s e e s t h i s a s t h e Q u e e n ' s ' d a r k s i d e ' , b u t i t typifies the female perspective i n G r e e k thought. Cf. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, 'Exist Atossa', 24: 'there i s really n o t h i n g P e r s i a n i n her behaviour'. 46. S e e B r o a d h e a d , 2 6 0 - 3 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 8 8 - 9 2 ; H a l l , 1 2 2 - 3 . M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s closest t o F o w l e r , 'Aeschylus' I m a g e r y ' , 8 a n d G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 1 8 0 - 1 n . 3 5 . 47. S a n s o n e 'Persae 1 6 3 ' , 1 1 5 - 1 6 r e l a t e s t h e i m a g e t o w r e s t l i n g , a n d l i k e B e l l o n i , 1 1 1 , a r g u e s t h a t t h e d u s t a r i s e s f r o m a f a l l . I t h i n k t h a t Ploutos c h u r n s u p t h e d u s t i n i t s a g g r e s s i o n a n d olbos i s s u b v e r t e d b y i t s d e f e a t . 48. G r o e n e b o o m , 4 6 - 7 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 7 6 - 7 . 49. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 1 8 0 : T s e e d u s t , t h e v o i c e l e s s m e s s e n g e r o f a n a r m y ' ; Seven against Thebes 7 8 - 8 2 . 50. P a i r e d a t Iliad 1 6 . 5 9 4 - 6 ; 2 4 . 5 3 4 - 4 2 ; Odyssey 1 4 . 2 0 4 - 6 . F o r t h e m e a n i n g o f olbos a n d olbios ( ' b l e s s e d ' , ' p r o s p e r o u s ' ) i n H o m e r , s e e Odyssey 4 . 2 0 4 - 1 1 ; 7.146-50; 24.36-94. 51. S e e T h e o g n i s Elegies 3 7 3 - 8 2 ( W e s t ) , w h i c h b e r a t e s Z e u s f o r a l l o w i n g h y b r i s t i c a n d u n j u s t m e n olbos w h i l e g o o d a n d j u s t m e n a r e p o o r . 52. H e s i o d Theogony 9 6 8 - 7 4 ; H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 9 ; H o m e r i c Hymn to Gaea. S e e f u r t h e r C h a p t e r 5 . 53. S e e I m m e r w a h r , Form and Thought, 1 5 4 - 6 1 ; C h i a s s o n , ' T h e H e r o d o t e a n S o l o n ' ; H a r r i s o n , Divinity and History, 3 1 - 6 3 . 54. Anandros m e a n s w i t h o u t a h u s b a n d ( 2 8 9 ) , w i t h o u t m e n ( 2 9 8 ) , w i t h o u t m a n l i n e s s o r c o u r a g e (cf. anandria, 7 5 5 ) . M o s t t a k e chrematon anandron t o m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t m e n ' , e.g. M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 8 8 - 9 0 , w h o t r a n s l a t e s ' a m a s s o f u n m a n n e d possessions' (89). Belloni, 112-13 takes i t to m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t a m a n ' (i.e. X e r x e s ) ; B r o a d h e a d , 262-3, t h i n k s t h e t r a i n o f t h o u g h t i n c l u d e s b o t h . I a g r e e w i t h H a l l , 1 2 2 t h a t plethos m e a n s ' t h e m a s s e s ' , b u t I t a k e

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Notes to pages 52-57 chrêmatôn anandrôn t o m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t m a n l i n e s s ' , t h a t i s , ' n o t d e r i v e d f r o m conquest'. G r o e n e b o o m , 47-8 notes t h a t t h e Q u e e n relates a m a n ' s 'excell e n c e ' (arete) t o w e a l t h . 55. C f . T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , e s p . 2 7 6 . 56. F o r ' e y e ' a s t h e s o u r c e f r o m w h i c h g r a p e s g r o w , see A l c m a n f r . 9 3 (PMG); I o n o f C h i o s Elegies f r . 2 6 ( W e s t ) . X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 1 9 . 1 0 u s e s ' e y e s ' o f t h e s h o o t s o f f r u i t t r e e s . S e e S o p h o c l e s Electra 4 1 7 - 2 3 f o r a n i m a g e i n v o l v i n g a cognate idea. 57. F o r t h e ' e y e o f t h e h o u s e ' a s t h e m a l e h e i r , s e e A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 9 3 4 . H a l l , 1 2 2 i n t e r p r e t s ' e y e o f t h e h o u s e ' a s t h e m a s t e r ' s p r e s e n c e w h i c h e n s u r e s t h e p r o p e r u s e o f w e a l t h . X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 1 2 . 1 9 - 2 0 relates t h i s concept t o t h e P e r s i a n k i n g . B e l l o n i , 112 sees t h e Queen's double fear as embracing w e a l t h i n the absence o f a m a s t e r a n d the inability t o generate power f r o m t h a t w e a l t h . B u t the idea u n d e r l y i n g the Queen's fear is t h a t X e r x e s i s i r r e p l a c e a b l e a s despotes: n e i t h e r t h e Q u e e n a n d D a r i u s n o r X e r x e s has a son to succeed h i m . 58. H e r o d o t u s d e p i c t s X e r x e s ' b i r t h f r o m A t o s s a , d a u g h t e r o f C y r u s , a s decisive for his accession (7.3.4). A e s c h y l u s calls h e r 'Queen', never s t a t i n g h e r name or parentage. 59. F o r t h e s e m e t a p h o r s , see A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 8 0 7 - 1 1 ; cf. 1 3 0 - 1 , 859-65, 961-4. 60. S e e M o r e a u , ' L ' o e i l maléfique'. 61. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 7 1 3 - 1 8 ; M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 1 4 8 - 9 n. 22. 62. B e l l o n i , 1 1 5 ; S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g , lYaunâ\ 63. 1 8 7 , 2 5 5 , 3 3 7 , 3 9 1 , 4 2 3 , 4 3 4 , 4 7 5 , 8 4 4 . F o r t h i s l o a n w o r d m e a n i n g ' m u m b l e ' o r ' s t a m m e r ' , s e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 3 - 1 9 . 64. S e e C a r t l e d g e , The Greeks, 4 5 - 6 . 65. S e e H a l l , 1 2 3 f o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w . 66. B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 8 . 2 f o r ' d e l i c a t e l y l i v i n g I o n i a n s ' . S e e f u r t h e r X e n o p h a n e s Elegies f r . 3 ( W e s t ) ; A n t i p h a n e s Woman of Dodona f r . 9 1 ( K - A ) ; Alty, 'Dorians and Ionians', 7-11. 67. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 6 5 . 4 - 5 ; cf. 7 . 1 0 , 1 9 , 3 7 . 2 , 4 6 . 1 , 1 0 1 - 3 , 2 0 9 . 2 ; 9 . 4 2 . 68. G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 3 7 . 69. S e e B r o a d h e a d , 7 8 ; M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 4 0 - 1 . M e i e r , Political Art, 7 5 t h i n k s t h e y figure Greece a n d a l l b a r b a r i a n lands. B u t w h y are t h e y 'sisters o f t h e s a m e r a c e ' ? P r i c k a r d , 5 8 a n d S m y t h , Aeschylean Tragedy, 6 5 t a k e t h e m a s personifications of m a i n l a n d and eastern Greeks. 70. H e r o d o t u s 7 . 6 1 , 1 5 0 . 2 - 3 , 2 2 0 . 4 ; c f . 6 . 5 3 . 4 ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 66-71. 71. S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 7 6 - 7 ; M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie', 1 3 3 . 72. P s y c h o a n a l y t i c i n t e r p r e t e r s o f t h e d r e a m , C a l d w e l l , ' T h e P a t t e r n o f A e s c h y l e a n D r a m a ' , 7 8 - 8 3 a n d D e v e r e u x , Dreams in Greek Tragedy, 1-23 r e a d i t t o m e a n t h a t X e r x e s w a n t s t o 'possess' h i s m o t h e r a n d t h a t t h i s i s h e r a m b i v a l e n t desire too. 73. S e e S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g , ' E x i t A t o s s a ' , 2 7 - 3 0 . 74. B u r n e d ; A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 8 8 - 9 6 ; A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 6 6 1 . P o u r e d : A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 9 2 . 75. G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 3 8 - 4 0 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 4 6 - 7 n . 5 0 . 76. S e e M i k a l s o n , Herodotus and Religion, 1 1 4 - 2 5 . M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 3 9 , 46-7 suggests t h a t A p o l l o appears as the god o f prophecy a n d a s t h e god w h o s e t e m p l e a t D e l p h i the Persians sought i n v a i n to pillage (Herodotus 8.35-9).

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Notes to pages 57-67 77. A e l i o n , ' S o n g e s e t prophéties', 1 3 6 - 7 . 78. S e e K n o x , ' " S o M i s c h i e v o u s a B e a s t e " '. 79. T h e magi w e r e a M e d i a n t r i b e w h i c h f u n c t i o n e d a s r i t u a l e x p e r t s i n P e r s i a ( H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 0 1 ) . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 4 5 - 6 . 80. G r o e n e b o o m , 6 3 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 9 7 - 9 r e l a t e s i t t o t h e r o y a l hunt. 81. T h e i m a g e w a s t r a d i t i o n a l i n t h e N e a r E a s t . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 3 0 - 2 , 2 9 7 - 3 0 0 ; ' D a r i u s s e a l ' = B r o s i u s 4 3 . 82. H e r o d o t u s b a l a n c e s A t h e n i a n a n d S p a r t a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e v i c t o r y . S e e H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 6 1 - 2 . 83. C f . G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e ' , 1 9 0 - 1 . 84. S e e K a n t z i o s , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r ' , 1 4 - 1 5 . 85. H a l l , 1 2 8 c o n s i d e r s t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s h a s t e ' a j i b e ... a t t h e s p e e d w i t h w h i c h t h e P e r s i a n s fled f r o m Greece'. 3.

Pathos

1. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 7 3 - 8 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 7 4 - 5 . 2. T h e q u o t e d p h r a s e i s f r o m H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 1 5 , w h o f i n d s pleasure i n the slaughter a n essential part of the play's P e r s i a n perspective. B y c o n t r a s t , S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 8 2 t h i n k s t h a t A e s c h y l u s r e m i n d s the audience of 'their o w n atrocities'. 3. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 6 7 ; T u r n e r , Athenian Books, 9 - 1 0 . 4. C l a i r m o n t , Patrios Nomos, 1 . 7 - 1 5 d a t e s t h e o r i g i n o f t h e p r a c t i c e t o t h e l a t e 4 7 0 s . F o r t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h e s e n a m e s w e r e r e a d a l o u d , see E b b o t t , ' L i s t of the W a r Dead', 93-4. 5. S e e B a r r e t t , ' N a r r a t i v e a n d M e s s e n g e r ' , 5 5 0 - 4 f o r t h e H o m e r i c e c h o e s o f this line. 6. S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 8 5 - 7 . 7. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 1 6 - 1 7 . 8. S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 3 3 9 n . 3 1 . F o r t h e P e r s i a n s ' c l o a k s , s e e F l i n t o f f , Persians 2 7 7 ' . 9. M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie', 1 3 3 , f o r i n s t a n c e , f i n d s a n a b s e n c e o f h a t r e d i n the play. 10. C f . E u b e n , ' B a t t l e o f S a l a m i s ' , 3 6 5 . 11. A s i x t h , A m i s t r i s ( 3 2 0 ) , m a y b e i d e n t i c a l t o A m i s t r e s ( 2 1 ) . 12. H e r o d o t u s c l a i m s t h a t t h e y f o u g h t a t P l a t a e a ( 8 . 1 1 3 . 2 - 3 ; 9 . 3 1 . 3 ) . S e e Lattimore, 'Aeschylus o n the Defeat of Xerxes', 87. 13. S e e H e r o d o t u s 9 . 1 2 2 . 3 ; T h o m a s , Herodotus, 1 0 3 - 1 4 ; W o h l , Love among the Ruins, 1 7 4 - 8 8 . 14.1 a g r e e w i t h B r o a d h e a d , 1 1 5 ; M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 5 6 - 7 o n t h e n u m b e r s 1,000 a n d 300. O t h e r s add t h e fast t r i r e m e s t o t h e rest t o a r r i v e a t 1 , 2 0 7 a n d 3 1 0 r e s p e c t i v e l y , e.g. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 3 4 5 - 5 0 ; L a z e n b y , Defence of Greece, 112-A. 15. S e e e.g. H o m e r Iliad 2 2 . 2 0 9 - 1 3 . F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s ' I m a g e r y ' , 7 c o n n e c t s t h e scale w i t h t h e play's y o k e i m a g e r y . T h e b e a m o f a balance is called a 'yoke'. 16. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persae, 2 - 3 c o n s i d e r s i t t o o ' p a r o c h i a l ' ; Hall, 'Asia Unmanned', 129-30 t h i n k s that attributing salvation t o a female goddess w o u l d u n d e r m i n e t h e p o l a r i t y b e t w e e n G r e e k (male) a n d P e r s i a n (female). T h e 'Themistocles Decree' e n t r u s t s the evacuated city 'to A t h e n a w h o g u a r d s A t h e n s a n d t o a l l t h e o t h e r gods' ( M L 2 23.4-6 = F o r n a r a 55.4-6). 17. S e e f u r t h e r , E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 2 5 - 7 .

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Notes to pages 67-73 18. F o r t h i s p r o v e r b , see A l c a e u s f r r . 1 1 2 . 1 0 , 4 2 6 ( L o b e l / P a g e ) . C f . S o p h o c l e s Oedipus Tyrannus 5 6 - 7 ; T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 7 7 . 7 . 19. S e e D e t i e n n e / V e r n a n t , Cunning Intelligence, e s p . 1 1 - 2 6 . 20. H e r o d o t u s 1 . 3 2 ; 3 . 4 0 . 2 ; 4 . 2 0 5 ; X e r x e s : 7 . 1 0 e , 4 6 . 4 ; 8 . 1 0 9 . 3 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 4 5 9 - 7 4 , 1 3 3 1 - 4 2 ; M i k a l s o n , Herodotus and Religion, 1 5 0 - 2 ; Shapiro, 'Herodotus and Solon', 350-5. 21. I n H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s o r d e r s h i s P h o e n i c i a n g e n e r a l s d e c a p i t a t e d a f t e r they complain about I o n i a n betrayal a t S a l a m i s (8.90.1-3). 22. H a l l , 1 3 7 , a d o p t i n g a s u g g e s t i o n o f C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 , a r g u e s t h a t 374-83 refer t o t h e Greek navy. T h e messenger, however, i s n o t a n o m n i s c i e n t n a r r a t o r a n d does n o t k n o w w h a t t h e G r e e k s a r e doing. T h e n o c t u r n a l confidence a n d good order of the Persians as t h e y a w a i t the fleeing Greeks set u p the reversal w h e n the Greeks appear for battle a t daybreak. Herodotus reports t h a t the Persians squandered their energies at their oars a l l n i g h t (8.76), j u s t as i n the messenger's account (382-3). 23. T h u c y d i d e s 4 . 1 2 5 - 6 ; 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 , e s p . 2 9 . 4 . 24. S e e A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes 7 8 - 1 8 0 ; [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 1 1 4 - 2 7 . 25. X e n o p h o n Anabasis 4 . 3 . 1 9 ( w o m e n s h r i e k ) , 3 1 - 4 ; 5 . 2 . 1 4 . 26. E . g . H e r o d o t u s 8 . 6 4 - 5 , 8 4 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 3 . 2 - 3 , 1 5 . 1 . 27. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X V I = F o r n a r a 6 0 ; H e r o d o t u s 8 . 7 7 . 2 . 28. F o r t h e ' l i g h t o f f r e e d o m ' , see A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 8 0 7 - 1 1 . B e n v e n i s t e , Indo-European Language and Society, e s p . 2 6 2 - 7 a r g u e s f o r a r a d i c a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n ' g r o w t h ' a n d t h e r o o t o f eleutheria, *(e)leudheros. 29. A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes, 6 9 - 7 7 , 2 8 7 - 3 6 8 ; cf. S o p h o c l e s Women of Trachis 2 8 2 - 5 . 30. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 4 4 . 3 ; 8 . 8 9 . 1 - 2 , 1 2 9 . 2 ; T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 3 0 . 2 ; H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g ' , 49-56. 31. H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g ' , 6 6 - 7 a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians u s e s ' e l a b o r a t e p e r i p h rases and metaphors' to indicate the barbarians' inability to s w i m . 32. S e e D e t i e n n e / V e r n a n t , Cunning Intelligence, 2 9 6 - 7 . 33. A e s c h y l u s c o n d e n s e s t w o H o m e r i c m o d e l s , Iliad 1 6 . 4 0 1 - 1 0 a n d Odyssey 22.383-9. T h e l a t t e r is especially apt: n o t o n l y does t h e s u n k i l l t h e suitors/fish, b u t t h e s u i t o r s v i o l a t e d O d y s s e u s ' oikos a s t h e P e r s i a n s v i o l a t e d A t h e n s ' polis. 34. F o r t h o r o u g h d i s c u s s i o n s o f P s y t t a l i a , s e e S a i d , ' P o u r q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 - 1 0 2 . 35. P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 3 6 . 2 n u m b e r s t h e P e r s i a n d e a d o n P s y t t a l i a a t ' n e a r l y 4 0 0 ' . H i g n e t t , Xerxes'Invasion, 2 3 8 n . 7 r e j e c t s t h i s n u m b e r . 36. P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 2 s a y s t h a t A r i s t i d e s a n d t h e h o p l i t e s w h o occupied the island performed t h i s f u n c t i o n for the A t h e n i a n s . 37. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 4 r e a d s 4 6 3 a s ' p o e t i c v e n g e a n c e ' f o r A e s c h y lus' brother Cynegirus, w h o died after his a r m was severed by a nax w h i l e h e tried to strip the ensign from a Persian ship a t M a r a t h o n . 38. P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 1 - 2 c l a i m s t h a t s o m e ' d i s t i n g u i s h e d ' P e r s i a n s w e r e t a k e n alive a n d t h a t three o f Xerxes' nephews w e r e sacrificed to D i o n y s u s ' w h o e a t s r a w flesh'. S e e a l s o P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 3 . 2 - 3 . 39. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 1 6 - 1 7 ; C a i r n s , 'Hybrid 7 - 8 . 40. S e e a l s o P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 1 - 2 . 41. F o r n a r a , ' H o p l i t e A c h i e v e m e n t ' , 5 1 - 4 b a s e s h i s c l a i m t h a t H e r o d o t u s ' v e r s i o n is a fiction o n t h e desire to glorify hoplites, b u t A e s c h y l u s accords e v e n more glory t o hoplites/light-armed troops t h a n Herodotus. See v a n Wees, 'Politics a n d t h e B a t t l e f i e l d ' , 174 n . 16.

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Notes to pages 73-80 42. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 4 . F o r P a n , s e e B o u r g e a u d , Cult of Pan, 1 3 3 - 6 2 . P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 3 6 . 2 d e s c r i b e s r o u g h l y c a r v e d s t a t ues o f P a n o n the island. 43. S e e S a l a n i t r o , ' I I p e n s i e r o p o l i t i c o d i E s c h i l o n e i P e r s i a n i ' . S a i d , ' P o u r ¬ q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' , 6 5 - 6 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 - 8 a r e p r e f e r a b l e . 44. S a i d , ' P o u r q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' , 6 8 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 . 45. F o r t r a g e d y ' s s t a n c e t o w a r d n o b i l i t y , s e e G r i f f i t h , ' B r i l l i a n t D y n a s t s ' ; ' K i n g and Eye'. V a n Wees, 'Politics and the Battlefield', 159 takes this as a d i m i n u t i o n o f the sailors' ' m i l i t a r y credit'. 46. S e e T h u c y d i d e s 3 . 9 7 - 8 : D e m o s t h e n e s d o e s n o t r e t u r n t o A t h e n s a f t e r l o s i n g 1 2 0 h o p l i t e s i n b a t t l e - a l l r o u g h l y t h e s a m e age a n d 'the b e s t m e n i n w a r ' . 47. S e e [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 ; R h o d e s , Commentary, 326-7 finds this implausible because of the navy's lower-class base. B u t a l l classes contributed t o the navy, a n d the r i c h w e r e called u p o n t o f u n d a n d c o m m a n d i n d i v i d u a l s h i p s . S e e f u r t h e r , I s o c r a t e s On the Peace 8 . 8 6 - 9 ; R o s e n bloom, 'Empire and its Discontents', 263. 48. S e e O b e r , Mass and Elite, 1 1 - 1 7 . 49. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 9 0 . 4 ; cf. 7 . 2 1 2 . 1 ; 8 . 8 7 - 8 ; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 1 8 . 3 . 50. S e e B a d i a n , ' H e r o d o t u s o n A l e x a n d e r F . 51. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 3 0 - 2 ; cf. 7 . 2 0 3 . 1 ; 9 . 3 1 . 5 . F o r t h e S e r p e n t C o l u m n , see M L 2 2 7 = F o r n a r a 5 9 ; ATL 3 . 9 5 - 1 1 0 . 52. H a l l , 1 4 4 c o n s i d e r s t h e t h e m e t h e P e r s i a n s ' i n a b i l i t y t o h a n d l e p h y s i c a l h a r d s h i p b e c a u s e o f t h e i r 'soft' l a n d a n d c l i m a t e . 53. L i n c o l n , ' D e a t h b y W a t e r ' , t r i e s t o s h o w t h a t t h i s e p i s o d e c o m b i n e s t h e science a n d e t h n o l o g y o f t h e day to depict t h e P e r s i a n s a s a n i n f e r i o r people t o the Greeks. 54. S e e H o r s f a l l , ' A e s c h y l u s a n d t h e S t r y m o n ' , 5 0 3 - 5 . 55. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 4 4 . 2 - 3 ; 7 . 3 4 - 5 , 4 2 . 2 , 1 8 8 - 9 2 ; 8 . 1 2 - 1 4 , 3 7 - 9 ; cf. 8 . 1 2 9 . 56. S c h o l i u m t o A e s c h i n e s On the False Embassy 2 . 3 1 = F o r n a r a 6 2 . 57. C f . F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s ' I m a g e r y ' , 7 . 58. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 2 - 8 r e v i v e s p r e v i o u s s u g g e s t i o n s o f t r a n s p o s i n g 529-31 to after 8 5 1 a n d r e c o m m e n d s e m e n d i n g 529; T h a l m a n n , 'Xerxes' Rags', 261-7 refutes these expedients. 59. C f . D w o r a c k i , ' A t o s s a ' s A b s e n c e ' , 1 0 4 - 5 . 60. H o m e r Iliad 1 3 . 4 8 4 ; 2 4 . 3 4 7 - 8 ; Odyssey 1 0 . 2 7 7 - 9 ; H e s i o d Theogony 9 8 6 ¬ 9 1 ; M i m n e r m u s Elegies f r . 1 ( W e s t ) . 61. T y r t a e u s f r . 1 0 . 1 5 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) ; S o l o n Elegies f r . 2 4 . 6 ( W e s t ) ; E u r i p i d e s Helen 1 2 - 1 3 . 62. E v a n e s c e n c e : M i m n e r m u s Elegies f r r . 2 , 5 . 4 - 5 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 9 8 5 - 8 , 1 0 6 9 - 7 0 , 1 1 2 9 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) . D e a t h i n b a t t l e : H o m e r Iliad 1 6 . 8 5 7 = 2 2 . 3 6 3 ; A n a c r e o n Tetrameters f r . 2 ( W e s t ) ; FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X L V I , X L I X . A r e s , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , i s ' g i v e r o f b l o s s o m i n g hebe ( H o m e r i c Hymn to Ares 9 ) . 63. F o r m a r r i a g e a s t h e m u t u a l e n j o y m e n t o f hebe, see Odyssey 2 3 . 2 0 9 - 1 2 . 64. F o r t h e n e g a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s o f habros a n d i t s d e r i v a t i v e s a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s , see K u r k e , ' P o l i t i c s o f Habrosyne', 9 7 - 1 0 6 . 65. S e e B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n ' , 7 7 . 66. C f . B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n ' , 8 0 . S e e f u r t h e r , T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 2 - 7 6 . 67. S e e M o m i g l i a n o , ' S e a - P o w e r i n G r e e k T h o u g h t ' . 68. F o r l o s s e s a t E g y p t i n 4 5 4 ( c l o s e r t o 1 0 0 s h i p s ) , s e e R o b i n s o n , ' T h u c y d i d e a n S i e g e s ' ; f o r D r a b e s c u s , see ATL 3 . 1 0 6 - 1 0 ; C y p r u s s e e m s t o b e a f i c t i o n . Sicily is m o r e or less accurate.

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Notes to pages 81-89 69. S e e P a r k e r , Miasma, 2 2 6 - 7 ; V e r m e u l e , Aspects of Death, e s p . 1 7 9 - 8 8 . 70. B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n , 7 8 . 4. A Tragedy of Succession 1. S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 9 - 1 0 0 . 2. F o r t h e Q u e e n ' s s e c o n d e n t r a n c e a s a ' m i r r o r s c e n e ' , s e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 8 - 1 0 7 . 3. F o r t h e s e o f f e r i n g s , see A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 7 - 8 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 9 ; O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 6 9 - 7 0 . 4. S u c h k e n n i n g s o f t e n r e f e r t o f o o d . S e e T i m o c l e s Heroes f r . 1 3 ( K - A ) ; W i l k i n s , The Boastful Chef, 2 4 1 - 3 . 5. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 3 3 . A ' p u r e ' c o w h a s n e v e r b e e n y o k e d a n d i s f i t t o d e d i c a t e t o t h e g o d s ( H o m e r Odyssey 3 . 3 8 0 - 4 ) . 6. C f . A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 1 2 7 - 8 . 7. S e e S c h o l i u m B t o Persians 6 1 4 ; R o l l e r , God the Mother, 6 6 - 9 . 8. H a l l , 1 5 1 c o n s i d e r s t h e s e i n g r e d i e n t s t y p i c a l o f A s i a n f e m i n i n i t y a n d f e c u n d i t y ; see a l s o H a l l , ' A s i a U n m a n n e d ' , 1 2 3 - 6 . 9. G a e a : H o m e r i c Hymn to Gaea; D e m e t e r a n d K o r e : H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 9 ; cf. H e s i o d Theogony 9 6 9 - 7 4 . 10. P e d r i z e t , ' L e Témoignage d ' E s c h y l e ' , 7 4 - 9 , t h o u g h i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t 811-12 refer to ancestral graves. 11. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 0 2 - 9 c o n s i d e r s t h e Q u e e n m a s c u l i n e a n d t h e chorus effeminate. 12. C f . W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 9 6 . 13. C f . O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 6 6 - 7 . 14. H a m m o n d , ' C o n d i t i o n s o f D r a m a t i c P r o d u c t i o n ' , e s p . 4 0 5 - 3 0 ; ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 5-9, 1 6 - 2 2 . 15. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Theatre of Dionysus, 3 5 ; T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111. 16. A r n o t t , Greek Scenic Conventions, 5 8 - 9 . 17. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111. 18. W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 7 9 . 19. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 1 5 s e e s D a r i u s ' q u a s i - d i v i n e a u t h o r i t y a s p a r t o f t h e d r a m a t i c f i c t i o n o f t h e Persians. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 9 c o n s i d e r s t h e r a i s i n g ' b a r b a r o u s b l a s p h e m y ' . P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae', 1 4 - 1 6 n e g o t i a t e s between these views. 20. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 5 - 6 n o t e s t h a t t h e r h y t h m i c p u l s e o f t h e h y m n is difficult to find. 21. F o r t h e G r e e k n e s s o f t h e h y m n , see H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 9 - 9 0 ; cf. O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 2 9 - 3 2 . 22. S e e H a l d a n e , ' B a r b a r i c C r i e s ' , 4 3 - 4 . 23. S e e M o r i t z , ' R e f r a i n i n A e s c h y l u s ' , 1 8 9 - 9 5 , e s p . 1 9 4 . 24. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 1 - 2 ; B r o a d h e a d , 1 7 0 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 120-1. 25. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 2 - 3 ; B e l l o n i , 1 9 3 . T h e w o r d ' m o u n d ' i n 6 5 9 h a s prompted the theory t h a t D a r i u s arose f r o m behind a mound, but as T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111 n o t e s , t h e w o r d a l s o m e a n s ' t o m b ' . 26. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 2 - 3 . 27. S e e d e R o m i l l y , Magic and Rhetoric, e s p . 3 - 7 . 28. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 4 4 7 - 8 . 29. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 2 .

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Notes to pages 89-95 30. H a m m o n d , ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 6 - 2 2 ; s e e f u r t h e r , Broadhead, 309. 31. H a m m o n d , ' C o n d i t i o n s o f D r a m a t i c P r o d u c t i o n ' 4 3 0 - 2 ; ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 6 - 2 2 w i t h p l a t e 1 ; W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 7 9 n . 7 8 ; G r e e n , Theatre in Ancient Society, 1 7 - 1 8 . 32. W e b s t e r , Greek Theatre Production, 1 7 , 1 6 5 - 6 e n v i s i o n s s u c h a s t a g i n g . F o r D a r i u s ' e n t r a n c e a s a deus ex machina, s e e R e h m , Play of Space, 2 3 9 . I n g e n e r a l , see M a s t r o n a r d e , ' A c t o r s o n H i g h ' . 33. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 3 n o t e s t h e ' d o u b l i n g ' o f t h e f i r s t a n d s e c o n d h a l v e s o f t h e Persians; see a l s o M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 4 . 34. L i n e 6 8 3 i s c o n t r o v e r s i a l . H a l l , 1 5 7 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c h o r u s s i n g s i t s h y m n o n t h e ground, beating a n d scratching t h e earth. Darius, however, describes t h e chorus as 'standing near m y tomb' w h i l e l a m e n t i n g (686-7). G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 6 - 7 i d e n t i f i e s t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e f i r s t t w o v e r b s i n 6 8 3 a s polis. 35. C f . C o u c h , ' T h r e e P u n s ' , 2 7 2 - 3 . 36. M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 3 9 n o t e s t h a t t h e Persai a r e ' i n r e a l i t y d e s t r o y e r s o f themselves'. 37. S e e M u n s o n , ' A r t e m i s i a i n H e r o d o t u s ' , f o r t h e i r o n y o f a w o m a n ' s uttering these lines. 38. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 2 0 8 - 1 0 c o n s i d e r s i t d i s a s t r o u s ; S t r a u s s , Battle of Salamis, 1 0 1 - 2 t h i n k s i t ' g o o d b u t i n c o m p l e t e ' . 39. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 0 f i n d s D a r i u s ' l a t e w i s d o m c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f h i s false a u t h o r i t y a n d sees a n i m p l i c i t c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n D a r i u s a n d T h e m istocles as i n t e r p r e t e r s o f oracles. 40. C o n a c h e r , ' Per sad, 2 3 . 41. S e e B r o a d h e a d , l v - l v i . 42. S e e M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 1 4 4 . 43. C f . P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 8 - 1 9 . 44. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 7 a r g u e s t h a t b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t i s not necessarily a n i m p i e t y i n the play: only D a r i u s interprets i t this w a y . 45. L l o y d - J o n e s , Justice of Zeus, 8 8 i s a n e x c e p t i o n . 46. B r o a d h e a d , 1 8 8 s u g g e s t s t h a t ' h a m m e r - b e a t e n s h a c k l e s ' a r e t h e a n c h o r s used to secure the ships parallel to the current. 47. T i m o t h e u s Persians 7 3 - 4 r e f e r s t o X e r x e s ' b r i d g e a s ' l i n e n - b o u n d s h a c k les'. 48. F o r t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n ' t o i l ' (ponos) a n d v a l u e , s e e R o s e n b l o o m , ' F r o m Poneros t o Pharmakod, 3 3 8 - 9 w i t h n . 1 9 3 . 49. R o s e n b l o o m , ' E m p i r e a n d i t s D i s c o n t e n t s ' , 2 5 0 - 3 . S e e T h u c y d i d e s 2.39¬ 4 6 , 6 0 - 4 ; E u r i p i d e s Suppliants; I s o c r a t e s On the Peace. 50. W a l l i n g a , ' T h e A n c i e n t P e r s i a n N a v y ' , 7 1 - 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 107-61. 51. F o r t h e i m p e r a t i v e t o i n c r e a s e i n h e r i t e d olbos, see E u r i p i d e s Autolycus TrGFb.l F 2 8 2 . 4 - 6 . 52. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 6 ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 0 - 1 . 53. S e e R o s e n m e y e r , Art of Aeschylus, 2 9 5 - 9 . 54. S a i d , ' H e r o d o t u s a n d T r a g e d y ' , 1 4 1 - 5 s e e s X e r x e s s t r i c t l y a s a n a n o m a l y in the Persian tradition. 55. F o r e m p i r e a s t h e ponos o f t h e f a t h e r s , see T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 3 6 . 2 , 6 2 . 3 ; cf. A r i s t o p h a n e s Wasps, 1 0 9 8 - 1 0 1 , 1 1 1 4 - 2 1 . 56. S e e H u n t e r , Past and Process, e s p . 2 2 8 - 3 0 . 57. F o r t h e hybris o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m , see C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 1 3 - 1 5 .

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Notes to pages 96-101 58. C f . C a l d w e l l , ' T h e P a t t e r n o f A e s c h y l e a n D r a m a ' , e s p . 8 3 . X e r x e s ' s t a t u s a s a t r a g i c f i g u r e i s d e n i e d . S e e L a t t i m o r e , Poetry of Greek Tragedy, 3 8 : ' A s f o r Xerxes: w h o cares about Xerxes? I s there a n y t h i n g dramatic about a m a n g e t t i n g s o p r e c i s e l y w h a t h e d e s e r v e s ? ( I m e r e l y a s k ) ' ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 87: 'No tragic significance inheres i n the fate of the totally b l a m e w o r t h y ' and ' A e s c h y l u s ' X e r x e s i s b e n e a t h t r a g e d y ' ( 8 8 ) . F i s h e r , Hybris, 2 6 2 c o n t e n d s t h a t t o t h e e x t e n t t h e Persians i s a b o u t t h e ' g r a d u a l r e v e l a t i o n o f t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybrid i t i s n o t t r a g e d y . 59. G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 5 - 6 f o r l a c k o f c o n f l i c t ; K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 f o r l a c k o f c h o i c e . 60. S e e S t r a u s s , Fathers and Sons in Athens, 1 3 0 - 7 8 . 61. R o s e n b l o o m , ' E m p i r e a n d i t s D i s c o n t e n t s ' , 2 5 3 ; cf. R o o d , ' T h u c y d i d e s ' P e r s i a n W a r s ' , 149. 62. S e e R a a f l a u b , ' S t i c k a n d G l u e ' ; T u p l i n , ' I m p e r i a l T y r a n n y ' . F o r A t h e n i a n s a s P e r s i a n s , see T u p l i n , Achaemenid Studies, 1 7 2 - 7 . 63. E . g . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 5 3 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 n . 68. 64. M L 2 , p . 4 2 = F o r n a r a 4 1 D l . 65. S e e B r e n n e , ' O s t r a k a a n d t h e P r o c e s s o f O s t r a c i s m ' , 2 1 - 2 ; T l : O s t r a k a ' , 87-90. 66. M L 2 2 6 I = FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' XX(a). 67. C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 s e e s o n l y h o w D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n ' b r i n g s h o m e ... t h e f u l l e x t e n t o f t h e i r v i c t o r y ' . 68. B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 9 p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e P e r s i a n k i n g i s t h e chief o f 'the people i n a r m s ' a n d 'one o f t h e A c h a e m e n i d k i n g ' s ideological justifications was his aptitude for w a r and for leading armies'. 69. [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 i s c o n f u s e d , b u t p l a u s i b l y c l a i m s t h a t d u r i n g t h e K i m o n i a n p e r i o d (c. 4 7 6 - 4 6 1 ) g e n e r a l s w e r e e l e c t e d ' b e c a u s e o f t h e i r f a t h e r s ' r e p u t a t i o n s ' . F o r k n o w n A t h e n i a n g e n e r a l s , see F o r n a r a , Athenian Board of Generals. 70. C y r u s , M u r g h a b A - C = K e n t 1 1 6 ; cf. B r o s i u s 4 . F o r D a r i u s , see, e . g . B e h i s t u n 1.2-3 = K e n t 1 1 9 = B r o s i u s 4 4 . 1 . 2 - 3 . 71. S e e e.g. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X X I V ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 3 2 . 2 . 72. E . g . M L 2 2 4 , 2 6 ; FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' , X V . 73. T u p l i n , ' P e r s i a n s a s M e d e s ' . 74. F o r H e r o d o t u s ' d e p i c t i o n o f t h e M e d i a n k i n g s , s e e B r o w n , ' M e d i k o s Logos'. 75. H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 2 6 - 3 0 ; 2 1 0 . 2 - 3 ; 3 . 8 2 . 5 ; 7 . 2 . 76. S i d g w i c k , 6 3 t h i n k s t h a t M e d u s ' t e l e s c o p e s ' t h e f i r s t t h r e e M e d i a n k i n g s a n d t h e s o n o f M e d u s is A s t y a g e s . B r o a d h e a d , 192, 278-9 believes t h a t M e d u s i s C y a x a r e s a n d h i s s o n i s A s t y a g e s ; cf. B a l c e r , Herodotus and Bisitun, 3 8 - 9 ; M . L . West, ' S h a m Shahs', 183. 77. H e r o d o t u s 3 . 2 5 - 3 8 ; 5 . 2 5 ; see L l o y d , ' H e r o d o t u s o n C a m b y s e s ' . 78. F o r t h i s m o d e l , see P l a t o Laws 6 9 4 c - 6 9 6 a = B r o s i u s 1 0 6 . 79. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1 . 1 1 = K e n t 1 2 0 = B r o s i u s 3 5 . 80. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1 . 1 4 = K e n t 1 2 0 = B r o s i u s 3 5 . 81. P r i c k a r d , S i d g w i c k , B r o a d h e a d , P a g e , a n d B e l l o n i e x c l u d e i t . W e s t restores i t . H a l l follows W e s t . See M . L . W e s t , ' S h a m Shahs', 184-8. 82. H a l l , 1 6 2 . 83. Schütz, Commentarius, c i t e d b y M . L . W e s t , ' S h a m S h a h s ' , 1 8 5 s u g g e s t e d t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n . See Rose, 146; P r i c k a r d , 112; B e l l o n i , 213. 84. H a l l ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia.

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Notes to pages 102-110 85. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 8 - 4 1 ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 10¬ 1 1 ; C o n a c h e r , ' Per sad, 2 4 - 5 . 86. H e r o d o t u s 4 . 1 , 8 3 - 9 8 , 1 1 8 - 4 4 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 4 1 - 6 . 87. B r o a d h e a d , x i v - x v i i i , x x v i i i - x x i x ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 14; S a i d , ' H e r o d o t u s a n d Tragedy', 140. 5. The Synoptic Moment 1. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 9 2 t h i n k s t h e c h o r u s d i s p l a y s a n ' u n r e a s o n i n g will to empire'. 2. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 2 . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 7 - 8 i n t e r p r e t s hybris e x c l u s i v e l y a s c o l l e c t i v e P e r s i a n g u i l t i n t h e p l a y . 3. C f . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 . 4. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 4 . 5. F o r drama a s a c t i o n t h a t e n t a i l s r e c i p r o c a l t r e a t m e n t , w h e t h e r g o o d o r b a d , s e e S n e l l , Aischylos und das Handeln, e s p . 1 4 . 6. See Agamemnon 5 3 2 - 3 , 1 5 6 2 - 4 ; Libation Bearers 3 1 3 - 1 4 ; cf. TrGFS F 4 5 6 . 7. T h i s t e x t i s d i f f i c u l t . I f o l l o w G r o e n e b o o m , 1 6 8 - 9 a n d B e l l o n i , 2 1 8 - 2 0 . F o r o t h e r v i e w s , seeBroadhead, 202-4; H a l l , 164; Podlecki, 'Three Passages', 3. 8. C o n t r a s t Agamemnon 3 3 8 - 4 7 , 4 5 9 - 7 4 , 7 5 0 - 8 2 . 9. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 - 8 . 10. F o r p e r v e r s i o n o f r i t u a l i n t r a g e d y , see S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, esp. 3 6 8 - 4 0 5 . 11. T h e G r e e k s c o n s i d e r e d P l a t a e a a S p a r t a n v i c t o r y : S i m o n i d e s Plataea f r r . 1 1 . 2 5 - 4 5 ; 1 3 . 8 - 1 3 ; P i n d a r Pythian Ode 1 . 7 5 - 8 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 6 9 . 1 . 12. L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , 9 1 c a l l s i t a n ' i n s i g n i f i cant mopping-up operation'. 13. P u c c i , ' E u r i p i d e s : T h e M o n u m e n t a n d t h e S a c r i f i c e ' , 1 6 5 - 6 ; cf. C o n n o r , ' L a n d W a r f a r e as Symbolic Expression', 22-4. 14. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 2 1 d e f i n e s hybris a s ' h a v i n g e n e r g y o r p o w e r a n d m i s u s i n g i t s e l f - i n d u l g e n t l y ' ; c f . C a i r n s , 'Hybris', 2 2 - 5 . F i s h e r , Hybris, 1 s t r e s s e s t h a t hybris i s ' t h e s e r i o u s a s s a u l t o n t h e h o n o u r o f a n o t h e r , w h i c h i s likely to cause shame, and lead to anger a n d attempts a t revenge'. 15. M i c h e l i n i , 'Hybris a n d P l a n t s ' , 3 5 - 9 ; Tradition, 9 6 - 8 ; F i s h e r , Hybris, 119-21. 16. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 1 6 ; F i s h e r , Hybris, 3 7 5 - 8 5 . 17. M i c h e l i n i , 'Hybris a n d P l a n t s ' , 3 9 - 4 4 ; N a g y , ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 60-3; H e l m , 'Aeschylus' Genealogy of Morals', 23-34. 18. F i s h e r , Hybris, 2 6 0 i d e n t i f i e s ' i n t e n t i o n a l a c t s o f e n s l a v i n g i m p e r i a l i s m a n d s a c r i l e g e ' a s t h e c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e o f X e r x e s ' hybris; cf. B r o a d h e a d , 2 0 4 - 5 . 19. S e e f u r t h e r H e s i o d Works and Days 3 2 0 - 6 , 3 5 2 ; B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 5 . 4 7 - 6 3 ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 1 5 3 - 4 ; 1 9 8 - 2 0 2 ( W e s t ) ; K a t z A n h a l t , Solon the Singer, 8 2 - 9 7 . 20. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persad, e s p . 1-2. 21. S e e A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 7 7 6 - 8 2 ; N a g y , ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 5 4 - 6 3 ; Pindar's Homer, 2 4 3 - 9 ; K a t z A n h a l t , Solon the Singer, 1 1 - 1 1 4 ; C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 7-8, w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o A r i s t o t l e . 22. F o r t h e i n j u s t i c e o f i m p e r i a l i s m , s e e H e r o d o t u s 1 . 5 - 6 ; 3 . 2 1 . 2 ; 7 . 1 6 a ; T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 6 3 . 2 ; B a l o t , Greed and Injustice, e s p . 9 9 - 1 3 5 . 23. S e e X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 5 . 1 2 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Economics 1 3 4 3 a 2 5 - b 2 . 24. 1 0 2 - 7 , 5 5 5 - 7 , 6 4 2 - 7 7 , 7 8 0 - 6 , 8 5 2 - 6 7 . F o r P e r s i a a n d t h e G o l d e n A g e , s e e C h a p t e r 7.

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Notes to pages 110-115 25. A l e x a n d e r s o n , ' D a r i u s ' , 9 ; cf. N a g y , T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 6 2 - 3 . 26. S a i d , ' D a r i u s e t X e r x e s ' , 3 1 - 6 . 27. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 8 . 28. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 - 1 5 . 29.1 a g r e e w i t h C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 5 9 t h a t Aeschylus inverts a n o r a l t r a d i t i o n ; Said, ' D a r i u s e t Xerxes', 31-5; 'Herodotus a n d Tragedy', 138 t h i n k s t h a t Herodotus inverts Aeschylus. 30. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 2 5 0 - 1 . 31. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 0 - 3 , 1 0 0 t r e a t s t h e m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s explanation o f Xerxes' defeat as a n 'ethnological' explanation. See further, G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 6 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 0 2 . 32. I n 4 7 2 , t h i s f u n c t i o n w a s p r o b a b l y u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e A r e o p a g u s , a C o u n c i l o f e x - A r c h o n s . S e e O s t w a l d , Popular Sovereignty, 4 0 - 2 , 5 5 - 6 2 . 33. M e i e r , Political Art, 7 4 . 34. T h e o g n i s Elegies 3 9 - 4 0 ( W e s t ) e n v i s i o n s a t y r a n t a r i s i n g t o s t r a i g h t e n o u t a c o r r u p t c i t y a s ' c o r r e c t o r ' (euthynter). I n t h e Persians, t h e k i n g o f A s i a w i e l d s t h e ' g o v e r n i n g (euthynterion) s c e p t r e ' ( 7 6 4 ) . D e m o c r a c y i s n o t e s s e n t i a l to the idea. 35. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 0 9 c l a i m s t h a t ' d e m o c r a c y a n d p i e t y ... i m m u n i s e the A t h e n i a n s f r o m the dangers of Persian imperialism'. Georges, Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 a s s e r t s t h a t f r e e d o m a n d c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e polis ' w i l l contain - or ignore - such violent and impetuous natures as Xerxes''. T h a t the opposite w a s t h e case w a s t h e subject o f G r e e k discourse f r o m H e s i o d t o P l a t o . S e e B a l o t , Greed and Injustice; O b e r , Political Dissent, 1 0 4 - 2 1 ; cf. R o o d , ' T h u c y dides' P e r s i a n W a r s ' , 158. 36. K e a v e n e y , ' X e r x e s ' N e w S u i t ' , 2 4 0 - 1 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e Persians p l a y s o n Persian royal rites of investiture: the king-initiate removes his o w n clothing and dons a garment Cyrus wore, assuming t h epower of the kingship. See P l u t a r c h Life of Artaxerxes 3 . 1 - 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 5 2 3 - 4 , 9 5 9 . 37. S e e B a r r o n , ' B a k c h y l i d e s , T h e s e u s , a n d a W o o l l y C l o a k ' . B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 7 . 1 8 - 2 3 a n d Persians 1 6 0 , 7 6 7 a r e s i m i l a r ; B a c c h y l i d e s ' p o e m i s probably earlier. 38. F o r t h i s m o m e n t a s a topos i n t h e v a s e p a i n t i n g o f t h e p e r i o d , s e e Shapiro, 'Theseus i n K i m o n i a n Athens', 39-40. A version o fthis story w a s p a i n t e d i n t h e T e m p l e o f T h e s e u s ( P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 3 ) . 39. G o h e e n , ' A s p e c t s o f D r a m a t i c S y m b o l i s m ' , 1 2 2 - 6 ; M a c l e o d , ' C l o t h i n g i n t h e Oresteia'. 40. F o r t h e f i r s t v i e w , s e e G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 5 2 ; K a n t z i o s , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r ' , 1 3 - 1 4 ; f o r t h e s e c o n d , G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, e s p . 8 6 - 9 1 . 41. F o r H a l l , 1 6 5 , i t s u g g e s t s ' " o r i e n t a l " p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h s e n s u a l s e l f gratification'. 42. E u r i p i d e s Alcestis 3 2 3 ; Heracles 5 0 2 - 1 3 ; A n o n y m o u s T r a g i c F r a g m e n t TrGF2 F 9 5 . 43. S e e M u r r a y , ' T h e G r e e k S y m p o s i o n i n H i s t o r y ' ; L e v i n e , ' S y m p o s i u m a n d Polls'. 44. T i m o t h e u s a n d C h o e r i l u s e l a b o r a t e s y m p o t i c i m a g e s o f t h e P e r s i a n defeat. See C h a p t e r 7. 45. E . g . H a l l , 1 6 5 : ' N o t h i n g m o r e p o w e r f u l l y c o n v e y s t h e a u d i e n c e ' s v i e w o f t h e o b s e s s i v e n e s s o f P e r s i a n s a r t o r i a l d i s p l a y ' ; cf. S i d g w i c k , 4 9 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 1 . 46. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 4 , 2 6 9 - 7 0 , 2 7 8 ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 8 .

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Notes to pages 115-123 47. A n d e r s o n , ' T h e I m a g e r y o f t h e Persians', 174 s u g g e s t s t h a t D a r i u s r e m a i n s o n stage d u r i n g the final lament, p i t y i n g his son. 48. S e e T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 9 - 7 8 . 49. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 6 l i n k s t h e d a c t y l s w i t h ' t h e p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t a t t h e e n d o f t h e f i r s t s t a s i m o n ' . D a l e , Metrical Analyses, 4 c o n n e c t s t h e m e t r e w i t h H o m e r i c catalogue poetry. 50. L l o y d - J o n e s , Justice of Zeus, 8 9 c a l l s t h e o d e a ' v e i l e d e n c o m i u m o f t h e A t h e n i a n empire'. 51. S e e W e s t , Studies, 9 0 - 1 ; B r o a d h e a d , 2 8 0 - 1 f o r t h e t e x t u a l p r o b l e m s h e r e . 52. D a r i u s l i s t e d o n l y C y r u s ' c o n q u e s t s i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ( 7 7 0 - 1 ) ; s e e Herodotus 7.8.al; Thucydides 2.36.4. 53. S i d g w i c k , 5 1 ; H a l l , 1 6 7 c o m p a r e s D a r i u s w i t h A e g i s t h u s . 54. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 2 3 7 . 55. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 2 4 4 . 56. F o r t h e f i g u r e s , see M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 5 2 4 - 3 0 . 57. S i d g w i c k , 5 1 ; G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 5 5 . ATE 3 . 2 0 7 s u g g e s t s a r e f e r e n c e t o islands o f f T h r a c e , b u t t h e epithet 'river' o r 'fresh w a t e r ' rules t h i s out; see Broadhead, 217-18. 58. F o r t h e T h r a c i a n d i s t r i c t a s i t m i g h t h a v e b e e n a t t h e o r i g i n s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , see ATE 3 . 2 1 4 - 2 3 . T h e c h o r u s o m i t s P a l l e n e , p o s s i b l y b e c a u s e it came under P e r s i a n influence d u r i n g Xerxes' reign (Herodotus 8.126-9). 59. S e e T u p l i n , ' X e r x e s ' M a r c h f r o m D o r i s c u s t o T h e r m e ' . 60. M L 2 2 7 = F o r n a r a 5 9 . 61. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 8 1 . 62. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 8 2 - 4 . 6. A Harvest of Tears 1. T h a t X e r x e s e n t e r s i n r a g s h a s o f t e n b e e n d e n i e d . S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 122 a n d n. 1. 2. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 3 e x c l u d e s t h e w a g o n f r o m t h e s c e n e ; see a l s o R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 w i t h n . 6 1 , 3 8 8 . I f t h e w a g o n i s p r e s e n t , i t s y m b o l i z e s t h e absent 'flower of the Persians' (252) w h i c h Xerxes lost i n the invasion. 3. Kommos d e r i v e s f r o m t h e v e r b kopto, w h i c h m e a n s ' b e a t ' o r ' s t r i k e ' . A r i s t o t l e d e f i n e s a kommos a s ' a s h a r e d l a m e n t b e t w e e n a c t o r s a n d c h o r u s ' (Poetics 1 4 5 2 b 2 4 - 5 ) . 4. A d a m s , ' S a l a m i s S y m p h o n y ' , 5 3 ; cf. P r i c k a r d , 1 2 0 - 1 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 c o n s i d e r s t h e kommos ' s a t y r - p l a y G r a n d G u i g n o l ' . 5. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 1 - 2 . 6. S c h e n k e r , ' T h e Q u e e n a n d t h e C h o r u s ' , 2 9 2 - 3 . 7. B r o a d h e a d , x x x i v ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 ; cf. P r i c k a r d , 1 2 1 : ' X e r x e s ' absurdities seem to f o r m the climax o f the play'. 8. F o r A t y s a s a d o u b l e t f o r P h r y g i a n A t t i s , c o n s o r t o f C y b e l e , s e e V e r m a s e r e n , Cybele and Attis, 8 8 - 9 2 ; cf. R e e d , ' S e x u a l i t y o f A d o n i s ' , 3 3 5 . 9. S e e C h i a s s o n , ' H e r o d o t u s ' U s e o f T r a g e d y i n t h e L y d i a n Logos'. 10. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 5 5 - 7 . 11. T h e e a r l i e s t e v i d e n c e f o r t h e A d o n i a a t A t h e n s d a t e s f r o m t h e 4 3 0 s o r 420s, b u t as S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y ' , 124 points out, i t m a y have been adopted m u c h earlier. R i t u a l l a m e n t for Adonis, i n w h i c h girls tore their chitones, w a s a l r e a d y p a r t o f S a p p h o ' s r e p e r t o i r e ( f r . 1 4 0 a L o b e l / P a g e ) . 12. B u r k e r t , Structure and History, 1 0 7 . S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u -

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Notes to pages 123-127 nity', 129-33 interprets the gardens as f u n e r a l biers for the effigy of Adonis. Reed, 'Sexuality of Adonis', 320 t h i n k s they were d u m p e d into springs only. 13. D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 0 6 . 14. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 2 8 5 n . 4 8 ; ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 6 0 - 3 . D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 1 9 . 15. S e e D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, e s p . 1 1 6 - 1 9 . 16. A r i s t o p h a n e s Lysistrata 3 8 7 - 9 8 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Alcibiades 1 8 . 5 ; Life of Nicias 1 3 . 1 1 ; cf. S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y ' , 1 3 6 - 7 . 17. B u r k e r t , Structure and History, 1 0 7 ; D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 0 9 . 18. P a v l o v s k i s , ' A e s c h y l u s M y t h i s t o r i c u s ' , 2 1 . 19. S e e A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 9 5 - 7 . 20. A t h e n i a n c o m m u n a l c l a i m s t o n o b i l i t y a r e b o u n d u p w i t h t h e v i e w o f t h e m s e l v e s as a n a u t o c h t h o n o u s people, s p r u n g f r o m the l a n d t h e y i n h a b i t . See L o r a u x , The Invention of Athens, 1 4 9 - 5 5 . T h i s d o v e t a i l s w i t h t h e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c requirement of land ownership for nobility. 21. S e e R o b e r t s o n , ' W o o d e n W a l l ' , 1 5 n . 2 8 . 22. C f . R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 5 - 6 . 23. T h e d e s i r e f o r w e a l t h i s u n l i m i t e d : S o l o n Elegies 1 3 . 7 1 - 7 6 = T h e o g n i s Elegies 2 2 7 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 5 9 6 , 1 1 5 8 - 9 ( W e s t ) ; A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 1 8 6 - 9 7 ; X e n o p h o n Ways and Means 4 . 7 ; S e a f o r d , Money and the Greek Mind, 1 6 5 - 9 . I n A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 7 5 0 - 8 1 , hybris i s i n f i n i t e l y s e l f - r e p l i c a t ing. 24. A r i s t o t l e Politics 1 2 5 6 b 4 0 - 1 2 5 8 b 9 . 25. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 3 - 4 s t r e s s e s 'excessive m o u r n i n g ' a s 'barbaric'. Cf. P r i c k a r d , 120. S u c h excess i salso a f u n c t i o n o f t h e m a g n i t u d e o f t h e pathos ( R e h m , Play of Space, 3 8 5 n . 2 9 ) a n d t h e i n s a t i a b i l i t y o f i m p e r i a l i s m . 26. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 4 ; H o i s t - W a r h a f t , Dangerous Voices, 1 1 8 - 1 9 . 27. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 4 - 2 3 ; F o l e y , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f T r a g i c L a m e n t a t i o n ' , 1 0 3 - 8 ; S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 7 4 - 8 6 . H a l l , 1 6 9 a n d G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 0 2 p o i n t o u t t h a t t h e l a m e n t t h e m e n p e r f o r m i n t h e kommos exceeds w h a t w a s legally a l l o w e d w o m e n i n A t h e n s . 28. F o r f e m i n i z a t i o n a s e s s e n t i a l t o d r a m a , see Z e i t l i n , ' P l a y i n g t h e O t h e r ' . F o r b a r b a r i a n c u l t u r e a s f e m i n i z e d , see H a l l , 1 6 8 - 9 . 29. F o r p u b l i c l a m e n t , see S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 1 3 9 - 4 3 . 30. F o r e a r l y A t h e n i a n w a r f a r e , s e e F r o s t , ' T h e A t h e n i a n M i l i t a r y b e f o r e Cleisthenes'. 31. C f . [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 , w h i c h c l a i m s t h a t A t h e n i a n s died by the 2,000 or 3,000 i n this period. 32. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 4 2 . 33. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 3 - 1 4 . 34. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 8 4 r e l a t e s t h e i m a g e t o c u t t i n g d o w n f l o w e r s . T h e v e r b epikeiro a l s o m e a n s ' c h e c k g r o w t h b y c u t t i n g ' a n d f i t s t h e i d e a o f c u r t a i l i n g excess. 35. S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 3 3 - 9 . 36. S e e W e s t , Hesiod: Works and Days, p . 2 1 3 . H e r o d o t u s d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l curse i n these t e r m s (3.65.6-7). 37. H e s i o d Works and Days 1 2 7 - 3 9 ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 6 2 9 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) . 38. Anthos o f hebe, e.g. H o m e r Iliad 1 3 . 4 8 4 ; H e s i o d Theogony 9 8 8 ; S o l o n Elegies f r . 2 5 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 1 0 0 3 - 1 2 ( W e s t ) . Anthos o f ate: S o l o n Elegies f r . 4 . 3 5 ( W e s t ) ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 6 5 8 - 6 0 . 39. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 3 u s e s t h i s a s e v i d e n c e t h a t X e r x e s d i d n o t a r r i v e by covered wagon, b u t i t can also be evidence t h a t h e dismounted.

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Notes to pages 127-139 40. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 8 4 - 5 . 41. S e e M o r i t z , ' R e f r a i n i n A e s c h y l u s ' , 1 9 4 . 42. S e e A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 5 8 - 6 0 . 43. T h i s w a s t h e s u b j e c t o f p o p u l a r s o n g (PMG 8 7 8 ) . F o r t h e I o n i a n m o d e a s ' s l a c k ' , a n d ' s o f t ' see C s a p o , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f t h e N e w M u s i c ' , 2 3 2 - 5 , 2 4 3 - 4 . 44. B r o a d h e a d , 2 3 0 l i k e n s t h e s c e n e t o a m e a d o w w h o s e f l o w e r s a r e c u l l e d . 45. T o d , Greek Historical Inscriptions, 2 . 2 0 4 = H a r d i n g 1 0 9 A ; S i e w e r t , ' T h e E p h e b i c O a t h ' , 107 sees a reference t o t h e o a t h i n t h i s passage. 46. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 4 3 o b s e r v e s t h a t t h e b a r e e p i t h e t s g i v e t h e i m p r e s s i o n ' t h a t t h e m e n are t r u l y dead'. 47. Aôton i s P a g e ' s e m e n d a t i o n . 48. F o r anthos m e a n i n g t h e ' n a p ' o f f i n e c l o t h , see B o r t h w i c k , ' T h e " F l o w e r " o f t h e A r g i v e s a n d a N e g l e c t e d M e a n i n g o f Anthos'. 49. ' E y e ' m a y s u g g e s t w h a t t h e G r e e k s b e l i e v e d w e r e t h e P e r s i a n k i n g ' s s p i e s , h i s ' e y e s a n d e a r s ' . S e e A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 9 1 - 2 ; H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 1 4 . 2 ; X e n o p h o n Education of Cyrus 8 . 2 . 1 0 - 1 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 3 4 3 - 4 . 50. B a t a n o c h u s ' s o n i s c a l l e d ' s w e e t e s t ' (alpistos). H e s y c h i u s Lexicon g l o s s e s t h i s w o r d a s ' b e l o v e d ' (agapêtos), a t e r m u s e d o f a n o n l y m a l e c h i l d . 51. S e e G o w , T u n x , R h o m b o s , T u r b o ' , 3 - 5 ; J o h n s t o n , ' T h e S o n g o f t h e lunY, 1 8 0 - 9 . F a r a o n e , Ancient Greek Love Magic, e s p . 5 5 - 6 9 s e e s iunx h e r e a s ' a generalized magic spell' (25 n . 107). 52. F o r A d o n i s a n d t h e iunx, s e e Détienne, Gardens of Adonis, 8 3 - 9 ; R e e d , 'Sexuality of Adonis', 344. 53. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 3 s e e s t h e P e r s i a n n a m e s a s ' a f o r m o f e p i c unforgetting that makes their dying immortal'. 54. R e a d i n g w i t h W e s t , Studies, 9 4 - 5 . 55. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 8 1 - 2 ; G a r v i e , ' A e s c h y l u s ' S i m p l e P l o t s ' , 7 1 . 56. I n P l u t a r c h Life of Artaxerxes 3 . 1 - 2 , t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l g a r m e n t i s a stole; see a l s o T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 6 7 - 7 2 . 57. S e e S a i d , 'Tragédie e t r e n v e r s e m e n t ' , 3 4 1 . 58. S e e S e g a l , ' C a t h a r s i s , A u d i e n c e , a n d C l o s u r e ' , 1 6 4 - 5 ; cf. K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed 4 6 - 7 . 59. S e e K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, e s p . 3 4 - 4 3 . 60. P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 8 - 1 9 c o m p a r e s O d y s s e u s ' p i t y f o r h i s e n e m y A j a x a t S o p h o c l e s Ajax 1 2 1 - 6 , f o r w h i c h , s e e H e s k , Ajax, 4 4 - 7 . 61. S e e F r y e , Anatomy of Criticism, 3 9 1 ; R u t h e r f o r d , ' T r a g i c F o r m a n d F e e l i n g i n t h e Iliad'; M a c l e o d , ' H o m e r o n P o e t r y ' ; G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e a n d P o l i t i e s ' , 1 9 3 n . 3 5 , c o m p a r e s t h e e n d o f t h e Iliad; H e a t h , Poetics of Greek Tragedy, 8 0 - 9 , e s p . 8 2 . 62. C f . M i t s i s , ' X e r x e s E n t r a n c e ' , 1 1 5 - 1 8 . 63. S e e C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 1. 64. A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 8 2 - 4 . 65. D e v e r e u x , Dreams in Greek Tragedy, 1 4 . 66. S e e L a w l e r , The Dance of the Ancient Greek Theatre, 4 5 - 6 . 67. H a r t o g , The Mirror of Herodotus, 3 3 2 . 7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the

Persians

1. F o r t h e f i r s t , see B r o a d h e a d , x x x i i i - x x x v ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 2 ; f o r t h e s e c o n d , W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persae', 1 5 , w h o t h i n k s t h e Persians m a y b e A e s c h y l u s ' ' l e a s t g r e a t ' p l a y . G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 1 - 6 a d d s l a c k of character development a n d of conflict.

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Notes to pages 139-145 2. W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 8 . 3. A d a m s , ' S a l a m i s S y m p h o n y ' . 4 . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad. 5. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persad, 1 4 - 1 5 . 6. R o s e n m e y e r , Art of Aeschylus, 2 8 7 - 9 2 , b y c o n t r a s t , c o n s i d e r s t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n o f X e r x e s ' t r a g e d y a f a i l u r e . F o r a b a l a n c e d v i e w , see C o n a c h e r , ' P e r s a d , 5-7. 7. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 . 8. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 - 3 . F o r t h e s e c o n d a c t o r , see M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 27-40. 9. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 3 . 10. S e e G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 5 5 - 6 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' ; S a i d , 'Tragedie e t renversement'. 11. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 7 7 . 12. F o r e a r l i e r v i e w s , s e e B r o a d h e a d , x v ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 0 - 2 . H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, a p p r a i s e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f t h e p l a y . 13. C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 9 9 . L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , i s t h e c u l m i n a t i o n o f t h e ' p a t r i o t i c d r a m a ' t r a d i t i o n . P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 8 - 2 6 r e a d s t h e p l a y a s a n e n c o m i u m o f T h e m i s t o c l e s . M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 1 1 5 r e a d s t h e p l a y a s ' n a t i o n a l c e l e b r a t i o n ' w h i c h a l s o i n d u c e s s y m p a t h y and affection for the Persians (129). 14. S e e H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 7 . 4 ; 8 . 3 . 2 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 4 - 9 7 , 1 2 8 - 3 0 ; C a s t r i o t a , Ethos and Actuality, 1 7 - 2 8 . 15. G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 6 - 4 1 a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s epideictic tragedy, because its r h e t o r i c a l purpose is praise a n d b l a m e . T h e p l a y i s c o n c e r n e d p r i m a r i l y ' t o condemn t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e s p i r i t o r m i n d t h a t l e d to the p i t i f u l a n d f e a r f u l events depicted' (40-1). 16. S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 3 2 8 - 4 0 5 s e e s t r a g e d y a s d r a m a t i z i n g the self-destruction o f a r u l i n g house (through perversion o fritual) t o t h e b e n e f i t o f t h e polis ( t h r o u g h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f polis-cult). A s a ' b a r b a r i a n t r a g e d y ' , t h e Persians i s a n e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s r u l e : t h e r u l i n g h o u s e s u r v i v e s , b u t t h e e n t i r e society is r u i n e d . 17. H a l l , 1 1 - 1 3 , 1 6 - 1 9 ; Inventing the Barbarian, 5 6 - 1 0 0 ; S a i d , Orientalism, 55-7. 18. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 9 - 1 0 0 . 19. H a l l , 1 9 . 20. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 1 0 0 . 21. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 5 - 1 1 3 . 22. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, e s p . 1 0 9 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 , c r e d i t s f r e e c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e polis w i t h t h i s f u n c t i o n . 23. T h e s t r o n g e s t s t a t e m e n t o f t h i s v i e w i s K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 8 . 24. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 5 - 4 6 ; B r o a d h e a d , x v - x v i i i . 25. M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 1 1 1 - 3 0 ; P a v l o v s k i s , ' A e s c h y l u s M y t h i s t o r i c u s ' ; R e h m , The Play of Space, 2 3 9 - 5 1 ; cf. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 . 26. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 - 5 . 27. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 1 8 1 , 1 8 6 - 7 . 28. S p a t z , Aeschylus, 3 3 - 5 ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 - 1 5 ; S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 9 - 4 1 ; M e i e r , Political Art, 7 8 ; R o s e n b l o o m , ' C r y i n g " F i r e " ', 1 9 0 - 2 ; ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , a n d H e g e m o n y ' , 9 3 - 8 ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 . 29. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 5 2 - 3 f o r w a r n i n g . P r i c k a r d , x x v i i - x x v i i i , contrasts t h e 'ideal/dramatic' a n d t h e 'real/patriotic' 'interest' of t h e d r a m a . See also Groeneboom, 16-18.

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Notes to pages 146-151 30. G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e a n d P o l i t i e s ' , 1 9 3 31. P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 7 ; f o r p i t y a s a n A t h e n i a n e m o t i o n , see K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, 8 0 - 1 . 32. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 2 - 3 . 33. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 5 0 . 34. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 4 . 35. S e e p . 1 0 2 w i t h n . 8 7 , p . 1 7 9 . 36. A l e x a n d e r s o n , ' D a r i u s i n t h e Persians , 1 1 . 37. S e e p . 1 1 4 w i t h n . 4 0 , p . 1 8 0 . 38. H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 6 2 - 7 3 . 39. PMG 7 8 8 . O t h e r f r a g m e n t s P l u t a r c h q u o t e s a r e s i m i l a r l y p a t r i o t i c (PMG 789-90). Croiset, 'Observations', 328-9 observes t h a t t h e p a p y r u s does n o t s u s t a i n t h i s s e n t i m e n t . F o r the fragments, see Bassett, ' F i r s t Performance', 154-8; H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g by Nomes', 58-60. 40. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 5 5 a n d o t h e r s t a k e i t a s a r e f e r e n c e t o Themistocles. Croiset, 'Observations', 328-9 considers Zeus or Apollo the subj e c t . H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 1 2 8 - 9 t h i n k s t h e A t h e n i a n p e o p l e i s t h e subject. 41. S e e W e s t , Greek Music, 3 5 6 - 7 2 f o r T i m o t h e u s a n d t h e m u s i c o f t h e p e r i o d . F o r t h e c u l t u r a l a n d s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d o f t h i s m u s i c , see C s a p o , ' P o l i t i c s of the N e w Music'. 42. S e e H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persae', 1 3 5 - 8 f o r a t a b l e of conjectures. 43. Z e i t l i n , ' C l o s e t o f M a s k s ' , 5 6 - 6 7 ; P o r t e r , Studies in Euripides' Orestes, 173-213. 44. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 6 0 - 1 ; P o r t e r , Studies in Euripides' Orestes, 2 0 0 - 1 ; J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 1 3 - 2 2 ; cf. H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 3 7 - 8 . 45. T h e S p a r t a n s w e r e a t w a r w i t h P e r s i a f r o m 4 0 0 B C w h e n t h e I o n i a n s r e q u e s t e d S p a r t a n a i d . S e e X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 1 . 3 ; C a r t l e d g e , Agesilaos, 1 9 1 - 4 , 2 0 3 - 1 8 . 46. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 - 3 ; Agesilaus 1 . 6 - 8 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 6 . 1 . 47. C f . E b e l i n g , ' T h e Persians o f T i m o t h e u s ' , 3 1 8 - 1 9 . 48. X e n o p h o n History of Greece, e s p . 3 . 4 . 1 6 - 1 9 ; Agesilaus 1 . 1 4 . C f . P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 9 . 4 - 5 . 49. C f . H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 0 - 5 . 50. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 5 4 ; H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persae, 1 3 7 ; W i l s o n , ' A t h e n i a n S t r i n g s ' , 3 0 4 - 6 . 51. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 6 2 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p o i n t i s t o p u t t h e S p a r t a n s i n t h e i r place since t h e A c h a e a n s w e r e a n older people t h a n t h e D o r i a n s . 52. S e e f u r t h e r H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 4 5 - 6 ; 7 . 9 4 - 5 . 53. C f . C r o i s e t , ' O b s e r v a t i o n s ' , 3 2 6 . H o s e , ' R e s p o n s e t o H a l l ' , 8 5 - 6 s u g g e s t s a polls i n t h e S p a r t a n a l l i a n c e a s t h e p l a c e o f p e r f o r m a n c e . 54. M a n y c l a i m t h a t S a l a m i s w a s n a m e d e l s e w h e r e i n t h e p o e m ( e . g . J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 1 3 - 1 5 ) . I t m a y h a v e b e e n ; b u t o n e c a n n o t f i n d o n e - t h i r d t o o n e - h a l f o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians w h i c h l a c k s i n d i c a t i o n s o f A t h e n s and Salamis. 55. T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 4 0 . 5 , 6 2 , 6 7 . 2 , 7 0 . J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 2 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e m u t i l a t e d l i n e s 4-5 describe t h e b e a m s t h e C o r i n t h i a n s f i t t e d across their bows t o enable prow-to-prow r a m m i n g , another sign t h a t t h e poem projects P e l o p o n n e s i a n n a v a l p o w e r ( t h o u g h t h i s i s n o t Janssen's p o i n t ) . See T h u c y d i d e s 7.34-6, 62.

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Notes to pages 151-157 56. H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 1 3 4 . 57. S e e C r o i s e t , ' O b s e r v a t i o n s ' , 3 3 0 - 5 . 58. C f . H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 6 - 7 . 59. H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 6 - 7 2 r e a d s t h e s c e n e a s a c e l e b r a t i o n o f t h e Greek ability to s w i m as a m a r k of cultural supremacy. 60. S e e S l a t e r , ' S y m p o s i u m a t S e a ' , 1 6 8 - 9 . 61. S e e A l e x i s Agonis f r . 5 ( K - A ) . 62. H e s y c h i u s Lexicon, s.v. thyias; T i m o t h e u s f r . 7 7 8 (b) (PMG). 63. C f . H e r i n g t o n , Poetry into Drama, 1 5 6 . 64. F o r s u p p l i c a t i o n , see G o u l d , ' H i k e t e i a ' . 65. ' T h e f a l l o f h o u s e s ' i s a q u o t a t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 5 0 , w h e r e i trefers t o the house of A t r e u s . M a n y take i tas a reference to Xerxes' house. I take 'houses' as a t r u e p l u r a l referring to P e r s i a n households. 66. H o m e r Iliad 2 2 . 2 5 - 3 2 ; H e s i o d Works and Days 5 8 2 - 9 6 ; A r c h i l o c h u s f r . 1 0 7 ( W e s t ) ; A l c a e u s f r . 3 4 7 (PMG); H i p p o c r a t e s Airs, Waters, Places 1 1 . S e e D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 1 4 , 1 2 0 - 1 . I t w a s a l s o t h e s e a s o n f o r c u t t i n g w o o d for ships. 67. T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 6 5 . 1 2 ; X e n o p h o n History of Greece 2 . 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 ; D i o d o r u s 1 3 . 1 0 4 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Lysander 4 . 3 - 5 , 9 . 1 - 2 . 68. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 4 . 3 . 1 0 - 1 4 , 4 . 8 . 7 - 1 1 ; D i o d o r u s 1 4 . 8 3 - 4 , 1 5 . 3 5 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 2 3 ; C a r t l e d g e , Agesilaos, 2 1 8 . 69. D a r i u s , N a q s - i R u s t a m B . 9 a - 9 b = K e n t 1 4 0 . Maricas m e a n s ' m e n i a l ' , o r 'boy'. See Cassio, ' O l d P e r s i a n M A R I K A - ' . 70. F o r H y p e r b o l u s i n f i f t h - c e n t u r y c o m e d y , s e e R o s e n b l o o m , 'Ponèros t o Pharmakos', 3 0 8 - 1 2 , e s p . 3 0 8 n . 1 0 2 . F o r t h e Maricas, s e e S t o r e y , Eupolis 197-214. 71. F o r g o l d i n G r e e k p o e t r y , s e e N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 2 7 6 - 8 ; K u r k e , Coins, Bodies, Games, and Gold, e s p . 4 9 - 5 4 , 6 1 - 4 , 1 8 5 - 6 . 72. S e e H e s i o d Works and Days 1 1 6 - 1 8 ; B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 4 9 - 5 2 . 73. B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 5 9 - 6 0 . C f . C a r r i e r e , Le Carnaval et la Politique, 8 5 - 1 1 8 . 74. R u f f e l , ' T h e W o r l d U p s i d e D o w n ' , 4 7 3 , 4 8 0 , 4 8 7 . 75. F o r C h o e r i l u s , see Persian Wars f r . 9 (Barnabé); S l a t e r , ' S y m p o s i u m a t S e a ' , 1 6 1 - 3 ; cf. B a c c h y l i d e s Encomia f r . 2 0 B . 76. S e e C e c c a r e l l i , 'L'Athènes d e P e r i c l e s ' : A t h e n s ' e m p i r e i s s o m e t i m e s a Golden Age i n comedy. 77. T h e d a t i n g i s c o n j e c t u r a l . S e e B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 5 5 . 78. S e e a l s o P h e r e c r a t e s Miners f r . 1 1 3 ( K - A ) ; M e t a g e n e s Persians of Thurii fr. 6 ( K - A ) . 79. S e e G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 2 2 - 3 ; W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' . 80. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 8 d e t e c t s S i c i n n u s i n a b o a t ; G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 23 suggests t h e old m a n i n t h e boat is X e r x e s i n disguise. 81. S e e W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 5, f i g u r e 2 ; G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , f i g u r e 1 7 , f o r photographs. 82. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 3 . 83. V e r g i l Aeneid 8 . 6 7 1 - 7 2 8 . A p o l l o n i o d e p i c t e d V e r g i l ' s Aeneid o n cassoni. See G o m b r i c h , 'Apollonio', 12-17. 84. C f . D a n t e Purgatory 2 8 . 7 0 - 5 . F o r A p o l l o n i o ' s s o u r c e s , see W a t s o n , ' A p o l lonio', 14-16; G o m b r i c h , 'Apollonio', 22-3. 85. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 6 - 2 1 . 86. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 2 - 1 3 . 87. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 5 .

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Notes to pages 157-163 88. S e e G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 4 2 - 3 n . 4 2 . 89. H a l l , 2 . 90. G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 1 1 7 - 1 8 ; f o r e a r l i e r , m a i n l y a m a t e u r productions, see 115-17. 91. S e e G l o v e r , Cavalli, 2 4 - 8 . 92. D e a n , ' H a n d e l ' s Serse', 1 6 5 . 93. V i a t o r , ' T h e S t a g e H i s t o r y o f C i b b e r ' s Xerxes', 1 5 5 . 94. S e e E i t r e m , ' N e c r o m a n c y ' , 1 4 - 1 6 f o r A e s c h y l u s ' u s e o f t h e m y t h . 95. T h e Hellas i s c i t e d f r o m H u t c h i n s o n , Complete Poetical Works of Shelley. 96. I n t h e P r e f a c e t o Hellas, S h e l l e y w r o t e , ' T h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s a f f o r d e d m e t h e first model o f m y conception, a l t h o u g h t h e decision o f the glorious contest n o w w a g i n g i n Greece being y e t suspended forbids a catastrophe parallel t o t h e r e t u r n o f Xerxes a n d t h e desolation o f t h e Persians'. See E r k e l e n z , ' S h e l l e y ' s Hellas a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians'. 97. S e e L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 8 8 - 9 1 . 98. T h e Septuagint t r a n s l a t e s A h a s u e r u s a s A r t a x e r x e s . 99. S e e L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 9 1 - 9 ; E r k e l e n z , ' S h e l l e y ' s Hellas a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', 3 2 1 - 5 s e e s h i m a l s o a s a f i g u r e f o r t h e G r e e k s , p r o g e n i t o r s of western freedom and bearers of the contemporary passion for vengeance. 100. L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 9 8 - 9 v i e w s A h a s u e r u s a s b o t h m a s t e r a n d slave; h a v i n g experienced both, h e transcends t h e m . 101. S c h o l i a t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Frogs 1 0 2 8 a - b ; Life of Aeschylus 1 8 . M o s t s c h o l a r s a c c e p t a S i c i l i a n p e r f o r m a n c e . S e e S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 2 1 - 2 ; P o d l e c k i , Persians 1 1 7 - 2 0 . A r o u n d 4 7 0 , A e s c h y l u s p r e s e n t e d Women of Aetna i n S i c i l y t o c e l e b r a t e t h e r e f o u n d a t i o n o f C a t a n a a s A e t n a (Life of Aeschylus 9 ) . 102. S c h o l i u m t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 1 0 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I . 1 7 B ; c f . I.17C. 103. H a l l , 2 s u g g e s t s 4 2 5 . 104. G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 1 7 2 - 4 . 105. H a l l , 2 ; G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 2 1 1 ; F a v o r i n i , ' H i s t o r y , C o l l e c t i v e M e m o r y , a n d t h e Persians', 1 0 9 . 106. V a n S t e e n , ' F o r g o t t e n T h e a t e r ' , 3 6 8 - 9 . 107. S e e V a n S t e e n , ' F o r g o t t e n T h e a t e r ' , 3 7 0 - 2 . 108. H a l l , 2 ; ' A e s c h y l u s , R a c e , C l a s s , a n d W a r ' , 1 7 5 . 109. H a r t i g a n , Greek Tragedy on the American Stage, 1 0 2 - 4 ; H a l l , 2 . 110. San Francisco Chronicle, 8 S e p t e m b e r 2 0 0 4 , E l . 111. The Villager, 7 3 . 7 , 1 8 - 2 4 J u n e 2 0 0 3 .

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Aeschylus: Persians T h o m a s , R . Herodotus in Context: Ethnography, Science, and the Art of Persuasion ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 0 ) . T h o m p s o n , H . ' A t h e n s F a c e s A d v e r s i t y ' , Hesperia 5 0 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 3 4 3 - 5 5 . T o d , M . Greek Historical Inscriptions, v o l . 2 ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 6 2 ) . Cited by document number. T u p l i n , C. ' I m p e r i a l T y r a n n y : S o m e Reflections o n a Classical G r e e k P o l i t i c a l M e t a p h o r ' , i n P . C a r t l e d g e a n d F . D . H a r v e y ( e d s ) Crux: Essays in Greek History Presented to G.EM, de Ste. Croix ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 1 9 8 5 ) , 348-75. T u p l i n , C. 'Persians as Medes', i n H . Sancisi-Weerdenburg, A . K u h r t , a n d M . C o o l R o o t ( e d s ) Achaemenid History VIII: Continuity and Change ( L e i d e n : Netherlands I n s t i t u t e for the N e a r East, 1994), 235-56. T u p l i n , C . Achaemenid Studies. H i s t o r i a E i n z e l s c h r i f t e n H e f t 9 9 ( S t u t t g a r t : Steiner Verlag, 1996). T u p l i n , C . ' X e r x e s ' M a r c h f r o m D o r i s c u s t o T h e r m e ' , Historia 5 2 ( 2 0 0 3 ) , 3 8 7 ¬ 409. T u r n e r , E . Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C. ( L o n d o n : H . K . Lewis, 19772). U n z , R . ' T h e C h r o n o l o g y o f t h e P e n t e k o n t a e t i a ' , Classical Quarterly 3 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 68-85. V a n Steen, G. 'Forgotten Theater, Theater of the Forgotten: Classical Greek T r a g e d y o n t h e M o d e r n G r e e k P r i s o n I s l a n d s ' , Journal of Modern Greek Studies 2 3 ( 2 0 0 5 ) , 3 3 5 - 9 5 . V e r m a s e r e n , M . Cybele and Attis ( L o n d o n : T h a m e s a n d H u d s o n , 1 9 7 7 ) . V e r m e u l e , E . Aspects of Death in Early Greek Poetry and Art ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r sity of California Press, 1979). V i a t o r , T . ' T h e S t a g e H i s t o r y o f C i b b e r ' s Xerxes', Theatre Notebook 4 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) , 155-9. V l a s t o s , G . T s o n o m i a ' , American Journal of Philology 7 4 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 3 3 7 - 6 6 . W a l l i n g a , H . T . 'The A n c i e n t Persian N a v y and its Predecessors', i n H . SancisiW e e r d e n b u r g ( e d . ) Achaemenid History I: Sources, Structures and Synthesis (Leiden: Netherlands Institute for the N e a r East, 1987), 47-96. W a t s o n , P . ' A p o l l o n i o d i G i o v a n n i a n d A n c i e n t A t h e n s ' , Allen Memorial Art Museum Bulletin 3 7 ( 1 9 7 9 / 8 0 ) , 3 - 2 5 . W e b s t e r , T . B . L . Greek Theatre Production ( L o n d o n : M e t h u e n , 1 9 7 0 2 ) . W e e s , H . v a n Status Warriors: War, Violence and Society in Homer and History ( A m s t e r d a m : Gieben, 1992). Wees, H . v a n 'Politics and the Battlefield: Ideology i n Greek Warfare', i n A . P o w e l l ( e d . ) The Greek World ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 5 ) , 1 5 3 - 7 8 . W e s t , M . L . ( e d . ) Hesiod: Works and Days ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 ) . W e s t , M . L . Studies in Aeschylus ( S t u t t g a r t : T e u b n e r , 1 9 9 0 ) . W e s t , M . L . Greek Music ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 9 2 ) . W e s t , M . L . ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 9 8 ( 1 9 9 3 ) , 1-14. W e s t , S . a n d W e s t , M . L . ' S h a m S h a h s ' , i n M . T o h e r a n d M . F l o w e r (eds) Georgica: Greek Studies in Honour of George Cawkwell. I n s t i t u t e o f C l a s s i cal Studies B u l l e t i n S u p p l e m e n t 58 (London: I n s t i t u t e for Classical Studies, 1991), 176-88. W i l e s , D . Tragedy in Athens: Performance Space and Theatrical Meaning (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1997). W i l k i n s , J . The Boastful Chef: The Discourse of Food in Ancient Greek Comedy (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000).

204

Bibliography W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f , U . v o n . Aischylos Interpretationen ( D u b l i n : W e i d m a n n , 1966, reprint). W i l s o n , J . T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n t h e Persians', i n M . C r o p p e t a l . ( e d s ) Greek Tragedy and its Legacy: Essays Presented to D.J. Conacher ( C a l g a r y : U n i v e r s i t y o f Calgary Press, 1986), 51-7. W i l s o n , P . The Athenian Institution of the Khoregeia ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000). W i l s o n , P . ' A t h e n i a n S t r i n g s ' , i n P . M u r r a y a n d P . W i l s o n ( e d s ) Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City ( O x f o r d : Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2004), 269-306. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , R . P . ' Z e u s i n Persae, i n R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 1-15. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , R . P . ' A W o r d i n Persae', i n R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 198¬ 9. W o h l , V . Love among the Ruins: The Erotics of Democracy in Classical Athens (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). Y o u n g , T . C . ' 4 8 0 / 4 7 9 B.c. - A P e r s i a n P e r s p e c t i v e ' , Iranica Antiqua 1 5 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 213-39. Zeitlin, F . 'The Closet of Masks: Role-Playing and M y t h - M a k i n g i n Euripides' Orestes', Ramus 2 0 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 5 5 - 7 1 . Zeitlin, F . 'Playing t h e Other: Theater, Theatricality, a n dt h e Feminine i n G r e e k D r a m a ' , i n F . Z e i t l i n , Playing the Other: Gender and Society in Classical Greek Literature ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 9 6 ) , 341-74.

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Guide to F u r t h e r Reading Greek texts and commentaries W e s t , Aeschyli Tragoediae i s t h e s t a n d a r d G r e e k t e x t o f A e s c h y l u s ' t r a g e d i e s , t h o u g h P a g e , Aeschyli Septem, r e m a i n s u s e f u l f o r i t s r e a d a b i l i t y . B r o a d h e a d i s t h e f u l l e s t c o m m e n t a r y o n t h e G r e e k t e x t o f t h e Persians i n E n g l i s h a n d c o n t a i n s appendices t h a t m a y be h e l p f u l t o r e a d e r s w h o do n o t k n o w G r e e k . H a l l c o m p r i s e s a n excellent introduction, Greek text, E n g l i s h translation, and c o m m e n t a r y keyed t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . S i d g w i c k offers a good i n t r o d u c t i o n , concise c o m m e n t a r y o n t h e G r e e k text, a n d a succinct appendix. P r i c k a r d ' s s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r school t e x t is also w o r t h consulting. F o r those w h o read Italian, Belloni's introduction, translation, and c o m m e n t a r y are lucid and thorough. Groeneboom's c o m m e n t a r y (in D u t c h , t r a n s l a t e d i n t o G e r m a n ) is useful for its c i t a t i o n o f p a r a l l e l a n d e x p l a n a t o r y texts f r o m G r e e k l i t e r a t u r e . A l s o g o o d i s Les Perses, t h e G r e e k t e x t a n d b r i e f c o m m e n t a r y i n F r e n c h p r e p a r e d u n d e r t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f J a c q u e l i n e de R o m i l l y . Translations T h e translations i n this book are m y o w n and keyed to West's Greek text of the play. T h e best translations t o u s e w i t h i t a r e those w h i c h r e t a i n the line numbers of the Greek text. These include Benardete, a simple, accurate, and readable t r a n s l a t i o n ; H a l l , w h i c h is f a i t h f u l to the o r i g i n a l ; Podlecki, w h i c h also contains a commentary; S m y t h , w h i c h i s accurate and available on-line a t http://perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?=Perseus:text: 1999.01.0012 L e m b k e / H e r i n g t o n is a poetic a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e o r i g i n a l . Since t h e t e x t has i t s o w n l i n e n u m b e r s , i t w i l l be difficult t o use w i t h t h i s book. Basic tools F o r i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e a t r e a n d festival i n ancient Greece, Csapo/Slater a n d J.R. G r e e n are invaluable. S i m o n a n d P a r k e offer short a n d useful accounts o f t h e C i t y D i o n y s i a . P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, i s t h e s t a n d a r d s c h o l a r l y a c c o u n t . P . E a s t e r l i n g ( e d . ) Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, is a h a n d y resource for a n u m b e r topics b u t is best o n h i s t o r y o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . J . G r e g o r y ( e d . ) A Companion to Greek Tragedy, c o n t a i n s s o u n d a r t i c l e s o n a w i d e range o f basic topics. T h e Perseus website, edited b y Gregory Crane (http://www.perseus.tufts, edu/hopper/), is a n excellent resource. A n o t h e r good website is t h e S t o a Consort i u m , w h i c h Ross Scaife edits (http://www.stoa.org/). A m o n g t h e texts a n d i n f o r m a t i o n t o be found o nthis site i s the Suda-on-line, the Greek text and E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n b y v a r i o u s h a n d s o f t h e t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD e n c y c l o p a e d i a .

207

Aeschylus: Persians The Persian Empire and Xerxes' invasion of Greece F o r t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , B r o s i u s i s t h e best place t o start. S h e provides a well-organized selection of translated p r i m a r y sources relating t othe empire f r o m 5 5 9 t o 4 2 4 BC. T h e study of the Persian empire h a sundergone a renaissance i n recent decades. B r i a n t ' s m o n u m e n t a l h i s t o r y i s a f r u i t o f t h a t r e b i r t h as a r e H . S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g ( e d . ) The Proceedings of the Achaemenid History Workshop. The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V ( s e c o n d e d i t i o n ) p r o v i d e s a r t i c l e s of high quality. K e n t remains indispensable for Persian inscriptions. Good treatments of Xerxes' invasion i n English include Grundy, B u r n , P . Green, Lazenby, and Strauss. Y o u n g and B a r k w o r t h t r y to tell the story from the P e r s i a n perspective. C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y ' s Encylopaedia Iranica ( w w w . i r a n i c a . c o m / i n dex.html), Livius (www.livius.org/persia.html),a n d achemenet.com (www.achemenet.com) are on-line resources useful for the study of Persia. Athenian Empire O s b o r n e , Athenian Empire, s e l e c t s , t r a n s l a t e s , a n d d i s c u s s e s t h e s o u r c e s ; i t i s t h e b e s t s t a r t i n g p o i n t . R h o d e s , Athenian Empire, o f f e r s a s h o r t , s e n s i b l e n a r r a t i v e history of the empire. Meiggs is the best scholarly account. Robertson's articles o n t h e ' T r u e N a t u r e o f t h e D e l i a n League' are a cogent p r o v o c a t i o n to the standard view. Persians and others C a r t l e d g e , ' A l i e n W i s d o m : G r e e k s v . B a r b a r i a n s ' , i n Greeks: A Portrait of Self and Others, 3 6 - 6 2 , i s a g o o d s t a r t i n g p o i n t . H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, examines the construction of the 'barbarian' i n tragedy as w a y of defining the G r e e k i d e n t i t y . H a r r i s o n ( e d . ) Greeks and Barbarians, c o n t a i n s a n u m b e r o f u s e f u l a r t i c l e s . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, o f f e r s h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s o f G r e c o - P e r sian relations. Aeschylus H e r i n g t o n , Aeschylus, a n d S p a t z a r e b a s i c i n t r o d u c t i o n s t o t h e p l a y w r i g h t i n English. S o m m e r s t e i n i s more detailed but still pitched t o a w i d e audience. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus, o f f e r s l i t e r a r y a n a l y s i s o f A e s c h y l u s ' p l a y s . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama p r o v i d e s p l a y - b y - p l a y e x e g e s i s f r o m t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . W e s t , Studies in Aeschylus, h a n d l e s t e x t u a l matters, b u t also contains a clear t r e a t m e n t o f the structure o f Aeschylus' tragedy. T a p l i n i s exceptionally detailed, but indispensable for the staging of the plays. Aeschylus'

Persians

S m e t h u r s t a n d M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, are t h e o n l y b o o k - l e n g t h s t u d i e s o f t h e Persians i n E n g l i s h . S m e t h u r s t c o m p a r e s t h e Persians a n d Z e a m i ' s Sanemori, analysing the structure, imagery, and strategies of allusion i n the t w o dramas. M i c h e l i n i studies the play f r o m the perspective of the history o f m e t r e and d r a m a t i c f o r m ; s h e i s g o o d o n v e r b a l i m a g e r y a n d t h e m e s . H a r r i s o n , Emptiness

208

Guide to Further

Reading

of Asia, i s a p r o v o c a t i v e h i s t o r i c a l r e a d i n g o f t h e p l a y , w h i c h e x a m i n e s a n d c r i t i q u e s p r e v i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . A s p e c i a l e d i t i o n o f Cahiers du Gita 7 ( 1 9 9 2 / 9 3 ) o n t h e Persians c o n t a i n s a n u m b e r o f s o l i d a r t i c l e s o n t h e p l a y . Spatz's and Gagarin's chapters and W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m ' s essay are the best p o i n t s o f e n t r y f o r t h e s t u d y o f t h e Persians. C o n a c h e r o f f e r s a s o b e r t r e a t m e n t of the play. T h a l m a n n ' s and Said's articles are a m o n g the best analyses o f the p l a y . G o o d t r e a t m e n t s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e Persians c a n b e f o u n d i n Goldhill, 'Battle N a r r a t i v e a n d Polities', M e i e r , a n d Pelling. Georges' chapter i n Barbarian Asia a n d H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, o f f e r s t r o n g h i s t o r i c a l readings. Herodotus'

Histories

F o r n a r a , Herodotus, i s t h e b e s t p l a c e t o s t a r t . O t h e r g o o d g e n e r a l t r e a t m e n t s i n c l u d e G o u l d , Herodotus, a n d I m m e r w a h r , Form and Thought. R a a f l a u b , 'Herodotus a n d t h e M e a n i n g o f History', is a n excellent t r e a t m e n t o f Herodotus' Histories a s a w a y o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e t i m e i n w h i c h i t w a s c o m p o s e d . A l s o w o r t h c o n s u l t i n g a r e t h e a r t i c l e s i n E . B a k k e r e t a l . ( e d s ) Brill's Companion to Herodotus ( L e i d e n : B r i l l , 2 0 0 2 ) . Reception H a l l ' s s t u d i e s a r e f u n d a m e n t a l f o r t h e Persians. G o o d g e n e r a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t s i n c l u d e H a r d w i c k , G a r l a n d , a n d B u r i a n ' s a n d M a c i n t o s h ' s e s s a y s i n The Cambridge Companion. L o r n a H a r d w i c k has published a searchable database of late twentieth-cent u r y performances o f Greek drama o n t h e website o f t h e Department o f Classical S t u d i e s a t t h e O p e n U n i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n . I t c a n be accessed a t http://www4.open.ac.uk/csdb/ASP/database.htm. Registration is required t o search the database. The Archive of Performances of Greek and R o m a n D r a m a atthe University of Oxford, directed by Peter B r o w n , E d i t h Hall, a n d Oliver Taplin, has published a searchable d a t a b a s e o f p r o d u c t i o n s (stage, screen, r a d i o ) o n t h e w e b (http://www.apgrd.ox.ac.uk/database.htm). Registration is required.

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Chronology BC c. 760-c. 550: t e x t s o f H o m e r Iliad a n d Odyssey, a n d H e s i o d Theogony a n d Works and Days are b e i n g w r i t t e n d o w n , c. 699-c. 647: D e i o c e s f i r s t k i n g o f M e d e s . c. 646-c. 625: P h r a o r t e s r u l e s M e d e s . c. 640-c. 479: t e x t o f T h e o g n i s c o m i n g i n t o f o r m a t i o n , c. 624-c. 585: C y a x a r e s r u l e s M e d e s . 614: C y a x a r e s t a k e s A s h u r . 612: C y a x a r e s t a k e s N i n e v e h . 594: S o l o n ' s r e f o r m s a t A t h e n s , c. 584-c. 550: A s t y a g e s r u l e s M e d e s . 561/60: P i s i s t r a t u s s e i z e s f i r s t t y r a n n y a t A t h e n s . 559-530: r u l e o f C y r u s t h e G r e a t . 546/45: C y r u s d e f e a t s C r o e s u s o f L y d i a . P e r s i a a s s i m i l a t e s L y d i a n e m p i r e . 534/33: t r a d i t i o n a l d a t e f o r i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t r a g e d y a t A t h e n s . 530-523: r u l e o f C a m b y s e s s o n o f C y r u s . 527: H i p p i a s s u c c e e d s P i s i s t r a t u s . 525: A e s c h y l u s b o r n . 522-486: D a r i u s r u l e s P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 514: H i p p a r c h u s m u r d e r e d b y ' t y r a n t - s l a y e r s ' H a r m o d i u s a n d A r i s t o g i t o n . 513: D a r i u s i n v a d e s S c y t h i a , b r i d g i n g T h r a c i a n B o s p h o r u s . 510: P i s i s t r a t i d a e e x p e l l e d f r o m A t h e n s . 508/07: C l i s t h e n e s ' r e f o r m s i n t r o d u c e d e m o c r a c y ; f o r m a t i o n o f t e n A t t i c t r i b e s . 508-501(7): A t h e n i a n s c o l o n i z e S a l a m i s . 507(7): A t h e n i a n e n v o y s g i v e e a r t h a n d w a t e r t o A r t a p h r e n e s . 506(7): A t h e n i a n h o p l i t e s d e f e a t B o e o t i a n s a n d C h a l c i d i a n s ; C h a l c i s c o l o n i z e d . 501: d e m o c r a t i c r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f C i t y D i o n y s i a ; t r a g e d y i n s t i t u t e d ( ? ) . 501/500: A t h e n i a n s r e j e c t A r t a p h r e n e s ' u l t i m a t u m t o r e i n s t a t e H i p p i a s . 500/499: a b o r t i v e P e r s i a n / M i l e s i a n s i e g e o f N a x o s . 499: A e s c h y l u s ' f i r s t t r a g e d y . 499/98-494: I o n i a n R e v o l t . 499/498: I o n i a n s , A t h e n i a n s , a n d E r e t r i a n s a t t a c k S a r d i s ; c i t y a n d t e m p l e o f Cybebe burned. 494: b a t t l e o f L a d e . 494: s i e g e a n d d e s t r u c t i o n o f M i l e t u s . 493: P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l s a g a i n s t C h i o s , L e s b o s , T e n e d o s a n d r e b e l l i o u s m a i n l a n d cities. P h o e n i c i a n fleet gains control o f w e s t e r n side o f Hellespont; Persians t a k e e a s t e r n side. 493-91(7): P h r y n i c h u s ' Capture of Miletus. 492: M a r d o n i u s ' s e a - b o r n e i n v a s i o n o f n o r t h e r n G r e e c e .

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Aeschylus: Persians 490: P e r s i a n s a t t a c k N a x o s a n d C y c l a d e s , p r o c l a i m D e l o s s a c r o s a n c t , s a c k E r e t r i a . A t h e n i a n a n d P l a t a e a n hoplites defeat Persians at M a r a t h o n . 489/88: M i l t i a d e s ' f a i l e d s i e g e o f P a r o s . 488-81(7): w a r b e t w e e n A t h e n s a n d A e g i n a . 486: c o m e d y i n s t i t u t e d a t C i t y D i o n y s i a . 486-465: r u l e o f X e r x e s . 484: X a n t h i p p u s o s t r a c i z e d . 483: X e r x e s h a s c a n a l c u t b e h i n d M o u n t A t h o s . T h e m i s t o c l e s p e r s u a d e s A t h e n i a n s to use surplus silver to b u i l d fleet o f 100 t r i r e m e s . 483/82: A r i s t i d e s o s t r a c i z e d . 480: M a y : X e r x e s m a r c h e s f r o m S a r d i s t o G r e e c e ; A u g u s t : b a t t l e s o f T h e r m o p y lae a n d A r t e m i s i u m ; September: battle o f S a l a m i s . 479/78: s u m m e r : b a t t l e o f P l a t a e a , b a t t l e o f M y c a l e ; a u t u m n / w i n t e r : s i e g e o f Sestus a n d crucifixiono f A r t a y c t e s . A t h e n i a n s dedicate cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges. 478(7): S i m o n i d e s ' Plataea. 478/77: G r e e k s l i b e r a t e W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ; P a u s a n i a s r e c a l l e d t o S p a r t a ; f o u n dation of the A t h e n i a n empire. 476(7): P h r y n i c h u s ' Phoenician Women. 476: s i e g e a n d e n s l a v e m e n t o f E i o n ; ' E i o n e p i g r a m s ' ; c o l o n i z a t i o n a n d f i r s t A t h e n i a n disaster at Eion(?). 475: c a p t u r e a n d e n s l a v e m e n t o f S c y r o s ; ' d i s c o v e r y ' o f T h e s e u s ' b o n e s , c. 470: A e s c h y l u s s t a g e s Women of Aetna i n S i c i l y t o c o m m e m o r a t e H i e r o n ' s r e f o u n d a t i o n o f C a t a n a a s A e t n a ; r e s t a g i n g o f Persians i n S i c i l y ( ? ) . 474(7): A t h e n i a n w a r w i t h C a r y s t u s . 472: A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. 469-66(7): b a t t l e o f E u r y m e d o n ; d e s t r u c t i o n o f P h o e n i c i a n f l e e t . 467: A e s c h y l u s ' Seven against Thebes. 465(7): c a p t u r e a n d ' e n s l a v e m e n t ' o f N a x o s . 464: d i s a s t e r a t D r a b e s c u s i n T h r a c e . 463: c a p t u r e a n d i n d e m n i f i c a t i o n o f T h a s o s ; s e i z u r e o f m i n e s . 463: A e s c h y l u s ' Suppliants. 461: r e f o r m s o f E p h i a l t e s ; o s t r a c i s m o f C i m o n . 460/59-454: i n v a s i o n o f E g y p t ; t o t a l d e f e a t . 458: A e s c h y l u s ' Oresteia. 456: A t h e n i a n s c o m p l e t e l o n g w a l l s . A e s c h y l u s d i e s i n G e l a , S i c i l y . 454: A t h e n i a n s s t o c k p i l e t r i b u t e a t A t h e n s ( ? ) ; f i r s t t r i b u t e l i s t s i n s c r i b e d a n d displayed. 443: p a n h e l l e n i c c o l o n y , T h u r i i , o n s i t e o f S y b a r i s . 427-416(7): P h e r e c r a t e s ' Persians. 426(7): r e v i v a l o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians at A t h e n s . 426-415(7): H e r o d o t u s ' Histories p u b l i s h e d . 425: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Acharnians. 424: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Knights. 422: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Wasps. 421: E u p o l i s ' Maricas. 417-411(7): E u p o l i s ' Villages. 415: E u r i p i d e s ' Trojan Women. 415-413: A t h e n i a n i n v a s i o n o f S y r a c u s e . 408: E u r i p i d e s ' Orestes. 405: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Frogs. 405: b a t t l e o f A e g o s p o t a m i ; A t h e n i a n f l e e t c a p t u r e d .

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Chronology 404: A t h e n s s u r r e n d e r s t o S p a r t a ; l o n g w a l l s d i s m a n t l e d ; f l e e t r e d u c e d t o twelve ships. 404-358: A r t a x e r x e s I I K i n g o f P e r s i a , c. 400: C h o e r i l u s ' Persian Wars. 400-394: S p a r t a a n d P e r s i a a t w a r . 400-375(7): M e t a g e n e s ' Persians of Thurii. 399-395(7): p u b l i c a t i o n o f T h u c y d i d e s ' History. 396-394: A g e s i l a u s ' i n v a s i o n o f P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 396-394(7): T i m o t h e u s ' Persians. 394: b a t t l e o f C n i d u s : d e f e a t o f S p a r t a n n a v y b y n e w l y f u n d e d P e r s i a n n a v y under the command of Conon of Athens. 331/30: A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t s a c k s a n d b u r n s P e r s e p o l i s . 205: P y l a d e s p e r f o r m s T i m o t h e u s ' Persians at t h e N e m e a n G a m e s . 31: b a t t l e o f A c t i u m . c. 19: p o s t h u m o u s p u b l i c a t i o n o f V e r g i l ' s Aeneid. 2: A u g u s t u s s t a g e s n a v a l b a t t l e b e t w e e n ' A t h e n i a n s ' a n d ' P e r s i a n s ' . AD c. 500: Persians s e l e c t e d w i t h Prometheus Bound a n d Seven against Thebes t o form 'Byzantine triad'. 1339: B o c c a c c i o ' s Theseid of the Wedding of Emilia. 1360: B o c c a c c i o ' s Fates of Illustrious Men. c. 1423: t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD v e l l u m m a n u s c r i p t o f A e s c h y l u s ' s e v e n p l a y s a r r i v e s in Italy. 1453: T u r k s c a p t u r e C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . 1461: A p o l l o n i o d i G i o v a n n i r e c e i v e s c o m m i s s i o n f o r Xerxes' Invasion of Greece a n d Triumph of the Victorious Greeks. 1518: f i r s t b o o k e d i t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s ' p l a y s . 1571: b a t t l e o f L e p a n t o ; r e a d i n g o f Persians i n I t a l i a n t r a n s l a t i o n o n Z a c y n thus. 1585: Oedipus the King r e s t a g e d a t V i c e n z a , I t a l y . 1654: F r a n c e s c o C a v a l l i ' s Xerxes p e r f o r m e d i n V e n i c e . 1660: p e r f o r m a n c e o f C a v a l l i ' s Xerxes a f t e r L o u i s X I V ' s w e d d i n g . 1694: B o n o n c i n i ' s Xerxes. 1699: C o l l e y C i b b e r ' s Xerxes. 1738: H a n d e l ' s Xerxes premières i n L o n d o n . 1815: A n o n y m o u s Xerxes the Great o r The Battle of Thermopyle, p r o d u c e d i n Philadelphia. 1821: G r e e k r e v o l t f r o m t h e O t t o m a n e m p i r e . 1822: S h e l l e y ' s Hellas. 1902: p a p y r u s o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persians d i s c o v e r e d i n A b u s i r , E g y p t . 1939: B B C r e a d i n g o f G i l b e r t M u r r a y ' s t r a n s l a t i o n o f Persians. 1942: r e v i v a l o f Persians i n Gôttingen, G e r m a n y . 1946-49: G r e e k c i v i l w a r . 1947: G r e e k t h e a t r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a n t i - c o m m u n i s t Persians t o c e l e b r a t e u n i o n of Dodecanese w i t h Greece. 1951: T z v a l a s K a r o u s o s d i r e c t s l e f t i s t p r i s o n e r p e r f o r m a n c e o f Persians o n i s l a n d o f Aï S t r a t i s . 1960-69: M a t t i a s B r a u n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians r e c e i v e d a s a n t i - w a r p l a y . 1967-74: m i l i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p i n G r e e c e . 1970: J o h n L e w i s ' a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians p e r f o r m e d a t S t G e o r g e C h u r c h , New York.

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Aeschylus: Persians 1971: T a k i s M o u z e n i d i s ' Persians p e r f o r m e d a t E p i d a u r u s . 1974: C i r c l e R e p e r t o r y p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e Persians. 1991: F i r s t G u l f W a r . 1993: P e t e r S e l l a r s ' Persians premières i n R o b e r t A u l e t t a ' s a d a p t a t i o n . 2003-: S e c o n d G u l f W a r . 2004: E l l e n M c L a u g h l i n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians f i r s t p e r f o r m e d .

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Glossary allotrios: ' a l i e n ' , ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s ' ; o p p o s e d t o oikeios ' o n e ' s o w n ' . anapaest: t w o - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m u u - ; m a r c h i n g a n a p a e s t s a r e s p o k e n / r e c i t e d i n t w o m e t r a , u u - u u - / u u - uu—, c a l l e d a n a p a e s t i c d i m e ter. Lyric anapaests are m e t r i c a l l y m o r e flexible and sung to a melody. anaphora: t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f w o r d s a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f s e n t e n c e s , v e r s e s , o r clauses. anthos: l i t e r a l l y 'blossom' or 'flower', designates t h e best, m o s t conspicuous, or m o s t lustrous part o f a n y t h i n g . T h e w o r d also refers t o w h a t grows o r e m e r g e s o n o r f r o m t h e surface o f s o m e t h i n g else, s u c h a s t h e n a p o f fine cloth, f r o t h o n t h e sea o r o n w i n e , p a t i n a o n bronze, a n d s m o k e f r o m fire. antistrophe: l i t e r a l l y ' t u r n i n g b a c k ' o r ' a b o u t ' , t h e t e r m r e f e r s t o t h e s e c o n d s t a n z a i n a p a i r m e t r i c a l l y c o r r e s p o n d i n g s t a n z a s . S e e u n d e r strophe. arche: ' b e g i n n i n g ' , ' o r i g i n ' ; a l s o t h e t e r m f o r e m p i r e o r r i g h t t o r u l e . S e e u n d e r telos. arete: ' v i r t u e ' , ' e x c e l l e n c e ' , ' n o b i l i t y ' . Ate/ate: G o d d e s s o f d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n / s u b j e c t i v e s t a t e o f d e l u s i o n a n d objective result of disaster. charis: ' g r a t i t u d e ' , ' f a v o u r ' , o r 'grace'. I t d e s i g n a t e s t h e f a v o u r s o n e does f o r a n o t h e r a n d the debt o f gratitude o w e d i n exchange. dactyl: t w o - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m - u u . daimon: d i v i n e p o w e r o r spirit; t h e d i v i n e force t h a t d e t e r m i n e s a person's fortune. demos: 'people'; d e m o c r a c y m e a n s ' d o m i n a t i o n b y t h e people'; also m e a n s 'village'. deus ex m a c h i n a : l i t e r a l l y ' g o d f r o m a m a c h i n e ' , s o c a l l e d b e c a u s e a t t h e e n d o f t r a g e d i e s a g o d a p p e a r e d h o i s t e d i n t o t h e a i r o n a c r a n e , o r mechane, t o resolve irresolvable conflicts a n dt o prophesy t h e f u t u r e outside o f the drama. drachma, mina, talent: d r a c h m a = 4 . 3 g o f s i l v e r o n t h e A t h e n i a n s t a n d a r d ; 100 drachmae = 1 m i n a , 430 g of silver; 60 m i n a e = 1talent, 25.8 k g o f silver. d r a m a : the source o f o u r w o r d 'drama', i nancient G r e e k i t m e a n s 'a t h i n g d o n e ' , a n a c t i o n o f c o n s e q u e n c e w h i c h d e m a n d s r e c i p r o c a t i o n . Drama e n t a i l s pathos, ' s u f f e r i n g ' , o f g r e a t e r m a g n i t u d e . ekplexis: literally a ' s t r i k i n g out', i t refers t o m e n t a l a n d e m o t i o n a l 'astonishment'. e l e u t h e r i a : ' f r e e d o m ' i n t h e s e n s e o f b e l o n g i n g t o a f r e e oikos a n d polis - n o t being t h e slave or subject of another, epode: a s t a n z a r h y t h m i c a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t o f a s t r o p h i c / a n t i s t r o p h i c p a i r , w h i c h e i t h e r m a r k s t h e e n d o f a n ode o r a t h e m a t i c a n d m e t r i c a l b r e a k within it.

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Aeschylus: Persians euthynai: the procedure by w h i c h A t h e n i a n s held public officials w h o handled m o n e y accountable. exodos: c h o r a l s o n g o f e x i t f r o m t h e o r c h e s t r a . habros: l o v e l y ' , 'delicate', l u x u r i o u s ' , 'desirable'. A k e y w o r d o f G r e e k l y r i c p o e t r y o f t h e s e v e n t h a n d s i x t h c e n t u r i e s BC, i t b e c o m e s p e j o r a t i v e a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s a n d is associated w i t h e n e r v a t i n g m a t e r i a l excess. h a r m a m a x a : a covered chariot associated w i t h the effeminate l u x u r y of the P e r s i a n s , i t i s r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e Persians a s a ' t e n t o n w h e e l s ' , a n d m a y b e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a d u r i n g t h e kommos, s y m b o l i z i n g t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e m e n who accompanied i t - according t o Herodotus, 22,000 o fPersia's finest soldiers. hebe: l i t e r a l l y ' y o u t h ' , b u t m e a n i n g t h e ' p r i m e o f l i f e ' . T h e w o r d d e s i g n a t e s m e n o f m i l i t a r y age a n d n u b i l e w o m e n , hegemony: l i t e r a l l y , ' m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p ' (hegemonia), c o m m a n d w i t h t h e p o w e r t o c o m p e l a l l i e s t o f o l l o w w h e r e v e r t h e l e a d e r ' (hegemon) l e a d s . C o m m o n privileges include occupying the right w i n g i n battle and imposing friends and enemies o n allies, hoplite: a h e a v i l y a r m o u r e d i n f a n t r y m a n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f G r e e k l a n d w a r f a r e ; the product of G r e e k political a n d social structures i n w h i c h l a n d o w n e r s h i p and the d u t y to protect i t are integral to citizenship. hybris: v i o l e n t d i s r e g a r d for t h e h o n o u r o f a n o t h e r , i n c l u d i n g t h e gods; v i o l e n t and fruitless expenditure of energy w i t h the intent t o damage another's person or property. hypothesis: l i t e r a l l y , 'plot', t h e t e r m refers t o t h e s u m m a r y o f a p l a y a p p e n d e d t o a m a n u s c r i p t . T h e hypothesis o f t e n i n c l u d e s p l o t , s e t t i n g , c h a r a c t e r s , date, a n d w h e t h e r the play w o n first prize. iamb: o n e - a n d - a h a l f - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m u - . L y r i c i a m b i c i s a f l e x i b l e m e t r e based o n t h e f o r m x - u - (x = e i t h e r - or u ) a n d s u n g to a m e l o d y . iambic trimeter: t h e b a s i c s p o k e n m e t r e o f d r a m a , c o m p o s e d o f t h r e e i a m b i c d i m e t e r s : x - u - / x - u - / x - u - (x = e i t h e r - o r u ) . Ionians: a c c o r d i n g t o H e r o d o t u s , a n i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e o f t h e A e g e a n w h o adopted Greek language and culture. T h e most prominent I o n i a n city is Athens, w h i c h claimed t o be t h e mother city o fIonians w h o colonized W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a a n d the A e g e a n islands, p l a n t i n g f u r t h e r colonies i n the B l a c k Sea, s o u t h e r n Italy, a n d Sicily. 'Ionia' designates I o n i a n city-states i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ( s u c h as M i l e t u s ) , b u t s o m e t i m e s s t a n d s f o r a l l t h e G r e e k city-states of W e s t e r n Anatolia, w h i c h included the other branches of the G r e e k s , A e o l i a n s a n d D o r i a n s . T h e I o n i a n s proper f o r m e d a loose u n i o n o f t w e l v e cities, called the duodecapolis, w h i c h assembled a t t h e P a n i o n i o n near Mycale. Ionic a m i n o r e : a l y r i c m e t r e b a s e d o n t h e f o r m u u — . isonomia: l i t e r a l l y ' e q u a l i t y o f l a w ' , b u t m o r e g e n e r a l l y , e q u a l access t o p o w e r w h i c h implies m a j o r i t y rule a n d accountability for office-holders; sometimes a s y n o n y m for democracy. iunx: the w r y n e c k , a b i r d whose head can s w i v e l 360 degrees. T i e d to a w h e e l a n d s p u n , i t w a s u s e d i n G r e e k e r o t i c m a g i c t o w i n b a c k a l o s t l o v e r . Iunx can also refer to the w h e e l itself or stand m o r e generally for a love incantation. kenning: a f i g u r a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n w h i c h s u b s t i t u t e s f o r a n o u n , s u c h a s ' t h e sweat of the fount of B r o m i u s ' for 'wine'. kleos: l i t e r a l l y s o m e t h i n g ' h e a r d ' o r s a i d a b o u t s o m e o n e ; ' g l o r y ' , ' g o o d - r e p u t e ' , 'renown' w h i c h lends m o r t a l s a f o r m of i m m o r t a l i t y .

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Glossary kommos: s u n g l a m e n t between actor(s) a n d chorus. koros: m e a n s 'fullness' o r 'satiation' i n H o m e r , t h e n comes t o m e a n 'insat i a b i l i t y ' . I t i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h hybris a n d ate. kosmos: ' o r d e r ' o r ' s o c i a l o r d e r ' ; i t a l s o m e a n s ' o r n a m e n t ' , a n d r e f e r s t o c e r e m o n i a l clothing. I tc a n also suggest h o n o u r o r glory. Philosophers used i t t o m e a n ' w o r l d order', i n t h e sense o f o u r cosmos. lecythia: l y r i c t r o c h a i c m e t r e o f t h e f o r m - u - x - u - ( x = - o r u ) . Mede(s): a n A r y a n p e o p l e l i k e t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o c o n s o l i d a t e d p o w e r i n I r a n before t h e Persians. T h e Greeks often conflated t h e m w i t h t h e Persians. medism: c o l l a b o r a t i n g w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s . oikeios: ' o f o n e ' s oikos , ' o n e ' s o w n ' , ' p a r t o f o n e ' s n a t u r e ' ; o p p o s e d t o allotrios. oikos: h o u s e h o l d a n d f a m i l y i n c l u d i n g l a n d , s l a v e s , a n d p r o p e r t y . olbos: q u a l i t y o f w e a l t h w h i c h i m p l i e s p r o s p e r i t y , h a p p i n e s s , d i v i n e f a v o u r , blessedness a n d t h e capacity t o t r a n s m i t these t o future generations. ostracism: a d e m o c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n f i r s t p r a c t i s e d i n 4 8 8 / 8 7 a t A t h e n s . T h e citizen body dissolved into t e n tribes a n d each citizen deposited a sherd w i t h t h e n a m e o f t h e c i t i z e n h e w o u l d m o s t like t o go i n t o exile f o r a decade. I f 6,000 sherds w e r e cast, t h e m a n w h o s e n a m e t u r n e d u p o n t h e m o s t o f t h e m w e n t into ten-year exile, though h i s house a n d property remained intact i n A t t i c a . T h e A t h e n i a n s voted t o h o l d a n ostracism t w o t o three m o n t h s before it w a s held. parodos: t h e ' s i d e e n t r y ' t o t h e o r c h e s t r a ; c h o r a l e n t r y s o n g o f a d r a m a . pathos: 'suffering'. pelanos: a porridge-like r i t u a l offering containing meal, olive-oil, w i n e , w h i c h can be b u r n e d o r p o u r e d t o t h e g r o u n d . plethos: 'number', 'large number', 'majority', 'population', 'mass o r masses'. ponos: ' l a b o u r ' , ' t o i l ' , ' s u f f e r i n g ' ; t h e l a b o u r v a l u e o f s y m b o l i c c a p i t a l ( n o b i l i t y , virtue, gratitude, glory). ploutos/Ploutos: richness of the soil a n d i t s produce; w e a l t h . T h e god embodyi n g these goods. pothos: 'longing', desire for w h a t is absent. proskynesis: P e r s i a n social r i t u a l b y w h i c h inferiors b o w t o superiors f r o m their knees; Greeks considered i t a ritual m a r k i n g t h e divinity of the Great K i n g since t h e y b o w e d t h i s w a y o n l y before gods, scholium: a m a r g i n a l c o m m e n t i n a m a n u s c r i p t . T h e s e c o m m e n t s p r e s e r v e information about a n ancient text a n d t h e history of its interpretation. skene: l i t e r a l l y , ' t e n t ' , t h e w o r d f o r t h e s t a g e - h o u s e i n t h e A t h e n i a n t h e a t r e , a w o o d e n b u i l d i n g used t o r e p r e s e n t palaces, temples, a n d o t h e r s t r u c t u r e s , stichomythia: l i t e r a l l y , ' t a l k i n g i n l i n e s ' , a d i a l o g u e c o n d u c t e d m a i n l y i n one-line utterances, b u t sometimes including half-lines a n d statements o f up t o three lines. stasimon: a s t a t i o n a r y c h o r a l s o n g , d e l i v e r e d b u t n o t a d d r e s s e d t o t h e a u d i e n c e . I n t h e Persians, t h e f i r s t s t a s i m o n b e g i n s w i t h a n a n a p a e s t i c p r e l u d e before m o d u l a t i n g t o lyric i a m b i c a n d lyric dactylic. T h esecond s t a s i m o n is sung i n lyric dactylic metre. strophe: l i t e r a l l y ' t u r n i n g ' a n d s o t h o u g h t t o r e f e r t h e d a n c e m o v e m e n t s o f a c h o r u s , t h e t e r m r e f e r s t o t h e f i r s t s t a n z a o f a p a i r o f s t a n z a s - strophe a n d antistrophe - o f c o r r e s p o n d i n g m e t r i c a l s h a p e . telos: ' e n d p o i n t ' ; ' r e a l i z a t i o n ' , ' f u l f i l m e n t ' , ' p a y m e n t ' . tribe: G r e e k p h y l e , a t A t h e n s , a g r o u p o f c i t i z e n s u n i t e d b y f i c t i o n a l i z e d k i n s h i p i n t h e worship of a n eponymous hero; derived from clusters of villages i n t h e t h r e e m a j o r g e o g r a p h i c a l r e g i o n s o f A t t i c a , t h e city, t h e p l a i n , a n d t h e coast.

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Aeschylus: Persians Attica was divided into t e n tribes, w h i c h were the organizational basis for A t h e n i a n society. T h e C o u n c i l , the hoplite a r m y , generalships, ostracisms, public burial, and dithyrambic choral competitions were structured by tribe. trireme: w a r s h i p w i t h h u l l , b r o n z e r a m , a n d s m a l l d e c k , p o w e r e d b y t h r e e b a n k s o f 3 0 oars o n each side; 2 0 0 m e n c o m p r i s e d a f u l l c o m p l e m e n t , 180 rowers and 20 crew, marines, and archers. trochaic tetrameter: s p o k e n m e t r e c o m p o s e d o f f o u r t r o c h a i c m e a s u r e s , t h e final measure l a c k i n g a syllable: - u - x / - u - x / - u - x / - u - / (x = - or u ) .

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Index Achilles 28, 132 A d o n i s 123-4, 130, 153 A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 2 1 , 4 7 , 1 0 5 ; a n d D a r i u s 102-3; a n d i n h e r i t e d curse 94-5; a n d m o r a l hegemony 37; a n d P h r y n i c h u s 33-5, 39; a n d T i m o t h e u s 150-4; a s actor 16, 66, 130; audience o f 102-3, 1 1 1 , 147; biography o f 15-16; cosmic order i n 76, 112, 145; d r a m a t u r g y o f 1 4 - 1 6 , 1 0 5 - 6 ; Eumenides 9 2 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 7 ; Oresteia 4 8 ; r e s t a g i n g o f 1 6 1 ; Suppliants 111; tragic vision of 111-12 A g a m e m n o n 2 1 , 105, 132, 154 A j a x 82, 125, 135 a n a p a e s t 40, 47, 78, 85, 128, 129 A p o l l o 3 1 , 4 3 , 5 7 ; see also D e l p h i c Oracle A r i s t i d e s 58, 73, 9 7 A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 1 6 1 ; Frogs 1 4 2 , 1 6 1 ; Knights 1 1 4 A r i s t o t l e Poetics 1 6 , 5 0 , 5 5 , 8 5 , 1 0 5 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 1 ; Politics 1 2 4 ; Rhetoric 135 A r t e m i s i u m 24, 74, 120 Ate/ate a n d n e t 1 2 , 5 9 , 7 1 ; a n d y o k e , 46; as delusion 43-4; as f u l f i l m e n t o f hybris 2 4 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 46, 67-8, 89, 95, 106, 108-9, 112, 122; a s p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n 12, 43, 59; flower o f 127; recognition of 1 3 1 - 6 ; see also hybris, koros, kommos, l a m e n t A t h e n a 3 1 , 67, 114 A t h e n i a n e m p i r e a i m s o f 3 0 - 1 , 57; losses o f 8 0 - 1 , 126; m e m b e r s o f 116-21; m y t h s of 29-33, 142; v a l u e o f 9 3 ; see also i m p e r i a l i s m , ponos, t r i b u t e

Athens/Athenian(s) and autochthony 84; a n d democracy 18, 36-7, 58, 73, 112, 135; a n d gods 67; a n d h e g e m o n y 28-9, 35, 9 8 ; a n d hybris 7 3 , 1 4 2 ; a n d I o n i a n s 19, 30, 80; a n d P e r s i a n e m p i r e 18-19, 30; a s H a d e s 59, 77, 137; as heroes o f S a l a m i s 36; as island 96; as 'saviours o f Greece' 59, 9 1 ; as siege p o w e r 32-3, 37; epithets o f 66, 74, 130; e v a c u a t i o n a n d sack o f 24-5, 44, 53-4, 70, 90, 104-7, 124; m o r a l leadership o f 37, 70, 73, 142; n a v a l p o w e r o f 74, 79, 88, 97, 1 2 1 ; public b u r i a l s o f 66; values o f 37, 60, 67, 146 A t o s s a 9 4 - 5 ; see also Q u e e n Auletta, Robert 162 barbarian(s) and s w i m m i n g 71; as food 72, 8 1 , 152; cowardice 48, 68; d e h u m a n i z a t i o n o f 142-4, 152; effeminacy 125, 149-50; e m o t i o n a l i s m 125; m e n t a l i t y 1 0 7 , 1 1 5 , 1 4 3 - 4 ; n a m e 5 3 ; pathos 1 4 4 , 1 4 6 ; s l a v e r y 3 7 ; see also Mede(s), Persia/Persian(s) B e h i s t u n Inscription 100-1 b l o s s o m / f l o w e r (anthos) 3 9 , 8 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 0 ; see also hebe Boccaccio 157 Book of Esther 1 6 0 C a m b y s e s 17, 93, 95, 100, 120, 1 2 1 catalogue(s) a n d epic 4 0 - 1 ; a n d presence/absence 40, 129; o f medizers 75; o f Persia's A e g e a n empire 115-21; of Persian allies 41; of P e r s i a n dead 65-6, 129-31; of Persian kings 97-101

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Index catharsis 135, 141-2 C a v a l l i , F r a n c e s c o Xerxes 1 5 8 c h a r i o t a n d hybris 4 9 - 5 0 , 7 3 ; a n d olbos 5 1 - 2 , 1 5 3 ; A s s y r i a n 4 3 , 4 9 ; c u r t a i n e d (harmamaxa) 1 3 1 - 2 ; o f t h e d a y 6 3 , 6 9 ; o f t h e s u n 1 5 8 ; see also Q u e e n , X e r x e s , y o k e c h o r u s a n d ate 4 3 - 4 , 4 6 ; a n d D a r i u s 47, 56, 87-8, 90, 101-2, 114-15; a n d female choruses 45, 56; a n d free speech 54, 8 1 , 126; a n d i m p e r i a l i s m 40-6, 101-2; a n d m e s s e n g e r 6 3 - 4 , 8 1 ; a n d pathos 39, 137-8; as citizens 63, 126; as 'the t r u s t e d ' 54, 77; a t t i t u d e s o f 40-3; council of 48; exclamations of 45, 79, 87, 134; h y m n o f 86-8, 132; l a m e n t s of 45, 63-4, 79-82, 122-38; language o f 43-4, 8 1 , 127; perspective o f 50; p r e m o n i t i o n s o f 54, 89; prophecy o f 8 1 ; proskynesis o f 5 0 , 8 1 , 8 3 ; r o b e s o f 1 3 7 - 8 ; see also e p o d e , p a r o d o s , stasima chorus leader 77, 8 5 C i b b e r , C o l l e y Xerxes 1 5 8 - 9 comedy 154-6 cosmos 37, 76, 107, 112, 135, 142, 145 Croesus 5 1 , 123 Cybebe/Cybele 19-20, 22, 23, 84, 104-5, 146, 152 C y r u s passim 1 7 , 9 3 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 1 2 1 , 155 daimon ( d i v i n i t y ) a n d koros 1 0 9 , 131, 134; as character 99; as f i e n d 77, 9 1 , 126, 139-40; D a r i u s a s 8 5 ; o f P e r s i a n s 4 3 , 7 7 ; see also Xerxes D a r i u s passim; a n d c u r e 8 4 , 8 6 , 114-16; a n d G o l d e n Age 110, 114, 116, 155; a n d principles o f d r a m a 46, 89, 105-6, 108-9; a n d prophecies 89, 9 1 ; a n d S o l o n 108-9, 114-5; a n d sympotic poetry 114-15; as focalizer 102-3; as god 86-7, 102, 110; a s m o r t a l 86; a u t h o r i t y o f 114; conquests of 116-21; costume of 88; entrance of 86, 88-90; epithets o f 47, 116; historical 102-3, 111, 143;

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f 1 4 6 - 7 ; olbos o f 86, 94, 1 0 1 , 110; p a r t i n g w o r d s o f 114-15; p i t y of 56, 74, 88, 95, 103, 147; praise o f 87, 110, 116; prophecies o f 103, 106-9, 1 1 1 ; recognition o f 89, 97; t o m b o f 47, 8 5 - 6 ; see also c h o r u s , X e r x e s day/night 68, 7 1 , 76, 78, 8 5 D e l i a n L e a g u e 3 1 - 2 ; see also Athenian empire Delphic Oracle 43, 48, 64, 67, 9 1 , 107, 108 D e m e t e r a n d K o r e 15, 8 4 d e m o s 17, 19, 33, 58, 98, 112 D i o n y s u s 14, 84, 1 5 1 , 152, 1 6 1 D o r i a n ( s ) 49, 53, 54, 107, 110, 1 5 1 ; see also S p a r t a E i o n 32-3, 118; epigrams 76-7 e p i n i c i a n 142, 145 epode 43-4, 88, 111 e q u a l i t y (isonomia) A t h e n i a n 1 8 , 72-3; i n E i o n epigrams 33; i n I o n i a 19; P e r s i a n l a c k o f 57-8, 72-3, 147; v e r s u s m o n a r c h y 18, 36-7, 99 E r i n y e s 92, 113-14, 127 erotic magic 130-1 e u n u c h 20, 33-4, 3 9 E u p o l i s Maricas 1 5 4 , 1 6 1 ; Villages 17 E u r i p i d e s Andromache 1 2 5 ; Orestes 1 4 9 ; Trojan Women 2 1 eye 'evil' 53, 130; o f gods 49-50; o f house 52, 65, 153; o f the n i g h t 71; of snake 49; o f t r i r e m e 53; ' t r u s t e d ' 1 3 0 - 1 , 1 5 3 ; see also verbal imagery fear a n d d r a m a t i c r e a l i t y 45-6, 127; a n d l a m e n t 153; a n d m i l i t a r y posturing 40; a n d w e a l t h 51-2; as d e f e r r i n g pathos 3 9 ; a s t r a g i c e m o t i o n 1 1 , 22, 78, 124-5, 1 4 1 ; o f b a r b a r i a n sailors 46, 68-9; of chorus 43, 45-6, 47, 90, 137; o f D a r i u s 93; o f Q u e e n 50-2, 57, 83, 90-1 fish/fishing 4 1 , 46, 59, 7 1 , 8 1 , 130 f r e e d o m (eleutheria) a n d I o n i a n s 3 2 ; a n d P e r s i a n W a r s 27, 60, 70; a n d p o v e r t y 75; as life-giving light 69;

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Index H o m e r 30, 134; a n d A j a x 82; catalogue o f ships i n 40; 'day of f r e e d o m ' i n 6 9 ; Iliad 5 8 - 9 , 7 8 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 ; kata kosmon i n 4 9 ; Odyssey 7 6 , 1 0 9 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 2 ; olbos i n 5 1 , 132 hoplite 22-3, 26, 48-9, 72-3, 129, 152 h u n t / h u n t i n g 43, 59, 7 1 , 123 Hussein, S a d d a m 162 hybris passim; a n d ate 4 2 , 4 3 ; a n d intoxication 151, 161; and life-cycle 109-10; a n d o/6os 109; a n d p l a n t s 108, 123; a n d sea 1 5 1 , 153; a n d S i l v e r Age 110; a n d y o k i n g Hellespont 24; as m i l i t a r y posturing 40; as surpassing f a t h e r 96; conditions for 73, 108; i n s e q u e n c e w i t h ate a n d l a m e n t 39, 46, 108-9, 112, 122, 135-6; o f P a u s a n i a s 29-30; r e n e w a l o f 136; see also ate, A t h e n s , c h a r i o t , i m p e r i a l i s m , koros, l a m e n t , Persian Empire, trampling, Xerxes, yoke

'day o f 62, 69; o f speech 54, 81-2, 102; versus despotism 54, 1 5 9 - 6 1 ; see also e q u a l i t y G i o v a n n i , A p o l l o n i o di 156-7 g l o r y (kleos) a n d olbos 1 3 2 ; o f e m p i r e 93, 124; o f freedom 60, 69, 74; o f P e r s i a n W a r dead 27-8, 63, 98; o f v i c t o r y 33, 57, 98, 148 G o d ( s ) passim; a n d hybris 1 4 4 ; a n d m e n 9 1 ; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; d e c e i t o f 43 68, 76; e n v y o f 68, 69, 92-3, 1 0 9 ; see also daimôn, P o s e i d o n , Zeus gold 40, 50, 60, 80, 155 G o l d e n Age 110, 154-6, 158, 1 6 1 , 1 6 3 ; see also D a r i u s G r e a t K i n g 20, 25, 29, 34, 40, 59, 6 0 Greece/Greek(s) a n d q u a l i t y 23, 48; a n d spear 48; a n d v i r t u e 69, 75, 113; courage o f 48, 59; freedom o f 2 3 , 6 0 ; métis o f 6 8 , 7 1 ; t r a m p l i n g o f 7 7 ; see also A t h e n s , S p a r t a G u l f W a r ( s ) 162-3 H a d e s 59, 77, 87, 88, 115, 127, 130 H a l y s R i v e r 99, 102, 117 H a n d e l , G e o r g e F r e d e r i c Xerxes 1 5 8 hêbê ( y o u t h ) 4 6 , 1 1 0 ; a n d g r o w t h 1 0 8 ; a n d hybris, ate 1 2 7 ; a s object o f l a m e n t 78, 123, 127, 153 H e l l e s p o n t passim; a s b o u n d a r y 4 3 ; b r i d g i n g o f 23-4, 76, 90; e n s l a v e m e n t o f 46, 92, 142; flow of 76, 92-3, 156; p u n i s h m e n t o f 9 2 - 3 ; t r a m p l i n g o f 7 7 ; see also yoke H e r o d o t u s passim; a n d I o n i a n s 5 4 ; Artemisia i n 90-1; Delphic Oracles i n 43, 64, 67, 9 1 , 107, 1 0 8 ; olbos i n 5 1 ; o m e n s i n 5 6 - 7 , 59; o n A t h e n s ' n a v y 44; o n Croesus 123; o n G r e e k counter-offensive 28-32; o n I o n i a n r e v o l t 1 9 - 2 2 ; o n isonomia 57-8; o n M e d i a n / P e r s i a n kings 98-101; o n P e r s i a n empire 94-5; o n P e r s i a n feasts 155; o n P e r s i a n l a m e n t 63, 125; o n P e r s i a n W a r s 23-6, 67-73, 76, 92-6, 107, 150, 153 H e s i o d 2 1 , 109-10, 117, 155 historical d r a m a 21-2, 34-5, 80, 1 4 1

iambic t r i m e t e r 53, 63, 65, 97, 129 i m p e r i a l i s m / e m p i r e a n d koros 7 9 , 94-5, 124; a n d l o n g i n g 130-1; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; a s p a t r i m o n y 1 7 , 9 5 - 6 , 105, 148; as process 124; a s t r a g e d y 9 5 ; hybris o f 4 6 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 95, 117; l i m i t s o f 102, 142; n a v a l 36-7, 4 1 , 80, 93-4, 98, 1 2 1 ; o v e r e x t e n s i o n o f 9 5 , 1 0 5 ; telos o f 105, 124; tribute-collecting 4 1 , 9 7 ; see also t r i b u t e I o n i a / I o n i a n ( s ) passim; ' A r e s ' 1 2 9 , 140; as colonists 150; as n a v a l p o w e r 80; as t r i b u t e district 117, 120; a s v i c t o r 53, 79, 144; conquest o f 99, 1 2 1 ; m e d i s m 30-1, 1 2 1 ; r e v o l t 19-21, 53, 117-18; suffering 53-4, 1 2 1 , 129; tunic 54 I o n i c a minore 5 3 - 4 ; a n d hybris, ate 87; a n d P e r s i a n voice 42, 86-7, 129 isonomia see e q u a l i t y k e n n i n g 8 1 , 84, 8 5 kleos see g l o r y kommos 6 5 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 2 - 3 8 , 1 3 9 - 4 0 , 1 4 5 - 6 ; see also l a m e n t

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Index koros ( i n s a t i a b i l i t y ) 3 7 , 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 2 4 , 133-4 kosmos a n d X e r x e s 4 9 , 8 9 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 5 - 6 , 1 4 4 ; kata kosmon 4 9 , 1 0 8 ; o f G r e e k s 6 9 ; o f Persians 126-7; P e r s i a n lack o f 49 l a m e n t 2 1 , 28, 78-82, 86-9; a n d hybris, ate 4 6 , 9 5 , 1 0 6 , 1 0 8 - 9 , 112; a n d i m p e r i a l i s m 79, 80, 95, 1 0 9 , 1 2 2 ; a n d koros 3 7 , 1 0 9 , 133-4; a n d self-aggression 136-8; e p i r r h e m a t i c 63-4; h u m a n i t y of 80; i n T i m o t h e u s 152; m a l e 125-6; o f P e r s i a n w o m e n 45, 78-9, 123, 144; public 125, 128; r i t u a l 1 2 3 - 5 ; see also ate, b a r b a r i a n ( s ) , hybris, i m p e r i a l i s m , kommos, koros, longing, Persia/Persian(s) l o n g i n g (pothos) 4 2 , 4 5 - 6 , 6 4 , 7 8 , 8 7 , 100, 129-31, 134, 138, 141 Lydia/Lydian(s) 40-1, 149-50, 152 lyric dactylic 8 1 , 87, 116 lyric i a m b i c 45, 63, 79, 87, 1 3 1 M a r a t h o n 22-3, 58, 6 0 - 1 , 73-4, 80, 88, 89 M a r d o n i u s 24, 26, 4 1 , 96, 107, 153 M a r i a n d y n u s / M a r i a n d y n i a n ( s ) 128 M c L a u g h l i n , E . 162-3 Mede(s) 4 1 , 53, 95, 97, 98, 100, 117 m e d i s m (medismos) 1 6 , 7 5 , 9 8 M e d u s 98, 100, 143 m e s s e n g e r a n d n e w s o f pathos 3 9 , 49, 62; a n d w r i t t e n records 62-3; as e y e - w i t n e s s 64; c a t a l o g u e s o f 65-6, 75, 129; focus o f 68; l a m e n t of 63-4; role of 62 M i l e t u s 19-20, 2 1 , 34, 1 2 1 , 149 mise en abyme 5 7 m o n e y 3 7 , 4 9 , 1 2 4 , 1 3 3 ; see also g o l d , number Mouzenidis, T . 162 M y c a l e 26, 27, 29, 31-2, 34, 119, 160 M y s i a / M y s i a n ( s ) 4 1 , 49, 66, 117, 123, 137, 150 necromancy 85-8 n e w T r o j a n W a r 28-33, 4 0 - 1 , 78, 154 n u m b e r (plethos) 3 7 , 4 0 , 4 6 , 6 2 - 8 , 7 1 , 73-4, 108, 133

olbos 4 6 , 8 3 , 9 2 ; a n d até 1 3 2 ; a n d conquest 50-2, 85, 93, 109, 145; a n d Croesus 123; a n d E l e u s i n i a n M y s t e r i e s 5 1 ; a n d gods 5 1 , 109; a n d i m m o r t a l i t y 132; a n d justice 109; a n d m i n d 92; and W e a l t h / w e a l t h 51-2, 93; as cause of disaster 109, 140; as i n h e r i t e d curse 94; as r e l a t i o n to e a r t h 84, 109; i n T i m o t h e u s 153; r u i n o f 62, 153; sources o f 109 Orestes 35, 105, 149 O t t o m a n e m p i r e 156-7, 159-61 p a p y r u s 61-2, 65, 93, 138, 148 parodos 39-47, 116, 117, 129, 132-3 pathos a n d drama 9 0 , 9 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 6 , 1 6 0 - 1 ; a n d polis 6 3 ; a s e x e m p l u m 62, 135; as lost harvest 128, 134; b a r b a r i a n 142-4; deferral o f 39; displacement o f 126; fear o f 62; f u t u r e 152-3; o f A t h e n s 44, 64; o f Persia 39-40, 62-82, 106; pre-enactment of 39; re-enactment o f 129-38; symbolic f o r m o f 137-8; s y m m e t r y a n d antithesis o f 82, 84, 90, 91-2, 98, 104-5, 112, 124, 135, 1 4 1 , 147; 'unfolding' o f 62, 138 P a u s a n i a s 27-30, 107, 121 peíanos 5 6 , 8 3 - 4 , 1 0 7 Pericles 16-17, 80, 96-7, 156, 157 P e r s i a / P e r s i a n ( s ) passim; a n d 'boundless lament' 24, 63, 80, 125; a n d despotism 34, 5 1 , 54, 60, 8 1 , 85, 136, 138; a n d q u a n t i t y 23, 4 0 - 1 , 48, 52, 60, 67, 127; a n d T u r k s 157; as anti-citizens 147; as c i t y - s a c k e r s 90, 104-6, 137; crimes 104; culture 50, 101; dead 46, 59, 63-6, 71-7, 8 0 - 1 , 105-8, 123-33, 136-7, 1 5 1 ; d i g n i t y 144; households 8 1 , 110, 130, 132; hybris 1 0 4 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 4 3 , 151, 155; kings 95-100; l u x u r y a n d l u x u r i a n c e 4 1 , 47, 50, 60, 78-9, 108, 123, 1 3 1 , 138, 154-6; n a m e s 4 0 - 1 , 63-5, 77, 129-32; nobility 72-3, 125-33, 140; p a r e n t s 42, 6 1 , 8 1 , 138; perspective 20, 24-5, 59, 93, 98, 145, 147-8; speech 53; w o m e n 45,

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Index 6 4 , 7 8 - 9 ; see also g o l d , hebe, hybris, l a m e n t , M e d e ( s ) , n u m b e r , pathos P e r s i a n e m p i r e a n d eagle 57; a n d hybris, koros, ate, l a m e n t 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 1 2 ; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; a s d r i n k i n g / f e a s t i n g group 155; as p a t r i m o n y 95, 105; d u r a t i o n o f 62; 'evacuation' a n d 'sack' o f 90-1; expansion of 97-103; fall of 37, 8 1 , 97, 1 4 1 , 142, 143; fleet o f 26, 34, 46, 66, 68, 7 1 , 73, 9 0 - 1 ; l a n d p o w e r o f 43-4, 73; overextension o f 46, 95, 97, 103; size o f 1 7 Petrarch 157 P h e r e c r a t e s Persians 1 5 5 - 6 P h o e n i c i a / P h o e n i c i a n ( s ) 19, 34, 36, 45, 7 0 - 1 , 80, 88, 93, 1 2 9 P h r y n i c h u s Capture of Miletus 2 0 - 2 , 3 4 ; Phoenician Women 2 2 , 3 3 - 5 , 39, 48, 8 0 p i t y 1 1 , 22, 134-5, 1 4 1 , 146, 1 6 1 ; a n d f e a r 8 8 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 1 ; see also D a r i u s P l a t a e a / P l a t a e a n s passim; 2 6 - 7 , 2 8 , 80, 89, 104, 107, 153, 160 P l a t o Republic 1 2 5 P l a t o , c o m i c p o e t 1 6 2 ; Hyperbolus 154 Ploutos s e e W e a l t h P l u t a r c h 25, 32, 1 4 8 polis passim; 2 4 , 3 4 , 5 1 , 6 0 , 6 3 , 6 7 , 70, 72, 88, 9 2 , 1 0 1 , 115, 1 2 6 ponos ( l a b o u r , s u f f e r i n g ) 9 3 , 9 5 , 1 2 6 Poseidon 45, 92, 113, 142 proskynesis 3 4 , 5 0 , 7 6 , 8 1 , 1 5 2 Protesilaus 28-9; bride o f 7 8 P s y t t a l i a 25, 72-4, 76, 108, 1 3 7 Q u e e n a n d b i r d o m e n 56-7; a n d pelanos 5 6 , 8 3 - 4 ; a n d X e r x e s 52-3, 54-8, 65, 67-8, 74, 77-8, 9 1 , 101, 112, 115, 145; as chorus leader 77-8, 85; as questioner 58, 65, 74, 85; body o f 65, 83; double b i n d o f 51-2; d r e a m o f 45-6, 54-6, 70, 88, 89, 95, 126, 127; e m o t i o n a l distress o f 50, 65, 83; entrances of 48-50, 83, 89-90; k e n n i n g s o f 84-5; m e t a p h o r s o f 72, 83; p e r s p e c t i v e o f 5 0 - 1 , 90, 94, 145; p r o v e r b o f 5 1 ;

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recognition o f 77; resolutions o f 77, 115; silence o f 6 5 , 7 1 reciprocity 20, 64, 76, 90, 92, 106, 1 6 0 - 1 ; see also pathos reversal 20, 40, 46, 62, 68, 7 1 , 83-4, 87, 90, 116, 1 2 1 , 137, 1 4 0 - 1 r o y a l oikos 3 7 , 5 0 , 5 2 , 6 0 , 6 5 , 1 1 5 S a l a m i s passim; a n d A t h e n i a n democracy 36; a n d A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m 30-1, 37, 79-80, 115-21; and fall of Persian empire 8 1 ; and freedom 69-70, 72, 74, 8 1 ; a n d g l o r y 9 8 ; a n d Golden Age 110-1; and Tonians' 53, 79; a n d M a r a t h o n 23, 58, 64, 74; a n d P e l o p o n n e s i a n W a r 96; as ' i s l a n d o f A j a x ' 8 2 ; a s object o f l a m e n t 78-82, 107; as victory and defeat 25, 82, 98; battle o f 25-6, 31, 34-5, 44, 53, 66-72, 97; i n T i m o t h e u s 150-3; n a m e o f 64; o n Cyprus 120-1 satyr-play 14-15, 122, 139-40 Schadenfreude 1 1 , 135, 143, 145, 1 4 6 Sellars, P . 162 S e r p e n t C o l u m n 75, 1 1 9 S h e l l e y , P e r c y B y s s h e Hellas 1 5 9 - 6 1 Simonides a n d H o m e r 28; a n d P e r s i a n W a r dead 27; o n A r t e m i s i u m 27, 76; o n pleasure 1 1 4 ; o n S a l a m i s 2 7 ; Plataea 2 7 - 8 , 113, 148 skene see s t a g i n g slavery 27, 30, 50, 54-5, 60, 62, 69, 1 5 5 ; see also b a r b a r i a n , imperialism, Persian Empire, yoke S o l o n 5 1 , 108-9, 114-5, 1 2 5 S o p h o c l e s Ajax 1 3 5 ; Oedipus the King 1 5 7 ; Women of Trachis 1 1 8 S p a r t a / S p a r t a n ( s ) passim; 1 8 , 2 6 - 7 , 28-9, 35, 49, 96, 107, 124, 149-50, 1 5 3 - 4 , 1 5 9 ; see also D o r i a n ( s ) , Greek(s) staging 47-9, 77, 85-6, 88-9, 113, 127, 1 3 1 , 135-6 stasima 78-82, 115-21 s t i c h o m y t h i a 58, 64, 8 9 S t r y m o n R i v e r passim; 3 2 , 7 5 - 7 , 1 1 8 sympotic poetry 114-15, 151, 1 5 5

Index telos 1 0 5 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 1 4 7 tetralogy 14-15, 139 Themistocles 2 1 , 24, 25, 27, 3 0 - 1 , 33-5, 36, 58, 60, 67, 68, 69, 73, 92-3, 119-20 T h e s e u s 35, 113, 157 T h u c y d i d e s passim a s p r o p h e t i c 2 1 ; o n 'Delian League' 29-32; o n empire 95; o n i n v a s i o n of Sicily 62, 97; o n Xerxes' v u l n e r a b i l i t y 9 1 T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 4 8 - 5 4 , 1 6 1 t r a m p l i n g 77, 89, 126-7 t r i b u t e a n d A t h e n s 30-2, 36, 96-7, 116-20, 124; a n d Persia 30, 4 1 , 60, 70, 8 1 , 93-4, 102, 117, 147 trochaic t e t r a m e t e r 50, 58, 90, 9 7 t y r a n t / t y r a n n y 17-19, 29, 80, 100, 104, 138, 145, 158-9, 159-60 v e r b a l i m a g e r y 64, 106; a n d symbolic action 122; and v i s u a l i m a g e s 45, 49-50, 127, 137-8, 1 4 1 ; b l o w (plege) 6 5 , 8 3 , 1 3 2 - 3 ; b o w a n d a r r o w 48-9, 64, 133; emptying/filling 20, 42, 45-6, 64, 131-4; r i v e r 156; spear 48-9; t o r n robes 45, 55-6, 115, 133-4, 137-8; t o r n v e i l s 7 8 ; w a t e r 4 4 , 1 1 7 ; see also b l o s s o m , c h a r i o t , e y e , trampling, yoke W e a l t h / w e a l t h passim; a n d ate 1 0 8 , 112; a n d conquest 49-53, 93-4, 145; a n d c o n t e n t m e n t 104-5; a n d hybris 7 3 , 1 0 8 , 1 2 2 ; a n d koros 7 9 , 124; a n d l u x u r i a n c e 79, 108; a n d olbos 5 1 - 2 , 8 4 , 9 4 , 1 0 9 ; a n d ponos 83

1 2 8 ; a n d koros 1 3 3 - 4 ; a n d M a r d u s 100-1; and Persian h i s t o r y 56, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 1 ; a n d S i l v e r Age 110; a n d T y p h o 43; as despot 52, 57, 58, 136-8; as 'evil eye' 43, 53, 130; a s 'eye o f t h e house' 52, 130, 153; as god 43-4, 50, 60, 76, 102; as leader o f l a m e n t 58, 63, 78, 85, 135-8; as pitiable 103, 134-5; as scapegoat 101-4; as s u r v i v o r 26, 52, 58, 123; as tragic figure 95-6; as y o u t h 52, 92, 1 0 1 , 129; b l a m e o f 79, 92-3, 1 0 1 , 110, 128; confessions of 128, 130, 133-4, 136; c r i m e s o f 76, 93, 102, 104-6; c r u e l t y o f 54, 68, 72; deception o f 25, 67-8, 100; desires of 29, 43, 53, 55, 59-60, 69, 130-1; 'disease o f m i n d ' o f 56, 76, 92-3, 100, 142; e n t r a n c e o f 47, 77, 113, 122, 126-7; flight o f 26, 56-7, 74; h o m e c o m i n g o f 57, 63, 77, 106, 1 2 2 ; hybris, ate o f 5 8 , 6 7 - 8 , 7 1 , 9 1 , 108, 122, 127, 133, 135-6, 142, 144; i m p e r i a l i s m o f 23, 29, 43, 60, 79, 124; i m p e t u o s i t y o f 42, 101; i n mother's d r e a m 55-6, 74, 126; k i n o f 41-2; l i m i n a l i t y o f 50; longing o f 130-1; quiver o f 49, 133; robes/rags o f 47, 55, 56, 74, 88, 95, 113-15, 130, 133, 1 4 1 ; wife o f 55 Xerxes the Great 1 5 9 y o k e / y o k i n g image o f 45-6, 8 1 ; i n Queen's d r e a m 55; o f Hellespont 16, 24, 42, 9 1 , 123; o f m a r r i a g e 45, 54-5, 78, 110, 123; o f p o w e r 8 1 , 126; o f s l a v e r y 41-2, 70, 7 2

X e r x e s passim; a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y 57-8, 112; a n d C y r u s 99-100; a n d daimon 4 3 , 6 8 , 9 1 , 9 9 , 1 2 6 ; a n d D a r i u s 23, 5 1 , 56, 74, 79, 86-7, 88, 91-3, 94-6, 101-3, 110-11, 115,

224

Z e u s passim 5 4 , 7 8 , 8 4 , 9 3 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 105, 109, 110, 1 1 1 , 112, 140, 145, 148, 156